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Home » Blog » Best Engineering Universities in UK and Application Tips
Best Engineering Universities in UK and Application Tips
A degree in engineering from one of the UK’s top engineering universities will make the competition in a saturated field that much easier.
There are more engineers around today than the world needs, but not all of them have the skills to match with the jobs that are available. Studying at a university with world-class faculty and facilities will give you the skills and the head start you need.
If you don’t know which colleges to research, this list will show you the way to the UK’s top engineering universities. Some application advice will also make the process a little bit easier.
Cambridge is arguably the UK’s best engineering university and the world’s second-best. It’s been the home of Newton, Francis Bacon, James Clerk Maxwell, Darwin, Watson and Crick, and a host of other inspiring men and women in the sciences. Naturally, admissions are tough at the department of engineering.
Everyone wants to go to Cambridge and Oxford, but there are only ten thousand places at the undergraduate level between these two universities and over forty thousand apply each year. So what’s a secret to cracking Cambridge? Proof that you won’t sink under the workload.
The Cambridge system is unique in that terms are short and intense. You’re expected to learn quickly. Close, one-on-one evaluations will really test your abilities. You have to be a straight A student, that’s a basic requirement. But you also have to have to be very good at the subject you’re applying to and strongly motivated.
Did you take on a research project in high school? Win in the Olympiads? These are the things that count. Extra-curricular activities, not so much. If you think you’re a fast worker and a hard worker, you should apply to Cambridge.
You’ll have to submit a Supplementary Application Questionnaire (SAQ) beside your UCAS form. You’ll also need to take a subject test around October/November or during your interview and the TSA (Thinking Skills Assessment.)
Oxford’s engineering department is strongly research-oriented. If you get in, you’ll learn to use the latest technology, work towards innovations and new achievements in science. The staff and faculty are excellent, as in Cambridge, and there’s a lot of interdisciplinary work going on as well as industrial projects.
Preparing for Oxbridge (Oxford and Cambridge) applications simultaneously is often the natural choice because the processes are very similar. Expect tricky interview questions and top entry requirements. Like Cambridge, extracurricular don’t matter as much as academics. But your grades aren’t the only criteria for entry.
You’ll need to take a Thinking Skills Assessment test and a Physics Admissions Test (PAT.) Oxbridge also asks you to submit examples of written coursework.
Note that your personal statement may be used as a guide for your interview. So, make sure to talk confidently about what you’ve written in it. Be prepared to stay for a couple of days and be interviewed at a number of colleges.
Imperial College London was ranked 8th in the World according to QS. It focuses only on engineering, science, business and medicine, so expect rigorous and world-class education and facilities. Applications for the post-grad programs begin around mid-November. You’ll know within six to eight weeks whether you’ll be called for an interview. They do have a system of overseas interviews for students who can’t make it.
The references you attach to your application are very important at Imperial College. So is your personal statement. Like Oxbridge, you usually need to have straight A’s to apply. But it’s easier to get into than the Ivy League colleges in the US, for instance. Again, a Master’s course is easier to get into than an undergrad course.
Some areas an international student usually has trouble with is English, so a good TOEFL or IELTS score is necessary. It’s also easier if you’ve been in an international school in your country and taken the Cambridge O levels or the IB. Be very clear why you want to study at Imperial College, and be prepared to convince the interviewer. That way, you’ll have a better chance of getting in.
Warwick’s School of Engineering offers a good mix of theory and practice in industry projects. Like ICL, Warwick places a lot of emphasis on your references and personal statement. In your statement, you need to show that you’re passionate about your subject, you’ve read widely beyond your syllabus, have developed your thinking based on your experience with the subject.
Do you have a clear idea of what the course will do for you personally? Do you have specific plans of what career you’ll enter into once your program is over?
These are the questions you need to honestly and critically answer, and if it aligns with the qualities that the university is looking for in their research students you’re likely to find a place there. If you’re unsure about these answers, you may have a harder time at the university down the line.
The University of Manchester is home to the UK’s largest school of chemical engineering. The undergraduate degrees in Engineering are highly coveted, and the university has produced (or has on its faculty) 25 Nobel Prize winners.
To apply, you need to have a minimum of 6.0 in your IELTS but even if your grades are less than straight A’s you may still apply. There’s a lot of emphasis on your personal statement, where you must show that you’re enthusiastic about your subject and do have other interests besides academics. Voluntary work and other kinds of social work are a bonus.
Besides these top 5 universities, also keep an eye out for application processes at the University of Edinburgh, University of Bristol, University of Swansea, University of Leeds and the University of Surrey.
All have excellent engineering departments. But remember, you can only apply to five universities using UCAS, so only apply when you’ve some confidence of being accepted so you don’t end up wasting an application. Good luck!
Apply for an International Engineering Scholarship in the UK
Engineering Scholarships for International Students at the University of Strathclyde in UK, 2019
A number of awards are available at the University of Strathclyde for self-funded, international (non-EU) fee-paying students. These opportunities are open for pursuing undergraduate, postgraduate research, postgraduate taught programme.
Award: Undergraduate-£4,000, Postgraduate Taught-£3,000, Postgraduate Research – £4,000
Application Deadline: August 11, 2019
Think Big International Foundation Programme Scholarship at the University of Bristol, UK 2019
Applications are open for the Think Big International Foundation Programme Scholarship at the University of Bristol. Applicants who classed as an overseas student for fee purposes are eligible to apply.
Award: 10 scholarships of £5,000
Application Deadline: June 30, 2019
Beit Strathclyde (BStrath) Scholarships at the University of Strathclyde Glasgow in UK, 2019
The University of Strathclyde Glasgow is delighted to offer the Beit Strathclyde (BStrath) Scholarships. Citizens of Malawi, Zambia and Zimbabwe are eligible to apply for this opportunity.
Award: Fully Funded
Women In Engineering Scholarships for UK/EU and Overseas Students at the University of Warwick in the UK
The University of Warwick is accepting applications for the Women In Engineering Scholarships. The awards are open to Home/EU and Overseas students to pursue full-time MSc courses.
Award: 25% of tuition fees
Faculty of Engineering Excellence funding for International Students in Scotland
Funding opportunities are available at the University of Strathclyde. Faculty of Engineering Excellence award is open to all international students who hold the citizenship of any country except the EU countries.
Award: £4,000 along with a £1,500
Surrey Electrical and Electronic Engineering (EEE) Merit Scholarship 2019, UK
The University of Surrey is pleased to announce the merit-based undergraduate scholarship. The program is available for UK, EU and International citizens to pursue an undergraduate degree program in Electrical and Electrical Engineering (EEE). A merit-based support will provide a £2,000 cash award.
Award: Up to £2,000
DA VINCI Academic funding for International Students at the University of Kent in the UK, 2019
Kent University is offering applications for the DA VINCI Academic Scholarship 2019 for high-achieving students. The program is open for UK, EU, and Overseas applicants to pursue an undergraduate degree program.
Award: 20 awards worth up to £1,000
PhD Scholarship in Chemical Engineering for International Students in Australia
RMIT University is giving an opportunity to apply for the PhD Scholarship in Chemical Engineering. The program is open for the Australian citizen or a self-funded international student with the backgrounds in chemical engineering.
Award: $31,000
Application Deadline: Applications will close when a candidate is selected.
Fully Funded International PhD Studentships at the University of Southampton in UK, 2019
The University of Southampton is allowing applicants to apply for its Fully Funded International PhD Studentships. The grant program is open for UK, EU, and international applicants who are highly motivated postgraduate research students.
Award: Full tuition plus a stipend of £14,777 tax-free per annum for up to 3.5 years
by Scholarship Positions
Scholarship Positions is a leading financial aid and scholarships information website for international students.
Our scholarship administration expertise has helped thousands of students from developing countries.
Got a question? Email [email protected] or WhatsApp us +447395771877.
UK Scholarships
Best Courses in Japan for International Students
Postgraduate Training Scholarships for International Students in South Africa, 2020
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World food shortage of 2008
It doesn't stop
at the water's edge
Political spectrum
Government (forms of)
Hard green
National anarchism
Producerism
As usual
KeyWiki
Realist left and alt-right
Country sections
In the early part of 2008 the world started to wake up to a growing unavailability of basic foodstuffs — particularly grains, but other foods were included as well. The main cause was speculation run wild on commodities futures contracts and their derivatives, particularly courtesy of Goldman Sachs.[1][2] No longer maintaining food reserves is also postulated as an important factor.[3]
In less than a year, the price of wheat rose 130 per cent and soya by 87 per cent. In May 2008 it was reported that rice prices had jumped 50 percent in the previous two months, having at least doubled since 2004, and that there were concerns prices could rise a further 40 percent in the following months.[4]
2 No reserves
3 Increases in demand
4 Demand for variety, quality
5 Reductions in supply
5.1 Biofuel
5.2 Environmental problems
5.3 Production and transportation costs
Speculation[edit]
The trouble is less about the total amount of food (which there's been enough of all along), and more about getting it where it needs to be. The standard mechanism is economics and politics. But these had sufficient cracks in them for speculators to run wild.[1]
No reserves[edit]
Countries used to keep food reserves of three to six months. Now it's down to a couple of weeks (for reasons that appeared excellent to accountancy). The catch is that reserves served as an important buffer on price volatility. Oxfam posits that a 105 million ton food reserve (not actually all that much at all) would have buffered most of the effects of the 2007-2008 price problems.[5] The G20 is now reconsidering the value of food reserves in general.
Increases in demand[edit]
As China's emerging middle classes have become richer, their consumption of meat has increased by more than 150 percent per head since 1980.[6] In those days, meat was scarce, rationed at around 1kg per person per month and used sparingly in rice and noodle dishes.
Today, the average Chinese consumer eats more than 50kg of meat a year and the price of pork in China more than doubled in the five years from 2006.[7] To feed the millions of pigs on its farms, China has to import grain on a huge scale, pushing up its prices worldwide.
Demand for variety, quality[edit]
While there may be "plenty of food to go around", more and more people require more variety; beans and rice are simply not sufficient. Meat is no longer considered a luxury but a standard; the demand for tuna (even the cheap canned variety) has pushed several of the most valued tuna species to near extinction; and year round production of fruits and vegetables puts a serious strain on the productive land. And don't get me started on how many varieties of fish are now endangered due to demand for their exotic flavor.
Reductions in supply[edit]
Supply has been hit by various factors.
Biofuel[edit]
The rising demand for ethanol, a biofuel that is mixed with petrol to bring down prices at the pump, has transformed the parts of the American landscape. Today this heartland of the Midwest is America's cornbelt, with the corn crop stretching as far as the eye can see. Iowa produces almost half of the entire output of ethanol in the US, with 21 ethanol-producing plants as farmers tear down fences, dig out old soya bean crops, buy up land and plant yet more corn. It has been likened to a new gold rush.[8]
But none of it is for food. And as the demand for ethanol increases, yet more farmers will pile in for the great scramble to plant corn for ethanol -- instead of for grain. The effect will be to further worsen world grain shortages. (It should be noted, however, that about 80% of corn grown in the U.S. is used for animal feed.[9])
The oil palm tree is the most highly efficient producer of vegetable oil, with one acre yielding as much oil as eight acres of soybeans. Vegetable oils provide an important source of calories in the developing world, and their shortage has contributed to the food crisis. At the same time, demand for palm oil has increased, as a replacement for partially hydrogenated soybean and/or cottonseed oil of which consumers have become wary.
A drought in Indonesia and flooding in Malaysia has hit the crop which is now being used to make biodiesel. While farmers and plantation companies hurriedly clear land to replant, it will take time before their efforts bear fruit. Palm oil prices jumped nearly 70 per cent in 2007, hitting the poorest families. When a store in Chongqing in China announced a cooking-oil promotion in November, a stampede left three dead and 31 injured.
Added to the above productivity in the developing world has been declining since the “Green Revolution” delivered by western agricultural methods[10]. Insect resistance to pesticide, desertification and increased soil salinity all play a part.
Environmental problems[edit]
Australia usually expects to harvest around 25 million tonnes a year. But, because of a five-year drought, thought to have been caused by climate change, it managed just 9.8 million tonnes in 2006.
Production and transportation costs[edit]
Oil at around 120 dollars per barrel -- which it was for a few months in 2008 -- has an enormous effect on production costs. The production of fertilizer is very energy intensive; pumps which move water to irrigate land cost more to operate; farm machinery costs more to operate; and transportation of the goods to market is more expensive.
Norman Borlaug
Cornucopian versus Malthusian debate
↑ 1.0 1.1 http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/commentators/johann-hari/johann-hari-how-goldman-gambled-on-starvation-2016088.html
↑ The Food Bubble, Harper's
↑ http://www.guardian.co.uk/global-development/poverty-matters/2011/jun/22/accountants-food-price-spike
↑ Rice rises
↑ http://www.oxfam.org/en/grow/policy/preparing-for-thin-cows
↑ http://www.fao.org/docrep/005/y4252e/y4252e05b.htm
↑ Why Pork Prices Are Such a Big Deal in China
↑ Meanwhile, as soy production falls, soy prices rise, spurring Brazilian soya farmers to get more acreage under soya, which acreage comes from ... clearing rain forest. Decreasing global CO2 sinks as a side effect of increasing CO2 release ...
↑ National Corn Grower's Association, as quoted by the EPA in Major Crops Grown in the United States
↑ http://www.fao.org/docrep/U3550t/u3550t02.htm
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Romance Writers–The Dregs of the Publishing World?
Reviews 23, 24, 25, & 26 of 30 for 2017
Reviews 20, 21 & 22 for 2017
Today’s reviews are Books 18 & 19 of 30 for 2017. IRREPARABLE HARM, and AFTER: FIRST LIGHT.
Reviews # 16 & 17 of 30 for 2017 Barefoot in White, ***** and Liquid Cool, *****
JudyGriffithGill on Romance Writers–The Dregs of t…
JudyGriffithGill on Reviews 23, 24, 25, & 26 o…
januarybainauthor on Reviews 23, 24, 25, & 26 o…
JudyGriffithGill on Review # 5 of 30
JudyGriffithGill on From the Sublime to the Ridicu…
Book Reviews from Rider of The Waves
Living life as it comes
Living the Writing Life
What writing's all about
Why is it that
Writing. Whatever it takes.
A Novel Lifestyle
Writing novels and blogging from my recliner or aboard the boat. Writing is what I want to do, and writing about it is what I love to do.
Uncategorized, Writing. Whatever it takes.
March 15, 2019 JudyGriffithGillRomance Novels 1 Comment
Why are romance novels and romance novelists looked down upon?
It’s easy to dislike something you’ve never tried and difficult to try something you’ve been told you must dislike if you want to be seen as a mature, thinking human being.
People who have never and will never read any novel that could possibly be construed as a romance have a low opinion of them and the novelists who write them because they have chosen to have that opinion without thinking for themselves. They have likely been told by people they admire that they must have that opinion, and speak it loudly, if they expect to be taken seriously as connoisseurs of the written word.
I once had a Child Psychologist (not a person expert in adult human psychology) tell me my books were “damaging” to women because my readers would “develop impossibly high expectations” and “such books are what lead to high divorce rates.” Her message was that women are so weak-minded they can’t differentiate between fantasy and real life, whereas men can, which is what makes those one-man-single-handedly-saving-the-world books safer, psychologically speaking, than women reading about romance and love and how that can affect their lives, their children, and communities. Of course, if those world-saving heroes get to bed six or eight women during the course of the novels, but that’s okay. It’s just “male fantasy.”
I suspect the almost universal belief that all romance novels are “trash” may have been established by a few male professors in the day when certain magazines with titles containing words like Romance, and Confessions, and True were popular and beloved by many young women. If those short “true” accounts were “trash” (they were seldom true, and many were written by men in the forties and fifties, according to statistics I’ve read), then anything to do with romance must also qualify–at least according to the detractors. Luckily, I wasn’t prejudiced when it came to reading books written by men, but many men have a much harder time dealing with books written by women.
I grew up and was educated at a time when about fifty percent of my contemporaries (the half of my class with penises) insisted on telling me books written by my gender must, by definition, be “bad” or “poorly written” because the characters in them didn’t go in guns blazing or fists flying to settle differences. Books without those elements were boring, not at all “exciting.” If a book dealt with human feelings, human frailties, and if the conflicts could be resolved without death or arrest or both, it had to be “trash” because those touchy-feely factors scare the hell out of a great many readers. I feel sorry for people who were, and still are, so afraid of their own emotions that reading a romance might make them feel crawly or even cause them to shed a secret tear or two.
Instead of trying to ascertain why they have this strong aversion, such people perpetuate the belief, and speak it loudly from their lofty university pulpits or bar stools, asserting that most women can’t write “real” books because few women understand the way the kill-or-be-killed world works. For them, there is no such thing as men or women experiencing personal growth throughout the story in which finding love—that is love, not just sex—is the main goal. If a reader cannot accept that a character’s admitting to his or her weaknesses and learning to overcome them makes them stronger, if they cannot accept that redemption is possible, they will never understand the romance genre. Those same people likely consider “redemption” a dirty word unless the novel has at least a thousand pages and takes place in a theater of war or as a result of that war.
When some men write what they consider romances, chances are there is no happy ending, and “a lesson has been learned” so the reader will have to think and ponder what the author of the book really meant. If I have to
wonder what conclusion I, the reader, should draw, and why I needed to learn that lesson, I consider the book poorly written because the answer is too often obscure. As a reader, I want something deeper than that, and I don’t like being told “you’re born, you die, and life’s a bitch.”
So, if you think that’s romance, I’m here to disagree and tell you, “Uh-uh. Nope. No way. Not this reader.” That kind of “romance” doesn’t work for me. I want a woman and a man (or a man and a man, or a woman and a woman) with serious, deep-seated differences that keep them at arms’ length despite their desire to be together. Their problems must be a whole lot more difficult to solve than say, geography or a misunderstanding that could be resolved by an open conversation. Whatever conflict keeps them apart needs to potent enough that the reader will ask, “What the hell are they going to do?” A good writer of romance novels will solve those problems with common sense, a considerable degree of human psychology, and a lot of caring, without killing anyone or anything. We want our happy endings, because, pal, without that, what we romance writers call, a H.E.A. conclusion, (Happily Ever After) it just ain’t romance.
You don’t like ’em, don’t read ’em, but fucking quit telling the world they are “bad,” and even worse, “bad for women.”
December 30, 2017 JudyGriffithGill 2 Comments
Winning Casey, by January Bain ****
Free-spirited Casey Madison loves finding buried treasure and hidden artifacts from times long in the past. What she does not love is all the university protocols she must, as an associate professor of Archaeology, abide by. The story opens with Casey in a cold, damp cave outside Dawson in Yukon Territory, where she finds an old hoard of Klondike gold, with which she barely escapes alive. Her sorority sisters, a group of like-minded women, are as cheered as Casey over the great find. But she still has a bit of vacation time left and wants to use it before buckling down to work—and meeting her new department head, whom she knows will be another one of those nit-picking, protocol-loving, stuffy professors she’s learned to despise. With approval finally granted for the new class syllabus she’s proposed, “Mysteries and Lost Treasures of the World”, she flies to Oak Island, Nova Scotia, to see what she can learn about the famous Money Pit.
There, a handsome hunk falls nearly at her feet when he stumbles into a deep hole dug by other treasure hunters on the island. Still, as attractive as the man is, it doesn’t take long for Casey’s interest to turn to dust. He is no other than Professor Truman Harrison, the newly appointed head of the Archeology department where she teaches. Nevertheless, she’s not about to give up her opportunity for gaining first-hand knowledge of one of the prime sites she means to use in her new course. Besides, the professor smells good…
Truman can understand Casey’s determination to hold him at arm’s length. After all, he’s her boss, but everything about her intrigues him to the point he must know more, so he’s not about to give up. His permit to explore on Oak Island is a strong drawing card and he doesn’t hesitate to use it to his own advantage, knowing how eager Casey is to do that.
As the two explore together, and talk of past exploits each has enjoyed, Casey comes to see she’s found a fellow adventurer in Truman, but he’s still the head of her department and she knows she must proceed with caution. Ms. Bain delivers a tale of mystery, romance, and danger. Highly recommended, but too many incorrect word choices and typos drop it from 5 stars to 4.
Race the Rising Tide, by January Bain ****
Cole McClintock, a recent hire with the TETRAD Group learns his new partner in an undercover operation is a woman who sends him into a tail-spin at first sight. She tangles up his emotions like no one else ever has. The best he can do is ignore the situation and get on with the job. At least, he has every intention of doing just that…
Gabriella Banks doesn’t hesitate to admit she’s a complicated woman, and one of deep inner strengths, firm opinions, and strong beliefs, which may, in her opinion, be responsible for her main problem. She doesn’t like to admit , but her total lack of a sex life troubles her. When she and Cole McClintock are teamed up to go undercover in Vancouver’s Chinatown, she resents him for reminding her of what’s missing from her life. He also makes her want something she knows she shouldn’t want under present circumstances.
While the two of them race to rescue a kidnap victim before it’s too late, they both know this is no time for hormones to get in the way, but they find themselves powerless in the fight against their mutual attraction.
This author is very good at making location as much of a character as the living beings in her story. Her descriptions are sharp and well-envisioned. Ms. Bain’s writing showcases her use of the language and her knowledge of how to choose words to create the effect she wants. But a note of warning: if strong language is not your thing, there is a great deal of it. While I have no objections, when and if appropriate, to the four-letter words liberally peppering this book (I suspect editorial demand for them), perhaps in an attempt to make the characters seem more “contemporary” and “edgy”. I’ve read other novels by Ms. Bain and know she has an excellent vocabulary and is more than capable of get her point across without the gratuitous use of “fuck”, which brings me to one of the worst books I have ever read…
Scrooge McFuck by May Sage *
Despite the feminine author name, I was left with the impression this book was scribbled in a hurry by a seventeen-year-old boy from the UK, in love with four-letter-words and gleeful in his desire to shock and make fun of romance novels. I’ve been reading (and writing) contemporary romance, some of it humorous, most of it sexy, for many years. My novels have been published in the UK and the US and translated around the globe with many good reviews, which frequently mention humor as well as a believable love story. This book, however, doesn’t make the grade for either humor or romance and despite it’s catchy title, is definitely not a Christmas story.
The author faithfully adheres to the “formulaic” rule so many detractors believe must be followed in a romance—writing the once-typical (1960’s) wealthy, bad-tempered, rude, crude boss as a “hero”, a more-or-less “feisty” heroine in desperate need of her job, so she takes his bad manners like a lady. The heroine is equally crude, though mainly in her thoughts, not words. Unrequited lust builds within each, though neither character acts upon it… Then… Wow! Wouldn’t you know it? She gets sick, he learns she and her sweet little five-year-old daughter (who has the vocabulary of your maiden aunt–“my mother is ‘feeling poorly'” and other such unlikely phrases), are living in a New York tenement building. Hero-Boss magnanimously moves mother and daughter into his palatial home and immediately becomes a nice person, looking after the sick woman and the unbelievably well-spoken little girl, which suggest the author has no knowledge of kindergarten age kids.
It seems all the adult protagonists can think of is fucking, being fucked, and wishing they could fuck. I don’t object to the word. I have used it in my writings, as well as in my casual speech, but this would-be romance author seems to believe that mere physical attraction to curves, green eyes, a “great rack”, and tattoos must lead inevitably to sex, which act is, in the writer’s mind, equivalent to romance and “lo-o-ove”. Never mind there has been little if any prior indication the story might bring the reader the Happily-Ever-After ending customary in the romance genre. Instead, at first chance, the adults leap into bed together and the author writes THE END. Not my kind of writing, little boy. Please go paddle in some other genre pool.
And now, to get out of the romance genre entirely, here’s a well-founded book from a newbie I do admire…
Terms of Enlistment, by Marko Kloos ****
A fast paced book, TERMS OF ENLISTMENT introduces Andrew Grayson, a kid from the public housing slums of the next century, where the North American Alliance stretches from the N. Pole to the S. border of Mexico. In Basic Training, which will bring smiles of familiarity to anyone who’s gone through any similar mind-numbing course, he meets another recruit, Halley, and the two begin a relationship. Following graduation, Halley is allocated a berth in the Space Navy, and slides easily into the Officer Track while Andrew gets stuck as a grunt. His first real task, helping put down a welfare riot is a horror-show in which Andrew is injured. As a result, he’s allowed to change career directions and, still missing Halley, gets himself assigned to the same ship she’s on.
Humanity now occupies—if precariously—many far-off planets orbiting stars similar to Sol. Not all, of course, are particularly Earth-like, but with the need to deplete the home-world’s vast overburden of population, terraforming is necessary. Andrew and Halley find themselves bound for one such planet and, while it first appears things are going well, they soon learn different…
This is clearly book One in an ongoing series. Undoubtedly, many readers will follow it, though it’s not a five-star read. The author may further develop his “voice” as the series progresses. The rapid pace of the novel works well with its present tense delivery and his firm grasp of military jargon.
I apologize for having fallen short of my promised number of review blogs for this year. My companion blog, Just Asking Why, may explain in part. It appears later today.
October 20, 2017 JudyGriffithGill Leave a comment
Al Clark by Jonathan G Meyer **
I read a lot of Science Fiction because I like the genre, but this one doesn’t do it for me. The story is bland, anecdotal, and without much excitement. Confession: I did not read beyond the 40 percent mark, and skimmed up to 60 percent, then quit. Al Clark, the character, and the subsequent others as they finally appeared bored me so much playing Solitaire seemed like a better way to waste my time. Unfortunately, Jonathan G Meyer hasn’t reached the point in his career where he knows how to captivate a reader by employing strong , believable motivation for every action taken by the people in his story. His largely one-dimensional characters just plod through the motions. He claims to enjoy the old “pulp fiction” books he read as a teenager. I read a lot of Heinlein, Asimov, Clark and many others from that era during my own youth, and still do, but Al Clark in no way piques nostalgia in me for those early times and the great authors he may want to emulate.
FORAGER by Peter R Stone ****
Possibly aimed at a “Young Adult” or “New Adult” audience, Forager takes place in post-apocalyptic Australia, a refreshing change from the norm. The author, creating a new and substantially different civilization that devolved following a past nuclear war, has written an engaging story. Forager opens with a cast of well developed, youthful characters, a gang of young men tasked with searching ruins to collect metals for use in factories. Their home of Newtowne on the outskirts of Melbourne is comprised of three basic categories of citizenry– wealthy men, male laborers, and the Custodians, the latter also male who act as enforces of the draconian rules laid out by the wealthy, who live mostly segregated from the proletariat. Women, in this society, have no standing at all–their position demands they breed at the will of their husbands and dutifully serve the male members of their households
Ethan, from whose point of view the story emerges, is the boss of a scavenging crew. Brain-injured from an accident, he’s physically healthy, but has lost an entire year’s memories to amnesia. Possibly due to the accident he doesn’t remember, he has some odd mental powers that enable him to sense not only the metals they seek, but Skels, dangerous outlaws who live in the ruins. Those powers, thought to be caused by radiation-damaged genes, are forbidden, so Ethan hides them. When his team encounters a pair of traders from a distant town, he risks his own life to save them from the Skels. One of the visitors, Nanako, a beautiful young woman, is completely unlike the females of Newtowne, who are forbidden to walk outside unescorted after dark. She’s intriguing, bold, and opinionated refusing to bow to local customs. When she begins coming to Ethan’s bachelor apartment to cook meals for him, he fears for her safety, but she persists. This breaking of firm rules could send him to prison and her to death, but he cannot force her to stay away. Nor does he really want to.
Forager is an excellent, entertaining read marred somewhat by poor word choices, inaccurate punctuation, and typos.
Shards of Hope by Nalini Singh*****
(The Psy/Changling/Angel series)
Singh has once again proven that SF, Paranormal, and Romance genres can blend to make an exemplary novel. Shards of Hope grabbed me, though not quite as quickly as have all the others. Unfortunately, I experienced this novel as an Audible, the way I do many books. I found the rendition of the text irritating until I became accustomed to the high-pitched, frenetic delivery of the reader during narrative sections. The softer, more thoughtful voices used in dialogue were easier to listen to. After eagerly awaiting this book, however, I refused to let the performance mar my enjoyment of the plot and characters, and I was not disappointed. Though I’ve read Singh’s other books about the Psy and the Changelings, I enjoyed this one immensely—perhaps more than earlier novels in the series.
Aden Kai has a rough road ahead as he tries to transition Arrows, the warriors and protectors of the Psy, whom he commands, into a new era where Silence no longer reigns. The members of his troop, especially the older ones, fear openly expressing their emotions telepathically, because doing so has been trained out of them by earlier leaders. However, Aden believes that when they see and hear him and other young leaders allowing their emotions freedom, they will begin to understand it is safe to do so and the Arrows will benefit from this new openness. Convincing Zaira to join him in his endeavors is the first, most important step. The two have been friends since childhood, when she was inducted into the Arrow program. Horribly damaged by the physical and psychic abuse visited upon her by her parents, Zaira is the one Arrow Aden wants to stand with him as he leads. Sadly, she is averse to his plan. Only if he can persuade her to trust to trust not only him, but herself, does he foresee success. Zaira’s avowed mission in life is to keep Aden safe, but she fears the core-deep rage burning within makes her too dangerous and unpredictable. If she relaxes the tight control she binds her emotions with in order to become his partner in all the ways he wants her, what will happen if the killing rage runs free and he happens to be in the way? But Aden believes he cannot succeed without her.
August 19, 2017 JudyGriffithGill Leave a comment
While out riding the waves aboard La Niña our little cabin cruiser, I didn’t get in as much reading as I’d intended. Instead, I downloaded a large whack of Robert A. Heinlein books and spent my vacation partly on Earth, partly on Secundus, and ended up on Tertius with the other members of the Long Family, which I joined years ago. Now, well rested by my vacation, I’m home again and ready to read, review, and write. Hope everyone else had as satisfactory a break from normal as I did.
Anyway, here are a couple I read just before leaving…
IRREPARABLE HARM ****
By Melissa Miller
This legal thriller captured my interest in the first page and held it all the way through. Sasha McCandless is a lawyer, small, smart, and dangerous. When she finds Federal Marshall Leo Connelly in her apartment, poor Leo wishes his current investigation hadn’t been responsible for what Sasha considers a B & E. Sasha, in eager search of a partnership with her law firm, is willing to do almost anything to achieve her goal… Even teaming up with Leo, whatever the cost, even when he insists she’s in danger and he’s the only one qualified to keep her safe. Safe from whom? Herself, him, or the bad-guys he’s certain want to do her harm–irreparably.
This well-written book has only one problem in my view—it’s too short. I was ready to read on and on, but then, there was no more. This seems to be a common thread now, so I’ll have to look for book 2… and 3… and 4… and so on–and believe me, I will. Sasha McCandless is a character easy to follow.
AFTER: FIRST LIGHT ***
by Scott Nicholson
I always enjoy a good post apocalyptic story that keeps me reading until well after bedtime. AFTER: FIRST LIGHT is written as a prequel to the series AFTER: — and didn’t keep me up long.
In this prequel Nicholson delivers a short-story with some well-defined characters and a credible threat. Following a solar storm of unbelievable ferocity, all electric and electronic devices on Earth are rendered useless. Billions die worldwide. This leaves the dwindling numbers of survivors wallowing in fear and disbelief, certain the “government” will fix everything soon—they need only wait. Those who do understand what’s happened know there is no government, there are no effective armed forces, and people are going to have to fend for themselves. Those who do survive the panic-riots and the inevitable, zombie-like “Zapheads”.
The author’s concise method of introducing the problem, the aftermath, and those who try to survive—as well as those who can’t—are mostly likable enough for the reader to root for. This quick, but fairly good read dropped several points in my estimation by the author’s introduction of another danger that, to me, is not at all plausible. Things were dire enough without his giving into the immature and creating zombies to please the kiddies. Too bad, Mr. Nicholson. I’d have enjoyed the series if you hadn’t tossed in something out of comic books.
Book Reviews from Rider of The Waves, Living life as it comes
June 30, 2017 JudyGriffithGill Leave a comment
It’s not very often I find two books at the same time, to which I can offer 5 Stars, especially two in such diverse categories. But today’s reviews meet the criteria I set for personal favorites. BAREFOOT IN WHITE is a beautiful romance, and LIQUID COOL is a delightful Cyber Punk novel. I can highly recommend these two reads.
Roxanne St. Claire’s evocative prose can tug at the heartstrings as well as make that same heart race with anticipation. The story puts Nick Hershey and Willow Ambrose on collision course. Willow’s the estranged daughter of a model-turned-fashion-designer and a famous rock-star. Nick, a Navy SEAL on medical leave, is bone-deep scared his career might be over. Willow, following a miserable childhood, has walked away from her unhappy past and everyone in it, finding fulfillment as a wedding planner. She and her two colleagues are accustomed to Bridezillas and are stunned by a young model who seems singularly uninterested in the details of her own wedding. She’s content to leave it all to the planners and her MOH who turns out to be a Man of Honor instead of Maid. The uncaring bride is a model in Willow’s mother’s employ and, as Willow soon learns, a favored friend of the family, perhaps even a surrogate daughter who has all the attributes Willow so lacked. Can it be mere coincidence the young friend of her mother has turned up at Barefoot Brides? Willow doubts it. It must be more interference by the mother Willow knows would like to revive their dead relationship–a relationship ruined many years ago by the older woman’s constant attempts at manipulation.
When she walks in on a gloriously naked “Man of Honor” in the bride-to-be’s villa, Willow is even more stunned. She knows this guy, but Continue reading →
Book Reviews from Rider of The Waves, Living life as it comes, What writing's all about
Reviews #13 & 14 of 30 for 2017 Kena the Good Hyena / Kena la hiena buena, Books 1 & 2, by Gabriela Arellano
June 5, 2017 JudyGriffithGillKids' Books, Spanish English, Writing Leave a comment
I’m delighted to feature these two bilingual children’s picture books, KENA THE GOOD HYENA / KENA LA HIENA BUENO.
Similar in tone to the ever popular Berenstain Bears books, Books 1, Being The Best, shows how good behavior can make any child’s life run smoother, and that being selfish and boastful can lead to unhappiness at school.
The second book, When Dad’s Away, illustrates the way a child m ight feel abandoned and unloved when Dad has to go far away to work. But it also reassures the child that distance is no barrier to love.
But, more important to me, as a writer, is that the author has aimed her work at young children and their parents of two different linguistic groups. During my years in Costa Rica I was struck (unfavorably) by the small number of people of all ages I saw reading for pleasure. On buses, on park benches, on beaches, it seemed few read anything but school texts or newspapers. Even large bookstores featured little fiction—especially for children. This may not be the case in other Spanish speaking countries, but to find a book like this is a real pleasure regardless of where it might be read and enjoyed because not only does it encourage adults to read to their children, it will surely help English speakers learn Spanish, and perhaps vice versa. Though in my experience it was the “Gringos” (myself included) who needed to learn, far more than the “Ticos.”
Book Reviews from Rider of The Waves, Living the Writing Life
Review # 12 for 2017 A Merciful Death ***** By Kendra Elliot
June 4, 2017 JudyGriffithGillMystery Romance Oregon Leave a comment
A Merciful Death *****
By Kendra Elliot
Mercy Kilpatrick, an experienced FBI Special Agent, is called upon to return to the community where she grew up to investigate the murders of two men she once knew. She was raised to be prepared for the worst that could happen to society, but the society of her own family deserted her when she most needed their support. Fifteen years before, she left town at the age of eighteen and built a life for herself, apart from those she loved. Mercy hides her estrangement from her parents and siblings from her FBI partners, making her return doubly awkward because she’s on edge, nervous about being recognized and probably shunned. When she meets the new Chief of Police, Truman Daly, they begin to work together comparing notes of past and present. It soon becomes clear that the very events that drove her away in the first place have an intrinsic connection to the current victims, one of whom was Chief Daly’s uncle. Mercy has never told anyone the full truth behind her reasons for leaving home and family. But knowing Truman Daly has as much at stake when it comes to solving the mysterious links, she wants to come clean with him, but he’s a lawman, too, so she doesn’t dare.
Ms. Elliot paints a vivid picture if life in a “prepper” community, and the attendant stresses that lead to inevitable conflicts between different factions with the same goal in mind, but whose methods are at odds. Set in the countryside if eastern Oregon, this story brings to life the sights, sounds, and smells of an area she clearly loves. Highly recommended for fans of both mystery and romance novels, though the romance plays second fiddle to the crime-solving,
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Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and of the House of Commons on the Constitution of Canada, 32nd Parl, 1st Sess, No 4 (13 November 1980)
Citation: Canada, Parliament, Minutes of Proceedings and Evidence of the Special Joint Committee of the Senate and of the House of Commons on the Constitution of Canada, 32nd Parl, 1st Sess, No 4 (13 November 1980).
Issue No. 4
The Honourable Jean Chrétien,
Minister of Justice and Attorney
General of Canada
Serge Joyal. M.P.
McGrand
On Thursday, November 13, 1980:
Miss Campbell (South West Nova) replaced Mr. Lapierre;
Mr. Robinson (Burnaby) replaced Mr. Manly;
Mr. Hawkes replaced Mr. Beatty;
Mr. Lapierre replaced Mr. Tobin;
Mr. Beatty replaced Mr. Epp;
Mr. Epp replaced Mr. Hawkes.
Senator McGrand replaced Senator Goldenberg;
Senator Bird replaced Senator Austin.
The Special Joint Committee on the Constitution of Canada met at 9:38 o’clock a.m., this day, the Joint Chairman, Honourable Senator Hays presiding.
Representing the Senate: The Honourable Senators Asselin, Austin, Connolly, Goldenberg, Hays, Lamontagne, Lucier, Petten, Roblin and Tremblay.
Representing the House of Commons: Messrs. Beatty, Bockstael, Miss Campbell (South West Nova), Messrs. Corbin, Crombie, Epp, Fraser, Henderson, Irwin, Joyal, Mackasey, McGrath, Nystrom, Robinson (Burnaby) and Tobin.
Other Senators present: The Honourable Senators Flynn and Thompson.
Other Members present: Messrs. Allmand, Duclos, Gauthier and Lapierre.
Appearing: The Honourable Jean Chrétien, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada.
The Committee resumed consideration of its Order of Reference from the Senate dated November 3, 1980 and its Order of Reference from the House of Commons dated October 23, 1980, both relating to the document entitled “Proposed Resolution for a Joint Address to Her Majesty the Queen respecting the Constitution of Canada” published by the Government on October 2, 1980. (See Minutes of Proceedings, Thursday, November 6. 1980. Issue No. 1).
The Minister and the witnesses answered questions.
At 12:11 o’clock p.m., the Committee adjourned until 3:30 o’clock p.m. this day.
The Special Joint Committee on the Constitution of Canada met at 3:54 o’clock p.m., this day, the Joint Chairman, Honourable Senator Hays, presiding.
Representing the House of Commons: Mr. Bockstael, Miss Campbell (South West Nova), Messrs. Corbin, Crombie, Epp, Fraser, Hawkes, Henderson, Irwin, Joyal, Lapierre, Mackasey, McGrath, Nystrom and Robinson (Burnaby).
Other Members present: Messrs. Allmand, Gauthier and La Salle.
The Committee resumed consideration of its Order of Reference from the Senate dated November 3, 1980 and its Order of Reference from the House of Commons dated October 23, 1980, both relating to the document entitled “Proposed Resolution for a Joint Address to Her Majesty the Queen respecting the Constitution of Canada” published by the Government on October 2, 1980. (See Minutes of Proceedings, Thursday, November 6, 1980, Issue No. 1).
Mr. Lapierre moved,—That the Committee invite Mr. Gordon Fairweather to appear tonight as witness at 8:00 o’clock p.m., November 13, 1980.
After debate thereon, the question being put on the motion, it was negatived on the following division:
Joyal
Lapierre—10
At 6:35 o’clock p.m., the Committee adjourned until 8:00 o’clock pm. tonight.
EVENING SITTING
The Special Joint Committee on the Constitution of Canada met at 8:10 o’clock p.m., this day, the Joint Chairman, Mr. Joyal, presiding.
Representing the Senate: The Honourable Senators Asselin, Bird, Connolly, Hays, Lamontagne, Lucier, McGrand, Petten, Roblin and Tremblay.
Representing the House of Commons: Messrs. Beatty, Bockstael, Miss Campbell (South West Nova), Messrs.
Corbin, Crombie, Epp, Fraser, Hawkes, Henderson, Irwin, Joyal, Lapierre, Mackasey, McGrath, Nystrom and Robinson (Burnaby).
Other Members present: Messrs. Duclos. Gauthier, Gimaiel, La Salle and Parent.
The Minister and the witnesses answered questions,
At 10:03 o’clock p.m., the Committee adjourned until 9:30 o’clock a.m. November 14, 1980.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Honourable Senators and Members of the House of Commons, we will continue with our order of reference resuming the consideration of the document entitled The Proposed Resolution for a Joint Address to Her Majesty the Queen respecting the Constitution of Canada referred to the Committee from the Senate on June 3, 1980 and from the House of Commons on October 23, 1980. Appearing is the Honourable Jean Chrétien, Minister of Justice and Attorney General of Canada, and I recognize Mr. Crombie.
Mr. McGrath: it might help us in preparing our line of questioning as we only have ten minutes, if when you recognize somebody you would indicate who the next questioner is to be. That would help considerably.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): We would be glad to do that.
Mr. Flynn is the next one.
Mr. McGrath: On the Conservative side?
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): You mean on your side?
Mr. McGrath: No, no, it doesn’t make any difference on what side. After you recognize somebody, if you would identify two speakers.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Yes, we would be glad to do that.
Mr. Crombie followed by Mr. Allmand, if it is agreeable to the Committee. Mr. Crombie.
Mr. Crombie: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. Mr. Minister, through the Chairman to the Minister, I have some questions relating to the use of the referendum option in the amending formula. Some of these questions were raised generally last night by the Member from Vancouver South, but it recalls to mind a speech which was made on October 27, by the Premier of the Province of Saskatchewan, Mr. Blakeney. On Page 4 on the written distribution of his speech, he had this to say about the process of the amending formula in relation to using the referendum option, He says, that—and I want to ask the Minister his reaction to it . . .
the process permits a referendum where provincial legislatures fail to agree to a federal proposal for constitutional change, but does not provide for a referendum where Parliament fails to agree to a proposal for constitutional amendment passed by all the provincial legislatures. It is a way (and I think this is the burden of his argument)—it is a way to temper provincial intransigents, but not federal intransigents.
And I wanted to know from the Minister why he thinks it fair and equitable for the constitution to provide for a way in which to deal with provincial intransigents, but not to provide for federal intransigents.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, suppose that this question being raised this way that ten provinces want to have an amendment of the constitution and the federal government does not want to agree. And of course, because the legislation for a referendum has to be initiated by the national government, and the national government, using its right of veto, does not want to initiate, you know, referendum to put the question, the view of the provinces against the view of the national government.
In the case of the national government, if any national government were to be that intransigent, there is a recourse for the province, for the people and for the government in the next general election, And you know, I think that . . .
Mr. Crombie: Mr. Minister, I do not wish to be unmannerly, but that was the answer you gave last night, and what you are really saying is that you are willing to trust the use of the referendum on a deadlock, on federal initiative, trust the people by referendum?
Why would you not, if there was a deadlock agreed to by ten provincial provinces, not supported by the federal government—why would you not trust the people by referendum. There is not only a lack of logic, but surely there is a lack of fair play and equity.
Mr. Chrétien: You are putting the extreme case that if there was . . .
Mr. Crombie: I am sorry, sir, but you put the extreme case when you argue that if there is a deadlock between the federal government and the ten provinces, or the provinces, then we trust the people by referendum, you put that extreme case. When I put the same case in relation to a federal initiative, you say it is extreme.
Mr. Chrétien: You said that, you know there is one Parliament to cover the whole Canadian federal Parliament, and the national Parliament, and I do think that we have to have the initiative at one level of government because we are the only one who can initiate a referendum on the national scale.
Mr. Crombie: The provinces can.
Mr. Chrétien: No, the provinces cannot, because they cannot legislate for the referendum.
Mr. Crombie: All ten provinces can hold the same referendum, surely.
Mr. Chrétien: I just say that the power to legislate it is with the national government and of course the national government is free to do in that circumstances to pass the legislation or not. Are you telling me that we should be—that the initiative should be taken by the provinces for a national referendum?
Mr. Crombie: No, no, Do not turn it around. I will ask you one more time. I want to make sure it is clear in my head. The case where the federal government would like to change and the provinces do not agree, the federal government thinks that it is fair and equitable and this proposal thinks it is fair and equitable to use the referendum to break the deadlock. If, on the other hand, all ten provinces would like to change and the federal government disagrees, the federal government is unwilling to give them the same opportunity. And you think that is fair. Is that correct?
Mr. Chrétien: I just say that the legislative initiative has to be with the national government, so what you are telling me is that the provinces could force the Parliament of Canada to pass a piece of legislation to have a referendum?
Mr. Crombie: There is nothing to stop all ten provinces from having a referendum right now.
Mr. Chretien: I think that the national government, as it is a national referendum has to keep the initiative of the referendum. If the national government refuses to take the right policies and the ten provinces agree on something and the federal government refuses, the federal government can initiate a national referendum on the issue if they want. And if they do not and the provinces want to have a referendum, I think the point you are trying to get me to answer is that if the provinces want to have a referendum under the present provision, you know the federal government could refuse to have a referendum. That is the point you are making. And I say to you it is because the federal government is the one who has the legislative initiative in the matter, you cannot have . . .
Mr. Crombie: I gather you disagree with Premier Blakeney on that point.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes. I just say that it has to remain a federal initiative.
Mr. Crombie: The second point that Premier Blakeney raises, with respect to the fairness of the use of the referendum.
I might add if I could Mr. Chairman, through you to the Minister, he regards these as inequitable and unfair, unnecessarily loading of the dice with respect to the federal government. And the second point he makes in relation to it is that all of the rules and regulations regarding the holding of the referendum are to be done by one party to the referendum, and not by the other party. He says that all of the rules respecting the referendum are solely within federal control, with none of the safeguards which have been established over the years to ensure, for example, fair federal elections. This clearly requires some revision, not only to make the rules fairer in fact, but also that the rules will be seen to be fair by the Canadian public.
That is his second point. What is your reaction to that, Mr. Minister?
Mr. Chrétien: You know, it is only federal Parliament who can legislate in terms of a national dimensional problem. I think if you want to introduce some rules by which the provinces will indicate to the national Parliament what kind of legislation they should pass, you know, if we have a national government we can pass national legislation. In a democracy all the provinces who are represented here in Ottawa should have faith in the Parliament to pass reasonable legislation in the case of referendum, but I do not know what will be the input, I do not know in which way you would like the provinces to have input in the legislation that will have to go before the Canadian Parliament.
Mr. Crombie: There must be a number of forms that are available if you wish to make it equitable so that if there is a
contest on a question between the provinces and the federal government, one would think of a form that says: Why do both sides not appoint people so that rules regarding it can be fair?
I mean, it is not a fair contest if one party to the action organizes the rules. Surely; all Premier Blakeney is doing is asking for equity.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but I don’t know how you will achieve it. You know if you have some way that will permit Parliament of Canada to pass the legislation with the input of the provincial legislatures, I would like to see how you can achieve it. Or do you want the legislation to be passed by a third body that is not in existence at this moment? I do not know if you have some suggestion to make to go around that difficulty, if one level of Parliament can pass legislation for all the land, it is this Parliament. Of course, I presume that the government of that day—you know, if they were to present some resolution or a bill for a referendum that will be in your judgment, or the judgment of the provinces, unfair, it will become a major controversy. But I think that the last resort will be an act of Parliament, but if the members of this Committee have some suggestions to make to permit an input about those rules by the provinces, I would like to consider them.
But the problem is, the legislative authority will have to remain the national Parliament. There is no other way.
Mr. Crombie: If the authority of the National Parliament should be eroded, I am asking if you would consider a process whereby both parties to the action could have an opportunity to set the rules, That is all nothing more complicated than that.
Mr. Chrétien: I just said that Mr. Crombie, if the committee wants to give us some . . .
Mr. Crombie: I am not going to argue with you that the authority of the national parliament should be eroded. I am asking if you would consider a process whereby both parties to the action could have an opportunity to set the rules, nothing more complicated than that.
Mr. Chrétien: I just said that, Mr. Crombie. If the Committee wants to give us some . . .
Mr. Crombie: Say yes or no. I mean, just so I can understand it?
Mr. Chrétien: You need only a yes or a no, well I will just tell you that if you have some suggestions to make sure that the input of the provinces in the case of a referendum can be achieved, fine, but not at the expense of having the parliament of Canada pass legislation, that is the point I want to make. National legislation cannot be passed by provincial legislatures.
Mr. Crombie: Thank you. Mr. Chairman, I have a further line of questioning with respect to—and here I think the answers can be fairly brief because it was touched on before but I was not clear in my head in terms of the answers given.
Dealing with the Indian and native peoples, the first question I have: there are some people who feel that the action in the resolution will have the effect of entrenching the Indian Act, how do you feel about that, is it true or false in your
view? This will have the effect of entrenching the Indian Act in the Constitution?
Mr. Chrétien: It will not entrench the Indian Act, the Indian Act will remain the Indian Act.
Mr. Crombie: You do not think entrenches the Indian Act?
Mr. Chrétien: No.
Mr. Crombie: All right.
Mr. Chrétien: The Indian Act remains an Act of Parliament.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Crombie, your time is up.
Mr. Crombie: Really?
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Yes.
Mr. Crombie: I just wanted to know if you had any consideration with respect to existing or future rights for Métis and non-status indians, or are they out?
Mr. Chrétien: We said that the question of the native rights in the Constitution is a special item to be debated among the provinces and the federal government and the natives . . .
Mr. Crombie: Non-status and Métis, not Indian?
Mr. Chrétien: The rights that the Métis have flowing from the Royal Proclamation will remain the same. This charter will not affect those rights.
Mr. Crombie: It will not increase them any.
Mr. Chrétien: It will not increase, it will not decrease, they will keep the same rights they had before.
Mr. Crombie: What are they?
Mr. Chrétien: Depending on the type of rights they have. If you are an Indian who is covered by a treaty, you have your treaty rights. If you are an Indian . . .
Mr. Crombie: Not covered by that.
Mr. Chrétien: . . . not covered by that, the Inuit, and so on, their rights are flowing from the Royal Proclamation of 1763. They remain the same.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Allmand?
Mr. Allmand: Mr. Chairman, Mr. Minister, I want to refer you to Section 23 on minority language educational rights. In order to exercise the minority language rights on education in Section 23, two conditions are necessary: First, you have to be a citizen of Canada; and second, your first language learned and still understood has to be either English or French, those two conditions are necessary.
Now, I put it to you that if we adopt that Section, we end up with two classes of citizens in Canada; those citizens whose first language was French or English, who will have certain rights; and those whose first language was not English or French but still citizens who will have lesser rights. This means, for example, that the Cree and Inuit of northern Quebec, our friends Charlie Watt and Billy Diamond for example, and the people that live with them, because their first language was Cree in the one case and Inuktituk in the second
case, they would never have the same rights as an immigrant from England who came here and became citizens. Those people who came from England or from France, when they became citizens, would have the right to choose from minority language education. The Cree and the Inuit, the Montagne, any group in Quebec who first learned a native language, even though they learned English or French at three, or five, would never have those rights.
It also means, that section means that if you came from Italy at three or four years of age, not only you would never be able to opt into the minority language education system, but your children would never be able to opt-if that person came to Montreal at three years of age from Italy, that person could never have his children, even though he went into the English speaking community in Montreal, go into the English schools because his or her first language was neither English or French.
Now, I put to you, that that section will entrench, as I say, unfairness between classes of Canadian citizens. I maintain that it is an unacceptable section and it is a retreat, Mr. Minister, it is a retreat from what you and Mr. Trudeau and I and the Liberal Party always put forward.
If I refer you to Bill C-60, Bill C-60 did not establish those two classes of citizenship. The Victoria Proposal never established those two classes of citizenship, we never had those with respect to the right of education in the minority language and I am just bringing this to your attention today and I am asking you to reconsider, I do not expect an answer from you today, but I want to bring you that anomaly so that it is very clearly put to you and ask you that you consider amendments to that section.
Mr. Chrétien: I think that it is one of the difficult sections of the charter because education is a matter of provincial jurisdiction, and under Bill l0l in Quebec, the freedom of choice has been taken away from all citizens of Quebec, not only the Inuit or the Metis and so on, the Eskimos, the Indians, but of all the francophones in Quebec who do not have the freedom of choice anymore, they are obligated to send their kids to French schools.
What we are trying to establish here is the minimum requirements, of course. I do think Bill 101 will be affected in relation to Canadian citizens who speak the English language, who are in Quebec. We have not wanted to intervene to the point that we will force complete freedom in Quebec. Personally I always have advocated that freedom of choice was my preferred course, but the legislative authority in terms of education in Quebec, they abuse it and they have taken away the freedom of choice for the francophone and I do not think that this government is willing to intervene that much in provincial jurisdiction.
Mr. Allmand: Mr. Minister, as far as I am concerned, and I will have to give further consideration . . .
Mr. Chrétien: But in terms of amendments I would like to complete my—you ask me to consider amendments. Of course, some members of this Committee will propose some amendments and we are working on some amendments at this time, but I have to tell you that it is not an easy problem.
Mr. Allmand: I do not have very much time, Let me tell you that I will have to consider this, but as far as I am concerned, it would be almost better not to have any section at all than to have that section because a charter of rights is supposed to protect the people of Canada from oppressive federal and provincial legislation. To put this section in the Constitution, you say it is a minimum, which will allow provinces to pass legislation to distinguish between kinds of Canadians, and in particular to give more rights to immigrants from English and French speaking countries, to give them more rights when they become citizens than the decendants of the aboriginal people; to me that is so unfair that it is just not acceptable.
Now, I would like to move on to the questions on native rights and I refer you to Section 24 of the proposals. You said yesterday, in answer to Mr. Manly, and to others, that Section 24 would protect any rights that the native peoples now have. I want to submit to you that is not the case.
Section 24 says that any rights that the natives might have would not be affected by anything in this piece of legislation, in this resolution, but it does not respect them from other legislation that might be passed by the federal parliament, or other legislation by the provinces, and you know that provincial governments have continually, through the last I00 years, whittled away at Indian rights under the fish and game laws, under housing legislation, expropriation acts, I could give you a whole list of provincial laws and federal laws.
For example, before you were Minister of Indian Affairs, the federal government expropriated the land of the Mohawk Reserve at Caughnawaga and took away their lands by a piece of federal legislation under the St. Lawrence Seaway Authority Act. This section here, 24, while it says:
shall not be construed as denying the existence of any other rights or freedoms… that pertain to the native peoples of Canada.
You are saying that this piece will not take away any rights or freedoms held by Indians or Inuit, but you are not saying that this section will protect the Indians and Inuit from any other laws that may be introduced, either at the federal or provincial level.
So, Mr. Minister, if you really want to protect Indian and Inuit rights, even though they are not fully known, you said we do not know what they are today, and you are right. We know some of them but we do not know others. You should change that Section to read, whatever, more or less whatever rights the Indians or Inuit might have, either declared or undeclared, they will be entrenched and protected against any legislation at the federal-provincial level, so that once these rights are identified through land claims negotiation, they will still exist and we will not have to rescind other provincial laws which might have by that time alienated their land, alienated their resources, and put them into the hands of private individuals. So I am again submitting to you very strongly that that Section 24 does nothing but protect Indians and Inuit and Métis from things that might be done in this particular resolution.
Mr. Chrétien: Earlier you just mentioned the same thing, this is about the fifth time I am replying to this question since I started in my testimony.
You just said there is a lot of native rights that are undefined, not clearly stated. What we wanted to do is make sure that this charter of rights does not affect the rights that exist under either the treaties or the Royal Proclamation. I do think that these are the two sources of rights that exist for the natives in Canada. These remain.
You say that the Parliament of Canada could decide some day that the Royal Proclamation will not affect Canada. I do not think that we could.
Mr. Allmand: But the Parliament of Canada and the Provinces could continue to pass oppressive legislation to Indians and Inuit other bills at the Federal and Provincial level and this section will not protect that at all.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know if you are arguing that there is no possibility whatever for any government for example to expropriate any lands of the native people of Canada. If it is your view, you know, I do think that in the ease of Caughnawaga when they had to build this seaway, they have expropriated the land and they have compensated the natives of the reserve in relation to the damage that they have received.
If your view is that no laws could ever expropriate the land of any natives, I do not think that it is a proposition. I would like to study that because it is a very far reaching statement.
There is no circumstances under which some parts of Canada cannot be expropriated for the benefit of the totality of the nation.
Mr. Allmand: I must tell you that that is now the policy of the Government of Canada and has been the policy since you were the Minister for Indian Affairs and you were the one that started that policy.
Mr. Chrétien: I know.
Mr. Allmand: Excuse me, let me just finish this. The policy for the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, since you were the Minister and has continued through four other Ministers has been that no Government of Canada can expropriate Indian land without the consent of the Indian band involved. So, no expropriation law has been able to apply to any reserve land or land that has been transferred to native peoples under an aboriginal settlement without the consent of those people.
That is now the policy and I am suggesting that should be entrenched in the Constitution because that land is much different than any other private property in Canada. That is just one of the rights.
Mr. Chrétien: I think that is a good policy and I am glad that you recognized that we have established that as a policy. But to make it an absurdedly impossible possibility for any government under any circumstances in the national interest to proceed, it might be the desirable policy that has been followed and we should be extremely careful.
If the Committee wants to enshrine in the Constitution such a thing, what I want to make to you is this point: does this very complex problem involve not only the Federal Government but involve the Provincial Government.
You know, the Crown land in the provinces now belong to the provinces. It is administered by the provinces and no more by the Federal Government and we have decided that because of the complexity of the problem, that should be a special item of discussion with the provinces under the title of Natives and The Constitution and we have given money to the Indians to get ready in order to make their position clarified and after that discussed with the Federal and Provincial authorities.
I do think that it is the rational way to do it, before those rights are clearly defined, to enshrine them in the Constitution before we can define them. I do not know if it would be possible later on to define them. That is perhaps the danger that we are facing.
So, I just wanted to make sure that this charter of rights was neutral in relation to the rights of the natives so that their position will not be changed at all because we are entrenching that Bill of Rights.
Yesterday I made one caveat to that. I do think that the way I am reading the non-discrimination clauses that it might be the Parliament of Canada or the Court would decide that under the problem of the woman who loses her Indian status through marriage that this will have to be changed, with or without the consent of the Indians.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Nystrom. you will be followed by Mr. Duclos, with the permission of the Committee.
Mr. Duclos: If you could give me some time.
The Joint Chairman (Senator. Hays): Mr. Nystrom?
Mr. Nystrom: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to take the Minister today to Part 4 of the Resolution. I think Part 4 is the part that we have not discussed yet before the Committee with the Minister here as a witness.
I want to follow up on a series of questions started last night by Mr. Epp where the Minister stated that in the amending procedure different provinces will have a different status and I do not think in many ways that that is right. But the Minister himself said that the provinces can bring a suggestion of a new amending formula to Canada and there might be a referendum between the provincial alternative and the federal alternative.
Now, if you look at Section 38(1), to begin with, 1 would ask Committee Members to take a look at Section 38(1). It says that the Governments or legislative assemblies of eight or more provinces that have, according to the latest census, combined populations of at least 80 per cent of the population may make a proposal.
Now, in effect what this does is either gives Ontario or Quebec a veto. I am right, Mr. Minister?
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, because they have more than 20 per cent of the population.
Mr. Nystrom: Okay. So, there will not be a provincial proposal if either Ontario or Quebec disagree. In other words, we have to have either Ontario or Quebec before there will be a provincial alternative to the federal proposal.
Now, the second thing is, is that if there isn’t any unanimous consent between the provinces and the Federal Government, then there will be a referendum because at times I think some people have been under the assumption that there might not be a referendum. What we see here in Section 38(3) that a referendum shall be held. It is very, very clear in the wording.
The other thing I wanted to point out here is that, and perhaps I can get confirmation from that from the Minister.
Mr. Chrétien: There will be a referendum and we are willing to discuss it.
Mr. Nystrom: There will be a referendum. I move on then to Section 38(3)(a).
Now, Section 38(3)(a) talks about the Federal option if there is a referendum. Do not forget we can have a provincial option if the things I have already met are agreed to you will have a provincial option but as a federal option, most people have said that the federal option will be the modified Victoria Formula. We talked about this last night.
I want to quote Section 38(3)(a), it says that paragraph 41(1)(b), which is the modified Victoria Formula:
. . . or any alternative thereto proposed by the government of Canada . . .
Can be the federal option in a referendum. So, what the government is saying to us here is that there may be a national referendum to choose our amending formula, at which time Canadians can choose between a provincial option and a federal option. But we may not have any idea whatsoever what that federal option may be. The federal government within the next two years can submit any proposal they wish.
I would like to ask the Minister how he can expect this Committee to pass a clause like this when they do not have any idea what the Government of Canada might be putting before the Canadian peole as an alternative, as an option in a referendum campaign. How can we buy a pig in a poke.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, we, the Parliament of Canada, will have to adopt the new amending formula. What we wanted to achieve there is, suppose that the Provinces in the next two years are proposing an amending formula. We realize after that, after they have come with the modification of the Victoria that, you know, to leave some room at that moment to even improve on the provincial amending formula that we do not know now what it will be. We do not know, They can come with an amending formula within two years that could lead us to feel that we should have a new one to offer the federal alternative to offer to the people that is different than the ones we are having today, after we have seen the one coming from the provinces.
It is just to make sure that there is more flexibility in order to find the best solution.
Mr. Nystrom: That gives the Federal Government more flexibility and I stress Government, not Parliament, but that does not give the provinces more flexibility. They cannot come back and make a counter offer to the Federal Parliament.
Mr. Chrétien: But they have two years to make up their minds. We have put Victoria on the table as our desirable proposition at this time. They will come with their own amending formula and after that we can adjust our formula, our federal formula because we are obliged to have a referendum at that time.
Mr. Nystrom: But again you are asking Parliament to pass a resolution to endorse the possibility of a national referendum on an amending formula when we do not even know what the possible federal option is going to be.
But if I go further on, Mr. Minister, and go on to Section 39 we see that if there is going to be a national referendum that that national referendum will be, and I will read here. It will be
“approved by a majority of the persons voting at the referendum.
A majority of Canadians will choose what our amending formula will be.
I know of many, many organizations and we have changed the Constitutions in most organizations, one needs more than a simple majority. Why are you going with the simple majority in this case?
Mr. Chrétien: It is because that day there will be two formulae and it will need amending formula. So, we have to choose one or the other because suppose that you say you are sure there will be a simple majority, if you put two thirds and one thirds, you can end up with no amending formula at all. That will be a pretty disastrous situation for Canada. It will be an absolute inflexibility, so that is why in that circumstance we have to make sure that there is a decision.
Mr. Nystrom: Later on, Mr. Minister, we get to Part 5, where you do not use the simple majority, you use the double majority, a national majority, plus a regional majority. I want to say to you though. as a Westerner, and say to you as someone who comes from a small province, that I think it is very dangerous when you confuse the amending formula by a simple majority.
Just look at some of the possible breakdowns. For example, Ontario is about 36 per cent of this country and if you had an 80 per cent “Yes” vote in Ontario and if you had a 35 per cent “Yes” vote in each of the other nine provinces, that amending formula would carry. It would carry on the basis of support of the people from one province with 65 per cent of Canadians in each and every other province voting “No”, and we would have an amending formula binding on the Canadian people for time immemorial. I ask you, how can you justify that?
Mr. Chrétien: At that moment there would be two formulas, one proposed by the province and one proposed by the national government. This will come after a period of two years where
the provinces will try to present and to agree on a provincial amending formula.
There would be after that a debate in the national parliament about the federal amending formula. After that, you have to have eventually in a constitution an amending formula, so we have to go with the majority of the people.
Of course suppose that 60% of all of the population in Canada were in one province, and 60% of the population of Canada should not have the right through the weight of the population, I am not afraid in a situation like that. It is one vote after a long debate where the provinces have had the chance to have their own formula with all the debate that will occur in every provincial legislature and after that there will be a debate for the federal proposition in the national Parliament and after that the people of Canada will have the chance to decide.
Mr. Nystrom: Then, later on, Mr. Minister, under Part 5 you are rejecting that whole theory. What you are saying is that a simple majority is not good enough.
Mr. Chrétien: The amending formula.
Mr. Nystrom: What you were saying later on, Mr. Minister, when it comes to a constitutional amendment, a simple majority is not good enough. We need regional majorities. I am saying, why not apply the same rule for the amending formula? It is a very basic thing, Mr. Minister. If we cannot come to more of a consensus than the one that you have described, then perhaps it is not the right amending formula.
We are in a situation now where one province could say overwhelmingly “Yes” to the amending formula; the other provinces can say overwhelmingly “No” and still we have an amending formula. I maintain that that is not right.
You could have all kinds of other splits. You could have the four Western provinces voting overwhelmingly “No”, Central Canada voting overwhelmingly “Yes”. You could have another conscription scenario where French Canada votes overwhelmingly “No” and English Canada votes overwhelmingly “Yes”. I say that is dangerous. How can you justify on one hand using a simple majority to choose the amending formula which has been the most contentious thing for many, many years, when later on we are using double majorities to select constitutional amendments.
Mr. Chrétien: But I explained to you that we need in the constitution an amending formula. If you do not have any amending formula you are jammed forever.
Mr. Nystrom: But should we not use a consensus, Mr. Minister, to find an amending formula? What good is that amending formula if 49 per cent of the Canadian people are saying: No, it is the wrong one, or conceivably, 49.9 per cent are saying “No”. Is that not a bad start to a new Canada?
Mr. Chrétien: It is democracy. If you are arguing that we should have a double majority I would like you to answer that problem. Suppose that 51 per cent of the population wants one amending formula, but on the double, the majority, there is
one section of Canada that do not want it, the vote is taken across the land, the majority of the people want Formula A, but it is blocked by one area.
The day after, you do not have any amending formula at all. You don’t have any amending formula and there is no way to get out of that situation. That is why we felt that on that one occasion a simple majority is absolutely necessary, but if you have a better solution than that, fine, but we cannot be in a position one day where we do not have any amending formula. It will be an impossible constitutional position for a country to be in.
Mr. Nystrom: You can always go back and try again, Mr. Minister, if only 51 per cent of the people are saying “No”.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you, Mr. Nystrom, your time is up, sorry.
Mr. Duclos, followed by Senator Flynn, with the consent of the Committee. Do I have the consent?
Mr. McGrath: It would be a pleasure. Make it good, Louis.
Mr. Duclos: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for allowing me to question the Minister. I would like to go back to the question of language rights and, more particularly, to Section 23.
I know that a lot of members of Parliament and senators are trying to improve Section 23; an amendment might be moved by the member for Sainte-Marie, Mr. Malépart, which would result in reducing significantly the scope of this section and which would substitute a Canada clause to this so-called Quebec clause. In other words, this amendment would allow English-speaking Canadians to go to Quebec and send their children in English schools.
In spite of all these efforts to improve Section 23, I think that this section still imposes a very serious limitation to the constitutional powers of the provinces as far as the languages of instruction and education are concerned.
As to Bill 101 in Quebec, the question is not whether or not it is lacking in generosity towards the English-speaking minority in this province. I even think it would be important that the National Assembly in Quebec amend Bill 101 in order, for example, to allow English-speaking Canadians from outside Quebec to go to this province and send their children in French schools. By the same token, I would favour a measure allowing any English-speaking immigrant in Quebec to send his children to English school. I would even go further than Section 23, which provides that only citizens can do so, and we all know that it takes three years to become a Canadian citizen. In that case, I would favour, in the same way as it is favoured by the Livre Beige of the Quebec Liberal Party, a measure that would allow an English-speaking immigrant in Quebec to send his children to an English school, but this must be adopted by the National Assembly in Quebec.
At the present time, as it was said by the Minister of Justice, this concern is rather theoretical since more English-speaking Canadians leave Quebec than enter this province.
As far as entrenchment is concerned, my concern is that this word, “to entrench”, means to cast into cement, our future being determined forever, beyond remedy. It is obvious, Mr. Chairman, that, once this right is entrenched in the constitution, even if the situation is different in ten, 15 or 20 years, even if Quebec were to become in 1995 the next Alberta. A big oil discovery could always be made in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, for example, or the Abitibi gold mines might suddenly become very important. This might result in a wave of immigration to Quebec from English Canada and from Commonwealth countries and such immigrants could demand the right to have their children educated in English.
Mr. Chairman, it seems elementary to me to have such changes made through the legislation of the National Assembly of Quebec or other provincial legislatures rather than taking such irremediable action as is being proposed. It will be pointed out, of course, that there is an amending formula. I find it rather hard to imagine that Ontario, with its veto right, would allow, 15 or 20 years from now, an amendment to the constitution which would have the effect of restricting the English minority rights in Quebec.
It seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that the art of governing consists of taking measures beforehand and I think it would be a very serious mistake to entrench a given situation or to cast it in bronze, so to speak.
In any event, I would like to ask the Minister a few questions on this point. Since it appears that there is little hope that the government will change its position on this matter, though I personally see the only logical solution as being the removal of Clause 23, I would like to ask the Minister if the government would be willing to entrench provincial rights in the selection of immigrants, particularly in the case of Quebec.
This would be a stopgap measure or a last resort but it would nonetheless enable Quebec to protect itself. I am talking about the entrenchment in the draft resolution of Quebec’s rights to select immigrants.
I have another question for the Minister. Why did you not wait until after patriation?
Let us assume that patriation is successfully accomplished, even if it has to be done unilaterally, why did you not prefer to wait until the constitution was patriated and then make the changes in Canada so that the Canadian courts could make rulings. As it is now, we are literally hiding behind the skirts of the British Parliament since we know that no Canadian court, not even the Supreme Court of Canada, will contest a piece of legislation passed by the British Parliament.
I think that it is elementary for such changes to be agreed upon by Canadians rather than resorting to a pilgrimage to London.
For my third question, I would like to ask the Minister if the provision in Clause 23 is only for the setting up of French classes in English schools outside of Quebec or whether it also allows French speakers to have their own homogeneous school board, as is being demanded here in the Ottawa area. I think that this is an important distinction because when there are only some French classes in an English speaking environment, this may be quaint but the results are not very convincing, it is just another way of bringing about assimilation.
My last question, Mr. Chairman, is related to the use of French and English in the courts and the provincial legislatures.
In line with the same reasoning, that is the importance of entrenching rights so that provincial legislatures cannot tamper with them, and in keeping with the principle of equality between French and English speakers in Canada, I would like to know why the government did not follow up on its own proposal contained in the document made public on July 4, 1980.
Under this principle of equality, what is good for English speakers in Quebec should be good for French speakers outside of Quebec.
It therefore seems important to me not only to bind Quebec and Manitoba as a result of the Supreme Court’s decision of last December, but also to make Section 133 apply to Ontario and New Brunswick.
Mr. Minister, let me point out, in conclusion, that in this document of July 4, you go further when you say, in Section 11.2:
Any person is entitled to take part in the debates of the provincial legislatures in French or in English . . .
This right is extended to all Canadian provinces. I am not asking you to go as far as this, I congratulate you if you do, but I would like to know why the principle of equality remains theoretical and has no practical result in this case. Why is this not possible? I heard you say that you do not want to impose such an obligation on the provinces.
When it is Ontario, you do not want to impose the right to use French, you refuse to entrench in the Constitution the right of French Canadians and English Canadians to use French or English before the courts and in the provincial legislature of Ontario, but when it is Quebec which is in disagreement with the scope of Clause 23 which would require an amendment to Bill 101, then you have no qualms about making such an imposition.
I would like the Minister to shed some light on these matters. Thank you.
Mr. Chrétien: As far as Clause 23 goes, we have attempted to make the Quebec clause the Canada clause, through reference to the person’s mother tongue and we are also seeking to protect, once and for all, the education rights of francohones outside of Quebec.
The aim of this initiative is to provide francophones outside of Quebec with approximately the same rights as the anglophones in Quebec enjoy, or once enjoyed.
I think that the effect of Clause 23 will be much greater on the English provinces than on Quebec since this clause is an almost word-for-word reproduction of Mr. Lévesque’s proposal at the New Brunswick conference in 1977 and at the Quebec conference in 1978 when he made his suggestion for reciprocity.
We are simply including this proposal in the Constitution and it does not require much from Quebec. Quebecers boast about the good treatment given to the English minority and, the better the Constitution treats the English minority in Quebec, the better the situation will be for French speakers outside of Quebec who have no constitutional right at the present time, If we were to wait for patriation and then rely on the goodwill of the provincial governments, I think that the protection of French education outside of Quebec would be something (inaudible). It is easy to talk about this in theory but I was involved in practical discussions for three months and it was “strike one, strike two, strike three”. So it is certainly better to proceed in this way.
You mentioned immigration and the possibility for Quebec to choose its own immigrants. At the present time, immigration is an area of joint federal-provincial jurisdiction and, as a result, of an agreement between the federal and provincial governments, the provincial government now takes part in the selection of immigrants wanting to settle in Quebec. I think that this system is working quite well. I cannot see why you want to give total control over immigration to the provincial governments. This could have far-reaching consequences for the mobility of Canadians and Canadian citizenship. This matter was not discussed. This is the first time that I have been asked to hand over complete responsibility for immigration to the provincial governments, this is the first time I have heard such a suggestion.
Mr. Duclos: (inaudible).
Mr. Chrétien: That is what you said about entrenching the rights.
Mr. Duclos: I was talking about selection.
This is not the same thing as the admission of immigrants. All you have to do is take the present agreement and include it in the Constitution.
Mr. Chrétien: It actually amounts to handing over complete control of immigration to the province. I am not saying I am for or against this, just that this is the first time the matter has been raised. I am ready. However this will not settle the problem of Clause 23 as it is perceived in Quebec at the present time. You are saying that there should not be much intervention on our part but that in relation to school boards outside of Quebec, we should decide what type of school boards there should be or make a provision to require the setting up of French school boards under the constitution rather than under provincial legislation. This would mean massive federal interference with education in the English provinces and would probably entail the same type of interference with education in Quebec since we could hardly act one way in the rest of Canada without doing so in Quebec. As for Section 133—I am attempting to answer your four questions as quickly as possible—let me repeat that it was never our intention to impose Section 133. When we prepared the document for this summer, as I already informed the committee, we were under the impression that New Brunswick and Ontario were willing to go along with Section 133. The government always thought this was an opting in possibility for the provinces since we did not intend to impose the obligation. In Quebec and Manitoba, it is a matter of acquired rights and we want to go forward rather than backwards. New Brunswick is now willing to come under Section 133 and I congratulate it on its decision. I am disappointed in Ontario’s refusal, I worked very hard on this during the summer and at one point, I thought Ontario was about to opt in. We eventually prepared our document under the assumption that Ontario would do so since it had raised this possibility. At one time a five year timetable was even mentioned. I was disappointed to hear the refusal at the conference. But I did not want any massive federal intervention in an area of provincial jurisdiction, or at least this was the desire of the government which I represent. Mr. Nystrom said he was ready to make a motion.
If the committee goes along with this point of view, I will advise the government. However the federal government did not make any deal with Mr., Davis or anyone else. We simply suggested . . .
Some hon. Members: No, no.
Mr. Chrétien: No, we simply suggested, I am being quite frank with you, we simply mentioned our hope that all provinces would accept Section 133.
Only two provinces indicated their interest, New Brunswick and Ontario. There was absolutely no interest from the other provinces, perhaps with the exception of Saskatchewan. When the September conference came, Mr. Davis refused.
It was never our intention to impose this but throughout the summer we thought there was a possibility. New Brunswick is going to opt in.
Some hon. Members: (inaudible)
Mr. Chrétien: No, no. Under the constitutional amendment, a resolution of the House of Commons along with a resolution of the legislature of New Brunswick would bring Section 133 into effect in this province. The constitution will allow any future opting in by a province. This is now a possibility. New Brunswick is already availing itself of this opportunity and if Mr. Nystrom would like to persuade Mr. Blakeney to join New Brunswick, I would be very pleased.
Personally, I am not willing to impose my wishes on the provinces but if you have more courage than I, please go ahead.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you very much Mr. Minister. We have Senator Flynn, with the consent of the Committee followed by Mr. Gauthier with consent of the Committee. Do I have your consent?
Mr. Nystrom: On a point of order, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Nystrom: The Minister referred to myself and to a possible amendment, and I do not think he tried to mislead the Committee intentionally, he referred to the fact that a deal was not made with Mr. Davis but I have here before me a copy of a leaflet distributed by the Conservative Party for a by-election here in Ottawa and it says, and I quote, in confirming a deal, it says that the Conservative Party has caused the federal government to back away from a blanket bilingual policy in favour of Ontario’s existing policy of providing french language services where numbers warrant.
In other words, confirmation of a deal by Mr. Davis that he has made with Mr. Trudeau. I do not think the Minister intentionally tried to mislead the Committee but I thought the Committee would appreciate knowing the facts.
Mr. Chrétien: I think that I would like to clarify that. This statement is untrue because it was never the intention of the national government to impose it, it was always the desire of the federal government that the province of Ontario would accept 133, and this gentleman says that Mr. Davis did not want to bind himself but not through a deal with us because we always left them the freedom of joining or not joining, This is the position I have taken.
I am disappointed that they have not decided to go along with what was a good idea.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Senator Flynn.
Senator Flynn: Mr. Chairman, I would like to thank you and the members of the committee for giving me this opportunity to ask the minister some questions.
Let me say, as an opening comment, that the minister is willing to impose on some provinces certain obligations which he does not want to impose on others. I would like to begin with a remark made by the minister in reply to Senator Connolly’s question yesterday about the Supreme Court deci-
sion on the proposed change of the Senate as contained in Bill C-60.
The minister said that the Supreme Court told him to go to London. I would like him to make quite clear that the Supreme Court did not tell him to go to London unilaterally.
Mr. Chrétien: The Supreme Court did not say that one, two, three, ten or eleven should go. The Supreme Court stated that 91.l did not allow the federal government alone to amend the constitution in Canada.
Senator Flynn: Exactly. In Canada.
Mr. Chrétien: If we wanted to change the Senate, it was necessary to obtain legislation from London rather than enacting our own. Obviously, if we want British legislation, we have to go to Britain.
Senator Flynn: You go on to say that any joint resolution from the Senate and the House of Commons presented to Westminster must be automatically approved. This was your reply on several occasions.
Mr. Chrétien: I have said that it is Britain’s tradition in its relations with Canada, to accept a resolution of the House of Commons and the Senate as it is presented. This tradition has been followed from the beginning. But I have always said that British parliamentarians are responsible for their legislation and they can decide whatever they want. They may decide not to follow the tradition if they want.
Senator Flynn: In any case. . .
Mr. Chrétien: It is not a rule of law for them, but a tradition.
Senator Flynn: I like to hear you admit that Westminster is not required to be just a rubber stamp.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, Westminster can legally decide to refuse our requests, but our conversations with the British government and opposition parties have assured us that Westminster has no intention of doing anything other than accepting the Canadian Parliament’s resolution.
Senator Flynn: Mr. Minister, do you acknowledge that when the Westminster Treaty provided that Westminster would retain jurisdiction over changes to the Canadian constitution, this was done at the request of Canada and not at the request of the British Parliament?
Do you recognize this?
Mr. Chrétien: Yes.
Senator Flynn: Do you also realize that this responsibility was left with Westminster at the request of the provinces, particularly Quebec, Ontario. . .
Mr. Chrétien: At the request of Canada.
Senator Flynn: Yes, but because of Premiers Taschereau and Fergusson. It might not be mentioned in the text but, in any case, let us turn to the 1949 amendment which does provide for the possibility of the Canadian Parliament amending the constitution in all matters except those which are under provincial jurisdiction and which may be of interest to provin-
cial legislatures and governments. You do recognize that Westminster’s role is limited to concerns which might cause a confrontation between the federal and provincial governments. All this is to be found in the constitution and the words mean something.
Mr. Chrétien: Legally speaking, in order to amend the constitution in matters affecting both the provinces and the federal government, it is necessary to obtain London’s approval.
Senator Flynn: Yes, but . . .
Mr. Chrétien: This is what we are doing.
Senator Flynn: But in accepting this responsibility, London was to take into account that any decision which it might make involved matters affecting both levels of government.
Do you agree with that?
Mr. Chrétien: I do not quite understand what you are saying. I do know that the surest way of amending the Canadian constitution in case of doubt is to obtain the approval of the British parliament which has retained control over the amendment of our constitution.
Senator Flynn: Only in part. Only in areas which involve the provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: No, in areas involving both levels of government.
Senator Flynn: Both levels of government, if you will, as well as the provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: We thought that the Senate could be amended . . .
Senator Flynn: I am not talking about the Senate now.
Mr. Chrétien: No, but I am explaining what happened in the case of Bill C-60 which went before the courts.
The Canadian government was of the opinion that the Senate was a federal institution and that it could be amended by the federal government under Section 91.1.
Mr. Chrétien: The Supreme Court decided that the federal government alone could not make such an amendment and that if we wanted to change the Senate, we would have to go to London.
Senator Flynn: Yes, I agree with that.
But what I am saying is that Westminster’s jurisdiction is now limited to matters involving both levels of government.
Senator Flynn: Yes. They have . . .
Mr. Chrétien: We shall see.
Senator Flynn: Is this not the provision of subsection 1 of Section 91?
Mr. Chrétien: I think that the authority of the British Parliament to amend the Canadian constitution. . .
Senator Flynn: Is limited to what is provided for in Section 91.
Mr. Chrétien: However, there is the Canadian government or the Canadian Parliament, or the provincial governments, within this amending power in London, which obtained the power to amend their own internal constitution in Canada.
Senator Flynn: Who? The provinces? They have always had it.
Mr. Chrétien: They have always had it and they still do. It still isn’t federal.
Senator Flynn: It is not through an amendment to Section 91. But, in any event, Section 91 speaks for itself. Are you able to tell me of a single precedent since 1949 where Westminster amended the constitution without any provincial participation?
Mr. Chrétien: I could not say.
Senator Flynn: Well I can.
Mr. Chrétien: I could not say exactly. I will check the year but I know that there have been several amendments since the beginning that. . .
Senator Flynn: No, I mean from 1949 on.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not have the answer right now. I do not know whether these constitutional amendments allowing Newfoundland to become part of Canada were made before 1949 . . .
Senator Flynn: Yes, they were.
Mr. Chrétien: In that particular case, the Federal Government’s action was absolutely unilateral.
Senator Flynn: But it was before. Since 1949 there have been two amendments.
Mr. Chrétien: Since then there have been . . .
Senator Flynn: Old Age Pensions and the retirement age for judges, and in both cases all the legislatures indicated their approval.
Mr. Chrétien: So much the better!
Senator Flynn: Does this not make you realize that you could be mistaken once again? You made a mistake last year when you thought that you could change the Senate and there is nothing to prove that it will not happen again.
Mr. Chrétien: We went before the Supreme Court because of the interpretation of Section 91.1. We know full well that an amendment to the Canadian Constitution requires London’s approval and that it is completely within the British Parliament’s power to dispose of our resolution as it wishes. We recognize that it has the legal right to do what it wants.
We do know, however, that the British Parliament will accept a joint resolution of the Senate and the House of Commons and will pass the legislation. This is what we were told by Mrs. Thatcher’s government as well as by the Opposition Leader.
Senator Flynn: In that case, they are acting once again as arbiters or trustees for Canada and you are claiming that in such a position the British Parliament is above Canadian law in Canadian courts. That is your claim.
Mr. Chrétien: London is acting under the parliamentary authority conferred on it by the British North America Act which is British legislation.
Senator Flynn: Yes, but the 1949 amendment was requested by the Canadian Parliament. London was asked to keep this responsibility in trust. In accepting to do so, do you not think that the Parliament was putting itself under Canadian laws and Canadian courts?
Mr. Chrétien: I am saying that the authority to amend the Constitution was entrusted with the British Parliament and that we now intend to put an end to. . .
Senator Flynn: It was requested.
Mr. Chrétien: This anachronism by patriating our Constitution and providing for a Canadian amending formula.
Senator Flynn: The British Parliament was asked to keep this responsibility which was also a burden . . .
Mr. Chrétien: But it was up to us not to make such a request.
Senator Flynn: It was also up to them not to accept. . .
Mr. Chrétien: If they accepted, it was because they were asked. What do you expect? I was not around at the time. They were asked to do so and they accepted and we now find ourselves in a situation where we must go to London to amend the Canadian Constitution, We will be going there for the last time.
Senator Flynn: I maintain that London is not just a rubber stamp.
Mr. Chrétien: I agree. I have never said that.
Senator Flynn: Fine.
Mr. Chrétien: I have never said that. I have said that, from a legal point of view, the British Parliament could theoretically decide to completely revert the Canadian Constitution from A to Z. It could decide tomorrow to accept the theory of your leader to the effect that Canada is a community of communities and can do away with the Federal Government.
Senator Flynn: It is a good joke but it is not very serious.
Mr. Chrétien: It is quite serious since this was a platform in an election campaign and was rejected by the Canadian population.
Senator Asselin: Just like abolishing the monarchy!
Senator Flynn: You could have set up a military state, judging by what you were saying.
Mr. Chrétien: I realize that they have absolute authority and that is why we are going to London for the last time. We
will them be able to solve our own problems here in Canada with an amending formula.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you.
Mr. Gauthier, followed by Mr. McGrath.
Mr. Gauthier: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I thank the members of the committee for allowing me to question the witness.
Mr. Minister, I would like to come back to Section 23. You are undoubtedly aware, Mr. Minister, that minority groups, particularly Francophones and beforehand native people, have also used the expression “collective rights”. You are aware of this expression which has become popular today and for which there is no jurisprudence. At least, I do not think there is. Your advisors may be able to find an exact definition for the term, and if so, I would appreciate it, but to date I have not found one.
Is a collective right one which, as stated by Pepin-Robarts, applies to someone belonging to a group, like a union with the right to strike? Does the right only apply to a person affiliated to a union or. for example, to the separate school system as provided under Section 93 of the constitution. That section states that the right to belong to a separate school system, Catholic or Protestant in the case of a province like Ontario, constitutes a collective right. Actually, history demonstrates that separate schools in Ontario were Protestant at the biginning.
In any case, Mr. Minister, Section 23 gives me the right to education in my language but circumstances that right in two ways. First, it modifies the number of children considered sufficient which, in my opinion, violates a collective right to a certain extent. However, I would like to examine that question with you. Secondly, I would like to deal with the question raised by Mr. Duclos earlier concerning education facilities or services provided for under Section 23 and the possibility of groups managing their own institution in the provinces where they are a minority.
Mr. Minister, does the phrase “in which the number of children of such citizens is sufficient” not weaken a fundamental right to education in one’s own language in Canada?
Mr. Chrétien: Under Section 23, we are trying to guarantee the individuals the right to be educated in their mother tongue: English in Quebec and French outside Quebec. The section gives individuals that right; now, the clause states “in which the number of children of such citizens is sufficient” because those were the terms used in the Montreal agreement and which were upheld by the courts in their application of the law.
I believe that under this section, what you refer to as collective rights, the right to a separate school board . . .
Mr. Gauthier: Or even the right to education, because if a minimum number is established to warrant the provision of
minority language education, then that becomes a right which I would not otherwise have as an individual.
Mr. Chrétien: We are stating here that there are certain limits as to the way in which public funds are spent. I cited the somewhat extreme example of a family in Saint-Mathieu-du-Lac-Bellemare or in Saint-Mathieu-du-Parc in my riding who would like to have an English School in the village. Of course, they would be told that it was unthinkable. In cases like that, the Quebec government would take the necessary steps to transport the children of that family to school.
So, it is in that spirit which we have retained the expression “in which the number of children of such citizens is sufficient” in order to justify the expenditure.
Mr. Gauthier: The determination of what constitutes a sufficient number is a political decision which would be made by provincial authorities and delegated to regional councils or to school boards, The region could then be redefined to increase or decrease the number of children involved and decisions of that type depend on the goodwill of regional authorities.
So, Mr. Minister, I say to you that you would thereby be infringing upon my right to education, a basic right, by making it a collective one and by modifying the number of children who want minority language educational facilities, You have spoken about people in Quebec. However, even if a group of 3 French-speaking families, Canadian citizens, in Almonte, Ontario, wanted a French school and had the sufficient number of pupils to justify one classroom and the English-speaking Canadian citizens in the village supported that school, they would be unable to support the request because they are not considered, as stated in your Section 23:
“Citizens of Canada whose first language learned and still understood is that of the English or French linguistic minority. . . ”
They could not, with all their goodwill, help the Francophones to obtain that school. It is going to be very difficult politically to apply that section.
Mr. Chrétien: If, as you say, the majority in the community is in agreement, French-speaking educational facilities could still not be provided?
Mr. Gauthier: No, the request could not be supported.
Mr. Chrétien: The English-speaking majority could not support the request? Yes, they could; nothing would stop them. Who would have the final say in that?
Mr. Gauthier: The local school board.
Think of Penetang, Mr. Minister.
Mr. Chrétien: In Penetang, the French-speaking minority had the right to education in French, but not to a building exclusively for them. That was the problem. That would be a problem in the case you cite as well. However, under Section 23, I say to you that the right to French language education would be a constitutional right and the criteria applied by regional school boards or by the provincial government would be monitored by the courts. If the provincial governments or
school boards refused to respect that right or used standards judged to be ridiculous by individuals, the people concerned could take the question to court which they would be unable to do at the moment.
You ask what criteria the courts would use in their decisions? They would use the same criteria which apply elsewhere in Canada. What would you expect? They will see what the situation is with minority language groups in Quebec as well as in New Brunswick.
Mr. Gauthier: You stated that yesterday and I understood you quite clearly then. My problem is the phrase “in which the number of children of such citizens is sufficient”. That is completely unacceptable to me at this time. Also, you restrict people to the primary and secondary school level, What happens when students reach the post-secondary or vocational level? Would I not have the right to receive vocational or post-secondary education in my own language?
Mr. Chrétien: We believe that including primary and secondary school instruction . . .
Mr. Gauthier: Why do you not remove that condition?
Mr. Chrétien: We are establishing a minimum here. Nothing stops the provincial governments from giving you more than that once you have reached the secondary or post-secondary level. In the case of Ontario, for example, over time universities have become more French speaking than they were beforehand. Nonetheless, there are still a few problems.
Mr. Gauthier: There is a striking example here in Ottawa where 9 students in a faculty do not warrant offering courses in French. The minimum number required is 10. Mr. Minister, that becomes a question of national interest and if the federal government has any say at all, it should at least support institutions attempting to offer courses . . .
Mr. Chrétien: You are asking for increased intervention on our part. I do not blame you for having asked. What Hatters me is that we have been accused of employing dictatorial methods in this area and now you and others are telling me that we have not gone far enough. At least, that has been the criticism recently in Canada.
Mr. Gauthier: No. Mr. Minister, you will agree that education is of national interest. I realize that the provinces have jurisdiction over it, but I do not agree with Mr. Duclos who states that it is the exclusive right of the provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: You understand that there are some provinces who are against our intervention while you insist that we intervene even more.
Mr. Gauthier: Yes. That is, I would like you to remove that phrase respecting primary and secondary instruction which leaves to the discretion of the provinces the choice of language of instruction at the post-secondary level.
Mr. Chrétien: Let the committee study the problem and make recommendations in that area and I will see what the government can do.
Mr. Gauthier: Also, I would request that you remove the stipulation requiring that a given number of children warrant the provision of minority language educational facilities because that, in combination with the provision relating to primary and secondary school instruction will mean that English-speaking people in Quebec will be prevented from going on to receive post-secondary instruction in their language. The fact that the levels of instruction are clearly stated in the constitution will serve as an argument in Ontario, or elsewhere in Canada. That situation is going to pose some difficulties. Once again, I maintain that the phrase “in which the number of children of such citizens is sufficient” in my opinion undermines the collective right to education in ones mother tongue throughout Canada.
Mr. Chrétien: Obviously, you are free to disagree. It was our intention to draft as uncontroversial a proposal as was possible and to this end, we used the terms of the reciprocity agreement proposed by Mr. Levesque in Montreal in 1978, which reads as follows:
Each child of French speaking minority is entitled to an education in his or her language in the primary and secondary schools in each province wherever numbers warrant.
Mr. Nystrom: Read the second part; read the second part.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, I know. The second part, I just said it is exactly the same term. You know, they wanted to keep it . . .
Mr. Nystrom: Read it, read it.
Mr. Chrétien: Well, I will read it, there is no problem. You know, I will read it, but it is why, because nothing was being done on that that we decided to act federally and Mr. Gauthier and others say that we are not going far enough.
It is understood, due to excluded jurisdiction of provincial government in the field of education and due also to the wide geographical and demographic differences that the implementation of the foregoing principle will be as defined by each province.
In fact, you know, nothing was happening, so, that is why we had to move.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Gauthier?
Mr. Gauthier: So, in that case, Mr. Minister . . .
An hon. Member: Thank you very much.
Mr. Gauthier: Mr. Minister. . .
Sir, I would like to come back to Section 2 of the proposed resolution as it affects the Official Languages Act. You are certainly aware that for some years now I have been making amendments regularly through hills which I have table in the House to correct certain anomalies. For example, the Railway Act states that announcements must be made in French as well as in English in the Province of Quebec but only in English outside that province. That is a ludicrous provision, given the
present state of affairs and the general disposition of Canadians now to alter that kind of situation. The Bank Act, The Bankruptcy Act, the Railway Act and even the Official Languages Act, among others, all contain anomalies in some places.
Could you give us the assurance that all these laws will be corrected when this constitutional resolution has been passed? Will all these linguistic irregularities be removed so that Canadians…
Mr. Chrétien: Entrenching bilingualism in the constitution will force changes in these pieces of legislation.
Mr. Gauthier: You think so.
Mr. Chrétien: I do.
Mr. Gauthier: You are not sure.
Mr. Chrétien: I think so.
Mr. Gauthier: Will the Official Languages Act he entrenched in the constitution?
Mr. Chrétien: The Official Languages Act will remain as such, but . . .
Mr. Gauthier: I do not want it to remain a statute, I want it to be in the constitution.
Mr. Chrétien: I believe both official languages are being entrenched in the constitution through this charter.
Mr. Gauthier: You are assuring me of that.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, I am.
Mr. Gauthier: Thank you.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you very much, Mr. Gauthier. Mr. McGrath, followed by Mr. Goldenberg.
Mr. McGrath: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
There is a small area in the Bill here that causes me some concern because I am just wondering why you found it necessary to put it in there and I refer to Schedule I of the Bill on page 18, Item 16. What you are doing in Item 16 of Schedule I is, you are asking for an amendment to the Statute of Westminster which would exclude Newfoundland as one of the designated dominions.
Now, of course, I realize we are no longer a dominion we are a province of Canada, but the input . . .
Mr. Fraser: We do not know where you are. We do not know where you are, what page?
Mr. McGrath: On page 18.
The input of my question, Mr. Minister, is this: that Newfoundland is basing its claim to jurisdiction of off-shore mineral resources on the fact that it entered into the union with Canada as a dominion with its sovereignty over the offshore intact.
Now, one can only come to one conclusion as to why you have taken the trouble to ask for an amendment to the Statute of Westminster to exclude Newfoundland and that is to virtually eliminate or to undermine Newfoundland’s claim. Otherwise, how can you explain why you would take the trouble
because it is just a historical fact that Newfoundland was one of the five dominions designated under the Statute of Westminster in 1931. You cannot change history, even by statute.
Mr. Chrétien: I would ask Mr. Strayer to explain to you why we have to do that.
Mr. McGrath: Page 18 of the Schedule.
Mr. Strayer: Mr. Chairman, the reason that that is done is simply to tidy up the Statute of Westminster. It does not have any effect on the law whatsoever. In fact, in the terms of Union of 1949 it was said that it was provided that the Statute of Westminster thereafter should apply to Newfoundland like it would apply to any other province of Canada, The problem simply was that in the Statute of Westminster, Newfoundland is referred to as a dominion because in 1931 it was a dominion. But the terms of Union of 1949 make it clear that Newfoundland is not a dominion, is not to be treated as a dominion under the Statute ‘of Westminster any more. The only purpose of this repeal is to remove the references which obviously are now irrelevant, the references in the Statute of Westminster to Newfoundland as a dominion.
The amendments can only have perspective affect. They cannot conceivably have any retrospective affect, therefore, if Newfoundland’s concern is about the possible affect this would have on their status at the time when they came into Confederation in 1949, legally, it cannot have any affect on that.
I should also mention that this precise amendment was also in the Victoria Charter in 1971 and I do not recall any problems having been raised about it at that time.
Mr. McGrath: Well, I am raising it now because I see no reason for it. You are merely trying to change the historical fact. For example, the Statute of Westminster still designates dominions, such as Ireland, the Union of South Africa.
It would seem to me that you must have a much stronger reason for doing this. I will not pursue it, Mr. Chairman, except that I want to make that point and I reserve the right to come back to it later on because perhaps Senator Goldenberg who was a distinguished Counsel for Newfoundland under a revision of the Terms of Union of 1958 and he may like to pick up on it when he takes the floor following me.
I would like to ask or get back, Mr. Chairman, again, to Section 42 and 47 and 41.
Is it your view that the Terms of Union, Mr., Minister, between Newfoundland and Canada are a contract that cannot be changed unilaterally by one party to the agreement?
Mr. Chrétien: Under the present formula we cannot change the aspects referred to like the borders in the denominal education system without the consent of the province.
Mr. McGrath: What is to stop you from using the provisions of the amending provisions from doing just that without the consent of the province?
Mr. Chrétien: Legally at this moment, as I said yesterday, we could go to England today with the joint resolution of the Senate and the House of Commons and ask them to change
the Term of the Union that will legally be changed if the British Parliament were to change it.
Mr. McGrath: Are you saying that you could do this legally, unilaterally?
Mr. Chrétien: We do consider that as a contract but we do not have any intention to do that, I just said that specifically legally we could do it.
Mr. McGrath: I know. There you come up with your intentions again. You see, I am not interested in your intentions because I believe they are honorable. I am interested in those who follow you. We should not concern ourselves with intention, we should concern ourselves with the law that you are asking us to draft.
Mr. Chrétien: I just say, you know, the system in which we are working today could be completely upturned by using, as we could today, as explained earlier, that we could legally ask the British Parliament to declare that there is no more Federal Parliament and no more provinces. It will not be possible politically, but legally it can be. In the future, legally, the same thing could happen, but it would be more difficult in the future than it is today because the process will involve the consent of the majority of the provinces and eventually a referendum.
Mr. McGrath: That is completely contrary, Mr. Chairman, to an assurance that Mr. St. Laurent gave Premier Smallwood in 1949 that the Federal Government could not act unilaterally to change the Terms of Union by an address to the Parliament of Westminster, unless provision were made for it and I have his exact words here. But I submit to you that that is precisely what you are doing, you are making provision to change the contractual Terms of Union between Newfoundland and Canada unilaterally by the amending provisions of this formula and, in so doing, you are making it very, very difficult for those of us who are trying to restrain the going tide of separatism, not only in Western Canada but in Newfoundland.
Mr. Tobin: For God’s sake.
Mr. Chrétien: When you read 47, we just wanted to make sure that as the like exists today, I cannot tell what the future is, the Canadian situation could be such that the system could be changed completely. As it is existing today, we are making sure that under this Act, it is protected. I cannot tell you that forever nothing can be changed. Just like I say, legally, it could be changed today too in going to Westminster. I am talking about the legal situation. You wanted to keep the situation as it is in this Act, but if you are asking me if legally is it possible in the future that something can be changed, I have to tell you that something could be changed today with the present system.
Mr. McGrath: You are saying it can be changed unilaterally by the Government of Canada by an address to Westminster?
Mr. Chrétien: If the British Parliament wanted to change the Canadian Constitution.
Mr. McGrath: Well, Mr. Chairman, I would like to get back to another line of questioning.
Again, with respect to the powers that you are assuming . . .
Mr. Chrétien: But, you know, I would like to be very clear because I say that legally it is the situation. What is politically possible is completely different. You are asking me about the legality of the situation and when I replied to the legality of the situation I just say that today we could pass a resolution of both Houses and send them to London and if you were to agree the terms could be changed, I do not think that politically it would be possible, but legally it will be possible and legally it will be still possible in the future but it would be more complicated than today.
Mr. McGrath: Without recourse to the Government of Newfoundland or the Legislature of Newfoundland you are saying that the Government of Canada unilaterally by an address could change the Terms of Union between Newfoundland and Canada of 1949?
Mr. Chrétien: I am informed that legally we could do that today.
Mr. Crombie: What, change that?
Mr. Chrétien: But I do not know if the British Parliament will be acting or not. They are the custodians of the Canadian Constitution. I am giving you the legal advice I have received.
Mr. McGrath: Well, what rights then does Newfoundland have or does any province have if this particular measure goes through?
Mr. Chrétien: Excuse me?
Mr. McGrath: What you are saying in effect is that, you know, provinces will have no rights. That is precisely what you are saying?
Mr. Chrétien: We say that under the new formula, if we want, say, to use the question of, no, the borders of the provinces cannot be changed unless the very provinces subscribe to it, that was the Constitutional Act of 1971. This Act protects the borders of any provinces including the Province of Newfoundland and in Newfoundland there is the same thing repeated in the Act of Union of Newfoundland to Canada.
I just say, if we want to change it legally today, there is the route to go to England, legally. The future, it would be more complicated because there are six. provinces would have to agree that their own border can be modified, that 1871 will be repealed.
Mr. McGrath: And 1941?
Mr. Chrétien: And you can say that it is always physically possible, but I do not think that Quebec will accept or Ontario will accept tomorrow in order to be able to move it in Newfoundland that they have no more protection in their borders and it will need, because Quebec and Ontario under the amending formula have a right of veto.
So, in order to achieve what you are afraid of, Quebec, Ontario, two Western Provinces and two Maritime or Atlantic
Provinces will have to accept that the protection they have in the Constitution through the Constitutional Act of 1871 be removed from there.
So that you can see that it is possible; but we are making it much more difficult with what we are proposing to do as compared with what now exists legally at the moment.
Senator Goldenberg, followed by Senator Tremblay.
Senator Goldenberg.
Senator Goldenberg: Mr. Chairman, I would like to refer briefly to one or two points which have been raised particularly last night.
In the argument put foward by Mr. Epp as regards the equality or inequality of provinces because of the voting on the amending formula, he pointed to the requirement, in relation to two provinces, of 50 per cent in the Atlantic provinces, which the Minister agreed to change by making it two provinces without reference to population.
Mr. Epp asked, “Why then retain the requirement of 50 per cent for the four western provinces?”
In the case of the Atlantic provinces, I understood the Minister to say that he would agree to the proposed change because he has the approval of the other provinces, that is, of the provinces other than Prince Edward Island, and, in particular, he mentioned New Brunswick.
Mr. Chrétien: I believe Mr. Buchanan has made his views known on that and also Mr. MacLean; but, speaking in terms of Mr. Peckford, I cannot say exactly. But if we were to accept the amendment we would be going back to the Victoria formula as existed in 1871.
The point I made yesterday, and which I would like to repeat now, is that at one time in history, 11 heads of government had agreed on an amending formula. There is a historical significance to that proposition.
Senator Goldenberg: Well, the reason I am speaking is that I was an adviser at the Victoria conference, and I have a long experience in that: I acted for British Columbia for the 1950 to 1951 conferences, and for Newfoundland at the 1960 to 1961, 1964 to 1965 conferences; so I know something about the origin of these matters.
My point is this. I did not notice Mr. Fraser applauding Mr. Epp when he proposed that the 50 per cent requirement be changed for the four western provinces, as it may well be for the four eastern provinces.
Mr. Fraser: On a point of order, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Fraser: Mr. Chairman, not only do I approve of what Mr. Epp was saying last night, but I have also made my position clear and stated it in speeches which have been made over the last several weeks. So I do not see why it should be necessary or that there is any requirement for me to get up and personally applaud anything.
Senator Goldenberg: Thank you very much. Mr. Fraser. I am very much surprised that, in the light of the background, British Columbia would agree to subject itself and Alberta to being outvoted by Manitoba and Saskatchwan.
I was going to ask the Minister whether there has been anything in the way of discussion by the four western provinces favouring a change such as is now being suggested for the Atlantic provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: No, I have not received any communication.
You know, the point I would like to make on the wishes of the provinces is that there would be two years after patriation for them to come up with an amending formula.
The position we are taking at this time is that if there is no agreement within the next two years by the provinces we have decided to take the historical formula of Victoria, and we are proposing an amendment for the Atlantic provinces and are going back (probably to what we should have done in the first instance) to the strict historical formula of Victoria.
Of course, if the provinces want some modification they will have two years in which to debate it and come up with some position.
But in reply to your question, in terms of the 51 per cent as existed in 1871, there was no representation to that effect taken up by any provinces officially to me or to the Prime Minister, so far as I know; and I am not at all aware of any private conversation between the Prime Minister and any of the western premiers.
Senator Goldenberg: The point I wish to make is this. One of the problems—and this is not anything new; but one of the great problems that we face in evolving an amending formula is to make sure that it is not so easy that amendment could be made frequently; secondly. that it be sufficiently flexible to allow amendments when they are really desired.
I certainly know that British Columbia, formerly, would have insisted on the 51 per cent for two of the four western provinces.
Now, I would be interested if the provinces were to express a view on what Mr. Epp proposes.
But I just wanted to remark also upon the argument which, I believe, Mr. Fraser raised yesterday, with respect to Section 42, the referendum, I think I am right in saying it was Mr. Fraser who remarked that the provinces cannot call for a referendum. That is correct. I can see some merit in his argument.
But I do think we should take note of the fact that under Section 45 a single province will for the first time, be given the right to introduce procedures with a view to constitutional amendment. That right has not existed up to the present time.
Finally—and I am going to take far less than ten minutes, Mr. Chairman—Mr. McGrath referred to my former status as Counsel for the Government of Newfoundland with reference to the change proposed in schedule one. I have not given the matter careful study. but in my opinion this would not affect the Newfoundland case on off-shore resources, because I do not think that this can be interpreted retroactively in such a
way as to say that Newfoundland never was a Dominion. That is my opinion, and I think I am right on that, Mr. McGrath.
Do you want to comment, Mr. McGrath?
Mr. McGrath: No, thank you.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Do you have anything to say, Mr. Chrétien?
Mr. Chrétien: No, thank you.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Senator Tremblay followed by Mr. Mackasey.
Senator Tremblay: Mr. Chairman, my intervention or questions today will be a follow-up to the answer which I received last night from the minister to one of my questions. I do not have the precise texts of the proceedings before me, so I must rely on my memory, and the minister, I am sure, will correct me if I err. To my question whether the premiers of the provinces had been warned that should there be a lack of agreement, the federal government would act unilaterally, the minister answered unequivocably, I believe, that they had been warned as early as the month of June.
Mr. Chrétien: I did not attend the meeting, Mr. Tremblay, but I believe the Prime Minister clearly indicated his intentions to proceed with constitutional changes in the briefest delay, and if I remember correctly, at least that is what I gather from the reports of that conversation, he clearly indicated that even at that time, that things might be done even more quickly than in fact happened, and it was decided to take three months for intensive consultations with the provinces but we had made a commitment during the referendum period, and immediately on May 21, 22 and 23, when l toured the provinces, I myself told the provincial governments which were kind enough to welcome me—only the province of Quebec refused to see me—that quite clearly we intended to proceed with constitutional changes in the briefest delay, and I must say that the response of the prime ministers, in the week following the referendum, was most positive. Things got a little more complicated during the summer, I guess.
Senator Tremblay: Given that, I will not discuss the interpretations given of that commitment taken during the referendum to renew the federation. The reactions in Quebec seem to indicate clearly, except perhaps for the minister himself, that what is now going on, is certainly not what the Quebeckers had concluded from the referendum.
However, I would like to remind the minister that the calendar for the work of the conferences to come, and published on June 9, concluded with the note that from September 8 to 12, there would be a conference of all the first ministers, since I have only the English text at hand, I shall read in English to avoid any translation error:
To reach a conclusion on the way and to put in train a further work programme.
On reading that, I have the impression, as would have anyone, that matters were not to end on the 12th of September, and I think really that we are not conforming to the announced version, when it is declared today that at the end of the conference there was a deadlock justifying the unilateral action which is currently being taken.
Could the Minister please clarify for me this lack of agreement between what was announced in the calendar of works, and what is now going on.
Mr. Chrétien: Well, as I mentioned last night, there were 12 items on the agenda, and at the suggestion of the premiers, in line with their objective to show their determination to finalize the agreements, the text was an amendment to read: to finalize agreements, in the plural, of the agenda. In the text Mr. Trudeau had proposed, that line said to reach conclusions, and they changed that to finalize agreements. I believe it was their intention to demonstrate their determination to finalize all 12 agenda items.
Of course, if I may explain further, there were many other items not included on the agenda and which need to be discussed. We are indeed discussing many now. For instance, there are the issues of the Indians, Eskimos and Metis included in the constitution. This issue was not on the agenda.
In February of 1979, the agenda was much longer than the one which was accepted in September, and even the agenda proposed to the provinces in November 1979 by Mr. Clark’s government, was longer. .
Because certain premiers wanted to be sure that discussions would not end there, it was foreseen that the 12 other items would eventually be discussed. We have every intention of discussing these other items, but we must first settle the question of national institutions, and then we can come back to the question of the sharing of powers. The Prime Minister has stated that as soon as this phase of the constitutional reform had been carried out, we would review those matters which had not been agreed upon during the month of September, and that must be settled some time, and the Prime Minister also said that as soon as this phase was completed, new constitutional conferences would be called on the distribution of powers, on the Indian issue, and on the constitution, on the national institutions, including the Supreme Court, the Senate, and many other items, which must be reviewed at the insistance of the provinces.
Senator Tremblay: Thank you, Mr. Minister, for leading up to a second question which I have concerning the specific moment when discussions on the renewal of the federation will be undertaken. If I look into the calendar included in the resolution, there are two possibilities in this respect, one optimistic, and the other pessimistic.
In the newspapers, it was mentioned that the effective date of repatriation could be the first of July, 1981, if it were possible.
From the first of July, 1981 to the first of July, 1983, the formula of unanimous consent would be in force. In view of all the rigidity of that formula, I would doubt the renewing of the federation will be moving ahead at an accelerated pace during that period.
On the other hand, I wonder if the question will even be asked during that period since the provinces will then be drafting their own amendment formula, which will be submitted to a referendum vote. In order to select through a referendum between the federal formula and the provincial formula, it is theoretically possible that the referendum would be held during the next two years, which would mean, if we follow the pessimistic assumption, that an amending formula to renew the federation would be available only on the first of July, 1985.
The fifth phase would come into effect in the six months following the results of a referendum, or the first of January 1986. Now that is the pessimistic side.
In the optimistic scenario, we might shorten the two year period expected for the referendum by a year and a half. So let us be optimistic. The referendum would then take place within six months, in which case, the earliest date for a renewal of the federation, the exercise to which you alluded, would only seriously begin on the first of July, 1984. To my mind, in view of the real need for a renewal in the country, it is only a way to put off indefinitely what is clearly set in the calendar, the content of the resolution on the renewal for the federation.
Mr. Chrétien: Are you saying that to couch it illegally in the constitution is one problem, and that to reach some form of agreement with the provinces is quite another problem?
Let us take the recognized problem which I worked on all summer, the transfer to the provincial governments of such jurisdiction with respect to family law. Only two provinces are against that transfer. According to the Victoria formula, then, we could have agreements which could be implemented the day the amendment formula comes into effect.
It does not mean that we have to stop all our work. Between the time that the agreement comes into effect legally, there could be some delay, it might be very wise for the governments to begin to work immediately on the agreements, so that as soon as the amendment formula is put into effect, these agreements could also come into effect. We have no intentions of waiting for the effective date of the amendment formula before beginning work on this matter, the delay would be too great. Perhaps the discussions we might have on specific items of the agenda, might help the provinces and the federal government to modify or to find an amendment formula closer to the reality, with respect to family law. We almost reached unanimity on the Supreme Court issue, and I am sure we could eventually come to a unanimous agreement. There are issues on which the rule of unanimity might be useful, and if there seems to be no disagreement two years after repatriation, we should have an amendment formula.
Senator Tremblay: But, Mr. Minister, earlier you said that unanimity would constitute an impass without issue. In any case. . .
You stressed it yourself. . .
Mr. Chrétien: I said I wanted something more concrete.
Senator Tremblay: It is not my problem.
Mr. Chrétien: Of course if we could all agree, it will be all to the better. There is no reason not to reach agreement, even if the formula is more flexible.
Senator Tremblay: In that case, can you justify section 32 wherein constitutional conferences foreseen within the third phase, would no longer hold once the fifth phase comes into effect.
In other words, as soon as we shall have an amendment formula, the constitutional conferences provided for under section 42 will no longer exist.
Mr. Chrétien: No, not at all. Those are two different things. Under section 32, we are trying to ensure that within the two years allowed, there will be constitutional conferences in order to find an amending formula acceptable to the provinces, and it deals strictly with the problem of constitutional amendment, We have never needed any specific constitutional statute in order to hold constitutional conferences or federal-provincial conferences, They are the product of an agreement between the premiers and the federal government which has no legal basis, We have never had and never shall have a legal basis, unless we want to institutionalize federal-provincial conferences. Section 32 is to ensure that our own and following governments might not capriciously object to discussion of an amendment formula proposed by the provinces.
Senator Tremblay: In that case, that period of time would be used to discuss amending formula, and not in renewing the terms of the federation, as you stated earlier?
Mr. Chrétien: I do not think, Mr. Tremblay, that it is an issue which would fill all the years, and all the federal-provincial conferences. During the federal-provincial conferences, we could touch upon any number of subjects, while in fact being under the obligation to discuss an amending formula for the constitution.
Senator Tremblay: Bear with me for not being optimistic. I should like to ask questions on the next round.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Mackasey, followed by Mr. Beatty.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, one of my weaknesses on this Committee is that I am easily persuaded by eloquent arguments, and last evening I was listening to Mr. Epp’s contribution on Section 41, which I would like to come back to for a moment.
That is the section, of course, that spells out the procedure for amending our constitution in the future, and very briefly it emphasizes the need to have at least six provinces support a constitutional amendment in a formula that we can call the Atlantic formula and the western formula. I might read one of them, it says that at least two of the western provinces that have, according to the then latest general census, combined population of at least 50 per cent of the population of all the western provinces, the same thing with the Atlantic provinces.
Last night through you, Mr. Chairman, and the Minister, Mr. Henderson, in what is probably known now in the Atlantic provinces as the Henderson formula, pointed out the anomaly of the position of Prince Edward Island because of its small population not its lack of importance, but its population, it is easily the smallest in this country, and under the proposed formula Prince Edward Island could not join with any province or virtually any combination of provinces, if you like, to fulfill that 50 per cent requirement of population. The Minister inferred that this could be amended to take into consideration Prince Edward Island’s problem. At that moment Mr. Epp made a very persuasive argument that what was fair for the Atlantic provinces—and I think I wrote that down, or Prince Edward Island—was fair to the west. We could not have two standards, two measurements, two criteria, and as an easterner who depends on many of the western members to supplement my knowledge of the west I pay particular attention to the argument of somebody of Mr. Epp’s stature, and so if he were to propose an amendment I would have to study very carefully his arguments to see if I would vote against it.
Now, as I understand what Mr. Epp said last evening, that the concession granted or would be proposed to Prince Edward Island should, in the name of fair play, be extended to any province in a similar situation in the west.
Now, this morning I asked our good researchers in the corner from the library to dig me out the population statistics, and sure enough, Mr. Minister, Manitoba, for instance, in combination with Saskatchewan could not meet the criteria of half the population. If you follow Mr. Epp’s logical arguments last night, it is a form of discrimination against Manitoba.
Following his argument further, Manitoba should be given the same rights as Prince Edward Island and I want to hear from the Minister, and I hope I am quoting Mr. Epp properly, I would not want to leave the impression that I am putting words in his mouth, I would not do that, but if Mr. Epp’s argument, Mr. Minister, was logical and persuasive, and this is what he said, he is saying in effect if you are going to grant Prince Edward Island the status of one province, that combined with any other province of the Atlantic provinces it could approve a proposed amendment, then logically we should do the same for, say Manitoba and Saskatchewan. Am I right in this, Mr., Epp, if I may?
Mr. Epp: Yes.
Mr. Mackasey: Now, this is a very persuasive argument to me. My concerns stemmed from Senator Goldenberg’s admonition that this would not meet with the approval of Premier Bennett because what you would be setting up here is a formula that would make it possible for the western provinces, Manitoba and Saskatchewan in combination, to go against the wishes of the province with the biggest population, British Columbia.
I wonder, Mr. Minister, if you would like to comment at this moment on that?
Mr. Chrétien: I just said earlier that in passing judgement we decided that the best way for us at this moment was to go with the historical formula that was adopted in 1971 and almost came into place. It was just by kind of an accident that Mr. Bourassa, for other reasons, decided to get out of the amendment, not to implement the formula that was accepted by everybody. So the position of the government was to—and now we are going straight with the Henderson amendments to the historical amendment of 1971.
Of course, if the Committee wants to change it, I will look into that but I do think that the amending formula, it is not a final solution that we are proposing at this time. There will be two years for the provinces to adapt the amending formula so that is why we decided to take the historical amendment.
Mr. Mackasey: No, I understand why you took it, I think you made that very clear, it is the Victoria Charter and that is the closest formula that all provinces agreed to, at one time did all agree and within weeks Quebec, I think, changed their mind on this particular situation.
I am coming back to Mr. Epp’s persuasive arguments of last evening that if you are going to grant Prince Edward Island some modification in the application of this Sub-section (2), based on the persuasive arguments of Mr. Henderson, I had trouble from thereon in with the argument of Mr. Epp that we must be very fair in this country, that this country is a sensitive country and at times our unity is fragile and we would not want to do anything that appeared to be discriminating against any province, particularly in the west, and my concern, Mr. Minister, have you had conversations—I gather you have had conversations, let me put it positively, with some of the Premiers of the Atlantic provinces who have said:
yes, we are quite prepared to accept the formula that would give Prince Edward Island and one other province, despite a population problem, the power to meet the definition, if you like, of Section 2.
Mr. Chrétien: As I said, i have talked with Premier Buchanan personally, and Mr. Hatfield made his views known, and of course I have talked with the Attorney General of P.E.I. about the problem. The three of them said that they would like to have the whole Victoria formula. I did not have any communi-
cation on the subject with Mr. Peckford or his attorney general.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Minister, having had similar discussions in recent years, in recent conferences in recent months with the western premiers, would Mr. Bennett, for instance, accept the proposals of Mr. Epp?
Mr. Chrétien: We discussed many amending formulas during the summer with the minister in charge of federal-provincial relations, or the attorneys general of the provinces, but since the constitutional conference of September on the amending formula I have not received any communication directly from any of the provincial governments of the west.
Mr. Mackasey: Well, Mr. Minister, without prejudice to you, what do you feel from your conversation with, say, British Columbia, what would be their reaction to the proposals of Mr. Epp last evening?
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know, I do not want to comment on that. I think at the time of Victoria, and it was re-stated this summer, that they like the, they insisted on having the population.
Mr. Mackasey: Who insisted on population?
Mr. Chrétien: B.C. Because the difference between the Atlantic region and the western region is this one: P.E.I. cannot combine with anybody to make a majority, not one of the three, they are too small. But in the case of Manitoba and Saskatchewan, who have relatively the same population. when they combine with Alberta or British Columbia . . .
Mr. Mackasey: No, if they combine with Alberta, I am sorry, they do not meet the criteria, Saskatchewan and Alberta. That would only make 2.9 million people and . . .
Mr. Chrétien: The two, Saskatchewan and Manitoba, excuse me, can combine with B.C., one of them, and have an amendment. They are not precluded completely from agreeing with another province that has the majority, but in the case of P.E.I. they could not go with any other province and have 50 per cent of the population.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Minister, I will not take up any more time other than to tell you that I want to reserve my judgement on this issue and listen to the persuasiveness of Mr. Epp when and if he proposes such an amendment. Perhaps vote with him for all I know.
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Epp is making the formula more flexible than it is now.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you very much, Mr. Mackasey. We have Mr. Beatty followed by Miss Campbell.
Mr. Beatty: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chairman, I have a series of fairly technical questions relating to the wording of the sections dealing with Her Majesty and with the role of the Lieutenants Governor and the Governor General, Because they are technical and because I have not given the Minister any advance warning of them I wonder if it would be agreeable to the Minister that I might give him a copy of them in writing and perhaps at his leisure he might be able to respond to them.
Mr. Chrétien: I have my technicians with me who draft these things so I can ask them to give you technical answers. I would not mind letting them talk a little bit, I have been around for many hours. Perhaps I can just abstain for two minutes and they will reply.
Mr. Beatty: I am sorry.
Mr. Chrétien: Can I go out for two minutes and I will be back in . . .
Mr. Beatty: Well, I would like actually . . .
An hon. Member: He has to go.
Mr. Beatty: If there is something of importance calling you I would not want to hold you. Mr. Minister, if you could come back very briefly because I . . .
Mr. Chrétien: I will be back.
Mr. Beatty: All right. Why is the word “office” used in the English text of Clause 50(a) but “fonction” is used in the French text?
Mr. Tassé: Mr. Chairman, that is a question we are looking at again, It seems that, in effect, that the word “fonction” in French is not exactly the same, does not have the same meaning in English. That is something we are considering.
Mr. Beatty: Thank you. Why is the word “charge” as used in the French text of the present Section 92, (1), British North America Act as published in the Appendices to the revised statutes, for “office” of Lieutenant Governor not used?
Mr. Tassé: In French, you mean?
Mr. Beatty: That is right. Why is the word “charge” as used In the French text of the present Section 92, (1) British North America Act as published in the Appendices to the revised statutes for office of Lieutenant Governor not used?
Mr. Tassé: That is a possibility, Mr. Chairman, that we or the Minister propose that the word “fonction” be replaced by the word “charge”. Our immediate reaction to the word is that it is not a very eloquent word. “Charge” is not very elequent and we are looking for something that might be more eloquent than that.
Mr. Beatty: Will Clause 48, if enacted, and as limited by Clause 50(a), permit the enactment of provisions identical or similar to all or any of the following clauses in Bill C60: 30, 42, 43. 44, 45(1) and (2). 48(2), 49, 51, 52, 53(1), (2) and (3), 54 and 56? This is why, Mr. Chairman, I suggested it might be useful for me to give it to the Minister in writing and let the Minister reply at his convenience.
Mr. Tassé: Very good, we will look at your question.
Mr. Beatty: Is the government prepared to agree to change Clause 50(a) so that it would read: (a), the office, powers and functions of the Queen, the Governor General and the Lieutenant Governor of the Province? That deals with the responsibility of Her Majesty in Canada?
Mr. Tassé: Mr. Chairman, I think we would wish to look at the question that Mr. Beatty has asked before responding,
Mr. Beatty: Would the government he prepared to accept a revision to the proposal that would bring it into line somewhat with the Royal Powers Acts of Australia and New Zealand, such as: every power conferred on the Governor General by the Constitution Acts, 1867 to 1980, or any enactment is a Royal Power which is exercisable by him on behalf of Her Majesty the Queen, and may accordingly be exercised by Her Majesty personally or by the Governor General?
Mr. Tassé: Mr. Strayer will deal with that question.
Mr. Strayer: Mr. Chairman, the proposal does not deal with the functions or office of the Queen or the Governor General in any substantive way at all and that was the concept, that those issues would not be dealt with in this proposal. So I think that what Mr. Beatty is suggesting goes to defining the role of the Monarchy.
Just by way of background on that, you may recall Bill 060 did have a number of provisions that were the subject of some debate and the First Ministers agreed in February, 1979, that those issues be put aside and not dealt with in constitutional reform at that time. So there is nothing in this proposal dealing with the definition of the functions of the Monarchy or the Governor General or the Lieutenant Governors.
Mr. Beatty: Mr. Chairman, how much time have I left?
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Five minutes.
Mr. Beatty: I wonder if, in view of the fact the Minister is still out, perhaps I could stand that five minutes and return to it, perhaps we could go to a government questioner and once the Minister returns I could have that five minutes. And if it is agreeable with the Committee, perhaps what I could do is ask, Mr. Chairman, that you circulate a copy of these notes to the Members of the Committee and also to the Minister.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Okay.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Miss Campbell.
Miss Campbell: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think I could probably direct my questions to the officials who are here from the Department, and I go to the Section 2, under the fundamental freedoms, and in particular, freedom of association.
Does every province have the right at common law, or has it been abridged by legislation to freedom of association, in
terms of unions? And if it is a term of common law then we are not relly abridging them in this Act but I am just wondering if there is not some interpretation here.
For instance, in the maritime provinces, and I eliminate Newfoundland, fishermen cannot associate, cannot form an association, or at least they appear to be under that basic impression that they cannot form an association without legislation. I am glad if this is going to give them the right to associate or form a union, or am I looking at it too broadly or does this not imply collective bargaining being given to everybody across Canada, and in particular, let us say, the fishermen of the maritime provinces?
I will go further on that and just say perhaps you could tell me if the right to strike is a basic common law or would that have to be legislated? It seems to me that it can be abridged. Perhaps you would like to comment on that.
Mr. Tassé: Yes, Mr. Chairman. Pursuant to Section 1 it would be possible for Parliament or the Legislature to impose limits or restrictions on the right of association or freedom of association.
As I pointed out yesterday to the Committee, these rights that are spelled out in the Charter are not absolute rights and they are susceptible to restrictions and limitations.
For example, in 1962, the Supreme Court held that at the time where we had a similar freedom set out in the Canadian Bill of Rights, the Supreme Court held that dissolving the SIU would not violate the right of association since the union was engaged in illegal acts infringing the rights of others, so it held that in that case it was a legitimate exercise on the part of parliament to restrict the freedom of association that the SIU, the union in that case, had claimed should be recognized.
Miss Campbell: I agree that there were illegal activities in that particular case, but going to a broader area where you have a group of fishermen, let us say, asking for a province to pass legislation so that they can organize and have collective bargaining, and one would assume that they did not have it at common law, and that this particular section will give it to them unless a province would strictly abridge it. Take it away.
Mr. Tassé: I think in effect this charter would not go as far as to require that there be federal or provincial legislation that would allow for recognition of the right, but the legislation that exists would have to be legislation that would allow for the expression of that right to take form and take place Without undue limitation. So in effect if the objectives are of . . .
Miss Campbell: This would supercede any provincial legislation?
Mr. Tassé: Well, I am not sure that I am going that far. I think what I am saying, I think that provincial legislation and
federal legislation would have to be read as against this freedom that the charter would recognize of two individuals to organize themselves and associate for that purpose.
As long as the purpose of the association is a legal one, is a legitimate one, the legislature or the parliament could not intervene to restrict them.
Miss Campbell: It comes from the common law, the common law that we have established from Great Britain?
Mr. Tassé: Well, under the common law, I suppose in effect it would be possible for parliament or the legislature to restrict the rights in whatever way, shape or form, but that is the purpose of a charter. It is to in effect entrench and constrain the exercise of legislative authority of the parliament and the legislatures so that they could not be taken away or unreasonably tampered with.
Miss Campbell: How far does this right at common law go? Does it give them the right to strike and the right to lock-out until it is taken away? Now, I am not sure, I think the right to strike is usually given.
Mr. Chrétien: We can give you an answer on that.
Miss Campbell: Well, I am sure I can say that one more group of people at least in the east who would like to see this in order to have the right to go to freedom of association without having to ask to have legislation so that they can associate.
I mean. my understanding of the Maritime Fishermen’s Union is that they would like to have the right to form a union. Even though they say Maritime Fishermen’s Union, there is an element there of discrepancy.
But their provincial legislatures must given them the right. This gives them the right. If I take freedom of association, as given it common-law, the right to collective bargaining on the part of any group, they do not need to seek any further than this law, and then it would be up to the provincial governments to abridge that right.
Mr. Tassé: Well, I would doubt that they would be happy with just the possibility of their being in a position to exercise their common law right. I think we have seen that in almost all jurisdictions, there has been a need for the organization of relationships between the employers and the employees, so that, you know, there will be a framework within which these relationships will take place and this Charter here does not go that far as to provide for that, but it says that the right exists, but the implementation of it and the organization of relationship, for example, in the labour field is something that would be either the responsibility of Parliament or the Legislature, but they are the ones that will decide how these relationships could take place, and what happens if certain things happen. If there is a strike, for example, in the work condition, it could place that would be recognized as a legal act.
Miss Campbell: In other words, they would abridge it they will abridge the basic common law.
Mr. Tassé: Well, it would give a statutory constitutional basis for these rights, but it is not the full answer to all of the
questions that may arise in the context of employer and employee relationships.
Miss Campbell: Well, then you go back to the Seafarer’s case where it says the activities were illegal.
Mr. Tassé: And for that purpose, the Supreme Court in effect recognized that what Parliament had done in terms of restricting the rights of that association to exist was valid because of the purpose that the Union had set for itself, it was recognized as being in effect, unwarranted, if not illegal.
Miss Campbell: Yes.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you very much. We are going back to Mr. Beatty, who has five minutes, followed by Mr. Corbin, and then probably Mr. Fraser. Did you want to yield to Mr. Fraser?
Mr. Beatty: No. All I am saying is that rather than alternating with a member of the Government, I am just completing the five minutes that I had.
Mr. Beatty: And it would have gone, Beatty, Campbell, Fraser.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): That is right.
Mr. Beatty: Okay, Mr. Minister, one of the things which has perplexed me to date with the Government’s timetable in this package has been the need to rush it through so quickly, particularly in view of the fact that a number of the provinces have indicated intend to take the Government to court to challenge the validity of its actions.
Now, as yet, the Government has refused to make available to Parliament or to the Committee any legal opinions which it has from the Department of Justice relating to the legality and the constitutionality of what the Government has been doing, but you have indicated, and the Prime Minister has indicated you have no doubts as to its propriety.
The only document that we have available to us which gives any indication as to the Department of Justice’s views is the infamous August 30th, 1980 Minister’s eyes—only document prepared’—According to the front papers, this paper has been prepared by officials involved in the constitutional negotiations under the direction of FPRO and your department, the Department of Justice.
Now, on Page 53, the document says as follows:
The attitude of the Supreme Court to the patriation package could be affected by its contents, and particularly by the degree to which those contents would affect provincial powers and institutions of importance to the provinces, such as the Senate and the Supreme Court itself. Patriation with nothing more might cause no problems. Patriation with an amending formula providing for unanimity for amendments might not either. Patriation with any other formula would be potentially more difficult and the concerns of the court could well increase with other additions, particularly in the field of distribution of powers.
In addition to that, on Page 52 the document argues as follows:
There would be strong strategic advantage in having the joint resolution passed and U. K. legislation enacted . . .
and this is the intriguing part here:
. . . before a Canadian court had occasion to pronounce on the validity of the measure and a procedure employed to achieve it, this would suggest the desireability of swift passage of the resolution and U. K. legislation.
Mr. Minister, why is the Government not prepared to have the Supreme Court of Canada rule on the legality and the constitutionality of the Government’s proposed changes to the constitution prior to those changes being made by Westminster because, as the document itself points out, as to the question of validity, it is the view of the Department of Justice that a law passed in the U. K. Parliament to patriate the constitution with an amendment formula and other changes could not be successfully attacked in the courts.
That is Page 50. Once Britain has changed the Canadian constitution even if, as this document recognizes, those changes could be unconstitutional, according to the Department of Justice argument in this, it would be beyond the reach of the Canadian courts.
Why is the Government dealing with the most fundamental law in the land not prepared to have the courts rule as to its legality and its constitutionality before having the British Parliament outside of the reach of the Canadian courts make fundamental changes to it.
Mr. Chrétien: First, with reference to the document you mentioned there, it is not an opinion of the Department of Justice. The legality of the activities that we are involved in is quite simple in my mind and the mind of my Department. The British North America Act, is a British piece of legislation and in that case we’re not asking in Canada, we are asking the British Parliament to act on the request of the House of Commons and the Senate of Joint Resolution, but legally, the legislation will be enacted by the British Parliament.
We, in the light of the decision on Bill C-60, the Supreme Court Justice said that, if we want to amend the constitution in those matters, we have to go to London, and we are going.
So, we recognize that legally the ultimate responsibility in terms of amending the Canadian constitution is vested with the British Parliament and we are going there right away.
Mr. Beatty: I accept that, but . . .
Mr. Chrétien: So, there is no legal problem there. It is being read by some people in terms of strategy, it is not the legal opinion of the Department of Justice.
Mr. Beatty: Well, the question remains, in view of the fact it says expressly in this document of which the front cover says it is being prepared under the direction of FPRO and the
Department of Justice, that is your officials in the Department of Justice, raises serious questions as to the constitutionality of these actions and counsels the government to rush it through Parliament and through Westminster prior to the Canadian courts being able to rule on it.
My question to you was not could the courts strike down an amendment made by Westminster because I think that this document certainly agrees with you that once you have escaped Canadian jurisdiction, once you have had the British Parliament to do for you what you cannot do in Canada, the Canadian courts have lost jurisdiction.
The question that I put to you is why you are not prepared. . .
Mr. Irwin: On a point of order. A resolution from the House, Thursday, October 23, 1980 directs us to do two things: to look at the special resolution and come back with a report by December 9 with such amendments as the Committee considers necessary and whether or not such an address should be made by both Houses.
I respectfully submit, Mr. Chairman, that the question on constitutionality is a matter before the courts and the questioning is out of order at this time.
Mr. Beatty: Mr. Chairman, on the subject of a point of order. I almost can’t beleive my ears. It is like we have fallen through the looking glass here.
You know, what the parliament secretary to the Minister of Justice has just said is that it is perfectly all right for us to deal with this whole resolution to go back before Parliament, for Parliament to debate it, for us to ask the British Parliament to amend it, but if we ask questions as to its legality, and whether or not we should in fact doing it, that is out of order!
Even for the parliamentary secretary, this is a new height of silliness.
Mr. Irwin: I suggest, Mr. Chairman, this is a matter that is before the courts and if it is opened up now it is quite permissible for every premier to come in here and discuss the same legality. Either the courts are going to decide it or we are going to stay within our terms of reference or we are going to go on the same fish hunt, the same hunt that we went on in the House of Commons.
Mr. Beatty: Mr. Chairman, the terms of reference specifically empower the Committee, as read by the Parliamentary Secretary. the Committee is charged with the responsibility of recommending whether it should go ahead and, obviously, one of the questions that I was putting to the Minister is this whole issue as to whether or not it should go ahead when there is a serious question raised by the Government’s own document as to the constitutionality of the measures that it is proposing.
So, if that is not in order—
Mr. Chrétien: The question of the legality, Mr. Chairman, I replied to that discussion. I said that the opening of the Department of Justice is that, you know, on the question of
validity, it is the view of the Department of Justice that the law passed by U. K. Parliament to patriate the constitution with an amending formula in other changes, you know, it is completely legal.
I have stated that from Day 1, Day 2 and I have still maintained that legal opinion. It is the advice received by the Department of Justice. This document that you are referring to. It is not the legal opinion of the Department of Justice and the legal opinion of the Department of Justice and the legal opinion of the Department of Justice has been expressed by me at this moment.
We just said that we are convinced that the British Parliament is considering the matter and we are going there for the last time. I do not like it at all to see that a country like Canada has to depend on a foreign country to amend its constitution and that is why we are now going to London.
Mr. Beatty: Is this on a Point of Order, Mr. Chairman?
Mr. Chrétien: If we want to enshrine a Charter of Rights and the Linguistic Rights we have to do it that way.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): No, I have not received it as a Point of Order. I think that the question is receivable.
Mr. Beatty: Then, I want to return to my questioning them of the Minister.
Mr. Minister, two questions for you: Will you in fact table before the Committee the legal opinion which you have, or will you follow the script on Page 54 which says that:
Demands for copies of legal opinions will no doubt follow and while those would not in accordance with established practice be disclosed, it would be important that the Prime Minister or the Minister of Justice make a full statement on the subject at an appropriate time.
Can the Minister tell the House, tell the Committee whether he has said that the Department of Justice has given him a legal opinion that the Government is legally entitled to do what it is doing, but did the Department of Justice legal opinion raise any doubts as this document, drawn up under the direction in part, of this department, did it raise any doubts as to the constitutionality of what the Government is doing as opposed to the strict legality?
Mr. Chrétien: I just thought that the legality of—you know, you are asking me for the legal opinion of the Department of Justice and I gave it to the Committee, that it is absolutely legal to do what we are doing, there is no doubt about it.
Mr. Beatty: The Constitution?
Mr. Chrétien: In terms of the convention, you know, in constitutional law, the convention, is not a law, it is just a convention that can be changed by either the British Parliament in relation to their own convention and the federal Parliament in relation to their own convention. You are asking
me as Minister of Justice and Attorney General what is legal and I am telling you that what we are doing is absolutely legal.
Mr. Beatty: I am asking if it is constitutional.
Mr. Chrétien: On the convention. A convention is not a piece of legislation, it is a convention, it is not binding the court. It is a political convention and the political convention, you know, can vary in terms of the convention going to London and Canada, we always have a joint resolution and the British Parliament in their own British Convention accepted the resolution coming from the federal parliament. That means the Senate and the House of Commons.
I said earlier that this is a convention in Britain that they have always followed and they said they would always still follow it. If they were to change it, it is a convention, they can change it any time. It is not a piece of law.
The legality of the situation, it is a legislation that has to be passed by the British Parliament and the British Parliament, I said earlier, legally they can do anything they want. Of course, they do not, because of their convention, but legally they could.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): May I draw to the attention of the Committee that it is now after 12 o’clock. That was our time today.
May I also ask the Committee’s help. The Minister has been here now for four sessions and nine hours and I am wondering if we may not relieve him of his responsibility, provided that we have a caveat that he will come back and that we go on to the examination of Mr. Fairweather. We are in the hands of the Committee.
Mr. Epp: Mr. Chairman, you will recall last night just before we adjourned I made the point that if we could conclude with the Minister this morning and then hold the caveat that he could come back at a later time, that would be acceptable, but I wanted to assess the mornings activities. I think in terms of Senator Goldenberg’s intervention, Mr. Mackasey’s intervention, there are a number of other questions and the view that the Minister is the Government’s chief witness, I think it would be important for the continuity of the Committee to continue with the Minister. I would ask him that he come back this afternoon.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): What is the views of the Committee. Mr. Nystrom?
Mr. Nystrom: My preference is that he come back this afternoon as well. The Committee is very, very large. We each only have ten minutes and it is very difficult to develop a line of questioning in that amount of time. We have had many new issues raised this morning. Mr. Epp referred to a couple of members, I refer also to Mr. Allmand, Mr. Duclos and a number of others of us who have questions we wish to develop.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Any other comments? Yes, Mr. Robinson?
Mr. Robinson: Mr. Chairman, I just have a more general question concerning the timetable of the Committee which certainly will have some effect on this. That is to ask whether, in view of the fact that obviously this Committee is studying
this proposition, this proposal very seriously and in great detail and that there will be a number of witnesses, what is the Minister prepared to tell the Committee at this stage about the proposed December 9 deadline, which, certainly if we take our responsibilities seriously as a Committee and continue to do so, is obviously totally unrealistic.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Probably that is another question.
Mr. Robinson: Is the Minister prepared to . . .
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Fraser?
Mr. Fraser: Just one point, Mr. Chairman. I think I am scheduled to be the questionner and I would like to be assured that I don’t lose my place over the adjournment.
Mr. Robinson: A point of order Mr. Chairman. With respect to my colleague from British Columbia, I believe that I was the next questionner and that the Joint Chairman did err in his statement of the following questioners.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Yes, I am sorry, Mr. Robinson, that was correct. I do not think that the NDP spoke this morning.
Mr. Nystrom: Yes, they spoke once.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Just once.
Mr. Nystrom: Yes, just once.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): So, the order is Mr. Robinson and followed by Mr. Corbin and then Mr. Fraser.
You will be back, Mr. Minister at 3:30 pm.
Mr. Epp: Excuse me for raising Steering Committee scheduling at this time, but you had called the meeting for 1:15 p.m. We are having difficulty because of other engagements for 1:15 period. I would suggest that we meet in this room immediately after Question Period, prior to the start of the Committee meeting.
Some hon. Members: Agreed.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Yes. So this meeting is adjourned until 3:30 pm.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): This is the continuation of this morning’s proceedings.
Mr. Robinson, you are the first one on this afternoon.
I would like to say that we are sorry that we are a bit late, but we were holding a meeting of the steering committee; and if we have inconvenienced anyone we would like to apologize.
Mr. Robinson will be first, followed by Mr. Corbin.
Mr. Robinson: Thank you. Mr. Chairman, just before the clock starts, I would like to ask first a question of information more than anything else.
My understanding from previous Committees is that members of this Committee, should they so desire, are welcome to attend as observers the meetings of the steering committee. I would like to have that made clear, if I may, that members of the Committee are certainly welcome to attend as observers of the steering committee meetings. I would assume that to be the case.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): I would think so, yes.
Mr. Robinson: Mr. Chairman, for clarification: As the Minister said, members of the Committee were locked out, but I think that was just an oversight.
Mr. Chairman, I have a couple of questions following up, in part, what I asked last day of the Minister. First of all, with respect to a very important section of the Charter of Rights, Section 15, as the Minister is aware, the original BNA Act essentially ignored the rights of the equality of the women in this country; women who are not even entitled to vote; they were not entitled to be Senators—and I will refrain from commenting on whether or not that is a desirable situation; but they were not permitted to be members of the House of Commons.
Of course, since 1867 there have been some advances. but not nearly enough.
The Minister is aware that many women’s groups in this country, including the Advisory Council on the Status of Women, the National Action Committee of the Status of Women, and many other women’s groups, are very concerned that the proposed wording in Section 15 of the Charter of Rights does not adequately guarantee equality in law for women.
Mr. Minister, I believe you are aware of some of these concerns, and I wonder if you could indicate whether you would be prepared to look seriously at possible amendments to improve the wording in order to make it very clear what we are attempting to achieve here is full equality in law for women in Canada?
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Robinson. I would point out that on Tuesday my officials met with the officials of certain women’s groups to discuss this very problem. Of course, we are always open to any practical suggestions for a solution.
But, as a matter of clarification, I think it is a question of finding the appropriate wording, but at the same time, there is some legal limitation; we cannot guarantee as much as they would like sometimes in a charter of that sort.
But, as I have already said, we are open to suggestions, and if I may say so, there are already in progress discussions between my officials and women’s representatives in order to improve the text.
Now, if there is an acceptable text, I would certainly look into the proposition to see whether it is acceptable.
Mr. Robinson: Thank you, Mr. Minister. Certainly, we will be proposing a specific amendment to strengthen the wording of this particular section insofar as it affects the equality of women after consultations with many of the groups concerned and with whom, no doubt, you have been having discussions.
Mr. Chrétien: I have been informed that some Members of my party intend to do the same.
Mr. Robinson: Well, they may want to support my amendment as well, and we would be delighted to have their support.
Mr. Chrétien: But then, the amendment might be mine.
Mr. Robinson: I hope that is the case.
Mr. Minister, with respect to the question of a referendum being used, as I indicated earlier, possibly to take away rights in the Charter of Rights, this certainly would negate the purpose of a charter which is to protect minority rights from a majority at any given time; and to permit a referendum to take away these rights would deny the essence of a Charter of Rights.
In response to that, Mr. Minister, you indicated that while it was true that these rights form basically a minimum set of guarantees for Canadians, it might nevertheless be desirable to add to those rights.
Mr. Minister would you be prepared to entertain an amendment to make it very clear then, indeed, if there is to be a referendum affecting the Charter of Rights, then such a referendum could not take away from what you have described as this minimum package of rights, but that, in fact, if there was to be a referendum it could add to that package only.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but the question remains: that you might need some modification to the package of rights. After all, you do not know—I do not know—exactly in what way society will evolve insofar as future generations are concerned; and it may very well be that the rights as described in the charter today might evolve in such a way that there would be some change to the text in order to meet the social conditions of the day.
So, I cannot tell you—and who is to judge that there will be any deterioration of the rights. In my judgment, if you want to improve the charter, then it is possible to do so, and there might be some deletion, some improvement; and I cannot say what conditions will be like in say, 10, 15 or 20 years from now.
Mr. Robinson: Well. Mr. Minister, if this a minimum flora of acceptable rights in Canadian society. then one would certainly hope that in the future Canadian society would not take away any of those rights. But I would like to direct your mind to the specific question, and to say that we are not talking here about possibly amending certain existing rights in such a way as to make them weaker. We are talking, if you are prepared to entertain this amendment, about strengthening rights. In fact, a referendum is not the only means of amending this charter.
As you know, if it is decided in the future that the wording of the charter is unsatisfactory, the normal amending process between the provincial governments and the federal government can still be used.
I am suggesting, Mr. Minister, that to allow a simple majority of Canadians in a referendum to take away minority rights would be totally wrong and should not, therefore, be permitted.
Mr. Chrétien: I would like to clarify a matter. It would not be just a simple majority, but a majority affecting the areas of Canada. It will not be a simple majority.
Mr. Robinson: Yes, that is right. And the purpose of that is to protect regional rights. But we are talking here about human rights.
Mr. Chrétien: In terms of human rights it could be amended by means of the amending formula, but never by a referendum.
Mr. Robinson: That is correct.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know what the consequences might be, but it might well take away a good deal of the flexibility that there should be if there is no possibility of an amendment. Suppose, for instance, we wanted to add another province or territory, and suppose, again, that Quebec or Ontario refuse for any reason, and that the government was refusing but the people were in agreement, then, if the referendum is not possible in the Charter of Rights, what will happen is that we would not be able to go to the people to seek their views on rights.
You would have have to accept the view of the the government.
I do not think it would strengthen the possibility of improving the Charter of Rights accepting your amendment, but if the committee wants to look into the problem and offer some suggestions, all well and good.
As was pointed out by Mr. Mackasey yesterday, there are two sides to a coin. It is more likely that the referendum would be used to add to rights, rather than to subtract from them.
But, if you want to be logical and accept the process as applying in both circumstances . . .
Mr. Robinson: Mr. Minister, if I may interrupt, I would like to turn to another area of the Charter of Rights, which is the so-called legal rights.
You have indicated that this is a minimum package of what constitutes the guarantees of safeguards and so on in the Canadian criminal justice process.
I would suggest to you, Mr. Minister, that there is a very serious omission in this particular section, namely, the omission of a guarantee that when Canadians are or a Canadian citizen is charged with a serious offence, that they would have the right to be tried by a jury of their peers. This is a fundamental right in the Canadian criminal justice system, and, indeed, was contained in the 1688 Charter of Rights and 18 an important element in the United States Bill of Rights; and I would hope that you would be prepared very seriously to look into the possibility of an amendment to include the right to trial by jury in the case of serious offences.
Mr. Chrétien: You are right in referring to the existence of the Bill of Rights in the United States. But the application of that has been somewhat restricted by interpretation in the courts and over the years the courts have limited the applica-
tion of these rights and have declared them to be somewhat limited.
Of course, I would like to point out to you that the United Nations Covenant on Civil and Political Rights does not mention a right to trial by jury. Personally, I think it is a well-established Canadian institution laid down in the Criminal Code. But the question arises: Is it necessary to add to it by including it in the Charter of Rights? As far as I am concerned, I have no personal objection.
However, I think the problem would be to find the proper test to decide what is a serious offence, and so on and so forth.
Perhaps it would be easier and much more satisfactory to leave it as it is in the Criminal Code.
If it is a major concern to the Committee, personally if we can find the appropriate words and try to convince the Cabinet of the wisdom of doing it, then, as I have said already, if there is some suggestion on the part of the Committee I am perfectly willing to look into the matter.
I would like to clarify the matter that it is covered by the Criminal Code today and it is not judged by my officials as being necessary for inclusion in the Bill of Rights.
But I will listen to the views of the Committee.
Mr. Robinson: Mr. Minister, as you know, of course, the Criminal Code is an ordinary statute in Canada which can be amended at any time. If the right to trial by jury is considered to be important and as part of the Canadian constitution, surely it should not be left to Parliament to wipe out that important institution of trial by jury by an ordinary statute. That is the effect of leaving it in the Criminal Code.
The Minister has said that he is personally sympathetic. I hope that the Committee will see fit as well to look at an addition of a right to trial by jury in the case of serious offences.
I have one final question, Mr. Chairman, if I may. The Minister has referred, as one of his guidelines, to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. I would like to turn to Section I of the proposed Charter of Rights and go to a question that I asked earlier, which is, that as it stands now, Section I of the proposed Charter of Rights violates Canada’s obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
The Minister will be aware that Walter Tarnopolsky, who is a distinguished Canadian civil libertarian and a member of the United Nations Human Rights Committee and of the Canadian Human Rights Commission has expressed serious concern about this wording; the Civil Liberties Association themselves; the Canadian Human Right Commission and others have expressed concern about the present wording of this, in that it violates the International Covenant on Civil and Political rights.
Mr. Minister, why should it be that the anti-discrimination rights, the rights to be protected from discrimination on the basis of religion, age, sex, and so on, which are protected as being fundamental in the International Covenant on Civil and
Political Rights, why should they be subject to what is generally acceptable in a free and democratic society; because if that were the test, then surely it would be possible to have the abuse that we have had of Canadians of Japanese origin during and after World War II who were interned and whose property was confiscated. Frankly, I believe the Prime Minister himself has indicated that this was a blot on the history of Canadian society.
Mr. Minister, that kind of thing would be permitted under Section l, because it would permit the violation of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and l would hope the Minister would be prepared to indicate today that you are open to an amendment which would at least bring this section into conformity with our obligations under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights which your Deputy Minister indicated yesterday should guide the courts in their interpretation of this section in an event?
Mr. Chrétien: You know, Mr. Robinson, that is a very difficult question, because we had a very long debate this summer with the provinces on the application of the Charter of Rights.
We did not come to any formal agreement with the provinces, but that was the main topic of discussion among officials and Ministers during the summer. And as the Administrator of the Criminal Code—the Attorney General and so on—we put that rider, if I may use that term, interpreting the charter. It was very much in the light of the discussions we had with the provinces, that this was more acceptable to them than just having a Charter of Rights of full application, using the term in the traditional way.
Speaking for myself, I can say that we are very strongly committed to having a Charter of Rights in Canada and we would like to have one which is as effective as possible; but at the same time, we had to take into consideration the views of the provinces and that is the reason why, eventually, we have accepted a reasonable limit which is generally accepted in a free and democratic society with a Parliamentary system of government. It was the general orientation and guidance given to the courts to interpret this charter, and it was acceptable to the participants of the summer conference in relation to a Charter of Rights, if adopted; and that is why it is there.
Now, if you are telling me that I should bypass the views of the Attorney General on that matter and just impose strictly and simply a Charter of Rights without any help to the courts as to interpretation, then you are asking me to take a hell of a big step.
Mr. Robinson: No.
Mr. Chrétien: I am telling you why it is there.
Mr. Robinson: You are already bound Mr. Minister, by the provisions of the Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and that applies to the provinces as well as to the federal government.
Mr. Chrétien: But that was not the view as was expressed or understood during the summer. But I will look into the matter.
The problem is that I am telling you the background as to why Clause 1 is drafted that way. Again, it might well be, that I have been too flexible, I guess.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Corbin. followed by Mr. Fraser.
Mr. Corbin: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I would like to ask the Minister to explain certain things. It will help me to better understand the debate and help me to question witnesses.
Section 20, on official languages in Canada, deals with decisions made by Parliament with respect to using the language of one’s choice where numbers warrant.
Under the Official Languages Act, Parliament and the federal government have not yet created bilingual districts in this country for the purposes of institutional bilingualism. If you want to entrench certain rights, I do not think it is enough to invoke another act of Parliament of which one of the provisions dealing with official languages has never been implemented. I think that this considerably weakens the scope of this section insofar as ensuring official bilingualism is concerned.
I do not know whether the Minister would like to comment; he seems to be busy consulting his officials.
Mr. Chrétien: I think that Proposed Section 20 perhaps follows the wording of the Official Languages Act a little too closely. If the honourable member thinks that the clause is not clear enough, it can be improved upon. I am prepared to consider some amendments. For example, we have not yet proceeded with the creation of bilingual districts as provided for in the Official Languages Act.
Mr. Corbin: We want to entrench these rights; we want to ensure that they will not be influenced by politics or politicians. I do not think that we should fall back on the Official Languages Act, which has not been implemented. This is no way to protect minority language rights. I think that the wording is weak and perpetuates a serious flaw in our legislation.
Mr. Chrétien: If you have a solution to this problem, Mr. Corbin, I am prepared to look at it and convince my colleagues to accept it.
Mr. Corbin: The amendments. . .
Mr. Chrétien: To avoid time-consuming debate, we have tried to stick to the wording used in other statutes.
Mr. Corbin: I intend to table amendments in due time. Like my colleague, Jean-Robert Gauthier, who raised the point this morning, I do not much like the fact that the expression “where numbers warrant” is being used to satisfy provincial premiers. And the phrase “that a substantial number of persons within the population use that language” is not very specific.
Mr. Chrétien: I think that we should try to ensure a certain amount of flexibility so that the situation will not be too rigid or complicated from an administrative point of view. For example, in certain small parishes in my electoral riding, the post master would have to be bilingual if he was to be allowed to sell stamps. This could cause problems, because in some parts of Canada people speak only French, whereas in other parts, people speak only English. The demand for bilingual services is limited. But there may be a demand for it in certain post offices in large cities where the majority is English speaking.
We do not require that everyone he bilingual, but we do require that someone in the building be able to provide services in both languages. In drafting legislation, we want to avoid creating a situation where it would be implemented in ways that the legislator never intended, making it next to impossible to administer public services.
Mr. Corbin: Fine, Mr. Minister.
I would now like to deal with Section 34. And I must say that I have spoken to provincial politicians and even to provincial opposition leaders.
Section 34 reads as follows:
Until part V comes into force, an amendment to the Constitution of Canada in relation to any provision that applies to one or more, but not all, provinces may be made by proclamation issued by the Governor General under the Great Seal of Canada where so authorized by resolutions of the Senate and House of Commons and by the legislative assembly or government of each province to which the amendment applies.
The explanatory notes tell us that such an amendment could be made where authorized by both House of Parliament and the legislative assemblies of the provinces concerned. Explanatory notes do not mention the government. The official text clearly states that it may be done either by the legislative assembly or the government of the province to which the amendment applies.
An Opposition leader, from whatever party, would interpret this section as authorizing the government in power at the time to act without asking for the opinion or resolution of the legislative assembly. And, as has been stated several times, legislative assemblies are the true representatives of the people.
Why would you allow the government to act unilaterally and go over the heads of legislative assemblies, whereas this would not be tolerated at the federal level?
Mr. Chrétien: I believe, Mr. Corbin, that we have tried to follow the tradition which has prevailed with respect to condi-
tional amendments. In the past, the consent of the provinces has not always been expressed by a vote of the legislative assembly. Traditionally, the executive of a government can accept an amendment without consulting the legislative assembly. This has been the practice in Canada ever since Confederation. In certain circumstances, the province decided to seek the support of the legislative assembly; in other circumstances, an executive decision was deemed sufficient. In Clause 34, we have attempted to reflect Canadian constitutional practise.
What you are asking me to do is change Canadian constitutional practice and require that everything be ratified by the legislative assembly.
Mr. Corbin: This is the time to change traditions which might prove dangerous in the future. Either we recognize that legislative assemblies have a certain amount of credibility or we admit that they are simply there for decoration,
Mr. Chrétien: I believe that Section 34 will only apply during the transition period.
Mr. Corbin: Still . . .
Mr. Chrétien: That is what I have been told. When the amendment formula is chosen, Section 43 will require concerning.
amendment of provisions relating to some but not all of the provinces
That they be:
authorized by resolutions of the Senate and House of Commons and of the legislative assembly of each province to which the amendment applies.
Mr. Corbin: Even if it is transitional, do you not think that in a modern democracy, the provincial assemblies should be consulted? Traditions does not matter. Tradition goes back a long way. It even goes back to the colonial era.
Mr. Chrétien: Once the new formula is decided upon, Section 43 will require that legislative assemblies be consulted.
The people who drafted the legislation intended to give the provinces two years to ratify the amendment formula, so as to provide as much flexibility as possible. The deadline has been set at two years. It is not a major point. If it had been a permanent provision, I would have sympathized more, but it is temporary. In the minds of those who drafted the legislation, it gives the government more flexibility in that we will have two years to agree on an amending formula.
Mr. Corbin: This will be my last intervention, Mr. Chairman. I would refer you to Part 5, Section 41, which defines, for the first time to my knowledge, not only in the constitution
but in the legislation itself, two regions of Canada: the Atlantic provinces and the West.
Fears were expressed in various quarters and I became aware of them in the Atlantic provinces. People are afraid because, for the first time, the technocracy or bureaucracy has tried to legislate the concept of regions which supersede individual provinces. Well meaning people are wary of this.
In the future, provinces will be grouped together to facilitate the imposition or implantation of certain federal policies; they will be lumped together. In the East, you have the Atlantic group, and in the West, the western provinces.
Could you assuage these fears by assuring us that this is only being done for the purposes of the formula, that the government has no intention of sanctioning this type of terminology in future legislation, and that you will consider each and every province as a full partner in confederation?
Mr. Chrétien: Mr., Corbin, the government does not intend to use Section 41 to change the status of eastern and western provinces. They will still be provinces and we have no intention of treating them as a unit. The concept of regions is not new. It was recognized in the British North America Act in the form of representation in the Senate. Representation in the Senate is based on regional criteria: Quebec and Ontario have 25 senators, or rather 24, the Maritimes have 25, the West, 24 and the Territories, 22.
Mr. Corbin: You mean in the Atlantic region?
Mr. Chrétien: And six more . . . I get mixed up all the time. Did you say the Atlantic provinces or the Maritimes?
Mr. Corbin: It is never the same term . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Twenty-five for the three Maritime provinces and six more for the Province of Newfoundland.
Mr. Corbin: Thank you for the explanation.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Fraser followed by Senator Austin.
Mr. Fraser: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First of all Mr. Minister, I would like to refer back to something that you said last night when I was addressing the question of the imbalance, the unfairness of Section 42 because it only allows the federal government to use a referendum but does not allow the provinces to have the same machinery to put their views to the Canadian public.
You will remember that I said that you could have ten Provinces that agreed that it was in the interests of the country to make changes and ask that it be subjected to a referendum, and the federal government can say no, and there is no way to
initiate a referendum. And you responded to that by saying that, as I understand it, that this has never been considered or discussed.
Now, I want to refer to a document, the Canadian Constitution and Constitutional Amendment put out by the Government of Canada under the Honourable Mark Lalonde and the then Honourable Ron Basford, the Minister of Justice, in 1978. I want to refer to page 21 which deals with this exact problem.
Now, this is a discussion paper, admittedly, but I remind the Minister, who may have forgotten, that this is what is said there by way of suggestion:
(a) If a sufficient number of provincial legislatures approve a proposed amendment, so that all four regions are of one mind, and if Parliament takes the opposite view,
and for “Parliament” read the government with a majority:
a national referendum could be held if the provinces so requested to ascertain the wishes of the majority of Canadians.
and then following on, in reference to the referendum it said:
popular referenda works of itself neither in the direction of additional power for Parliament nor of additional power for provincial legislatures.
Now, my question is, Mr. Minister: What is unfair-I hope the Minister is listening—what is unfair about providing the same right to public appeal to a certain number of provinces that may wish that to be tested by public opinion, as it is to have it just solely the prerogative now of the federal government?
Now, the Minister said earlier, in answer to questions of some of my colleagues, he said: well, the national government must pass the law. The national government may very well pass the law. The national government may very well in accommodation with the provinces set the rules and the regime under which a referendum is to take place, but that can be established in law so it is not something that can only be done by the federal government and your own discussion paper shows that.
Now, it is patently unfair the way it is and I am asking the Minister whether he sees that unfairness and whether he would be ready to consider change?
Mr. Chrétien: I do think that the hypothetical case that you put to me, to the effect that all the provinces will want a change in the Constitution and the federal government will object to it and refuse to call a referendum, I do think, as I said yesterday, that the occasion the electorate has to express their views on that is at the consecutive election.
I do think that what you are proposing today is that there should be a mechanism by which the provinces should initiate a national referendum, and I do think, as I expressed the view earlier, that if there is going to be federal legislation to be passed, that the House of Commons, that is where people of all the provinces are represented, that that will be the area where the debate will be. And if the majority in the House refuse to
allow a referendum that the ten provinces wish to have, that would be a major political problem.
If you want to change that to something else, I can look into that. I do think in my judgment it was the simplest way to operate. If you want to say—I do not know what other kind of mechanism you would suggest, if you want to have eight provinces who represent 80 per cent of the population or something like that.
Mr. Fraser: Mr. Minister, just a minute.
Mr. Chrétien: But I think as it is the federal legislature that has the authority, that the debate will be here.
Mr. Fraser: Just a minute. You can say that it is the simplest way to operate, it certainly is if you want to shift the power permanently in favour of the federal government and that seems to be the motive here. My question remains: what is unfair about having a provision whereby both the provinces and/or the federal government can seek public opinion in the event that you want to break this so-called deadlock?
Now, that is my question and you have not answered it, you gave the same answer that you gave last night, but I would ask you to consider it.
Now, I would like to move on.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not say fair or unfair. if I use the word “unfair”, I just say that the national forum represents all parts of Canada through the Parliament of Canada and if you want to make some suggestions to change it, we will look into that. I am just explaining the rationale of our position as it is.
Mr. Fraser: I will make a suggestion so that you can make sure the House of Commons more truly reflects, in its final decisions on constitutional amendments, all the regions, and that is that I will ask you if you would consider where there is a constitutional amendment, that a certain percentage of the members of parliament from the region have to approve it, and it would not be just a simple majority of the House of Commons. I just give you that suggestion, You want to make the House of Commons work fairly and properly represent the imbalance that now exists so far as party representation is concerned, you can do it that way.
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Fraser, I have to tell you that during the summer I discussed with the provinces, we spent a lot of time at those meetings with the provinces concerning the possibility of changing the Upper House in Canada in such a way that it would be a better representative of the regional interests in Canada. It was debated all summer and I do think, with due respect to the members from the Upper House in Canada, that there is, today there is a lot of discussion that has been going on, in fact we made a lot of progress in the summer in terms of changing the format that exists today in the Senate, to change the way of appointments, to change the powers of the Senate, to make sure that they do represent in a different fashion than today the regional interests. There was a lot of debate on that and it was, at one time, an area that we thought we had made a lot of progress, but unfortunately when it came to discussion in public we did not go very far.
Mr. Fraser: Mr. Minister, I have been told I have three minutes and would you just keep that in mind.
Mr. Chrétien: I just want to tell you that if we achieve this reform of the institution in Canada as it has been debated in the summer, that this regional representation that you are talking about in terms of voting power in the House of Commons might very well be reflected in a better way in a new Upper House in the bicameral system that we are planning to keep for Canada.
Mr. Fraser: Well, Mr. Minister, I will not make the mistake of asking you another question. I just want to make a point.
You just said that now you can protect the provinces and the regions by way of the Senate. Well, I do not know whether you have read Section 44, but Section 44 says that any amendment coming out of 41(1), if it is not passed by the Senate after 90 days, it goes back to the House of Commons and if it is passed then, it becomes Law.
Now, what you have done with Section 44, and everyone ought to understand this, the people here do not agree that we should have a Senate, but traditionally and historically the purpose of the Senate, the reason there has been discussions about reform of the Senate, was that it was to act as a guardian of the regions and the provinces. Section 44 eliminates the Senate with regard to that vital role. You do not say that that procedure follows any other bill that the Senate can consider, but on constitutional amendment, which can involve the question of the division of powers of the provinces and the federal government, you make a eunuch out of the Senate and it has no power and then you come along and tell me a minute ago that you are talking about reform.
Now, I want to move along to one other subject.
Mr. Chrétien: You made a point but perhaps you did not state the facts. It is a fact that 44 applies in the case of 41 and 43, but does not apply in the case of a referendum.
Mr. Fraser: Of course it does not, why would it?
Mr. Chrétien: But if we want the referendum, we need the approval of the Upper House and you are complaining about the fact that with the referendum we could bypass the Senate. We cannot bypass the Senate or the Upper House because 44 applies to 41 and 43, not 42, which is the clause related to the referendum.
Mr. Fraser: Well, with great respect, Mr. Minister, you are not getting the point or you do not want to get it.
Mr. Chrétien: It is you who does not want to read the Act.
Mr. Fraser: Well, I am reading it pretty carefully, I just hope everybody else reads it.
Now, the other thing I want to refer to, and this is my last question, Mr. Chairman, and this is a point that I am sorry I have to raise but I am going to raise it, but in the press on Thursday, November 6, there is an item that indicates that one of the members of this Committee, the member from Shefford,
Mr. Lapierre, in talking about the proposed changes in the amending formula, that this will make possible the abolition of the Monarchy and he goes on to say that two years from now Canada will break its ties with the British Monarchy.
Now, Mr. Minister, I want to ask you bluntly if there is any suggestion—just a minute.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): On a point of order.
Mr. Chrétien: The answer is: no.
Mr. Jean Lapierre: These statement did not come up here and, until I am told differently, I would tend to go in this direction, but I have no authority to commit the government.
Mr. Fraser: Well, I accept the honourable Member’s representation but I just hope we are not going to inflame this debate by any more free-wheeling comments.
Mr. Chrétien: Starting with you, Mr. Fraser, It is not the intention of the government to touch that section at all, and it was agreed in 1979, at the constitutional conference in February, by all the provinces, including the province of Quebec, and Mr. Lévesque.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you, Mr. Fraser. Senator Austin followed by Mr. Epp.
Senator Austin: Mr. Minister, I want to turn your attention to a part of the constitution that perhaps will not be hotly debated or discussed, but it has some interest. It is Section 132 of the British North America Act and, for the information of the Committee, I am referring to the Treaty Obligation section which I will read. It is quite short.
132. The Parliament and Government of Canada shall have all Powers necessary or proper for performing the Obligations of Canada or of any Province thereof, as Part of the British Empire, towards Foreign Countries arising under Treaties between the Empire and such Foreign Countries.
As I am sure members of the Committee are well aware, as a result of judicial interpretation, the previous power which the Government of Canada had, or believed it had, to enter into treaties with foreign countries and override the division of powers under Sections 91 and 92 of the British North America Act was found wanting in that the treaty making power required Canada act as part of the British Empire, which we no longer do.
I wonder, Minister, is there anything, or the question I would like to ask you, Minister, is there anything in the present Statute that would amend this lack of ability on the part of the Government of Canada to implement treaties which we may enter into with foreign countries. As you know the United States, for example, another federation, has the power to override States Rights in the event that the executive makes a treaty which is consented to by the Senate of the United States. I am not drawing any parallels here between the U.S. and Canadian senates, but I wonder whether any consideration was given to the treaty making function of the Government of Canada at any time and, thirdly, whether there
have been any discussions with the Provinces or is it the intention of the Government of Canada to leave this matter as it sits?
Mr. Chrétien: It is the intention of the Canadian Government to leave the matter as it sits today because we do feel if we were to move in that field it would be an intervention in the balance of powers between the federal government and the provincial government at this time and it is a matter for discussion at the next stage of the constitutional discussions.
Of course, we are aware of this type of problem and we do not have the same extent of the powers of the national government in terms of treaties that will in fact jeopardize the balance of powers between the federal government and the provincial government.
We have decided at this moment not to make any move there, it would be for future discussion. Now the situation will remain where it is.
Senator Austin: Thank you.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Epp followed by Mr. McGrath as no Liberal members have indicated they wish to speak at this time.
Mr. Epp: Thank you, Mr. Chairman. I intend to follow up on the questioning of last night to the Minister. I appreciate Senator Goldenberg’s intervention today, asking what would be the position of BC. and I intend to put the position of BC. forward today and, as well, that one principle, one underlying principle I want to keep in mind and that is the question of fairness. I think the Minister in retrospect of the statements he made yesterday might want to reconsider some of those statements, but the point that I am trying to make is that of fairness.
Now, the argument was made today both by Mr. Mackasey and Senator Goldenberg that this will now discriminate against British Columbia. The first principle, or that argument is based on the principle that you look at Canada on the basis of regions only. The Prime Minister has always spoken against a checkerboard Canada. I agree with that. But you cannot only look at a province and its position within a region. What you have to do is take a look at the position of a province in the totality, its relationship to the rest of Canada.
I would like to ask the Minister what projections of growth rate they have in the Department, first of all for the Province of British Columbia over the next 50, 60 years.
Mr. Chrétien: A growth rate. I do not have such information. I can find it out.
Mr. Epp: You do not have any information like that?
Mr. Chrétien: We are not making projects on the growth rate. In the amending formula we say that if a province has or had or would have in the future 25 per cent of the population, you know, then the constitution will apply.
Mr. Epp: Have you done any projections as to any province in Canada other than in Ontario and Quebec, any demographic projects since those projects are available in the Department of Employment and Immigration. Have you looked at the
projections as to when any other province in Canada might reach the 25 per cent threshhold.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know, I have never seen such a projection in the near future but I can try to find that out.
Mr. Epp: It is not in the near future, I am just asking you if you have any.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not have any. Probably there is someone in the government who has worked on it and I can ask for it and if I find it I would be delighted to give it to you.
Mr. Epp: Fine. Let us take a look then at what Section 41 does to British Columbia.
Section 41, first of all, I want to make sure that I understand Section 41(b)(i) totally correctly. The way I read 41(b)(i) is that any province that has 25 per cent population now, its approval or veto is needed for all future amendments. Is that correct?
Mr. Chrétien: Would you repeat that, I am sorry.
Mr. Epp: Do I understand it correctly that any province that now has 25 per cent of the total Canadian population, its approval or rejection is needed for any future amendments to the Canadian constitution.
Mr. Chrétien: The answer is yes.
Mr. Epp: Thank you. What is the percentage of the Quebec population of the total Canadian population of 1980?
Mr. Chrétien: 1980 it is . . .
Mr. Epp: 26.4. What was it in 1971?
Mr. Chrétien: I do not have it with me. In 1971 I do not have it.
Mr. Epp: 27.9. Now, what was B.C.’s population over the total population of Canada in 1971?
Mr. Chrétien: We do not have the figure, but we can provide it to you.
Mr. Epp: 10.1. What about in 1980? 11.
Mr. Chrétien: 11.
Mr. Epp: All right. The argument, Mr. Minister, is this: if you take a look at the percentage, for example, in Quebec and you project that as demographers have done in Canada, you are suggesting for the Province of Quebec that over the next ten years, 1990, projections are, if the same growth patterns in Canada continue, that they will be below 25 per cent threshhold.
Mr. Chrétien: Could be, I do not know.
Mr. Epp: All right, it could be. Those are the projections which I am projecting, but those are the projections given by Stats Canada.
Now, let us look at the B.C. situation. British Columbia by a population increase, and if you take the census over the last 30 years for each ten years, you will find that British Columbia has increased on an average of a half a million population over every ten year period. That half a million population increase from 1971 to 1980 has given them a percentage increase of the
total Canadian population of roughly one per cent, just a little below, but just take it for our purposes of one per cent.
According to those projections, all other things being equal and I know demography is not an exact science but we need it because you are basing your whole amending formula on demography, but on the basis of those projections, it could take British Columbia up to 100 years before the 25 per cent figure would trigger; first of all.
Secondly, British Columbia, before they would even have that threshold they would have to have a population increase of approximately 7 million for a total population of between nine and a half million and ten million to get the 25 per cent.
You will recall yesterday I said to you that my whole amending formula concept was based on fairness, on equity. I am asking you, how can you accept an amending formula whereby a province with a population at the present time of 6.3 could in fact retain a veto or approval and yet another province with a growth pattern would have to go to a population of something like 4 million more before they would have the same rights.
Mr. Chrétien: No, I said earlier that, you know, it is not for me to pass all those judgements on the Victoria formula as accepted in 1971. When we look at the file we decided that the best course was to go back to the one formula that was at one day acceptable to all governments with all the pros and cons of it and it was acceptable to all governments including the B.C. Government in 1971. If Mr. Bourassa had not backed down from that position it would be the amending formula that would be with us today.
So, we said that if this had been implemented in 1971 it would be the amending formula with its advantages and disadvantages today. We decided that it was the safest way to go back in history and accept an amending formula, the number of times in the history of Canada where there was an agreement and when Mr. Bourassa backed down from that agreement, it was not based on some complaint he had about the amending formula, it was related to a problem of family alliances that eventually were resolved by administrative arrangement.
So, I just want to state again that in looking at all the possibilities we felt that for us as a national government to go back to the formula that at one time in history, at one moment in ’71 it was acceptable to the II governments and if it had been implemented that it would be the amending formula, it is our position that if the provinces do not like that proposition, there is a mechanism in that that provides the provinces to come back with the new amending formula. If we have to some day go to a referendum we, the Parliament of Canada, we can have another amending formula than this one to offer to the public too.
Mr. Epp: But Mr. Minister, you keep on talking about 1971.
Mr. Chretien: Yes.
Mr. Epp: You are correct in evaluating that the Quebec Government of that date objected to the Victoria agreements because of the power of social policy, but the point I am trying
to make to you, sir, is that we are not talking about the past, we want to develop a constitution for the future and I suggest to you that the principles of fairness, that the principle of equity is not inherent in your proposal and that in fact what you are doing, as by any projections, and you can go to any demographer, by any projections what you are doing is, you are saying to Canadians that there will be different standards for different provinces. That is the proposal that you make.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but there is a variation in population; Ontario has 36 and Quebec has 27 and they have exactly the same situation in the amending formula. I do think, in the situation in terms of population with the Maritimes or Atlantic provinces, vis-a-vis the western provinces, the population is not the same. In fact, in terms of constitutional amendment, P.E.I., in relation to the population they have, have much more muscle than I would say British Columbia have, say, in relation to their population.
Mr. Epp: Are you willing to accept an amending formula or propose an amending formula which will result and obligate a province to have a higher population before it has the same rights as another province?
Mr. Chrétien: You know, I just say that there is no perfect is ending formula. I just explained to you that Ontario can say that, how, with 36 per cent of the population we have exactly the same powers and the same advantages and restrictions than the Quebec Province where the population is much smaller. One can argue that Ontario, in relation to their population, there is about 8 million people there and in the Maritime provinces there is a couple of million people all around and they could block any deadlock in relation to Ontario.
So, either you go with the very strict amending formula based on population at that time to hell with it, if there is an amendment, or if you accept there is variation in Canada, you accept that fact.
Of course, the amending formula as it has been described and approved in 1971 was not perfect, but since that time there was many, many, many amending formulae that had been discussed: the Toronto sensus, the Alberta formula, the Vancouver sensus and what-not, and never have we been able to have an agreement of everybody.
Mr. Epp: But Mr. Minister, what I am trying to point out is that it has nothing to do with the so-called change that you accepted for Prince Edward Island yesterday. The principle I am trying to get to you is that what you are asking Canadians to do and the regions and the smaller population provinces, including a province like British Columbia, what you are asking them to do is, you are weighting population through three elements of any constitutional amendment formula. First of all, it is done in the House of Commons, you need a resolution in the House of Commons. To a great degree it is done in the Senate. Our Senate, though representation is based on area but we all know there is a strong population bias. Now you are saying, unlike any other federation, you are also saying that you are going to weigh it on the double majority on the basis of population, on the approval of the provinces again.
Now, I am not one to look at the American examples, but if you take a look there just on that last step, you need three quarters of all the states, regardless of their population, to receive an approval on an amendment, but what you are saying to us is that you are willing to use that double jeopardy instead of a double majority on all three steps of a future amending formula.
I suggest to you, and I believe you ought to be a fair man, that what you are doing is equating to the rest of us an amending formula for a long period of time which is biased against us even with population increases.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, I just want to repeat that it is not a perfect formula.
Mr. Epp: It sure is not.
Mr. Chrétien: I said that I would look at the historical decision that was made in 1971. I do not want to substitute. I think I have a lot of wisdom—but I think that the It first ministers at that time must have weighted . . .
Mr. Epp: But you do not have that today.
Mr. Chrétien: I just said that either you go in one way or you go in the other way. You cannot say that the fairest way would be to give veto rights to every province or you would have a strait jacket. So, when you move from that . . .
Mr. Epp: Mr. Minister, yesterday I made that point and I think you agreed, that I was not talking about unanimity. Let us not use that red herring. I am not using unanimity, nor should you.
Mr. Chrétien: If you have that marvellous formula that is so perfect, put it on the table and we will look at it.
Mr. Epp: Well, I will tell you, anything compared to what you have got . . .
Mr. Chrétien: You know, if you are so smart, that is great, I will enjoy it and I will accept it, but I am telling you that there is none so far.
In the last 53 years, all the individuals of Canada, all the provincial governments, every new government has tried to find a perfect recipe and there was none. The closest that we came to an agreement—and it was an agreement—it was in 1971.
So, I came to the conclusion that perhaps I should respect the collective judgement of those people who were there at that time. I do not remember the names, but there was a representative of the NDP government, Socred government, Liberal government and Tory government and I felt that collectively they have passed that judgement. So, I felt I was not smarter than that group, but if someone thinks that they have a better amending formula than that, and I am telling you it is not the final decision. They gave two more years to the provinces to decide. We might too change it if the provinces come with their new amending formula.
So, if you have a better one, the Committee is for that, put it on the table and we certainly would be very happy if you have
the perfect formula that all the 11 heads of government will accept. I would be so delighted with that, you know, I would praise you for a long time if you were to solve the problem.
Mr. Epp: It would be easy to improve on yours.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Mackasey followed by Mr. Crombie.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, if we accept the principle, the concept, and I think Mr. Epp would want to listen to this, that Canada is a community of communities, and this is not Mr. Epp’s theory, so, I hope he does not get into this, or a collection of nation states or a collection of groups mostly bound together and the logical formula—not one prescribed by Mr. Epp or anyone else here—would be, in each province, each community if you like, each nation’s state, would have the power of veto. I did not say that, I am saying if our concept of Canada is that we are only a collection of nation states or a community of communities and all the other sayings we hear, rather than the federation of a strong central government.
Now, this formula, imperfect as it may be, emphasizes over the rights of provinces or rights of people. We are talking about people, not provinces in this formula when you look at it. We are saying that, really, when you look at the bit that happens to be Quebec and Ontario at the moment, we are talking about provinces, not particular provinces, but these provinces where 25 per cent of the population reside. In other words, the emphasis on this whole proposed formula, the emphasis is placed on people, on population, not on provinces.
Last night when Mr. Henderson raised the problem of the province of Prince Edward Island that it would play no role at all in the proposed formula insofar as it relates to the Atlantic provinces, the Minister suggested that he would accept an amendment and for all intents and purposes weigh the 50 per cent of the population of the Atlantic provinces; in other words, as I understand it, what the Minister was agreeing to was that two or more provinces in the Atlantic provinces would be all you required, regardless of population.
It was at that point that Mr. Epp talked about fairness. Mr. Epp quite properly moved in and said, let us be fair to the west. You are making concession to the Atlantic provinces which I think should apply to the west. That appealed to me because I do think that the west is not always understood in eastern Canada and, again, I come back to the point that I listened attentatively to with respect for the representative of the west.
But coming back to the emphasis on people rather than on provinces, the formula makes sense.
Now, I did not for a moment suggest that we are trying to be unfair to British Columbia. On the contrary, both Senator Goldenberg and myself were making the point that we want to be fair to British Columbia, just the opposite. From the statistics that Mr. Epp read into the record, it is obvious that before British Columbia could qualify under the provinces with 25 per cent of the population, it would be a long time.
The latest statistics show that British Columbia probably has 12 percent or 13 percent of the population at the moment. Mr. Epp says demographers are very imperfect. Well, I can assure you that members of Parliament are even less perfect. I used 12 percent but I think you will agree it would be a long time before British Columbia reached 25 percent. It is quite logical that the Premier of British Columbia, recognizing this fact, would want to see a formula applying to the West to protect the province insofar as that it is the province with the greatest population in the West.
If we were to apply to the Western provinces the change that the Minister suggest as being appropriate for Prince Edward Island, and which Mr. Epp suggest should be applied to the West, then it would be introducing a change in the formula whereby the views of the most populous province in the West would not have to be taken into consideration if constitutional change were to appeal to the people of. say, Manitoba and Saskatchewan, which is not the case at the moment.
The present formula makes it imperative that, in reaching the 25 percent or 50 percent of the Western provinces, you include not only Alberta, but British Columbia.
If you were to take the proposal of Mr. Henderson last night and applied it to the West, you are then creating a situation—which I am not against—and as I have said, I would support Mr. Epp; but you are creating a situation where Saskatchewan and Manitoba joined together would be sufficient to express approval by the Western provinces as far as this formula is concerned.
I am sorry, but what was done last night in response to Mr. Henderson’s request, was in essence to waive the principle that two or more provinces should total 25 per cent. That is what we did last night. We said Prince Edward Island or any other province would be sufficient, and if you were to apply that to the West, you could say Saskatchewan or any other province; and that other province could be Manitoba.
So I wonder what Peter Lougheed would say about this tomorrow if he got them together to say that some constitutional amendment could suddenly affect the oil and gas of Alberta, proposed and had it agreed to in the West by Saskatchewan and Manitoba; despite the small population; despite the fact that collectively they do not comprise the 50 per cent of the Western provinces! That is why Premier Lougheed said, “Wait a minute; we may not have 25 per cent of the population of the country, but in the West we have the provinces where the greatest number of Canadians happen to reside.”
I am simply saying that this formula is logically acceptable to Mr. Lougheed, and desirable to Mr. Lougheed; it is also desirable to Mr. Bennett. If it is not desirable to Mr. Epp, as a westerner—and I, speaking for myself, find Mr. Epp more persuasive than Mr. Lougheed or Mr. Bennett; I would gladly be guided by Mr. Epp’s position.
But I must remind Mr. Epp, once again, that what he is suggesting is that Manitoba and Saskatchewan collectively—because we would be waiving the population; you come back to
Prince Edward Island and you say, “I am sorry” if Mr. Henderson’s proposal is accepted, il collaboration with any of the other three provinces, that would be sufficient even though their numbers do not amount to 25 per cent. If you extend the same right to Saskatchewan and Manitoba, then you can get the same combination of factors.
Mr. Epp: No.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Epp, you say no.
Mr. Epp: I do not wish to interrupt unduly, Mr. Chairman. But what you are doing is taking it for granted that I have accepted the rest of the formula. I have not.
Mr. Mackasey: No, no. You did not make that caveat last night. We could have avoided many, many months of discussion on that basis. You are not against that section, but you are against the whole section.
Mr. Epp: That is fair enough.
Mr. Mackasey: Why not let us zero in on this one. Let me put it another way. If your reservations about other sections can be resolved, would your views change on this one, or would you still be adamant.
Mr. Epp: As long as the principle of fairness and equity is not violated.
Mr. Mackasey: Well, fairness and equity, as defined by Mr. Lougheed and Mr. Bennett are different from how they are defined at the moment by Mr. Epp. That is the point I am making.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Crombie, followed by Mr. Allmand, with consent.
I have a question which deals, first of all, with the amending formula, and then there is one dealing with the charter of rights.
My question with respect to the amending formula really relates to the previous discussion you had with my friend to the left and fy friend to the right.
It really deals with the question of the complication of the various amending formula. One of the things that struck me, Mr. Chairman, (and through you, to the Minister) is that there is one formula which is not complicated and which does not require a consensus, nor indeed does it require that anyone should agree other than a majority of the House of Commons and the Senate. It does not require the consent of the legislatures of the provinces, nor does it require the consent of the people who live in those provinces, nor does it require a majority of the people of Canada.
Now that is one which you would not want to give to anyone else, but which you would want to accept for yourself.
I would like to read to you, again, from Mr. Blakeney’s Speech of October 27, where he makes the very point; and I would like to know your reaction to it. He puts it very neatly:
Mr. Trudeau is in the unusual position of asking the British Parliament to legislate even though his actions, not only violate the amending process which we have followed for 50 years, but also violates the amending process which will be in place if the British Parliament
legislates precisely as Mr. Trudeau is asking it to do. If these amendements precede successfully your resolution. it will be by use of a process which has never been used before for changes of this kind and scope and will never be used again.
I submit to you and I ask the Minister to comment: if the amending formula that you offer has the computations raised by Mr. Epp and by others, then why do you think that the only government in the history of this country or so far as the future of this country is concerned, your government, should not have to follow a process which Canadians in the past or the future have to follow?
Mr. Chrétien: You know, when we debated that in the spring in the House of Commons, it was clearly stated by Mr. Clark—and the quotation has been cited a couple of times since the beginning of the proceedings—that if the very extensive discussions of the summer did not produce any results, the Parliament of Canada would have to take up its responsibility. I think I should quote it again, because it would seem to me that nobody seems to remember it. This is taken from the Montreal Gazette of June 7, 1980, and Mr. Clark said:
The participatants in Monday’s conference speak for 11 governements, Parliament speaks for 23 million Canadians. If the First Ministers of the Federation cannot make marked progress toward changes which fit the Canada of the 19805 then the Parliament of the Federation may have to assert a stronger role.
So, that is exactly what we are doing.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Crombie.
Mr. Crombie: If all the formulae that you have offered for consideration are an attempt to protect the persons and regions and provinces of this country, then that is why they are fraught with some complexity. I still do not understand why it is your government, not any federal government, because future governments will not be able to get away with what you are doing, then, why is it your government does not have to go through the same process to protect the people, regions and provinces in this country?
Mr. Chrétien: You have just quoted from Mr. Blakeney to the effect that the only way we could amend the constitution today is to go to England. People seem to forget that what we are doing in this process is to attempt to bring the constitution back to Canada. From that day onwards there would be no possibility of any national government acting unilaterally as it is legally possible to do today.
The day we patriate the constitution, we will either have the Victoria formula or any other amending formula agreed upon by the provinces and the national government or voted upon by the people of Canada.
Mr. Crombie: Mr. Minister, we are not talking about bringing the constitution home only; you are changing the constitution, and that is the difference. And you are changing it fundamentally!
Mr. Chrétien: Where?
Mr. Crombie: For the very reason that you have to have those very safeguards for changing fundamentally the constitution in the future, surely they must be the same reasons why we have to have those same safeguards to change your changes to the constitution as well.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, we are entrenching a bill of rights for the protection of all Canadians. I think everyone would recognize that if we were not to do it in that way, then it is likely that it would probably never come about that there would be a charter of rights applying to all Canadians at the same time. It is a national responsibility. There is no great debate against the wisdom of having a charter of rights in the present discussion.
In fact, if I have any difficulty with the charter of rights today—and since the beginning of these hearings—it is that we are not going strongly enough with a charter of rights.
So I think we are taking on the national responsibility of a national government, as stated by Mr. Clark at page 3281 of Hansard where he said . . .
Mr. Crombie: A point of order, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chrétien: l was not allowed to finish the quotation, Mr. Chairman, He said:
But if it does, that must not be as the institution of one government, but as the forum of all Canada. Parliament, alone among institutions, reflects that country and can lift the discussion above the question of what governments need and focus on the question of what the nation needs.
I think the government at this time has come to the conclusion that the nation in Canada needs the protection of rights in the constitution; and if we were to leave it to the willingness of the provinces to bind themselves in a charter of rights, then there would be some rights which are protected for some Canadians and other rights which would not exist for other Canadians. As a Canadian who has a national responsibility, I feel very strongly that the rights of all Canadians should be protected in the constitution.
Mr. Crombie: Mr. Chairman. the Minister takes the question and does what he likes with it; but clearly he understands that he is asking for a power, and his government is demanding a power greater than any power which has been given to any other government in the past or any other government will be able to get in the future in changing other peoples rights.
And my second question is in relation to this charter of rights, in answer to Mr. Robinson, dealing with the question of the relationship of the referendum to the protection of that charter of rights—and the Minister knows I support the existence of a charter of rights—the answer was not given very well.
The question was: how is it the Minister can allow a referendum which takes the majority to override the rights of the minority when, indeed, the whole purpose, at least as he states it, the whole purpose of a charter of rights is to protect the minority from the majority.
The answer that the Minister gave to Mr. Robinson was, “well, we have to be flexible.” That is terrific! Surely there is a better answser.
Would you not accept the proposition that, an amending formula which relates to the charter of rights should not include the referendum so that the minority can continue to be protected from the majority which, after all, is the purpose of it all?
Mr. Chrétien: You know, the problem that we are facing with the amending formula is that it would be very complicated to achieve a reduction of rights.
Mr. Crombie: We have already established that.
Mr. Chrétien: No, no. I have just said it would be very complicated. And you are telling me that in no circumstances, after the charter had been entrenched, that it should be amended—negativeIy, if I may use that term.
You say it can be done by the provinces, but not to have a referendum; but, personally I am willing to look at all aspects of the matter, and I am not married to that.
I think if we do not permit a referendum to amend the bill of rights after it has been entrenched, then, if we want to add to it—and Mr. Robinson argued that we could, if there is a deadlock, add rights, that we can use a referendum.
In my judgment, it would be a kind of double standard to say that to add would be okay, but to subtract would not be.
There might be circumstances where rights would have to be changed. If there was no agreement between the federal and provincial governments, the people can decide.
But we are talking in the extreme. You are talking about taking away from the Canadian public. I tend to sympathize with the arguments of Mr. Robinson, that we should make it even more difficult. I do not know if it can be achieved. But I am willing to look into that matter.
But I do find it a bit odd that we will permit a referendum to add to the protection of rights, but not for any other unknown future reason to be able to change it—and there is a controversy in which the people could not express their view on it. But it will come after a considerably long process of public debate and not overnight like it is today.
Mr. Crombie: So you are willing to look at an amendment in that connection, Mr. Minister?
Mr. Chrétien: Well you know, if you have some amendment to that effect, I would look into that to see if it makes any sense.
Mr. Crombie: I have a final question on the charter of rights, Mr. Chairman. it is in relation to Section I which sets out the philosophy of the charter of rights as you and your government understand it, Mr. Minister.
I have always accepted the proposition that in Canada what we have done is to continue the parliamentary tradition as well as to entrench certain rights, particularly in the British North
America Act. I have had no difficulty in accepting both traditions as Canadian.
But it strikes me as odd that those who have great concern for the argument with respect to parliamentary sovereignty would like to protect that sense of parliamentary sovereignty and you would not include the word “affirm”, or, “re-assert the rights of Canadians”.
There seems to be the sense in Section I that rights flow from Section 1. That bothers me, because it seems to me that my rights come not only from the British North America Act, but even more importantly, from those ancient rights which we have had long before that.
I can remember a speech by Duplessis in 1950 when he said:
In the Province of Quebec we consider that the British North America Act does not create our rights, but only confirms and re-asserts the rights of our Province.
That is rather important, because it is exactly the same philosophy that you find in Dicey and other authorities who want us to understand that our rights flow from those traditions as well as from those entrenched rights.
Mr. Chairman, my question is: Mr. Minister, would you consider an amendment which allows in Section 1 or any other appropriate section the inclusion of wording such as “re-affirm” or “affirm” and/or “re-assert”, so that it allows us to understand the principle that our rights make constitutions; our constitutions do not make rights.
Our rights come from history. They do not come from governments. We are not dependent on you for our rights.
If we can use words in Section I which allow us to say that we are affirming and re-asserting our rights, you will go a long way to appeasing those who are concerned that a charter of rights knocks out our parliamentary system.
Mr. Chrétien: I would like to clarify it if possible but the advice I am receiving in that respect is that it was one of the problems that was faced in the Bill of Rights of Mr. Diefenbaker and the way that the court interprets the Bill of Rights in relation to the problems they were faced with. Perhaps I can ask my deputy minister to elaborate and give you a more specific explanation as to why we decided to use that drafting method.
Mr. Crombie: Before your assistant does that I would ask you, rather than dispose of the matter right now because I have only had a limited time and I want to more fully develop it, and I would be happy to do it with you privately, but I would like you to take it under consideration at this point because I think it is a fundamental point.
Mr. Chrétien: Fine, but if you want to discuss that with Mr. Tassé . . .
Mr. Crombie: And then you can bring it back and respond to . . .
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, why not allow him more time because I would like to hear the explanation, but not on your time. Perhaps we could extend the gentleman’s time by a few minutes.
Mr. Crombie: Or another time.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): I am in your hands. No, it has been refused. Sorry, Mr. Crombie.
Mr. Crombie: We will raise it again.
Mr. Robinson: Mr. Chairman, just a very brief point of order. I am sure that the Minister would not want to inadvertently mislead the Committee with respect to certain remarks which I made. The Minister indicated, and I think the record should be clarified, the Minister indicated that I stated I supported the referendum process if it were only used to add to the package of rights. I think that the record should be clarified. The Minister should confirm that, indeed yesterday and today I said very strongly that the Charter of Rights should not be permitted to be amended by referendum at all, but if the Minister insisted on this process going ahead, that as a maximum it should only be allowed to add to rights, but my position is certainly the referendum is not appropriate in dealing with the Charter of Rights.
Mr. Chrétien: I am sorry if I misstated the position, it was inadvertent.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Allmand followed by Mr. McGrath.
Mr. Allmand: Mr. Chairman, and Mr. Minister, this morning I had raised with you some what I consider to be inequities in Section 23 in that it would lead to two classes of Canadian citizens, those who would have the right to opt for minority language education and those who would not simply because their mother language was English and French rather than others. And you discussed with me the political difficulties of that. I did not have time this morning to suggest to you what I believe should be the counter-balance of that measure, where that measure, as you pointed out, may have some difficulty in Quebec because it would override certain provisions of Bill 101. By the way, I should point out that the educational rights of the Provinces are presently restricted by Section 93 of the Constitution; they are not absolute, they are restricted with respect to religious rights and other rights to intervene on behalf of those minorities which were the most important at the time of the Constitution in 1867.
Well, I accept your argument that it would be difficult but what I was going to suggest if I had had time this morning was that we should also include an amendment in the package of amendments to the proposal which would extend Section 133, the provisions of 133 to Ontario, New Brunswick and to provinces who had achieved at least 5 per cent of their population as a minority language group, which was about what Ontario has today. Ontario has about 7 per cent francophones. I would say that if any province achieved 5 per cent they would automatically opt into the provisions of 133.
Now, in Bill C-60, in Sections 14(2), 15(2) and 16(2) you have made provision, the government made provision, of which you were a member and I was a member at the time, for the extension of the provisions of 133 to these other provinces, especially to Ontario and New Brunswick, and while that may upset the present Government of Ontario I think that it is right in principle.
Mr. Minister, my interpretation of the referendum results in Quebec were that the people of Quebec, at least the majority, did not want to restrict themselves as francophones to the boundaries of Quebec; they wanted to feel at home throughout Canada, and a meaningful proposal to make them feel at home throughout Canada would be the extension of 133 to at least Ontario and New Brunswick, and Manitoba, since Manitoba has been included by the Supreme Court, but to any other province which might have in the future a 5 per cent minority group in the french language.
So, even if it incurs some political problems, and there are some political problems in Quebec with amending Section 23 to apply it equally to all citizens, and there would be political problems with Ontario, I suppose, if you extended 133 into that province. Nevertheless, these types of proposals are the ones that have been consistent with the policy of the Liberal Party over the years that l have been a member of Parliament. Those have been the proposals in C-60, those have been the proposals that other governments have made over the years and what I am suggesting to you is that your attempt to compromise on minority language education rights, and on general language rights in order to gain more support among, let us say, the more nationalistic group in Quebec, for example, you are not gaining that support. I maintain you could take off all your clothes and you would still not get Levesque and his supporters support, but you are losing the support of the ethnic groups in Quebec and the minorities in Quebec by watering down the minority language provisions.
So you are losing support and gaining nothing. If you are going to go unilaterally, I suggest do what is right and not compromise. Do what we have consistently stood for as the Liberal Party over the years: equal rights for French and English, extend it into Ontario, Quebec and New Brunswick at least and have all rights apply to citizens equally and not some for one group and some for another.
Mr. Chrétien: I would like to clarify the statement you made because on Bill C-60, the Charter of Rights as proposed in that Bill, it was not obligatory that 133 applied to Ontario and New Brunswick. It was for those provinces to have the possibility of opting in and you will find that in Clause 131 of Bill C-60.
So at no point were we forcing 133 on New Brunswick and Ontario, but we were providing to these two provinces the possibility of opting in to 133.
So we never had the intention of imposing Bill C-60 on the provincial governments of Ontario and New Brunswick. We always made it possible for them to opt in, so it was not an imposition in Bill C-60, it was an opting in formula for them to get involved.
In terms of your suggestion on what to do on the language education rights, you said that, basically what you are recommending is that we go with the freedom of choice.
Mr. Allmand: No. Just to clarify that, Mr. Minister, I am suggesting that you have provisions somewhat similar to what you had in C-60, where the right to opt for minority language education would be with the minority language group but not with the majority because the majority controls the political process in the province. In other words, if the francophones of Quebec wanted to give themselves the freedom to go to English schools, that is up to them, they control the legislature.
Now, my proposal is not full freedom of choice but it is to give the right to opt for the minority language education to all those who are really in the francophone or anglophone community. It could be Lebanese or Vietnamese in Ontario who, in many cases, French is their second language but not their first language. It could mean in Quebec some Italians, some Dutch, some Norwegians who have opted for the anglophone community but may have come here at an early age. And especially, as I mentioned this morning, your friends in northern Quebec, Charlie Watt, Billy Diamond and those people who, although their first language is Cree and Inuit, they have at an early age gone to English schools. That has been their tradition, and under this provision that can be taken away from them, Section 23, because their mother language is not English or French.
Mr. Chrétien: But the way it is drafted it is a minimum’ requirement. I think that the provincial government of Quebec would be well advised to let the Charlie Watts and the Billy Diamonds and all those people go to English schools. They have the right to let them do it, but the problem is, I am looking at some amendments to that Clause but I do think we wanted a minimum interference with the educational responsibility of the provincial administration and I am afraid that the formula that you are suggesting to us will give, say, the Italians or the Greeks or the Ukrainians who arrive in Montreal the freedom of choice, because they could say: I learned a little bit of english when I was in those countries and I want . . .
Mr. Allmand: Only when they became citizens. I am suggesting to you to look again at your proposal in C-60 and improve on that. And by the way, I do not have much time left, but it is true that in C-60 your measures to extend 133 to the provinces of Ontario and New Brunswick were optional, they had to opt into that and I agree with that, but at least it was a move in that direction which I thought was good.
However, at that stage, Mr. Minister, at that stage, you were trying to negotiate a consensus with the provinces. You have now taken the position that you are going to proceed unilaterally, although you do have the support of at least two provinces, Ontario and New Brunswick, and maybe Saskatchewan, it is hard for me to determine whether they are with you or against you, but I am suggesting if we are going to go unilaterally, we should do what is right, we should look ahead 100 years and not look at the next election. Be a statesman and not a politician.
Mr. Chrétien: I am always amazed when people ask me to be even tougher than we have been because I listened to all those speeches in the last month and we were called all sorts of names, that we were going to impose a dictatorship in Canada and so on. I am told by a lot of members of this Committee that I should go further than that and slam it as a statesman.
I take it as a kind of a compliment because my reputation in the past has been that I was kind of a bulldozer and now you tell me that I am very soft.
Mr. Allmand: You were here, you were in parliament when we put through the Canadian flag, you remember the opposition that came from many parts of the country and, unfortunately, from the Official Opposition of the day. We persisted, we got that through, we rammed it through, one might say, finally with closure but today it is accepted.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but the problem is, we have tried in that scheme we have in front of Parliament at this time to not change the balance of power between the federal government and the provincial governments, and we have been very careful not to move too far. I am glad that it is kind of a reproach you are giving to me and you say: Chrétien, you should dare more. That is fine, I will accept that criticism and look at it but you heard the views of a member of our party this morning who said do not touch it at all.
Mr. Allmand: Could I suggest that you look again at some of the opting in provisions at least that you had in Bill-60?
Mr. Chrétien: I thank you for your recommendation. I will look into that and see if there is some improvement that can be made. Merci pour votre intervention.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Thank you very much, Mr. Allmand. Mr. McGrath followed by . . .
Mr. Chrétien: I am sorry, can I just finish the reply? They can opt in now, that is the minimum. If the provinces want to give more rights to the francophones or the anglophones, they are welcome.
Mr. Allmand: Oh, I know, but you permitted . . .
Mr. Chrétien: And Mr. Ryan intends to do so.
Mr. Allmand: I know, but you are writing in stone in Section 23 divisions between citizens.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. McGrath followed by Mr. Nystrom. Mr. McGrath.
Mr. McGrath: Mr. Chairman, if I could I would gladly give some of my time to Mr. Allmand to continue that most interesting line of questioning. However, I would like to get back to the Charter of Rights, Mr. Chairman. I want to make this very clear, that I have very grave doubts about the principle of entrenchment of rights and freedoms. I have yet to be convinced that this is the way we should go and whether or not this is compatible and consistent with a parliamentary democracy. Certainly I find it reprehensible that we would ask the parliament of another country, the Parliament of Westminster to entrench in the Canadian Constitution Canadian rights and freedoms.
In any event, I believe that the charter as it is presently drafted is meaningless by virtue of the implications of Section 1. I think if you can examine what the Minister has said, both to Mr. Crombie today and to myself yesterday, that statement can be borne out.
My reservations about the principle of entrenchment notwithstanding, I would like to ask the Minister some specific questions because we do have this measure in front of us, and I would like to go to Section 11 of the charter on page five.
I would like to ask him with regard to legal rights, what are the implications of that particular section with regard to the Official Secrets Act? For example, it states that anyone charged with an offence has the right (a) to be informed promptly of the specific offence and tried within a reasonable time, to be presumed innocent until proven guilty according to law in a fair and public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal.
An hon. Member: Those are rights we already have.
Mr. Chrétien: Of course, this Bill of Rights will give rights to Canadian citizens . . .
Mr. Fraser: We have got those rights.
Mr. Crombie: I had those long before I heard of you.
Mr. Chrétien: What is all the fuss about?
Mr. Fraser: Those are rights we have always had.
Mr. Chrétien: But you do not want them in the Charter of Rights.
Mr. Fraser: I am just saying, I am pointing out the words you used. You are not giving us those rights, those are our rights.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Order, please. Would you let the Minister answer, please.
Mr. Chrétien: I shall answer in French so perhaps I will be better understood.
We want to entrench this Charter of Rights in the constitution so that those rights are confirmed, cannot be withdrawn at the whim of any level of government. In answer to the question put by the member for St-Jean, as to the implications of this Charter on the Official Secrets Act, obviously there will still be an Official Secrets Act in Canada that could of course be eventually amended. That legislation exists and will remain. It
will be up to the courts to determine whether the Charter of Rights will henceforth give to certain individuals now submitted to the Official Secrets Act certain rights that they do not have today and it will be up to the courts to determine how to implement the Charter of Rights without infringing on the Official Secrets Act. For example, there could have been certain incidents that have occurred. I am not very familiar with past incidents concerning the Official Secrets Act, but this Charter will give protection and the attorneys defending individuals accused under the provisions of the Official Secrets Act will then have a constitutional reference for the rights of those citizens brought before the courts under that Act.
Mr. McGrath: Does the same apply to the War Measures Act?
Mr. Chrétien: Exactly.
Mr. McGrath: That is not quite consistent with what you have been saying, Mr. Minister. What would be the rights of a person under this particular section of the Act if in fact the War Measures Act was invoked.
Mr. Chrétien: You will have recourse to the Charter of Rights. Suppose that they were to be detained and they were not allowed to have a lawyer. For example, (a) to be informed promptly of the specific offence. I am told at the time of the War Measures Act some accused were not told why they were detained. Under the Bill of Rights in the Constitution they would have their constitutional rights, and if it is denied them by the law enforcers of Canada there will be recourse because of the Charter of Rights of the citizens of Canada.
Mr. McGrath: Mr. Chairman, I would like to go . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. McGrath, if you want me to ask Mr. Tassé to give you a longer explanation of the effect of Section 11 in relation to the War Measures Act and its application to Canadian citizens, perhaps . . .
Mr. McGrath: I think that would be very useful, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Tassé: Well, perhaps I could just briefly comment that in effect the big change that will occur is that with a charter of rights like this, a citizen could challenge in court the application of federal and provincial legislation, and if in effect the Official Secrets Act were to impose too many restrictions on the right of citizens, and that in effect are contrary or restrict the rights that are spelled out in Section 11, for example that the trial should take place at a public hearing by an independent and impartial tribunal, and in effect he is complaining that everything is taking place in secret, in camera, then in effect he could challenge that in court. He could challenge the authority of Parliament for having made that restriction on his rights under Section 11.
Now Section 11 will come into play and what the court will have to establish is whether the restrictions or limitations that are imposed by parliament under the Official Secrets Act in that example are strictly reasonable in terms of the situation that the official Secrets Act is meant to deal with and they will have to make that balanced judgment, which is not the case now.
Now, the Parliament will just enact a law and the courts will have to apply it and what would be possible under this kind of charter is a challenge as to whether the limitations that are imposed by Parliament, by an Act of Parliament, on these rights are reasonable in terms of the situation that the Parliament wanted to deal with.
Mr. McGrath: They are the implications of such a challenge under the provisions of Section 1, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Tassé: Well, the court will have to make an assessment as to whether the restrictions imposed by Parliament is a desirable one in terms. . .
Mr. Robinson: Not reasonable, generally accepted.
Mr. Tassé: Well, that is meant to be the incorporation of reasonable tests. The Section talks about reasonable limits.
Mr. Robinson: It does not mean reasonable limits, it says generally accepted.
Miss Campbell: Well, reasonable limits are generally accepted.
Mr. Robinson: And it goes on.
Mr. Tassé: Reasonable limits are. . .
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Order, please.
Mr. Tassé: It is a double test.
Mr. Robinson: Yes, that is right.
Mr. McGrath: I have no objection at all, Mr. Chairman, to all of these learned interventions because I think they are really helpful.
I would like to go and ask why, in terms of rights, for example, in terms of legal rights in Section 7, and of course this would also apply to Section 2 as well, there is no reference to the rights to hold property. For eample, Section 7, everyone has a right to life, liberty and security. Why do not we have the right to property.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, when we discussed this question on property rights during the summer, you will remember the debate we had on TV, for example, about some restriction of the Province of P.E.I. on that question. We decided that because the consent of the Province was very real in that, then because of the problem of zoning, taxation, environmental protection, preservation of agricultural land, industrial development, development of highway systems and so on, so, the Province said . . .
Mr. McGrath: That is crazy.
Mr. Chrétien: But you tell that to the Province.
Mr. McGrath: But I am telling it to you. That is the only excuse you can give us because that just does not hold. What
about the Diefenbaker Bill of Rights, for example, which spelled out the right to hold property. That had no impact on the P.E.I. Property Act, or whatever you want to call it.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but it is applied to the federal level, this will apply strictly and directly to provincial jurisdiction.
Mr. McGrath: Are you telling us that you are withholding from the Bill of Rights the right to hold property because of a statute of the legislature of Prince Edward Island or any other legislature?
Mr. Chrétien: No, it was the consent of all of the Provinces because they administered all those legislation I referred to. They felt it was too massive an intervention and it was to make too complicated the operation of the provincial government in the matter.
So, we have accepted their representation in that matter and I have to tell you that your native province, Mr. McGrath, was very strong on that issue.
Mr. McGrath: What are the implications then of defining rights and excluding the specific right which everybody holds to be a fundamental right in a free society to hold property and continuing to expropriate and, you know, both the federal and provincial governments.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, I just said that we were told by the provinces that it was to be too massive an intervention in their field of operation and we have acceeded to their request.
Mr. McGrath: In the context of a Bill of Rights?
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. McGrath, that is your last question. Mr. Nystrom?
Mr. McGrath: May I have a reply, please.
Mr. Chrétien: But the Canadian Bill of Rights will continue to give the same kind of protection to the Canadian and Federal jurisdiction.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Nystrom followed by Senator Asselin.
Mr. Nystrom: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman. I want to revert back to some questions I asked the Minister this morning about Part IV of the Resolution that is before us because some of the statements he made to me I found very Very frightening about some of the possible ramifications to our country if indeed they were to be true.
I go back to page I l in the Resolution and you find here the procedure that is going to determine what our amending formula is going to be.
First of all, the Minister is using all kinds of percentage tests and population tests. The first one is that if eight provinces that contain the population of 80 per cent of Canadians that come forth with an alternative, that alternative could be put before a referendum; that is 80 per cent.
Then, if we have to chose between the two alternatives it will be a 50 per cent plus 1, which is a different percentage test.
Once we have an amending formula, we are going to have a double majority which is 50 per cent across the country as a whole and 50 per cent in each of the four regions and all of a sudden we have a concept of regions which we have never had before in this country in our Constitution.
Now, I want to ask the Minister how he can justify when he knows very well the history of this country, determining something as sensitive as an amending formula on the basis of a simply majority. I will go back to 1941, the conscription of Quebec, where Quebecois and French Canadians voted overwhelmingly no, English Canadians voted yes; very divisive. What would happen, for example, if one region were to vote overwhelmingly no, such as the West, vote 90 per cent “no” to an amending formula and we still get the amending formula. What does that do to unity in our country?
I think the Minister knows the rumblings of Western separatism which all of us hope will never, ever develop. What is going to happen if the Federal Government has a referendum. As I said this morning, Ontario has 36 per cent of our people. Eighty per cent of Ontario could say yes while each of the other nine provinces could say no. They could say no by a vote of 65 to 35 and it would still carry with a 51 per cent vote.
In light of all of these possibilities, how can the Minister possibly justify that we as Canadians should choose our amending formula on the basis of a simple majority.
Mr. Chrétien: Because, as I explained to you earlier, after patriation there is two years with unanimity rule and after that we have to determine, if we have to have a referendum. an amending formula that would have to be approved. It will be a simple question: are you in favour of the federal amending formula or the provincial amending formula.
There is no room there. If we say it takes two-thirds and none of the two gets two-thirds, you end up with no amending formula whatsoever, unless you want to maintain the unanimity rule that it is much too rigid.
So, I just say that we owe, and I do think that if there is, in the period of two years we can develop up an amending formula that is acceptable to everybody that we will not have to have a referendum.
I do not see with great pleasure the possibility of having a referendum on the amending formula. Going for the Victoria formula, the other guy will go for the Vancouver concensus. that will make great ccmpaigning.
You know, I think at one time we have to decide in Canada that there will be an amending formula that will last forever and it is that one occasion. I hope that it will be avoided but I do think that . . .
Mr. Nystrom: I also hope, Mr. Minister, a referendum will be avoided but the way you have written, for example, Section
38(1) where eight governments with 80 per cent of the population can make a single proposal. Now, Ontario, of course, and the Premier of Ontario have already agreed with your proposition. So, perhaps we will never have that provincial proposition. Maybe that is why you have written it this way in the first place, I do not know.
Mr. Chrétien: No. In fact, the reason why we have written it this way is because we do not—in putting seven provinces we could have a region where the majority of the provinces would be opposed and having an amending formula, so, with eight, we are shorter. There are two from the Maritimes and two from Western Canada. So, you know, it will be because you could have a situation where if you have seven, all the other provinces in one part of Canada who disagree and you will have a new amending formula. If you want to. If you think it is not a good formula . . .
Mr. Nystrom: It is okay to have the population—it is okay to have the test in terms of eight governments but what about the population factor. We may never have that alternative.
But I want to get back and you still have not answered my question of whether or not you think a simple majority for deciding an amending formula is a good thing. I maintain it is potentially very, very, dangerous, it could set French Canada against English Canada, East against West, Ontario against the rest of the country. How can you justify that when after we do have an amending formula you are calling for the double majority. Now, I agree with you on the double majority, it is very important to have that double majority where you recognize that the regions are important, the provinces are important.
If they are so important, why are they important in selecting the most sensitive part of this Constitution which is the amending formula.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, the problem as I explained to you, how do you resolve the difficulty that I mentioned that after two years if the provinces agree on an amending formula and we agree on one and we go to the people and you ask for more than a simple majority, you will end up with no amending formula at all.
Mr. Nystrom: That is not necessarily the case, Mr. Minister.
Mr. Chrétien: If it is the government’s position that until there is an agreement a 2/3-1/3, we will have the unanimity rule until we have an agreement.
Mr. Nystrom: Nobody is saying that. It is you and your officials that have written this proposal as it is where you are putting two questions to people.
Mr. Nystrom: Perhaps we should have a referendum where there is only one question, a yes or a no. Perhaps we should have a 60 per cent vote across the country. Perhaps there should be a situation where there is a double majority like there is in Part IV. I mean, it is you that has written these rules.
Mr. Chrétien: Who will ask the question. Should we just have our amending formula and go to the people and ask them yes or no and if they do not like this we go with another
formula two years later or six months later, We felt that if we were to offer the choice of the provincial amending formula and the federal amending formula, they will decide between the two.
Mr. Nystrom: Does it not show you. Mr. Minister, that this is another reason why this Committee needs more time. This is something that is very complex, it is something you can not answer, you have not satisfied the members of this Committee if you are satisfied with a simple majority. It is potentially very dangerous, I think once again we should be saying that we need more time to study the options and come before us with a few other alternatives.
Mr. Chrétien: But you have had this Resolution a month. If it is a problem today, it was a problem a month ago. What is you solution. I was explaining that the problems that we were faced with, that coming to Canada we will have the unanimity rule and at one time we need another amending formula because unanimity rule is too rigid and we say, well, we will offer the public to choose between the provincial agreement upon an amending formula and the federal . . .
M. Nystrom: But, Mr. Minister, nobody is arguing for unanimity rule but the first time we have ever seen an amending formula being chosen by 50 per cent of our people is when you presented this Resolution. No one has talked about that in the past. All of a sudden it is a brand new invention that just came out of the air and l maintain it is very, very dangerous. We do not even know what the options are going to be, for example.
You have here in Section 38(3)(a) the provisions that the modified Victoria Formula may indeed not be the federal proposition. It says here that the federal government may present any other alternative. I think that is a very, very dangerous thing. An other alternative. We do not know what that alternative is going to be. You are asking us to pass a pig in a poke.
We could have a referendum in this country that seriously divides Canada, not unite Canada. We should be doing concensus building and healing in this country. You have not justified why you are…
Mr. Chrétien: Well, I am telling you that there will be one time when we will need an amending formula to replace the one that is unanimity. We said there will be a federal and a provincial amending formula and the people will decide. Of course, You can always make the case that it will probably, it can be 50.5 against 49.5.
Mr. Nystrom: Yes.
Mr. Chrétien: But we do not know, But at one time it is just like elections.
Mr. Nystrom: One more question, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Chrétien: My people will express their views and the majority view will prevail.
Mr. Nystrom: Well, Mr. Chairman, we are dealing with some things such as a Constitution and most organizations I know of change their constitution not through a simple majori-
ty vote but through a two-thirds vote or a 160 per cent vote or some other arrangement in their organization.
Can I at least ask you whether or not you will re-examine your proposal, re-examine Part IV, re-assess it, ask your officials to take another look at some other options we may study.
Mr. Chrétien: If you have a better solution that that, but you have not responded to the question I put to you. You know, come two years after patriation of the Constitution and there is a dead-lock between the two formulae, which one will the people pick up. I think that when you have that, you know, we need an amending formula so that they will pick one or the other. You are making the worst case that it will finish 49.9 against 50.1.
Mr. Nystrom: Mr. Minister, there are many other scenarios one could present. You could present the scenario where 90 per cent of the people in the West say no and the rest of the people say yes.
Mr. Nystrom: But all I am asking you is whether or not you will re-examine this and re-assess this and you have not said yes. I assume that you are not going to.
Mr. Chrétien: I am here Mr. Nystrom and we have looked into that problem for months and it is not an easy one. I think if you have a better solution it is your responsibility to suggest that to us. We have looked into all the different alternatives there, it is not a lack of looking it is that we do not find a better solution than this one. If you have a better one, make it available to the Committee and we will look into that.
Mr. Nystrom: Section 41(1)(b)(i), a follow-up on the questions asked.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Your time is up, one more question.
Mr. Nystrom: If I may have one more question. We had questions earlier today about British Columbia. If you look at Section 41(b)(i) it says
(i) every province that at any time before the issue of the proclamation had, according to any previous general census, a population of at least twenty five per cent of the
Canadian population will in effect have a veto which now refers to Ontario and Quebec.
I am not presenting arguments now as to whether or not Ontario or Quebec should or should not have a veto regardless of what their population will be in the future. But I want to wask you very simply, would you consider the possibility of changing that where any province that may attain 25 per cent of the population in the future should have the same rights as any other population?
Mr. Chrétien: The case, the way I understand that . . .
Mr. Nystrom: No, no, that is not the case. I just read it, it Says that any province, according to any previous general census before the issue of the proclamation had a population of at least 25 per cent of the population of Canada. It is before the proclamation and any previous general census.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, you understand that when a province will attain 25 per cent of the population they will have the same rights that exists today for Ontario and Quebec. It is the intention of the drafters. If you want some clarification, I am told by my advisor that this text provides for that. If you are right, we will change it.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Senator Asselin.
Mr. Robinson: A point of order, Mr. Chairman. I am sorry, Mr. Chairman. I am sorry to raise another point of order, but I believe, again, it is important the record is inaccurate and I believe the Minister should correct a statement which he made earlier with respect to Section I, which is what I have called the “Escape Clause” in the Charter of Rights, referring to the reasonable limits as are generally accepted. I pointed out the weakness of that test. The Minister then came back and said, well, there is reasonable limits required.
Now, I want the Minister to confirm that in fact, at least in the French version of this, there is no such thing whatsoever in Section 1.
Mr. Chrétien: I would check that.
Mr. Robinson: The Deputy Minister has indeed confirmed that, Mr. Minister. I believe the Deputy will confirm that.
Mr. Tassé: Well, I can confirm that the word “reasonable” is not shown in French. I think this is one where we will need to have a second look at the consistency between the French and English text.
Mr. Robinson: Okay.
Senator Asselin: Mr. Chairman, if anyone can get the floor back by making a point of order. I would advise my colleagues to do the same as what an NDP member has done a couple of times today: make a point of order and then do a declaration.
Mr. Chairman, yesterday, Mr. Minister, we discussed linguistic rights with reference to Section I33. Obviously, unfortunately, I noticed that some members sitting across, namely Mr. Gauthier, Mr. Corbin and Mr. Duclos, hesitated to make use of Section 133 as far as Ontario and New Brunswick are concerned.
However, you do not shy away from imposing to Quebec Section 23 without consulting the Government of Quebec by amending Law l0l on language in Quebec without consulting the Quebec government; I will not come back to this, but I see that you are rather reluctant to implement Section 133 in Ontario. In my mind, this resolution entrenches institutional bilingualism in Quebec and institutional unilingualism in Ontario and New Brunswick. Once again, Mr. Minister, Quebeckers will be paying the price and will realize that they have been taken for a ride on the language question.
There has been a sort of truth with respect to the implementation of provisions of Law 101 dealing with the language of education and there is a strong possibility that with Section 23 and the other sections you have included in the Charter of Rights, there will be more social upheaval due to French-and English-language education in Quebec.
In any case, Mr. Minister, that is not the main point I wanted to make. I would also like to remind you that a number of constitutional experts and lawyers are concerned about the legal implications of unilateral repatriation, I have the feeling, Mr. Minister, that the professor who taught you constitutional law, Mr. Louis-Philippe Pigeon, who also taught me constitutional law at Laval University and is a former Supreme Court Judge, would not be proud of the legal basis on which you intend to unilaterally repatriate the Canadian constitution, To support this, I would refer you to an article by Louis-Philippe Pigeon, which appeared in the Revue du Barreau de la Province de Quebec, in 1943. Mr. Pigeon, who was then a lawyer, described the contractual nature of federal-provincial relations. He also quoted a number of Privy Council decisions to the effect that the federal government could not act unilaterally, without the consent of the provinces, to repatriate or amend the Canadian constitution.
You, Mr., Minister, have chosen to ignore jurisprudence established by Privy Council and experts on constitutional law. I see that Mr. Lamontagne is shaking his head and I am anxious to hear what he has to say. We have not yet heard from him during this debate, but I hope that we will.
Senator Lamontagne: You will.
Senator Asselin: We will?
Senator Lamontagne: Yes.
Senator Asselin: You are also ignoring the Supreme Court decision with regard to the Senate to the effect that the federal government does not have the right to act unilaterally, that it must have the consent of the provinces.
I would first like to ask you’ on what legal basis it was recommended that the federal government be allowed to act unilaterally, while, as I have just said, . . .
Mr. Chrétien: You are talking about precedents. I do not know where you found Mr. Pigeon’s precedents because we have never repatriated the constitution, so there are no precedents.
Senator Asselin: It was a study . . .
Mr. Chrétien: There is no jurisprudence; we are in the process of making it. He referred . . .
Senator Asselin: It was a statement by Privy Council.
You referred to precedents quoted by Mr. Pigeon. He could not have quoted precedents on repatriation, because it has never been done. The matter was raised in 1927 or 1931, when we tried to achieve a consensus to go to London and repatriate the constitution with the unanimous consent of the provinces. That was what the federal government and the provincial government wanted.
We have been trying for 53 years and we have not succeeded. From the strictly legal point of view, the Canadian constitution is a British law and we maintain that the power to decide the future of the Canadian constitution rests with the British Parliament and not with the Parliament of Canada.
Senator Asselin: Without the consent of the provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: Exactly. We have gone before the British Parliament many times, 23 I believe, to have the Canadian constitution amended. Sometimes we had the consent of the provinces and other times we did not: the British Parliament always acted on the advice of the House of Commons and the Senate.
Since the British Parliament has the legal authority to make the decision, we are legally bound to go to London. The British would be within their rights to decide not to act. We want to end this dependency on the British Parliament by repatriating the Canadian constitution once and for all and, through an amendment formula, give the provinces a legal power that they do not have at this time. They want to act unilaterally but they do not have the legal right to do so. The legal power rests solely with the British Parliament; repatriation will transfer the legal power to amend the constitution from the British Parliament to the Canadian Parliament and the provincial governments in accordance with an amending formula that will be included in the constitution.
Senator Asselin: This means . . .
Mr. Chrétien: You were talking about the legal aspect.
Senator Asselin: Yes.
Mr. Chrétien: I am talking about the strictly legal side of the question. Tradition is another thing. Tradition is not law.
Senator Asselin: I am talking about the contractual side of the law.
Senator Asselin: Is the federation a contract between the provinces and the federal government or is is it not?
If it is a contractual relationship and if you . . .
Mr. Chrétien: It depends.
Senator Asselin: Your conscience is bothering you.
Mr. Chrétien: Historically, it depends on the province. In 1867, Quebec and Ontario were one country called Canada, which then joined the Provinces of Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. Other provinces joined. Some were created by the federal government. The Territories were extended by the federal government for the northern part of the provinces New Quebec, et cetera.
So historically it is not as clear as you would have us believe. In any case, when Nova Scotia wanted to withdraw from confederation in 1869, the British Parliament told them, although Joseph Howe had gotten the consent of the Legislative Assembly they would have to go to Ottawa for permission to withdraw and not to the British Parliament.
Senator Asselin: I must say, Mr. Minister, that many legal experts would not agree with you. If your legal conscience is not bothering you, why do you refuse to go to the Supreme Court for a legal opinion?
Mr. Chrétien: As I have said at least 20 times, the Court. . .
Senator Asselin: The fact that you were afraid to go to the Supreme Court must mean that your legal position is not strong enough.
Mr. Chrétien: We are not afraid. We are going directly to the British Parliament. When we went to them with Bill C-60 and Clause 91.1, they told us that the Canadian constitution could not be amended by the Canadian Parliament, and we would have to go to the British Parliament.
Senator Asselin: Mr. Minister.
Mr. Chrétien: It may be unpleasant but that is the legal situation that we are trying to put an end to.
Senator Asselin: In any case, Mr. Minister. I have the right not to agree with you and I do not.
Mr. Chrétien: I would have been very surprised if you had.
Senator Asselin: On the more practical side, Mr. Minister, you said this morning that your mandate was partly based on the results of the referendum in Quebec. The fact that Quebecers voted no on the referendum gave you a mandate to amend the constitution. Everyone in Quebec followed the referendum and at no time did Mr. Trudeau or other federal ministers tell Quebecers—and you will correct me if I am wrong—that if they voted no on the referendum, you would unilaterally repatriate the constitution with an amending formula and a charter of rights. You simply hinted that changes would be made in the constitution.
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Asselin.
Senator Asselin: Let me finish, Mr. Minister. During the referendum . . .
Mr. Chrétien: What you are saying is simply not true. I made it clear in all speeches . . .
Senator Asselin: What did you say? Did you say that you were going to unilaterally repatriate the constitution?
Mr. Chrétien: I said that we were going to have a new Canadian constitution in which language… How do you know what I said? Not once did you come to hear me speak, so you cannot know.
Senator Asselin: Every night on the news, we heard . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Clark was with me twice when I clearly stated that we were going to repatriate the Canadian constitution and entrench language rights, that we were going to have a charter to protect the basic rights of Canadians, that their right to education for Francophones outside Quebec and Anglophones in Quebec would be protected in the constitution.
Senator Asselin: Unilaterally?
Mr. Chrétien: I said that we were going to do it.
Senator Asselin: Did you say that you would do it unilaterally?
Mr. Chrétien: We began by trying to get the agreement of the provinces but we did not get it. We clearly stated that we were going to do it and we agreed with what the Opposition Leader said on June 9 to the effect that, if the provinces were not willing to take on their responsibilities, the Parliament of Canada, which represents all Canadians, would take responsibility . . .
Senator Asselin: But not unilaterally.
Mr. Chrétien: That is what we are doing.
Senator Asselin: During the referendum campaign, you were accompanied by Mr. Claude Ryan, Leader of the Liberal Party in Quebec. Did you inform Mr. Ryan during the campaign that if agreement could not be reached or if there was a deadlock, the Parliament of Canada would unilaterally repatriate the constitution? Did you tell Mr. Ryan that?
Mr. Chrétien: We clearly indicated that we intended to amend the Canadian constitution and take steps to break the deadlock that prevented us from acting, but he does not agree with us. However, there is nothing in the charter that is before us or in the proposals we tabled in Parliament that has not been recommended in Mr. Ryan’s beige paper.
The difficulty between us and Mr. Ryan is that he wanted patriation to take place after an agreement and we did . . .
Senator Asselin: Did you discuss it with Mr. Ryan?
Mr. Chrétien: Sorry?
Senator Asselin: Did you discuss it with Mr. Ryan during the referendum campaign?
Mr. Chrétien: I was there when Mr. Trudeau made a very clear statement about it in Montreal. I do not know if you were there. One more time, you were not there when Mr. Trudeau stated very clearly that we were to take our responsibilities, and we did.
Mr. La Salle: Mr., Tremblay was there.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Well, it is 6:00.
Senator Austin: Mr. Chairman, before you call the adjournment, I would like with reference to the witnesses who are attending. to make the suggestion that we ask the Minister to come back on one or two days’ notice and proceed with our list.
We have a number of witnesses who are simply in a holding pattern. As many of the questions which have been addressed members of the Committee have had partial answers, perhaps we can hear some evidence from others as to the joint resolution and then bring the Minister back.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): What is the feeling of the Committee?
Mr. McGrath.
Mr. McGrath: Mr. Chairman, I am authorized to speak also on behalf of Mr. Epp who has just gone outside, and to indicate to you that we consider the Minister to be the principle witness on this Bill,
It is perfectly obvious from the questioning this afternoon, that we have not completed our examination of Mr. Chrétien, and it would facilitate the work of the Committee and provide some continuity to our examination of this important measure if we were to have the Minister back tonight. All I am saying is that the Human Rights Commissioner and the Language Rights Commissioner are based in Ottawa, and it would not be too much for them if they were to wait an extra day.
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Chairman, if I may intervene at this moment: I was here yesterday when the Committee said that I was to be a witness this morning and perhaps this afternoon. In accordance with that I made certain arrangements, because of some ministerial responsibilities, and I am going to beautiful British Columbia where I have some important engagements with learned judges in the Law Society and so on. I have to be there.
I have made my arrangements in the light of what I was given to understand was the position of the Committee, that other witnesses would be ready.
I feel I have obliged by being here reasonably well so far. I am prepared to come back with some notice.
But I made plans in accordance with Mr. Epp’s suggestion last night when he said, “The Minister would be called tomorrow morning or tomorrow afternoon”, so in the light of that I made arrangements to travel out West.
I did not make any plans to go outside of Ottawa until the Resolution was brought back to Parliament. But for tonight and tomorrow in the light of yesterday’s discussions I must tell you that I have a long-standing engagement and I have taken the view, following the remarks of Mr. Epp and I will be available when you want me back.
Senator Austin: Mr. Chairman, because of the timetable imposed by Parliament on this Committee, each one of us in this Committee has had to cancel long-standing engagements for that very reason.
We did not ask—I did not ask that this Bill had to be back in the House by December 9.
The government did.
Now that places a particular responsibility on the Minister to be here at our convenience, surely.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Senator Roblin.
Senator Roblin: Mr. Chairman: I do not know whether I can add anything of significance to what has been said, but it seems to me that, the view being taken that the Minister is the principle witness, it is the Constitution of Canada, there is an advantage in having some sort of continuity in our procedures, and with this time limit in front of us, it makes it incumbent upon him to be here tonight and perhaps tomorrow, should we want to talk to him tomorrow; because this is not a matter that can be dealt with in a piece—meal way. It is one which should be dealt with in a continuous and, I hope, consistent way.
Some of us here who have not had a chance to speak as often as some others, have points we would like to make and put to the Minister, we should be entitled to make them in the context of this general discussion and not in some haphazard, back-broken manner later on.
I am sorry that I appear to be inconveniencing the Minister, because he is one of my favourites so far as this government goes, and I am sorry to take such an adamant stand.
Mr. Chrétien: But I was here last night listening to Mr. Epp and the discussion, and it was quite clear. If you had asked me last night to be here tonight and Friday, I would have cancelled everything. But they said that they needed me today and this afternoon; but I am willing to come back next week or the week after.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, the Minister is certainly the principle, but not the only witness. We have to proceed to other witnesses. The Minister has agreed to come back.
But there is something which is fundamental here, that is, how we are going to proceed in this Committee.
It has been traditional that we proceed on the word of honourable gentlemen, Now if we want to become very legalistic and have a motion for everything and have everything
written down a la Constitution, of course we can do it; but yesterday it was understood that the Minister would be available for as long as it would be anticipated that he would be needed. Now this is simply a common courtesy extended to all Ministers; for instance, when you have to appear before a Committee, it is always understood that there are other priorities on the Minister’s time.
It seems to me Mr. Epp quite properly indicated that the Minister would be needed last night, Wednesday night incidentally Thursday and possibly this afternoon.
I think the Minister was acting in good faith in anticipating that he could be free to fulfill another long-standing engagement, and I am rather surprised that we are even debating a matter of this sort. I think it is a display of a lack of courtesy to the Minister. I think the Minister has indicated that he wants to come back.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Are there any other members who would wish to speak?
Mr. Hawkes: Mr. Chairman, I have been waiting three days on behalf of the people of Alberta to ask ten minutes’ worth of questions, and I would like to ask many more. But I have re-arranged my personal plans to be here this afternoon or tomorrow morning if necessary. I think it is essential that the Minister should stay and let us continue our questioning,
Mr. Epp: Mr. Chairman, regarding the Minister’s position here, first of all we all understand that he is the principle witness. In terms of having a clear explanation as to how the government interprets the proposed resolution, it is important that that work be done first before we hear other witnesses. I think a lot of time can be saved if we all understand what the .government’s proposal in fact is, and how other witnesses will be reacting to the various sections and how they interpret them.
It is true that yesterday I placed a caveat and said I wanted the Minister here today and this afternoon. Mr. Mackasey said that he understood, and I accept that that was his understanding. But I think in fairness to Mr. Mackasey, I did not say I did not want him here tonight.
Mr. Mackasey: That is right.
Mr. Epp: That being so, I think we should take a look at the progress of the Committee and taking note of Mr. Hawkes’ position and that of Senator Roblin, to name only two, I think it is important that we get the Minister’s testimony first.
I think all of us would like to do some other things other than sitting in this room between now and December 9. But the fact remains that—and I believe I have heard from the Prime Minister that he places this on a rather high priority in the Parliamentary schedule; so I would think in that respect the Minister himself has placed it on the same priority as we have.
Miss Campbell: Mr. Chairman, I do not accept Mr. Hawkes’ position. Some people in the opposition have spoken twice today; and perhaps Mr. Hawkes should have contacted
Mr. Epp over the fact that there was that, if I may use the term leading astray last night by the words used. I certainly took the same implication that he wanted the Minister this morning and part of this afternoon.
I am not saying that Mr. Hawkes does not have a right or anything like that, but, surely he could have said to some people on his side that he had this pressing engagement. I can name at least two people who have spoken twice here today, if not three times.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Corbin.
Mr. Corbin: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I think what is developing in terms of the Minister’s presence is a situation where he definitely does not know how long he will be required here. On the other hand, it is our understanding that he is at the reasonable disposals of the Committee and I think we have to be reasonable, even with a Minister.
He has commitments, obviously. Other members looking at me now were ministers for a while, some for a while longer, they know the name of the game. Let us not kid ourselves, the press knows the pressing duties the Ministers may have from time to time. It is not for me to say that the Minister was reasonable with the Committee. I think he is prepared to be even more reasonable and be at our disposal to an even greater extent if we so need him, and I think we will want him back here on all sides of the table, but he has underlined a problem.
It was Mr. Epp a few days ago who suggested, I do not know exactly the context, but that it was good for everyone to recollect their thoughts and think, a number of proposals have been made to the Minister and he has committed himself to examining proposals and it would not be a bad idea if he could retire for a day or two while we re-examine other witnesses who will be making valid points, whose testimony will help us in doing further re-examination of the Minister’s own statement.
It works both ways. It is a big highway, it is a four lane highway.
Mr. McGrath: And there is a big train.
Mr. Corbin: Pardon me? No, you cannot have it both ways all the time. Now, let us be fair.
Mr. Corbin: Let us be fair.
Mr. Fraser: Mr. Chairman and colleagues, I of course like to be cooperative but if the Minister only has to talk to some judges in British Columbia, to give him a chance to hold press conferences and make some speeches about the Constitution, then I would be very much against this committee releasing him to do something like that. The judges are important, but he can talk on the telephone.
Secondly, if the purpose of the Minister’s visit is to go west and campaign on behalf of the proposal that he has here, then I do not think that will be fair.
Mr. Chrétien: I can now, I could not before.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Bockstael.
Mr. Bockstael: Mr. Chairman, I want to point out that the Minister was available earlier than we called him and he himself offered to be here all day Monday if we wanted, but in deference to the members who said they had important obligations in their constituency on Monday we deferred and said on, we will not have the Minister on Monday. I think he is entitled to the same consideration that the individual members sought for themselves on Monday.
On the point of order, I think at a personal level there is no one who does not sympathize with the responsibilities that the Minister has. He not only has this responsibility but he also is the Minister of Social Policy and there are a variety of other things he has to do. I do not think there is anyone who does not sympathize with his obligations and the heavy load he carries, and I mean that.
However, I think it has to be said that this is just not your average Bill, and there are a couple of things that need to be said, I think, about it.
First of all there was not an adequate time in the House, you may recall, at least to get to the Minister, and you may recall the Minister himself kept saying: Get it into Committee and we will have this discussion. We agreed with that. Finally.
The Minister is here and we would like to be able to do the work with the Minister first so we can understand his interpretation and justification of the parts of the Bill as he sees it, The suggestion that somehow we ought not to expect that he should be here unless we ask, if we had known that the asumption was that we should reserve his time then I think we should do that now; we would like to reserve him until December the ninth. I think in fact it was on our part, we said: look, the best we can do is to say we think it is tomorrow and the afternoon; we did not reserve a block of time.
I know that Ministers have to reserve time, and it is his bill that is before the Committee as well as it being the Constitution, and I think it is essential that the Minister be here.
On the question of whether or not other people have responsibilities, I can assure the Minister that we may not carry the same load as he is carrying but I can tell you as a personal comment I made eight cancellations in the month of November for speaking engagements in this country. A lot of people were very happy with that, actually, so I am not necessarily depriving the country, but I think it is important that we put aside that time and I think the Minister ought to do as well.
Now, we particularly did not have the opportunity in the House, we have a time frame which is imposed upon this Committee by the Prime Minister’s timetable, initially December the ninth, and for heavens sake at least allow us to have the Minister for a couple of days and I am serious, and I am
going to urge upon Mr. Epp. that if in order to have the Minister here we have to reserve his time, then we will.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, let us be specific for the moment as to what Mr. Epp said, and I come back to the point that we do not need what the spokesman for each party say in writing because then we will have really deteriorated from normal Committee procedure.
Mr. Epp said: I believe we all recognize the Minister is the chief government witness and this being the case, I would suggest we have the Minister here at least tomorrow morning, meaning this morning.
He further went on to say: I would be willing to assess it later on in the morning in terms of how we are proceeding, and also obviously then leave the caveat that we can always call the Minister back after that; but I want to hold the caveat that we might want to call the Minister tomorrow afternoon as well.
Now, that was his limitatin in your writing. The last words say: But let us start with tomorrow morning. I think Mr. Epp made that in good faith.
Now, I will not get into what I think of ex-Ministers saying to the Minister: You must remain here and you have no ministerial duties. I would make a suggestion, in light of Mr. Hawkes, the only member from Alberta who has been on the Committee in any forum, who absolutely must say what he has to say at this moment and not when the Minister comes back in a few days, that the Minister be requested to stay and all of us stay to hear both Mr. Hawkes and Mr. Roblin, who has always interested me. immediately and then we let the Minister go on to his other duties and then we will proceed with the next witness, who is I think Mr. Fairweather.
Well now, if you want to go right around the table all over again, that is a different story, but if the argument that is raised by Mr. Epp is a valid one, that we should proceed because Mr. Roblin would like to hear the Minister immediately, or Mr. Hawkes would like to hear the Minister immediately, then we should continue until 7 o’clock, because these are only 10-minute periods, that is another 20 minutes, and I am sure that members of the Committee would all want to hear the debate and discuss it. I do not know whether the Minister would agree to that. Would you agree to that, Mr. Minister?
Mr. Chrétien: For Mr. Hawkes and Senator Roblin, line.
Mr. Mackasey: I will make a formal motion that the Minister be . . .
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Mr. Mackasey is about to make a motion.
Mr. Mackasey: I would make a motion that the Minister be requested, that is a polite word, not instructed, to remain until 7 o’clock and that the witnesses, Mr. Hawkes and Mr. Roblin specifically, have their usual 10 minutes, and the rest of us, the Members of the Liberal Party, remain quiet so that the Minister can both satisfy the Committee’s request and fulfill
an obligation that he felt in good faith, based on the contribution of Mr. Epp yesterday, should be carried out.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Can you get your motion up here in writing, Mr. Mackasey?
Mr. Mackasey: Well, I hope that is not necessary. I think the members understand. I hope that I do not even have to make the motion, I hope that you agree with it.
Mr. Epp: Mr. Chairman, there is a steering committee, all Committees have functioned that way in the past and I think Mr. Mackasey has enough experience that he knows what effect an action such as he proposed has on a Committee.
Also, I want to say to him, with all respect, that when he interprets my words I want Mr. Mr. Hawkes and Mr. La Salle, and that that was it, I used those as examples and I think if he checks that, he will accept that.
The point surely must be made that this Committee, which has been sitting from 9:30 this morning, took a break for the Question Period, and is now back until 6:30 and will sit again between 8:00 and 10:00, that surely the point is legitimately and logically made that the Committee should now rise for dinner and that the Minister then come back. It just will not be satisfactory to sit until 7 o’clock, and the Sub-Committee has agreed, we have agreed to the schedule of the Report of the Sub-Committee. That was done and I do not think in any way that this would help the case of the Committee and the work of the Committee because what Mr. Mackasey is suggesting we do, then, is not only by this kind of motion to over-ride the decision of the Sub-Committee, but also by this kind of motion use the Sub-Committee, but also by this kind of motion use the majority that he now enjoys in the Committee to over-ride the amount of time the Committee should have for witnesses, and this is the Chief Witness.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, I agree, and I am surprised at Mr. Epp’s argument, and I may be adamant on this. I think that you are acting in bad faith, Mr. Epp. Your words are very clearly spelled out, that you would need the Minister again this morning and possibly this afternoon. No inference beyond this afternoon.
Now, the Minister, like all of us, have sat here three times a day since the beginning of the week. He has been an extremely cooperative Minister, much more cooperative than most Ministers and Mr. McGrath agrees, much more cooperative than Ministers tend to be at Committee and that includes all the Ministers on that side.
I do not think we should leave the inference that the Minister is not cooperative. When the Minister is cooperative, when the Minister suggests to this Committee that he would like to be absent this afternoon and tomorrow, I think it is common courtesy that we recognize that, particularly since the Committee will not be wasting its time. We have Mr. Fairweather ready to fill in tonight and tomorrow.
Secondly, he is prepared by his own words, to go even further to accommodate Mr. Hawkes from Alberta and the
honourable Senator Roblin immediately. Now, I think that is the fairest propositin to make and I, Mr. Epp, do not want to make a motion. I do not like to use those tactics. I think there can be honest difference of opinion and I do think committees work much better when we trust each others word.
I do think, however, that the Minister has a right to presume by your statement that he would be free tonight and free tomorrow and you are the one that suggested that even if there was an honest mistake, we are not going to recognize it.
Finally, Mr. Chairman—I am sorry, Mr. Epp made some reference during Committee, I am not a member of that, so perhaps some member of the steering committee might tell me what did go on.
Senator Austin: I was advising Mr. Mackasey a moment ago that there has been nothing in the steering committee touching this particular subject of the continuity of e Minister, so I did not understand Mr. Epp’s reference to the steering committee.
Mr. Epp: What I meant was that the steering committee has set the hours of sitting of the Committee.
Mr. Lapierre: Following my colleague, Mr. Mackasey’s remarks, in which he puts forth Mr. Epp’s bad faith in this debate, I am under the impression that in the interest of the other witnesses, since those who have cried the loudest we should hear as many witnesses as possible or those on the other side, I do hope they realize that by having the Minister of Justice here, the other witnesses are kept waiting and December 9 is still lurking in the background.
Thus, if we want to give as many Canadians as possible every chance to appear before this Committee, and if we wish to avoid in some cases repetition, since the Minister of Justice has offered to come back before the Committee, I think we should have a little consideration for the reasons he gave us.
Mr. Hawkes was saying a while ago that he has been here for three days, well, I have been here since the beginning, and I am not at all sure that in the three days he has asked to speak and I would certainly like now . . .
Mr. La Salle: Ah! That is what I thought. He did not ask to speak.
As for Mr. Fraser who fears that Mr. Chretien will go campaigning, I do believe this engagement was made some time ago. It is quite legitimate for the Minister to go around the country in certain circumstances.
Therefore, the present debate is sterile, and I would suggest officially that the Committee invite Mr. Fairweather to appear at 8 o’clock this evening.
Mr. Epp: Mr. Chairman, I just want to go back to what Mr. Mackasey said. I have the blues in front of me as well, and I think if Mr. Mackasey looks at those blues, Page 326 on the blues, I said I would be willing to assess it later on in the morning in terms of how we are proceeding and also, obvious-
ly, then leave the caveat that we could always call the Minister back after that. I think that is a pretty clear statement.
Mr. Mackasey: Tomorrow afternoon.
Mr. Epp: May I finish? That statement in itself is quite clear. Then additionally: but I want to hold the caveat that we might want to call the Minister tomorrow afternoon as well. So there is no caveat in terms of that will be the end of the discussion. I think you would recognize that we just got into a number of topics re the amending formula. Right now it is hanging. Mr. Nystrom took up that case as well today. So that whole question of the amending formula, the question of interpretation of Section 50, the question of the interpretation of Section 42, as in a number of others, has not been done and I would suggest, with all respect, for the Minister and the Government Member’s own benefit that they would want to be able to make their case and have it on the record before witnesses appear. That is the way the Committees generally operate because what you are now proposing, Mr. Mackasey, is a system whereby witnesses can come here and put on the record interpretations of sections prior to the Government even having made its case.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): I have a motion, a written motion, that the Committee invite Mr. Gordon Fairweather to appear tonight as a witness at 8 o’clock, p.m., November 13, 1980.
Mr. McGrath: Put the question, Mr. Chairman. We have had Closure twice, we can have it a third time. That is what it is.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): Are you ready to vote? All right, call the vote.
Motion negatived: Yeas, 10; Nays, 11.
The Joint Chairman (Senator Hays): The motion is lost, 10 to 11. So we will see you at 8 o’clock, Mr. Minister.
This meeting is adjourned until 8 o’clock.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): We will continue our proceedings with the hon. Minister of Justice; on my list of questioners I have the hon. Roch La Salle followed by the hon. Senator Tremblay. Mr. La Salle.
Mr. La Salle: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
First, I would like to take a few minutes to try and remind the minister of the situation existing particularly in his province and mine. Given the situation, the concern of a population increasingly tormented by our deadlock and also given commitments made during the referendum and the hopes created about Quebec especially, I would remind you, for instance, that the chairman of the Non Committee made several statements and is trying, I believe, to convince the minister and the federal government of the difficulties faced by a political party
which the government knows very well in dealing with the question before us. Under the circumstances, given these difficulties and the concerns which I repeat are increasing, I would like to first ask the minister whether he would be prepared to receive an amendment asking the federal government to come back to the principle or rule of bilaterism in constitutional reform.
Mr. Chrétien: Bilaterism? What do you mean by that?
Mr. La Salle: The respect of both levels of government. In other words . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Are you referring to the unanimity rule, the concept of doing nothing until we have agreement amongst all eleven governments, amongst the ten provincial governments?
Mr. La Salle: I am asking the minister whether he is prepared to receive an amendment forcing him to respect both levels of government . . .
Mr. Chrétien: We respect them.
Mr. La Salle: In other words, to abolish this idea of unilateral patriation.
Mr. La Salle: As my second question, Mr. Chairman, I wonder whether the minister would at least be prepared to receive an amendment leading the federal government to open a final round of negotiations with the provinces on the issues of basic rights and language rights.
Mr. Chrétien: No. This summer we spent three months with the provinces trying to resolve that problem; we made an effort never before equalled in Canada, and I think that we clearly established the government’s position which was also the position of the Opposition parties, which was that the time had come for Canada to act, We tried in good faith over the summer, and when we reached Friday morning, nothing had been agreed on; even Mr., Levesque was no longer asking Ontario to include Section 133 in the constitution.
So we did make an honest effort, and we are now following the legal method for amendment of the Canadian constitution. For the last time, we will go to England. Once the resolution has been passed, the provinces will have the right to veto the Victoria formula which we are proposing or some other formula which the provinces may propose; legally, however, the provinces will have a legal right to participate in constitutional affairs, and will no longer be restricted to addressing the British Parliament to settle Canadian problems. This will be the last time we do so.
Mr. La Salle: Mr. Chairman, would the minister be prepared to receive an amendment to the effect that the federal government should limit the scope of its project to patriation and amending formula according to the unanimity rule for the next two or three years, after which, given the lack of permanent amending formula, the intention will be to go to the people.
Mr. Chrétien: But in that case, what will become of the Charter of Rights? Do you want to enshrine it or not? The problem which the committee is now considering . . .
Mr. La Salle: No, I am not talking about the Charter. I am asking the minister whether he could limit the resolution to patriation and an amending formula.
Mr. Chrétien: We made our decision; the resolution went before the House of Commons and was accepted in principle, in its entirety, by a very large majority before being sent to committee. Two parties accepted the principle of patriation of the constitution, the inclusion in the constitution of an amending formula, the principle of enshrining in the constitution the basic rights of Canadians, the principle of enshrining once and for all a solution to the problem of education for French speakers outside of Quebec, the right of French speakers outside of Quebec to be educated in French, and the equivalent for English speakers in Quebec, the principle of equalization and sharing, and if we should eventually accept the NDP amendment, as it is our stated intention to do, we intend to recognize provincial ownership of resources and the provincial right to legislate on indirect taxation, resources, and also inter-provincial trade with the federal government playing a leading role. That was voted in the House of Commons, and the committee’s job now is to look at each element of the resolution, to propose and discuss amendments; that is why we are here right now.
Mr. La Salle: Would the Minister be prepared to receive an amendment recommending the elimination of Section 42, the referendum section.
Is the Minister in a position to tell us whether he is prepared to receive, to agree that the federal government should not commit itself to any definitive action until the Canadian courts have made a decision, in other words to wait for the decision of the courts before going to London.
Mr. Chrétien: Mr. Chairman, must I answer for the twentieth time the same question which has been addressed to me during the past 14 hours? We have repeatedly given the committee an answer on the question of. . .
Mr. La Salle: Is the Minister in a position to tell us whether he is prepared to receive, in fact to agree that the federal government commit itself to doing nothing definitive until the Canadian government has announced its decision, in other words to wait for that decision before going to London?
Mr. Chrétien: You are forcing me to answer for the twentieth time. We have said that we have repeatedly given the committee an answer on the question of going to London, while certain provinces can take their problems to court.
So I have given an answer on that.
Mr. La Salle: Your answer is no?
Mr. Chrétien: The honourable member can read my previous answers.
Mr. La Salle: I have some recommendations made by a great Canadian, made by Mr. Claude Ryan in his speech yesterday in Quebec City. He stated the recommendations which he considers vital, given the interest shown by Quebec in patriation and in the constitutional future of the country.
Given the circumstances, and this will be my last question, since I will probably get the same answers… Could the Minister follow the Prime Minister of Canada who claims to have the support of the people of Quebec in constitutional reform… When a large and important party in Quebec recognizes that the way in which the federal government is behaving is entirely unacceptable, and whose leader is the ex-chairman of the No Committee and who the Minister knows very well since he spent several months with him on another issue . . .
Mr. Chrétien: The only distinction between our point of view and Mr. Ryan’s is related to procedure. As for the substance of the issue, of everything which is before the committee at the present time, all of these recommendations were made by the Provincial Liberal Party and its leader in their beige paper: the question of the protection of minority rights, the question of enshrining a charter of rights in the constitution, the questions on the concept of sharing; we can find each of these items systematically in the beige paper. And if anyone wishes to criticize me on the resolution at the present time, the criticism would be that I have perhaps not been tough enough, I have not gone as far as the beige paper in what I impose on the provinces.
Mr. Ryan agrees on the substance, but he would have preferrd that we act after getting substantive agreement, I do not need to remind anyone that I worked very hard this summer to try and reach a strong, substantive agreement. And you could have seen yourselves on television that no agreement was possible, and that the shopping list presented by the Premier of Manitoba did not represent agreement amongst the provinces, and this to such an extent that today Mr. Levesque, in Quebec, is criticizing me for not forcing Ontario to accept Section 133. And when Mr. Morin had a document circulated on Wednesday, Thursday, and Friday of the Conference, when Mr. Lyons presented his shopping list, Mr. Levesque himself agreed to withdraw Section 133 from the shopping list.
So the situation was not particularly serious. As for us, as of June we had said that we would go ahead if no agreement were reached. In their statement made June 9, the premiers themselves repeated Mr. Trudeau’s statement saying that it was necessary to finalize the twelve items. And the finalization was that no agreement could be reached on the 12 items on the agenda.
Under the circumstances, we are doing what the member from Joliette’s leader proposed: if there is no agreement, the people who represent the 23 or 24 million Canadians across the country must accept their responsibilities. And that is what
the members of this committee have been called on to do at the present time.
Mr. La Salle: This afternoon the minister said without any hesitation that he mentioned this project during the Quebec referendum campaign. I do not think that at any time the premiers or the ministers dared to say that there might be unilateral action. The word was never used.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not claim . . .
Mr. La Salle: I will ask the Minister to confess this evening at least that he never spoke of a unilateral action, knowing quite well that after the federal-provincial conference the leader of the Liberal Party would call on the Canadian government to refrain from any unilateral action; Mr. Ryan’s conclusion on the methods used by the federal government was clear and precise, He is far from being in agreement with the federal government.
Mr. Chrétien: I recognize that Mr. Ryan agrees with us in substance and disagrees on our methods.
Mr. La Salle: And that is very important.
Mr. Chrétien: And if the member for Joliette had taken the trouble to go to Joliette when the No Committee met in Joliette and I made a speech, he would have realized that I stated that night, as I did in all of my speeches, that it was our intention to act with no delays in providing ourselves with a new constitution.
Mr. La Salle: Mr. Chairman, my question is the following, and I would like to get an answer. . .
Mr. Chrétien: I said “unilaterally” . . .
Mr. La Salle: Can the minister tell us whether in Joliette, in our province, he said that he definitely intended to act unilaterally, yes or no? The word is clear.
Mr. Chrétien: We said that we were going to go ahead, we told Quebeckers that we believed that with the opinions of the provincial prime ministers it would be possible to come to an agreement on a formula for the patriation of the constitution. We made an effort, and I believe a very honest effort over the summer, and I think that all Canadians agree that we should not wait another three or five years to try and get unanimity when we have already tried time and time again; we believed that after the referendum unanimity would be possible, given the statements made by heads of governments, including the Government of Quebec, a separatist government supported by the member for Joliette. . .
So, we believed at that time that the offers made by the government would make our job easier, and I think it is clear that when we reached September, we were even further behind than we had been in May. And under those circumstances, we did what had been recommended by the members of Parliament, which was to go ahead, to accept our responsibilities as Canadian parliamentarians if we could not reach an agreement with the provinces. As for the Charter of Rights, we firmly believe in the protection of minority language education; and if we were to rely on the good will of provincial governments, we believe that we would one day end up with a Charter of Rights which does not give Canadians their rights
and that is why we had to accept our responsibilities as a Federal Government.
Mr. La Salle: May I ask the minister to give a yes or no answer to the question? He has talked all around the issue to avoid answering the question. I claim, I presume, I am convinced that at no time during the referendum campaign did Mr. Ryan say that he would never have led the No Committee had he known that the Federal Government was going to act unilaterally. Did you, or did you not, promise the province of Quebec during the referendum that you would act unilaterally?
Mr. Chrétien: What do you mean?
Mr. La Salle: Yes or no? I want an honest answer,
Mr. Chrétien: We did not talk of unilateral action.
We said that we would settle the problem. And, Mr. Chairman, that has nothing to do with the resolution which is now before the committee. We are not here to discuss the referendum, because it was well known during the referendum that the member for Joliette hid.
Mr. La Salle: Because I felt the hypocrisy within the federal formula.
Mr. Chrétien: At the present time I am exercising my right as a witness to answer questions; since I have the floor, I am using it to exercise my right to answer questions. And I think that we would definitely have preferred to act with the unanimous agreement of all the provinces, but I think that is impossible, and we have accepted our responsibilities. At that time we promised change; we had to start somewhere, and we started with patriation, the amending formula, the enshrinement of the Charter of Rights in the Constitution, and the enshrinement of language educational rights.
I repeat, I am here as a witness; if you want to have me here listen to me. If you want me to remain here, you want me to testify? If you find that I am repeating answers, I can answer that I have heard that remark very frequently.
Mr. La Salle: Answer yes or no.
Mr. Chrétien: Who said that we were going to make changes; if we need everyone’s consent, we are going to end up waiting another 53 years and we are not prepared to do that.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you Mr. Chrétien.
Senator Tremblay: Mr. Chairman, Mr. Minister, I hope that the question I am going to ask has not already been asked. Actually, it is a technical question which corresponds to something I had been wondering about and which the minister’s advisers can perhaps explain.
If I understand correctly, this will be a British act.
Senator Tremblay: Section 57 states that this British act shall come into force on a day to be fixed by proclamation issued by the Governor General under the Great Seal of Canada. I imagine that is the Governor General of Canada under the Great Seal of Canada. What I would like to have explained is how a British act can come into force as a result
of action taken by the Governor General of a country other than Great Britain?
Mr. Tassé: I would like to say that the resolution contains a proposal addressed to the British Parliament for the passing of an act entitled “The Canada Act” which can be found on page 12. This is a very brief piece of legislation containing four sections and a schedule appended to the act and it is entitled The Constitution Act, 1980. Section 57 refers to the Constitution Act, 1980, coming into force. And it is simply by proclamation issued by the Governor General that that schedule, the Constitution Act, 1980, will come into force in Canada; The British act itself, the main act entitled “The Canada Act”, will come into force when it is passed in England.
Senator Tremblay: You are referring to the Act to amend the Constitution of Canada, is that not correct?
Mr. Tassé: It is the Canada Act, the act entitled “Canada Act” which will be voted on by the British Parliament.
Senator Tremblay: You mean the act mentioned in Section 4, whose complete title is “An Act to amend the Constitution of Canada”?
I thought that the Act to amend the Constitution of Canada responded to some extent to my question but actually it is Section 1 of the Constitution Act, 1980, set out in Schedule 3.
Will there be some sort of delegation of authority from the British Parliament to the Governor General of Canada?
Mr. Tassé: There is no legislative delegation. What the British Parliament says here is that the schedule, the Constitution Act, 1980, will come into force through proclamation.
Senator Tremblay: Does the fact that the Governor General will proclaim that act in Canada change its British status here in Canada?
Mr. Tassé: I do not think so, because the nature of the Governor General’s role is an executive rather than a legislative one.
Senator Tremblay: I asked that question for the following reason: If the Governor Genera1’s involvement had in some way made this a Canadian act, it might perhaps have been open for consideration by Canadian courts. That is a question which has been raised, but you have just answered that such will not be the case.
My second question refers to Section 51 which states “Clause 1 of Section 91 and Clause 1 of Section 92 . .. are repealed”.
For the time being, I will ignore Clause 1 of Section 92. What I am concerned with is Clause 1 of Section 91.
So 91(1) is repealed.
Now 91(1) contains certain very important provisions regarding the provinces.
These include the provision that Parliament has the power to amend the constitution of Canada from time to time except insofar as questions following under categories which the
present act attributes to the provinces or insofar as rights or privileges are concerned.
There are other exceptions: the rights of certain categories of people as regards schooling, etc.
As for what comes right after what I have just read, the charter of other provisions contained in the proposed resolution is included, but not necessarily literally. Was I reading incorrectly when I said that the protection of provincial jurisdictions contained in Section 91(1) is not repeated in the proposed resolution? And another question: is this not truly a substantial change in the powers of the provinces through the fact that protection of their jurisdictions is no longer included in the proposed resolution?
Mr. Chrétien: I think if we understand 91(1) correctly, we will see that it has been replaced in the resolution by sections 48, 49 and 50. The drafter did not want to change those powers.
Senator Tremblay: I do not find that in Sections 49 and 50. 1 do not see any section comparable to the exclusive protection of the rights and privileges of provinces.
Mr. Strayer: Mr. Chairman, the protections that are referred to in 91(1) do not appear in 48, 49 and 50 because the power given to Parliament in Section 48 is not as broad as the power that appeared to be given in Section 91(1). Section 91(1) gave the Parliament of Canada the power to amend the Constitution of Canada which was thought to be a very broad term covering potentially the whole of the Constitution and therefore there were five limitations listed in Section 91(1) to ensure that Parliament could not, under its power to amend the Constitution of Canada, deal with provincial matters.
Section 48 is worded much more narrowly.
Senator Tremblay: I understand that. I think I understand what you mean, that there is nothing in Sections 48 or 49, for the reason you have just mentioned, but there is Section 42 according to which the Parliament of Canada has much broader powers than it could have had under 91(1) and there is no protection for the rights of the provinces there.
Maybe I have not read the resolution correctly. I am just asking is there the equivalent of that 91(1) in respect to the rights of the provinces in the new resolution.
Mr. Strayer: Some of the protections that are in 91(1) are in the proposal, for example in Section 4 that deals with the life of Parliament, so that is carried forward; but apart from that the other protections in 91(1) are not there because the power itself is not as broad as the one that was given in 91(1).
The power given in 48 only relates to the executive government.
Senator Tremblay: I am speaking of Section 42, the powers of the Parliament are much broader there than they were previously in 91(1).
Mr. Strayer: But Section 42 is dealing with something quite different. It is not dealing with Parliament’s unilateral power to amend the Constitution.
Mr. Chrétien: It is dealing with the referendum.
Senator Tremblay: It is the power of the Parliament through a referendum to change much more.
Mr. Chrétien: After 41 and 40, yes, it is to amend the Constitution if there is a deadlock because we no longer have, starting that day. the recourse to go to London.
After the Constitution had been patriated to Canada we would have to have the mechanism to amend the Canadian Constitution. We have 41 and 42, but the powers remain the same.
Senator Tremblay: With due respect, Mr. Minister, I have not asked the question which deserves the answer you have given. You are repeating yourself. I have not repeated the question.
Mr. Chrétien: No, no, I am just saying what the powers of 41 and 42 are. It is not related there to the powers of 91 because 91, you find the text in 48 and 49 where it is very clear that subject to Section 50 Parliament may exclusively make laws amending the Constitution of Canada in relation to the executive government. Section 49 gives the same power to the provincial governments. It is the same thing as you will find in 91(1) in the first two lines.
Senator Tremblay: I think I got my answer through your official. In fact the powers granted by this resolution to the federal parliament are much broader than the ones which are in 91.
Mr. Chrétien: He never said that.
You can’t say that was said, it was not said.
Senator Tremblay: My question was to the effect that the protection of provincial rights which are in 91(1) are abolished. Is that right?
Mr. Tassé: Section 91(1) of the present constitution outlines the powers to amend the constitution of Canada in very broad terms.
A series of exceptions are then listed in the same section.
The power that Parliament would have to amend the constitution of Canada and to restrict the provisions of the constitution relating to the federal executive power in the Senate and the House of Commons is described in Section 48.
Senator Tremblay: Section 42 provides that the distribution of powers can be amended by unilateral action by Parliament with a referendum.
Mr. Chrétien: At the present time, the powers can be changed by the British Parliament through legislation.
In order to change the distribution of powers as the constitution now stands, we must go to London. There must be a procedure for changing the distribution of powers once the constitution is returned to Canada. This procedure is provided for in Section 41 and 42.
Senator Tremblay: I am very pleased to hear you say what you have just said, because you have reminded us of the circumstances that existed when Section 91(1) was passed in 1949. This was done unilaterally, but precisely because provincial rights were protected in the text itself. That is exactly how Mr. St. Laurent justified that the action was to be or could be unilateral. This is a fine example of the fact that whenever there has been an amendment since 1931 affecting the powers of the provinces, the federal government has never proceeded unilaterally. It only proceeded unilaterally in the case of 91(1) because provincial rights were protected, as I mentioned. I believe I have had an answer on this point from the official on you left. The fact is that the resolution makes no provision for protecting provincial rights. Will you confirm this or at least not deny it? Show me where the protection is if you think it exists.
Mr. Chrétien: I said that 91(1) is changed in the resolution and the amendments to 91(1) appear in Section 48, 49 and 50.
Senator Tremblay: Everything is there except protection of provincial rights.
Mr. Chrétien: Imagine if we wanted to change the distribution of powers some day and give more powers to the provinces, if Parliament or Canadian society, which would be involved in the procedure, wanted to change the distribution of powers. This is the major concern of many people who would like us to transfer powers to the provinces. We have to have a way of going about it. We say that we have provided for this in the amending formula described in 41. And if there were no agreement, section 42 provides for a country-wide referendum that would need the support of 50 per cent of the population in the west, in Ontario, Quebec and the Atlantic provinces. Then we could change the distribution of powers. We had to have some way of changing the distribution of powers, because otherwise we would never achieve constitutional reform. Everyone wants us to change the distribution of powers. If we find ourself in a situation in which we cannot change the distribution of powers, we will be confined to the status quo forever. If that is what you want. . . I do not think that is what people want.
Senator Tremblay: You have just said that provincial rights are no longer protected. In the example you have just given, sections 41 and 42 could apply assuming powers were to be transferred from the federal government to the provinces. But section 42 will work the opposite way and will be unilateral with a referendum. You have only one purpose in mind. You have often said and I heard you say that there was no substantial change affecting provincial powers. But I maintain
that the elimination of 91(1) is a more than substantial change to provincial powers.
Mr. Chrétien: Listen, if you are saying that the distribution of powers cannot be changed under any circumstances without the unanimous agreement of the provinces, I say there is no such protection, because we can always go to London to have the constitution amended.
Senator Tremblay: We are well aware that there will no longer be unanimity under 41. Under 42 . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Just a minute, there is a new feature.
Senator Tremblay: Why do you not admit that there is substantial change?
Mr. Chrétien: In the past the population had no say, there was merely a debate between the provinces or the central government and the government in London. We are saying that if there is a deadlock, it will be up to the people to decide. There was no such provision in Mr. Saint-Laurent’s day, that is something new. Once we have patriated the constitution and broken the deadlock, and the main stumbling block in the present constitution is the English Parliament. Once the constitution is in Canada, if we encounter another deadlock, we will no longer have to turn to the English government, we will turn to the people of Canada. Of course that is a fundamental change. We will rely on the people of Canada rather than the English Parliament. I feel much more comfortable with this arrangement. If you prefer to go back to England, we will have to maintain the status quo.
Senator Tremblay: Mr. Minister, the resolution makes the substantial change affecting provincial privileges, yet you have often said, and I have heard you say that there has been no such change. I just wanted you to acknowledge the fact. You can try to justify it however you choose.
Mr. Chrétien: We are not changing the balance of power. We have said that rather than go to England and ask the British Parliament to act on our behalf and change the English act and the British North America Act, we will have a Canadian constitution that can be amended, not by the English Parliament, but rather by the procedure outlined in section 41. Earlier in my testimony I said that we intended to accept or propose an amendment to 41 and to ensure that deadlocks can be broken. If we want to break the locks, section 42 provides for the referendum procedure.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Excuse me . . .
Senator Tremblay: You are saying that except for the things you have changed, you are not changing anything . . .
Mr. Chrétien: I challenge you to say what powers the provinces have lost in this process,
Can you tell me from memory what powers the provinces have lost?
Tell me what legal powers the provinces have lost?
Mr. Crombie: The protection is in Section 91. That is what is changed.
Mr. Chrétien: No, it is still there.
Mr. Fraser: You have the power now to make changes but the provinces do not. That is what has changed.
Mr. Chrétien: We do not have the power to change at this time. The British Parliament has the power, but we want the Canadians to acquire that right.
Mr. Crombie: You want the federal government to acquire it.
Mr. Chrétien: The people of Canada.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Senator Tremblay . . .
Order, please.
All Committee members have noted that Senator Tremblay has had twice as much time as he was allocated.
I am quite willing to allow members to follow their questions through. I think you have benefited from this exchange in which you were able to ask all your questions.
Senator Tremblay: You are depriving the Minister of two good questions.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): The next name I have on my list is the honourable Bryce Mackasey. As members know, I have no objection to coming back to you if your colleagues opposite allow you to use that time. We have tried to be as flexible as possible, particularly where the questioning could enlighten all Committee members.
If the members on your side agree, I think it is time to give Mr. Mackasey the floor and come back to you later for other questions.
Do the members agree with this procedure?
Some hon. Members: All right.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): The next person to have the floor will be Mr. Hawkes.
Mr. Mackasey: I do not think I will be any more than three minutes because I do agree that the Opposition members ought to question the Minister at length but I would like through my intervention to permit possibly the Minister or his official to clarify the answer he began to give to Senator Tremblay about the powers in the old Constitution—the present Constitution and eventually the old Constitution—in 91(1) that Senator Tremblay had raised a question of somehow a new Bill would not have that same provision elsewhere in the Bill.
I think that the Section 48 indicates that it does but I would like perhaps the Deputy Minister or Assistant Deputy Minister to complete the testimony that he was about to give to Senator Tremblay, which I think created a certain honest difference of opinion between two learned experts on constitutional law.
I would ask the Minister if he could clarify for me 48 in the sense that the explanatory notes that this section, together with Section 50, would clarify and limit the existing power of Parliament pursuant to Section 91(1) of the BNA Act to amend the constitution, and that class would be repealed when part five comes into force. I think that Senator Tremblay quite properly raised the question: what is the substitution in the new bill for 91(1), and I would like now if the authority would explain it a little more clearly.
Mr. Strayer: Mr. Chairman, Section 91(1), as you recall, started off giving a very broad power to the Parliament of Canada to amend the constitution of Canada, and that phrase was thought, in 1949 at least, to be a very broad term which could embrace the whole of the constitution and therefore there were then five exceptions listed to that power.
Parliament, in exercising its power to amend the constitution of Canada could not deal with the powers of the provinces with privileges or rights of legislatures or governments of the provinces, they could not deal with school rights, with language rights, with the requirement that parliament meet at least once a year and that no parliament could last more than five years except in times of emergency.
Now, in the proposal the matter is treated somewhat differently but the elements are all there. Instead of having this very broad power given to parliament to amend the constitution of Canada, the power is specified in Section 48 that parliament may amend the constitution with respect to the executive government of Canada or with respect to the Senate or the House of Commons.
And then the sort of matters that were dealt with in the exceptions in 91 (1) are dealt with elsewhere in the proposal.
For example, the power to amend the jurisdiction or the powers of the provinces would fall under Sections 41 or 42. The power to deal with rights or privileges of the province would fall under 41 or 42. The power to deal with separate schools or denominational school rights would fall under Section 43, which deals with provisions affecting one or more but not all provinces.
The requirement for an annual session of parliament which was guaranteed in the exceptions in 91(1) is provided in Section 5 of the proposal that is in the charter, which requires the parliament to sit at least once a year.
The requirement that parliament shall not last for more than five years except in times of emergency is dealt with in Section 4 of the charter.
So that the various matters which were protected or subtracted from parliament’s power to amend, and which were therefore left in the hands of the Parliament of the United Kingdom, are now dealt with in this measure which tries to deal with, by patriating the constitution provides either guarantees of these rights or means of amending them in Canada.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Have you any other questions, Mr. Mackasey?
Mr. Mackasey: No, Mr. Chairman.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Mr. Hawkes, followed by Senator Roblin.
Mr., Minister, I wish I had the talent to address you in your mother tongue. I will, I hope, within a year or two. I have gone far enough in my language lessons to understand that a capacity to speak is not sufficient in terms of understanding a culture and a region.
I am one of the Z00 hundred members plus of Parliament whose rights of debate were cut off by closure and I would like to begin with a brief opening statement. I beg your indulgence and I beg your attention, sir.
I come from the Province of Alberta. We have 79 members of our Legislative Assembly, 21 members in the House of Commons of Canada. One hundred elected people. Ninety-eight of those people, who have been elected to represent the wishes and desires of the people of my province, are opposed strongly, are opposed strongly to the package that we have before us and we are offended by the process. You have denied us our rights of full participation in the renewal of the Canadian federation and that is the way we feel about it and I hope you understand it.
It is the conviction of the people in my province that you intend to use the variable of party loyalty to force unwanted and bad legislation on the people of Canada.
You seek to separate Canadians from their common-law tradition, you seek to separate Canadians from the traditional form of government. There are many in my province who refer to you and to the Prime Minister, and those whose support them, as separatists. You are separating us from our right to participate in this process and we are justly proud, as Canadians who live in the province of Alberta, we are justly proud of our achievements in human rights, in education of minority groups and in the economic and mobility rights which the people of our province enjoy.
In my part of Canada, sir, we understand clearly that free men and women give rights to government but it does not work in reverse. The consent of the governed is important and when you ignore that principle, then it is my conviction, sir, that you imperil the will for the survival of this nation. When the process is not supported even by one provincial Premier and when the package is supported only by two, then I find it, sir, an embarrassment to be sitting and participating in such a process.
I would like to move on, because you force me to, to examine the package that you have put before us.
I come to Parliament out of an academic career in which I taught social policy in the school of social work. I am concerned about the rights of individuals and the willingness of those who are elected to represent them to act in the best interests of those people.
I look and I search in this package for positives and I want to test whether one of those positives exists.
One of the groups in our society that is not well represented is that group of people who approach retirement age. In many companies, in many parts of this land. there is a compulsary retirement age and many people are the victims of that compulsary retirement age. They are economic victims and in many cases their health, mental and physical, suffers through that provision in law.
As the Minister of Justice who is presenting a new Constitutional proposal to the people of Canada, are you convinced, are you persuaded that the Bill that sits before us will assist us, those of us who care, in getting rid of that onerous provision of compulsory retirement.
Mr. Chrétien: I will reply in French because the honourable member has expressed his desire to learn the language. First of all, with respect to the rights of Albertans. Albertans have rights like every other Canadian. They elect members of Parliament who can vote in Parliament and they have a number of Senators representing them as well.
So they have the same rights as other Canadians. We may have different points of view, but all Canadian members of Parliament have the right to express their opinions democratically in the assembly known as the Parliament of Canada.
From this point of view, Albertans’ rights are on exactly the same footing as those of all other Canadians. They may not be very well represented in the government, but that was the wish of the people of Alberta. What can you do? Quebec had the same problem in 1979-80.
So you are asking me to answer a question about the effect of the charter on compulsory retirement at age 65. I think we have to ask ourselves whether it is discrimination to force people to retire at 65? I do not know how compulsory retirement at age 65 will be interpreted in light of the provision in the charter for no discrimination because of age.
The courts could interpret that this is discrimination. I think the important thing right now is to make sure that there is no blatant discrimination. Of course, we would have to take into account conventional practices regarding retirement in Canada. Now, as to whether this is in direct conflict with the charter, I do not know what sort of effect the charter would have. In my own mind, I think that the courts could examine whether or not compulsory retirement is justifiable by looking at both the charter as a whole and section I in particular which states that the charter “guarantees the rights and freedoms set out in it subject only to such reasonable limits as are generally accepted in a free and democratic society with a parliamentary system of government.”
So the test will be to determine whether this is truly discriminatory in the light of section I. The courts will decide.
Mr. Hawkes: Mr. Minister, just to check the translation, I think the basic message was: I don’t know. In social policy terms, sir, the definition of bad legislation as it affects people are those three words: I don’t know.
An hon. Member: Here, here.
Mr. Chrétien: I explained to the Committee that we wanted to make sure that there would be no discrimination on the basis of age. That is included in the charter of rights. However, in order to avoid an absolutely chaotic situation in Canada, and at the request of the provincial governments, we included the reference to reasonable, generally accepted limits. When it is clear to the courts that this is discrimination based on age, the courts will be able to say that the law providing for compulsory retirement is discriminatory. This is not possible at the present time under the Canadian constitution.
Mr. Hawkes: Can I remind you, sir, that school boards use age for school entry. We have juvenile courts, we have minimum wage laws that operate on the basis of age differential. Much of our social service delivery system works on the principle of universality and you, sir, are asking Canadians in this Bill to risk what we have spent decades working towards for the betterment of the people that live in this country.
Can I direct your attention, because I am nearing the end of my time, to the mobility rights, Section 6(3)(b). And in that Section, sir, you say that there is an exception, that people will not be entitled to public social services. You do not say “provincial social services”, which might provide protection for budgets at one level, but you simply ask us to accept that the poor, the disadvantaged in this country who choose to move to better their position will not have the same right of access to public social services that those that are wealthy would have. It is those kinds of principles that are sprinkled throughout this Bill, that cause me considerable concern. We should never, never, sir, have a Constitution that is built on the principle that I do not know or that I do not understand.
M. Chrétien: I know very well what it is, sir,
And I understand quite well, that is a provision that was put in the Bill of Rights at the request of provincial governments to ensure that the passage of people from one province to another does not create undue burden upon the government of the said province. It is at the request of provincial governments who are responsible for the administration of social programs in Canada that we have put in clause (b) to sub-clause 3 concerning the rights and freedom of circulation and settling in.
So it is to maintain the most reasonable administrative norm possible that we have allowed that to the provinces before being obliged to pay for social services out of public funds to make sure that there is a minimum period of residence inside a province. That is common practice and has been established in Canada for quite a while now and it is at the request of the provinces that we decided not to, through that mobility clause,
create confusion in the administration of social programs at the provincial level.
Mr. Hawkes: Surely to God, Mr. Chairman, there is a difference between the word “public” and the word “province”, and surely you put careful care and attention into this Bill before you used the loyalty of those members to foist it on the Canadian public. Surely you can understand that we are governed by words in law and the words that are in the Constitution are vitally important to that social contract?
Mr. Chrétien: I explained why we put those words in there. It was at the request of the provincial governments for the reasons I have just set out.
Mr. Hawkes: You do not need the word “public” to protect the province.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know if you want me to take out a word, the intention remains exactly the same. I do not know what you mean to say but I am saying that the text you have there was put in at the request of the provincial government so that in all provincial social program you can ask for certain criteria concerning residency before a person can qualify. That is common practice and we put it in there at the request of the provinces so as not to change the social order in too radical a manner.
Mr. Hawkes: A point of order, Mr. Chairman. Could the Minister tell us, then, where in this section those limits are applied to provinces? If that is your intention, if that was the request, where are the words that do that, sir.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): I would like the hon. member to note that this is not a point of order but rather a supplementary question and if his hon. colleagues following him on the list are ready to let him put that question I will ask the hon. member . . .
Mr. Chrétien: I can answer that question, with your permission, Mr. Chairman. In our country it is the provinces who have the administrative and legislative responsibility for giving social services to our citizens. It is not the central government. So that is why when we use the word “public” it means that it applies to . . .
Mr. Beatty: Family Allowances, Old Age Pension?
Mr. Chrétien: But insofar as the question of family allowances is concerned, there is no such thing as residency requirements in one or the other case, it applies generally to all Canadians. The question of residence is not a prerequisite concerning . . .
Mr. Beatty: Unemployment insurance?
Mr. Chrétien: It is the same thing. Federal programs apply to all Canadians.
Mr. Crombie: With differences from province to province. Two provinces on the family allowance . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, yes.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Order, please. order, please. All members presently taking part in this debate are on my list and will be recognized later.
Mr. Crombie: He also said that.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): What I say to the Honourable Members . . .
Mr. Crombie: I apologize.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): . . . is that all those who question . . .
Mr. Chrétien: As for family allowances, that does apply generally because it is the same level of family allowances for all Canadians.
I believe that Mr. Crombie had a valid point when he said, concerning unemployment insurance, that there are situations which vary from one place to another in Canada depending upon the level of unemployment insurance. I recognize that point and Clause 6.3(b) would apply there.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you, Mr. Minister. The next speaker is Senator Roblin followed by Mr. Crombie. Senator Roblin?
Senator Roblin: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I may risk taxing the Minister’s patience because I—well, I am pleased to hear that because I would like to go back again to the amending formula and its implications.
Mr. Chrétien: Will it he a new question? I would be quite surprised. I do think I have replied to a few questions on the amending formula but I hope it will be a new question.
Senator Roblin: Well, I will do my best to express a new attitude towards the question and perhaps even a new question if my honourable friend will be patient enough to hear me out.
Mr. Chrétien: Oh, yes. I just said that I have replied to many, many questions on the amending formula so I hope it will be a new one, or you could check the record because I believe I have given a lot of information on that.
Senator Roblin: If your answers were satisfactory I dare say I would not have to bring the matter up again.
Mr. Chrétien: You are not obliged to agree with me, sir. That is not the purpose. I gave a statement of policy and you can say: I do not agree with the policy. That is your privilege. However, if I thought that I was about to convince all of you in this room as a witness I would presume a bit on my qualities.
Senator Roblin: Well, Mr. Chairman, I am willing to grant the Minister many qualities and I hope the ability to listen to me is one of them.
I would say to him that I would like to try and explain to him how some of these amending procedures appear outside the centre of Canada, because the question of amendment, the question of the rights of the smaller provinces has been one of the classic problems of Canadian federalism. It occupied about half of the proceedings in Quebec in 1867, as my honourable
friend knows, so it is not surprising that it is going to occupy a lot of time before this Committee here today.
The problem is that the smaller provinces then, and I suggest now, are concerned lest the overwhelming population to be found in the two central provinces of Canada will be used in such a way as to interfere with what they consider to be their rights, and when you look at Section 41, which sets out the formula that the government chooses to recommend in respect of this matter, you can see what I mean. Because even though I think a careful effort has been made, and I appreciate that it stems from discussions some ten years ago, the defects of that formula are obvious. They are obvious and they have been pointed out to us by the Prince Edward Island formula that is before us, that has been suggested.
Now, while this does not go all the way in the direction which I would recommend, simply it is certainly a substantial departure from the principles set out in 41 as they stand now and the Minister should understand, I think, the position of people in Manitoba, for example, who see that the possibilities of their maintaining what they think to be their rights are not very great under the amending formula that we have now, and that they see the priority position, for whatever reason, that attaches to the provinces of Ontaio and Quebec as being an obstacle to their appreciation of the value of the work that we have before us now.
I suggest to the Minister that he ought to be looking at some other kinds of formulate with respect to these matters. I think he should follow the opening that PEI has created for us. Because they have enhanced the status of that province in respect to holding its own in the Confederation.
It is, I think, a fact (and it is certainly reported as a fact in the documents of the federal government) that in September of this year there was unanimous agreement among the provinces on another amending formula. It says so here.
I am quoting from page 27 of the Government’s document:
All the provinces agreed in principle that they would be willing to adopt the Alberta proposal for an amending formula . . .
There is a lot more to it.
But whether they have agreed to it or not, let us leave that question apart and consider the formula on its merits. What does that formula do? It provides that the Constitution of Canada is not rigid and does not require unanimous consent. It can be amended by two-thirds of the provinces representing 50 per cent of the population, with a proviso, and that is on certain sections—and they are quite reasonable ones: “provinces may exercise the liberty of opting out of an arrangement that is made”; they cannot opt out of everything: they cannot opt out of matters of universal applicability—and they are mentioned here; but they can opt out of powers which interfere with a provincial legislature’s powers to make laws or the rights and privileges granted or secured under the Constitution to a province or the assets or property of a province or the natural resources of a province.
Now I suggest to the Minister seriously that he ought to consider whether or not there is a place for this particular formula in the federal proposals? It would be objected by him that he does not like opting out. Well, I suppose, if we lived in a perfect world that would be fine.
Mr. Chrétien: Might I say that this formula was placed on the table in the summer and we worked on it. When the First Ministers met in Ottawa it was found not to be acceptable to the Ministers.
But we tried hard. It was a new approach. There were many more. But this was a new one, and we worked very hard during the summer. When the Ministers were together we said this might be the solution. We discussed it. It was all a referendum. We said to them that we did not know if we could sell it to our own Prime Minister. But the Prime Minister came to the Conference and said that if it is the only problem left on the table he would accept it, even though he did not find it acceptable.
But when he put the question to the First Ministers as to whether they were in support of the Alberta formula, which became eventually the Vancouver consensus, this was not acceptable to many premiers at the meeting which they had among themselves.
I was at the Conference and a lot of Ministers, in good faith, said, “Let us try it, that new avenue.”
But when they went back to their governments, and when the First Ministers arrived in Ottawa, there was certainly no agreement.
If there was a consensus in Vancouver, it was one to try and adopt this formula; but there many aspects of that formula, lots of ground in that formula which have never been resolved: what happens if some province was opting out and there was some cost attached to it. Some said every province would take their own chances and would have to absorb the cost; others said no, that they would need fiscal compensation. The question then arose from whom and from what? There was no agreement at all. I distinctly remember Senator Roblin was the co-chairman—and a very good one; and he kept saying all the time that he was willing to look into that; but he always said that he was not sure Mr. Blakeney would be happy with that formula.
The same thing applies to the Ministers from Ontario, and when, eventually, I arrived before the First Ministers, there was not an agreement.
But I would like to finish my intervention by saying that if the provinces find that it is the formula that they like, they have two years to agree among themselves, and to put it as a formula according to the proposition that we are having. If we, as the national government, find that we have reason to oppose it, then the people will decide.
The Prime Minister gave a reason why it was not acceptable; there was a danger that we could have a checker-board type of Constitution.
Senator Roblin: Well, let me ask the Minister if the federal government would accept the formula. I think it is quite clear from what the Minister has said that the federal government would only accept the formula if it had a number of conditions which satisfied his requirements on the matter.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know. I do not know if we will or will not accept. I said the provinces will have two years. If they have a solution they can propose it to the federal government.
But I am telling you I was around the table, and, even if the Ministers were interested in that formula—it was a new approach and we decided to look at the so-called Toronto consensus; there was another formula before that which was discussed.
We looked at all the different alternatives in the summer, and this one was new and of interest because it was new. But the more we discussed it, the less certain we became.
I told the Ministers there that I did not think that the Prime Minister would ever accept it. To my great surprise he accepted it. He said that if it was the only problem we had to cope with, even if he did not like it that he might buy it, if it was, like the cherry on a Sunday, the last thing. But there was no agreement among his colleagues, the first Ministers. And there were some big flaws in it.
Senator Roblin: I think what the Minister is saying to me is that the federal government will now accept this formula. Is that correct?
Mr. Chrétien: No; I am not saying that. I said if the provinces come with that on a modified formula, we would look at it. If we are not happy with it—and you know we will have to have a federal formula as against the provincial one, and the people of Canada will be called upon to vote on it, and the one which is accepted will be the amending formula for the Canadian Constitution forever.
Senator Roblin: Well, I suggest that if the Minister would act in the way I have suggested, that he would find out whether or not this formula is now acceptable to the provinces of Canada. Because the formula that he now has would not be looked upon by the smaller provinces of this country as being very satisfactory, because it will not deliver them from what they perceive to be the tyranny of numbers.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, we have this formula and I have explained to you why we chose it, because it was one moment in history when all the governments agreed.
We felt with the wisdom of those II First Ministers. it might be as good as anything we might we devise today. It is not perfect, and no formula will ever be completely perfect.
Senator Roblin: It is perfectly clear that since 1971 this Victoria formula has not had the status the Minister accords to it. He should be looking at something else, and I suggest to
him that the Vancouver formula is a live possibility which he ought to explore.
Mr. Chrétien: We are willing to explore it again.
Senator Roblin: I am glad to hear it.
Mr. Chrétien: I think the provinces have a chance. Rather than having a definitive formula right away, we made provisions to have a temporary one for two years so that the problem could be discussed, analysed and resolved; and I hope it will be.
Senator Roblin: I see the Minister is sticking to his guns.
I am going to move on from Section 41 back to Sections 38 and 39, because I want to emphasize, once again, the dangers that the government runs if they were to persist in the formula as is set out there, particularly in respect to the impact of Section 39(6).
In the first section, Section 38, as I expressed it the other day—and it was also expressed by others here—we have the fact that the government may not submit the Victoria Formula to the public when the time comes for the referendum—and at least one lady in the audience thinks it is a good idea; it may be some other formula. How is that other formula to be arrived at by the Government of Canada?
Surely that should be the Parliament of Canada that arrives at another formula and not the Government of Canada. I think the Minister ought to look at that Section 39(3)(a), and take some account of the wording there. It says that the Government of Canada shall cause a referendum to be held in two years and that it be either the Victoria formula or any alternative thereto. Now, surely, if there is to be an alternative, it cannot be at the sole initiative of the Government of Canada, which may have no legitimacy whatsoever in connection with proposing the matter; it has to be the Parliament of Canada. And even when we get to that stage, if you agree with my reasoning there, when we come to Section 39, as was eloquently stated by Mr. Nystrom today, this majority business is a very questionable principle indeed.
Now the Minister says with great logic that if you have two propositions before you, one is going to have more votes than the other and you pick the one with the most votes.
But those are not the only two formulae in the world; and it seems to me that if you cannot get more than 51 per cent on an amending formula for the Government of Canada, then we have got the wrong formula. That should be a warning to us not to proceed, and that we should have some system of adjudicating this matter perhaps in terms of Section 41 or some other set of terms which gets away from the straight majority, because constitutions are not built by the edicts of a majority vote.
We have the situation in the Parliament of Canada where the government has the majority, but it is based upon a very narrow regional base, in my opinion; and to say that a 50 per cent majority will carry the thing, to my mind entirely ignores
the necessity of a consensus when you are building your constitution.
I think you should say to yourselves: if we cannot get a better majority than that, then you can propose some other majority by which it may be measured, we have the wrong formula by any standards, whether it is a provincial formula or the federal formula, and we ought to try again.
Mr. Chrétien: Suppose you take the test of two-thirds of the population, as long as there is no agreement we should remain with the rule of unanimity.
Senator Roblin: No. .
Mr. Chrétien: Well what will happen in the interim?
Senator Roblin: Well you sit down and work on something more sensible.
Mr. Chrétien: But while we are sitting down it will take a few days, so what will be the amending formula? Do you want to maintain unanimity until we have an amending formula that meets 60 per cent of the vote?
Senator Roblin: You have got the answer in your own Bill. You have given yourself two years to find yourself another formula when you use the unanimity rule!
Mr. Chrétien: What, you want another two years?
Senator Roblin: The Minister can argue from this ridiculous fashion if he likes. I am not suggesting that for one moment. What I am suggesting—and it cannot be beyond the powers of reasonable men to devise a system whereby we can act if the two formulae suggested do not appeal to the people of Canada in such a way that they avoid the danger of regional confrontantion, so eloquently expressed today and give us some kind of real consensus; because a constitution which is not built on a consensus will not last and will not be good for this country.
Mr. Chrétien: I am asking for a suggestion as to what do you do, if after two years we have the federal formula and we go to the people, and if you say you take 60 per cent of two thirds of the vote, or whatever is the test, and if none of the two meets that test, do we have to keep the unanimity for as long as we have an amending formula that meets two thirds of the population . . .
Senator Roblin: I do not suggest what the Minister is putting.
Mr. Chrétien: I am just putting the question to you.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you, Mr. Minister. I am sorry, Senator Roblin, I have already granted you much more time than your turn allowed.
I will now give the floor to Mr. Nystrom, who will be followed by Mr. . . .
Senator Roblin: Thank you very much. I asked you to put me down because I am not through with the things I want to say.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Certainly, with pleasure.
Mr. Nystrom will now have the floor and he will be followed by Mr. Duclos, with the agreement of the honourable members.
Mr. Nystrom: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman, I want to continue along the lines of the amending formula and move along to Section 46. That is something we have not yet discussed before this Committee. That Section at page 14 of the Resolution outlines the rules for the referendum and says that Parliament may make the laws respecting the rules applicable to the holding of a referendum. I feel I should repeat that: Parliament may make the laws respecting the rules applicable to the holding of a referendum.
Now, I have always believed that a federation is a partnership between a federal power and the provincial powers, and I believe when you have a referendum on a constitutional matter that is going to deal with the division of powers and which is going to affect the federal powers as well as the provincial powers, that the rules for that referendum, the regulations for that referendum, the conduct of that referendum should be something that is planned jointly between the federal powers and the provincial powers.
I would like to ask the Minister a few questions on what I think are very serious problems on one of the most vital parts of the resolution.
The first one is on timing. Why does the Minister think that the question of timing should rest solely with the federal powers when the federal government can use public opinion polls and decide when it is going to have a referendum, and it can delay the referendum for a year and a half, two years or three years, or it may, indeed, decide not to hold a referendum?
Mr. Chrétien: It requires a maximum time. You cannot do it in two, three, four, five years. It is a maximum. It has to be two years after. It is within the two years after the first two years.
Mr. Nystrom: Where does it say that? I do not see any reference to that. In part four, Section 38(3), when it comes to a referendum on the choosing of an amending formula, there is a time limit of two years; and I am now referring to Section 46, which is the referendum on a constitutional matter and there is no limitation.
Mr. Chrétien: We got mixed up in the questioning. You are talking about a further amendment, not the amending formula.
Mr. Nystrom: Yes, I am talking about the referendum under Section 42 and there is no time limitation, You said earlier, if we are going to have under Section 38 under Part IV of the Bill in a referendum to choose our amending formula,
there is a limitation of two years, it must be held within two years. Why do you not apply the same rule to Section 46 where a referendum on a Constitutional matter must be held within at least two years.
Mr. Chrétien: I said that in earlier testimony that I made that if the Committee wants to make some recommendation for the provincial input in 46 and if you want to put a limitation between the time when we can have a referendum, fine, I am flexible on that, but I would like to consider any acceptable proposition. I just said that we will have to have some referendum. You say that because there is no maximum time we could delay, delay and delay and wait until the public opinion is all right to get it.
You know, if you want to put a limit, personally, I would look into that. I have no personal objection, but I would like to see all the consequences of it.
Mr. Chrétien: And anyway, this problem has been raised by some Premiers in the discussions that we have had them.
Mr. Nystrom: I would like to thank the Minister for that consideration and then move on to Expenses.
Again, if Parliament is going to make the rules and the regulations, I would like to ask him whether he thinks it is right that Parliament should determine how much money is going to spent, who the money is raised from, who can contribute to the campaigns, is that proper in the federation.
Mr. Chrétien: You know, there is a law that is applicable across Canada and it will have to be a law made by the national government. I explained that earlier. For me, I do trust the members of Parliament on that day. I do not think that many of us will still be there when that day will come because it leads to four or six years from now when probably those in the Senate are all right, but for us, the elected people, the turn-over is a bit bigger. We might not be around but I do think that it will be a subject of that legislation of a very important significance.
Perhaps at that time the Parliament of Canada will perhaps be tempted to establish a mechanism with a permanent input of the provinces. I do not think that it should be, that the law of the referendum should be prepared today.
Mr. Nystrom: What you are saying, Mr. Minister, is perhaps members in that day, perhaps they can look at it differently and so on, but there is no obligation for them to do so. You are dealing with different members in that day and if passed, the resolution as it is, as is enshrined in our Constitution, that the rules for the referendum may be written by Parliament in itself; no act of Parliament can supersede that, no Act of the Provinces can supersede that, Parliament will make all the rules concerning the expenses. How can you justify that. What are the limits, for example, what are the limits?
Mr. Chrétien: I think that we can try to find a mechanism to permit the input of the provinces when that time comes. I do not think we are at this time in a position to prepare and to legislate the law of the referendum. I think it is very premature because we will be using it for a hell of a long time.
Mr. Nystrom: Listen, you are asking this Committee to recommend to the House that we pass a resolution that will endorse a referendum procedure, but you are still saying it is very premature for us to write the rules of the referendum. Well, it is very difficult to ask us to endorse a referendum and you are leaving it to some future Parliament to write the rules for that referendum. I do not know how you can justify that. You know, I think you know as well as I do you have no limitation on expenses, who can spend the money, who the money is collected from and you can have a tremendous impact in the result of that referendum.
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, but you know, I said earlier if you want to say there shall be an input by the provinces and if we can define it in such a way, fine, but I do not think we are in a position today and we are not vested with the responsibility of drafting the law of the referendum that might or might not be used.
Mr. Nystrom: Would you accept, for example, Mr. Minister, an independent rules commission or independent referendum commission, rather, where the directors of that commission were selected or appointed, rather, by both the federal governement and provincial governments, where it is a joint federal/provincial body that determine the rules or determine the conduct of the referendum.
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know. If you have a precise suggestion to make I will look into that. I just say that we are not in a position, it would not be advisable at this time to try, in dealing with that resolution, to forecast all the problems of a future referendum and try to set the rules at this time.
I think the parliament of that day will have the responsibility of doing just that. If you want to make sure that it might be an input by the provinces, I am willing to consider that, but I do not think that we have the time and it is appropriate at this time to prepare a legislation on the referendum that might never be used.
Mr. Nystrom: Well, I think it is a crucial question. You say we do not have the time. You are saying that if parliament at a future date can do this. We are dealing with a very basic thing. It is the constitution of Canada and if we are being asked to pass a motion here, a resolution that is going to give us a
referendum, then surely to goodness you must know what the rules are for that referendum.
I will ask you another question: what about the wording of the question itself. You know, Mr. Minister, it is often how you ask a question that is more important than the question itself. You can often phrase a question to get the answer that you wish. Under Section 46, the wording of the question is left to the federal government; in essence left to the Prime Minister’s office. How can you justify that in a federation, how can you justify that in a federation.
Mr. Chrétien: I think the question is quite important. Mr. Lévesque tried that but because of having asked a question that was very crooked, he was to have his way and he did not manage to have it because it was a question that was separation for those who wanted to separate and a bargaining tool for those who did not want to separate and in spite of that he got solemnly defeated.
For example, when you ask all those questions and you talk about expenses, you know, we have some laws in Canada well accepted now that on expenditures for elections, we have established them. I will be very surprised that the government and the parliament of that day will want to apply to a referendum looser rules than the one we applied to the members of Parliament at the time of election.
Mr. Nystrom: Mr. Minister, you are not enshrining those laws, you are not enshrining the Canada Elections Act, that can be changed at any government at any time, and you are not always going to be the Minister. We are going to have different governments in the years ahead.
I wanted to ask you about advertising again. I think advertising is very important. We saw this summer a government advertising programme launched by the federal government where millions of dollars were spent. We saw your own government in the Quebec referendum campaign go around the rules established by that Province in terms of federal government advertising.
Is that fair, is that right in a federation. Should we not enshrine, if we are going to pass a referendum, should we not enshrine some rules pertaining to advertising?
Mr. Chrétien: I know. You talk about advertising, l have a big page that was sent from Newfoundland on the advertising they are having at this moment. Should I have or not have something to reply to that. I probably should.
Mr. Fraser: Who paid for that?
Mr. Chrétien: When we had during the summer our advertising it was very neutral, we were not advocating any position that we should change the constitution. Everybody agreed to it. I think it is very surprising now that you insist that we
entrench the Bill on the referendum. When we had one two years ago everyone said, this is not urgent, do not do it, perhaps we might never use it and now today you say, make it today for future, perhaps we might not use it in the future.
Mr. Nystrom: I am not insisting. I am not saying at all, Mr. Minister. . .
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Answer the last question, Mr. Nystrom.
Mr. Nystrom: I am not saying at all, Mr. Minister, that I want you to entrench a referendum bill. What I am asking is that if you are insisting on entrenching a referendum bill, with your majority in this Parliament, then why are you not enshrining some rules where both the federal government and the provincial governments can fairly determine what the regulations are, determine what the conduct of that referendum is going to be.
If, for example, how can you justify in the federal system all of the mechanisms, all of the conduct of the referendum being determined by the federal government. Are there, for example, going to be umbrella groups, who can participate in the campaign. Cana you answer any of those questions?
Mr. Chrétien: I have probably answered that question more than 10 times. The same questions are always coming back . . . so I do not remember if I have just said it or if I said it the day before yesterday or four or five hours ago, but I do know that I have often said that if we could find the mechanism out of 46 which would allow the provinces to reach an agreement, I would consider that. I believe it is quite premature right now to try to write up a bill on referendums. It would make no sense because, after all, we are not writing up a bill on referendums right now, we are repatriating our constitution. It is being said that if ever there was disagreement on the constitution we could perhaps go the referendum route. Let us hope that the premiers and governments will then be more friendly one towards the other and that we will never need a referendum.
So I do not think we are quite ready to write that bill yet.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you, Mr. Minister.
Mr. Louis Duclos, followed by the Hon. Mr. Crombie.
Mr. Duclos: Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
I have an easy question for the minister. Could the minister tell the committee if, in his opinion, under the terms of procedure provided for in the draft resolution it would be possible for us to wind up with an amendment formula which would not grant a veto right to Quebec even though it were to go against the will of a majority of Quebeckers who would have pronounced themselves in a referendum. Would it be possible with that procedure?
Mr. Chrétien: With that procedure, when we have repatriated the constitution, for the first time, legally, Quebec will have a veto right in the formula I am suggesting unless. in the formula which comes from the provinces and which requires Quebec’s consent, the right of veto were taken away from Quebec; however, with the federal proposition, Quebec would have the right of veto just as Ontario would through its government and if ever we were to go to a referendum, you would need 51 per cent of Quebec’s population which means that it is a double veto: a government veto and, if we go to the population through a referendum, we are also giving the right of veto to the population of Quebec. That is something which does not exist right now. At this point, the only formula we have to amend the constitution is to go to London and ask Great Britain’s parliamentarians to amend our constitution.
So we are giving enormous power to the Province of Quebec through what we are doing. Were we very cynical, we could keep the amending formula which exists today and forevermore go to England and ask the English to amend our constitution. That would be much easier to do because it requires only a resolution of the two Houses.
Mr. Duclos: Mr. Minister, could we perhaps, together, build a little scenario. I say that we could find ourselves in a situation . . .
Let us pose the premise that eight provinces representing 80 per cent of the population, agree on a certain formula. That formula is then submitted to the population as against a federal formula which could either be the Victoria Formula which gave a veto right to Quebec or possibly the future 38.3 here or the possible replacement procedure suggested by the Government of Canada. There is no assurance. That formula could be one which would not include any right of veto for Quebec and if we are to suppose that there was a national referendum and that a majority of Canadians chose that new formula put forth by the federal government and that a majority of Quebeckers vote for a formula agreed upon by eight of the ten provinces. We would end up with an amending formula which would provide no right of veto to Quebec, against the will of the majority of Quebeckers, and so in the future, the distribution of the constitutional powers between the federal government and the provinces could be changed.
Mr. Chrétien: That sort of situation could occur even under the Victoria formula, should it be used, and that the provinces themselves came up with a formula which had no right of veto. In the formula proposed last summer, there was no right of veto. There was only the possibility of opting out. Some provinces were in favour of opting out without compensation.
Mr. Duclos: So you admit that there is a possibility that in the end we should have an amending formula which gives no right of veto to Quebec?
Mr. Chrétien: It would in fact have been an amending formula chosen by the Canadian people.
Mr. Duclos: Yes, it would be a repetition of the experience of the 1942 plebiscite under which a majority of Canadians favoured conscription, against the will of the majority of the population of Quebec. It would then be possible, would it not?
Mr. Chrétien: Yes, it would be possible. I am only saying that we have no idea what the provincial proposal will be, but we are aware of the first federal proposal. If you wish to entrench the Victoria formula in the constitution, I am quite prepared to do so . . .
Mr. Duclos: Mr. Minister, I believe we should drop. . .
Mr. Chrétien: . . . right away. However, there is the matter of keeping some flexibility in order to take into account a possible amendment by the provinces, and which might in fact, be contrary to the interests of the national government of the nation, in the view of the Canadian government.
Mr. Duclos: Because you would admit that a simple majority of Canadian citizens would suffice under Section 39?
Mr. Duclos: In such a case, I would support Mr. Nystrom’s argument which he raised this morning, that it would be extremely unwise to approve any resolution wherein the federal government could propose eventually a procedure for the replacement of the amending formula without in any way defining that procedure. In my view, as parliamentarians, we cannot with any common sense, commit ourselves to such an adventure.
Mr. Chrétien: Well, let me explain. We have suggested that we use the Victoria amending formula, and the simplest way to settle this matter once and for all, is for the provinces to accept that formula. We would then have a definite amending formula. The provinces must shoulder the responsibility too, and if the provinces want even more assurance, let them pronounce themselves in favour of the Victoria formula. I am really surprised that everybody likes the Victoria formula so much, since up to now, very few people in this Committee from Quebec have insisted on the Victoria formula. Most have been rather silent on the matter.
Mr. Duclos: But Mr. Minister, that is not the point here. We are discussing here provisions of a resolution which would eventually be put before the Parliament of Canada, and it seems to me that this procedure has not been defined, it is described in no way, so that we know absolutely nothing, and it would seem extremely unwise for Parliamentarians to adopt such a procedure. It is extremely dangerous.
I have a question with respect to Section 16. For all practical purposes, Section 16 entrenches the basic principles contained in the Official Languages Act. Now, as you know, and this is a matter of enormous interest for the Co-Chairman
of the Committee, following the Marceau decision, which rejected the right of francophone employees of Air Canada under the Official Languages Act to work in French within federal institutions, Judge Marceau in effect decided that the Official Languages Act was not sufficiently explicit and that francophone employees of the federal government could not claim under the Act, the right to work in French in federal institutions.
Don’t you think that Section 16 should be amended to take into account not only the fact that French and English are the official languages of Canada, but that they are also the languages of work in the institutions of the government and the Parliament of Canada? How do you feel about that? It would avoid in the future a recurrence of that situation concerning the Francophone employees of Air Canada.
Mr. Chrétien: I believe that as drafted, Section 16 does provide the right in principle to use French or English in the federal institutions, subject to normal administrative limitations, I use the example that in certain circumstances we cannot expect the people of Quebec to be bilingual. Both the Post Office in Saint-Mathieu-du-Lac-Bellemare, within my riding, or a village in the northern part of British Columbia, would be subject to certain administrative limitations. Under Section 16, I have adapted the intention of the legislator to permit the utilization in federal institutions of the French language and the English language.
Mr. Duclos: If the very same terms of an ordinary law of Parliament are used integrally in another law which will form part of our constitution, our basic legislation does not permit irrevocably the right to work in either French or English, it could . . .
Mr. Chrétien: Sir, the difference between the Official Languages Act, and the charter is that the Official Languages Act was declarative, while the charter provides rights.
Mr. Duclos: So in fact, you are assuring us that the Francophone employees of the agencies or the departments of the federal government . . .
Mr. Chrétien: That would be the result.
Mr. Duclos: Well, that is what I wanted to know.
Mr. Chrétien: I am saying that Section 16 would now provide rights, while the official Languages Act was merely declarative. It was one of the points raised by Judge Marceau.
Mr. Duclos: So that Francophone employees can claim under the provisions of Section l6, the right to work in French in federal institutions.
Mr. Chrétien: Subject, of course, to the services they must provide.
Mr. Duclos: Of course. But in the cases of Air Canada employees, it was not subject to the services they were to provide. The judge categorically said that the Official Languages Act was not sufficiently explicit for them to use its authority.
Mr. Chrétien: That is why we feel that Section 16 will in fact make the Official Languages Act much more explicit.
Mr. Duclos: Thank you, I believe that.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): The Honourable Senator Roblin now has the floor.
I would like to advert to the question of the Referendum and to say that I support what has been said about that already this evening, but I have another point to make and that bears on the right of provinces to initiate referenda themselves.
As the Bill stands only the federal government can do it, with one exception, that is in connection with the amending formula. The provinces may suggest an amending formula provided eight provinces representing 80 per cent of the population agree.
If we are going to have more than one opportunity to have a referendum than on other subjects apart from the amending formula, why cannot we allow provinces to use the same formula to propose questions of their own to the Canadian people. If we think it is such a good idea to consult them, why should this consultation be restricted to the federal authorities. I suggest that the Minister could take under consideration, and perhaps he will tell me, arriving at some formula that will enable provinces to initiate referenda and I suggest the one that is already included in Section 8 would be a good model.
Mr. Chrétien: lf the Committee would do its work and read the reports, I just say the reason why we do think it should be the federal legislature, it is traditionally what exists in other federations. ln Australia, the initiative for a referendum in the matter of constitutional change is vested with the common law government there and it has worked pretty well. I am told there was something like 32 amendments that have been proposed since 1909 and only five have been accepted by the population and the others have been obviously rejected.
So, I do think this law has to be the responsibility of the national government because we are the only one obligated to pass legislation in relation to all Canadians in one piece of legislation. We feel it is the best mechanism.
Senator Roblin: Well, I might be prepared to agree to a referendum on the amending formula under the conditions laid down here, but my hold-back position really is that I think there should only be the one opportunity for a referendum. After all, if that establishes the amending formula, we make a mockery out of the amending formula if we provide an end run around it any time the federal government declares it wants to have one.
Mr. Chrétien: The point that you are making is we should not have a deadlock breaking mechanism, that if we have a deadlock, we stick with the deadlock.
Senator Roblin: No, that is not my position at all.
Mr. Chrétien: Well, suppose you have a deadlock, how do you break it? Now we can have the British Parliament pass a law.
Senator Roblin: If we have a proper amending formula that should take care of us, and if we cannot operate within a proper amending formula, perhaps we should not act.
Mr. Chrétien: So you say that if there is a deadlock, we stick with the deadlock. We would not be able to act.
Senator Roblin: No, I do not agree with my honourable friend at all.
Mr. Chrétien: It is the consequences of your affirmation.
Senator Roblin: No, it is because deadlocks are unilateral declarations these days in Canada.
Mr. Chrétien: We have an amending formula. We have an amending formula at this moment and we want to do something, or a number of provinces want to do something and we have a deadlock, either the federal government does not want to agree but we are willing to have a referendum to have it broken. If there is no deadlock breaking mechanism the federal government could have the right of veto or a certain number of provinces, and the problem would never be resolved.
You can argue that that is all right, but you accept the fact that there will be a situation where the majority of Canadians might want to have a change in the national government and there would be no possibility of breaking the deadlock. We have lived with that deadlock for 53 years in Canada and it is got very comfortable. It has not killed anybody, I guess, but . . .
Senator Roblin: But the real purpose of having an amending formula along the lines suggested seems to me to protect minorities and you are certainly going to make sure that if the worst comes to worst, at the sole discretion of the federal government, these minorities can be ignored. However, the Minister makes his point clearly and I want to move on to something else.
I notice that the Province of Manitoba is expected to provide French in the Courts and French in the legislature and it certainly does provide French in the schools right now. And in that Province 5.4 per cent of the population are francophones.
Well, in looking over the statistics I find there are four other provinces in Canada who have more francophones among their population than Manitoba. There is Quebec. there is New Brunswick, there is Ontario and there is Prince Edward Island.
Now, I would like to ask the Minister by what exercise of logic he decides that these rights should be accorded to Manitoba francophones but not accorded to francophones in
other provinces which have more of that element in their population?
Mr. Chrétien: Those rights have not been given to the Manitoba francophones by this Parliament, it was given by the Fathers of Confederation in the same way that the rights of the anglophones in Quebec were given. It was inscribed in the constitution. What you are asking me is why is it there. It was decided by the Fathers of Confederation.
The point I make is I do not want to turn back the clock, I want more provinces to bind themselves. That is a good argument that you are using, that in New Brunswick there are many more francophones than in Manitoba in relation to the population and already Mr. Hatfield has said that he will use the mechanism provided in this constitution to bind the Province of New Brunswick in 133.
Of course in education, every province will be equal in education with the clause we have here.
In terms of institutional bi-lingualism, I do think that we wish that more provinces would want to bind themselves. As I explained so many times, Ontario was expected to accept it and we were quite delighted with it and eventually, at the end of this summer, they changed their mind and I am very sorry about it, but we never intended to impose it on them.
We want more provinces to accept that and I am a bit sorry that while there were seven provinces who were willing to have a big part of institutional bilingualism accepted in their provinces in 1971, we find ourselves down now to the two obligated by the old constitution and one who voluntarily wants to bind itself, New Brunswick.
I do not think that I want to turn back the clock, the acquired rights should be respected.
Senator Roblin: Well, when we are engaged in the bill of rights and we are engaged in writing a new constitution, the Minister’s reply seems to me to be a cop-out.
Mr. Chrétien: A cop-out? You want me to take away the rights that are protected in the constitution for the anglophones in Quebec and the francophones in Manitoba? Is it a cop-out to do that?
Senator Roblin: I do not think that is what I want at all.
Mr. Chrétien: Well, what do you want?
Senator Roblin: I think I want to see that francophones in other provinces have the same rights as they have in Manitoba.
Mr. Chrétien: So you want us to impose 133 on Ontario and all the other provinces, do you not?
Senator Roblin: You certainly have no hesitation about imposing other aspects of your new Constitution on provinces.
Mr. Chrétien: I am very glad that you are telling me that I am timid about it and you would like me to impose 133 on all the provinces.
Senator Roblin: I did not say that, I said provinces that have the same number of francophones as Manitoba should probably be having the same rules as Manitoba.
Mr. Chrétien: Fine. Probably or should have.
Senator Roblin: Should, in my opinion.
Mr. Chrétien: So there is a motion in front of this Committee, you vote accordingly.
Senator Roblin: Well, you can reply on it. I want to come now to another point in which I query the legitimacy of the government’s move and I now refer to Section 44 which has the effect of dispensing with the consent of the Senate in respect of the passage of certain laws. I am not here as a spokesman for the Senate because as some of my colleagues in the Senate know I would rather have a Senate that was elected than one that was appointed, so I am not making any special appeal for the Senate as it is.
However, I am saying to the Minister that this subject came up in Bill C-60 and we went to the Supreme Court over the head of the government, you might say, and we asked that court a number of questions, and question 2(f) that was asked of the Supreme Court at that time was whether the federal government had the power to provide that Bills approved by the House of Commons could be given assent and the force of law after the passage of a certain period of time, notwithstanding that the upper House had not approved of them.
Now, that is precisely the proposition that is contained in Section 44, and I say to the Minister that if the courts of Canada made it impossible for him to proceed directly by legislation of the Parliament of Canada to deal with this matter, where is the legitamacy in his going to the British Parliament to do indirectly what he could not do directly in Canada?
Mr. Chrétien: The Supreme Court told us that we could not do that in Canada, through legislation in the Parliament of Canada, and they told us that the only remedy to the situation was to go to London and that is exactly what we are doing, we are going to London. We do not like it very much but it is a decision of the Supreme Court of Canada that we have to go to London if we want that type of Constitutional amendment.
So we have followed that very closely and I have accepted the view of the Supreme Court and we are going to London.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you.
I will now recognize your colleague, the Honourable David Crombie.
Mr. Crombie, you have the floor for a few minutes.
Mr. Crombie: Thank you very much, Mr. Chairman.
Through you to the Minister, Mr. Minister, in response to a question from Senator Roblin you indicated that Section 16 of the Resolution, you indicated that it gives rights. That, as you know, is a phrase that bothers me because I think that rights
come from other places, but it is not just an idle concern of an antiquarian.
I would like to refer you to Section I33 of the British North America Act and I would like to ask you what rights Section I6 of the Resolution gives to Anglophones and Francophones in this country that 133 does not? And then I would like to ask you one question in connection with the answer, I think.
Mr. Chrétien: Sixteen is in relation to the Institution of Parliament and the Government of Canada, it is not related to the Provincial institutions. Section 133, in the Constitution, is related to the provincial institutions and there is a difference. Sixteen is the confirmation of the two official languages in national institutions and I33 applies to the federal government but does not apply to all of the provinces but two: Manitoba and Quebec.
Mr. Crombie: The one change that I noted, Mr. Chairman . . .
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Last question.
Mr. Crombie: Last question. The one change that I noted in Section 16, it refers to equal rights and privileges as to the use in all institutions of the Parliament and the Government of Canada. “All institutions” is a phrase that does not apear in Section 133. Section 133 refers only to the courts and to the legislatures and to the Parliament.
So I am asking you whether or not “all institutions” is given a broader interpretation than merely the Parliament and the courts, and if so would that involve those other corporate entities other than the Parliament and the courts that relate to the federal government?
Mr. Chrétien: The way I understand it is that it is related to the institutions related to the federal government.
Mr. Crombie: Is Air Canada an institution?
Mr. Chrétien: It is, yes.
Mr. Crombie: Did you say “aye”! That was a Scottish response.
Mr. Chrétien: Oui. Mr. Mackasey is an expert on that matter.
Mr. Crombie: With Mr. Mackasey it was personal ownership. I want to know if it was a federal institution.
Mr. Mackasey: You would not have me here to bug you.
Mr. Crombie: He put me in the back of the plane when I was there.
Mr. Mackasey: Now I am here to bug you.
Mr. Chrétien: Air Canada is a federal institution.
Mr. Crombie: So I can assume that those which would have the same status as Air Canada would he covered by the phrase “in all institutions”?
Mr. Chrétien: That refers to a federal institution like Air Canada.
Mr. Crombie: So that would be an expansion over that which exists in Section 133?
Mr. Chrétien: To that extent, yes.
Mr. Crombie: I have the question: would that involve PetroCan?
Mr. Chrétien: I do not know the legal status of PetroCan, I could check that. I consider that a federal institution.
Mr. Crombie: It may be of interest. Thank you.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Thank you Mr. Minister, thank you Mr. Crombie.
I notice that it is now time to adjourn but, before inviting the hon. members to our next meeting, I would like to recognize the hon. Bryce Mackasey.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, I gather there is a willingness to proceed with a new witness tomorrow in the person of Mr. Fairweather and I would ask Mr. Epp if he would like to elaborate on that.
The Joint Chairman (Mr. Joyal): Mr. Epp.
Mr. Epp: Mr. Chairman, I think many of us have heard in the House that there have been negotiations in the regular way. That is applicable to us, that Mr. Fairweather be the witness tomorrow and that, I believe this was also discussed, that the Committee has the right to ask the Minister to return as a witness to the Committee. We can discuss the time in the SubCommittee and make a recommendation to this Committee.
Mr. Mackasey: Mr. Chairman, when the Micks and the Mennonites get together they can resolve any problem.
Consequently, since the hon. members agree, tomorrow we will hear the chairman of the Canadian Human Rights Commission.
The committee is adjourned until tomorrow morning at 9.30.
From the Department of Justice:
Mr. Roger Tassé, Q.C., Deputy Minister;
Dr. B.L. Strayer, Q.C., Assistant Deputy Minister, Public Law.
Committees, Government Documents, Votes and Proceedings Language Rights (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Legal Rights (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Section 11 (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Section 15 (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Section 2 (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Section 2d (Charter of Rights and Freedoms), Section 6 (Charter of Rights and Freedoms)
Canada, House of Commons Debates, “Special Joint Committee—Motion Respecting Broadcasting of Proceedings”, 32nd Parl, 1st Sess (13 November 1980)
Canada, Senate Debates, “Special Joint Committee—Approval of Television and Radio Broadcasting of Proceedings”, 32nd Parl, 1st Sess (13 November 1980)
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Sports NFL football Professional football Football Sports TV Television programs Entertainment Arts and entertainment Sports media
NFL Network to air 19 Alliance games beginning Feb. 10
By The Associated Press - Feb. 13, 2019 06:14 AM EST
NFL Network will televise 19 games of the new Alliance of American Football, which debuts next weekend with eight teams.
The Alliance, which already has a deal with CBS, is not affiliated with the NFL, but a tie-in with NFL Network could be a major step for the startup. Its first game on NFLN will have the Salt Lake Stallions at the Arizona Hotshots from Tempe, Arizona at 8 p.m. on Sunday, Feb. 10. The league has its first contests the previous day.
Following The Alliance's opening weekend, NFL Network will air two games per week in prime time on Saturday and Sunday nights.
"NFL Network understands the mission and vision for The Alliance and what we are trying to accomplish," said Charlie Ebersol, co-founder and CEO of the new league that will play a 10-game schedule and finish in late April with a championship game. "This partnership will now keep professional football in its prime-time television spot, allowing fans to continue watching America's most popular sport well into the spring."
The other Alliance teams will play in Memphis, Atlanta, San Diego, Orlando, San Antonio and Birmingham.
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49ers sign LaRoy Reynolds, waive Ryan Delaire
Posted by Josh Alper on May 6, 2019, 2:09 PM EDT
The 49ers added an experienced linebacker to their 90-man roster on Monday.
The team announced that they have signed linebacker LaRoy Reynolds to a one-year deal. They also officially announced the signing of running back Austin Walter after Walter broke the news over the weekend.
Reynolds appeared in every game for the Eagles last year and was credited with six special teams tackles. He’s also spent time with the Jaguars, Bears and Falcons since entering the league as an undrafted free agent in 2013 and special teams work has been his calling card in each stop.
In addition to the two signings, the 49ers also announced that they have waived defensive end Ryan Delaire. He appeared in two games last season and 15 games with the Panthers between 2016 and 2017.
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Ded Hasan vs. Rudik Baku
rutelegraf.com continues to publish an investigation about the "thief in law" Aslan Usoyane - one of the most significant and controversial figures in the criminal world over the past 15-20 years. In the last part of the publication, we talked about how Aslan Usoyan won his first serious criminal battle - against the “kingpin” Ilya Simonia (Maho). However, this conflict Usoyana seems like a small adventure, compared to the real war that began with Rudolf Oganov (Rudik Bakinsky).
By the mid-1990s, both of these "criminal generals" had the same weight among the thieves, and lived quite peacefully in the south of Russia. Usoyan controlled almost the entire Krasnodar Territory and part of the Caucasian mineral waters. Rudik, in turn, considered CMS as his patrimony and had certain interests in the Krasnodar Territory. The areas of their activity were demarcated, and a couple of criminal projects were even carried out together. However, then the numerous protesters of Hassan began to crowd Rudik’s people. When they crushed under their resorts in the CMS, Oganov did not tolerate it. In the direct accusation of Usoyana in the infringement of financial interests Rudik could not. A business dispute does not fit into the concept of thieves. According to a source of rutelegraf.com in law enforcement, then in 1996, Rudik launched a whole program to discredit his opponent among other “thieves in law”. To many of them, by that time, Ded Hasan, with his activity and his proteges in all regions, stood across his throat. Therefore, the position of Oganova found support in the thieves' world, and all attempts by Uoyan to resist this were not particularly successful. As a result, in November 1997, Rudik convened a large gathering in Moscow, to which Grandpa Hassan was invited. Among other things, “lawyers” Nikolai Zykov, nicknamed Yakutenok, and Stepan Furman (Stepa Murmansky) took part in it. At the event, Oganov announced the list of claims against Usoyan. Too rich life and participation in business, which does not correspond to the concepts of thieves. “Coronation” of too many people, many of whom do not deserve it. (It was then that the phrase “Hasanovskaya stamping”, which came into use in the criminal world, sounded). The theft of $ 850 thousand, which the Armenian "authorities" collected for obshchak. Grandpa Hassan retorted in response that he observes everything, and tries to earn money to support gangsters in jails and young “thieves in law”. Since the meeting was attended mainly by mafiosi, with whom Rudik had already carried out the preparatory work, its participants decide to deprive Usoyan of the thieves. Ded Hasan declares such a decision illegitimate, since the level of those present is not enough for his discovery.
Apparently, in order to finally finish Usoyan, in the winter of 1998, people of Rudik kill in Pyatigorsk the closest associate of Ded Khasan in this region “lawyer” Edward Amilyan (Edik-Moscow). According to the operative information that rutelegraf.com has at its disposal, the funeral is transformed into a gathering of “criminal generals” close to Usoyan, who crown the promising authority of Alexander Khashirov (Hashir). He managed to quickly take the place of Amilian and began to squeeze Rudik's people out of the CMS and the Stavropol Territory with a tripled force. Usoyan himself went to Kazakhstan, where he had long-standing contacts in the criminal world and in power structures. And from there he began to respond. To begin with, the “thief in law” began to invite participants of the gathering to himself, where he was buried. How did these conversations find out the operatives. So, in April 1997, Yakutenok flew to Kazakhstan. Grandpa Hassan set a condition for him - either within 20 minutes he gave specific reasons for which he agreed to bury him, or let him exonerate himself. After five minutes of thought, Yakutenok grabbed his heart and pretended to lose consciousness. People Hassan Zykov dragged into the street and he soon went to his native Perm. However, the "lawyer" did not live long. On June 19, three machine-gunners shot Yakutenko and two of his bodyguards at the Bolid nightclub in Perm. In addition to private conversations, Aslan Uoyan tried to arrange several mass gatherings. But here the “criminal general” had to face problems. The fact is that, according to the thieves' concepts, the one who has been buried has no right to gather for meetings, and therefore a significant part of the mafia simply ignored the calls of Hasan.
Only those “lawyers” who did not fear came to Usoyan
openly support him, in particular Zachary Kalashev and Yevgeny Vasin. When Grandpa Hassan managed to gather large summits, his opponents used the tactics that are now actively used by Usoyan himself. They set off meetings of policemen.
In January 1998, about a hundred “thieves in law” gathered in a restaurant in the town of Shakhty, Rostov Region, who took the side of Usoyan. As soon as they began to discuss the problems, special forces broke in and detained all the "criminal generals."
According to a rutelegraf.com source, after January, Ded Hasan tried to organize several more gatherings, but all his initiatives ended miserably. When in early June 1998, the mafiosi decided to get together in Tashkent, local gangsters and policemen made it clear that they didn’t need the extra problems. Rudik did not wait until Grandpa Hassan returned the influence and decided to deliver the decisive blow.
On June 8, Grandpa Hassan and several of his followers gathered in
bar "Rubin", located in the Sochi hotel "Caucasus".
Suddenly, two machine gunners through the window opened on
squall fire at the mafia tables. As a result
Thief in law Tristan Chachanadze (Tristan) and
"Authorities" brothers Unoev. Usoyan himself survived by a miracle
a few minutes before the assassination, he went to the toilet.
After that, blood began to flow all over Russia. Almost every week, people either from the Uoyan clan or from the Oganov clan began to die. It became clear that in this war there will never be a truce and it will end only after the death of Ded Hasan or Rudik.
Representatives of the whole world of thieves of the former USSR were somehow involved in this war. Most of the influential "criminal generals" tried to take a neutral position and were well aware that further bloodshed would increasingly harm the common cause. As a result, the "legalists" who did not take the side of Ded Khasan or the side of Rudik were asked to judge the dispute at the "round table". Such a summit was to be held on September 5, 1998 in Ukraine. However, he did not arrange Usoyan - after the attempt to put up with Oganov, he was not going to. As a result, when 300 “lawyers” from the countries of the former USSR and the United States gathered in one of the restaurants in Odessa, all of them were detained by police.
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The Significant of Script Breakdown Process in Filmmaking According to Frank Delario
admin / March 27, 2019
The Significant of Script Breakdown Process in Filmmaking
According to Frank Delario (2017), a script breakdown is separating and numbering each scene in a script, and then highlighting and listing the elements in each scene as written. These breakdowns are usually done by the Assistant Director with the help of the Production Manager. Filmmaking, on the other hand, was defined as the direction or production of films for the cinema or television by the English Oxford Living Dictionaries. As stated by Future Learn, film production consists of seven stages. These stages are called development, pre-production, production, principal photography, wrap, post-production and distribution.
The process of breaking down a script is a tedious work. The Production Manager needs to be very detail when combing through each page. They need to find any elements that are consider vital. An element is an object, person or process that you need in order to produce a specific scene. The elements required during the process of breaking down the script includes the props, picture vehicles, actors, stunts, special effects and a few others as well. Stunts and special effects are called process elements while actors can be divided into cast members and extras. Cast members are the characters that have dialogues or characters that does not have any dialogue but often appear in many scenes and play important role in the plot. Extras can be divided into two smaller subcategories which are Atmospehere, people who simply fill the space, and Featured Extras, characters who interact within a scene but do not hold any important role in the plot. This must be done in order for a production to make their budgeting and scheduling. For example, when going through a scene, the Production Manager may stumble upon a description that requires a prop that either needs to be build or needs to buy. These kind of elements will affect their budget and talent’s schedule as they need to prepare and have some time to solve the issue first.
During the process of a script breakdown, the Production Manager must consider the characteristics. The topic of characteristics can be a broad subject. It can be the characteristics of a breakdown sheet, what should be included in the sheet, or it can also be the characteristics of the characters themselves as these characteristics also play a huge role in determining the elements such as costume, hair, make-up and even location. For example, a 50 year old woman from Kedah works in a paddy field. So what kind of costume would she wear? How would she look like? What kind of house does she lives in? From this character’s characteristics, we can see that by highlighting one short sentence, we can break down several elements at once. For breakdown sheet, it is actually a kind of chart that a production used for making a quick chart of scenes. The things that need to be included in the sheet, as stated by FilmmakersFans (2015), are scene number, date and time. Second, clarification of “INT/EXT” (Internal/External) and Day/Night. Third, scene description and location. Fourth, casting according to the call sheet. Fifth, special effects description if it was required. Lastly, production notes where all the costumes, make-up and extra notes are.
Before learning the flow of breaking down a script, there are two ways on how you can break down a script. You can either choose to do a digital breakdown or a traditional breakdown. An online service company, like the Studiobinder, can create a digital breakdown to a production that wanted to create a film. But if a small production that wanted to do a short film, it can be a bit costly for them. The solution to this problem is to do it the old fashioned way. First, the Production Manager will have to line out each scene based on the scene heading and number it. Then came the hard part where the Production Manager needs to highlight all the elements and the categories that were in the script such as the cast, extras, special effects and even make-up and hair. This has to be done scene by scene. For example, in make-up and hair, the Production Manager needs to list down anything unique than the established look for a character such as determining the colour scheme of a character’s costume based on their emotions scene by scene. A big advantage when a production company use a digital breakdown is that programs such as Magic Scheduling and Final Draft Tiger are great at highlighting and tagging all those elements and putting them in breakdown sheets for them. This obviously saves a lot of time but can be costly.
The process of a script breakdown is important to the filmmaking because mainly, a producer use it as a tool to make financial planning. The producer have to pay attention to how many scenes that will be shot inside and outside. This is because if a scene needs light, the will have to create an electricity solution and that causes money. The producer will also needs to see the shooting schedule. The producer would not want the crew to be in a place where they shoot a scene, went to another location to shoot another scene and then came back to the first location to shoot another new scene. Moving around from one location to another can be expensive and not to mention tiresome too. A script breakdown is also important because it is to make it easier for the Production Manager and the Location Manager to search and fulfil all the description of the writer and the script. It allows them to determine and list out every single elements that were needed to prep, schedule and budget their film production. It is used to determine the needs for every department, both on the technical and creative side. It also allows the production to time their schedule and keep in track of their budget. By making a script breakdown, it can solved many unanswered questions during shooting day and it will helps smoothen the shooting process.
We can conclude that the process of breaking down a script is a significant part of pre-production. The person in charge of breaking down the script must be very thorough and immaculate when going through each scene. This is because every little details matter in order to maintain the continuity from one scene to another. As the essence of foundation of creating a production board, the breakdown sheet must be perfect and leave no room for questions. By making a breakdown script also helps a production to manage their financial and their time as well. A delayed production means more extra time and that equals to more money spend. A good production house knows how to run their time so that they will not exceed their budget. Typically, an excellent film the audiences saw on screen was run and made by an excellent team that knows their work and do the best out of it. So as a Production Manager or as the person in charge of breaking down the script, you must put in mind that your task gives huge impact to the production and every department involves. In order to make a box office film, you need to be very careful and connect with heads of every department.
Dellario, F. (2017, July 11). How to Breakdown a Script. Retrieved from
http://pixelvalleystudio.com/pmf-articles//the-script-breakdown
English Oxford Living Dictionaries. (n.d.) Definition of film-making in English. Retrieved from
https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/film-making
Future Learn. (n.d.) The seven stages of film production. Retrieved from
https://www.futurelearn.com/courses/film-production/0/steps/12304
Shorr, A. (n.d.) The Complete Guide to Mastering Script Breakdown Elements. Retrieved from
https://www.studiobinder.com/blog/the-complete-guide-to-mastering-script-breakdown-elements/
StudioBinder. (2016) How to Break Down a Script (with FREE Script Breakdown Sheet). Retrieved from
https://www.studiobinder.com/blog/free-script-breakdown-sheet/
Impact of Digitization on Print Media Project Report By Sheetal Naroth Roll No
How Digital forensic photography forensic photography is used in domestic violence cases and convictions Malcolm Washington Governors State University Professor
INTRODUCTIONTTOTFINANCIALTANALYSIS Meaning TFinancialTanalysisTisTaTprocessTofTevaluatingTfinancialTrelatedTentitiesTtoTdetermineTtheirTfinancialTperformance
IMPACT OF RISK ASSESSMENT TECHNIQUES IN THE FINANCIAL PERFORMANCE OFFINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS LISTED IN PSE 1778635203200 An Undergraduate Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the College of Accounting Education Katrina Bea T
Table of contents Chapter One Introduction The impact of participatory community development projects
A BUSINESS MARKETING PLAN FOR A COSMETIC COMPANY Review of Movit products limited BY TWINOMUHANGI ROSE ABSRTACT The major goal of this marketing plan is for helping Movit’s founder to discover whether or not the marketing plan is possible or not
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Fundamentals of Intellectual Property: Cases & Materials
472 Pages Posted: 25 Jul 2008 Last revised: 5 Dec 2014
See all articles by Thomas G. Field
Thomas G. Field
University of New Hampshire School of Law (formerly Franklin Pierce Law Center)
This is approximately the 24th revision of a conventional 472 pp. casebook. Used twice annually since 1999, this edition will be used in 3-semester-hour courses in 2012-13. Noncommercial reproduction of this file is royalty free, but one of the comprehensive statutory supplement is recommended. Also, an inexpensive paperback may be purchased from Amazon, with bulk discounts available through the author.
The book flags common themes and critical distinctions among IP components. The goal is to present the most important and durable aspects of the law for the benefit of potential legal specialists as well as generalists. Pursuit of such objectives is informed by over forty years of study and teaching students at every level of technical and legal sophistication. That current policy debates often center on issues raised in the 1800s and earlier has also been helpful. Indeed, much that is truly fundamental remains remarkably constant.
Domain names and rights of publicity also receive modest attention. Moreover, from the outset, remedies figure pervasively. Preemption and commercial speech issues are addressed in separate chapters, as well as elsewhere when appropriate.
Keywords: intellectual property, casebook, patents, copyrights, trade secrets, trademarks, domain names, rights of publicity, commercial speech, preemption
JEL Classification: K11, K39, O31, O32, O34
Field, Thomas G., Fundamentals of Intellectual Property: Cases & Materials (June 24, 2012). Available at SSRN: https://ssrn.com/abstract=1172142 or http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.1172142
Thomas G. Field (Contact Author)
University of New Hampshire School of Law (formerly Franklin Pierce Law Center) ( email )
Two White Street
Concord, NH 03301
HOME PAGE: http://https://law.unh.edu/faculty/field
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Winona Ryder Says ‘Beetlejuice 2’ Is Actually Happening
You remember Beetlejuice. That crazy, anarchic ghost guy played by Michael Keaton who materializes in his black-and-white striped suit whenever you say his name three times.
If only it were that simple.
The cast and crew of 1988’s (!) Beetlejuice have been pronouncing the film’s title in triplicate for years — nay, decades! — in the hopes of possibly reviving the franchise for a sequel. Thus far, no Beetlejuice 2 has appeared. But folks are still talking about it, and in this day of brand awareness and pre-sold entertainment, that counts for a lot. So when Beetlejuice star Winona Ryder appeared on Late Night With Seth Meyers last night, and the subject of some Beetlejuice sequeljuice was broached, she stoked the fires just a little bit, saying she thought she could confirm the project’s development, following a recent interview by director Tim Burton.
Ryder did admit she didn’t know much more than what she’d heard Burton say in the aforementioned interview (when he claimed that there was a sequel script floating around, and that he loved the character and would like to team with Keaton again). But hey, it’s better than nothing. Just keep saying Beetlejuice’s name three times, over and over again. Eventually, it just might work.
Filed Under: Beetlejuice 2, Late Night with Seth Meyers, Michael Keaton, Tim Burton, Winona Ryder
All 23 Marvel Cinematic Universe Movies Ranked
2019 ScreenCrush is part of the ScreenCrush Network, Townsquare Media, Inc. All rights reserved.
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UC3 Washington University in St. Louis: Campus, Students and Community Leading Together on Climate Action
The University Climate Change Coalition (UC3) is an ensemble of research universities that are venturing outside their campuses to connect with local businesses, governments, and communities to accelerate the transition to a low-carbon future. This blog post is part of a series highlighting the climate action work of UC3. Up next is Washington University in St. Louis.
Washington University in St. Louis is committed to being a national leader in sustainability. This core priority is threaded through all aspects of the university’s community, operations and work as an exceptional teaching and research institution.
Washington University has invested heavily in reducing its carbon footprint and promoting sustainable practices on campus. Since 1990, energy use on the Danforth and Medical campuses has remained flat despite the square footage nearly doubling. By 2020, they aim to have lowered emission rates to pre-1990 levels.
Michael Moehn, chairman and president of Ameren Missouri (center) watches as St. Louis Mayor Lyda Krewson (left) and Washington University in St. Louis Chancellor Mark S. Wrighton signed a proclamation pledging to endorse regional greenhouse gas reduction targets. The signing came during a special forum hosted by the university, in which government, corporate, nonprofit and higher education leaders discussed best sustainability practices. (Photo: Joe Angeles/ Washington University)
With a continuous eye on renewable energy possibilities, the university is currently installing a new set of solar arrays on campus. Once complete, these panels will 2.2 megawatts of solar energy, making the university the top user of solar power in the St. Louis area.
As part of its commitment to alternative power source, Washington University in St. Louis recently embarked on a solar array installation project. When complete, the university will be one of the region’s largest owners and operators of solar panels. (Photo: Sid Hastings/ Washington University)
The university’s leadership recognizes that sustainability needs to be factored in at the ground level, not after the fact. On campus, there are currently a total of 21 LEED certified buildings. The ongoing East End Transformation will add additional LEED-certified buildings; faculty, staff, students and the campus community will enjoy increased green space that the project will provide.
Notably, these sustainability goals and measures were not achieved with enormous amounts of extra funding. Careful planning, as well as engagement from the campus community, made these changes possible.
Students at Washington University in St. Louis take part in the Renewable Energy Student Engagement Team (RESET). It’s a unique opportunity for WashU students to take an active part in the university’s solar panel installation project. (Photo: Sid Hastings/ Washington University)
WashU leads by example in its sustainability efforts and also sets its students up to successfully lead in the same way. The university strives to teach students through engaged and experiential coursework so that they apply and integrate their learning around sustainability. Students have led mock climate negotiations with high school students, and have developed regional greenhouse gas inventories and proposals for on-campus solar projects. These activities enhance student learning, while engaging with community needs.
Twenty organizations, government officials, nonprofit and higher education leaders signed off on a pledge to endorse and support greenhouse gas reduction targets during the UC3 Forum hosted by Washington University in St. Louis. (Photo: Joe Angeles/ Washington University)
Washington University is proud to be part of the UC3 coalition. Read on to see how WashU is working with external partners, including corporate, non-profit and government leaders, to further its sustainability work.
Why do you think the University Climate Change Coalition is significant?
Washington University in St. Louis knows that leading research institutions can help address and find solutions for the greatest challenges facing our planet, including climate change. Participation in UC3 is important, so that together with our peer institutions we can lead by example and share best practices to bring about lasting and positive environmental change.
What were some of your goals going into the cross-sector forum? Was there anything about the planning or execution of the forum that surprised you?
We wanted to work together with leaders across industry, government and non-profit sectors to open up an honest and productive dialogue about what’s working in our region, and what can be improved upon when it comes to mitigating climate change. It was surprising that there’s much more in common among those sectors than one might initially surmise. Everyone in attendance was united behind the notion of a cleaner, more sustainable region, even if their preferred methods of achieving those goals were different.
What were the important outcomes of the forum to you? What was your biggest takeaway? Any interesting comments from participants that were unexpected?
A key outcome of the forum was getting as many participants as possible to agree to and sign a shared proclamation, in which they agreed to endorse regional greenhouse gas reduction targets of 28 percent below 2005 levels by 2025, and 80 percent below 2005 levels by 2050. Twenty organizations were initial signers; additional commitments are expected.
Signatories also agreed to adopt and begin efforts to achieve specific greenhouse gas reduction targets for their own institutions, businesses, governments and organizations that will contribute to the regional goal within one year of signing the letter, if they do not already have an organizational goal.
Participants were engaged and interested in continuing to work together to share best practices and build capacity to tackle the reductions in GHGs needed to meet targets.
Who attended your forum (stakeholders)? What were some of the climate priorities identified? What do you envision for the future with this groups of stakeholders?
Executive leaders from nearly 30 government, nonprofit, corporate and public sector organizations attended our Forum. They shared their current efforts to mitigate and adapt to climate change, and through a series of facilitated discussions, identified ways to work together in the future to benefit the St. Louis region and accelerate climate action. Key discussion topics included building energy efficiency, the transportation sector and energy sources. More than 20 of these leaders signed a proclamation demonstrating their commitment to these issues. Our goal is that the conversations will continue and deepen, resulting in true collaboration and positive policy changes in our region.
Any advice you would give other schools interested in convening external climate actors?
We are fortunate that the St. Louis region has been working for several years to have open and collaborative conversations about sustainability in our region. As we developed the forum, we were able to tap into those existing relationships to ensure that a diversity of voices, from small non-profits to large utility providers, were able to engage in the conversation. Taking the time to develop relationships and listen to the goals and challenges of all involved is essential to developing a long-term collaboration.
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2019 – The Year of Apps in Browsers
Recently, I deleted Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter from my phone. I almost immediately felt a lift in spirit, and have not regretted it since. I still have the accounts, just deleted the app, that’s all.
First of all, the invasion of privacy is astounding. Pay close attention to your ads. Have you ever searched for that item? We all know our searches are tracked and then ads are targeted later. If you put an item in a shopping cart online, and then abort, you will get retargeting ads a few minutes later on Facebook.
What really concerns me are the ads for items I did *not* search for. Our phones are listening and our conversations are constantly mined for “keywords.” Companies pay big money to drill down their advertisements to people talking about a problem they can solve. I’ve seen this happen on my own accounts with large ticket items. Try having a conversation around a few of the following topics, and then pay close attention to the ads you see on Instagram and Facebook. Say the following words aloud.
1. I want to switch careers. I wonder if it would be helpful to have an MBA. I wonder where I should get an MBA. I need figure out what I should do for my career… [keep going, make stuff up]
2. Let’s go on vacation. Hawaii? Costa Rica?
3. I need a new mattress…
4. Honey let’s buy a house
5. Need a new kitchen, bathroom, I need new windows
I would even go so far as to say that these high value keywords are still recorded when the phone is off.
(please note – I am not an expert, just describing what I’ve seen)
It’s legal because we agree to this in the terms and conditions.
There is something about these social media apps that causes a bit of jealousy, especially seeing other musicians’ gigs. You might say, but you need social media as a musician? To promote gigs?
First of all, I’m not sure how useful social media is for promoting live shows. It can help propel the wave of marketing, but print and curated media is still king. I would question the effectiveness of social posts. I have seen one, maybe two people come out to a show because they saw a social post, per gig, but it’s never a huge impact.
Facebook Ads do work, but that’s not really a strategy I want to use, if I can help it. That’s more for venues and large orgs.
What posting really does is give cred amongst other musicians, and builds rapport. That’s musician-to-musician business, though, not musician to audience marketing. Musicians are watching each other – checking out new venues, looking for sessions, you know the drill. It’s good for the industry to see what you’re up to. You have to constantly feed your social network and fans with new music (videos, recordings, etc.)
So how does one continue to stay in the eyes and minds of the industry, without sacrificing self-confidence and “FOMOOG” (fear of missing out on gigs)?
The answer, my friend, is to push out social posts with apps in browsers. Simply open Safari or Chrome to the social media site of choice, post your selfie/video/text, and get out. Close the tab. You can post video and pictures to Facebook, and pictures only to Instagram. You can only use IG via browser on your phone, not the desktop. You can view and post to Twitter with your browser. The only one that has been sticky is Pinterest, they force you to open your recipe for the best chocolate brownies in the app. So download and then delete when done.
I am having difficulty deleting Facebook Messenger. I’m not seeing any ads, so I don’t think it’s tracking me (yet), but I’m not an expert. FB Messenger is the most reliable way to reach a lot of folks, and also gives me a way to book people I have met but don’t have their phone number.
Cut the endless scrolling, go get coffee with friends, and cut those social media strings!
Ah, where was I on Instagram stories?
Just kidding!!
By the way, everyone under 25 has figured this out. This post is for us old folks, millennials and older.
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For Immediate Release: The 17th Annual Jazz4Justice Concert features a new partnership between George Mason University and Legal Services of Northern Virginia
George Mason University School of Music
THE 17TH ANNUAL JAZZ4JUSTICE™
featuring a new partnership between George Mason University
and Legal Services of Northern Virginia
Friday, November 16, 2018 at 8 p.m.
Hylton Performing Arts Center in Manassas
Saturday, November 17, 2018 at 8 p.m.
Center for the Arts in Fairfax
(FAIRFAX)— George Mason University’s School of Music presents the 17th annual Jazz4Justice LIVE! concert and fundraiser on Friday, November 16 at 8 p.m. in the Hylton Performing Arts Center and Saturday, November 17 at 8 p.m. in the Center for the Arts. The events raise funds to directly support vital legal services and the George Mason University Jazz Studies program. Information and tickets are currently available at hyltoncenter.org and cfa.gmu.edu.
For the first time, Jazz4Justice™ is presented in partnership with Legal Services of Northern Virginia (LSNV), the largest legal aid organization in Northern Virginia. “We are looking forward to partnering with Jazz4Justice™ as well as the entire Mason community to promote justice for a better community by providing civil legal assistance to those facing the loss of a critical need,” affirmed Marcy Kossar, Director of Development for LSNV.
James Carroll, Professor of Jazz Studies and Mason Jazz Ensemble Director, has assembled a stellar musical program for the upcoming Jazz4Justice™ performances. He shared, “we are excited to feature alto saxophone virtuoso Charlie Young, Professor of Music at Howard University and leader/Artistic Director of the Smithsonian Jazz Masterworks Orchestra. Charlie is, absolutely without a doubt, ‘the best’. In addition, we will feature amazing student musicians and compositions from Mason’s Jazz Studies Department, and there will be an open jam session hosted by Mason students following each concert. We will also be producing a live recording of the concert. We truly hope local audiences and arts supporters can join us for this wonderful collaboration between Mason Jazz and the legal community.”
Tickets to Jazz4Justice™ at the Hylton Center are available in person at the Ticket Office (open Tuesday-Saturday 10 a.m.-6 p.m.), by calling at 703-993-7759, or at hyltoncenter.org. Tickets to the Center for the Arts’ concert are also available in at the Ticket Office (open Tuesday-Saturday 10 a.m.- 6 p.m.), by calling at 703-993 2787, or at cfa.gmu.edu.
About Jazz4Justice™
In 2000, Fairfax attorney Ed Weiner attended a student jazz recital. He was impressed by the music but distressed by the small audience. As the President of the Fairfax Law Foundation, he saw an opportunity for a new partnership – universities would provide the musical talent and the local legal community would provide the audience and sponsors. Today, Jazz4Justice concerts are held throughout the Commonwealth of Virginia. Thus far, Jazz4Justic has raised over $350,000 for music scholarships and an array of educational and charitable services benefiting Virginia’s local communities. Jazz4Justice has received awards from the American Bar Association and the Virginia State Bar.
About the School of Music
The Mason School of Music is part of the College of Visual and Performing Arts. Students study with nationally and internationally recognized faculty who are active performers, conductors, composers, music theoreticians, historians, and music teachers. Admission is based on acceptance to the university and audition. The music program is accredited by the National Association of Schools of Music (NASM).
About the College of Visual and Performing Arts
The College of Visual and Performing Arts (CVPA) provides an academic environment in which the arts are explored as individual disciplines and interdisciplinary forms that strengthen one another. The college prepares students for careers as creators, performers, teachers, scholars, arts leaders and arts entrepreneurs. Understanding that an education in the arts is deepened by regular contact with the work of distinguished visiting artists, the Center for the Arts, the professional presentation and production arm of the college, welcomes a variety of professional and world-renowned artists, musicians and actors to its stage. Students have the opportunity to perform, create and exhibit their work in a wide variety of public venues including a 2,000-seat Concert Hall. CVPA is home to the Schools of Music, Dance, Art and Theater, as well as the Computer Game Design, Arts Management, and Film and Video Studies programs.
About George Mason University
George Mason University is Virginia’s largest public research university. Located near Washington, D.C., Mason enrolls 35,000 students from 130 countries and all 50 states. Mason has grown rapidly over the past half-century and is recognized for its innovation and entrepreneurship, remarkable diversity and commitment to accessibility.
About Legal Services of Northern Virginia
Legal Services of Northern Virginia (LSNV), a private, not-for-profit organization, offers free legal services to low income individuals and families, seniors, veterans, people with disabilities and victims of domestic violence residing in Northern Virginia. With 7 offices located throughout the region, LSNV completed more than 6,000 cases in 2017 benefitting 15,000 individuals, providing assistance in the following substantive areas:
family law, focusing primarily on matters which include domestic violence
housing law which includes eviction and foreclosure prevention cases
public benefits
education law with a focus on children with special needs
HIV/AIDS Project
LSNV’s mission could not be accomplished without the generous support of the Northern Virginia community. We thank you for your support and invite you to learn more about how we benefit the community at www.lsnv.org.
For Immediate Release: Amy Shook and the SR4tet to perform at the Hill Center, October 4th
Hill Center at the Old Naval Hospital, 921 Pennsylvania Ave. SE, Washington, DC 20003
Media Contact: Burnett Thompson, 703-489-8704, burnett@pianojazz.com
Premiere DC Bassist Amy Shook and the SR4tet to open the Street Scenes Concert Series at the Hill Center on October 4th, 2018
Performing New Originals and Old Standards With a Star Studded Cast
Washington, D.C. (September 9th, 2018) — Street Scenes at the Hill Center presents jazz bassist Amy Shook with the SR4tet on Thursday, October 4th, at 7:00 – 9:00 pm. Tickets are $18 in advance, $20 on the day of the performance and can be purchased online or at the door. Purchase tickets on InstantSeats at https://www.instantseats.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=buy.event&eventID=A56190A9-939F-F073-A96255EFC0D4D987.
The Shook/Russo Quartet, comprised of Amy Shook on bass, Pat Shook on tenor sax, Frank Russo on drums and Jonathan Epley on guitar, has been working together for nearly 13 years in the Baltimore/Washington, D.C. area. Their focus has always
been to compose and perform their own original music within the jazz idiom, honoring the masters by carrying on the tradition. The group has developed an incredible and unique sound by merging the diverse backgrounds of each of these fine musicians into one voice. The result is a whirlwind of grooves, melodies, and diverse textures that are a true delight to hear. Collectively, the members of the Shook/Russo Quartet have performed extensively throughout the United States, as well as performed in Canada, Mexico, Asia, Europe, and the Caribbean, and at festivals such as the Lionel Hampton Jazz Festival, the Ottawa Jazz Festival, the Stan Getz Jazz Festival, the Cape May Jazz Festival and the Mid-Atlantic Jazz Festival to name a few. For more information, please visit www.amyshook.com.
“Amy Shook builds tension in her blues march groove to climax with the inclusion of the rhythm section and the harmonious horns that float, swirl, roll and boil to a gentle simmer, giving way to graceful poise…So Far From Home (Shook/Russo 4tet, Summit Records) should be in every straight-ahead, jazz lover’s house.” Paul J. Youngman, www.jazzreview.com
Hill Center Street Scenes Concert Series
For a complete schedule and artist bios for the Hill Center Street Scenes Concert Series, curated by Burnett Thompson and Shannon Gunn, please visit www.pianojazz.com/hillcenter.htm. Ensembles in residence at the Hill Center provide exquisite concert performances coupled with children’s programming in D.C. public schools. In its 7th season, the aim of the series is to bring the world’s rich musical universe to Capitol Hill and the wider Washington, D.C. community.
Street Scenes Concert Series:
October 4th, 2018: Amy Shook and the SR4tet
November 17th, 2018: Tom Teasley
February 14th, 2019: Sam Prather
March 27th, 2019: Washington Women in Jazz Festival
April 17th, 2019: Kris Funn and Cornerstore
May 15th, 2019: Monika Herzig’s SHEroes
Photo cut-line: Amy Shook and the SR4tet to perform at Street Scenes at Hill Center on Thursday, October 4th at 7:00pm.
Posted on September 9, 2018 December 27, 2018
Announcing: The Hill Center Street Scenes Concert Series 2018 – 2019
Announcing: The Hill Center Street Scenes Concert Series
Hill Center at the Old Naval Hospital Street Scenes Concert Series:
Posted on June 29, 2017 December 27, 2018
Apps for Jazzers 2017
Grab the link to the presentation here: http://prezi.com/hl6rijtqgnkr/?utm_campaign=share&utm_medium=copy
Apps for Jazzers 2018Download
Shannon Gunn and the Bullettes to Perform at Republic Restoratives 3/2
Get Tickets: http://bullettes.brownpapertickets.com/
Start out the evening with a classy cocktail around 5:30 pm inspired by the community spirit that is Republic Restoratives, a new women-owned distillery turned venue in town. They are located just a few blocks north of the Angelika pop up and humane society on New York Ave in Northeast DC. There is plenty of parking (free for 2 hours) within a block in the Hecht’s garage. All ticket holders are given 20% off drinks. Feel free to drink water or soda, it’s not required to drink alcohol. Around 7 pm we’ll convene intro the huge industrial style back room. You can also order food to be delivered, and there is a nice pizza spot nearby that delivers to the distillery. There are about 10 restaurants within a block, and Union Market is also really close.
Audience members will enjoy a trek through time following the changes in style of the jazz tradition with performances of arrangements by Fletcher Henderson, Duke Ellington, Count Basie, Oliver Nelson, and Thad Jones. Following their tribute to the masters, the jazz orchestra will play world premieres of new music by band members as well as groove arrangements of recent popular music. This will be a nice event, and we hope to see you there!
All-female Big Band
March 2nd, 2017 @ Republic Restoratives Craft Distillery and Bar
1369 New York Avenue NE, Washington, DC 20002
7:00 and 9:00 Sets
Tickets range from $7 – $15
Tickets for each set will be sold separately. Ticket holders for the 7 pm set are welcome to stay through the 9 pm set.
TICKETS: http://bullettes.brownpapertickets.com/
Leigh Pilzer, alto sax
Halley Shoenberg, alto
Megan Nortrup, tenor
Julieta Eugenio, tenor
Michelle Acton, Bari
Mike “Bags” Davis, trumpet
Ginger Turner, trumpet
Alison Rogers, trumpet
Shannon Gunn, trombone
Nicole Connolly, trombone
Amy Bormet, piano
Adi Meyerson, bass
Ana Barreiro, drums
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Bat Symbolism, Mythology, and Lore
For fans of horror movies, the bat has become an animal to be feared. It not only becomes entangled in long hair, but the vampire bat is a satanic agent that sucks the soul from the body along with its life blood. However, there is more to the bat than purely negative symbolism.
Culturally, the bat symbolized great luck and wealth to the Chinese. The Mayans saw them as symbols of rebirth. Europeans believed that the human soul took the form of a bat during sleep time and then people could leave their bodies. This led to the belief that Pagans might become bats when they die, and then they might search for a means of rebirth or the blood of life.
Bat Symbolism
The bat is a symbol of rebirth and depth because it is a creature that lives in the belly of the Mother (Earth). From the womb-like caves it emerges every evening at dusk. And so – from the womb it is reborn every evening.
Bat- Death and Rebirth, Guardian of the Night, Cleaner
The nocturnal nature of the bat has given it some negative associations. It is symbolic of the night devouring the day. The bat is said to swallow the light because it wakes at dusk, the time between day and night. Native Indian tribes in Brazil say that a bat swallowing the Sun will herald the end of the world, and the Mayans believed that the bat was a harbinger of death. Christian belief, too, regards the bat with suspicion because it is seen as an incarnation of Satan.
However, the nocturnal nature of the bat makes it, like the owl, a creature that has access to hidden knowledge and secret information, able to detect things in the hours of darkness that are not accessible to diurnal creatures. Before echolocation was recognized and understood, the bat’s ability to find its way about was a source of great intrigue, adding to the mystique of the animal.
The bat is also symbol of communication because the Native Americans observed the bat to be a highly social creature. Indeed, the bat has strong family ties. They are very nurturing, exhibiting verbal communication, touching, and sensitivity to members of their group.
As flying creatures, bats signify the sky, but they have many qualifications for Underworld symbolism as well. They hang upside-down, facing the Underworld; they are nocturnal (the Underworld is dark); they roost in caves or dead trees and use streams as flyways (caves, tree roots, and streams were considered openings into the Underworld).
In some South American myths, honey, bees, and bats are related or interchangeable. In other folklore, bats are classed with hummingbirds and butterflies, animals that sometimes visit the same flowers by day that bats feed from by night.
Omens and Signs:
What does it mean when you see a bat? It can mean a number of different things depending on where you are from, and what the situation with the bat is. Here are some common beliefs:
If a bat flies into your house, look out for bedbugs.
A bat flying into a building means it’s going to rain.
It’s unlucky to see a bat in the daytime.
Killing a bat shortens your life.
Bats in a church during a wedding ceremony is a bad omen.
Bats in the house mean either a death or a sign that the humans will soon be leaving.
If a bat flies close to a person it means that person will be betrayed.
Bats flying vertically upwards then dropping back to earth means that ‘The Witches Hour Has Come’
Bats are symbolic of bad luck, especially if they cry while flying.lying early in the evening.
Flying bats might also mean good weather.
If a bat flies into the house and then gets away, there will be a death in the family. Kill the bat before it escapes, however, and everyone will be alright.
If a bat flies into the kitchen and at once hangs on to the ceiling, it is lucky; but if it circles around twice before alighting, it is bad.
To the Chinese and the Polish, the bat means long life and happiness, a good omen.
Folklore from Nova Scotia relates that if the bat alights in the house, a man in the family will die, whereas if it flies around, a woman’s death is foretold. If someone in the house is sick, they will die, but this can be avoided if a handful of salt is thrown into the fire.
A woman from California stated that if a pregnant woman sees a bat, her child will die. Other myths are that bats in a house indicate the death of a parent or of a very good friend. Folklore from Illinois asserts that if a bat enters a house and stays for a long time, there will be a death in the house, but if it does not stay long, a relative will die.
In New Mexico lore, the death will occur within eight days, while myths from the midwestern United States state that the death will occur either in a month, or within six months. Myth from Washington specifies that death will occur within a year.
Many legends say that the bat does not even have to enter the house or the actual living quarters to be a harbinger of death. Myths from Slovinian, German, and Jewish immigrants relate that bats in an attic foretell a death in the house. From numerous places and ethnic groups we’re also told that a bat simply flying over a house, or at a window, or down a chimney can mean death.
From western New York comes a tale that claims if a bat flies around a house while a dog is howling, it is a sure sign of death for someone in the house. An Arkansas myth says that dreaming about bats flying in your house will mean the death of a dear friend.
Some folklore asserts that mortal consequences can be averted, but in typical fashion, there are other myths to contradict this. More contemporary beliefs are related by a man in Las Vegas and a woman from Tacoma who both claim that death could be prevented simply by killing the bat. But beliefs from the Midwest predict exactly the opposite, foretelling a person’s death only if the bat is killed, and just sickness if the bat escapes.
In Ohio, a woman of Scottish ancestry related that when a bat flies in a doorway, a person can avoid serious illness by drinking a mixture of his or her burned hair and coffee. From Arkansas comes a report on how to avoid the issue altogether; it claims that placing a horseshoe in the fireplace will scare bats away.
Bats in buildings have also been seen as omens of lesser evils than death. Various myths relate that bats in houses may bring bad luck, or portend that someone in the house will go insane, become blind, be missing the next day, that a letter with bad news will arrive, or that the people in the house will move.
Zuni Indian myths, along with lore from North Carolina, Arkansas, and Illinois, all corroborate that bats flying around a chimney, or attempting to enter a building, are a sure sign of rain.
While of less consequence than death, woe be it to the bridal couple who has the misfortune to marry in a church with bats in the belfry. A great deal of very bad luck is predicted if a bat flies into the church during a wedding ceremony.
While European and North American folklore about bats in buildings generally views bats as portents of misfortune or evil, some benign lore also exists perceiving them as good omens. For example, if a bat lives in a theater, and flies over the stage during rehearsal, the play is guaranteed success.
A contemporary local story comes from Indians in California who relate that a bat flying in a house foretells a good hunting season. And finally, miners working in the mountains of Nevada insist that a mine will be safe if a bat remains in the mineshaft after blasting.
Other cultures also view bats in a human dwelling as a good omen. Merlin Tuttle relates that in his research in the northern and western part of Kenya, the Nandi and Lugen peoples welcome bats into their homes as bringers of good luck. Their presence is thought to help increase wealth and make livestock reproductively prolific. But even within the same country and region, views can contrast sharply. The Kisii people of western Kenya are said to very fearful of bats, sometimes abandoning their homes if bats enter, fearing ill health and death of their children.
Other European and North American myths give a positive interpretation of bats in houses, but as is often the case in folklore, the death of the bat–sometimes in a rather gruesome ritual–is usually required to interpret the bat as a good sign.
A recent story comes from a woman in Illinois who related that if a bat enters a house that has a small baby inside, the child will cut teeth better if the bat is killed and its carcass is kept overnight in the house. She said that her family did this when a bat entered her daughter’s house, and that her grandchild “didn’t have any trouble when cutting teeth.”
Lore from Montreal, Canada, relates that a bat flying into a house will bring financial prosperity to the household, but only if the bat is caught and allowed to die after its hind legs have been cut off. Once the poor animal is dead, its legs must be buried at least a foot deep in the back yard.
One very widespread myth about bats in houses, however, has nothing to do with bad–or good–omens. There is a persistent belief that bats enter your house to steal food. One of the most common traditional beliefs about bats in houses, repeated throughout Europe and by immigrants in North America, is that bats are extremely fond of fat. The lore states that they will gnaw on hams and slabs of bacon, which in former times were hung to cure in chimneys and well-ventilated rooms–places where bats were often discovered roosting.
This belief is reflected in a German word for bat (speckmaus, speck being the German word for bacon), and also in period illustrations and nursery rhymes. Bats were clearly getting the blame for other animal thieves; in his 1939 book, Bats, G.M. Allen speculates that rats were the true predators. It also seems probable that birds, which people often purposely attract by hanging suet, may have been among the real culprits. Allen describes experiments conducted in Germany in the early nineteenth century in which captive bats were offered a diet of bacon but refused it and starved to death.
If you keep in mind that bats were viewed as evil spirits, or even the devil, it is not difficult to understand why folklore about them appearing in one’s own home focuses largely on death, illness, and misfortune. Also, we should appreciate that in earlier times, houses were much more than good investments and income tax breaks; they were a person’s safe refuge from many very real dangers. The bat, as a devil or evil spirit, was seen as entering this sanctum with malevolent intent. Typically, the devil is after souls, and this accounts for the frequent association of a bat’s appearance in a building with death.
This devil/evil spirit association is specific in many myths. Bats are commonly said to indicate that the house they frequent is haunted, and an old German myth relates that if a bat flies into your house, the devil is after you. But redemption is sometimes possible once a bat enters your home. By killing the bat, one might be able to minimize its evil effects or even gain grace with good forces.
Recognizing the devil/evil spirit association, we can certainly understand why a bat appearing uninvited during a wedding in a church, the Lord’s house, would be seen as an extremely bad omen. Another view is found in African-American folklore, which relates that if a bat enters your house and leaves without staying long, it is because the evil spirits did not feel welcome.
With the plethora of myths handed down from so many cultures, perhaps we can come to understand some of the often irrational fears and behavior people exhibit when confronted with the presence of a small, harmless (and likely terrified) bat in their home.
Bats As An Animal Totem
If the bat has been “flying” into your life as an animal totem, this symbolizes great intuition and utilizing your sensitivities to explore the world around you. The bat has been misunderstood by many over the years and most people fear this creature, but many medicine people and the Native Americans sought the bat for its connection to the “other world.”
Bats have a special way of “seeing,” and they don’t use their regular eyes to see, but rather they use a built in sensor, a type of radar called echolocation, that guides them during flight at night time. For this reason, bats were revered for their special “vision,” and medicine people often invoked bat energy if they wanted to “see” clearer into a situation.
What Do Bats Symbolize?
Bats are misunderstood because of the folklore dealing with vampires. However, bats are highly social creatures; they love to congregate with their family in huge numbers inside caves. They often hang upside down inside their cave (also called a roost), and only emerge at dusk to feed on insects (a common time for insects to stir). For this reason, the bat has come to symbolize rebirth because they go “inside” their cave which represents going within, and then they emerge at dusk, and this is seen as being reborn from the womb of mother Earth.
If this animal totem has appeared to you in your dreams or in waking life perhaps it is a sign that it is time for you to go within. It might be time to take some time off and go on a vacation and bring a journal with you, or even just try meditation as a way of becoming quiet and allowing your true self to speak.
Once bats have emerged from their cave, and they are experiencing the outside world, they are highly attuned to their surroundings. The highly sensitive bat can pick up movement of prey as well as avoid colliding with fellow bats during flight by using echolocation.
If the bat has appeared as your totem, this means that you are on a journey of awakening to your psychic gifts. If the bat has chosen you, this means that you will have a chance to improve your abilities and yourself ten-fold. You may find this a bit challenging as you will be called to go within and explore ALL of you, the light and dark side. You will be asked to explore your inner demons and learn to love them.
As you do this, you will find yourself learning to not only love your enemies but even the darkest parts of yourself. When you accomplish this, you will realize the profound rewards that come from having compassion for your fellow man and all of his follies through learning to love your own.
And once you have reached this state, you will find that your devotion to your spiritual path with strengthen and journeying within will become easier and easier. The nice thing about this is as you learn to face your demons more and more, you will realize that what is being offered to you is the gift of constant self-improvement and this means that you get to EVOLVE!
The bat is your companion on your spiritual journey and will guide you to deep places where you can begin to see things not as good and bad, but just as they are. With the bat by your side, you can learn to face your deepest fears and to accept yourself fully. This animal totem has entered your life to help you reach your highest potential by showing you that the first step in accessing your gifts is by first loving yourself fully and then and only then can you emerge into the light.
Journeying Within
Loving Self
Psychic Vision
If you have the bat as your totem you are extremely aware of your surroundings. Sometimes you can be overly sensitive to the feelings of others. Additionally, you are quite perceptive on a psychic level, and are prone to have prophetic dreams.
If you work with the bat as your totem, you will be put to the test, because it is demands only 100% commitment to spiritual growth. The bat will never accept half-hearted or lukewarm attempts at self-improvement. Indeed, if the bat senses that you are slacking in your psychic/spiritual training it will likely move on to someone else who is more willing to learn the lessons the bat has to offer.
The bat reminds us that even in darkness, we have the resources to see our way. As with most of our hardest challenges, working with the demanding bat will reap some of the most profound rewards you could ever dream of.
But be warned, the bat asks a lot of us, like:
Dying to our ego
Loving our enemies as ourselves
Going within to touch our inner demons
Exploring the underworlds of reality (which can be scary)
Renewing our thoughts and beliefs on a moment-to-moment basis
All of these tasks can be harrowing experiences. This is why the Native American symbolism of the bat deals with initiation; because this creature takes us to outlandish extremes. But rest assured, the bat is never leaves our side while we are journeying.
Furthermore, once we are tested to satisfaction, the devotion of the bat will never fade. It will eternally support us on our spiritual path – ever faithful and forever loving us on our journey to maintain our highest potential.
Why are Bats tied to Halloween?
Seasonally, bats are tied to Halloween and this is because when the fall season’s bonfires were lit, it attracted thousands of insects which in turn attracted the bats for a feeding frenzy. Because this happens in the fall, this is another reason why the bat is seen as a symbol of transition and change (not only for the season but for humans experiencing life change as well).
More Bat Lore:
In both ancient Greece and Rome, it was thought that sleep could be prevented either by placing the engraved figure of a bat under the pillow, or by tying the head of a bat in a black bag and keeping it near to the left arm. In the Ivory Coast, even today many think that bats are the spirits of the dead, and in Madagascar, they are assumed to be the souls of criminals, sorcerers and the unburied dead. In the Tyrol it is believed that the man who wears the left eye of a bat may become invisible, and in Hesse he who wears the heart of a bat bound to his arm with red thread will always be lucky at cards.
Wash your face in bat’s blood, and you will be able to see in the dark; keep a bat bone in your pocket will ensure good luck; powdered bat heart will staunch bleeding or stop a bullet; bullets from a gun swabbed with a bat’s heart will always hit their target; bat’s blood into someone’s drink will make them more passionate; stimulate a woman’s desire by placing a clot of bat blood under her pillow; use a hair wash of crushed bat wings in coconut oil and it will prevent both baldness and graying of the hair.
While stories of bats in general abound in the myth and lore of many New World peoples, ironically, surprisingly little folklore exists specifically about vampire bats. They do not appear to be mentioned at all in the lore of the Aztecs, one of the largest civilizations of ancient Mesoamerica. The Maya, however, revered a vampire bat god, “Camazotz,” the death bat, who killed dying men on their way to the center of the earth. “Zotz” was the Maya word for bat.
Bats and Witches
Linking bats to witchcraft and magic has given rise to many of the fears people have about bats. Today in the United States, we see this association in Halloween decorations, horror movies, and scary novels, but it reaches back into antiquity and is found in many parts of the world. Throughout history, bats have often been considered the familiars or even the alter egos of witches.
In 1332, Lady Jacaume of Bayonne in France was publicly burned because “crowds of bats” were seen about her house and garden. Shakespeare invoked bats and witches in several of his plays. The “wool of bat” in the brew of Macbeth’s three witches is a prominent example of the association, as is Caliban’s curse on Prospero in The Tempest:
“All the charms of Sycorax,
toads, beetles and bats, light on you.”
The use of bats in witchcraft survives even in modern times. As recently as 1957, a California taxidermist sold bat blood, presumably for witchcraft. Other contemporary references include a report from Ohio claiming that bat blood can call evil spirits, and another from Illinois asserting that it gives witches “the power to do anything.” There are also reports of bats used for witchcraft in Mexico’s Yucatan, and bat wings are often in the conjure bags of African-Americans in Georgia.
But not all myths bring to mind frightening acts; some ascribe wondrous magical properties to bats and associate good luck with them. Unfortunately for the bat, most of them require its demise. An ancient belief found both in the American Midwest and the Caribbean is that bathing your eyes in bat blood will allow you to see in the dark.
Many other beliefs suggest that bats have the power to make people invisible. In Trinidad there is an old belief that if you drank the blood of a bat, you would become invisible. Tyrolean gypsies have a similar belief, claiming that carrying the left eye of a bat will accomplish the feat. In Oklahoma carrying the right eye of a bat pierced with a brass pin will have the same effect, while in Brazil a person carrying the hearts of a bat, a frog, and a black hen will become invisible.
Bat magic can also be an antidote to sleepiness. In both ancient Greece and Rome, it was believed that you could prevent sleep either if you placed the engraved figure of a bat under your pillow, or if you tied the head of a bat in a black bag and laid it near your left arm. In many parts of Europe, a practice said to ensure not only wakefulness, but also to protect livestock and prevent misfortune is to nail live bats head down above doorways. Not for the faint of heart, this practice was reported as recently as 1922 in Sussex, England and may indeed continue today.
Canadian Indians relate that bat “medicine” can also bring about the opposite effect of staying awake; traditions claim that placing the head or dried intestines of a bat in an infant’s cradle will cause the baby to sleep all day. In a similar vein, Mescalero Apaches believe that the skin of a bat attached to the head of a cradle will protect a baby from becoming frightened.
Bats have also been said to induce love or desire. In Roman antiquity, Pliny maintained that a man could stimulate a woman’s desire by placing a clot of bat blood under her pillow. In Texas, one lovesick suitor was told to place a bat on an anthill until all its flesh was removed, wear its “wishbone” around his neck, pulverize the remaining bones, mix them with vodka, and give the drink to his beloved. A similar love potion from Europe recommends mixing dried, powdered bat in the woman’s beer.
Bat hearts or bones are often carried as good luck charms. Variations on a belief that apparently began in Germany, and have been repeated in the United States, predict that bats bring good luck at cards or lotteries. The prescription is to wrap a bat’s heart in a silk handkerchief or red ribbon and keep it in a wallet or pocket, or tie it to the hand used for dealing cards. Some also believe that tying a silk string around a bat’s heart will bring money.
Another superstition from Germany relates that bullets from a gun swabbed with a bat’s heart will always hit their target. According to the Egyptian Secrets, attributed to Albertus Magnus in the 13th century, mixing lead shot with the heart or liver of a bat will have the same result. Some American Ozark pioneers had another variation of this belief: they carried the dried, powdered hearts of bats to protect them from being shot and to keep wounded men from bleeding to death.
It is common in folklore that the desired effect of a potion or medicinal preparation reflects real or imagined characteristics of the ingredients. (We’ve heard about cannibals eating the heart of a valiant but vanquished foe to obtain the foe’s courage.) It is also common that the desired effect of a potion can be the opposite of the characteristics perceived in their ingredients. It is easy, therefore, to imagine the motivations for some bat preparations thought to cure various maladies.
Bats and Folk Medicine
Many beliefs in Europe and the United States relate the value of bats’ blood, or their excrement, as a depilatory. But in England and North Carolina the use of bats’ blood has been advocated to prevent baldness. In India, using a hair wash of crushed bat wings in coconut oil is said to prevent both baldness and graying of hair.
Medicinal preparations using bats are legion and have been recommended for many other maladies. Folk healers prescribe a large variety of bat preparations for problems with vision, ranging from dimness to cataracts. Other bat folk medicines are said to be remedies for snakebite, asthma, tumors, sciatica, fevers, a painless childbirth, or to promote lactation.
Sir Theodore Mayerne, who lived in the 15th century, prescribed “balsam of bat” as an ointment for hypochondriacs, his recipe consisting of “adders, bats, suckling whelps, earthworms, hogs’ grease, stag marrow, and the thigh bone of an ox.” In the 1700s one physician recommended that, properly prepared, the flesh of bat was good for gout.
Folklore from Brazil suggests taking dried, powdered bat as a remedy for epilepsy. In more modern times, Texas folklore advocates drinking bat blood to cure rheumatism and consumption, and asserts that rubbing warts with a bat’s left eye will remove them.
Many of the folk remedies and magical properties ascribed to bats are directly related to their physical features and lifestyles. Wakefulness at night or sleeping all day are well-known characteristics of bats. Although none are blind (except by injury or congenital defect) and most have good vision, “blind as a bat” is still a commonly heard phrase, and many people believe it. But before the discovery in the 1930s that most bats use echolocation to navigate both at night and in total darkness, many people were convinced that bats not only had excellent vision, but that they could actually see in the dark. The use of bats to treat ailments of vision is therefore not surprising.
The extensive folk association of bats with hair can likewise explain their use as a depilatory or for preventing baldness. A less likely possibility is that bats are believed to promote lactation because, for their size, lactating female bats can produce a truly prodigious supply of milk for their young. Perhaps even more fanciful is that the 18th century doctor might have imagined bats to be a remedy for gout because they rest with their feet above their heads. In colonial North Carolina, eating roast bat was a recommended cure for children who ate dirt.
Lucky Bats
The Chinese believe that bats are a symbol of long life and happiness. In China, the ideogram for good luck, “fu” sounds the same as the word for “bat” and so the animal is a lucky charm.
To see five bats at once represents the Five Happinesses:
A virtuous life
A good death.
Like the Taoist Immortals, bats live in caves and so they, too, are symbolic of longevity and immortality. Some bat caves in the East have remained unchanged for thousands of years; the bats that live there are revered as sacred animals.
Chinese art is rich with images of bats. Bats fly joyously across fabrics and tapestries, jewelry and porcelain, and are carved into jade and ivory, and adorn the columns and facades of palaces and the thrones of emperors. As symbols of good luck and happiness, bats have few rivals in Chinese culture, and their admiration for bats is ancient.
Bats, thought to embody the male principle, were often depicted with peaches, a popular female fertility symbol. Such designs also hint at acknowledgement of an ecological relationship. Peaches were first cultivated in China some 5,000 years ago, but their wild ancestors relied on bats to disperse their seeds.
Bats were also very popular in Japanese culture. Under the influence of the Chinese, the bat was viewed as a good-luck symbol, and its image was often used in pottery, sword kilts and kimonos.
In Japanese, the word for “bat” is “Koumori.” There are several possible explanations as to why bats were given this name. One explanation is that it originated from the word “Kawamori,” which means protecting rivers. A second option is that it came from the word “Kawahari,” which means skin is stretched between bones. But it is also logical to believe that it was derived from “Kawahori,” which means eating mosquitoes. Regardless, it is certain that people back in the day did not have a poor image of bats.
The Sacred Flying Foxes of India
To most people in India, especially those in rural areas, bats are not attractive. The exception is the large Indian flying fox (Pteropus giganteus); for many, this bat is considered sacred.
One colony of around 500 Indian flying foxes roosts in a huge banyan tree in the small village of Puliangulam, about 40 miles east of Madurai in southern India. The colony is considered sacred and treated with special care. When a team of researchers from Madurai Kamaraj University visited Puliangulam to talk to the local people about their beliefs concerning the flying foxes, an 80-year-old woman reported that the colony had occupied the tree even before her birth.
According to the villagers, the bats seek protection from a God named Muni who dwells around the tree. They never disturb the bats and do not permit others to do so even when only a glimpse is wanted. Those who do not heed the protests of the protective villagers may find themselves in an adamant quarrel; if a villager fails to protect the bats, even in circumstances beyond their control, they believe Muni will punish them.
Punishment can be rendered in the form of a business loss, an accident, or can be as severe as a death in the family. Those who are punished approach the God and seek forgiveness by offering prayer and “pooja,” a customary ceremony (after “pooja,” sweet rice, coconut and banana is distributed to those in attendance). The villagers say that about eight such cases have happened. But while the live flying foxes must be protected at all costs, freshly dead bats found on the ground are taken for food, but only after prayers are offered to Muni.
Indian flying foxes are considered sacred in a few other villages in southern India, and several in northern India as well. Even though some populations of these flying foxes are protected because of their sacred status, bats in unprotected colonies are killed as a source of protein and also because they are thought to possess medical powers.
Origin Stories About Bats
Throughout the world, folklore is rich with tales speculating on how creatures as mysterious as bats came to be.
People often perceive bats as anomalous or ambiguous creatures, different from more “normal” animals. They have fur and teeth and nurse their young like other mammals, but they don’t walk on four legs. They have wings and fly like birds (actually, in many ways better than birds). They live in unusual places. Most often, they are seen only at night. What are they?
In the terminology of folklorists, bats are “liminal”; they don’t fit into the normal order of things and are somehow apart or in-between. This apparent ambiguity in the nature of bats is seen in many folktales about how they came to be in the first place and how they acquired their various features.
The origin of bats is prominent in the folklore of several North American Indian tribes. Here’s a Cherokee fable:
An eagle, a hawk, and other birds fashioned the first bat and the first flying squirrel from two mouse-like creatures. These small creatures wished to participate in a ball game in which the “animals” challenged the birds.
Because they were four-footed, the mouse-like creatures first asked if they could play with the animals, which included a bear, a deer, and a terrapin. But the larger animals made fun of how small the creatures were and drove them away.
They then appealed to the eagle, the captain of the bird team. The birds took pity on the creatures and fashioned wings for one of them out of the head of a drum made from a groundhog skin, thus creating the first bat. Because not enough leather remained to fashion another bat, the birds then stretched the skin between the fore and hind limbs of the other creature, making the first flying squirrel.
With the help of the bat and the flying squirrel, the birds won the ball game, with the agile bat scoring the winning goal.
In a Creek Indian variation of this tale, the bat first asks to play with the birds but is rejected by them and accepted by the animals’ team. The animals then give teeth to the bat to make it more animal-like. Using its new teeth to hold the ball, the bat helps the animals to win the game.
Apaches tell a different tale about bats:
Jonayaiyin, a hero who battled the enemies of mankind, killed several eagles and gave their feathers to a bat who had helped him escape from the eagles’ nest. Repeatedly, the bat’s feathers were stolen by small birds, and repeatedly the bat returned to Jonayaiyin to ask for more. Frustrated, Jonayaiyin eventually told the bat “You cannot take care of your feathers, so you shall never have any.” “Very well,” said the bat, “I deserve to lose them, for I could never take care of those feathers.”
Traditional Navajo folklore places the origin of bats in the earliest world, when all was dark: twelve insects and the bat revolved in darkness. The bat serves as mentor of the night and is identified with Talking God, one of the foremost deities.
Pomo Indians of California have a myth that a bat could chew and swallow a large piece of obsidian and then vomit large numbers of excellent arrowheads.
Folklore from Fiji, in the South Pacific, tells us that flying foxes originated when a rat stole the wings of a heron, while another Fijian tale relates that it was the rat that first had wings while flying foxes walked on four legs. The flying fox obtained his wings when he borrowed them from the rat and refused to return them. The rat now tries to retaliate by climbing tees and eating the flying foxes’ young, and this is why flying foxes carry their pups with them. Samoan folklore tells of a similar origin for bats.
A modern variation of the myth that bats arose from rodents comes from an Ohio woman of Polish ancestry who attested that “the bat was from a mouse that had eaten blessed Easter food.” (In Polish tradition, a representative food from the Easter dinner is taken to church to be blessed.)
Christianity and the origin of bats are also intertwined in the Mohammedan legend that Christ created a bat while keeping the fast of Ramadan. During this time eating food between sunrise and sunset is forbidden. Because mountains obscured the western sky, Jesus could not tell when the sun set. With God’s permission, He fashioned the winged likeness of a bat from clay and breathed life into it. The bat flew to a nearby cave, but each evening it emerged at sunset, telling Jesus that it was time to take food.
The apparent liminality of bats is also reflected in a legend from the Kanarese of India in which bats were originally a type of unhappy bird. These birds went to temples and prayed to be turned into humans. Their prayers were answered, but only in part; they were given teeth, hair, and human faces, but otherwise remained bird-like. They were then ashamed to meet the other birds and are now active only at night, returning to the temples in the daytime and praying to be turned back into birds.
In several other folktales, bats are banished into the night either as a result of some treachery or, as in the case of the Kanarese, because of embarrassment resulting from ill-advised behavior. In two fables from Aesop (born ca. 620 B.C.), the ambiguous nature of bats is transformed into duplicity in their character.
One of these fables also exists, with slight variation, among tribes in southern Nigeria, among Australian aboriginals, and ancient Romans. The basic scenario is that, in a battle between the beasts and birds, the bat repeatedly changes allegiance so as to be on the side that appears to be winning. When a truce is declared, the bat is rejected by both sides because of this deceitful behavior.
In another tale from Aesop, a bat borrows money for a business venture that fails. The bat must then hide during the day to avoid creditors. Greeks and Romans often referred to people who were active at night as “bats.” Apparently many of these people had adopted nocturnal behavior to avoid those to whom they owed money.
The Greek philosopher Chaerephon was called “the bat,” because he, like the animal, did not appear by day but instead hid and philosophized.
American Indian legends and the fables of Aesop were more than just stories recited around the campfire or bathhouse: they were teaching devices. For American Indians they provided information on the natural world and the behavior and habits of animals. Many of these myths have obvious roots in the real features of bats. Their well-known agility in flight would make a bat formidable in a ball game against a bear and turtle. The lack of feathers, presence of teeth, and activity at night are rooted in basic biology and natural history.
A general theme in American Indian folklore is that, in the beginning, there were no essential differences between humans and animals. Until we provoked the animals’ hostility because of our aggressiveness and disregard for their rights, humans and all creatures lived together in harmony, mutual respect, and helpfulness. Thereafter, humans and animals may have lived different lives; but like people, the animals still had tribes, councils, and ethics, and they played ball games.
The natural characteristics of bats provide a rich foundation for symbolism, making them creatures of life and death, fecundity and destruction. For the ancients, human sacrifice, in which the bat participated symbolically, nourished the sun and the gods of nature. The bat is part of a vital chain–both in nature and in myth–and some peoples, whose environment the bat shares, identify with its symbolic power.
More Bat Mythology
The people of ancient cultures venerated creatures who, to them, symbolized anomaly and transformation. The bat is one of these. For many cultures, it was–and is still–a kind of intermediary to the gods, partly because of its uniqueness, partly because it fits into, and contributes to, man’s environment.
A Toba story from the Gran Chaco region of northern Argentina tells of the leader of the very first people–a hero bat or bat-man who taught people all they needed to know as human beings. And from the Ge in Brazil comes a tale of a tribe that moved through the night led by a bat who looked for light toward which to guide them.
The Native American animal symbolism of the bat comes from a keen observation of this magnificent animal. These people recognized that the bat was highly sensitive to their surroundings and so therefore was considered a symbol of intuition, dreaming and vision. This made the bat a powerful symbol for Native American shamans and medicine people. Often the spirit of the bat would be invoked when special energy was needed, like “night-sight” which is the ability to see through illusion or ambiguity and dive straight to the truth of matters.
For Arawak Indians in northern Guiana, Bat Mountain is the home of “killer bats,” and there also is a killer bat in folklore from Venezuela. Decapitating bat demons appear in various myths in the Amazon region, and, to the south, in the Gran Chaco of northern Argentina.
Folklore from the Ge tribe in Brazil tells of “Indians” who had wings and bat noses, lived in a big cave near a river, and went out only at night. Flying like bats, they killed with “anchor axes” or “moon hatchets.” In another tale, mankind acquired ceremonial axes from bats who had used them for decapitation. The shape of the axes is the same as the sacrificial knives most often depicted in ancient Mochica art far away in the Central Andes.
Much of this bat sacrificial symbolism likely derives from the common vampire bat (Desmodus rotundus), a very small creature that feeds entirely on the blood of vertebrates. Although they may bite various parts of the body of their prey, they normally feed from the neck and shoulder regions of large mammals, a behavior that may have fostered tales of decapitating bats.
Another bat, whose habits also may have contributed to such legends, is the false vampire (Vampyrum spectrum). With a wingspan of almost a yard, the false vampire is the largest New World bat. It is a carnivore, eating birds and other vertebrates, even occasionally eating other species of bats. When capturing its prey, it grabs the neck, sometimes killing with a single, powerful bite.
Some folklore portrays female bats as alluring to men. One tale tells of a man summoned by bats in a tree when he was returning from an evening hunt. He went to have a drink with them and became attracted to a female bat. Night after night, the man stopped off to drink and flirt with her, slowly developing a bat’s head, claws, and “little nose patches.” Finally, his wife, aware of what was happening, set fire to the tree and killed both her husband and the bats. In other stories, bats are husbands in folktales, although often the wife does not realize at first that she is married to a bat.
Tobacco and Bats
Tobacco is an important ritual plant in many places. Both bats and tobacco are associated with shamans (native priests). The Bororo, a tribe in Brazil, tell a story about men casually smoking one night. A vampire bat flew by and told them that, if they did not smoke reverently, they would be punished, “because this tobacco is mine.” According to the story, the men who disobeyed the bat were turned into otters.
Another aspect of the tobacco relationship is the fact that fire often occurs with bats in folklore (although it may also derive from observing large numbers of bats emerging from a cave at twilight, often appearing like a great cloud of smoke). In folk tales, supernatural bats often burn their victims or they are themselves destroyed by fire. In addition, natural fires in caves sometimes occur from spontaneous combustion of bat guano.
The Bat in Navajo Lore
Several North American Indian tribes include bats in their traditional folklore. For the Navajo, the bat holds a special significance.
For the traditional Navajo Indian in the deserts of the American Southwest, the bat is an intermediary to the divine, bridging the supernatural distance between men and gods. Bat serves as mentor of the night, as Big Fly does by day. Bat’s origins are given as within the earliest world, when all was dark: twelve insects and the bat revolve in blackness.
Both Bat and Big Fly are part of the Sun-Sky complex and stand for the skin at the tip of the tongue: speech. As Sun’s day and night messengers, they are identified with Talking God, one of the foremost deities. Both have the ability to penetrate where ordinary beings cannot go.
They are not gods, though, in that they do not require an offering or payment, but instead volunteer their aid. One Navajo chant describes a scene at the hogan (a traditional Navajo dwelling) of the female deity, Changing Woman. When she begged the great gods to carry an offering to Winter Thunder, everyone was afraid until finally, after much coaxing, Bat, who occupied the humblest seat near the door, consented to go.
Mentors are ever present, although sometimes invisible. At traditional Navajo assemblies, if after four nights of discussion no constructive plan has been achieved, a voice from near the door or from some concealed place in the ceiling gives a clue to the proper offering and the god to whom it should be presented. The suggestion can be obscure, but furnishes enough information to be understood with concentration.
Eventually, the voice “appears,” embodied as Bat or Big Fly (or as Wind or Darkness) and introduces itself as a guardian of the home of some powerful supernatural being, all of whose secrets it knows. Many times a seeker achieves his quest because whispered messages in his ear inform him of the necessary directions to perform.
In Navajo sand paintings, a traditional and ceremonial art form, brown sands form Bat, and its station is as one of the eastern guardians. A yellow diamond on its body represents a small skin that Bat received as a reward for helping depose the Gambler (a large and powerful deity).
The sand painting, “Father Sky and Mother Earth,” is a paradigm of Navajo beliefs. Father Sky and Mother Earth were the first creations of the Great Spirit. Their crossed hands signify the union of heaven and earth, bound eternally together by the Rainbow Guardian. In all directions, sky and earth are fused as one on the horizon. The physical earth and sky, or mind (spirit), functions together to produce new life.
All things are conceived first in thought before they become physical reality, represented by the line running from the head of Father Sky to the head of Mother Earth. Physical pain, disease, or “evil” was first conceived in thought before it appeared in the body. To cure sickness, a poor crop, or whatever the need, one must first establish a harmonious rhythm with all unknown forces.
The stars, moon, and constellations are shown on the body of Father Sky, the zig-zags crossing his shoulders, arms, and legs forming the Milky Way. The life-giving energy of the sun radiates from the bosom of Mother Earth, bringing fertility to her womb, from where the seed of all living things springs.
Bat, the sacred messenger of the spirit of the night, guards the sand painting at the opening in its border.
Bats and the Netherworld
The nocturnal habits of bats have no doubt contributed to the many myths that bats are creatures of another, unearthly world.
Since antiquity, people have perceived many of the physical features of bats as strangely similar to those of humans. And the pointed ears of bats, their sharp teeth, leaf noses, wart-like protuberances on their chins, and their leathery wings supported by the same bones that are in the arms and hands of humans, have long led the superstitious to imagine that bats are merely a grotesque parody of the human form.
The persistent association of bats with the supernatural and the idea that they inhabit a world related to, but beyond, our existence undoubtedly also derives from the habits of bats. Bats are active at night while people sleep, and many bats spend their days in caves, abandoned buildings, church steeples, and tombs.
One common folk belief is that bats are human souls that have left the body. Contemporary Finnish folklore relates that during sleep, the soul leaves the body and may appear as a bat. Such lore also explains the disappearance of bats during the day, since when humans awake, their souls return home to their bodies. In his 1939 book Bats, G.M. Allen reports testimony on the validity of this belief from an aged Finn who related an example where, upon awakening, a man could remember the places he had visited as a bat the night before.
When seen as human souls, bats are often imagined as souls of the dead, particularly souls of the damned, or those that are not yet at peace. Both African-Americans and those of European descent from around the United States frequently maintain that bats are “ghosts” or “haunts.” Sicilian peasants relate that the souls of persons who meet a violent death must spend a period of time, determined by God, as either a bat, lizard, or other reptile. In the Auguries of Innocence, William Blake saw the bat as the damned soul of the infidel:
The bat that flits at close of eve
Has left the brain that won’t believe.
An even earlier example of Western tradition associating bats with souls of the damned is provided by Homer when Hermes conducts squeaking, bat-like souls to Hades (The Odyssey, XXIV, 5-10). In Greek mythology, the bat was said to be sacred to Proserpina, the wife of Pluto, ruler of the underworld.
There is also long tradition associating bats directly with the devil and evil spirits. In medieval Europe, artists typically represented devils with bat-like wings and pointed ears. Gustave Doré’s illustrations for Dante’s Inferno followed the tradition of portraying good spirits with the wings of birds and evil spirits with the wings of bats.
Similarly, the Mayas of Central America had a bat God, Cama-Zotz (or “death bat”), depicted as a man with bat wings and a bat-like leaf nose, who lived in a region of darkness through which a dying man had to pass on his way to the netherworld.
The association of bats with the devil continues today in many cultures. An African-American folk legend relates that the devil may appear as a bat. In Ohio in 1962, a student nurse of eastern European extraction related that “bats are the devil in bat form.” A contemporary Mexican belief is that bats are diablos (devils) from hell. Such lore is encountered today in the common expression “like a bat out of hell” (which even made it into contemporary music as a title by rock musician Meatloaf).
If not the devil itself, the bat is frequently seen as helping the devil in its work. This is evidenced by the frequent associations of bats with witchcraft. A Russian legend repeated by G.M. Allen relates that Satan wished to create a man, and after fashioning a human form from mud, could not give it life. Satan then enlisted the aid of the bat to fly to heaven and steal God’s sacred “towel,” which would give Satan’s creation a divine nature. The bat complied, and according to the legend this is why God owns man’s soul and Satan his body. God punished the bat for helping Satan by taking away its wings (presumably its feathers), making its tail naked, and fashioning its feet like those of Satan.
There is also persistent folklore repeated in many parts of the United States in which the bat is said to be the “child” or a creation of the devil. German devil myths include tales about how the devil attempts to imitate the creations of God, but never quite gets it right. God creates a bird; the devil attempts to imitate God’s creation, but ends up with a bat. God makes man; the devil, apes, and so on.
Some ancient allegories about the bat even made it to the Bible. The bat is reckoned among the birds in the list of unclean animals, and to cast idols to the ‘moles and to the bats’ means to carry them into dark caverns or desolate places to which these animals resort (Isaiah 2:20), i.e., to consign them to desolation or ruin.
In a complete reversal of this creation myth, a Mohammedan legend relates that the bat was created by Christ. In this myth Jesus was in the desert outside of Jerusalem attempting to keep the fast of Ramadan, which forbids eating food between sunrise and sunset. Because mountains obscured the western sky, Jesus could not tell when the sun sank below the horizon. With God’s permission, Jesus fashioned the winged likeness of a bat from clay and breathed life into it. The bat quickly flew to a nearby cave, but each evening it emerged at sunset, which told Jesus that it was time to take food.
Vampires and Bats
Perhaps the most persistent and damaging association with bats is the vampire myth. Vampire bats do, indeed, exist, but they total just three species (out of more than 1,100 bat species worldwide). They live only in Latin America and feed primarily on birds (two of the vampire species) or mammals, especially livestock.
Vampire bats have never been found in Europe, and it is not clear when news of the New World vampires reached Europe. Some say the early explorers of the Americas brought news of these bats back to the Old World in the 1550’s, while others doubt that word of their existence reached The Continent until the early 19th century.
Vampire myths existed long before Europeans or the rest of the Old World ever knew of the existence of bats that fed on blood. The word “vampire” came from the Slavic vampir, meaning “blood-drunkenness,” but the mythic creatures have been called by many names. Legends of the undead abound with many variations throughout most of the world. Some of the earliest came from Babylonia: The edimmu was a troubled soul who wandered the earth in search of human victims whose veins it sucked. Many cultures had similar legends–the Greeks, Arabs, the gypsy cult in India, even the ancient Chinese.
In Europe, vampires inspired great fear and, sometimes, mass hysteria. In an attempt to explain the cause of epidemics, which often decimated entire villages, vampires frequently were blamed. Some of the strongest beliefs came from peasant tales in what is now Hungary and Romania in Eastern Europe, and the legends with which we are familiar today came largely from these. With them originated the belief that the vampire entity could leave its body at will and travel about as an animal or even as flame or smoke. Interestingly enough, bats don’t appear traditionally to have been one of those transformations.
As creatures of the night, bats had long been associated with witchcraft and demons in European traditions, both in fable and art. But most accounts agree that it wasn’t until Bram Stoker wrote his classic novel, Dracula, in 1897 that bats were linked with vampires for the first time. The seeds were planted for much of the intense fear people today have toward all bats and have been exploited ever since. Who can forget the scene from the 1931 film, Dracula, in which the elegant count, immortalized by Hungarian actor, Bela Lugosi, stands before an open balcony door, spreads his dark cape and silently takes flight, transformed into a small bat flying against the full moon?
In either case, the fact remains that the vampires of folklore have nothing to do with bats. Vampires were described in legend as dead humans with the ability to rise from the grave, always at night. They appeared sometimes in the guise of an animal, usually a wolf, and sometimes they were invisible. They were never in the form of a bat. These revenants, as they are properly termed, supposedly cause all sorts of trouble and strife; they have been blamed for illness, epidemics, plague and pestilence.
While some vampires of folklore suck blood from their victims, many do not, which immediately differentiates them from the vampires of literature, where blood sucking is an absolute necessity. Folklore’s vampires bite at the chest, while fiction’s vampires go for the neck.
Although bats have been linked to the mysterious and magical for centuries, their association with vampires is the result of an Irish writer. Bram Stoker’s novel Dracula was published in London in 1897. The villain of the piece is one Count Dracula, based on the disreputable Prince Vlad of Transylvania. Dracula apparently was Vlad’s nickname, meaning something on the order of “devil.”
Stoker created his Dracula as a vampire, thus giving rise to the vampire of fiction (with so little in common with those of folklore). Stoker seems to have been the first to depict a vampire as taking the appearance of a bat. Stoker may have been influenced by the vampire bats of Latin America, since their existence was well known in Europe by that time.
The first of many movies based on Stoker’s Dracula was made in Germany in 1922. Called Nosferatu and directed by Friedrich Wilhelm Murnau, it is arguably the most influential horror film ever made. The bad guys of Murnau’s movie are not bats but rats. Hollywood took over in 1931, with the movie Dracula, starring Bela Lugosi. Here, the connection between bats and vampires was cemented, and it has remained so ever since.
The word “vampire” is almost certainly of Slavic origin, probably from the Old Slavic word o,pyr, meaning “spectre.” It became vampir when it moved into Western European languages, and returned to Slavic in that form. The true Slavic word for vampire, volkodlak, means “a person in the guise of a wolf.”
The damaging links between the bats and vampires are clearly very recent and without basis in folklore. Bram Stoker’s contribution did a disservice to both bats and vampires. With little historic or folkloric basis for a fear of bats, this fictional link with vampires may well be a key source of the still-frequent revulsion for these gentle mammals.
Bat Names and Linguistics
Bat, bat, come under my hat
and I’ll give you a piece of bacon …
~English nursery rhyme
Thank the Vikings. The fearsome Norsemen who terrified, raided and eventually settled parts of England apparently gave us the Swedish bakka and Danish baake, words that the centuries turned into the English “bat.” But the old Scandinavian words mean “bacon.” What’s going on here?
Bats and bacon are entwined as well in parts of Germany, where the word for bat is Speckmaus, literally “bacon mouse.” This has nothing to do with bats as a side dish for eggs. Rather, I believe, it traces to the way flitches (sides) of bacon were hung on hooks from the ceiling of smokehouses. Bats hanging upside down in a roost likely looked somewhat similar.
Here’s an abbreviated list of the “standard” words for bat in various European languages. The translations are literal and based on the etymology of the native word.
Albanian: naked owl
Basque: old mouse
Breton: blind mouse; skin wing
Bulgarian: the one who sticks, adheres to
Catalan: feathered mouse; blind mouse
Croatian: blind mouse
Danish: flutter mouse
Dutch: flutter mouse
English: moving mouse; air mouse; flutter mouse
Estonian: leather mouse
Finnish: the fluttering one; wing-footed one
Flemish: flutter mouse
French: bald mouse (or possibly owl mouse)
Gaelic: evening mouse
German: flutter mouse
Greek: the night one
Hungarian: leather mouse; winged mouse
Icelandic: leather rag
Ingrian: night flutterer
Italian: little evening one; hand wing
Karelian: night flutterer
Irish: leather wing
Latin: the little evening one
Latvian: leather wing
Livonian: leather wing
Norwegian: flutter mouse
Portuguese: blind mouse
Rhaeto-Romanic: night flyer
Russian: flying mouse; the leather one
Serbian: blind mouse
Spanish: blind mouse
Swedish: flutter mouse
Ukrainian: the leather one
Votian: night flutterer
Welsh: a flitch of bacon
Yiddish: flutter mouse
Amanda Gatlin
Element Encyclopedia of Secret Signs and Symbols
BATS Magazine
Posted in Animal Symbols, Omens and Superstitions | Tagged Bat, Death, Demon, Unlucky | 1 Comment
Nowadays, “abracadabra” is a word used by stage conjurers when performing their magic. However it has a lengthy history as a protective amulet and lucky charm.
This word is extremely ancient and originally was thought to be a powerful invocation with mystical powers. This ancient word may well have been inspired by the Aramaic: “Avra Kedabra” which means, “I create as I speak” or words to that effect. Its origin is unknown, but Cabalists were using it in the second century CE to ward off evil spirits.
It is most often used magickally as a charm, and written as a triangular formula:
A B R A C A D A B R A
A B R A C A D A B R
A B R A C A D A B
A B R A C A D A
A B R A C A D
A B R A C A
A B R A C
A B R A
A B R
In the Middle Ages, many people believed wearing parchment amulets with the word “abracadabra” written in the form of an upside-down pyramid would cure fevers, toothache, warts, and a variety of other ailments. It would also protect the wearer from bad luck. The word was written eleven times, dropping one letter each time.
Sometimes letters would be sequentially removed from each end of each line, making for a shortened version consisting of just six lines.
The idea was that as the word vanished, so would the fever. An amulet of this sort was attached to linen thread and worn around the neck. It was usually worn for nine days and then discarded.
The best way to do this was to toss it backwards over your left shoulder before sunrise into a stream that flows from west to east. The reason for this s that the left side was believed to be related to the devil. Tossing the amulet into a river that flowed in the direction of the rising sun symbolically banished the evil, and replaced it with the good created by the rising sun that banishes darkness.
Daniel Defoe wrote about these charms in his Journal of the Plague Year (1722), saying that they were worn to protect people from the plague.
Even saying the word “abracadabra” out loud was believed to summon powerful supernatural forces. This is probably why magical entertainers still use it as a magic spell today.
It does matter which direction the Abracadabra is pointed. Pointed downwards, it will help you to rid yourself of evil and misfortune, when pointed upwards, it will bring good fortune.
It was first recorded in a Latin medical poem, De medicina praecepta, by the Roman physician Quintus Serenus Sammonicus in the second century AD. Serenus Sammonicus said that to get well a sick person should wear an amulet around the neck, a piece of parchment inscribed with a triangular formula derived from the word, which acts like a funnel to drive the sickness out of the body.
Theories about the origin of this word are as follows:
It was derived from the Hebrew phrase “Abreq Ad Habra” meaning “Hurl your thunderbolt unto death” or “Strike dead with thy lightning;”and is associated with a thunderbolt deity who perished by throwing himself on the planet so that the creatures of earth could live. In this case its efficacy as a charm to ward away illness would make sense.
It originated with a Gnostic sect in Alexandria called the Basilidians and was probably based on Abrasax, the name of their supreme deity (Abraxas in Latin sources).
It may have come into English via French and Latin from a Greek word abrasadabra (the change from s to c seems to have been through a confused transliteration of the Greek).
It could be from the Aramaic “Abhadda Kedabhra” meaning “Disappear as this word,” which accurately reflects exactly what happens in the charm. As the word diminishes and finally disappears, so would any malevolent energy.
The first letters of the word could be derived from the initials of Hebrew words for Father (Ab), Son (Ben), and Holy Spirit (Ruach Acadsch).
Chances are that this is such a powerful symbol because all of these theories make sense, so it would have universal appeal.
Although most accounts say that the charm was in use until the Middle Ages, there’s curious proof of its efficacy in a small thirteenth-century church in a remote valley in Wales in the U. St. Michael and All Angels Church at Cascob on the edge of the Radnor Forest has an Abracadabra charm engraved on a tablet on one of its walls. In the seventeenth century a local girl, Elizabeth Lloyd, was apparently possessed of evil demons, and this symbol was used to drive them away, along with the astrological symbols that are carved below. There’s even a possibility that this tablet was made by the alchemist Sir John Dee, who was an astrologer to Queen Elizabeth 1, and lived nearby.
Fans of the Harry Potter books will know the killing curse, Avada Kedavra, in which J K Rowling seems to have combined the Aramaic source of abracadabra with the Latin cadaver, a dead body.
The Element Encyclopedia of Secret Signs and Symbols
The Encyclopedia of Superstitions
Posted in Magickal Symbols | Tagged Amulet, Healing, Talisman, Triangle | Leave a comment
Antahkarana Multiple Symbol Square
Agaku
Female Antahkarana Symbol
A trail of breadcrumbs in case you lose your way... Sigils Symbols and Signs > Newest Symbols > 2018 > October
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MLB Playoff Probabilities: Automatic Updating
squared2020 / September 20, 2015
In our recent post, Predicting MLB Playoff Probabilities, we addressed a simple method for estimating the probabilities for each MLB team using a Markov Chain Monte Carlo using historical results from earlier in the season. We introduced the notion of continuity correction to help adjust for small sample sizes and a simple random number generator to simulate wins and losses from the remaining schedule.
What we did not show was the update to the future probabilities when a game is completed. For instance, earlier this week the Pittsburgh Pirates were gearing up for a trip to Los Angeles to take on the Dodgers in a three game series. From historical data, the Pirates were 3-0 against the Dodgers. Instead of using the 3/3 = 1.0000 probability, ensuring that the Pirates will sweep the Dodgers, continuity correction adjusted the probability to 5/7 = 0.7143. Here this says the Pirates have a 43.73% chance of winning two games, 36.45% chance of sweeping, 17.49% chance of winning one game, and a 2.33% chance of being swept. From this set-up, we see the Dodgers have over a 56% chance of winning a game this series.
So it comes as no surprise when Zack Greinke picked up his 18th win en route to the Dodger victory over the Pirates in game one of the three game series. So how do we adjust for this Dodger win? This is done in a simple manner. The Dodgers and Pirates had played in 4 games with the Pirates holding a 3-1 advantage. This adjusts the probability directly by counting (3 + 2) / (4 + 4) = 0.625. This adjusts the probabilities for the Pirates winning two games (39.06%), winning one game (46.88%), getting swept (14.06%) and getting a sweep (0.00%).
We can also make the adjustment by using the previous probability of a Pirates win, .7143, and noting that the Pirates did not win in their fourth game against the Dodgers. We take this probability and add (number of wins on new game / (number of games played before the new game + 4)) and multiply by ((number of games played before the new game +4) / (number of games played after the new game + 4)). In this case, we take .7143 and add 0 / (3+4) = 0. Then we multiply by ((3+4)/(4+4)) to get .7143*.875 = .625. This is the updated probability of a win for the Pirates against the Dodgers.
Performing this update across all games, we can obtain an updated simulation for the remaining MLB schedule.
Updated MLB Playoff Probabilities as of the morning of September 20, 2015. PD = Probability of Winning Division, PWC = Probability of Winning the Wild Card, PMP = Probability of Making the Playoffs.
Comparing to the previous set of probabilities from two days ago, we see the Minnesota Twins took a hard hit from a 32% chance of making the playoffs down to 10. This is in part due to the two-game drubbing the Los Angeles Angels doled out to the Twins for Saturday’s double header. This double-header sweep improved the Angels’ chances from 12% to 29% as they took a large portion of that probability from the Twins.
Things are looking bleaker from most teams as the Nationals, Indians, White Sox, and Giants’ probabilities all shrunk. Many other teams saw little to no change as they split the previous two games and were expected to split, such as Baltimore split with Tampa Bay, resulting in little changes as the Yankees split with the Mets and the Blue Jays split with the Red Sox. Baltimore’s slim 1.6% chance of making the playoffs will change dramatically in two ways over the remainder of the season. With only hopes for making the wild card, the Orioles are 4.5 games out but have four teams to leap over: Houston (current lead), Angels, Twins, and Indians.
Currently, the Angels, Rangers and Astros have to play six games against each other. If all teams go .500, the Orioles will have to sweep series against the Nationals and Red Sox, just to be two games out. That’s tough, considering the other seven Orioles games are against the division leading Blue Jays and the top wild card leading Yankees; both with strong holds on their respective positions.
This leaves the Twins and Indians to jump over. This is a curious finish as the Twins and Indians play each other 7 times to close out the remaining 16 games of the year. Hence the two ways the Orioles make the playoffs are by surging through the remaining schedule, a difficult task as 7 remaining games are against the Blue Jays and Yankees; or the remaining wild card teams go .500 and drop questionable games Red Sox (3 games), Tigers (3 games) and Athletics (9 games). As this next week unfolds, we will update the probabilities a couple times to show how quickly a few games change the probabilities.
September 20, 2015 in MLB. Tags: MLB, Playoffs, Probabilities, Simulation
MLB Playoff Predictions
Who’s Making the World Series: Simple Binomial Study
← Who’s Going To Make the MLB Playoffs: Simple Simulation
Quantifying NBA Hall of Fame Potential for NBA Players Using Random Forests →
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Two Maxar SSL-Built Satellites for Planet Receive First Images
Newly launched SkySat satellites continue SSL’s ongoing success as leaders in small form factor manufacturing
PALO ALTO, Calif. – December 10, 2018 – SSL, a Maxar Technologies company (NYSE: MAXR) (TSX: MAXR), and a leading provider of innovative satellites and spacecraft systems, announced that Earth Observation satellites built for Planet are now receiving initial imagery. SkySats 14 and 15 were launched on December 3 from Vandenberg Air Force Base on Spaceflight’s first Sun Synchronous dedicated rideshare mission aboard a SpaceX Falcon 9. First imagery was received on December 5. Successful operation of the two satellites demonstrates SSL’s ongoing success in small form factor satellite manufacturing.
“SSL continues to extend its leadership in Earth observation satellite manufacturing,” said Dario Zamarian, SSL Group President. “Our proven successes in commercial innovation allow us to continue to provide customers the experience and reliability they want, with the cost and timeline objectives they require for innovative satellite platforms.”
With this launch there are 15 SkySats on-orbit, 13 of which were built by SSL. They feature 72 cm resolution and complement Planet’s Dove constellation.
SSL, based in Palo Alto, California, is a leading provider of advanced spacecraft systems, with broad expertise to support commercial and government satellite operators and innovative space missions. The company designs and manufactures spacecraft for services such as direct-to-home television, video content distribution, broadband internet, mobile communications, in-orbit servicing, space exploration, and Earth observation. As a Silicon Valley innovator for 60 years, SSL’s advanced product line includes state-of-the-art small satellites, and sophisticated robotics and autonomous solutions for remote operations. SSL is a Maxar Technologies company (NYSE: MAXR) (TSX: MAXR). For more information, visit www.sslmda.com.
About Maxar Technologies
As a global leader of advanced space technology solutions, Maxar Technologies is at the nexus of the new space economy, developing and sustaining the infrastructure and delivering the information, services, systems that unlock the promise of space for commercial and government markets. As a trusted partner, Maxar Technologies provides vertically integrated capabilities and expertise including satellites, Earth imagery, robotics, geospatial data and analytics to help customers anticipate and address their most complex mission-critical challenges with confidence. With more than 6,500 employees in over 30 global locations, the Maxar Technologies portfolio of commercial space brands includes MDA, SSL, DigitalGlobe and Radiant Solutions. Every day, billions of people rely on Maxar to communicate, share information and data, and deliver insights that Build a Better World. Maxar trades on the Toronto Stock Exchange and New York Stock Exchange as MAXR. For more information, visit www.maxar.com.
Wendy Lewis | SSL Media Contact | 1-650-852-5188 | wendy.lewis@sslmda.com
Jason Gursky | Maxar Investor Relations | 1-303-684-2207 | jason.gursky@maxar.com
Certain statements and other information included in this release constitute "forward-looking information" or "forward-looking statements" (collectively, "forward-looking statements") under applicable securities laws. Statements including words such as "may", "will", "could", "should", "would", "plan", "potential", "intend", "anticipate", "believe", "estimate" or "expect" and other words, terms and phrases of similar meaning are often intended to identify forward-looking statements, although not all forward-looking statements contain these identifying words. Forward-looking statements involve estimates, expectations, projections, goals, forecasts, assumptions, risks and uncertainties, as well as other statements referring to or including forward-looking information included in this release.
Forward-looking statements are subject to various risks and uncertainties which could cause actual results to differ materially from the anticipated results or expectations expressed in this release. As a result, although management of the Company believes that the expectations and assumptions on which such forward-looking statements are based are reasonable, undue reliance should not be placed on the forward-looking statements because the Company can give no assurance that they will prove to be correct. The risks that could cause actual results to differ materially from current expectations include, but are not limited to, the risk factors and other disclosures about the Company and its business included in the Company's continuous disclosure materials filed from time to time with Canadian and U.S. securities regulatory authorities, which are available online under the Company's SEDAR profile at www.sedar.com, under the Company's EDGAR profile at www.sec.gov or on the Company's website at www.maxar.com.
The forward-looking statements contained in this release are expressly qualified in their entirety by the foregoing cautionary statements. All such forward-looking statements are based upon data available as of the date of this release or other specified date and speak only as of such date. The Company disclaims any intention or obligation to update or revise any forward-looking statements in this release as a result of new information or future events, except as may be required under applicable securities legislation.
Imagery of Beijing, China captured by SSL-built SkySat
View Archived Press Releases here.
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Friday, October 3, 2014 12:00 AM
Medical records flow instantly and securely, improving care
Community Medical Centers is a hub for the expanded use and interconnectivity of electronic medical records in the Central San Joaquin Valley.
When more than 240,000 Fresno-area residents visit their primary care and specialty physicians, their electronic health records are available through a Community clinical information system called Epic. The same Epic electronic records also track the 650,000 visits made annually by patients to Community’s hospitals, clinics and imaging centers.
And Community is partnering with more than a dozen health organizations across four Valley counties to allow electronic patient records to be securely shared even if the providers use different computer systems.
A nurse in Community Regional’s emergency room uses a workstation on wheels while getting a patient’s medical history. Notes recorded during the emergency visit about medication and treatment are immediately available to the patient’s primary care physician for follow up care.
It’s proved an asset to Dr. Marty Martin of the Peachwood Medical Group in Clovis. “I used to get patients that were told to schedule a follow-up visit with me, but I wouldn’t have any information on their ER visit other than what they could tell me,” he said. “Now, I get a notice within Epic if one of my patient’s visits a Community hospital, so I can go into the system and view the note to see what the problem is.”
Community’s staff uses the system to record care notes on patients 96% of the time – three times the national standard – and uses Epic to order medications electronically 96% of the time – 60% more than the national standard. The federal government has encouraged hospitals and physicians to use electronic record systems to increase medical safety and coordinate care better.
Community’s Epic system is the kind of technology used by some of the nation’s top health systems, including Stanford University Medical Center and the Cleveland Clinic. It allows access to vital medical records – health history, medications, X-ray reports, lab results – in a single, secure electronic location. It’s now being used by more than 6,000 clinicians and 750 physicians at all Community hospitals and clinics, and is being brought to more private physician practices.
This patient-centered system can be brought to bedsides using “workstations on wheels.” It has documented reductions in patient length of hospital stay, reduced medication complications, enhanced coordination of care and smoothed the gathering and reporting of quality measurements.
Community also offers “My Chart,” which allows patients access to their health records in the Epic system via computer or mobile device.
Community has earned honors from Healthcare Information and Management Systems Society for reaching a level of electronic medical records implementation that only 14% of U.S. hospitals have achieved.
And Community has helped establish the nonprofit Central Valley Health Information Exchange, a partnership of hospitals, clinics and physicians in Fresno, Kings, Madera and Tulare counties that aims to securely share electronic patient health records across different computer systems.
“This valuable collaboration, which eventually will be part of a statewide linkage, will bring more key patient data to providers to support their patient care decisions, patient safety and the timeliness of treatment,” said Jamie Franklin, Community’s chief project management officer. Under the sponsorship of the Hospital Council of Northern and Central California, the exchange will be implemented in phases beginning in late 2014.
John Taylor reported this story. Reach him at MedWatchToday@CommunityMedical.org.
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Posts Tagged ‘Reproducibility’
About heading soccer balls, and memory loss
This new research paper, by a group led from the University of Stirling, made the national news in the UK last week:
Di Virgilio, T.G., et al., Evidence for Acute Electrophysiological and Cognitive Changes Following Routine Soccer Heading, EBioMedicine (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ebiom.2016.10.029
My declaration of interest:
I will write some notes below about my reading of the paper. But first I should make clear that I am not a completely disinterested scientist when it comes to this topic. For quite some years now, my son and I have been avid supporters of West Bromwich Albion FC, where calls for better research on the long-term effects of heading footballs have been made following the death of former Albion and England centre forward Jeff Astle in 2002 (aged 59). Jeff Astle was a prolific goalscorer for West Brom, well known for his outstanding ability as a header of the ball. The Coroner’s verdict in 2002 was “death by industrial disease”, and his report on Jeff Astle’s death included the comment that “The trauma caused to the front of his brain [by heading the ball] is likely to have had a considerable effect on the cause of death.” There was even an adjournment debate in the House of Commons on this subject, following Jeff Astle’s death.
The background to my notes below is that I strongly support the case for better research on the long-term effects of heading a football: it seems clear that not enough is known about the health risks, and such questions as whether heading the ball is safer now that footballs have become lighter.
Some of the news headlines from last week:
Heading footballs ‘affects memory’ — BBC Scotland, 2016-10-24
Heading footballs affects memory and brain function, study finds — ITV News, 2016-10-24
Study finds heading a football has immediate effect on the brain — The Guardian, 2016-10-24
Heading a Soccer Ball Affects Memory Function — Wall Street Journal video, 2016-10-24
Calls for more research as football headers linked to memory loss — Sky News, 2016-10-24. (This features a short video clip of Dawn Astle, Jeff’s daughter, talking persuasively about the need for thorough, longitudinal research.)
Here are the original press release and an online article by the some of the authors of the original research paper:
Heading a football causes instant changes to the brain — NIHR press release, 2016-10-24
How we discovered that heading a football causes impairment of brain function — The Conversation, 2016-10-24
And on the same day, the story was reported also on the public news website of the UK’s National Health Service:
Heading footballs may cause short-term brain changes — NHS Choices, 2016-10-24
My reading of the original research paper
The research reported in the paper is a small, before-and-after experiment. Data are analysed from 19 amateur footballers who took part in a controlled heading-practice session, with various measurements made before and after the session (immediately before, immediately after, and at three later time-points up to 2 weeks after).
The paper’s main findings are based on before-to-after differences in three of the measurements made, these three having apparently achieved statistical significance in the experiment, with reported p-values less than the pre-assigned threshold of 0.05. The three “statistically significant” differences found were:
The “primary outcome measure cSP” — a measure of corticomotor inhibition — was found to have increased for 14 of the 19 participants when measured immediately after the heading practice session. The reported p-value, for the apparent increase in response time that was seen on average, is 0.049. [Section 3.1 of the paper]
The “Spatial Working Memory” (SWM) test scores showed an increased error rate on average (on the log scale the change was from 0.79 before to 1.00 after the heading session). The reported p-value for this apparent difference is 0.03. [Section 3.2 of the paper]
The “Paired Associated Learning” (PAL) test scores also showed an increased error rate on average (on the log scale the change was from 0.38 before to 0.65 after). The reported p-value for this apparent difference is 0.007. [Section 3.2 of the paper]
How to interpret those apparent effects and their p-values?
I was prompted to think a bit about this by the reported p-value of 0.049 for the primary outcome measure: that’s only just less than the pre-assigned threshold of 0.05. So if it’s agreed that p equal to 0.05 is the largest value that can reasonably count as “statistically significant” evidence, the value of p=0.049 found for this apparent increase in cSP time should probably be labelled “almost insignificant”! (This is in agreement with the “14 out of 19” finding mentioned already above, for the number of subjects whose cSP time had shown any increase at all; a simple sign test is enough to tell us that 14 out of 19 is not quite significant at the 0.05 level.)
But was 0.05 a reasonable threshold to use, anyway? A computed p-value of 0.05, or even 0.03, should really be considered very weak evidence when quite a large number of different measurements are being recorded and tested, as was the case in this study. As Table 2 of the paper shows, there were 8 different measurements taken, each done on four occasions after the heading session: that’s a lot of chances to find some “significant” differences. The much-used threshold of p<0.05, which is designed to limit the chance of a spuriously significant finding to 5% when conducting a single test, is much more likely to throw up spuriously significant results when several hypotheses are being tested. A crude Bonferroni correction based on 8 tested differences, for example, would result in the threshold of 0.05 being reduced to 0.05/8 = 0.006, as a much more stringent criterion to apply in order to be sure that the chance of a spuriously significant finding is still less than 5%.
Of the paper’s three main findings, then, only the third one — the increased average error rate in the PAL test scores — seems to be an apparent effect that might demand further attention. The paper mentions [in Section 3.2] that an increased error rate in the PAL test is compatible with reduced long-term memory function. (But note that if we do take the route of a Bonferroni correction, to allow for the fact that 8 different measurements were tested — while still neglecting the number of occasions on which post-session measurements were made — the reported p-value of 0.007 still would fail to reach significance at the traditional 5% level.)
Some methodological quibbles and questions
Q1. The big one: Causality
The press release mentioned above, and hence the media coverage of this research paper, reports an apparently causal link found between routine heading of footballs and outcomes such as long-term memory function. Such a causal link does seem rather plausible, a priori. But the research reported in this paper does not (for me, at any rate) firmly establish that cause. The study design leaves open the possibility of an alternative explanation (for an increase in PAL test error scores, for example). The paper’s authors allude to this problem in their Discussion section [Section 4 of the paper], where they write: “Future work should include a control activity such as body movement without head impact”. I do agree; and careful design of the control regime is essential if causality is to be established compellingly.
What sort of alternative explanation(s) might there be? Well, the problem is that heading the football was not the only thing that happened to each of the 19 experimental subjects between the first two sets of measurements. Some other things that might conceivably have produced an effect are:
the passing of time (e.g., time since breakfast?)
the order in which measurements were taken (the research paper is not altogether clear on this, actually — there seem to be conflicting statements in Section 2.2 there)
the thrill of taking repeated shots at a goal (which might have been just as great had the shots been volley-kicks instead of headers?)
I am not suggesting here that any of these possible alternative causes is the reality; only that if we want to establish that heading the ball is a cause of something, then other potential causes must be eliminated as part of the study design or through external scientific knowledge.
Q2. Missing data?
In Section 2.1 of the paper it is mentioned that there were originally 23 study participants recruited. This got reduced to 19 for the analysis, because “Data from one participant could not be analyzed and three more participants withdrew from the study for personal reasons”. It would have been good to have some more detail on this. In particular:
what was it about one participant’s data that meant they could not be analyzed?
at what point in the study did each of the other three participants withdraw?
Q3. Size of effect, misleadingly reported?
Update, 2016-11-04: I have now heard back from one of the paper’s authors about this question. Dr Magdalena Ietswaart has kindly told me that the 67% figure “is based on raw scores rather than log transformed values”. In which case, my conjecture below about the origin of that figure was false — and for that reason I have now struck through it, and I humbly apologise to the paper’s authors for having guessed wrongly about this particular point. (The 67% increase still does strike me as startling, though!)
As discussed above, of all the various effect sizes that are considered in the paper it is the increase in the PAL test error rate that might merit further attention, since that is the one effect for which the experimental evidence might be viewed as statistically significant. In the paper [Section 3.2], it is stated that the error score on the PAL task immediately after heading increased by 67%. But this rather startling statement of the effect size — which appeared also in much of the press coverage, and indeed is the single number that prompted me to read the paper in full — appears to be wrong. If my calculations are correct, the increase found in the PAL test error rate is in fact more like 26% (which is still a fairly substantial increase, of course).
The reason for the discrepancy is that the 67% figure appears to have been calculated directly from Table 2 in the paper, where the increase in the PAL test error rate is measured by averaging the logarithms of the raw error rates. The ratio (0.65 – 0.38)/0.38, calculated from Table 2, is roughly 1.67 to within the effects of rounding error, i.e., it corresponds to a 67% increase in the logarithm. But it makes no sense at all to calculate a ratio of logarithms — the numerical value of such a ratio in the present context is completely meaningless. (This will be obvious to the reader who understands how logarithms work, but probably not otherwise! The key point, mathematically, is that while a percentage increase in error rate — or in anything else, for that matter — does not depend at all on the units of measurement, the same is not the case after logarithmic transformation. A ratio of logarithms will depend in a completely arbitrary way on the original units of measurement used, and so will be meaningless.)
How did I get the 26% figure mentioned above as the correct percentage increase? Well it’s actually something of a guess, because I do not have access to the raw data. (I have asked the paper’s authors if they will share the data with me; but right now I only have Table 2 to work from.) It’s probably not such a bad guess, though. I made the working assumption that the distributions underlying the figures in Table 2 are normal, which seems reasonable given the rationale for logarithmic transformation that is given in Section 2.8 of the paper. With that assumption, the ratio of means is calculated (by standard properties of the log-normal distribution) as
exp(0.65 + ((0.29)^2 / 2)) / exp(0.38 + (0.41^2 / 2)) = 1.26
I should emphasise, though, that this is largely guesswork. In particular, it is possible that I have misunderstood how the 67% figure, quoted in the Section 3.2 of the paper, was arrived at.
Let me restate here what I said near the top: I strongly support the case for better research on the long-term effects of heading a football. With that in mind, I am disappointed that the paper that I have read and discussed here does not provide very convincing evidence to help our understanding.
One rather positive aspect of the paper is that it did get a lot of media coverage, which helped to bring the issue (and accompanying memories of Jeff Astle!) to wider public attention, at least for a day or two.
But, as Dawn Astle so eloquently argued in the Sky News interview that’s linked above: there is still a clear need for good research on the matter of “routine”, but potentially long-lasting, brain injuries in football.
© David Firth, November 2016
Firth, D (2016). About heading soccer balls, and memory loss. Weblog entry at URL https://statgeek.wordpress.com/2016/11/03/about-heading-soccer-balls-and-memory-loss/.
Tags:Footy, Reproducibility
Posted in Football | Leave a Comment »
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Hubris Versus Humility: The $15 billion Difference
Posted on November 8, 2010 by steveblank
Describing your product as “new and “never been done before” instead of “we’re just like those others guys, but better” could cost your company billions. RIM and TiVo are two examples of getting it right and wrong.
Research in Motion (RIM)
By 1992 Research in Motion (RIM) had been in business for eight years, had 16 employees, sales of about $500,000 a year, and three or four business lines. That year the two founders decided to get serious about being a company, and hired a CEO. Soon, RIM was focusing on making products for people on the move, using wireless communication and digital data.
In the early 1990’s two different trends were occurring in wireless communication. First, wireless voice networks – cell phone networks – had started to emerge. The ability to make a phone call untethered from a traditional phone was revolutionary and was starting to catch on fast. These new cellular phone networks were built around two-way circuit switched technology designed to move voice calls without interruption.
At the same time, digital data networks to support “pagers” were also growing rapidly. Pagers were small receive-only devices with 1 or 2-line displays that showed the phone number of who was “paging” them. Users ran to a traditional telephone and called a paging service who would read them their message. Doctors and drug dealers equally found these devices handy. Unlike the circuit-switched cell phone networks, pager networks were built around digital packet-switched technology.
Sell Directly to Businesses
In 1996 RIM was still in the hardware business selling packet-switched wireless radio modems to OEMs. In a major strategy shift, they decided to sell a product directly to businesses. In 1997, RIM introduced the first packet-switched messaging device. It used narrowband PCS and was housed in a clamshell device with a full keyboard.
RIM Interactive Pager 900
The new device could hold names, email addresses, phone and fax numbers and incoming and outgoing messages. In 1998 RIM quickly followed this up with a next generation product with an 8-line display, ran on AA batteries and would last 500 hours.
The fact that you could send messages interactively blew people away. Underneath the hood RIM’s product was a technical tour de force. But RIM decided to hide all of that from their customers.
RIM positioned the Blackberry as an “interactive pager” because pagers were something people could understand. While the device was actually was doing email, people understood it as “the pager that you could respond with.” While phrases like “mobile email and packet switching” didn’t mean a thing to RIM’s first customers, the “interactive pager” positioning proved important in attracting early adopters.
Resegmenting an Existing Market
RIM’s product needed very little explanation. If you knew what a pager was, you knew what an interactive pager was. You got it. (You might gulp at the price – paging prices were dropping like a stone ($9/month versus $99/month for a RIM interactive pager) since most people were moving from pagers to cell phone to get calls. But to businesses where instant information gave you a critical edge (Wall Street, politicians, etc.) these new capabilities were worth almost any price.
In today’s language of Customer Development, RIM positioned the Blackberry as a segment of an existing market – pager users who needed two-way communication. Their intent: initial sales would come from users who already understood what the product could do so adoption would occur rapidly.
RIM, the Blackberry and its network had more inventions per square inch than most startups. The founders could have easily described the product as “the first packet-switched interactive messaging network.” Or they could have said, “corporate email now seamlessly forwarded from your company’s network to your pocket.” They did none of that. The founders swallowed their pride and simply introduced the Blackberry as an “interactive pager.” Their board, with no need to prove how smart and creative they were, agreed.
After a few years, as users became comfortable with the technology, the entire space of interactive pagers became known as the “Blackberry or “wireless email” market rather than the “interactive pager” market.
In 1999, about the same time RIM introduced its first interactive pager, another advanced technology company, TiVo, shipped its first product.
Recording video on magnetic tape was developed in the mid 1950’s by Ampex, and had evolved into a consumer-friendly cassette by the late 1960’s. VCR’s caught on in the home in the late 1970’s driven by movie rentals and pornography. Sales of VHS-based VCRs exploded after Sony and JVC fought a brutal standards battle (Betamax versus VHS) and when the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that home taping of television programs for later viewing (“time-shifting”) constituted a fair use.
But cassette tapes were still bulky and awkward. And most consumers had never mastered recording a TV program (let alone setting the clock on their VCR.)
TiVo solved all those problems. It was the logical marriage of computers and video recording. Essentially TiVo was a computer with a hard drive integrated with a TV tuner and MPEG decoder. It digitized and compressed analog video from an antenna, cable or direct broadcast satellite. But it was the software that made the TiVo great. It was reliable. Its user interface was simple. It let users record from the familiar program guide. Since you were recording video to a hard disk, you could appear to pause live TV, instant replay, rewind or record anything.
TiVo Series 1
TiVo originally sold directly to consumers through consumer electronics stores, via Sony and Phillips and was integrated into set-top boxes from DirecTV.
Creating a New Market
TiVo’s product needed very little explanation. After a demo, if you knew what a VCR was you knew what a TiVo was. You got it. (You might pause at the price – VCR prices were plummeting – $150 versus $800 for the first TiVos, but compared to a VCR it took your breath away.)
In today’s language of Customer Development, a TiVo positioned as a segment of an existing market (VCR’s) was a no brainer. Everyone would have immediately understood it.
Except there was one problem. The TiVo CEO hated the idea that customers might think of TiVo as a better VCR. In fact he said, “Anytime anyone says that to me, I go completely nuts. So we had this challenge of explaining, It’s actually not a VCR. It’s a lot more sophisticated and uses a hard disk, and therefore you can record and playback simultaneously and do clever things like pause live TV, and so on.” And the board, being enamored with Silicon Valley technology, first mover advantage and concerned about the huge price gap between a VCR and TiVo, agreed.
As a result, the company instead chose to position TiVo as a New Market. In a new market when customers have no idea what the product can do, a company needs to educate potential customers about the space not the product. This results in a much slower adoption curve – the classic hockey stick.
New Market Revenue Curve
TiVo spent the next five years trying to convince users that the box they wanted to buy as a better VCR was really something different. Hundreds of millions of dollars went into marketing campaigns to create an entirely new consumer electronics category – Digital Video Recorders. TiVo was first positioned as a “personal television system.” But no one knew what that meant. Next they tried the slogan “TiVo, TV your way.” Early adopters simply ignored the company’s positioning buying the device in spite of the inane descriptions.
But trying to create a totally new market took its toll. TiVo had plenty of other battles to fight: competition, issues with channel partners, patent battles, as well as the movie studios, cable companies, broadcast networks and advertisers who all wanted TiVo dead. Instead the company used most its cash on marketing and advertising in trying to define a new product category and accelerate adoption.
RIM sales were $15 billion in 2010. In the last ten years they’ve made over $9 billion in profit.
TiVo sales were $240 million in 2010. In the last ten years they lost $400 million dollars.
How much of this can be traced back to the time, money and energy they spent on their initial positioning?
Market Type matters
No one will stop you from picking a new market.
If you do, realize you have defined a space with no customers. You now need to spend your marketing dollars in educating users about the market not your product.
In an existing market you’ve picked a space that has customers. Here you need to spend your marketing dollars differentiating your product from the incumbents. Are you faster and better? Are you cheaper? Do you uniquely appeal to a segment?
Filed under: Customer Development, Market Types |
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Emmanuel Roco, on November 8, 2010 at 6:19 am said:
Excellent post w/ some superb insights. I’ve already pivoted our startup’s messaging as a result.
Also, if any space opens up (or I can squeeze into some corner somewhere) for your NYC talk on Friday, please let me know. I’d love to attend.
– E
Jason, on November 8, 2010 at 6:48 am said:
Do you think that better initial positioning alone would have changed the outcome for TiVo?
It seems difficult to directly compare the two companies. RIM created a product that gave the people who had it a clear benefit that was worth a premium. RIM still enjoys clear differentiation from competing smartphones because of their focus on business use and security, but that doesn’t seem to be helping them fare much better in the wider consumer market than other smartphone vendors.
TiVo created a luxury product for a consumer market with challenging go-to-market issues like compatibility with cable and satellite receivers. Cheap imitations from cable companies are inferior in user experience (while still better than a VCR) but superior in compatibility and cost, leaving only patents to protect TiVo.
Sandy Kemsley, on November 8, 2010 at 6:51 am said:
Something to consider: RIM founders are Canadian, TiVo’s are American (although one was born in Scotland). Different styles of doing business and presenting themselves: the stereotype of we Canadians tending to be much more self-effacing can be true at times.
Matthew Bellows, on November 8, 2010 at 7:15 am said:
Thanks Steve,
It’s really encouraging to hear your analysis of a decision we made when we started our company. While some investors will push a startup to be sexy or in “a hot space” it’s much more efficient to target a valuable segment of a large market.
Also, I had no idea that RIM struggled in obscurity for so long. Sometimes Survival is Success.
Sticking to Your Guns in Investor Meetings « Yesware: Email for Sales, on November 8, 2010 at 7:20 am said:
[…] P.S. Steve Blank has an amazing post today on the humility of targeting a new product at an existing market (RIM) vs. the hubris of creating your own market (TiVO). Highly recommended. […]
Joshua Steimle, on November 8, 2010 at 7:56 am said:
This RIM vs. Tivo case study makes me think of Clayton Christensen’s book The Innovator’s Dilemma (and it’s subsequent companion books). The essence of Christensen’s model is that truly disruptive innovations (technologies that meet a need not currently being met at all) displace much larger competitors, whereas those innovations that are sustaining (merely an improvement on something that already exists) tend to fizzle and die.
By any measure or definition, RIM certainly introduced disruptive technologies. Prior to the Blackberry, what else could you use to do the same job? The phone? Snail mail? E-mail, yes, but only if you were sitting at your computer. Nothing else gave you the ability to communicate via the written word while you were on the go.
It’s harder to make the case that Tivo was disruptive. After all, it is just a better version of a VCR. If you look at the job a VCR is “hired” to do, it doesn’t really do anything a VCR doesn’t, it just does it better.
I’m not saying hubris wasn’t part of Tivo’s problems–I think it was. But the problem wasn’t necessarily that hubris led to the wrong marketing message, it’s that hubris led Tivo’s founders/investors/marketers etc. to believe Tivo was a disruptive technology when it was merely a sustaining technology. Had they understood this, they might have taken different approaches in a host of areas, including their marketing.
benjaminmitchell, on November 8, 2010 at 9:11 am said:
Could it be as simple as acknowledging that an attitude like “Anytime anyone says that to me, I go completely nuts” may be a sign that you are acting in a defensive way which would make it less likely you’ll accept evidence (and learn) honestly review your strategy?
I could imagine that “going nuts” may make it hard, for the person or those around them, to test the strategy or highlight data which might invalidate that approach.
One of the values I like about the lean startup approach is that it encourages people to be open to the fact their ideas might be ‘failures’ in order that they are more open to data / feedback (and therefore learning).
Kamal Ahluwalia, on November 8, 2010 at 11:55 am said:
Very good article. I would consider these as two independent examples and not worry too much about comparing Tivo with RIM. Tivo is failing for a lot of reasons – despite having a superior product.
RIM has done well – but getting their clocks cleaned by Apple and Goole. Checkout this recent article in Bloomber-Business Week –
http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/10_42/b4199076785733.htm
Roscoe, on November 8, 2010 at 12:45 pm said:
Correlation does not mean causation.
“Early adopters simply ignored the company’s positioning buying the device in spite of the inane descriptions.” Is there any evidence of that?
adamson, on November 8, 2010 at 3:15 pm said:
I think this analysis is essentially correct, despite some other comments saying perhaps much broader issues were/are at stake. One reason is that we see the same thing happening in “cloud” computing. Firms that want to stand out from the crown but make it hard to understand what they do struggle to educate their potential clients. Firms who swallow their technical pride or ego and “give in” and call in something that we always did but a little more are able to tap into market share more easily.
I know because I feel frustrated not being being able to say “it’s more than you think” – so I know that argument, and I know what is better for sales.
Walter Adamson @g2m
http://xeesm.com/walter
Big Skinny, on November 8, 2010 at 5:20 pm said:
Wow, this a valuable lesson for all the reasons cited and more. For example, any new product has a positioning problem but that irons itself out when the first wave of customers start buying, then careful analysis of those customers–the reasons they buy really gives you the best blueprint for longer term positioning which really matters. Did any customer analysis help either company in choosing a positioning strategy. Your company and products are mostly defined by your customers rather than by most of your marketing efforts I’ve always found.
Ty Danco, on November 8, 2010 at 7:29 pm said:
Like an Aesop’s Fable. This story keeps being applicable at so many levels, not just startups. Thanks, coach.
Madhav Shivpuri, on November 9, 2010 at 9:41 pm said:
Fantastic post and advise. Keep it coming Steve.
Jeremy, on November 10, 2010 at 12:54 am said:
Great post. I think you hit it on the head when showing how RIM had lots of technical wizardry, but kept things simple to their consumers. Explaining tech without a point of reference (metaphor?) will confuse everyone except early adopters. Tivo, while still appealing as a product to early adopters, probably confused them by trying to take easily replicated technology and saying it’s the new sliced bread.
Mark Essel, on November 10, 2010 at 5:55 am said:
As other commenters pointed out the differentiating factors between RIM and TiVo were more than marketing. Besides team culture, and technology the battles with incumbents left TiVo scarred. RIM grew rapidly (Nokia was their major competitor with Palm?) until the recent consumer smart phone explosion.
It’s tough to make this kind of comparison based on a single factor.
kevinjmireles, on November 12, 2010 at 4:01 pm said:
Great post. A similar way to tackle this problem is to do what I call piggyback marketing. Instead of trying to get customers to start an entirely new initiatve, identify an existing trend that your product can support, e.g. Six Sigma, net Promoter, etc.. and then talk about your product in the context of how it can help them achieve their existing goals -that way you are already talking in their language and piggybacking on an existing initiative
5 Fav Business and Strategy Post #16 | Donald McMichael, on November 13, 2010 at 7:25 pm said:
[…] follow to become an expert problem solver. See myth #3 that’s usually the shortcoming. Hubris Versus Humility: The $15 billion Difference According to Steve Blank, serial entrepreneur and business lecturer , when you have something […]
Information Overload 2010-11-14 « citizen428.blog(), on November 14, 2010 at 3:09 am said:
[…] Hubris Versus Humility: The $15 billion DifferenceWhile I think that the comparison in this article is a bit apples and oranges, it’s an interesting take on initial market positioning. Share/Bookmark Tagged as: economics, history, informationoverload, language, netculture, programming Leave a comment Comments (0) Trackbacks (0) ( subscribe to comments on this post ) […]
sfmitch, on November 17, 2010 at 7:06 am said:
Sorry, but I think your analysis of TiVo is WAY off the mark. I was selling personal electronics during the time TiVo was introduced.
Calling TiVo a ‘better VCR’ fails at first glance. The # 1 use of a VCR is to play back tapes – I’d guess that was over 95% of actual usage. To say that TiVo is a ‘better VCR’ that doesn’t play tapes makes it a ridiculous statement.
RIM was selling to businesses – where cost isn’t that important while TiVo was selling to Consumers where cost is VERY important. RIM was selling to businesses that had dedicated staff to setup and maintain (IT department) equipment while TiVo was dealing with consumers who are on their own. RIM was selling a complete solution while TiVo had to try and get their equipment to work with hundreds (or thousands) of different cable and satellite tuners and needed a phone connection in locations that usually didn’t have phone jacks.
RIM solved a need while TiVo solved a want.
No offense, but this seems like a complete over-simplification of a complex problem.
I’ll have the unusual » Victus Spiritus, on November 23, 2010 at 5:22 am said:
[…] Unusual doesn’t translate to alien. As consumers we like what is different, but still classifiable as an existing type of thing. Steve Blank discusses a detailed example of resegmenting existing markets. […]
Martin Unsal, on December 17, 2010 at 11:21 am said:
sfmitch is right. 100 million VCRs were replaced by 100 million DVD players, not TiVos. In practice, very few people routinely used their VCR to time-shift TV programming, and those that did had a terrible user experience. Many tried and were driven away by the user experience. Most VCRs in America were blinking 12:00, a testament to their inability to serve a customer need. TiVo correctly didn’t want to tie themselves with that failure.
Quora, on January 3, 2011 at 2:45 pm said:
A friend has a brilliant idea for a startup, where should he get started?…
Very cool, excellent step-by-step intro, thanks Maya! I JUST posted a question regarding Steve Blank’s post on hubris and maximizing potential. I’m curious as to your thoughts on it given your thorough and comprehensive response you’ve written here….
Who are the bad guys? | RIC Centre Blog, on February 4, 2011 at 12:03 pm said:
[…] which sounds like a great thing but is often a curse given the high cost and extreme difficulty of creating a new market or the possibility that no competition means that there isn’t a market at all. All three are […]
Who are the bad guys? | MaRS Discovery District, on April 26, 2012 at 8:19 am said:
[…] which sounds like a great thing but is often a curse given the high cost and extreme difficulty of creating a new market or the possibility that no competition means that there isn’t a market at all. All three […]
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Tucked away in the 400 block of North Second Street where the street ends to make way for a large, empty lot and a set of train tracks, sits Opportunity House.
It’s a refuge for those with nowhere else to turn. A roof and walls, with heat, electricity and running water, for people without access to those creature comforts.
Opportunity House, at its core, is a homeless shelter. It currently houses 75 people — 40 men and 35 women and children — with that number rising by up to 50 when it opens its doors on bitter cold nights as a code blue shelter.
The men’s dorm, the biggest part of the shelter, is a large space with high ceilings and concrete floors. It’s packed with rows of cots, small dressers sitting at their heads.
Reading Eagle: Ben Hasty | Miguel Reyes, a resident at Opportunity House in Reading, who regularly works in the organization’s garden, talks about the different plants being grown during a celebration for the garden harvest in September.
Opportunity House’s role as a code blue shelter hearkens back to its roots. When it was created 35 years ago that was it’s main function, using church basements around Reading to operate as a winter shelter for men.
“The original mission was to make sure no one froze to death in the streets of Reading,” said Modesto D. Fiume, Opportunity House’s executive director.
Fiume joined the organization 24 years ago. In his more than two decades there, he has seen Opportunity House grow to meet the changing needs of the homeless and poverty-stricken populations of Berks County.
Opportunity House: By the numbers
89 percent of every dollar Opportunity House receives goes directly toward providing services to clients
35 years of service to Reading
75 men, women and children can be housed at the shelter, with 50 more on bitterly cold nights
Source: Opportunity House
In the late 1980s, Opportunity House, then known as Reading Emergency Shelter, opened its current location. Having a permanent site allowed it to start serving some women and children, Fiume said.
When Fiume got involved with the organization in 1994, the shelter was inundated with women and children, he said.
At the time, the shelter was closed from 7 a.m. to 7 p.m. Fiume said he felt bad having to push women and children onto the street, so the shelter began staying open during the day.
That led to the introduction of programming aimed at helping those staying at the shelter.
“I wasn’t going to have people here all day doing nothing,” Fiume said.
Expanded offerings
Reading Eagle: Susan L. Angstadt | Joe Flamm, a long-time resident of Opportunity House, picks up trash on a recent Monday morning in Reading.
The shelter rolled out life-skills and parenting classes, drug rehabilitation counseling and community service tasks, like helping in the kitchen or cleaning up trash in the neighborhood surrounding the shelter.
Another challenge was what to do about the kids staying at the shelter whose parents worked. Fiume said it was important to support people who were trying their best to get back on their feet.
The answer was the creation of the Second Street Learning Center. The child care program, housed next to the shelter, offers a sliding fee for shelter residents based on income.
“The focus was on getting parents to work,” Fiume said.
Reading Eagle: Susan L. Angstadt | Modesto D. Fiume, president of the Opportunity House.
And, at times, it operated 24 hours a day to meet the needs of parents working overnight shifts. Currently the center serves about 200 kids and is open from 5:30 a.m. to 11:30 p.m.
The next step was addressing recidivism. Fiume said many people who stay there will leave, only to come back.
To fight that problem, Opportunity House created a housing and after-care program, to keep people out of the shelter and in stable, affordable housing.
About 100 people are involved in the housing program.
Opportunity House also runs a warehouse on Chestnut Street and the OppShop thrift store in Muhlenberg Township, employing people who live in Reading who have had trouble getting or holding a job.
Partnering with others
Reading Eagle file photo | In this 2013 photo, a mural titled “Dreaming for a Better Future,” located in a playground at the Opportunity House, is dedicated after the year- long project.
Along with their own programs, Opportunity House has developed relationships with other organizations to provide service to the homeless.
The Berks Community Health Center has a practice at the shelter, Berks Counseling Center works there, a Veteran’s Affairs counselor makes regular visits and the Children’s Alliance Center works with children at the shelter or childcare center who make accusations of abuse.
“It’s really a whole spectrum of services,” Fiume said.
Fiume is proud of what Opportunity House has become, but at the same time laments that the services of organizations like his are so needed.
“The problem is we’re never running out of people, we’re packed with people,” he said, saying the same is true of other local groups helping the homeless. “I think all of these groups are overwhelmed.”
The need is so great, Fiume said, that Opportunity House has begun looking into expanding.
“I’m not thrilled with creating more shelter beds,” he said. “But today in Berks County we need more shelter beds.”
More in this series:
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News > Yiriman Project update
In 2015 we were once again honoured to present a stage at Laneway Festival Melbourne named for one of our local music heroes, Dean Turner, and proud to be supporting the Yiriman Project in his name.
Since 2011, you have raised over $110,000 which goes directly into programs devoted to helping Aboriginal youth in the Kimberley region (including a devastating suicide rate of 1 in 1,200) by taking them ‘back to Country’ in the company of their Elders, where they can begin to reconnect with their culture and strengthen their sense of identity.
Jen Klewitz, Yiriman Women’s Project Coordinator, has sent us an update detailing all the great work being done and letting us know how your valued donations are being put to good use:
Hello to the Laneway community from the Yiriman Project!
For those of you that don’t know us, the Yiriman Project is an intergenerational, "on-Country" cultural program in the Kimberly, conceived, developed and directed entirely by Elders from four Kimberly language groups- Nyikina, Mangala, Karajarri and Walmajarri- and whose aim is to "build stories in young people" through on-Country projects, trips and activities which strengthen cultural identity, remove young people from the influences of drugs and alcohol, and strengthen Culture through the passing on Cultural knowledge.
Believing in the power of their own culture and of Country to heal their own young people, Elders take young people out on to Country, travelling over Country by foot, camel or vehicle, teaching and speaking in language, visiting ancestral sites, storytelling, engaging in traditional song and dance, preparing young people for ceremony and law practices, teaching traditional crafts, tracking, hunting, and preparing traditional bush tucker, practicing bush medicine, and passing on knowledge to the younger generations.
Beyond the transfer of knowledge and skills, Yiriman trips provide a safe and effective space for relationship to others and to Country to develop, and for communication and decision making to occur by cultural means. In this way, cultural healing, originating from within the culture and guided by the Elders themselves occurs. Yiriman is highly successful in engaging a wide range of people in the community and working extensively with partner organisations in the region to make its mission possible.
Yiriman has been the recipient of a tremendous amount of support over the last four years from Laneway Festival through the Dean Turner Project. The four years since this initiative and partnership has been in place, Laneway donations have amounted to over $110,000, an astounding figure, collected from ticket sales and voluntary contributions from general and industry ticket holders. In 2014, Laneway invited 10 Yiriman women to travel to Perth to hold a market stall at the Laneway Festival, selling their hand-made goods formally for the first time, and educating the public about the Yiriman Project and their community in the Kimberly. It was an extraordinary opportunity which generated a tremendous amount of pride in the community. We have stayed in close touch with the Laneway community over the last several years to share our growth and progress.
We at Yiriman cannot express our amazed, and profound thanks for your generosity and support, not just monetarily, but in the true belief in the mission and work of Yiriman, and in helping us spread the word about the importance of such work in the Aboriginal community. In extremely difficult financial times, with staggering government funding cuts and other threats to remote Aboriginal communities, the support of Laneway has truly enabled Yiriman to do the work it does, which truly serves the community, and stands as a proud example to other Aboriginal Communities nationwide. The Yiriman Governance, in collaboration with the community, asses the most pressing needs of the community from within, and develop projects and strategies that address those needs directly, in the most Culturally relevant ways. Yiriman was proudly the recipient of the 2012 National Indigenous Governance Award.
The donated funding from Laneway goes directly to support activities on Country. Yiriman is known as the “little program that does a lot with little”. Funding goes towards basic costs for projects in the bush: food expenses, fuel and vehicles, basic camping equipment, and wages for our Elder teachers and advisors. Camps and activities can be 1-3 day projects in Communities or in the bush, all they way up to 10-day projects, in partnership with local organisations, in the remote bush including up to 60 people. We run capacity building workshops and training on Country, such as bush medicine and social enterprise training for women, preparing them to run small sustainable enterprises out of their communities, as well as “Caring for Country” programs, which train young men to work in a variety of fields such as Indigenous Ranger work.
We have a challenging but big year ahead for the Yiriman project. The weather is just beginning to cool down here in the Kimberly and we are preparing for a year full of important trips and activities. One of the main focuses this year, in response to the needs of the community, are running a series of camps on Country that address suicide, mental, emotional, and spiritual health and wellbeing. These camps, to be held at a variety of Culturally important sites, will be run in partnership with local schools, women’s centres, ranger groups, and Indigenous health organisations. The women’s program will be moving forward in taking their Bush Medicine enterprise to the next level of development, and the Men’s program will be conducting a series of “Caring for Country” trips which prepare youth for future work.
Please visit our website at yiriman.org.au for more information, photos and stories about Yiriman. We are floored by all the support from Laneway. Without your support, the work of Yiriman truly would not have been possible in the last years. We look forward to our ongoing relationship and sending “good news” stories to you from the Kimberly as yet another amazing year at Yiriman unfolds.
On behalf of the Yiriman Governance, we extend our deepest thanks.
Jen Klewitz
Yiriman Women’s Project Coordinator
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Home Home | News & Events | Former U.S. Government Leaders
By U.S. Embassy Bangkok | 12 April, 2018 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: John J. Sullivan, Songkran, Thai New Year
Statement by Secretary Tillerson on Thailand National Day
On behalf of the Government of the United States of America, I offer my heartfelt greetings to the people of the Kingdom of Thailand on your National Day, December 5th. We remember the late King Bhumibol Adulyadej’s deep and enduring friendship with the United States and we look forward to further nurturing that friendship under …
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By U.S. Embassy Bangkok | 28 October, 2017 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, Speeches, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: His Late Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Rex Tillerson
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Your Majesty: On behalf of the people and Government of the United States, I wish Your Majesty a joyous 65th birthday. The United States of America and the Kingdom of Thailand have been friends for almost two centuries. Thailand was the United States’ first treaty partner in Asia – a formal relationship dating back to …
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Statement by Secretary Tillerson on the Occasion of Ramadan On behalf of the United States Department of State, Renda and I sincerely wish Muslims around the world a peaceful and blessed Ramadan. Ramadan is a month of reverence, generosity, and self-reflection. Most importantly, it is a cherished time for family and friends to gather and …
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Statement by Secretary Tillerson on Songkran Festival – Thai New Year
STATEMENT BY SECRETARY TILLERSON Songkran Festival – Thai New Year On behalf of the Government of the United States of America, we send our warm wishes to the people of the Kingdom of Thailand on the celebration of Songkran. We are committed to our enduring friendship with Thailand, a partnership that has spanned nearly …
By U.S. Mission Thailand | 12 April, 2017 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: Rex Tillerson, Songkran, Thai New Year
Statement by Secretary Kerry on the Anniversary of His Majesty King Bhumibol Aduyladej’s Birthday
On behalf of President Obama and the American people, I offer heartfelt warm wishes to the people of Thailand on the anniversary of His Majesty King Bhumibol Aduyladej’s birthday, this December 5. We note with sadness the passing of King Bhumibol, who would have been 89 years old on this day. We remember His Majesty …
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Statement by U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry on the Passing of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej
I join President Obama and the American people in offering our deepest condolences to members of the Royal Family of the Kingdom of Thailand, and to the people of Thailand, on the death of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej. For over 70 years, His Majesty led Thailand with integrity and compassion, always mindful of the …
By U.S. Mission Thailand | 13 October, 2016 | Topics: Events, Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: John Kerry
Statement by the President on the Passing of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej
On behalf of the people of the United States, I offer my heartfelt condolences to Her Majesty Queen Sirikit, her children and grandchildren, and the people of Thailand on the passing of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej. His Majesty the King was a close friend of the United States and a valued partner of many …
By U.S. Mission Thailand | 13 October, 2016 | Topics: Events, Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: Barack Obama
2016 Independence Day Correspondence Between President Barack Obama and His Majesty the King of Thailand
In response to His Majesty the King’s kind message on the occasion of America’s Independence Day, President Obama recently wrote “The people of the United States of America stand with you as we all continue to work together towards a brighter future.” Read the full text of their letters here.
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On behalf of President Obama and the American people, it is my pleasure to wish Her Majesty Queen Sirikit a joyous 84th birthday. Queen Sirikit has inspired many in Thailand and beyond with her deep compassion for the Thai people and tireless service to her nation. On this auspicious day, we honor her many contributions …
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On behalf of the American people, I send my heartfelt congratulations to His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej and the people of the Kingdom of Thailand as they celebrate the 70th anniversary of the King’s accession to the throne. On this historic occasion, I want to express my admiration for His Majesty’s leadership and his many …
By U.S. Mission Thailand | 8 June, 2016 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: Barack Obama, His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Statement
Statement by Secretary Kerry on 70th Anniversary of Accession to the Throne of His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej
I join President Obama and the American people in extending His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej warm congratulations on the 70th anniversary of his accession to the throne. As the Thai people celebrate His Majesty’s many achievements, we also express our deep admiration for his tireless work to advance health and prosperity throughout the Kingdom of …
By U.S. Mission Thailand | 8 June, 2016 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, News, Press Releases, U.S. & Thailand | Tags: His Majesty King Bhumibol Adulyadej, John Kerry, Statement
Statement by Secretary Kerry on Vesak Day
On behalf of President Obama and the American people, I offer our warmest wishes to all those celebrating Vesak Day. We wish you a joyous commemoration of the birth, enlightenment, and passing of Siddhartha Gautama, the founder of Buddhism. In honor of Vesak Day, we recognize the contributions to thought, culture, and belief that Buddhism, …
By U.S. Embassy Bangkok | 24 May, 2016 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, Speeches | Tags: Buddhism, John Kerry, Vesak
Statement by the President on the Celebration of Vesak
Michelle and I extend our warmest wishes to Buddhists in the United States and around the world in their celebration of Vesak, a day honoring the birth, enlightenment, and passing of Buddha. During this season, we reflect on Buddha’s universal teachings of peace, service, and recognition of common humanity — shared values that also bind …
By U.S. Embassy Bangkok | 24 May, 2016 | Topics: Former U.S. Government Leaders, Speeches | Tags: Barack Obama, Buddhism, Statement, Vesak
Her Majesty Queen Sirikit’s Birthday
Your Majesty: I extend my warmest congratulations to you on the occasion of your 83rd birthday. On this special day, I honor your deep compassion for the Thai people and unflagging commitment to the development of your beautiful country. Your work has improved the livelihoods of numerous Thai people and inspired others in Thailand and …
John Kerry Secretary of State Washington, DC Your Majesty: On behalf of the American people, I extend my warmest wishes on the occasion of your eighty-second birthday. Your efforts have improved the lives of millions of Thai citizens and inspired others to contribute to the well-being of your wonderful country. I have fond memories of …
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The Stuttering Foundation of America maintains a toll-free Hotline on Stuttering (800) 992-9392 or (901) 761-0343. Call for free information brochures and a nationwide referral list of speech-language pathologists who specialize in stuttering. You may also view most of the brochures and the referral lists of speech-language pathologists on our web site.
If you have questions about online CEUs, please contact our help desk at 912-638-3416 or e-mail info@stutteringhelp.org.
Click here to request FREE information.
Our e-mail address is: info@stutteringhelp.org.
Stuttering Foundation of America
Our physical address is:
1805 Moriah Woods Blvd., Suite 3
You may fax us at: (901) 761-0484
CELEBRITY FOCUS
Darren Sproles
Darren Sproles, now a running back for The Philadelphia Eagles, made history with the San Diego Chargers in 2007 when he became the first player in NFL history to return a kickoff and a punt for his first two NFL touchdowns in the same game.
After that game, Sproles was approached more often for interviews, which exacerbated his stuttering. “I had to talk to the media a lot, and once they put a camera in my face that's when it got bad," Sproles said. 'I just had to work on it. I couldn't really stress about it, because that's just me."
Alan Rabinowitz
Alan Rabinowitz, Ph.D., is an explorer, wildlife conservationist, and author. He established the Hukawng Valley Tiger Reserve in northern Myanmar, which is about the size of the state of Vermont.
His love for animals began when he was very young.
While Bill Withers has long been on the Stuttering Foundation's list of Famous People Who Stutter, many people probably didn’t realize he stuttered.
Born in 1938 in Slab Fork, W.V., Withers was the youngest of six children. When his father died when Withers was small, he was raised by his mother and grandmother, both of whom worked as domestics.
The recent Disney version of Lewis Carroll’s classic, Alice in Wonderland, garnered a great deal of media hype. Even though the mainstream media has not made mention that Carroll was a person who stuttered, his family history gives credence to the discovery of the genetic link to stuttering. Carroll was born to parents who were first cousins; almost all of their eleven children, three girls and seven boys, struggled with stuttering past childhood.
From BillWalton.com
Thank you for your interest in my life long problem with my speech and communication skills. I was a very shy and reserved young man who could not speak at all without severely stuttering until I was 28 years old. Always a success in the classroom and on the basketball court, I took refuge in the things that I did well as a youngster. A straight A student, my athletic abilities covered the deficiencies that limited my overall growth and development. The game of basketball was my religion, the gym my church. It was a convenient way of avoiding my responsibilities of developing my human relation skills.
When I was 28, a chance encounter at a social event with Hall of Fame broadcaster Marty Glickman completely changed my life in so many ways that things have never been the same since, nor have they ever been better. That day, in a very brief, private conversation (one way, mind you, since I literally could not speak at the time) Marty explained, patiently and concisely, that talking, communicating was a skill not a gift or a birthright and that like any skill, whether it be sports, music, business or whatever, needed to be developed over a lifetime of hard work, discipline, organization and practice. Marty gave me some simple tips that day and then encouraged me to take those keys and apply them to methods of learning that I had received from the special teachers that I had come across in my life, particularly the 6 Hall of Fame basketball coaches that I had played for throughout my career. The beginning of my whole new life was as simple as that. No gimmicks, tricks or shortcuts. Just the realization that with some help, guidance and a lot of hard work that I too could do what seemed so easy, simple and natural to everyone else, yet seemed impossibly out of my reach and comprehension.
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Impeachment Is About the Law, Not Politics
US President Donald Trump addresses a press conference in the Rose Garden of the White House following a meeting with Congressional leaders on the government shutdown on Jan. 4, 2019 in Washington, DC.
Alex Edelman—AFP/Getty Images
By Philip Bobbitt
Bobbitt is a co-author, with Charles L. Black Jr., of Impeachment: A Handbook.
Impeachment should be a matter of decision according to law. That ought to be a truism, because the purpose of impeachment is to protect the Constitution which specifies legal bases for impeachment: “Treason, Bribery or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.”
If the president were to execute a particular foreign policy decision in exchange for financial benefit to him by the affected country or if he were to offer a district judge a promotion to the circuit bench in exchange for a favorable ruling in a trial, either would amount to bribery. However this is a highly fact-specific inquiry. The prosecutors of the impeachment trial would have to show that the president acted on the basis of self-interest and not because he thought the foreign policy should be changed on its merits or because he thought the judge really should be elevated.
Treason is even more narrowly defined by the Constitution. Article III, Sec. 3 provides that treason consists in levying war against the United States or in adhering to their enemies. Construing this text, Chief Justice John Marshall concluded in the Burr case, “there must be a war, or the crime of levying it cannot exist.” Treason is only applicable in wartime.
Because bribery is so difficult to prove and the grounds for treason are so narrow, nine days before the Framers signed the Constitution, George Mason expressed the concern that all “attempts to subvert the Constitution” were not covered and he pressed for the addition of a final, broad category that would serve as the basis for impeachment. He suggested, “maladministration.” James Madison, however, objected that “so vague a term will be equivalent to a tenure during the pleasure of the Senate.” Mason therefore withdrew “maladministration” and substituted the phrase, “other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. Thus the option of a vote of confidence of the kind found in so many parliamentary systems was considered and rejected by the Constitutional Convention.
This history suggests that certain kinds of differences with the president, such as disagreement with his policy views or frustration with his public rhetoric or lack of confidence in his performance cannot form the basis of impeachment. But if not policy differences or political disagreements, what are “other high Crimes and Misdemeanors”? The key to construing this otherwise elusive phrase lies in the word, “other”. The “high” crimes that serve as the basis for impeachment must be crimes like treason and bribery. They must be extremely serious constitutional crimes, acts that are subversive of our basic political and governmental processes.
Suppose the president were to move to Saudi Arabia so he can have four wives and were to propose to conduct the office of the presidency by email from there. This would not be a crime; I doubt it could be made a crime. But it is certainly a constitutional crime, an act of such gross and wanton neglect of duty that it would provide a basis for removal.
Perhaps the best short definition of the grounds for impeachment is that the offense must be a crime against the perpetuation of the fundamental constitutional well-being of the United States. This may sound uncontroversial, but in our current political and cultural environment the clarity of that conclusion has been clouded by number of claims.
Perhaps most insidious of these is that impeachment is a “political question,” not a legal one. After all, the Congress is a political body.
The Constitution, however, specifies legal grounds, not political ones as being the only basis for impeachment and removal. The text does not say that the president can be removed whenever one half of the House and two thirds of the Senate want to do so.
The Federalist Papers repeatedly assert that only a crime against the safety and integrity of the State can serve as a predicate for impeachment and removal. It is important that the Senate is commanded by the constitutional text to “try” the case referred to it by the House; that Senators must take a special oath to apply the law of the Constitution to the matter; and that the entire proceedings are presided over by the Chief Justice in special convocation. In Federalist #65, Alexander Hamilton is at pains to show that the Senate can in fact act in, “their judicial character as a court for the trial impeachment.”
A second widely repeated fallacy is that the grounds for impeachment are whatever the House takes them to be by voting an indictment. But if the grounds for impeachment were whatever the House chose, then an official could be impeached for failing to take a religious oath — in direct contradiction of Article VI. “High Crimes and Misdemeanors” could be interpreted so as to function as a Bill of attainder or as an ex post facto law, both of which are prohibited by Article I, Sec. 9.
A third fallacy is that the commission of a crime is a necessary condition precedent to impeachment, or conversely that any serious statutory crime can serve as the basis for impeachment. On the contrary, as the House Judiciary Committee concluded in 1974, “the crucial factor is the significance of its effect upon our constitutional system…”
How do these rules play out in the current context? Was the hacking of the Democratic National Committee in 2016 legally comparable as a predicate for impeachment to the Watergate burglary of the DNC in 1972? Of course it was, although we don’t as yet know whether the president or his campaign was implicated. But we should bear in mind that even if Donald Trump did not know about the cyber burglary or direct persons to conduct or facilitate it, if he contrived to use his office to thwart an investigation into the hacking, the Watergate precedent applies. After all, there was no evidence that Nixon knew about the burglary beforehand.
What about the digitalization of disinformation by Russian agents in 2016? If implicated in this activity, could President Trump be impeached for the activities of candidate Trump? George Mason observed during the Constitutional Convention that a president, “who has practiced corruption & by that means procured his appointment in the first instance,” might properly be impeached.
Article I, Sec. 9 of the Constitution contains the emoluments clause that prohibits any federal officeholder from accepting any payment or gift of any kind from a foreign state without the consent of Congress. Can a violation of this provision serve as a predicate for impeachment? The answer turns on whether the violation of the clause affects US policy – – say, leniency towards Saudi Arabia or Russia because of payments or promises of rewards made to the Trump Organization that are not provable bribes are clearly earnings outside the president’s salary.
Can the president be impeached owing to his promise or his grant of pardons? Suppose a president were to announce and follow a policy of granting full pardons, in advance of indictment or trial all federal agents or police who killed anybody in the line of duty in the District of Columbia, whatever the circumstances and however unnecessary the killing. Such an act is not unequivocally unconstitutional, given the sweep of the president’s pardon power yet no one should doubt that such a policy would be a breathtaking abuse of executive authority of the kind and on a scale that plainly, corrupts or subverts the political and governmental process.
Unless the Congress rigorously adheres to the legal standards specified by the Constitution, impeachment will be perceived as little more than a partisan tool for undermining elected officials and overturning election results. In the last 20 years we have drifted toward making impeachment a political decision, determined by polls and calculations of partisan advantage. That course should be reversed before it further undermines the Constitution that the impeachment clause is meant to protect.
We must reclaim for impeachment the status of a legal process in which we are guided by careful and rigorously argued attention to text, history, structure, doctrine, prudence and “ethos” — the concern for the primacy of the rule of law.
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Actor Radha Ravi rejoins AIADMK, says DMK suspended him even though he was ready to apologise to Nayanthara
TNN | Jun 12, 2019, 02.12 PM IST
CHENNAI: Tamil film actor and former Saidapet MLA Radha Ravi, who was suspended from the DMK in March in the wake of his remarks against actor Nayanthara, rejoined the AIADMK on Wednesday. Ravi called on AIADMK joint coordinator and chief minister Edappadi K Palaniswami and rejoined the party which he left in 2017.
In March last, Ravi made misogynistic remarks against Nayanthara. His remarks created a furore in the state, following which the DMK suspended him.
After rejoining the AIADMK, Ravi told reporters that he had spoken against Nayanthara at a cinema function. “Soon after that, I was suspended from the DMK even though I said I was ready to apologise,” he said.
“Two days ago, I took a decision to rejoin the AIADMK,” he said.
He accused the DMK of interfering in the film association elections. "There are two power centres in the DMK, and I am not ready to name them," he said.
Ravi was elected from Saidapet constituency on the AIADMK ticket in the 2001 assembly elections. He joined the DMK on February 28, 2017 after the death of party chief J Jayalalithaa. “Only the DMK will win the elections in the state in future. There is no AIADMK now. The present and future are only for Stalin," Ravi had said after joining the DMK.
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Author Archives: tomburkhalter
About tomburkhalter
Tom Burkhalter lives in Hickory, NC. He volunteers at the Hickory Aviation Museum.
Over the last five months I narrated and produced my first audiobook, The Struggles, now available on Audible and coming to Amazon and iTunes in time for the weekend!
For the audio version I did a lot of edits on the stories as originally published, mostly cleaned up the prose and added a bit here and some new, hopefully better, ideas there, as well as including two new stories, “Divine Wind” and “Reboot” and a poem, “Delivery Driver.”
Given all those edits I’m going to pull the present ebook edition of The Struggles from Kindle and submit the revised edition. I’ll try to do that over the next week or two.
Narrating and producing an audiobook for the first time as an almost total noob to the field was challenging. I won’t say it was a steep learning curve but it did mean a lot of trial and error and patience (NOT one of my virtues) and listening carefully to recordings for the sound quality as much as content. I think I came pretty close to studio standard, for recording in my study and having to stop while the garbage trucks go down the street or helicopters fly over or the cat decides to hop up on my lap and help me work.
I found that narrating a story is almost as satisfying to the creative process as writing a story. Many of the same sensations as well, not really wanting to sit down and do it, and wishing you weren’t while you are, but then when you’re done for the day you think “that wasn’t so bad” and in awhile you’re looking forward to doing it again.
Here’s a link to the book on Audible where you can also listen to a free sample.
https://www.audible.com/pd/The-Struggles-Audiobook/B07T5XQXS2?qid=1561042105&sr=1-1&pf_rd_p=e81b7c27-6880-467a-b5a7-13cef5d729fe&pf_rd_r=ST4TZ45RHWNAHSC2D5EC&ref=a_search_c3_lProduct_1_1
Thanks for listening! Hope you enjoy it.
Tagged as contemporary fiction
Last week Lt. Col. Richard Cole, USAF-Ret., passed away on April 8. Col. Cole was the last surviving member of Doolittle’s Raiders at 103. During the mission he flew as copilot in the lead airplane.
One can only imagine what Cole felt during that mission, but try, if you will, for a moment, to put yourself in his place. It is the morning of April 18, 1942. America and its Allies are losing the war in the Pacific.
Pause and reflect on that. Seventy-seven years ago, this country was losing its war against Japan. Japan started the war with a surprise attack against the US Navy’s Pacific fleet at Pearl Harbor. The day before that attack, the overwhelming majority of people in the US were against any involvement in the war in Europe, or active involvement in the war between Japan and China. Afterward, on the morning of December 8, young American men lined up for blocks outside of recruiting offices to enlist and fight Japan.
Only America didn’t have a lot to fight with, and wouldn’t for months to come. Those young men lining up to enlist that Monday morning would learn close-order drill with obsolete Springfield rifles, at best, and at worst, they’d drill with broomsticks as their fathers did in World War One. On that morning, America’s air forces had only a handful of heavy bombers to carry the war to the enemy, nearly all of them obsolete or obsolescent. The fighters that would clear the skies of Axis aircraft were still in their test phase. Medium bombers like the B-25 and the B-26 were only beginning to come off the assembly line.
The oceans protecting America from attack also prevented us from easily reaching our enemies in Europe and Asia.
But we could put sixteen B-25 medium bombers on the deck of an aircraft carrier, something neither bomber nor carrier had been designed for, and send that aircraft carrier close enough to Japan so that those medium bombers would have the range to attack Japan and fly to airfields in China. That was the plan. It gave the bomber crews at least a chance of survival.
In the event the task force sent to attack Japan was dis covered by a Japanese picket boat who radioed the news of their presence before being sunk.
Doolittle and his men had the range to strike Japan. They didn’t have the range to reach the Chinese airfields where they might reasonably hope to land, and live to fight another day. At best, they could reach the Chinese coast, most of which was occupied by the Japanese, where the odds of capture were very high. To attack Japan now meant the odds of surviving the mission were very small indeed.
It was already a volunteer mission, but the discovery of the task force well east of their planned launch point changed everything. Doolittle again asked for volunteers. He got them. All of them volunteered to go, knowing the odds against survival, already bad, were now much worse. It hadn’t become a suicide mission, but it was close.
I suspect, sitting in the cockpit of Doolittle’s B-25, looking at a very, very short stretch of flight deck, pitching up and down in the heavy sea running at the time, Richard Cole was afraid. I suspect he wasn’t alone. But I’m also certain he focused on his job, which was to help Jimmy Doolittle get their B-25 off the deck of the USS Hornet. I know that, because every B-25 got off the deck of the Hornetand attacked Japan.
That moment in history, along with many others in those first grim months of the war that put America’s back to the wall, should have served as a warning to the dictatorships of Japan and Germany that democracy does not produce weaklings or cowards. Democracy produces men and women whose stake in their country is far greater, even immeasurably greater, than those who serve the whim of a single person. To die for the Emperor, or der Fuehrer, is to die for a man, however vainglorious the trappings of office. To risk your life for America is to put your life on the line for every single one of your compatriots, for all Americans, that the idea of America may survive. Not for a man. For the ideal.
I believe everyone on that mission understood that ideal. And now the last living link to that moment, that mission, is severed. But their willingness to risk that sacrifice, in that mission, in that moment, meant the survival of the ideal that is most truly America.
The damage done to Japan by the bombs of Doolittle’s Raiders was relatively insignificant. Japan itself barely noted the raid.
Imagine the effect, though, upon discouraged Americans, bludgeoned by one defeat after another, with the forces of the Axis seemingly unstoppable and triumphant, when banner headlines carried the news: TOKYO BOMBED!
The exaltation of a moment when hope is renewed, when faith is renewed, when belief is renewed, is something we should seek to understand and always remember. It shouldn’t be moments in a war, not alone. When justice prevails in this country, when freedom is renewed and strengthened for every American, when the future becomes brighter and more accessible to all, those are the moments when the ideal of America is clarified. And those are the moment from which we draw the courage to look down a heaving flight deck and fling ourselves into the unknown to keep that idea, that ideal, alive.
In an earlier post I wrote about Richard Cole and the cups the Doolittle Raiders drank from at their reunions. One by one, as the survivors of the mission and the war passed away, those cups were turned over. Now the last cup is turned, and the last living link to what it was like to fly off a carrier deck and bomb Japan, in what, truthfully, was no more than the sort of gesture that tells an enemy the fight isn’t over, that link is dissolved.
Now all we have is history too easily forgotten. For the last cup, the last living link, is turned over. Now we must all remember the meaning behind those cups.
For those of us who remember, though, thank you, Col. Cole. Thank you for drinking from the cup. Thank you, and all who were with you, for your part in America.
If you hang out with pilots for any length of time and the movies come up you’ll very likely hear the more or less unanimous opinion that Hollywood doesn’t make good movies about aviation.
I agree good aviation movies are few and far between, but it should be noted that an aviation movie is about people flying or otherwise involved with airplanes. An “aviation movie” should let the non-flying viewer glimpse what motivates otherwise normal people to learn to fly and deliberately, even eagerly, perform the unnatural act of flying.
Pilots don’t tend to talk about the faults in the story. That’s sort of secondary. They tend to focus on technical inaccuracies about the airplanes or the techniques of flying them. A particularly egregious example is a movie where a Spitfire pilot manages to break the speed of sound by “cross-controlling” – possibly a misunderstanding of the control reversal phenomenon experienced by some airplanes as they near Mach One – an event that, even at the time the film was made, was known to be not merely incorrect but something that would lead to the destruction of the aircraft and probably its pilot. Exceeding Mach One in a propeller-driven aircraft is an aerodynamic impossibility, anyway.
My personal favorite mistakes include identification of one type of airplane as another. The film “Midway” (1976) had aerial shots that identified an airplane with four engines (probably a C-130 Hercules) as a twin-engine PBY Catalina; a long shot of an aerial dogfight where the airplanes involved all appeared to have in-line engines, whereas all the airplanes at Midway had radial engines; or the scene where an American TBF torpedo bomber is identified as a Japanese “Kate” even though the white star of the US national insignia, as opposed to the red rising sun of Japan, is plainly visible.
Directors would probably argue, with some justice, that to most people an airplane is an airplane is an airplane and what the blank, they’ve all got wings, don’t they? So what difference does it make? Besides, it costs a lot of money to shoot those aerial scenes right. Look at Howard Hughes nearly going broke shooting “Hell’s Angels.”
So what’s the big deal?
Well…you don’t become a pilot unless flying means something to you beyond the ordinary, and given the vanishingly small percentage of people who actually become pilots, much less professional pilots, maybe it isn’t surprising that so few people understand why it’s important to pilots to get these “little details” right.
Because, you see, to pilots, especially professional pilots who may have lives riding on their skill and expertise, there’s no such thing as a small or unimportant detail. Little things can kill you.
So I suspect at least two reasons why pilots scowl at aviation movies. First, as noted, if overlooking details can result in damage, death, or disaster, then one can understand why pilots – the ones who tend to live longest, anyway – tend to acquire a thorough and painstaking knowledge of their craft and the airplanes they fly. It should also be understandable why pilots tend to be intolerant of mistakes and ignorance. Those can get you killed.
That seems pretty obvious, but there is a second reason, a little more subtle, and it involves the craft of writing a story. The fiction story usually requires something called “dramatic conflict” – a compelling reason, interesting to the reader, for the character or characters to be confronted with a problem to be solved. The detective story is a perfect example; the actions of the detective in solving the case carry the action of a story in a most satisfying way, if properly written.
If a pilot performs properly, aviation, from outside of the cockpit, appears uneventful, a transit between two points in varying degrees of comfort. Pilots work very hard indeed to achieve that level of apparent lack of drama.
When things go bad and pilots do what they’re supposed to do in an emergency, far more often than not dealing with the emergency, from outside the cockpit, still has that aura of the ordinary and uneventful. It’s not every day that Sully Sullenberger has to put an airliner into the Hudson, less than three minutes after departure, because both engines of his airplane ingest birds and flame out. I got a real kick out of listening to the tape of Sullenberger on the radio with the air traffic controllers. They’d ask him if he could reach this airport, or that airport, and Sully, being perhaps a tad busy, consistently replies with nothing more than “Unable.” That recording is available on YouTube. Listen to Sully’s voice. It’s the voice of a master at work.
Even more, it’s not every day that a flight crew is confronted with engine failure combined with hydraulic failure resulting in inoperative controls, a condition highly likely to lead to a catastrophic departure from controlled flight, as nearly happened to United Flight 232 on July 19, 1989. That crew, aided by a United Airlines training check airman who was aboard, gave new meaning to cliches like “used every trick in the book” and “snatched victory from the jaws of death.” Victory in this case meant most of the passengers survived the crash landing, when casualties could easily have been 100%. They survived because the members of the flight crew were consummate practitioners of their craft.
In aviation, dramatic conflict usually means death or the danger thereof. That’s how most people see it, anyway. Maybe that’s why pilots don’t like aviation movies. No one likes to be reminded of how things can go to pieces and leave you to pick up the mess, if you can. Especially when the blank-blank details are wrong. Some fool kid might think it was right, go try it, and end up in a smoking hole at the scene of the accident.
All of that being said I’m going to recommend the following five movies as good aviation films, maybe not always spot-on with details, but true at least in spirit. These films, to me, show something very close to what it means to be a pilot. Feel free to agree or disagree with my choices, and by all means make other recommendations.
“Spirit of St. Louis” (1957)
“Dawn Patrol” (1938)
“Only Angels Have Wings” (1939)
“The Bridges at Toko-Ri” (1954)
“I Wanted Wings” (1941)
Filed under Aviation, aviation fiction, characterization, Writing
Searching for Monsarrat
Some weeks ago I was in a used-book store – the only one surviving here in the metropolis of Hickory, NC – and the cover of a book caught my eye. The book itself was the memoir of a U-boat commander, but what caught my eye was the advertisement of a foreword by Nicholas Monsarrat.
Nicholas Monsarrat, as a young man, served as an officer of the Royal Navy during World War II, eventually commanding a frigate in the North Atlantic. He wrote a novel about it, titled The Cruel Sea, which was also the first of many books by Monsarrat that I read. Seeing his name made me think it would be interesting to reread The Cruel Sea, since I lost my copy in a move twenty years ago.
Alas, the used-book store didn’t have it. That was disappointing but not surprising. You don’t go to a used-book store for consistency, you go for the delightful surprise, now as much as forty years ago.
It also didn’t surprise me that Barnes & Noble (the only surviving big-box bookstore in my aforementioned metropolis of residence) didn’t have it. They have Hemingway, and occasionally such former lights of the literary scene as C.S. Forester or Robert A. Heinlein, but not The Cruel Sea nor anything else by Monsarrat, a man who enjoyed enormous success as a writer for three decades.
What did surprise me was that, although some few of Monsarrat’s books are available on Kindle, those few did not include The Cruel Sea.
I still remember taking home The Cruel Sea, and opening the first page. One of the things I love most about reading is how one can be in a different time or place, or even a different world, when one opens a book. That experience is what Monsarrat delivered. I spent the next few days aboard HM Corvette Compass Rose and HM Frigate Saltash. I learned something of why the sea is cruel, and men more cruel still. I learned about the convoy war in the North Atlantic, not as broad sweeping history, but from a skilled writer who was an eyewitness and distilled his experience into a message I haven’t forgotten to this day.
In subsequent years I took other voyages with Monsarrat. Not only did I learn why the sea was cruel, but I learned about policing in British Colonial Africa in The Tribe That Lost Its Head, and how a ship (well, a motor torpedo boat) could die of shame, of how a Kappillan of Malta led and comforted his people in time of war, and, finally, sorrowfully, of a Master Mariner who lived for centuries, only to see the lights go out on Nelson’s flagship after Trafalgar. That master mariner was supposed to sail on after Trafalgar, but Monsarrat died before he could complete the tale.
Mark Twain once wrote that if a writer is remembered more than 50 years after his death he’s a great writer indeed, and there may be some truth in that. Homer’s prose has endured for millennia, partly because The Iliad and The Odyssey are good stories, and partly, one suspects, because they provided accessible examples for generations of school-children to learn the Greek language. Would we know Homer today if it weren’t for the latter reason? Possibly; but we cannot be sure of what makes any given body of work endure, or even to exist in the first place. The process of writing requires time, and leisure time was hard to come by for most humans throughout the great majority of human history. It could also be that in any time there are few writers like Shakespeare, whose works are good enough to appeal and so create a market where preserving their work is profitable. Good enough, one might point out, to be printed and read in times when printing was a relatively expensive process,and books accordingly dear and so inaccessible to many even among the relatively educated.
So perhaps in this digital era when publishing is accessible to anyone who cares to make the relatively modest effort required to do so, the observable fact that writers come and go on an even shorter scale than a half-century should not surprise us.
But it is less than a half-century since Monsarrat died in 1981. As far as I can tell I was not the only one to think Monsarrat talented and worth reading. Perhaps not a Homer, nor yet a Shakespeare, even though both writers, apart from the demi-god status posterity has conferred upon them, might find Monsarrat a worthy colleague.
According to Wikipedia, The Cruel Sea is the only one of Monsarrat’s many novels that is still widely read. Perhaps; but if so you would never know from how hard it is to find. Doubtless there are a variety of reasons for that, but for me, I’d like to stand once more on the deck of Compass Rose in the freezing North Atlantic, or the sunnier route to Gibraltar, and see what insights age and experience bring to the reading.
What Charlie Davis Saw
Tag end of September at the Hickory Aviation Museum and a little bit of magic happened with the arrival of Madras Maiden, a B-17G owned by the Liberty Foundation.
When you get a chance just to see a B-17G, walk around it, go inside and spend some time at the crew stations, take that chance. If you get to talk to the crew, do it. Get to know some of the people that keep pieces of history like this alive. If you get a chance, help them work on the airplane! Maybe you don’t know anything about Wright radial engines, but I bet if you offer to help them wash the oil from those radial engines off the airplane they’ll be more than happy to let you.
I doubt I’ll ever get to fly a B-17, but at least I did get to sit in the pilot’s seat, and I’d like to thank John Hess of the Liberty Foundation for that. And John, as you probably figured out, I somehow managed to squeeze my over-large self into the left seat without bumping the controls or switches!
That’s how I got to see what Charlie Davis saw.
Shameless self-promotion: Charlie Davis is a character in my novels. He flies B-17s from the first book, Everything We Had, and continuing through the fourth book, Thanks for the Memories.
When, in the second book, A Snowball’s Chance, Charlie looked out over the left wing at that “blank-blank No. 1 engine,” here’s what he saw:
OK, OK. So in my mind’s eye I deleted the fuel truck and the ramp, the tower and the terminal and all that other stuff belonging to KHKY and the present day, and the wing was olive-drab all the way down, and the airplane was actually flying, enroute to Darwin from Del Monte Field on Mindanao, at a time when we were losing the war.
And so in my mind’s eye I looked ahead of the airplane to see what Charlie might see, and here it is:
So you have to ignore the jets at the right and the modern artificial horizon at the lower left corner, but I love the evening sun streaming in from the right. Up ahead of the instrument panel you see the astrodome, which was there only on the “E” and following models of the B-17. But imagine Al Stern sticking his head up into the astrodome to shoot the sun, and maybe grin at Charlie before returning to his navigator’s table.
You look to the right to check on your co-pilot, where so many of Charlie’s ill-fated co-pilots sat.
And there are things in this picture that wouldn’t be there in 1941 or 1942, but I hope most people realize that, among other things, the plastic water bottle wouldn’t be there.
Maybe it isn’t perfect. But going to Shiloh or Gettysburg, and looking at those carefully manicured and tended fields, that’s not the way it was on those bloody days that made those awful battles remembered.
Here’s what matters to me: I got to sit there and imagine, and, yes, dream a little bit.
If you get the chance, you should too, just to see what Charlie Davis and the real-life people I drew him from saw.
Thanks again, Madras Maiden. You really are the stuff of dreams.
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Medibio Announces Scientific Advisory Board
April 26, 2018 Asianet Pakistan Asean, General
Led by Board of Director Franklyn Prendergast, M.D., Ph.D. and Chief Medical Officer Archie Defillo, M.D.
Key external members include Martin Chapman, M.D.; Joel Ehrenkranz, M.D.; Mark A. Frye, M.D.; Lawrence Hunter, Ph.D.; Wallace Mendelson, M.D.; Marie Casey Olseth, M.D., and Giampaolo Perna, M.D., Ph.D.
SYDNEY, Australia and MINNEAPOLIS, April 25, 2018 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) — Medibio Limited (MEB or the Company) (ASX:MEB) (OTCQB:MDBIF), a mental health technology company confirms establishment of its Scientific Advisory Board (SAB).
Scientific Advisory Board Charter/Purpose
The Medibio Scientific Advisory Board is charged to advise the board of directors and executive leadership team on scientific matters involving the Company’s discovery and development of programs, including major internal projects, interactions with academic and other outside research organizations, and the acquisition of technologies. The SAB will assist directors and management to stay abreast of industry and mental health research developments, new technologies, and anticipate emerging concepts and trends in mental health, to help assure that Medibio leadership makes well informed choices in committing its resources.
The SAB will also advise the board on scientific matters involving the safety and effectiveness of the Company’s marketed products and will assist leadership to exercise reasonable oversight of product safety and medical risk management.
Jack Cosentino, CEO and Managing Director stated, “Our Scientific Advisory Board brings expertise in specialties ranging from computational informatics and neuroscience, to clinicians practicing in primary care and behavioral health. We are honored to have an advisory team with this high level of talent and experience guiding our scientific programs and advising our long-term strategic goals.”
Scientific Advisory Board Members
External Advisors:
Martin Chapman, MBBS FRANZCP is a psychiatrist and Fellow of the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Psychiatrists. As a medical administrator he has worked in both hospital and community settings in private and government sectors. His clinical practice is in the area of treatment resistant mood and anxiety disorders. He has taught in undergraduate and postgraduate Psychiatry with a focus in assisting primary care physicians in their management of mental health conditions. He has an interest in mental health system development and the role of new technologies in streamlining and providing clinical decision support.
Joel R. Ehrenkranz, M.D. is an endocrinologist on the faculty of the U. of Colorado School of Medicine and biotech entrepreneur in Salt Lake City, Utah. He received his M.D. from Stanford and trained in internal medicine at Columbia University, neurology at Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, and endocrinology at the N.I.H.
Mark A. Frye, M.D. is chair of the Department of Psychiatry and Psychology at Mayo Clinic. He also serves as director of the Mayo Clinic Depression Center. Dr. Frye received his M.D. from the University of Minnesota and completed his psychiatric training at the Semel Institute for Neuroscience and Human Behavior at the David Geffen School of Medicine at UCLA. He subsequently completed a fellowship at the National Institute of Mental Health in Bethesda, Maryland with a research focus on the neurobiology of treatment resistant depression and bipolar disorder.
Lawrence Hunter, Ph.D. is a Professor at the University of Colorado and directs the Computational Bioscience Program. He earned his degrees from Yale University, including B.A. in Psychology (cum laude); M.S. and M. Phil. and Ph.D. in Computer Science.
Wallace Mendelson, M.D. is a psychiatrist and author, and was formerly Professor of Psychiatry and Clinical Pharmacology, and director of the Sleep Research Laboratory, at the University of Chicago. Dr. Mendelson earned an MD degree from Washington University School of Medicine in St. Louis and completed a residency in psychiatry there as well. He has held professorships at Ohio State University and the State University of New York at Stony Brook, was Chief of the Section on Sleep Studies at the National Institute of Mental Health in Bethesda, MD, and Director of the Sleep Disorders Center at the Cleveland Clinic.
Marie Casey Olseth, M.D. is currently in private practice as a Board Certified Adult Psychiatrist in the group practice that she owns. She earned her Doctor of Medicine degree from the University of Minnesota Medical School and completed her residency in General Psychiatry at the University of Minnesota and University of Wisconsin, Madison.
Giampaolo Perna, M.D., Ph.D. is currently Chair of the Department of Clinical Neurosciences at San Benedetto Menni Hospital of the Hermanas Hospitalarias (Como Lake) and Academic Coordinator of Mental Health Area and Adjunct Professor at Humanitas University (Milan), in Italy. He earned his degree in Medicine and Surgery at the State University of Milan, followed by a Ph.D. and completed a residency in Psychiatry there as well. He is the Chair of WPA section on personalized psychiatry and Co-editor in chief of the Elsevier Journal “Personalized Medicine in Psychiatry”.
Internal Advisors:
Archie Defillo, M.D. is currently the Chief Medical Officer at Medibio Limited. He has over 25 years of clinical experience with neurological diseases. For the past 13 years his efforts have been focused in neurological research. His research interests include cerebrovascular, stroke, neuro-trauma, brain oxygenation, metabolism and autonomic dysfunction.
Peta Slocombe, M.S. is a fully registered Psychologist, member of the Australian Psychological Society and a registered National Health Practitioner with over 20 years’ experience. She is currently Senior Vice President, Corporate Health with Medibio Limited.
Franklyn Prendergast, M.D., Ph.D. is currently a director on the Medibio Limited board and chair of the Scientific Advisory Board. Previously, he was the Emeritus Edmond and Marion Guggenheim Professor of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology and Emeritus Professor of Molecular Pharmacology and Experimental Therapeutics, Mayo Medical School, to its Physician Advisory Board.
Dr. Prendergast earned his medical degree with honors from the University of West Indies. He attended Oxford University as a Rhodes Scholar, where he earned his masters degree in Physiology. After completing residency in Internal medicine at The Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minnesota he earned a doctorate degree Biochemistry from the University of Minnesota/Mayo Graduate School.
Positions held: Chair, Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology; Director for Research Mayo Clinic (Rochester) (1989-1992). Board of Governors Mayo Clinic in Rochester; Mayo Clinic Board of Trustees (1992-2009); Mayo Clinic Board of Governors (1999-2006). Mayo Distinguished Investigator; Emeritus Director, Mayo Clinic Comprehensive Cancer Center and Mayo Center for Individualized Medicine.
In addition to his current role as a director on the Medibio board and chair of the Scientific Advisory Board, Dr. Prendergast holds numerous appointments with Industry and Extramural academic affiliations. He has extensive interactions over many years with National Institutes of Health (NIH): Board of Advisors for the Division of Research Grants; National Advisory General Medical Sciences Council; Board of Scientific Advisors of the National Cancer Institute; and the National Cancer Advisory Board.
About Medibio
Medibio (ASX:MEB) (OTCQB:MDBIF) is a mental health technology company that has pioneered the use of objective biometrics to assist in the screening, diagnosing, monitoring and management of depression and other mental health conditions. The company offers comprehensive mental health solutions for business through its Corporate Health programs and is developing products to serve both the consumer and regulated healthcare provider markets. The company was founded in Australia, with offices located in Melbourne (Vic), Perth (WA), and U.S. offices in Minneapolis, MN. Medibio is listed on the Australian Securities Exchange Ltd and trades on the OTCQB Venture Market. Investors can find additional information on www.otcmarkets.com and www.asx.com.au.
Website: www.medibio.com.au
Medibio Shareholder Enquiries:
Stephanie Ottens
Investor Relations Director
Medibio Limited
stephanie.ottens@medibio.com.au
Australian Media Enquiries:
NWR Communications
peter@nwrcommunications.com.au
JDS DEVELOPMENT GROUP ได้รับทุนก่อสร้าง 137 ล้านดอลลาร์จาก MADISON REALTY CAPITAL สำหรับโครงการคอนโดมิเนียมริมหาด Miami ที่โดดเด่นไม่เหมือนใคร MONAD TERRACE
CrownBio Launches New Humanized Target Model for Immunotherapy
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Quazi Nurul Hasan
Role : Allrounder
Bowls :
DOB : November 21, 1993, Khulna
Nurul Hasan played at the U-19 level for 3 years and was part of the U-19 World Cup team that won the Plate championship in 2010. He also played World Cups 2012. His breakthrough came in the 2013-14 season of the National Cricket League, in which he made 489 runs, averaging 81.50 with two centuries. It helped him earn a spot in the Bangladesh-A side and be recognized as a solid performer in domestic cricket. The next year, he made his debut for Dhaka division. He was acclaimed for his wicket keeping in the domestic arena. In the 2013-14 domestic season, his first-class average was almost 82, and aggregated a total of 489 runs.
After a fairly good tournament with Sylhet Super Stars in the 2015 season of the Bangladesh Premier League, Nurul was called-up for the T20I series against Zimbabwe in January 2016. He played a late cameo in the third game of his debut series and scored 30 off just 17 deliveries, but that innings couldn't stop Zimbabwe from winning the match. A hamstring injury to Mushfiqur Rahim allowed Nurul to make his ODI debut in December 2016 and Test debut in January 2017, against New Zealand.
tests 1 2 0 47 47 23.50 100 47.00 0 0 5 0 2 0
ODIs 2 2 0 68 44 34.00 70 97.14 0 0 4 2 2 1
T20Is 9 8 4 78 30* 19.50 63 123.80 0 0 9 0 2 4
firstClass 59 88 14 3016 182* 40.75 4420 68.23 6 16 340 39 146 27
listA 59 54 8 1287 108 27.97 1455 88.45 1 4 112 19 47 23
tests 1 - - - - - - - - - - -
ODIs 2 - - - - - - - - - - -
T20Is 9 - - - - - - - - - - -
firstClass 59 5 36 36 1 1/3 1/3 36.00 6.00 0 0 0
listA 59 - - - - - - - - - - -
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[PHOTOS] Indonesia vs China: Adrian Mattheis, Li Zhe fight at ‘ONE: Masters of Destiny’ in Malaysia
[PHOTOS] Thailand vs China: Nong-o Gaiyanghadao, Han Zi Hao fight at ‘ONE: Clash of Legends’ in Bangkok, Thailand
Brandon Ng is Singapore’s first ever WBC Muay Thai Welterweight National Champions at ‘SFC 7: Eight Limbs’
Eduard Folayang, Shinya Aoki face off at ‘ONE: A New Era’ press conference in Tokyo, Japan
By Conan Altatis on March 28, 2019 • ( Leave a comment )
Eduard Folayang, Shinya Aoki (© ONE Championship)
28 March 2019 – Tokyo, Japan: The largest global sports media property in Asian history, ONE Championship™ (ONE), recently held the official ONE: A NEW ERA Kick-Off Press Conference on March 28, 2019 at the Ritz Carlton in Tokyo, Japan. In attendance were main event competitors, reigning ONE Lightweight World Champion Eduard “Landslide” Folayang and the challenger, former titleholder Shinya “Tobikan Judan” Aoki, who were both accompanied by Chairman and CEO of ONE Championship, Mr. Chatri Sityodtong.
Also in attendance were competitors in three co-main events, including ONE Women’s Strawweight World Champion “The Panda” Xiong Jing Nan and her challenger, ONE Women’s Atomweight World Champion “Unstoppable” Angela Lee, ONE Middleweight World Champion “The Burmese Python” Aung La N Sang who defends his title against Ken Hasegawa, ONE Bantamweight World Champion Kevin “The Silencer” Belingon who puts his belt on the line against the legendary Bibiano “The Flash” Fernandes, and finally, Demetrious “Mighty Mouse” Johnson and Eddie “The Underground King” Alvarez who are set to make their ONE Championship debuts.
Chatri Sityodtong, Chairman and CEO of ONE Championship, stated: “We don’t sell fights like every other organization in the world. We build heroes who ignite the world with hope, strength, dreams, and inspiration. This is ONE Championship. As a lifelong martial artist, I want the world to see the true beauty of martial arts. Our heroes, our World Champions, they exemplify the very best of humanity. I am very excited to be here in Japan. We are the only truly global sports media property in Asia celebrating our greatest cultural treasure, martial arts. ONE: A NEW ERA is the biggest martial arts event in the history of the world.”
Eduard Folayang, ONE Lightweight World Champion, stated: “I am well-prepared for this bout. I am so happy to be here in Japan for this historic event. I know Shinya [Aoki] has prepared well also and I am expecting the very best from him. This rematch is three years in the making. It’s an honor to face Shinya again. I believe this event is going to be explosive. History will be made.”
Shinya Aoki, ONE World Title Challenger, stated: “I am thankful that ONE Championship is in my home country. This is a great step forward for martial arts in Japan. I am laser focused for this coming match. I’ve trained very hard for my opponent. This Sunday night, I am confident I can achieve victory and become World Champion once again.”
Xiong Jing Nan, ONE Women’s Strawweight World Champion, stated: “I will face a tough opponent in Angela Lee, but I am confident I can defend my title. Sunday, Angela and I will bring the best of us. I would like to say thank you for the opportunity to compete and showcase my skills on such a huge platform. I want to give the fans a fight they will never forget.”
Angela Lee, ONE Women’s Atomweight World Champion, stated: “We’ve been training for Xiong Jing Nan for a while now. I think her style and my style match up perfectly. We’re both very aggressive. Going for this second World Title at strawweight is a dream I’ve had for a long time. Thank you so much for the warm welcome, Japan. I am so excited. This Sunday, 31 March, history will be made.”
Aung La N Sang, ONE Middleweight World Champion, stated: “It’s an honor and a dream come true for me to be fighting here in Japan. I want to thank Japan for the hospitality. Ken Hasegawa is a worthy opponent and I can’t wait to run it back with him. This is going to be a fight that fans will definitely enjoy. I am super excited to put on a show for you all this Sunday.”
Ken Hasegawa, ONE World Title Challenger, stated: “This rematch is very important for my career. Last year, we did battle and I gave everything I had. This time, I plan to do the same. I am willing to do whatever it takes to win. Aung La N Sang is an amazing champion, but I plan to shock the world this Sunday.”
Kevin Belingon, ONE Bantamweight World Champion, stated: “This is my first time fighting in Japan, and I’m very happy to be here. I know how important this third fight is with Bibiano [Fernandes]. I’ve trained very hard and fans will be happy with my performance. Looking back at our previous encounters, I know my opponent well now. I think he knows who I am also. I’m looking forward to putting on another show and hopefully get the knockout.”
Bibiano Fernandes, ONE World Title Challenger, stated: “Kevin [Belingon] is a great champion. He has earned everything he has now, and I’m happy for him. But I really truly believe I won the first fight. In this third fight, I’m going to take the belt back. I’m going to prove to everyone that I’m still the best in the world and start a new reign as World Champion.”
Eddie Alvarez, ONE Athlete, stated: “I am focused on my opponent, Timofey [Nastyukhin]. I asked for the most dangerous guy, and I got him. I’ve trained very hard for this fight. My mind and body are ready. I’m looking at that shiny belt right there, it’s the only one I don’t have. That’s the goal. Whatever it takes, however long it takes, my goal is to win the ONE Championship World Title.”
Demetrious Johnson, ONE Athlete, stated: “This is the next step in my evolution as an athlete. It should be interesting. For me it’s a long time coming, fighting in front of my Japanese fan base. I’m not taking Yuya Wakamatsu lightly. I just want to go out there and do what I do best, be the best Demetrious Johnson I can be.”
For more updates on ONE Championship, please visit www.onefc.com, follow us on Twitter and Instagram @ONEChampionship, and like us on Facebook at https://www.facebook.com/ONEChampionship.
Tagged as: Eduard Folayang, ONE Championship, ONE: A New Era, Shinya Aoki
Is Team Lakay’s Danny Kingad stronger than Senzo Ikeda?
Dumaguete to host Visayas Camp of Jr. NBA Philippines presented by Alaska on March 30-31, 2019
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Heavenly Ski Resort & Gondola
#8 in Best Things To Do in Lake Tahoe
Courtesy of the Lake Tahoe Visitors Authority
3860 Saddle Rd.
Recreation, Skiing Type
More than Full Day Time to Spend
With its summit soaring 10,067 feet above sea level (the highest peak in Lake Tahoe), this wildly popular resort truly is heavenly. And it's the only ski area located on the southern shores of Lake Tahoe. It offers more than 4,600 skiable acres – with runs appropriate for all levels – as well as two snowboard parks, nearly 30 lifts and a 50-passenger aerial tram. The Heavenly Resort also offers daycare programs and children's ski lessons, so feel free to bring the kids along.
Despite Heavenly's incredible runs, its main draw is not its fresh powder but rather its soaring Heavenly Gondola. These suspended cable cars carry passengers more than 2 miles through the mountains to a 9,200-foot-high observation deck. Rides will cost you a small fortune ($58 for adults, $35 for kids), but travelers agree that the experience is a must for first-time visitors. In addition, in the summer at the resort's Epic Discovery adventure area, visitors can enjoy ropes courses, zip lines, a mountain coaster, climbing walls, tubing and guided hiking tours. Book the Ultimate Adventure Pass to try them all for $99 (or $74 for those shorter than 54 inches), which also includes the gondola ride.
Heavenly Ski Resort sits less than 5 miles east of South Lake Tahoe. Lift tickets and lodging can be expensive, so book in advance and check the resort's website for online deals. During the winter ski season, lifts run from 9 a.m. to 4 p.m. on weekdays and open 30 minutes earlier on weekends. The resort's other activities have separate hours of operation. If you don't have your own set of wheels, there is a shuttle that service the resort – the Tahoe Transportation District Heavenly ski shuttle, which makes stops at most accommodations in South Tahoe. For more information, including lift ticket prices and packages, check out Heavenly Resort's website.
Hotels near Heavenly Ski Resort & Gondola »
See all Hotels in Lake Tahoe »
More Best Things To Do in Lake Tahoe
Hiking, Parks and Gardens, Recreation, Free Type
#1 Emerald Bay State Park
Carved millions of years ago by passing glaciers, this state park is a must-see for anyone looking to experience Lake Tahoe's beauty. Sheltered by towering trees, this inlet along the southwest shore of Lake Tahoe is known for its colorful granite cliffs and stunning panoramas. Follow Highway 89 south from Tahoe City (about 20 miles) or north from South Lake Tahoe (about 10 miles) and you'll come across the Emerald Bay Lookout, the park's crown jewel. And you should make sure you have a camera on hand – the scenery is breathtaking and travelers say there are photo opportunities everywhere you turn.
But staring off into the sunset isn't the only thing to do here. Emerald Bay State Park is also home to several attractions. Budding geologists can hop a boat out to Fannette Island (the only island on Lake Tahoe) where evidence of glacial activity abounds. If you're into history, a stop at Vikingsholm is a must: Built in the 1920s, this former summer home is one of the best examples of Scandinavian architecture in the country. Plus, many of the materials used to construct Vikingsholm came from the Lake Tahoe area, making this mansion an authentic part of the landscape. Adults can tour the home for $10 (children ages 7 to 17 and college student pay $8). Getting to the house takes a bit of doing. After parking in the Vikingshom parking lot by Highway 89 at Emerald Bay, visitors must hike via a steep 1-mile trail that drops 500 feet in elevation. Those with medical conditions or mobility issues are advised not to attempt this hike.
Howcheng/Wikimedia Commons
See full list of Best Things To Do in Lake Tahoe »
Explore More of Lake Tahoe
#2 in Best Places to Visit in Canada
#5 in Best Places to Visit in Switzerland
#5 in Best Places to Visit in Colorado
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The Alamo
#2 in Best Things To Do in San Antonio
Dean Fikar/Shutterstock
300 Alamo Plaza
Churches/Religious Sites, Sightseeing, Free Type
If there's one thing San Antonio is known for, it's the Alamo. Once a Franciscan mission, it was here that 189 Texans fought and lost their lives in 1836 during a 13-day siege by Mexican ruler, President Antonio López de Santa Anna. The fight sparked Texas' struggle for independence and today, the Alamo stands as a tribute to these men, displaying artifacts belonging to some of the Alamo's most famous defenders, including Davy Crockett and James Bowie. Once you've finished visiting the Alamo (either on your own or by guided tour), head around back where a small museum and research library offer further insight into the siege. Alternatively, take a pass through the gift shop, where you can find a variety of souvenirs to help you "Remember the Alamo."
Recent visitors said the site can get rather busy, so try to visit early in the morning or later in the evening. Most visitors also agree that even when it's packed with tourists, the Alamo is a must-see in San Antonio.
Located in the heart of downtown San Antonio, the Alamo is open daily from 9 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., with extended hours late May through early September until 7 p.m. Admission to the grounds is free, but if you're interested in booking a tour it will cost anywhere from $7 to $40 depending on which package you select. The best way to get to the Alamo is by bus (all three VIVA buses stop at the site) or car, and a visit to the Alamo would pair well with a stop at the River Walk, just west of the site. For more information, visit the Alamo website.
Hotels near The Alamo »
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More Best Things To Do in San Antonio
Parks and Gardens, Free Type
#1 Brackenridge Park
When the River Walk seems too busy, seek refuge from the heat and the swarms of tourists in Brackenridge Park. Its 343 acres offer much in the way of relaxation: rustic stone bridges and shaded walkways are perfect for strolling, and the Japanese Tea Garden and San Antonio Botanical Garden beckon to botanists. Dress casual so you can take advantage of Brackenridge's jogging trails, golf course and athletic fields. The park also hosts outdoor concerts in the natural Sunken Garden Theater. In and around the park, you'll also find popular attractions like the San Antonio Zoo and the Witte Museum.
Past visitors appreciated the park's train, which runs through the zoo and offers an excellent opportunity to get around the large area. They also recommend bringing some bird seed to feed the ducks that float down the San Antonio River.
dave_stone/Flickr
See full list of Best Things To Do in San Antonio »
Explore More of San Antonio
#12 in Best Fall Vacations
#1 in Best Weekend Getaways in New England
Dallas – Fort Worth
#4 in Best Places to Visit in Texas
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Do People in the Philippines Appreciate What the US Does for (to) Them?
Liza Maza,
Women’s Organizing for Peace in the Philippines
(Speech delivered as a part of Women Cross the DMZ events at the Women’s Peace Symposium on May 26, 2015, in Seoul, Korea)
Greetings of peace to all especially to the courageous and joyous women who are gathered here today calling for Peace and Reunification of Korea! Let me also convey to you the warm wishes of solidarity from GABRIELA Philippines and the International Women’s Alliance (IWA), a global alliance of grassroots women’s organizations.
I am honored to speak before you today to share the experiences of Filipino women in organizing for peace in my country. I have been with the parliament of the state as representative of the Gabriela Women’s Party to the Philippine Congress for nine years and in the parliament of the streets as a feminist activist of the GABRIELA Women’s Coalition for half my lifetime. I will talk about the work of peace building of my organization, GABRIELA.
Get the latest news and thought-provoking analysis from Truthout.
Having been colonized by Spain for 300 years, by the US for more than 40 years and occupied by Japan during WWII, the Filipino people have a long history of struggle for peace that is inextricably linked to the struggle for national sovereignty, social justice and genuine freedom. The Filipino women were at the forefront of these struggles and played important and leading roles.
Despite formal independence in 1946, our country remains a neo-colony of the US. The US still dominates our economic, political, and socio-cultural life. One of the most telling manifestations of such control was the US occupation for almost a century of our prime lands to maintain its military facilities including two of its largest military bases outside its territory – the Subic Bay Naval base and the Clark Air base. These bases served as springboard for US interventionist war in Korea, Vietnam and the Middle East.
The sites of these US bases became haven for the ‘rest and recreation’ industry where women and children’s bodies were sold in prostitution for a price of a hamburger; where women were viewed as mere sex objects and the culture of violence against women pervaded; and where thousands of Amer-Asian children were left impoverished and abandoned by their American fathers.
In addition to these social costs, the US has not owned up responsibility for cleaning up the toxic wastes left after the bases were removed in 1991 and for the health hazards these wastes continue to pose to the people in the community. And like in the camp towns in South Korea, innumerable cases of crimes including murder, rape and sexual abuse were committed with impunity by US troops with many of these cases not even reaching the courts.
These compelling realities are the very reasons why we oppose the presence of US military bases and troops in the Philippines and beyond. We believe that there can never be long and lasting peace as long as we are under the control of the US or any other foreign power. And we cannot have a free and sovereign state with the presence of foreign troops on our land.
The women brought into the anti-bases argument the discourse on the social costs of the bases and why the removal of the US bases and troops is important for women. GABRIELA, the biggest progressive alliance of women’s organizations in the Philippines which was organized in 1984 at the height of the anti-Marcos dictatorship movement brought the issue of prostitution of women around the base areas and the puppetry of the dictator to US interests. Marcos was deposed in a people power that became a model to the world. The Philippines subsequently passed the 1987 Constitution with clear provisions against the presence of foreign troops, bases and nuclear weapons on our soil.
The historic Senate rejection of a new treaty that would extend the Military Bases Agreement with the United States beyond 1991 was another victory for women. Leading up to the Senate vote, women conducted massive information campaigns, held pickets, demonstrations, caravans, die-ins, lobby work and networking both locally and internationally to pressure the government to reject the treaty. The efforts of the women and the broad anti-bases movement finally led to the termination of the bases agreement.
But our struggle continues. In flagrant violation of our Constitution, the US in collusion with the Philippine government was able to reassert its military presence through the Visiting Forces Agreement of 1998 and the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement of 2014, agreements that are more dangerous than the previous agreement they replaced. These agreements allow the US military free and unhampered use of virtually the entire Philippines for its basing needs and for rapid forward deployment of its forces as part of the US pivot to Asia policy. This heightening US military presence is also happening here in South Korea, Japan, Vietnam, Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, Pakistan, and Australia among others.
Filipino women at the grassroots – the rural and indigenous women, workers, youth and students, housewives, professionals, religious and other sectors continue to organize. The women are aware that massive poverty and hunger and the marginalization, discrimination and violence against women are intensified by the policies of imperialist globalization which is carried out, propped up and sustained by militarization and war.
Furthermore, the policy of militarization and war diverts the much needed funds and resources that could have been used to create jobs for the 10 million unemployed and underemployed; to build homes for the 22 million homeless; to build school buildings, day care centers for children and crisis centers for women, and hospitals and health clinics in remote villages; to provide free education, health and reproductive care and other social services for the poor; and to develop our agriculture and industry.
We build long and lasting peace that is based on social justice and where women participate in the process and not the peace based on silencing the poor and powerless that militarist and war mongers do.
In conclusion, let me take this opportunity to convey the Filipino women’s solidarity with the women of Korea. Our fathers and brothers were also sent to fight the Korean War and our grandmothers and mothers were also victims and survivors as comfort women during the Japanese occupation. We share this memory of war and women’s exploitation, oppression and abuse. But today we also affirm our collective memory of struggle against all these as we persist and continue to work for peace in both our countries, in our Asian region and the world.
Liza Maza
Liza Maza is a former Congresswoman representing Gabriela Women’s Party to the Philippine House of Representatives, and Chairperson of the International Women’s Alliance (IWA). She has been a key part of GABRIELA’s Purple Rose Campaign, a global campaign to end sex trafficking in Filipino women and children.
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Video: Show This To Wavering Voters In States With Marriage Equality on the Ballot
Wayne Besen November 05, 2012
One of the failings of the LGBT community has been an inability to articulate why we want equality. By not boldly stating who we are and eloquently — and patiently — explaining our goals, challenges, and dreams, we have allowed bigots to define our noble quest as a grab for “special rights.” We have ceded the field to soulless, amoral mercenaries like Frank Schubert, the strategist behind California’s Prop. 8 and current marriage battles on the ballot.
Speaking of which, voters will decide the future of our families tomorrow in four states. In Maine, Minnesota, Maryland, and Washington State our humanity will be put up for a vote — as if our lives are reduced to a popularity contest and we are contestants on American Idol. I think it’s disgusting that my marriage is up for a vote. No one should have the right to decide my basic rights or whether I can protect my family from harm.
How the hell would these people feel if the validity of their marriage was in the hands of voters?
Unfortunately, we live in America — the land of the free — if you are clever enough to persuade people that you are worthy of dignity and equality. So, given the circumstances, we have to educate people and then motivate them to vote for what is right and decent. They won’t do it on their own.
This video is a good place to start. Please send it to any friends or family members in the four states with marriage battles. It is imperative that we win at least one of these fights to deny the mercenaries the talking point that they represent “the will of the people.”
When people know who we are and what we are about — they support equality. Let’s do our part to make sure they are informed when they enter the voting booth. While the process of voting for rights is unAmerican, maybe the results can showcase the best of this country. But it’s up to year dear readers.
gay marraigeMaineMarylandMinnesota marriage amendmentWashington
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>Scientists Scramble to Bridge the Uncertainty Gap in Climate Science (N.Y. Times)
11/11/2010 ciência, clima, Incerteza, meteorologia, mudança climática, opinião pública, poder, previsãorenzotaddei
By AMANDA PETERKA of Greenwire
Skeptics of climate change — a good number of them about to take seats in Congress — often point to uncertainties or holes in the science as reasons for delaying or not taking action.
But uncertainty is the modus operandi of science, as Vaughan Turekian, chief international officer at the American Association for the Advancement of Science, describes it. Scientists report not only what is known but to what degree it is known.
“Science is never an open and closed case,” Turekian said.
Still, there is a fundamental difference between the way the public and policymakers see uncertainty and the way scientists do, which creates a gap that needs constant bridging, scientists say.
“When scientists talk about results they rarely focus on the things they know with great certainty. It seems counterintuitive to people who are not scientists, talking so much about what we don’t know,” said James McCarthy, a professor of oceanography at Harvard University.
“If you were to hear someone say, ‘I know with 100 percent certainty that the Earth’s climate will change or not,’ that would be a statement to walk away from because you would know right away that a scientist hasn’t made that statement.”
There are several coordinated efforts under way to bridge the gap. John Abraham, an associate engineering professor at Minnesota’s St. Thomas University, is creating a “climate rapid response team” of scientists who are open to addressing the politics of global warming. The American Geophysical Union, separately, is establishing a bank of climate scientists to serve as experts on global warming.
It is probably no coincidence that policy debates involving environmental issues have often been long and contentious. A number of environmental debates, including those over acid rain and the depletion of the ozone layer, have centered on scientific uncertainties.
Judith Curry, chairwoman of the School of Earth and Atmospheric Sciences at the Georgia Institute of Technology, blames climate scientists. She said the reason uncertainty has been especially played up in climate science is because “climate scientists were so vehement in their overconfidence, which just didn’t stand up given the complexity of the problem. … Trying to hide uncertainties just ends up compromising the scientists and confusing the policymaking process.”
Uncertainty, she said, should be used as information in the decisionmaking process. But for lawmakers, it is not easy to incorporate uncertainty into policy or to prove to constituents that an action is necessary. Moreover, the public is not well aware of how uncertainty is handled in science, according to Robert Costanza, director of the Institute for Sustainable Solutions at Portland State University In Oregon.
“That’s part of the problem, and that’s why the public opinion can be so easily manipulated because of that lack of basic understanding,” he said.
Government mechanisms
In the 1970s and 1980s, the United States had an Office of Technology Assessment, which analyzed complex scientific concepts, producing studies for Congress on subjects like the nation’s energy future and ecosystem management and giving advice on how to address issues. The office was defunded during the anti-big government wave that followed the release of the 1994 Republican document called “Contract with America” and the Republican takeover of the Senate during the first term of the Clinton administration.
Many other countries in Europe still have similar mechanisms, though, to assess the quality of scientific information. It is something the United States should consider again, said Thomas Dietz, vice chairman of the science panel in America’s Climate Choices, a study done by the National Academy of Sciences.
“We need to have a mechanism to take scientific understanding and make it available both to policymakers and to the public,” said Dietz, assistant vice president for environmental research at Michigan State University. “A lot of issues we don’t seem to have much space for a public discussion that doesn’t become heated and a matter of talking points and pundits.”
Scientists are waiting for integrity standards to come out of the Office of Science and Technology Policy, required by President Obama in a March 2009 executive order and a year-and-a-half overdue. Public Employees for Environmental Responsibility recently filed a lawsuit to obtain documents relating to the overdue standards. Without them, it has been difficult for government agencies to agree on policies for transparency, collaboration and public participation in data gathering and decisionmaking based on that data.
With the lack of government mechanisms, boosting science education in the United States might help the public understand the state of science and how to make decisions in the face of uncertainty, Dietz said. The most recent World Economic Forum report ranked the United States 48th in math and science education.
Strengthening science education, agreed Turekian, would strength critical thinking. And that, he said, is necessary to understand the complexity around climate change because the better you understand how scientific information is gathered, the better you understand the information itself.
“When you think about critical thinking, you don’t take as given either facts or counterfacts that are just imposed on you,” he said. “Rather, you take the time to sort of critically assess which uncertainties are more important and which uncertainties have nothing to do with the broader trends.”
The broader trends, he said, are understood: If atmospheric carbon dioxide is increased, there will be certain increases in temperature. The uncertainties that need more understanding are the feedback effects from increasing temperature, such as what warming would do to the makeup of clouds, and if clouds would lead to even more warming if they change.
That level of detail does not need to be known to put in place measures akin to insurance policies to guard against the range of effects, scientists tend to agree, though they also tend to stay out of the policy debate.
Costanza has tried to combine a precautionary principle with a polluter-pays principle in incorporating uncertainty into policy. The concept can also apply to environmental disasters like oil spills.
In his idea, companies that pollute or emit carbon dioxide must take out bonds that cover worst-case scenarios that would be held until uncertainty is removed. This would create an incentive for emitters to reduce uncertainty by funding independent research or adopting cleaner practices.
“If they don’t see it in financial terms, they’re going to try to avoid it or manage or manipulate the uncertainty rather than reducing it,” he said. “All it takes is a little muddying of the water so there’s not a clear answer to delay action for years and years. It takes a lot less money and effort to muddy the water than it does to clear the water.”
Copyright 2010 E&E Publishing. All Rights Reserved.
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Jonathan Wolman, Detroit News editor, former AP exec, dies
Published Mon Apr 15 2019 16:56:31 GMT+0000 (UTC)
by By DAVID CRARY
Jonathan Wolman, who over more than 45 years in journalism served as editor and publisher of The Detroit News and previously worked as a reporter, Washington bureau chief and executive editor at The Associated Press, died Monday in Detroit. He was 68.
His family told the News that Wolman died of complications from pancreatic cancer.
Wolman had been editor and publisher of the News since 2007, running the newspaper during a financially challenging period that included staff layoffs, a cutback to only two days a week of home delivery, and a relocation from the massive headquarters building that it had occupied for nearly a century.
However, Detroit — even as it careened into and then out of bankruptcy in 2013-14 — has survived as one of a shrinking number of U.S. cities with more than one major daily newspaper. The News has a joint operating agreement with its rival, the Detroit Free Press, in which the newspapers consolidate business operations while fielding separate editorial staffs.
"Jon came to Detroit at a time of incredible uncertainty, not only for the News, but for the industry," said the News' managing editor, Gary Miles. "He was a steadying, calming influence who put a priority on the big picture: the accuracy and fairness of our news report."
Miles recalled Wolman's "painstaking analysis" as the paper's management grappled with budget cuts and staff reductions. Even amid the austerity, Miles said, Wolman oversaw expansion of the paper's investigative and projects unit, and maintained a strong focus on national and world news at a time when many regional papers were cutting back.
"He was incredibly kind," Miles said. "Some decisions clearly pained him. But he kept the long-term interests of the News, its staff and its readers, paramount."
Peter Bhatia, editor of the Free Press, praised Wolman as "a magnificent person and an outstanding journalist."
"He has kept his newspaper relevant and engaged in the community and has been a fierce and appropriate advocate for the News in its partnership with the Free Press," Bhatia said.
Wolman's tenure in Detroit encompassed one of the most turbulent periods in the city's history. The bankruptcy filing was preceded by years of plummeting population and tax base; more recently there's been an incomplete but inspiring recovery.
Wolman came to Detroit from Denver, where for three years he was editor of the Denver Post's editorial page.
Prior to his job in Denver, Wolman had a nearly 31-year career with AP, starting in 1973 as a reporter in Madison, Wisconsin.
From 1975 until late 1998, he worked at AP's Washington bureau, rising from reporter to news editor to a powerful bureau chief who focused coverage squarely on politics, the White House and campaigns. He held that post for nearly 10 years before moving to New York to become AP's managing editor, and was promoted to executive editor in May 2000.
In 1981, he was praised by AP managing editor Wick Temple for overseeing coverage of the space shuttle Columbia's first flight.
"Jon pulled it together from all sites, got no bylines and worked 22 hours a day," Temple wrote to other AP managers. "He was a delight."
Later, Wolman helped oversee AP's 1999 Pulitzer Prize-winning report about the 1950 No Gun Ri massacre during the Korean War, as well as AP's coverage of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.
But it was political coverage that was Wolman's career-long obsession and his focus as a journalist.
Some colleagues suggest that one of his finest moments came late on Election Night in 2000, when it was clear that the presidential race between George W. Bush and Al Gore had come down to the closely fought state of Florida. At 2:16 a.m. on Nov. 8, Fox News Channel declared Bush the winner in Florida, and within minutes NBC, CBS, CNN and ABC did the same. The AP said the race was still too close to name a winner.
Wolman, then AP's New York-based executive editor, was in the Washington office at the time while his successor as bureau chief, Sandy Johnson, faced intense pressure to join the networks in calling the election for Bush. But based on input from experienced colleagues, Johnson knew the Florida outcome wasn't clear and stood her ground; Wolman backed her completely. Many news organizations, including AP, had already had to backtrack once after exit polls and an analysis of early returns wrongly indicated that Gore had won Florida.
"He could have pulled rank on Sandy and called it — but that night he knew he was working for her," said Ron Fournier, whose byline was on the main election story. "Jon deserved credit for knowing to trust his people."
AP's non-call was vindicated as the nearly deadlocked election outcome became entangled in a long legal battle before being decided in Bush's favor by the U.S. Supreme Court.
Johnson credited Wolman with building a strong AP staff in Washington.
"He took a chance on people, putting them in roles that perhaps they weren't obviously ready for, including me," she recalled. "He created an esprit de corps in Washington that in turn set the bar higher for all of us."
Louis D. Boccardi, AP's president from 1985 to 2003, said that Wolman — for all his versatility in management — "was at heart a reporter."
"I never saw him happier than when he was working with writers on a big story or with a team shaping a report on a major investigation," Boccardi said. "He was a newsman, through and through."
Carole Feldman, a veteran reporter and editor at the Washington bureau, described Wolman as a supportive boss "who mentored new people coming into the bureau and put his trust in them to handle the biggest story."
Terry Hunt, whose 46-year AP career included 25 years as chief White House correspondent, said Wolman was "incredibly smart, very analytical and had a solid grasp of politics."
"He read more than anyone I know. He didn't sleep much," Hunt recalled. "He was demanding, sometimes blunt and direct. But always fair."
AP's current executive editor, Sally Buzbee, who worked for Wolman in AP's Washington bureau, said he never lost his intense interest in national politics, remembering a coffee after Donald Trump won the presidency where Wolman cited election results, county-by-county, in Michigan.
"He lived and breathed politics, and he made the Washington bureau a strong, competitive force in national political coverage," Buzbee said.
Wolman grew up in a newspaper family. His father, Martin Wolman, sold papers as a boy and was publisher of the Wisconsin State Journal in Madison from 1968 to 1984.
Jon was among five children of Martin and Anne Wolman. One of his siblings, Jane, died in a car crash in 1967; the others include Nicky, Lewis and Ruth.
Wolman attended the University of Colorado for two years before transferring to the University of Wisconsin's main campus in Madison, where he received his bachelor's degree in 1972.
He is survived by his wife, Deborah Lamm; three children: Jacob, Emma and Sophia, and Emma's husband, Ian Irvine.
A service will be held Wednesday at 11 a.m. at Temple Beth El in Bloomfield Hills, Michigan. Donations in Wolman's name may be made to the Committee to Protect Journalists, the University of Wisconsin School of Journalism and Jewish Family Services of Metro Detroit.
FILE - In this June 3, 1976, file photo, Associated Press staffer Jonathan Wolman poses for a photo. Wolman, who over more than 45 years in journalism served as editor and publisher of The Detroit News and previously worked as a reporter, Washington bureau chief and executive editor at The AP, died Monday, April 15, 2019, in Detroit. He was 68. (AP Photo/File)
In this May 22, 2000, photo, Associated Press President and CEO Louis Boccardi, third from right, and Vice President and Executive Editor Jonathan Wolman, second from right, congratulate AP's Pulitzer Prize-winning team at Columbia University in New York. Jonathan Wolman, who served as editor and publisher of The Detroit News and previously worked as a reporter, Washington bureau chief and executive editor at The Associated Press, died Monday, April 15, 2019, in Detroit. He was 68. (AP Photo/Kathy Willens)
In this Dec. 16, 2008, photo, Jonathan Wolman, Editor and Publisher of The Detroit News, speaks during an announcement at the Detroit Free Press and The Detroit News during a news conference in Detroit. Wolman, who served as editor and publisher of The Detroit News and previously worked as a reporter, Washington bureau chief and executive editor at The Associated Press, died Monday, April 15, 2019, in Detroit. He was 68. (AP Photo)
FILE - In this Jan. 25, 1978, file photo, Associated Press staffer Jonathan Wolman, of the Washington Bureau, poses for a photo. Wolman, who over more than 45 years in journalism served as editor and publisher of The Detroit News and previously worked as a reporter, Washington bureau chief and executive editor at The AP, died Monday, April 15, 2019, in Detroit. He was 68. (AP Photo/File)
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Home › Women and LGBTQ+ › Let Us Build The People’s Movement On International Women’s Day!
Let Us Build The People’s Movement On International Women’s Day!
By The Red Phoenix on March 8, 2016
“The entire party and country should hurl into the fire and break the neck of anyone who dared trample underfoot the sacred edict of the party on the defense of women’s rights.”
– Enver Hoxha, 1967
Possibly the first example of class stratification and exploitation in human history was the subjugation of women. In primitive communist society, there were no class distinctions, and women typically enjoyed the same respect and rights as men. The dawn of agriculture led to the subjugation of women and the rise of patriarchal society. Along with this came the division of humanity into classes, exploitation, and class struggle. For thousands of years, and in many parts of the world today, women have been, and often are, considered to be property. Even in some of the most progressive bourgeois nations, women face discrimination, super-exploitation, and objectification. Whether we speak of arranged marriage in those countries still languishing in near-feudal relations, or sexism in the most advanced nations, one fact remains, a fact which stands as an indictment of capitalist society for its utter failure to bring about equality and justice. That fact is simply that in almost any part of the world, being born female is to be born at a disadvantage, not a disadvantage decreed by nature, but by society.
Those who live in the liberal democracies of the West have often been guilty of focusing on the sexism which occurs in developing countries while ignoring their own faults, and apologists for some of the stricter varieties of Islam have often pointed out that the West does not respect women, instead it strips them of their dignity and turns them into commodities. In reality, both of these arguments are true.
In the West, open sexism seems even more prevalent than instances of open racism, and what is worse is that it is more likely to be tolerated. There are many people fighting and even risking their lives to bring about female equality in their own countries, and while we express solidarity with many of them, we Americans must also look to our own society and root out sexism wherever we may find it. Should we fail to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our working sisters, we will have given up at least half of our strength.
In the interests of creating an environment of gender equality within the Party, the American Party of Labor has issued the following statement:
1. The Party strongly condemns discrimination against women in any form.
2. The Party also strongly condemns misogyny and the use of misogynistic language in reference to women.
3. The Party recognizes International Women’s Day, the 8th of March, and seeks to have it recognized as a national holiday of a socialist America.
4. We demand women’s right to organize militant feminist caucuses in the trade union movement, for the right of all our working class sisters to defend our interests as a class and as women.
5. We demand that women’s right to organized self-defense be respected and strengthened in the light of the rise of fascist paramilitarism.
6. We demand that all attacks on women community leaders cease immediately and that all political prisoners be freed, including, but not limited to, the cases of Chelsea Manning, Assata Shakur and Rasmea Odeh.
7. We fully support the movement to defend and expand access to women’s healthcare, including, but not limited to, the defense of Planned Parenthood, maternity rights and LGBT health centers.
8. We demand an end to police violence against queer women and oppressed nationality women; we support the defense and extension of democratic gains including, but not limited to, the defense of the Civil Rights Act and the struggle for community control of the police which has its roots in the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense.
9. We demand a withdrawal of all U.S. military bases in foreign countries in the interests of all peace-loving women of the world. We stand in unconditional solidarity with the revolutionary women of Palestine, Colombia, the Philippines and all other communities besieged by U.S. imperialism. We demand the liquidation of all “visiting forces agreements,” “labor export policies” and all other policies that facilitate imperialism, occupation, human trafficking and the domination of monopoly capital over the working women of the world.
10. The American Party of Labor wholeheartedly reaches out to working women from all over the world to join us in the struggle for the liberation of all humanity. The struggle for justice is inherently bound up with the struggle for gender equality. Our goal is a world in which we can stand shoulder-to-shoulder in equality, working for the common good of humanity.
Long Live International Women’s Day!
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Rafael Surí, an Important Cuban LGBTQ+ Activist, Has Died
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thesis eleven
critical theory and historical sociology
The Crisis of Democratic Politics – A Discussion with Marcel Gauchet
t11editor / January 24, 2017
organised by the Melbourne School of Continental Philosophy and in conjunction with Social Imaginaries
All invited – no RSVP neccesary.
6.30pm, 27 January 2017
Graduate School of Business and Law lecture theatre,
RMIT Building 13, Level 3, Room 9.
405 Russell St, Melbourne CBD
Google Map of Building 13
https://mscp.org.au/events/the-crisis-of-democratic-politics-a-discussion-with-marcel-gauchet
This event is part of the French Festival of Ideas (La Nuit des Idées), organised by the Melbourne School of Continental Philosophy and in conjunction with Social Imaginaries, an international journal of social theory and political philosophy. The event is hosted by RMIT with support from the Centre for Communication, Politics and Culture, and has been conceived by Dr Natalie J. Doyle, Monash University.
Marcel Gauchet (1946 -) is a leading French philosopher, historian and sociologist, who has written widely on politics, the relation between democracy, religion and globalisation. In 2016 his debate with Alain Badiou on the future of democracy was published in English by Polity under the title What Is to Be Done? A Dialogue on Communism, Capitalism, and the Future of Democracy.
Gauchet is chief editor of the journal Le Débat. Until 2016 he held a senior research position in political philosophy in the Centre de recherches politiques et sociologiques Raymond Aron (CESPR) at the École des Haute Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS). In recent years, he has become increasingly prominent in France as a public intellectual, commenting in the media on a range of issues from education to European politics and Islamic fundamentalism. He has most recently contributed to debates on the future of French society through a book of interviews Comprendre le malheur français (2016).
His first major work Le Désenchantement du monde: une histoire politique de la religion (1985) was translated into English in 1997, as The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion (Oscar Burge trans.). It was followed in 1999 by Madness and Democracy (La pratique de l’esprit humain. L’institution asilaire et la révolution démocratique, co-authored in 1980 with his now deceased partner Gladys Swain, Catherine Porter trans.).
Since 2007 he has been working on a theoretically informed history of modern European democracy L’Avènement de la démocratie. Its fourth and last volume Le Nouveau Monde, offers an analysis of the contemporary crisis of democratic politics and of the genesis of the neo-liberal ideology, in both its right wing and left wing manifestations.
In his first Australian appearance, Gauchet will discuss – via a live teleconference from Paris – the nature, dynamics and consequences of the recent upheavals in democratic politics, such as the election of Donald Trump and the rise of populism. Gauchet’s provocative perspective will challenge the dominant interpretations of these events. Other participants in the discussion will be Dr Natalie J. Doyle, Professor John Rundell, Professor Peter Murphy and Dr A. J Bartlett.
Natalie Doyle is Senior Lecturer in French Studies at Monash University and Deputy Director of the Monash European and EU Centre. She co-edits Social Imaginaries and has recently completed a book for Lexington on the contemporary crisis of European democracy, titled A Loss of Common Purpose: European democracy, depoliticization and imaginary constructs of Islam. She is one of the editors of Domains and Divisions of European History, New Europe, New Worlds?, Regional Integration and Modernity. Cross Atlantic Perspectives.
Peter Murphy is Adjunct Professor in Humanities and Social Sciences at La Trobe University and Research Fellow in the Cairns Institute at James Cook University. A liberal-conservative theorist, he is the author of Auto-Industrialism: DIY Capitalism and the Rise of the Auto-Industrial Society (2017), Universities and Innovation Economies: The Creative Wasteland of Post-Industrial Societies (2015) and The Collective Imagination: The Creative Spirit of Free Societies (2012).
John Rundell is Principal Honorary (Social Theory) in The School of Social and Political Science at The University of Melbourne and was director of the Ashworth Program for Social Theory at The University of Melbourne from 1998 until 2014. His books include Origins of Modernity: The Origins of Modern Social Theory from Kant to Hegel to Marx and Aesthetics and Modernity: Essays by Agnes Heller. His latest book, Imaginaries of Modernity: politics, cultures, tensions has just been published by Routledge.
A. J. Bartlett is Secretary of the Melbourne School of Continental Philosophy and is Adjunct Research Fellow at the Research Unit in European Philosophy at Monash University. He is the author of Badiou and Plato: An Education by Truths and co-author of Lacan, Deleuze, Badiou. He is the editor of Badiou: Key Concepts, Badiou and his Interlocutors: Lectures, Interviews and Responses and What is Education? He is the translator with Alex Ling of Alain Badiou’s Mathematics of the Transcendental and with Justin Clemens, Alain Badiou’s Happiness.
The organisers thank L’Institut français and the Australian Embassy in Paris for their role in making this event possible.
January 24, 2017 in news. Tags: Badiou, democracy, Gauchet, Marcel Gauchet, Politics
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Aftermath of a contact between Victor 4 Company and Viet Cong forces, circa 1969 (Noel Bell)
New Zealand forces fought in Vietnam between 1965 and 1972, with the majority involved (after mid-1966) in artillery offensives, cordon and search patrols, intelligence gathering and reconnaissance missions around Phuoc Tuy province. New Zealand gunners were one of three field artillery batteries comprising part of the 1st Australian Task Force (1ATF). Kiwi infantrymen made up two of the Anzac Battalion’s five company-sized units. A 26-man New Zealand Special Air Service (NZSAS) troop completed the Australian SAS squadron at Nui Dat. While the army claimed pride of place in the Vietnam War effort, the Royal New Zealand Navy (RNZN) and Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) also sent personnel. For these forces, the Vietnam conflict offered unrivalled opportunities to gain operational experience in a theatre where major American and naval air forces were deployed. [1]
Kiwi gunners
The Vietnam War was the first time New Zealand artillery forces had seen action since Korea and this time they were the first unit into action. On 16 July 1965, 161 Battery, RNZA, fired their first shots into the infamous War Zone D, near Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh City). Kiwi gunners are renowned for their involvement several notorious early fire fights of the Vietnam War, including the Battle of Long Tan in 1966, the Tet Offensive, and operations Coral and Balmoral in 1968. Kiwi gunners were initially attached to the US 173rd Airborne Division in Bien Hoa. However, most of the 750 who served in Vietnam did so as part of 1ATF at Nui Dat. In 1966, New Zealand added another two L5 pack howitzers to its original four-gun arsenal to join forces with the Royal Australian Artillery (RAA) field regiments. In 1967, the L5s were replaced with 105mm M2A2 howitzers. The battery was involved in 17 major operations before their withdrawal in May 1971.
Infantry operations
In May 1967, a 182-strong rifle company dubbed Victor (V) was deployed from the 1st Battalion, Royal New Zealand Infantry Regiment (1RNZIR) base in West Malaysia. The second Victor Company (V2) was in place when Whisky (W) Company formed-up in December 1967. The Kiwi infantry contingent integrated with 2nd Battalion, The Royal Australian Regiment (2RAR) in March 1968 to form 2RAR/NZ (ANZAC) Battalion. Over a five-year period, the nine New Zealand rifle companies rotating through Nui Dat engaged in a constant round of jungle patrols, ambushes, and cordon-and-search operations. Less than a week after arriving, Victor Company had its first enemy contact, leaving one Viet Cong killed, another possibly wounded and five suspects detained. [2] This inaugural, small-scale action characterised the pace and scale of infantry operations in Vietnam. V2 member Terry Brown recalls: “A day on operations was from before first light until last light, about 12–14 hours. Sometimes the entire time was spent patrolling, other times several days were spent in an ambush position.”
Air forces
Several pilots from the Royal New Zealand Air Force (RNZAF) were seconded to No. 9 Squadron, Royal Australian Air Force (RAAF) flying Iroquois helicopters. From December 1968 another two RNZAF officers served as forward air controllers with the 7th US Air Force, until their withdrawal in February 1972. RNZAF transport aircraft were also active in Vietnam for the duration of New Zealand's military involvement. In January 1969, a 26-strong New Zealand SAS troop joined the Australian SAS Regiment Squadron based at Nui Dat as ‘4 Troop'. NZSAS took part in intelligence-gathering operations in the Phuoc Tuy province, mounting 155 patrols over the two years of their deployment. Demand surpassed capacity for NZSAS reinforcements, with many troopers completing more than one tour and veteran gunners and infantry ‘grunts’ retraining to return to Vietnam with the SAS before the unit’s withdrawal in February 1971.
[1] Ian McGibbon, New Zealand’s Vietnam War, Exisle, Auckland, 2010, p. 182 [2] McGibbon, p. 188
Pete Davies
'Masher' Mooney
WO2 I Barber
Harry Komene
Lt Brian Barley
New Zealand soldiers aboard Centurion tanks
CARA cargo truck
W Company Senior NCO's
There is no Video in this Category.
A priest on patrol - Father John Carde (part 1)
Maori and Australian soldiers - Ian Thorpe (part 1)
Memories of Viet Nam - Wayne Robson
Sunday, 17 July 2011 - 10:47am
On 27 May 1965, the New Zealand Government, after a great deal of anguish and hand wringing, anno
Tales from the dark side of Victor 3 - Part 5
Thursday, 23 June 2011 - 1:08pm
This tale was compiled at my urging by Bruce ‘Issy' Isbister and is designed to put to bed once a
Thursday, 23 June 2011 - 12:51pm
This is the fourth in an occasional series of tales relating to Victor 3 Company's tour.
This is the third in an occasional series of tales relating to Victor 3 Company's tour.
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Family Advocacy Center
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Utopia or Dystopia
where past meets future
The Man Who Invented the Future
It is strange how some of the most influential individuals in human history can sometimes manage to slip out of public consciousness to the extent that almost no one knows who they are. What if I were to tell you that the ideas of one person who lived almost 900 years ago were central to everything from the Protestant Reformation, to the French Revolution, to Russia and America’s peculiar type of nationalism, to Communism and Nazism, to neo-liberal optimists such as Steven Pinker and now Michael Shermer, to (of most interest to this audience) followers of Ray Kurzweil and his Singularity; would you believe me, or think I was pulling a Dan Brown?
That individual was a 12th century was a monk named Joachim de Fiore, very much for real, and who up until very recently I had never heard of. In some ways this strange monk not only was a necessary figure in formation all of the systems of thought and political movements listed above, he also might seriously be credited with inventing the very idea of the future itself.
Whether you’re a fan of Game of Thrones or not put yourself for a moment in the mind of a European in the Middle Ages. Nothing around you has what we would consider a rational explanation, rather, it can only be understood in reference to the will of an unseen deity or his demonic rival. It is quite a frightening place, and would even be spatially disorienting for a modern person used to maps and ideas regarding how the different worlds one sees while looking at the ground or up towards the sky, especially at night, fit together. It would have seemed like being stuck at the bottom of a seemingly endless well, unable to reach the “real” world above. A vertical version of Plato’s famous cave.
Starting in the 13th century there were attempts to understand humankind’s position in space more clearly, and some of these attempts were indeed brilliant, even anticipating current idea such as the Big Bang and the multiverse. This was shown recently in a wonderful collaboration between scholars in the humanities, mathematicians and scientists on the work of another largely forgotten medieval figure, Robert Grosseteste.
Even before Grosseteste was helping expand medievals’ understanding of space, Joachim de Fiore had expanded their notion of time. For time in the medieval worldview time was almost as suffocating as the stuck-in-a-well quality of their notion of space.
Medievals largely lacked a notion of what we would understand as an impersonal future that would be different from the past. It wasn’t as if a person living then would lack the understanding that their own personal tomorrow would be different than today- that their children would age and have children of their own and that the old would die- it was that there was little notion that the world itself was changing. It would be a tough sell to get a medieval to pay for a trip into the future, for in their view whether you’d travel 100 or 1000 years forward everything would be almost exactly the same, unless, that is, the world wasn’t there to visit at all.
Being a medieval was a lot like being on death row- you know exactly how your life will end- you just wouldn’t know when exactly you’ll run out of appeals. A medieval Christian had the end of the story in the Book of Revelation with it’s cast of characters such as the Antichrist and scenes such as the battle of armageddon. A Christian was always on the look out for the arrival of all the props for the play that would be the end of the current world, and if they believed in any real difference between the present and the future it was that the world in which these events were to occur would be what we would consider less technologically and socially advanced than the Roman world into which Christ had been born. History for the medievals, far from being the story of human advancement, was instead the tale of societal decay.
Well before actual events on the ground, improvements in human living standards, technological capacity and scientific understanding, undermined this medieval idea of the future as mere decadence before a final ending, Joachim de Fiore would do so philosophically and theologically.
Joachim was born around 1135 into a well of family with his father being a member of the Sicilian court. Joachim too would begin his career as a court official, but it would not last. In his early twenties, while on a diplomatic mission to the Byzantine Emperor, Joachim broke away to visit the Holy Land, and according to legend felt the call of God.He spent the Lenten season in meditation on Mt Tabor where “on the eve of Easter day, he received ‘the fullness of knowledge’”. (3)
He became a monk and soon a prior and abbot for of Corazzo one assumes on account of his remarkable intelligence, but Joachim would spend his time writing his great trilogy: The Harmony of the New and Old Testaments, Exposition of Apocalypse, and the Psaltery of Ten Strings eventually receiving a dispensation from his work as abbot by Pope Clement III so he could devote himself fully to his writing.
Eventually a whole monastic order would grow up around Joachim, and though this order would last only a few centuries, and Joachim would die in 1202 before finishing his last book the Tract on the Four Gospels his legacy would almost fully be felt in the way we understand history and the future.
Joachim constructed a theory of history based on the Christian Trinity: the Age of the Father – from Adam to the birth of Christ, the Age of the Son- from Christ until The Age of the Spirit. There had been examples of breaking history into historical ages before, what made Joachim different was his idea that:
“… Scripture taught a record of man’s gradual spiritual developments, leading to a perfected future age which was the fulfillment of prophetic hope.” (13)
“… one to be ushered in with a New Age of guidance by the Holy Spirit acting through a new order of meditative men who truly contemplated God. “ (12)
What is distinct and new about this was that history was spiritualized, it became the story of humankind’s gradual improvement and moving towards a state of perfection that was achievable in the material world (not in some purely spiritual paradise). And we could arrive at this destination if only we could accept the counsel of the virtuous and wise. It was a powerful story that has done us far more harm than good.
Joachimite ideas can be found at the root of the millennia fantasies of the European religious wars, and were secularized in the period of the French Revolution by figures like the Marquis de Condorcet and Auguste Comte. The latter even managed to duplicate Joachim’s tri-part model of history only now the ages only now they were The Theological, The Metaphysical, and the Positive Stage which we should read as religious, philosophical and scientific with Joachim’s monks being swapped for scientists.
Hegel turned this progressive version of history into a whole system of philosophy and the atheist Marx turned Hegel “upside down” and created a system of political economy and revolutionary program. The West would justify its imperial conquest of Africa and subjugation of Asia on the grounds that they were bringing the progressive forces of history to “barbaric” peoples. The great ideological struggle of the early 20th century between Communism, Nazism, and Liberalism pitted versions of historical determinism against one another.
If postmodernism should have meant the end of overarching metanarratives the political movements that have so far most shaped the 21st century seem not to have gotten the memo. The century began with an attack by a quasi- millenarian cult (though they would not recognize Joachim as a forbearer). The 9-11 attacks enabled an averous and ultimately stupid foreign policy on the part of the United States which was only possible because the American people actually believed in their own myth that their system of government represented the end of history and the secret wish of every oppressed people in the world.
Now we have a truly apocalyptic cult in the form of ISIS while Russia descends into its own version of Joachimite fantasy based on Russia’s “historical mission” while truth itself disappears in a postmodern hall of mirrors. Thus it is that Joachim’s ideas regarding the future remain potent. And the characters attracted to his idea of history are, of course, not all bad. I’d include among this benign group both singularitarians and the new neo-liberal optimists. The first because they see human history moving towards an inevitable conclusion and believe that their is an elite that should guide us into paradise – the technologists. Neo-liberal optimists may not be so starry eyed but they do see history as the gradual unfolding of progress and seem doubtful that this trend might reverse.
The problem I have with the singularitarians is their blindness to the sigmoid curve – the graveyard where all exponentials go to die. There is a sort of “evolutionary” determinism to singularitarianism that seems to think not only that there is only one destination to history, but that we already largely know what that destination is. For Joachim such determinism makes sense, his world having been set up and run by an omnipotent God, for what I assume to be mostly secular singularitarians such determinism does not make sense and we are faced with the contingencies of evolution and history.
My beef with the neo-liberal optimists, in addition to the fact that they keep assaulting me with their “never been better” graphs is that I care less that human suffering has decreased than the reasons why, so that such a decrease can be continued or its lower levels preserved. I also care much more where the moral flaws of our society remain acute because only then will I know where to concentrate my political and ethical action. If the world today is indeed better than the world in the past (and it’s not a slam dunk argument even with the power point) let’s remember the struggles that were necessary to achieve that and continue to move ourselves towards Joachim’s paradise while being humble and wise enough to avoid mistaking ourselves with the forces of God or history, a mistake that has been at the root of so much suffering and evil.
1 Comment Posted in Dystopia, Utopia Tagged American exceptionalism, End of history, historical determinism, History, ISIS, Joachim of Fiore, Joachim of Fiore: A Study in Spiritual Perception and History, medieval prophecy, Neo-conservatism, Philosophy, Politics, Robert Grosseteste, Russian exceptionalism, Singularitarianism, The end of the world
A Global History of Post-humans
One thing that can certainly not be said either the anthropologist Ynval Harari’s or his new book Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind is that they lack ambition. In Sapiens, Harari sets out to tell the story of humanity since our emergence on the plans of Africa until the era in which we are living right now today, a period he thinks is the beginning of the end of our particular breed of primate. His book ends with some speculations on our post-human destiny, whether we achieve biological immortality or manage to biologically and technologically engineer ourselves into an entirely different species. If you want to talk about establishing a historical context for the issues confronted by transhumanism, you can’t get better than that.
In Sapiens, Harari organizes the story of humanity by casting it within the framework of three revolutions: the cognitive, the agricultural and the scientific. The Cognitive Revolution is what supposedly happened somewhere between 70,000- 30,000 thousand years ago when a suddenly very creative and cooperative homo sapiens came roaring out of Africa using their unprecedented social coordination and technological flexibility to invade every ecological niche on the planet.
Armed with an extremely cooperative form of culture, and the ability to make tools, (especially clothing) to fit environments they had not evolved for, homo sapiens was able to move into more northern latitudes than their much more cold adapted Neanderthal cousins, or to cast out on the seas to settle far off islands and continents such as Australia, Polynesia, and perhaps even the Americas.
The speed with which homo sapiens invaded new territory was devastating for almost all other animals. Harari points out how the majority of large land animals outside of Africa (where animals had enough time to evolve weariness of this strange hairless ape) disappeared not long after human beings arrived there. And the casualties included other human species as well.
One of the best things about Harari is his ability to overthrow previous conceptions- as he does here with the romantic notion held by some environmentalist that “primitive” cultures lived in harmony with nature. Long before even the adoption of agriculture, let alone the industrial revolution, the arrival of homo sapiens proved devastating for every other species, including other hominids.
Yet Harari also defies intellectual stereotypes. He might not think the era in which the only human beings on earth were “noble savages” was a particularly good one for other species, but he does see it as having been a particularly good one for homo sapiens, at least compared to what came afterward, and up until quite recently.
Humans, in the era before the Agricultural Revolution lived a healthier lifestyle than any since. They had a varied diet, and though they only worked on average six hours a day, and were far more active than any of us in modern societies chained to our cubicles and staring at computer screens.
Harari, also throws doubt on the argument that has been made most recently by Steven Piker, that the era before states was one of constant tribal warfare and violence, suggesting that it’s impossible to get an overall impression for levels of violence based on what end up being a narrow range of human skeletal remains. The most likely scenario, he thinks, is that some human societies before agriculture were violent, and some were not, and that even the issue of which societies were violent varied over time rising and falling in respect to circumstances.
From the beginning of the Cognitive Revolution up until the Agricultural Revolution starting around 10,000 years ago things were good for homo sapiens, but as Harari sees it, things really went downhill for us as individuals, something he sees as different from our status as a species, with the rise of farming.
Harari is adamant that while the Agricultural Revolution may have had the effect of increasing our numbers, and gave us all the wonders of civilization and beauty of high culture, its price, on the bodies and minds of countless individuals, both humans, and other animals was enormous. Peasants were smaller, less healthy, and died younger than their hunter gatherer ancestors. The high culture of the elites of ancient empires was bought at the price of the systematic oppression of the vast majority of human beings who lived in those societies. And, in the first instance of telling this tale with in the context of a global history of humanity that I can think of, Harari tells the story of not just our oppression of each other, but of our domesticated animals as well.
He shows us how inhumane animal husbandry was long before our era of factory farming, which is even worse, but it was these more “natural”, “organic” farmers who began practices such as penning animals in cages, separating mothers from their young, castrating males, and cutting off the noses or out the eyes of animals such a pigs so they could better serve their “divinely allotted” function of feeding human mouths and stomachs.
Yet this begs the question: if the Agricultural Revolution was so bad for the vast majority of human beings, and animals with the exception of a slim class at the top of the pyramid, why did it not only last, but spread, until only a tiny minority of homo sapiens in remote corners continued to be hunter gatherers while the vast majority, up until quite recently were farmers?
Harari doesn’t know. It was probably a very gradual process, but once human societies had crossed a certain threshold there was no going back- our numbers were simply too large to support a reversion to hunting and gathering, For one of the ironies of the Agricultural Revolution is that while it made human beings unhealthy, it also drove up birthrates. This probably happened through rational choice. A hunter gathering family would likely space their children, whereas a peasant family needed all the hands it could produce, something that merely drove the need for more children, and was only checked by the kinds of famines Malthus had pegged as the defining feature of agricultural societies and that we only escaped recently via the industrial revolution.
Perhaps, as Harrai suggest, “We did not domesticate wheat. It domesticated us.” (81) At the only level evolution cares about- the propagation of our genes- wheat was a benefit to humanity, but at the cost of much human suffering and backbreaking labor in which we rid wheat of its rivals and spread the plant all over the globe. The wheat got a better deal, no matter how much we love our toast.
It was on the basis of wheat, and a handful of other staple crops (rice, maize, potatoes) that states were first formed. Harari emphasizes the state’s role as record keeper, combined with enforcer of rules. The state saw its beginning as a scorekeeper and referee for the new complex and crowded societies that grew up around farming.
All the greatest works of world literature, not to mention everything else we’ve ever read, can be traced back to this role of keeping accounts, of creating long lasting records, that led the nascent states that grew up around agriculture to create writing. Shakespeare’s genius can trace its way back to the 7th century B.C. equivalent to an IRS office. Along with writing the first states also created numbers and mathematics, bureaucrats have been bean counters ever since.
The quirk of human nature that for Harari made both the Cognitive and Agricultural Revolution possible and led to much else besides was our ability to imagine things that do not exist, by which he means almost everything we find ourselves surrounded by, not just religion, but the state and its laws, and everything in between has been akin to a fantasy game. Indeed, Harari left me feeling that the whole of both premodern and modern societies was at root little but a game of pretend played by grown ups, with adulthood perhaps nothing more than agreeing to play along with the same game everyone else is engaged in. He was especially compelling and thought provoking when it came to that ultimate modern fantasy and talisman that all of us, from Richard Dawkins to, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi believes in; namely money.
For Harari the strange thing is that: “Money is the only trust system created by humans that can bridge almost any cultural gap, and does not discriminate on the basis of religion, gender, race, age or sexual orientation.” In this respect it is “the apogee of human tolerance” (186). Why then have so many of its critics down through the ages denounced money as the wellspring human of evil? He explains the contradiction this way:
For although money builds universal trust between strangers, this trust is invested not in humans, communities or sacred values, but in money itself and the impersonal systems that back it. We do not trust the stranger or the next store neighbor- we trust the coins they hold. If they run out of coins, we run out of trust. (188)
We ourselves don’t live in the age of money, so much as the age of Credit (or capital), and it is this Credit which Harari sees as one of the legs of the three-legged stools which he think defines our own period of history. For him we live in the age of the third revolution in human history, the age of the Scientific Revolution that has followed his other two. It is an age built out of an alliance of the forces of Capital-Science- and Empire.
What has made our the age of Credit and different from the material cultures that have come before where money certainly played a prominent role, is that we have adopted lending as the route to economic expansion. But what separates us from past eras that engaged in lending as well, is that ours is based on a confidence that the future will be not just different but better than the past, a confidence that has, at least so far, panned out over the last two centuries largely through the continuous advances in science and technology.
The feature that really separated the scientific revolution from earlier systems of knowledge, in Harari’s view, grew out of the recognition in the 17th century of just how little we actually knew:
The Scientific Revolution has not been a revolution of knowledge. It has above all been a revolution of ignorance. The great discovery that launched the Scientific Revolution was the discovery that humans do not know the answers to their most important questions. (251)
Nothing perhaps better captures the early modern recognition of this ignorance than their discovery of the New World which began us down our own unique historical path towards Empire. Harari sees both Credit and Science being fed and feeding the intermediary institution of Empire, and indeed, that the history of capitalism along with science and technology cannot be understood without reference to the way the state and imperialism have shaped both.
The imperialism of the state has been necessary to enable the penetration of capitalism and secure its gains, and the powers of advanced nations to impose these relationships has been the result largely of more developed science and technology which the state itself has funded. Science was also sometimes used not merely to understand the geography and culture of subject peoples to exploit them, but in the form of 19th century and early 20th century racism was used as a justification for that racism itself. And the quest for globe spanning Empire that began with the Age of Exploration in the 15th century is still ongoing.
Where does Harari think all this is headed?
Over millennia, small simple cultures gradually coalesce into bigger and more complex civilizations, so that the world contains fewer and fewer mega-cultures each of which is bigger and more complex. (166)
Since around 200 BC, most humans have lived in empires. It seems likely that in the future, too, most human will live in one. But this time the empire will truly be global. The imperial vision of domination over the entire world could be imminent. (207)
Yet Harari questions not only whether the scientific revolution or the new age of economic prosperity, not to mention the hunt for empire, have actually brought about a similar amount of misery, if not quite suffering, as the Agricultural Revolution that preceded it.
After all, the true quest of modern science is really not power, but immortality. In Harari’s view we are on the verge of fulfilling the goal of the “Gilgamesh Project”.
Our best minds are not wasting their time trying to give meaning to death. Instead, they are busy investigating the physiological, hormonal and genetic systems responsible for disease and old age. They are developing new medicines, revolutionary treatments and artificial organs that will lengthen our lives and might one day vanquish the Grim Reaper himself. (267)
The quest after wealth, too, seems to be reaching a point of diminishing returns. If the objective of material abundance was human happiness, we might ask why so many of us are miserable? The problem, Harari thinks, might come down to biologically determined hedonic set-points that leave a modern office worker surrounded by food and comforts ultimately little happier to his peasant ancestor who toiled for a meager supper from sunset to sunrise. Yet perhaps the solution to this problem is at our fingertips as well:
There is only one historical development that has real significance. Today when we realize that the keys to happiness are in the hands of our biochemical system, we can stop wasting our time on politics, social reforms, putsches, and ideologies and focus instead on the only thing that truly makes us happy: manipulating our biochemistry. (389)
Still, even should the Gilgamesh Project succeed, or we prove capable of mastering our biochemistry, Harari sees a way the Sisyphean nature may continue to have the last laugh. He writes:
Suppose that science comes up with cures for all diseases, effective anti-ageing therapies and regenerative treatments that keep people indefinitely young. In all likelihood, the immediate result will be an epidemic of anger and anxiety.
Those unable to afford the new treatments- the vast majority of people- will be besides themselves with rage. Throughout history, the poor and oppressed comforted themselves with the thought that at least death is even handed- that the rich and powerful will also die. The poor will not be comfortable with the thought that they have to die, while the rich will remain young and beautiful.
But the tiny minority able to afford the new treatments will not be euphoric either. They will have much to be anxious about. Although the new therapies could extend life and youth they will not revive corpses. How dreadful to think that I and my loved ones can live forever, but only if we don’t get hit by a truck or blown to smithereens by a terrorist! Potentially a-mortal people are likely to grow adverse to taking even the slightest risk, and the agony of losing a spouse, child or close friend will be unbearable.( 384-385).
Along with this, Harari reminds us that it might not be biology that is most important for our happiness, but our sense of meaning. Given that he thinks all of our sources of meaning are at bottom socially constructed illusions, he concludes that perhaps the only philosophically defensible position might be some form of Buddhism- to stop all of our chasing after desire in the first place.
The real question is whether the future will show if all our grasping has ended up in us reaching our object or has led us further down the path of illusion and pain that we need to outgrow to achieve a different kind of transcendence.
2 Comments Posted in Dystopia, Utopia Tagged Agricultural Revolution, Archaeology, Cognitive Revolution, Did Agriculture make our lives better?, History, Philosophy, Post-human, Sapiens: A Brief History of Humankind, Scientific revolution and imperialism, Ynval Harari
Why archaeologist make better futurists than science-fiction writers
Human beings seem to have an innate need to predict the future. We’ve read the entrails of animals, thrown bones, tried to use the regularity or lack of it in the night sky as a projection of the future and omen of things to come, along with a thousand others kinds of divination few of us have ever heard of. This need to predict the future makes perfect sense for a creature whose knowledge bias is towards the present and the past. Survival means seeing enough ahead to avoid dangers, so that an animal that could successfully predict what was around the next corner could avoid being eaten or suffering famine.
It’s weird how many of the ancient techniques of divination have a probabilistic element to them, as if the best tool for discerning the future was a magic 8 ball, though perhaps it makes a great deal of sense. Probability and chance come into play wherever our knowledge comes up against limits, and these limits can consists merely of knowledge we are not privy to like the game of “He loves me, he loves me not” little girls play with flower petals. As Henri Poincaré said; “Chance is only the measure of our ignorance”.
Poincaré was coming at the question with the assumption that the future is already determined, the idea of many physicists who think our knowledge bias towards the present and past is in fact like a game of “he loves me not”, and all in our heads, that the future already exists in the same sense the past and present, the future is just facts we can only dimly see. It shouldn’t surprise us that they say this, physics being our own most advanced form divination, and it’s just one among many modern forms from meteorology to finance to genomics. Our methods of predicting the future are more sophisticated and effective than those of the past, but they still only barely see through the fog in front of us, which doesn’t stop us from being overconfident in our predictive prowess. We even have an entire profession, futurists, who claim like old-school fortune tellers- to have a knowledge of the future no one can truly possess.
There’s another group that makes a claim of the ability to divine at least some rough features of the future- science-fiction writers. The idea of writing about a future that was substantially different from the past really didn’t emerge until the 19th century when technology began not only making the present substantially different from the past, but promised to do so out into an infinite future. Geniuses like Jules Verne and H.G. Wells were able to look at the industrial revolution changing the world around them and project it forward in time with sometimes extraordinary prescience.
There is a good case to be made, and I’ve tried to make it before, that science-fiction is no longer very good at this prescience. The shape of the future is now occluded, and we’ve known the reasons for this for quite some time. Karl Popper had pointed out as far back as the 1930’s that the future is essentially unknowable and part of this unknowability was that the course of scientific and technological advancement can not be known in advance. A too tight fit with wacky predictions of the future of science and technology is the characteristic of the worst and most campy of science-fiction.
Another good argument can be made that technologically dependent science-fiction isn’t so much predicting the future as inspiring it. That the children raised on Star Trek’s communicator end up inventing the cell phone. Yet technological horizons can just as much be atrophied as energized by science-fiction. This is the point Robinson Meyer makes in his blog post “Google Wants to Make ‘Science Fiction’ a Reality—and That’s Limiting Their Imagination” .
Meyer looks at the infamous Google X a supposedly risky research arm of Google one of whose criteria for embarking on a project is that it “ must utilize a radical solution that has at least a component that resembles science fiction.”
The problem Meyer finds with this is:
….“science fiction” provides but a tiny porthole onto the vast strangeness of the future. When we imagine a “science fiction”-like future, I think we tend to picture completed worlds, flying cars, the shiny, floating towers of midcentury dreams.
We tend, in other words, to imagine future technological systems as readymade, holistic products that people will choose to adopt, rather than as the assembled work of countless different actors, which they’ve always really been.
Meyer’s mentions a recent talk by a futurist I hadn’t heard of before Scott Smith who calls the kinds of clean futuristic visions of total convenience, antiseptic worlds surrounded by smart glass where all the world’s knowledge is our fingertips and everyone is productive and happy, “flat-pack futures” the world of tomorrow ready to be brought home and assembled like a piece of furniture from the IKEA store.
I’ve always had trouble with these kinds of simplistic futures, which are really just corporate advertising devices not real visions of a complex future which will inevitably have much ugliness in it, including the ugliness that emerges from the very technology that is supposed to make our lives a paradise. The major technological players are not even offering alternative versions of the future, just the same bland future with different corporate labels as seen, here, here, and here.
It’s not that these visions of the future are always totally wrong, or even just unattractive, as the fact that people the present- meaning us– have no real agency over what elements of these visions they want and which they don’t with the exception of exercising consumer choice, the very thing these flat-pack visions of the future are trying to get us to buy.
Part of the reason that Scott sees a mismatch between these anodyne versions of the future, which we’ve had since at least the early 20th century, and what actually happens in the future is that these corporate versions of the future lack diversity and context, not to mention conflict, which shouldn’t really surprise us, they are advertisements after all, and geared to high end consumers- not actual predictions of what the future will in fact look like for poor people or outcasts or non-conformists of one sort or another. One shouldn’t expect advertisers to show the bad that might happen should a technology fail or be hacked or used for dark purposes.
If you watch enough of them, their more disturbing assumption is that by throwing a net of information over everything we will finally have control and all the world will finally fall under the warm blanket of our comfort and convenience. Or as Alexis Madrigal put it in a thought provoking recent piece also at The Atlantic:
We’re creating a world that seamlessly, effortlessly shapes itself to human desire. It’s no longer cutting through a mountain to prove we dominate nature; now, it’s satisfying each impulse in the physical world with the ease and speed of digital tools. The shortest way to explain what Uber means: hit a button and something happens in the world (that makes life easier for you).
To return to Meyer, his point was that by looking to science-fiction almost exclusively to see what the future “should” look like designers, technologists, and by implication some futurists, had reduced themselves to a very limited palette. How might this palette be expanded? I would throw my bet behind turning to archaeologists, anthropologists, and certain kinds of historians.
As Steve Jobs understood, in some ways the design of a technology is as important as the technology itself. But Jobs sought almost formlessness, the clean, antiseptic modernist zen you feel when you walk into an Apple Store, as someone once said whose attribution I can’t place – an Apple Store is designed like a temple. But it’s a temple that is representative of only one very particular form of religion.
All the flat-pack versions of the future I linked to earlier have one prominent feature in common they are obsessed with glass. Everything in the world it seems will be a see through touchscreen bubbling with the most relevant information for the individual at that moment, the weather, traffic alerts, box scores, your child’s homework assignment. I have a suspicion that this glass fetish is a sort of Freudian slip on the part of tech companies, for the thing about glass is that you can see both ways through it, and what these companies most want is the transparency of you, to be able to peer into the minutiae of your life, so as to be able to sell you stuff.
Technology designers have largely swallowed the modernist glass covered kool-aid, but one way to purge might be to turn to archeology. For example, I’ve never found a tool more beautiful than the astrolabe, though it might be difficult to carry a smartphone in the form of one in your pocket. Instead of all that glass why not a Japanese paper house where all our supposedly important information is to constantly appear? Whiteboards are better for writing anyway. Ransacking the past for the forms in which we could embed our technologies might be one way to escape the current design conformity.
There are reasons to hope that technology itself will help us breakout of our futuristic design conformity. Ubiquitous 3D printing may allow us to design and create our own household art, tools, and customized technology devices. A website my girls and I often look to for artistic inspiration and projects such as the Met’s 82nd & Fifth as the images get better, eventually becoming 3D and even providing CAD specifications make allow us access to a great deal of the world’s objects from the past providing design templates for ways to embed our technology that reflect our distinct and personal and cultural values that might have nothing to do with those whipped up by Silicon Valley.
Of course, we’ve been ransacking the past for ideas about how to live in the present and future since modernity began. Augustus Pugin’s 1836 book Contasts with its beautiful, if slightly dishonest, drawings put the 19th century’s bland, utilitarian architecture up against the exquisite beauty of buildings from the 15th century. How cool would it be to have a book contrasting technology today with that of the past like Pugin’s?
The problem with Pugin’s and other’s efforts in such regards was that they didn’t merely look to the past for inspiration or forms but sought to replace the present and its assumptions with the revival of whole eras, assuming that a kind of impossible cultural and historical rewind button or time machine was possible when in reality the past was forever gone.
Looking to the past, as opposed to trying to raise it from the dead, has other advantages when it comes to our ability to peer into and shape the future. It gives us different ways of seeing how our technology might be used as means towards the things that have always mattered most to human beings – our relationships, art, spirituality, curiosity. Take, for instance, the way social media such as SKYPE and FaceBook is changing how we relate to death. On the one hand social media seems to breakdown the way in which we have traditionally dealt with death – as a community sharing a common space, while on the other, it seems to revive a kind of analog to practices regarding death that have long past from the scene, practices that archeologists and social historians know well, where the dead are brought into the home and tended to for an extended period of time. Now though, instead of actual bodies, we see the online legacy of the dead, websites, FaceBook pages and the like, being preserved and attended to by loved ones. A good question to ask oneself when thinking about how future technology will be used might not be what new thing will it make possible, but what old thing no longer done might it be used to revive?
In other words, the design of technology is the reflection of a worldview, but this is only a very limited worldview competing with an innumerable number of others. Without fail, for good and ill, technology will be hacked and used as a means by people whose worldviews that have little if any relationship to that of technologists. What would be best is if the design itself, not the electronic innards, but the shell and organization for use was controlled by non-technologists in the first place.
The best of science-fiction actually understands this. It’s not the gadgets that are compelling, but the alternative world, how it fits together, where it is going, and what it says about our own world. That’s what books like Asimov’s Foundation Trilogy did, or Frank Herbert’s Dune. Both weren’t predictions of the future so much as fictional archeologies and histories. It’s not the humans who are interesting in a series like Star Trek, but the non-humans who each live in their own very distinct versions of a life-world.
For those science-fiction writers not interested in creating alternative world’s or taking a completely imaginary shot in the dark to imagine what life might be like many hundreds of years beyond our own they might benefit from reflection on what they are doing and why they should lean heavily on knowledge of the past.
To the extent that science-fiction tells us anything about the future it is through a process of focused extrapolation. As, quoting myself, the sci-fi author Paolo Bacigalupi has said the role of science-fiction is to take some set of elements of the present and extrapolate them to see where they lead. Or, as William Gibson said “The future is already here it’s just not evenly distributed.” In his novel The Windup Girl Bacigalupi extrapolated cut throat corporate competition, the use of mercenaries, genetic engineering, and the way biotechnology and agribusiness seem to be trying to take ownership over food, along with our continued failure to tackle carbon emissions and came up with a chilling dystopian world. Amazingly, Bacigalupi, an American, managed to embed this story in a Buddhist cultural and Thai historical context.
Although I have not had the opportunity to read the book yet, which is now at the top of my end of summer reading list, former neuroscientist and founder of the gaming company Six to Start, Adrian Hon’s book The History of the Future in 100 Objects seems to grasp precisely this. As Hon explained in an excellent talk over at the Long Now Foundation (I believe I’ve listed to it in its entirety 3 times!) he was inspired by Neil MacGregor’s History of the World in 100 Object (also on my reading list). What Hon realized was that the near future at least would have many of the things we are familiar with things like religion or fashion, and so what he did was extrapolate his understanding of technology trends gained from both his neuroscience and gaming backgrounds onto those things.
Science-fiction writers and their kissing-cousins the futurists, need to remind themselves when writing about the next few centuries hence that, as long as there are human beings, (and otherwise what are they writing about) there will still be much about us that we’ve had since time immemorial. Little doubt, there will still be death, but also religion. And not just any religion, but the ones we have now: Christianity and Islam, Hinduism and Buddhism etc. (Can anyone think of a science-fiction story where they still celebrate Christmas?) There will still be poverty, crime, and war. There will also be birth and laughter and love. Culture will still matter, and sub-culture just as much, as will geography. For at least the next few centuries, let us hope, we will still be human, so perhaps I shouldn’t have used archeologist in my title, but anthropologists or even psychologist, for those who can best understand the near future best understand the mind and heart of mankind rather than the current, and inevitably unpredictable, trajectory of our science and technology.
4 Comments Posted in Dystopia, Utopia Tagged Adrian Hon, Google X, History, Philosophy, Robinson Meyer Google Wants to Make ‘Science Fiction’ a Reality—and That’s Limiting Their Imagination, Scott Smith Flat-pack futures, Steve Jobs futurism, Why futurist's predictions fail
Preparing for a New Dark Age
Back what now itself seems a millennium ago, when I was a senior in high school and freshman in college, I used to go to yard sales. I wasn’t looking for knickknacks or used appliances, but for cheap music and mostly for books. If memory serves me you could usually get a paperback for 50 cents, four of them for a dollar, and a hard cover for a buck.
I have no idea what made me purchase the particular books I did, and especially works of fiction. At that point in my life I didn’t so much know what literature was as I had heard rumors that there was something out there called literature I’d likely be interested in. Unlike Stephen Greenblatt, who I wrote about last time, I certainly didn’t buy books for the sexually suggestive covers, and thankfully, for given the area I was living at the time, I would now be surrounded by shelves of harlequin romances- though, come to think of it, it might have made me more skillful in love.
I don’t buy so many books anymore, having become a Kindle man where I press a button and wallah a work I’m after appears magically on my little screen. I also live in an area with very good libraries- both public and university- which for a bibliophile like myself is about as good as Florida for a person who worships the sun.
Yet, I still have maybe a hundred books surrounding me that I own but have never read. Sometimes, I’ll rummage through my shelves to pick out a book I probably haven’t even opened since I bought it, and the untouched pages will be brittle and break under my clumsy fingers. The other day, I came across Walter M. Miller, Jrs’ novel A Canticle for Leibowitz. I’ve been working on a story with Catholic and dystopian/utopian technological themes and thought it might be a good idea to read this science-fiction classic before I proceeded any further into the labyrinth of the tale I was crafting because I knew it dealt with similar ideas.
I did not anticipate the power for me of this wonderful little novel. It touched on themes I had been thinking about for sometime- the search for a long range view that looked to the past as well as the future, the tension between knowledge and power, and the understanding that this tension was an existential component of the human condition, the brake on all our utopian aspirations, and perhaps the “original sin” that would ultimately sink us.
I will look at the deeper lessons of A Canticle for Leibowitz sometime in the future, for now I just want to talk about its suggestions for the long range human future and specifically one aspect of that long range future- how do we preserve human knowledge so as to avoid ever going through another long dark age?
A Canticle for Leibowitz was published in 1960. Had Miller sketched out rather than merely stated the apocalyptic conditions that precede the world portrayed in the novel it would have certainly given our own generations versions of the apocalypse with shows like The Walking Dead a run for their money. The novel occurs after the world has been destroyed in a nuclear holocaust known as The Flame Deluge. After the horrors unleashed by the war, including the creation hordes of radioactive mutants from “the demon Fall Out” , the masses seek revenge on the holders of knowledge they deem responsible- murdering them and destroying their works Khmer Rouge style in a world-wide intellectual genocide known as the Simplification.
A Jewish electrical engineer, Isaac Edward Leibowitz,,who had been working for the US military in the run up to the war joins the Catholic Church, perhaps the only long lived institution able to survive the Simplification, and founds a monastic order and monastery known as the Albertian Order of Leibowitz. The order is committed to preserving human knowledge from the Simplification by book smuggling (booklegging) and afterwards aims to store and preserve this knowledge in their Utah desert monastery, a collection of thoughts from the past which they call the Memorabilia.
Unlike our own apocalyptic anxieties which seem so artificial, as if we’ve become addicted to the adrenaline high of scarring ourselves nearly to death, the fears Miller was giving voice to were frighteningly real. Three years after his novel’s publication we really did almost destroy ourselves in a Flame Deluge with the Cuban Missile Crisis and only escaped our own destruction by a hair’s breath.
Yet, even with these real world anxieties, or perhaps because they were so real, A Canticle for Leibowitz is a rip-roaring funny book, Canterbury Tales funny or even Monty Python funny. Especially the first part, which deals with a hapless monk- Francis- who discovers original manuscripts of the soon to be sainted Lebowitz himself. The rest of the book is not as humorous, much more tragic, as we watch humanity make the same mistake over again with knowledge being used in the name of the lust for power, and that lust for power enabled by knowledge again nearly destroying us.
Miller, of course, was playing with real history, the way the Christian monasteries had preserved knowledge in Western Europe after the fall of Rome. It was a theme explored, though from a much different angle, by Isaac Asimov some years earlier in his Foundation Series where the preservation of knowledge through the establishment of two different “foundations” at the ends of the galaxy is a deliberate effort to shorten a galactic dark age from tens of thousands to a “mere” thousand years.
Monks of the Albertian Order of Leibowitz risked themselves to gather and preserve their Memorabilia, knowledge which they did not understand, willing to wait thousands of years if necessary for the day when “an Interrogator would come, and things would be fitted together again.” (62)
If I take the picture presented by Stephen Greenblatt in his The Swerve: How the World Became Modern as historically accurate, the reasons our historical monks ended up preserving knowledge was much more accidental than their analogous novelization by Miller. According to Greenblatt, the monasteries ended up preserving knowledge due to a contingent rule of some orders that monks spend some of their time reading. To read, of course, requires something written and monasteries became one of the few places in the early middle ages to not only collect but preserve books through copying.
Still, according to Greenblatt, we shouldn’t be confused that they were doing so in anticipation of a rebirth of learning, and weren’t all that intellectually engaged with the books they preserved and copied. During reading or copying monks were forbidden to discuss the books they had in front of them, which is probably good for us. They became instead immense hive-mind photocopiers cloning and shelving a hodge podge of surviving works from the ancients, a task which had someone not done with detail and regularity would have quickly led to the disappearance of the vast intellectual heritage of the classical world. The thoughts preserved on papyrus and animals skins would have in a short time been eaten away by literal book worms.
There is an argument out there, Francis Fukuyama’s is the one that comes to mind, that we are unlikely to experience the kinds of cyclical declines and dark ages seen in prior periods of human history because knowledge is now global. I think there are some other holes in that argument, but for now I won’t quibble, and want to focus on only one chasm- the possibility that the entire globe could experience some hammer blow that would shatter civilization everywhere all at one go.
These are catastrophic risks, things that we should be intensely focused on avoiding in the first place, as The Global Catastrophic Risks Institute, and Future of Humanity Institute among others, have been urging us to, but which we should also implement ways of absorbing the hit should it come. Basically catastrophic risks are disasters, natural or man-made that would have the effect of devastating human civilization on a global not just a local scale. They are not likely but have a chance that is less than zero.
Though we dogged the bullet that haunted Miller, we might still be faced with the threat of global thermonuclear war at some point in the future. Current saber rattling in the Pacific is not a good sign. We could be whacked by a massive object from outer space such as the one which wiped out the dinosaurs, or zapped by a gamma-ray burst, or crushed by the super-intelligences we are trying to build in an AI apocalypse, there could be a super-pandemic, perhaps created deliberately by some group of technologically proficient, nihilistic maniacs trying to kill us all, or a truly runaway greenhouse effect triggered by a methane release in the warming artic. In other words, there are a lot of things that might near push us back to the stone age even if no one of them are particularly likely.
To return to my question above: in the face of a catastrophic scenario how could we preserve human knowledge so as to avoid ever going through another long dark age? The first issue that strikes me when I start thinking about this is the quite practical one of what medium would be best to store information for the long haul?
Right now, of course, we are all about digital copying and storage. Google has so far scanned a little over 20 million books, a service I love, and that has kept my acidic fingers off of a gem like the first publication of Adam Smith’s Moral Sentiments, though the company’s public service in doing this has not been without controversy.
You’ve also got to hand it to the scandinavians who seem to do everything with meditative forethought. (I credit the six months of darkness.) The Norwegians not only have the Svalbard global seed bank which preserves the world’s agricultural inheritance in a Norad like facility in the icy north near the north pole, but are now aiming to digitize and make available all the world’s books in Norwegian. Should a global catastrophe occur having done so might have cause in the words of Alexis Madrigal:
…Norwegians become to 27th-century humans what the Greeks were to the Renaissance. Everyone names the children of the space colonies Per and Henrik, Amalie and Sigrid. The capital of our new home planet will be christened Oslo.
Even absent Google, Americans aren’t totally left in the dust as archivers by our polar- bear- pale brethren up north. We have the quite respectable Internet Archive and the world oldest (although the word “old” seems strange here) digital library, Project Guttenberg.
Yet, there are a number of possible catastrophic scenarios, such as an AI Apocalypse, where this capacity to easily store and recover digitized information might be irrevocably lost. You also need functioning electricity grids and/or battery production manufacturing capacity both of which seem at danger should a truly big-one occur. Disturbing on this score is the fact that a number of libraries are eliminating their physical collections as they embrace digitization, something that the Internet Archive is now trying to rectify by collecting actual physical copies of books.
Venerable institutions such as The Library of Congress and The Smithsonian Institution already have extensive physical collections, not just of books, but of physical artifacts as well, and should they somehow survive a global catastrophe, I picture them being our equivalent of the Library of Alexandria where people will flock to access not just books but working versions of vital technologies that might otherwise have been lost, such as electrical lighting, which the monk, Brother Kornhoer, in A Canticle for Leibowitz has to jerry- rig back into existence almost from scratch.
The use of paper as a medium to store our books and blueprints at first seems like the tried and true option, after all it served us so well in the past, but as anyone knows who has a book more than 50 years old, modern paper decays very fast. And using paper as our medium of storage also assumes that whatever catastrophic event has happened has left us with enough trees. Even the antique version of paper, sometimes made from animal skins, succumbs after a few centuries to the literal “book worm”, and you also need either printing presses or whole human institutions of scriveners such as the monasteries and monks to make copies.
The late classical world already had monastic institutions that were widespread before the loss of knowledge- a loss which took a long time to unfold. Our own loss of knowledge, should it (however unlikely) occur, seems less likely to creep into being then come along with a bang, and in the age of Scarlett Johansson who wants to be a monk?
As always thinking about the deep future, the The Long Now Foundation has its Rosetta Project where it preserves the world’s languages on electroformed solid-nickel disk, a model which might serve as a template for long-term information storage. Here’s their description:
The Rosetta Disk fits in the palm of your hand, yet it contains over 13,000 pages of information on over 1,500 human languages. The pages are microscopically etched and then electroformed in solid nickel, a process that raises the text very slightly – about 100 nanometers – off of the surface of the disk. Each page is only 400 microns across – about the width of 5 human hairs – and can be read through a microscope at 650X as clearly as you would from print in a book. Individual pages are visible at a much lower magnification of 100X.
Something like the Rosetta Disk avoids the ravages of the book worm, and will certainly last a long time, but you do need a microscope to read it, and it’s pretty easy to imagine a future where microscopes are a rare or even non-existent tool. We could make larger versions of the Rosetta Disk so that the text is readable to the naked eye, but then we run into the limitations of cost: we can’t very well copy even more than a handful of the books in existence using this method. And they would only be reproducible on a large scale basis it seems by using one of the other methods.
Then again, we could always look to nature. Life on earth has over 3 billion year leg up on human beings when it comes to storing and passing along information- it’s called DNA. You can put an amazingly large amount of information on an equally amazingly small segment of DNA as in about half a million DVDs of storage on half a gram! In the beginning of 2013 researchers in the UK were able to encode Shakespeare’s sonnets, and MLK’s “I have a dream!” speech among other things on DNA. Much more than any medieval abbot, nature abhors copying errors, and therefore DNA makes not merely a great storage medium, as long as where it is stored is cool and dry it can last for thousands of years, but a means to make copies with near hundred percent fidelity.
DNA exceeds digital media for storage and copying and matches something like the Rosetta Disk for longevity, the problem is the technology to make, store, and read such DNA texts is relatively high tech, and therefore vulnerable or unworkable in many catastrophic scenarios. It’s also much less readily searchable than digital media or even indexed paper texts.
Perhaps what we need to make sure a good bulk of the world’s knowledge survives a global catastrophe is a tiered system of preservation with only the most essential technical and scientific information, including how to build and use other forms of information dissemination and storage, put on something like large Rosetta Disks, a second level of not as essential but important and culturally significant knowledge being stored on long-lasting paper, almost everything on digital media, and absolutely everything we could get our hands on stored on DNA.
All of these things would have to be done before the occurrence of any catastrophic event that lunged us backward into a new dark age. Once the lights went out we certainly shouldn’t expect, like Miller, that the Catholic Church would play the same role in preserving knowledge as it had in the past, for, as Mark Twain said, “history doesn’t repeat, it rhymes”. Indeed, should we create the kinds of information preservation mechanisms I outlined above, we would need an organization already dedicated to those mechanisms to manage those efforts, and in today’s world such an organization seems likely to be secular.
I can imagine a type of global organization whose members were in their day-to-day reality scattered across differing organizations we have in place today for disseminating and storing knowledge: universities, major libraries, scientific institutions such as the Royal Society a small number of whom would in a pre-catastrophe world run the types of information preservation efforts I have sketched out who, in the unlikely case that a global catastrophic event occurred, would work slowly and over generations to re-establish the world’s learning.
I have already suggested ways we might pay for this.
The great bulk of what we would need to re-establish should a large chunk of the world’s knowledge be destroyed would be technological and scientific. Knowledge that would be essential would be things like, agricultural techniques and science, the Germ theory of disease and the techniques behind vaccinations, how to build and maintain infrastructure such as sewage and plumbing disposal, energy utilizing systems including electrical grids, civil engineering, and the technology behind knowledge behind storing and sharing information. Above all, the scientific method would need to be put firmly back in place.
One of the problems I foresee should an almost complete blackout occur are gaps in knowledge domains that are essentially unpredictable before hand. That is, it seems a safer bet to assume that not only will knowledge have been lost but the knowledge of how to understand whatever knowledge has remained might be lost as well.
It would certainly be an interesting interdisciplinary project to design the kinds of texts that would be necessary to re-establish some field of science should it almost completely disappear. To do so would probably require philosophers and historians of science, mathematicians, practitioners of the science itself, linguists, cultural anthropologists, and instructional designers who were adept at teaching complex ideas to those with minimum starting points in terms of literacy and numeracy.
Given that the source of a global catastrophe is perhaps most likely to come via our own scientifically induced prowess it’s quite sensible to ask if we should be making all this effort to salvage our scientific and technological capacity in the first place? This relationship between our knowledge and our possible destruction is a question dealt with on a profound level in A Canticle for Leibowitz, and I’ll turn to it next time. Yet, as we know man does not live on bread alone, so what of the preservation less material knowledge, the art and wisdom that is the legacy of our global civilization?
Hopefully we would be able to preserve at least some of our human cultural legacy. Thinking about what we might save from our culture under severe constraints in terms of number might be an interesting and perhaps even revealing parlor game ,so I’ll end this post by inviting you to play.
If you could save only 10 books, 10 songs, and 10 artworks from all of human history that should make it through a catastrophic event which would you choose?
5 Comments Posted in Dystopia Tagged A Canticle for Leibowitz, Dark Age, DNA Storage, Global Catastrophic Risks, Google book scanning, History, how monks preserved knowledge, Internet Archive, Long Now Foundation, Preserving the world's knowledge, Rosetta Disk, Svalbard global seed
To see forward, look back!
“The farther backward you look, the farther forward you are likely to see.”
The above quote is taken from Ian Morris’ recent and fascinating Why the West Rules- For Now: The patterns of history and what they reveal about the future. Indeed, the whole point of Morris’ book can be seen in Churchill’s quip. Morris, a trained archaeologist and historian, aims to find a pattern in the broad arc of human history beginning with the birth of civilization, take us into the present age, and project current trends outward into the next century and perhaps beyond.
This is, needless to say, a pretty ballsy thing to do, at least if one wants to remain safe in the cocoon of respectable academia where scholars can spend a decade glued like a car door on Magneto to a subsection of one obscure historical text, or stuck for seven years, as Morris himself was, to the excavation of one ancient room. Writing a meta-narrative like Morris’ is somewhat less ballsy if one intends to enter that rare breed of academic/journalist that has managed to reach the publishing industry’s version of celebrity status. Perhaps the fastest way to reach the top of today’s non-fiction bestseller list is to write a book with the words “America” or the “West” with the verb “decline” attached or- perhaps the flip-side- the words “China” and “Rise”. And who could blame the public for lapping this stuff up, hell, with “Euro-crises”, and “fiscal cliffs” and “debt ceilings” all over the news when everything in the rest of the world, and China especially, seems a go-go-go?
Morris, however, is not some poor soul lost forever to the seriousness of academia and possessed by the spirit of Oswald Spengler, nor is he some dry professor presenting yet another version of those angels- on- the- head- of- a- pin arguments that force closed the eyelids of popular readers. Rather, he has managed the seemingly impossible task of presenting serious scholarship in a way that succeeds in keeping readers not only engaged but entertained. His book is full of creative leaps in which he uses the instruments and insights from one field of human intellectual and artistic endeavor to help understand history in new ways. Above all, Morris takes seriously what are in fact very important questions- problems which modern historians burned by the hubris and prejudice of their 19th and early 20th century predecessors tend to ignore, questions which nonetheless, should be important to all of us as human beings- where did we come from? and where are we going?
The way that Morris frames these questions of origins and destiny is to see them through the prism of the “rise of the West”. Is this Euro-centric? Perhaps, but the facts remain that it was from an obscure corner of Eurasia that the first civilization arose that managed to tie the globe together into one unit, that it was from there that a brand new form of civilization emerged a scientific-industrial-technological civilization that would force all the world to adapt to it or face decline and domination. Why this happened, and where this process unleashed by the West might be leading is not a matter of increasing Westerner’s self-esteem in a period where the two cores of Western civilization- Europe and the United States- seem to be racing one another down the slope of decadence and decline, but are questions that should concern everyone regardless of the accidents of geography.
Morris is trained as an archaeologist specializing in the classical age in the West. One might, therefore, expect him to fall into the category of those 19th century historians who thought there was something very special about the West culturally, or some, with tragic effects argued racially, about the West that made its dominance over the rest of the world’s cultures inevitable. Usually these “long-term lock-in” theories start from something about the ancient Greeks and how they escaped the hold of superstition by the application of reason to both nature and society.
Morris grapples with these explanations from culture only to dismiss them. There are just far too many periods in history where civilizations other than the West hold first place in the realms of science and technology. Think, for example, of what are considered the penultimate technologies that launched the modern age: long range sailing ships, the compass, the printing press and gunpowder. All of these were invented in China.
Something historians attempting to compare civilizations or talking about their rise or decline is by what basis do you say one civilization is more “advanced” than another? How can you tell if a civilization is rising or declining?
It is in coming up with a new way to answer these questions that Morris makes the first of his many leaps found in Why the West Rules, For Now. Morris turns to a model from contemporary development studies- the UN Human Development Index (HDI) which is a combined statistic that compares development between countries on measures such as life-expectancy, education and income as a template for creating his own measure that will allow him to compare levels of development historically between countries and across an historical period that begins with the appearance of civilization in the “Hilly Flanks” of the modern Middle East with the Neolithic Revolution around 12,000 years ago.
Morris comes up with four key measures that allow him to compare development between civilizations and across time: energy capture (how much energy is taken for work), organizational capacity (measured by the size of urban centers), information technology (measured by literacy rates) and military capacity (measured by the size of armies). Morris is well aware that he should not give a value judgment to scores on his scale, and he also fully admits that what he has invented is a rather rough instrument. His is a starting point for a larger discussion- not the final destination.
Applying his measure to history since the dawn of civilization here is what he finds:The West, meaning not just Europe, but the western half of Eurasia and North Africa beginning in Mesopotamia was indeed ahead in developmental terms from Eastern civilization, whose core he place in China, for much of its history. Only in the late middle ages from around 900 AD- 1700 AD was the East ahead of the West. Yet, in a version of the theory put forward by Jared Diamond in his landmark Germs Guns and Steel, Morris argues that the fact that the West was for so long more advanced than the East according to his measure is to be explained not in terms of culture but as a consequence of geography.
Intensive agriculture along with permanent human settlements emerged around 12,000 years ago in a region known as the “Hilly Flanks” an area on the edge of the area around the Tigris and Euphrates. Why here? It just so happens that this area has an overwhelming number of that very small group of naturally occurring plants and animals that are suitable for domestication. Agriculture in the Hilly Flanks spread to the nearby Tigris and Euphrates valley in which, under harsh conditions of a new Ice Age it gave rise to what we would recognize as both cities and states which had grown up as solutions to the problem of how to provide food under conditions of intense scarcity.
The West had a further geographic advantage over the East after the center of its civilization moved into the Mediterranean whose sea provided a transmission belt for food, products, people and ideas. Even after China built its Grand Canal it would have nothing to compete with the Mediterranean. The Roman Empire took the West to the very height of social development in terms of Morris’ scale-the number of trees felled for fuel, of cities at a massive scale, soldiers armed for war, or literate persons would not return to those found in the Roman Empire in its height- for Western countries that is- until the 1700s. Rome had hit what Morris calls a “hard-ceiling” and was eventually felled by his “four horsemen of the apocalypse”: climate change, famine, state failure, and disease”.
After 900, China with its Song Dynasty finally caught up to and surpassed the West reaching Roman levels of social development according to Morris’ measure. How exactly it was able to do this isn’t exactly clear, but certainly part of it had to do with the incorporation of rice producing regions in China’s south- perhaps facilitated by climate change. China’s relative isolation would have offered it some protection against epidemic diseases and it had come up with an effective “barbarian policy” that at the very least allowed China to avoid the fate of a city such as Baghdad that around 1200 was absolutely destroyed by a Mongolian horde.
In any case, with the discovery of the Americas in the 1400s the West would begin its crawl back to the levels of social development found in the Roman Empire this time by creating a new version of the Mediterranean world in the Atlantic Civilization and its Columbian Exchange. But by the 1700s when Thomas Malthus realized that all civilizations in the past had collapsed once their population overran their ability to produce food, it seemed like the hard-ceiling was about to be hit again, only this time, as Kenneth Pomeranz pointed out in his The Great Divergence the West would find in the industrial revolution a way not just to poke above the hard-ceiling, but to shatter it.
Here’s what it looks like as a graph:
The last 200 or so odd years have essentially been the story of the West taking advantage of this new form of industrial civilization it created to dominate the rest of the globe until non-Western societies adopted and replicated it. Now that countries such as China and India have embraced modernization the fate of the rule of the West is written on the wall. Within a century, the great divergence will have run its course, and perhaps that’s the big story under today’s headlines. But Morris doesn’t think so.
Instead, what he sees is another hard-ceiling out ahead which unless we break through it may result in the end of civilization, what he, borrowing from Isaac Asimov calls Nightfall. If one takes one of Morris measures, say urbanization, and plays out the trend line, what one gets is cities on the order of 140 million people! He sees no way of measuring up to these trend lines unless the hopes of the singularians for radical technological change within the next half century prove correct. The four horsemen of
climate change, famine, state failure, and disease are already out of their stable and only a breakthrough of greater magnitude than the industrial revolution would prove capable of pushing them back in.
If we fail to achieve a breakthrough our particular civilization’s collapse- accompanied by nuclear weapons- will likely, according to Morris, be the last. For him, like the title of this blog the future is one of either utopia or dystopia.
9 Comments Posted in Dystopia Tagged History, Ian Morris, Philosophy, Why the West Rules- For Now
Pandemonium, Kingdom of the Quants 1
You wouldn’t think an epic poem from the 17th century that dealt with a war in Heaven between the angels of God and Satan, the creation of Hell, and the fall of Adam and Eve, would have all that much to tell you about the 2008 financial crisis, or, on an even deeper level, would reveal the whole of modern economics to be based on a sort of magical illusion, but you would be wrong. John Milton’s great epic, Paradise Lost does both of those things, and perhaps much more besides.
For those of you who haven’t read Paradise Lost in high school or college I will briefly lay out the story below. I have to admit that I came very late to this book, and hadn’t read it in either high school or college. Once I had I was somewhat upset I hadn’t done so earlier- it is truly one of those books that grab you and change the way you look at the world. All I can say is read this book, and don’t think you can “wait for the movie”, it’s been canceled.
The story is one that probably anyone with even a modest Christian background in some sense already “knows” even if they’ve never heard of Milton. It is the tale of Lucifer and his angelic allies’ rebellion against God, the Son of God, and the angels that remain loyal to their Creator. Lucifer’s rebellion is sparked by his claim that angels are “self-begot”, and therefore owe no worship to God and his Son. The rebels are single-handedly casts out of Heaven by the Son of God, and into the depths of Hell, where they become monstrous, shift-shaping demons. Under the encouragement of the demon, Mammon, (literally “money”), they build Hell’s capital of glittering gold, Pandemonium. This city is supposed to replicate the glorious visages of Heaven, but, though more splendid than any earthly city, remains but Heaven’s pale shadow.
Satan plots his revenge against God, and finds his opportunity in the weak link of God’s new creation- Adam and Eve. After a courageous and epic journey through the depths of Hell, Satan makes his way to the earthly Garden of Eden, where in the form of a serpent, he convinces Eve that the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil God had commanded her and Adam not to eat of on pain of death, is instead the means to upgrade to a god herself.
Ye eat thereof, your eyes that seem so clear,
Yet are but dim, shall perfectly be then
Open’d and clear’d, and ye shall be as gods. (286)
Eve takes the bait, and Adam the ever dutiful husband follows her lead. Rather than leading to godhood, eating from the Tree of Knowledge results in the couple’s expulsion from the Garden and the beginning of the sad fate of human beings until the arrival, promised to Adam by the archangel, Michael, of the Messiah.
You might be asking yourself by now what in the world such a religious epic from an era so unlike our own could possibly have to do with such a real world event as the financial crisis of 2008? Surely, the state of contemporary economics is not so bad that it needs to pull from the pages of religious mythology.
Allow me in what follows to engage in a flight of fancy. What I intend to do below is ride out what is a largely unsubstantiated set of assumptions, a claim, as it were, that has only the barest minimum of research behind it. CRITICISM of such a wild set of assumptions is not only to be expected, but HOPED FOR on my part. For the last thing I would want is to turn some random thought that entered my head into some sort of IDOL, that I refuse to allow to be criticized, or much worse, have DISPROVEN.
Here then is my idea: that one of the best ways to understand the financial crisis that broke upon us in 2008 is not through any of the competing economic models out there which have emerged largely ex post facto to explain the crash, but through the lens of an idea that emerged out of religion- the idea of idolatry.
This idea, in large part, was inspired by David Hawkes, the editor of the brilliant 2005 edition of Paradise Lost I have in front of me. It is Hawkes’ point that what Paradise Lost offers us is an extended meditation on idolatry, and that the concept of idolatry can provide us with a useful guidepost, even when severed from its original ground in the Jewish, Christian or Muslim faiths. That Milton’s great work might be read as a prophecy of our own age of secular idolatry.
Hawkes sees behind Milton’s Paradise Lost, though it is embedded in religious language, what was to become philosophy’s famous distinction between the “thing” and the “thing in itself”. The awareness that we can never know the world as it truly is, but only as it is mediated for us by our senses, and perhaps most especially by our ideas, one would today call them models of it.
The only being who can know the thing in itself, in Milton’s reading of it, is their Creator and thus the world of the created, including the angles, are in a state of alienation in reference to the world. (XXX-XXXI)
Our inability to know the world as it truly is does not, however, stop us from trying. Far too often in our quest we believe we have reached that unreachable destination.
This seemingly innocent confusion of the map for the territory, the symbol for that which is symbolized, is not, in Hawkes’ terms “ethically neutral”. Instead the thing in itself, which only God can see, becomes confused with the image we hold in our hands or place upon an altar. The illusion that we are in possession of the “Truth”, like the voodoo dolls of witches. seems to lead straight to the illusion that we have God-like control over the actual thing we have symbolized. (XXXII)
In the words of Hawkes:
…. for Milton, sin consists in the refusal to recognize, and thus in the attempt to bridge, the world of experience and the world beyond experience. This is the sin of Satan, whose basic mistake is the failure to understand the difference between himself and God is qualitative rather than quantitative. (xxxvi)
The whole of Paradise Lost is a meditation on the dangers of confusing our idols for the thing in itself, our maps for the actual territory. This delusion is seen in Satan’s futile rebellion against an omnipotent God, in the building of Pandemonium, the capital of Hell, in which the demon Mammon thinks the glory of Heaven can be obtained in the gold of the earth. It is seen in the seduction of Eve by the serpent, when she confuses what she sees -the serpents human like power of speech- with the reality of what will be gotten from eating from the Tree of Life.
Hawkes wants us to connect Milton’s meditation on idolatry with the birth of capitalism that was happening right in front of the “eyes” of the blind prophet. Persons were being alienated from their labor as they were forced from their lands and forced to become wage earners, and more importantly for our purposes, money emerged as “an independent, self-generating force- an efficacious sign”. (XV)
Above all, Hawkes wants us to see Paradise Lost not as a mere epic poem that, despite its genius, is too embedded in a religious language that offers little guidance to the problems of our secular age, but as what Milton intended it to be, a prophecy, that was meant to capture the outlines of the future. We are that future, and if Hawkes is right, Milton might have been able to peer into the way in which the world would unfold not out of any connection with the divine, but because his genius occurred at the very moment the modern world was coming into being, allowing him to grasps its fundamental assumptions.
Hawkes writes of us:
Our own “postmodern condition” is characterized by the virtually complete dominance of representation over reality, but few twenty-first-century thinkers are capable of constructing an ethical critique of this situation. Paradise Lost offers such a critique, and that is why Milton’s poem is more pertinent today than ever before. (XXXIII)
What Hawkes interpretation of Paradise Lost provided me with was a model to understand the financial crisis. In particular, it gave me a way to understand the role of two forces which played a role in the outbreak of the crisis: the mathematical geniuses of Wall Street known as “quants” who created a whole new system of computer based finance during the 1980s, 1990s, 2000s that imploded with the 2008 crisis, and the emergence of “fiat currency” in the early 1970s that engendered a credit boom the likes of which was never seen before, and that was ultimately based on the illusion that money could be created out of thin air- like magic.
Next time the Quants….
* John Milton, Paradise Lost, EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY David Hawkes, Barnes and Noble Classics, 2005
12 Comments Posted in Dystopia Tagged History, John Milton, Paradise Lost, Philosophy, Quants, Religion
Pagels’ Revelation 2, On Violence and Utopia
To return to the questions in the prior post: Who was this John of Patmos, as he identifies himself, author of Revelation, and why did he write this strange book? As all reputable Biblical scholarship makes clear, he was not the disciple of Jesus named John, and/or the author one of the four key texts in the New Testament, the Gospel of John.
John of Patmos was Jewish believer in the message of Christ, that is, not quite yet a Christian (more on that in a bit). Given the time in which he was living, and the beliefs he had adopted, his idea that the end of the world was at hand was no mere fantasy of the delusional, but reflected real, and current events. He seems to have written, first and foremost, for the reasons he said he had- to warn “all who could hear” about what he believed was the coming end of the world.
He was writing around 90 AD, and may very well have been a refugee from the incredibly violent Roman siege, starvation, and destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD. Jesus had predicted the destruction of the famed Jewish temple in that holiest of cities- “that not one stone would remain”, and in essence it had happened. (Pagels believes this prophecy reported in the Gospels to be legit, and not, as some think a later embellishment R10).
The war in the homeland of the Jews, then called Judea, had broken out four years earlier as a rebellion of intensely religious Jews, known as the Zealots, who sought to throw out the Romans and establish a kingdom of the godly on earth. It was perhaps the world’s first truly civilizational religious war: in part sparked by what many Jews considered to be Roman sacrilege of Jewish religious norms, whose rebels aimed at creating a religiously based political community to be ruled by their hoped for coming messiah. It was a revolt that was ultimately crushed by the Romans who in doing so took direct aim at the Jewish religion: desecrating its holy sites and burning its most sacred temple to the ground.
John may have seen this destruction himself, and even if he did not, he certainly had met the scores of refugees from the Roman war on the holy land. He would have heard, first hand, the stories of the destruction and sacrilege, the rape of Jewish women, the tale of the Jews under siege at the fortress of Masada who chose mass suicide rather than the murder or enslavement by the Roman army that surrounded them. But this religious war would have only been part of John’s understanding of Rome’s violence against “God’s people”, he would also be confronted by the specter of Rome’s own cult of power, and its corresponding religious persecution.
In modern times, at least in Western countries, we tend to try to preserve a line, sharp or blurred ,depending on our particular national culture, between politics and religion. Political figures or movements that cross this line are usually criticized for using religion for political ends. In the Roman world, on the other hand, it was not merely that religion was co-opted by political forces- it was that religion possessed no real independent existence apart from the state.
As Pagel’s points out, the Imperial Cult of Rome, in which conquered peoples accepted and worshiped both Roman gods and the emperor, were a means by which conquered peoples showed their loyalty to the conqueror. To not give worship to Rome rulers and its gods constituted an act of political defiance. Any wonder then that Jews, and later Christians, aroused the suspicion of Rome, which sometimes resulted in the empire’s extremely cruel persecutions of these dissident groups even outside the religious wars between Romans and Jews. Such persecutions could include everything from crucifiction to being tortured and eaten alive by wild animals for public entertainment.
If the political world offered John plenty of endtime material, the natural world delivered as well. The massive eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 C.E. had not only turned people quite literally to stone, it had opened a vast crater that seemingly opened into the burning mouth of hell, and caused molten lava to rein from the heavens.
But if it is clear that we should not look at Revelation as a book that aimed its’ prophecy at some far-off human future, but instead was a dystopian perspective on the Roman Empire in the present of its author, how should we make sense of John’s seeming obsession with the Jews, which is another underlying theme in the book? That is, how are we to understand that Revelation is told from the perspective of the Jewish fight for liberation and justice against the Romans when it author, John, seemingly has such horrible things to say about the Jews as well.
It was once typical to read John’s ravings about the Jews as an early example of Christian anti- semitism. A pathology, which as we all know, was to play such a disastrous role in later Western history. That’s how I always read Revelation, but Pagel offers an alternative explanation, one that seemed to make apparently nonsensical ravings such as ones against “those that say they are Jews and are not” scattered throughout Revelation actually make sense.
Pagel sees John as on the losing side of an argument about what Christianity was to become. Was it to present itself the fulfillment of the Jewish faith, concentrate on the conversion of fellow Jews, and retain Jewish law for converts such as dietary laws and the practice of circumcision? Or was it to open itself fully to non-Jews- the Gentiles- concentrate on their conversion rather than the conversion of fellow Jews, and largely abandon Jewish law for religious practices that would be more attractive to non-Jews?
Pagel sees John of Patmos as taking the position that Christianity should remain as close as possible to the Judaism it claimed to fulfill, whereas the apostle Paul, whose side ultimately won this debate, wanted, in a sense, to walk away from traditional Judaism and spread a new faith among the Gentiles.
So John in his Revelation is aiming at two primary targets: the Roman Empire, and those in his new religious movement centered on the figure of Jesus Christ (the Paul faction) who wanted to redefine the faith to embrace the Gentiles and abandon almost all of traditional Judaism.John’s seemingly anti-semitic statements can now be seen not as attacking the Jews but those early Christians who were abandoning much of Judaism and setting their sights on converting the pagans.
With this in mind we can start to answer the question of what all his crazy symbolism might mean. The Beast in all likelihood is the Roman Empire, with the “Whore of Babylon” being the great city of Rome itself, both after all, sit upon seven hills. The Beast’s “seven heads” are likely the last seven emperors of Rome up until the madman emperor, Nero.
The infamous Nero, who had murdered his own mother and was rumored to have deliberately set afire the city of Rome, could easily play the part of the last head (emperor) of the seven headed Beast (Rome). Nero had died of a self-inflicted wound to the head- just like the wound suffered by John’s Beast, but was rumoured to be still alive and plotting his return. A rumor John may have known and believed.
The so-called “mark of the beast” which people need to be able to “buy or sell” is probably a cryptic reference to Roman coins which often had images of the Roman emperor, Roman gods, or both, and which many observant Jews of the time faced a moral dilemma in using. (Though Jesus with his “Render what is Caesar’s unto Caesar and what is God’s unto God”, apparently, did not.)
The “false prophet” figure of the antichrist, though John doesn’t call him that, is likely a reference to one of the figures on the Paul side of the where-do-we-go-from-here? debate among early Christians. He might also be the author of a lost alternative end-of-time narrative to John’s own. Pagels shows us just how common these narratives were at the time, an obvious reflection of the enormous pressures society was undergoing at that time.
The figure of Jezebel is also likely one of these figures of early Christianity, and Pagels here too brings prominent Christian preachers who were women lost to time, or erased from official history back into view. Talk of Jezebel’s “fornication” by John Pagels sees not so much as a puritanical slur as a reference of this prophetesses’ tendency to aim her preaching at “unclean” pagans.
This still leaves us with plenty of questions in terms of John’s symbolism, but a more practical question is how John’s Revelation came to be in the Bible at all if it was indeed a rival to the ultimately winning (Paul) side of the debate among early Christians regarding the future of the faith?
In fact, Pagels points out that including Revelation in the officially sanctioned books that make up the New Testament was highly contested and controversial. At the end of the day, Revelation had a number of opposing strengths that would lead to its eventual inclusion in the Bible.
For one, it offered hope, and ultimate justice and in doing so became popular with Christians who were even more brutally persecuted by the Romans during the 2nd century than they had been when John penned Revelation. The Romans considered the Christians “atheist” in that they didn’t believe in the gods, and though neither would admit it, Christianity and atheism have been the flip-side of one another ever since.
What was worse for the Romans is that this atheism was rapidly spreading and in sections of the population: slaves, women, the poor where such beliefs might foment revolution. The fact that many Christians would not disavow their beliefs, would suffer horrible tortures and death rather than pay homage to the emperor and the Roman gods, or would refuse to curse the name of this agitator- Jesus- whom the Romans had proved to be a charlatan when they crucified him over a century before, made Christians appear like dangerous fanatics in the eyes of Roman magistrates, a cancer on the Empire that needed to be stopped before it became impossible to do so.
Under conditions like this, for Christians, John’s Revelation didn’t read like prophecy- it read like the news. But then everything changed.
In 313 the Roman Emperor Constantine legalized Christianity. By the end of his reign Christianity would be the official religion of the empire that had tried to destroy it. Christian churches, not pagan temples, would be paid for with the taxes of Rome. Pagans, rather than Christians would find themselves under state persecution. A betting man would have wagered that The Book of Revelation which had preached against the Roman Empire had had its day. Yet here, another strength of Revelation makes its appearance- that is the ambiguity of its symbolism. John never says “I am talking about the Roman Empire”, “the Whore of Babylon is Rome” etc. You can project onto Revelation any enemy you wish, which also means you can deny that its characters represent some particular power or person as well.
The person almost singularly responsible for getting the Book of Revelation included in the Bible was Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria. Athanasius was an impassioned proponent of a hierarchical and universal (catholic) church. His election to the position of Bishop in Alexandria in the early 300s was contested and the issue ultimately decided in his favor by Constantine with whom he had close connections. Many in the Egyptian church fought this decision and Athanasius fought a 40yr struggle to bring them to heel.
In this fight Athanasius found in Revelation a potent weapon. John’s warnings against “false prophets” would be used in Athanasius’ hands to mean any group of “heretics” that did not submit to the will of the Church which was now firmly aligned with the Roman Empire. This Athanasius was a major figure among the group of Church and Imperial officials that would create the Nicene Creed, the declaration of belief that Catholics recite at the beginning of religious services to this day. He was also a key player in the decision of what books were to make up the official Christian Bible, and he would argue for, and win the inclusion of Revelation.
This still leaves us with the last question, namely, what does The Book of Revelation mean for us? Here I will step away from Pagel and speak for myself. What it certainly is not is some sort of actual prophecy to be applied to our own time. Yet, given the ambiguity symbolism in the story, and its proven ability to be projected upon just about any political or religious environment, Revelation is likely to be used, or rather misused, in this way until human beings stop imagining the end of the world. A scenario that will probably only come about when there are no longer human beings around to worry about such things. That is, the end of Revelation, or some variant of it, will only come about once the world, at least for us human beings, really has ended.
As I have pointed out in the past, other myths that explained the world in terms of a battle of good against evil, that would end with the victory of the good and represent the end of history predate The Book of Revelation, but it is primarily this book that still holds us in its spell.
John’s strange images of violence, destruction, and evil incarnate take us into the world of our worst fears, but his story ends with the birth of a new world, and the end not merely of this particular experience of suffering in this specific time, but the end of all suffering, and, at least for the just, for all of time to come. In his vision not just human beings stop hurting and killing one another, but animals stop doing so to one another as well. The bloodshed of John’s end-times is a type of catharsis that purges, once and for all, the elemental relationship between violence and the living world. Revelation, as Pagels points out, is a vision of both our worst fears and most fervent hopes.
It is probably this idea of ending violence through violence that has proven to be the most deadly legacy of Revelation. You can see it in the revolutionary reigns of terror in both the French and Russian Revolutions where killing was justified on the basis that violence was being made a thing of the past- a new state to be reached, it was claimed, once the current violence was over. You find this same dangerous nonsense in “wars to end all wars” or “the war on terrorism”, which given that terrorism is a tactic amounts to “the war on war”. The idea that violence waged against violence will be one that the side of “good violence” is destined to win is a dangerous illusion that has resulted in the most dangerous of gambles with the very survival of humanity.
Violence is good for only two things that I can think of: self-defense, and to stop other violence as it is occurring or right before it is about to occur. Violence can not end violence, and it effect is often exactly the opposite, it can only stop the violence of another group in its tracks. Violence is, thus, a purely negative force, and despite what you might have learned in your political science classes it is never the basis of anything. Even the cruelest of states use violence not as a basis of their power but as a means of making sure no one but those willing to collaborate with them is actually able to organize. As the Romans knew well there is no basis for empire without a sea of willing collaborators.
But if we can step back from this dangerous illusion in Revelation that violence can end violence we can see what I believe to be the true and lasting value of that bizarre book. In a way that would have never occurred to the Romans who held violence to be an elemental, inescapable, and even praiseworthy feature of the world [these Romans who, after all, built their famous Coliseum as a house-of-horrors to entertain vast crowds with animals killing animals, animals killing humans, and humans killing humans] that there was something wrong with this state of affairs, that a more perfect world would be one in which violence, even the natural violence of animals, never occurred.
But John, in his confrontation with the Roman Empire could see this, and was thus able to take a moral and imaginative leap into a world that was not, into a utopia, where violence was gone from the world. This is the same type of leap that was taken from a very different perspective by the Indian religion of Jainism that till this day practices nonviolence against all living things. Both Revelation and Jainism accuse the violent character of the natural and human worlds of being immoral on account of such violence, and imagine in its place something new.
A world purged of violence is without doubt utopian in the sense that it will never be realized, but the fact that so many of us have come to believe that violence is fundamentally wrong, that we have purged or tried to purge it from all the places where Roman civilization found it to be natural: from the family, from the economy, from criminal justice, from even our relationship with animals can give us hope that the arc of history moving away from violence, an arc that John of Patmos helped identify, is more than just the delusion of a madman but a destination we, with effort, can continuously move towards, if never reach.
11 Comments Posted in Dystopia, Utopia Tagged Book of Revelation, Elaine Pagels, History, Philosophy, Religion
Am I a machine?
Listening to the Abyss
The Flash Crash of Reality
Crushing the Stack
The Evolution of Chains
Citizenship as Fob Key
Our Potemkin Civil War
Preparing for a world of refugees
Slavery’s past and disturbingly likely future
Utopia of the Wastelands
1984 Alan Turing Anthropocene Artificial Intelligence Better Angels of Our Nature Big Data Book of Revelation Capitalism China Christmas Clay Shirky Climate Change Cory Doctorow Creationism Dana Priest David Brin David Eagleman David Graeber Democracy Donald Trump Dystopia E.O. Wilson Environmentalism European Union Evgeny Morozov Futurism George Orwell Giordano Bruno Globalization God Hannah Arendt History Immortality Inequality Jaron Lanier Kevin Kelly Lawrence Krauss Longevity Miguel Nicolelis Neo-reactionaries NSA Occupy Wall Street P.W. Singer Peter Thiel Philosophy Plato Politics Post-humanism Progress Quants Religion Richard Dawkins Robots Sam Harris Science Science-Fiction Singularity Slavery Spirituality Steve Fuller Steven Pinker Techno-progressive Technological Unemployment: Technology The Dispossessed The Hunger Games Time Transhumanism Trump Ursula Le Guin Utopia Vernor Vinge War War between science and religion William Gibson
Future of Humanity Institute, Oxford
Institute for Ethics and Emerging Technology
The Long Now Foundation
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December 19, 2016 4:00PM PT
Korea’s Netmarble Acquires Bulk of Kabam, Game Studio Backed by Warner Bros., MGM
CREDIT: Courtesy of Kabam
Netmarble Games, a major mobile-game publisher based in South Korea, has agreed to acquire Kabam’s Vancouver-based studio, the developer of massively multiplayer, free-to-play games including the worldwide hit “Marvel Contest of Champions.”
Terms of the the deal, expected to close during the first quarter of 2017, were not disclosed. Kabam had received an unsolicited $800 million offer for its Canadian studio, VentureBeat reported earlier this fall. Netmarble is acquiring Kabam’s Vancouver studio along with some other U.S. operations; Kabam said it expects to sell off its three other studios — located in L.A., San Francisco and Beijing — after the Netmarble deal closes.
Kabam’s “Marvel Contest of Champions,” developed under a pact with Disney’s Marvel Entertainment, has grossed over $450 million since launching in December 2014 and has more than 90 million installs, according to the company. The Vancouver studio was formed out of Kabam’s 2013 acquisition of Exploding Barrel Games.
Investors in privately held Kabam included Alibaba Group, Google, MGM, Intel, Redpoint Ventures and Warner Bros. The company had raised about $245 million, including $120 million in funding from Alibaba in 2014 giving it a valuation of more than $1 billion.
Netmarble also is the largest shareholder of L.A.-based mobile games company Jam City, formerly known as SGN. In 2015, Netmarble invested $130 million in the company, and this year Jam City acquired TinyCo, the mobile games developer whose titles built around Hollywood franchises include “Marvel Avengers Academy” and “Family Guy: The Quest for Stuff.” Netmarble said there are no plans for now to merge Kabam and Jam City.
Upcoming Kabam Vancouver releases include “Transformers: Forged to Fight,” slated to bow worldwide in the second quarter of 2017, under a pact with Hasbro. That’s timed to hit around the release of Michael Bay’s “Transformers: The Last Knight,” set to premiere June 23, 2017, the first of three additional “Transformers” movies greenlit by Paramount Pictures.
Meanwhile, Kabam’s L.A. studio (which is not part of the Netmarble deal) is creating a multiplayer game based on James Cameron’s “Avatar” under a pact between Lightstorm Entertainment and 20th Century Fox.
Netmarble, in addition to the Kabam Vancouver studio group, also will acquire the company’s customer-support teams in Austin office and parts of the business development, marketing and user acquisition teams from Kabam San Francisco.
“We are thrilled to acquire Kabam’s Vancouver studio, which has proven itself as one of the best in game development, and business competitiveness in the western market including the U.S.,” Seungwon Lee, Netmarble’s chief global officer, said in a prepared statement. “We look forward to strengthening Netmarble’s business in the western market including the U.S. through this deal.”
Kevin Chou, CEO and co-founder of Kabam, said the company’s Vancouver studio “is joining a premiere organization that will continue its legacy of creativity and propel it to the next generation of game development.”
“We’re extremely proud of the work we accomplished with the Vancouver studio, and we know the team will continue their world-class work with Netmarble. No doubt they will continue to create amazing games for a global audience,” Chou said.
Netmarble, founded in 2000, has more than 3,000 employees. Netmarble has investments from and strategic partnerships with CJ E&M Corp., Korea’s largest entertainment company; Chinese internet giant Tencent; and Korean game developer NCsoft.
For Kabam, BofA Merrill Lynch is acting as financial adviser and O’Melveny & Myers is acting as legal adviser. Ropes & Gray LLP is acting as legal adviser to Netmarble.
Netmarble Games
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Britney Spears Is Getting Her Own Funko Toy and It’s the Best Thing Ever
Britney Spears fans can soon own a little piece of her performance history.
The iconic songstress is getting her very own Funko Pop! doll, modeled after her 2001 MTV Video Music Awards performance of "I'm a Slave 4 U." The figurine shows the singer wearing the very costume she took the stage in as well as a python draped around her shoulders. The doll also has a headset microphone on, as Spears did when she did the performance.
The doll will be available at the end of January. It's likely to sell fast, so be sure to get in line to get yours or pre-order it on Amazon now.
Spears' fans are excited to get their hands on the doll. The singer herself hasn't yet addressed the doll's release. Her most recent social media posts have been celebrating the 20 year anniversary of her album, ...Baby One More Time.
"Can you believe that this album was released 20 years ago today>>!! I can't. It's definitely been the journey of a lifetime, full of ups and downs, but I'm grateful for every single moment of it all. Getting to know you all over the years has been such an incredible experience, and has made this all worth it. Thank you for your support from 20 years ago, all the way to today. I am blessed," she captioned a photo of the album cover.
Celebrity Fans of Britney Spears
Source: Britney Spears Is Getting Her Own Funko Toy and It’s the Best Thing Ever
Filed Under: Britney Spears
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Women's eNews (https://womensenews.org/2007/03/spains-equality-law-nds-abortion-ban/)
Spain’s Equality Law; N.D.’s Abortion Ban
By: WeNews Staff | March 17, 2007
(WOMENSENEWS)–
Spain’s parliament has approved a national law to guarantee that 40 percent of political candidates are women in what Prime Minister Jose Luis Rodriguez Zapatero called an effort to transform Spanish society “radically, and for good,” the Inter Press Service News Agency reported March 15.
In addition to political affirmative action measures, the new Law of Equality establishes enforcement for guaranteeing gender equality in the workplace, expands maternity leave for women and provides men with 13 days of paternity leave for the first time. Companies with more than 250 employees will be required to develop gender equality plans and appoint women to 40 percent of board seats within eight years.
“Today is the first day of a different society,” Zapatero said during the debate in Parliament, according to the BBC. Since coming to power in 2004, Zapatero has made gender equality and women’s issues a cornerstone of his domestic policy; he also appointed women to half his cabinet seats.
Spain also agreed to donate $3.9 million to the United Nations Trust Fund to End Violence Against Women this week, and became the fund’s largest contributor last year.
More News to Cheer This Week:
Thirty-one women have been appointed to serve as Egypt’s first female judges, the Associated Press reported March 14. The women, who were previously state prosecutors, are expected to serve in family status tribunals rather than criminal courts, but the move follows decades of efforts by women’s rights activists to put women on the bench. The order from the head of the Supreme Judicial Council came despite widespread opposition from some Islamic factions.
Janet Conney, a former professor at the University of California-Los Angeles, will receive a $4.07 million jury award in a sex discrimination and harassment case, the American Association of University Women Legal Advocacy Fund, who represented the plaintiff, announced March 14. Conney was denied a promotion and reassigned with a reduced salary to a part-time position, while her male colleagues were paid double or more.
Since South Africa legalized abortion in 1996, deaths from clandestine abortions have dropped 91 percent, the International Herald Tribune reported March 8. In the decade since, nearly 530,000 women had abortions, according to Ipas South Africa. The reproductive rights group estimates 4.2 million unsafe abortions are performed across the African continent annually, resulting in about 30,000 maternal deaths each year.
South Africa has also launched a five-year plan to reduce the number of HIV infections by 50 percent, the AP reported March 14. The plan follows a government report that linked a lack of coordination and monitoring with an increased death rate, especially among women. About 5.5 million South Africans are infected with the virus; among women aged 25 to 29, the infection rate is 40 percent.
Vienna, Austria, has launched a campaign to place signs in all city buildings that reflect changing gender roles, the Christian Science Monitor reported March 14. Signage will include pictures of men changing diapers and women riding elevators; stickers for reserved seating on public transit will feature elderly women and women with disabilities; and building exit signs feature a woman in a skirt with wind-blown hair.
Mexican journalist Lydia Cacho will receive the 2007 Ginetta Sagan Human Rights Award from Amnesty International. Cacho’s book, “Children of Eden,” reveals ties between business and government interests in forcing girls into prostitution. She was arrested in 2005 after the book’s publication and sued for defamation; charges have since been dropped. Cacho, who also runs a center for abused women in Cancun, will tour the United States after receiving the award later this month.
“Bush’s Budget Alarms Safety Advocates”:
“Cacho Faces Defamation Charges in Mexico”:
“South African Teen Risks Motherhood, AIDS”:
The North Dakota Senate is debating a bill to ban all abortions in the state, allowing an exception only to save a woman’s life, the Bismarck Tribune reported March 14. If approved, the ban would become what’s known as a “trigger law,” meaning that it would automatically come into effect if the Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, the 1973 decision that legalized abortion rights.
“North Dakotans deserve to make these personal, private decisions free from government intrusion,” said Sarah Stoesz, president of Planned Parenthood Minnesota, North Dakota and South Dakota, in a press statement. “This bill attempts to substitute political opinion for medical judgment and endangers women’s health and safety in the process.”
About 1,200 abortions are performed in the state each year; abortion providers would be subject to felony criminal charges if the law is implemented.
The North Dakota bill follows the defeat of an abortion ban in neighboring South Dakota by voters last November. Following the election, a modified version of the ban, which added exceptions in cases of rape, incest and to protect the health of the woman, was rejected by the Legislature in February.
More News to Jeer This Week:
A recent survey of over 1,200 domestic violence programs across the United States found that more than 50,000 adults and children were served by those programs in a single day, the National Network to End Domestic Violence announced March 13. More than 14,000 people sought emergency shelter and 8,000 were in transitional living facilities. The survey data is being collected to support advocates’ efforts to secure full funding for the Violence Against Women Act.
The number of reported domestic violence cases in Japan reached a record high in 2006, Agence France Presse reported March 8. Cases rose 8 percent from the previous year. Ninety-eight percent of the cases involved women.
Honor killing is still tolerated in Jordan as the nation’s law continues to be lenient toward those who kill relatives in order to protect a family’s honor, the U.N. news agency IRIN reported March 11. Parliament rejected a bill recommended by a royal commission in 1999 that would have established stiff penalties for killers. Women’s rights activists finger cultural and political influences for the lack of action on the issue.
The Texas Legislature has blocked an executive order from Gov. Rick Perry requiring that all sixth-grade girls receive the HPV vaccine, the Houston Chronicle reported March 14. Perry’s order met stiff resistance from lawmakers and religious constituents, who argue the vaccine promotes promiscuity.
A Pakistani woman and two men were stoned and then shot to death for committing adultery in Pakistan’s Northwest Frontier Province, Reuters India reported March 15. A government official said the three had confessed to the jirgha, or tribal council, who carried out the death sentences after Islamic activists caught them in “a compromising position.” Sex outside of marriage is a crime in Pakistan.
Noted:
Legendary women’s basketball coach Jody Conradt resigned her position at the University of Texas-Austin after 31 years on the job, the San Antonio Express-News reported March 13. Conradt is only the second coach in the history of the National Collegiate Athletic Association to reach 900 wins during her career, but her team failed to reach the finals for the second year in a row, prompting her departure. “She’s left her footprints all over the game and all over a lot of us coaches,” said University of Tennessee coach Pat Summitt.
Contributors: Theresa Braine, Women’s eNews Mexico bureau chief; Nouhad Moawad, managing editor of Arabic Women’s eNews; Jennifer Thurston, associate editor of Women’s eNews.
Keroack Resigns; Pregnancy Bias Claims Rise
By: Bowen and Moawad | March 31, 2007
(WOMENSENEWS)–CheersDr. Eric Keroack, who has been embroiled in controversy since he was appointed as the Health and Human Services Department’s chief family planning officer in November, abruptly resigned his post on March 29, Reuters reported.Keroack’s selection by President Bush was met with strong criticism from women’s groups over his anti-abortion stance and his previous work with five Massachusetts “crisis pregnancy” centers. Massachusetts state Medicaid officials took an undisclosed action against Keroack earlier in the week, which led to his departure.In his federal position, Keroack oversaw $283 million in family planning grants used to provide contraception to low-income women, but his opposition to contraception provoked 107 House Democrats and three Republicans to call for his resignation in December.”It’s a good day for women’s health,” Cecile Richards, president of Planned Parenthood Federation of America, said.
EU Enforces Abortion Law; Violent Ads Proliferate
(WOMENSENEWS)–CheersThe European Court of Human Rights awarded Alicja Tysiac of Poland $33,000 after doctors ignored her pleas for an abortion to maintain her eyesight, the BBC reported March 20. The court ruled that her human rights were violated when doctors refused to perform an abortion even though Tysiac was warned that her pregnancy could result in blindness.After giving birth in 2000, Tysiac suffered a retinal hemorrhage.
Cheers and Jeers
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Women's eNews (https://womensenews.org/2008/06/rights-treaty-in-uganda-snags-african-values/)
Rights Treaty in Uganda Snags on ‘African Values’
By: Rachel Scheier | June 2, 2008
KAMPALA, Uganda (WOMENSENEWS)–A young professional is fired and blacklisted after telling her boss she’s HIV-positive. A woman is driven out of her home by her husband after she is left incontinent from complications during childbirth. A teen is pulled out of school by her family so they can marry her off.
These are just a few of the all-too-common events in the lives of Ugandan women, scenarios that activists say would never befall men here and would be addressed very specifically by the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, commonly known as the Maputo Protocol.
The treaty, says Solome Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe, executive director of Kampala-based Akina Mama wa Afrika, is facing fierce religious opposition and is far from parliamentary ratification, however.
“It’s not a priority for government,” said Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe, who sees something of a backlash against women’s rights in Uganda.
For the first time in international law, the Maputo Protocol–named for the Mozambican capital where it was drafted in 2003 as an addition to the 1981 African Charter on Human and People’s Rights–provided a legal framework for issues ranging from marriage and property rights to domestic violence to female genital mutilation.
Uganda was among the 23 African countries–slightly less than half of the member states of the African Union–to sign the protocol so far.
Since then, several members of parliament have spoken in favor of ratifying the protocol, which is backed by the Uganda Human Rights Commission, an influential and independent constitutional body charged with, among other things, ensuring the country’s compliance with international treaties.
Criticized as Western Import
But since its inception five years ago, opponents led by the Uganda Joint Christian Council, a powerful religious lobby, have condemned the protocol as an importation of Western-style women’s rights at cultural odds with the region.
To the contrary, says Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe. She describes it as the first treaty to specifically address contemporary African women’s issues: conflict, displacement, land rights and inheritance. “This is not something that was drafted in The Hague or Beijing,” she said.
Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe says Maputo provides the international legal framework needed for the much-lauded constitutional provisions for women in Uganda, which, at the moment, remain largely theoretical.
“The government has to own up to its commitments and be accountable to women in Uganda, and above all, to other states in the African Union,” she said.
Akina wa Mama and other women’s groups in Uganda are working to educate the public about the treaty. Akina wa Mama released a short video about the protocol–distributed to women’s groups around Africa and elsewhere–that highlighted unequal practices that commonly affect the lives of Ugandan women, from job discrimination to wife inheritance.
Pitched Battle Over Abortion
In Uganda, which is about 85 percent Christian, the protocol faces a pitched battle with Catholic bishops and other religious leaders who have focused on the issue of abortion.
Article 14 of the protocol guarantees women safe, legal medical abortion “in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest and where the continued pregnancy endangers the mental and physical health of the mother or the life of the mother or the fetus.”
If Uganda ratified all articles of the Maputo Protocol it would necessitate a change to the country’s current legal code, which outlaws abortion under all circumstances, although clandestine abortion is widespread.
In 2006, the Uganda Joint Christian Council sought intervention from President Yoweri Museveni.
In a well-publicized letter to the president, they asked him to “reject any policy that would expose Uganda in particular, and Africa as a whole, to mass murder through the legalization of abortion.”
Last summer the former archbishop of Conakry, Guinea, was widely quoted speaking on behalf of bishops from several African nations who criticized the Maputo Protocol as “the slow but sure destruction of fundamental African values: respect for life, the importance of the family, motherhood, fertility and marriage.”
Stalled at Ministries
As a result, say women’s leaders, the issue has now all but stalled in Uganda, as the matter of ratifying the treaty is batted from ministry to ministry.
Museveni’s government was once hailed for its progressive policies on women’s rights.
The country had the first female African vice president, Specioza Wandira Kazibwe, and in 1995 women’s equality was written into the constitution, in a clause considered groundbreaking at the time, to forbid “laws, customs or traditions which are against the dignity, welfare or interest of women.”
The president was much lauded for an “affirmative action policy” that guaranteed at least one-third of legislative and civic positions be reserved for women.
But 13 years later, women’s activists here complain that those measures have been little more than window dressing.
The few instances in which women’s constitutional rights were put into force–last year, the Constitutional Court finally scrapped parts of an adultery law that allowed married men but not women to have an affair, for example–were the result of hard lobbying in court by women’s groups.
Meanwhile, the administration has recently displayed reluctance to pass any new so-called women’s legislation.
“People say, ‘You women, you are now (government) ministers, what more do you want?'” says Nakaweesi-Kimbugwe. “But we are not yet there. Until we have empowerment at the personal level for African women, we are not yet there.”
Despite the many women’s groups that have sprung up in Uganda over the last decade and–until recently–much glowing talk about progress for women enshrined in the country’s constitution, Ugandan women remain far behind men in many respects.
Women have no marital land rights here, and their literacy rates are far lower. Ugandan women suffer among the highest maternal mortality rates in the world and few have access to decent reproductive health care.
Two years ago a broad piece of family law legislation that sought to outlaw marital rape, ease divorce for women, grant property rights to wives and regulate polygamy, which remains common throughout Africa, was first diluted and then abandoned by its advocates.
“The problem was people began looking at themselves: their personal interests, their own marriages. It could not pass,” said Carol Bunga Idembe of the Kampala-based Uganda Women’s Network, which lobbied heavily for the bill.
A Global Gender Gap Index released last year by Harvard University, London Business School and the World Economic Forum declared Uganda among the hardest places for women to live in the world, despite the fact that they seem to be “relatively politically empowered.”
Several other African countries have ratified the protocol “with reservations,” meaning they can exclude specific articles, such as article 14.
Women’s leaders say such a compromise might be a possible way of getting around the abortion debate without throwing out everything else in the treaty.
Rachel Scheier is a writer and editor based in Kampala.
This series is supported by the Carnegie Corporation of New York.
From Victim to Victor: Surviving Sexual Assault in Uganda
By: Tabitha Mpamira-Kaguri | April 14, 2019
As a survivor myself, I can tell you that there is no greater gift to rape survivors than to be believed and validated.
I’ve Witnessed Women and Girls Being Raped in Uganda
By: Nakagolo Elizapraise | April 1, 2019
“Because of this, I want to study hard in order to help those who have been mistreated.”
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Women's eNews (https://womensenews.org/2014/03/study-domestic-violence-takes-heavy-toll/)
Study: Domestic Violence Takes a Heavy Toll
By: Hajer Naili | March 6, 2014
More on Domestic Violence
Subscribe to Domestic Violence
(WOMENSENEWS)–On a single day last September, 9,641 victims of domestic violence tried and failed to find help, shows a March 6 study by the National Network to End Domestic Violence. Sixty percent of their unmet requests were for emergency housing.
"The largest unmet need was for shelter. One of the first steps for survivors escaping violence is finding a safe place to go," the study said. "However, in most places, the demand for emergency shelter is outpacing the availability."
Lack of government and private funding along with a reduced number of staff were reasons that victims were turned away. Authors–citing domestic violence programs that participated in the 24-hour survey on Sept. 17, 2013–say victims who couldn’t find safe refuge most likely returned to their abusers.
Surveyors found two women were killed by their abusers on that day. In Arizona a woman was stabbed and raped by her abusive partner in front of his friends.
They also found that over 66,581 victims of domestic violence–women and children–were served on that day. More than half of victims (36,348) needed and found refuge in emergency shelters or transitional housing.
The survey was designed to monitor the incidence of domestic violence and the extent to which victims were able to receive help and find safe refuge at a shelter.
"Survivors who are trying to escape from abuse and begin new lives have many basic needs: shelter, food, money, transportation, child care, legal assistance and more. One of the most immediate needs is a safe place to stay," said the report.
Out of 1,905 domestic violence programs and shelters identified nationwide, 1,649 programs, or 87 percent, participated in the survey.
One of those who found shelter is named Melissa in the report. She was pregnant with her first son when her abuser hit her for the first time and threw her to the ground. During the following eight years, Melissa endured the same ordeal until she decided to leave with her sons and search for safety at a local domestic violence shelter, which she found.
About Hajer Naili
Hajer Naili is a New York-based reporter for Women's eNews. She has worked for several radio stations and publications in France and North Africa and specializes in Middle East and North Africa women in Islam.
More by Hajer
emergency housing
womens shelters
women_s shelters
Croatia Threatens Secrecy of Country’s Oldest Women’s Shelter
By: Tricia Taormina | June 27, 2016
The facility conceals its location to protect its occupants. But a new government policy requiring inspections, part of a larger movement to tighten control over civil society, could expose it.
Tunisia Marks Belated First in Sheltering Women
By: Camille Lafrance | March 1, 2013
For the country that glows like a beacon of women’s progress in North Africa, the government’s first shelter for survivors of domestic violence finds it lagging far behind neighboring Morocco.
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‘Fast and Furious 9’: Is John Cena Joining the Cast?
With Dwayne Johnson and Jason Statham getting spun off into their own Fast & Furious side project, Hobbs and Shaw, the original F&F franchise is looking for some new blood. In a video posted on social media, it looks like Vin Diesel has found some ... in the form of John Cena, who Diesel says had been “sent” to him by the spirit of Paul Walker:
The degree to which Fast & Furious is now basically the movie version of pro wrestling is absolutely incredible. For those who aren’t WWE literate, this series is now a combination of actual pro wrestling storylines and real-world behind-the-scenes drama that feels like pro wrestling beef. The short version: Diesel and Johnson do not get along for whatever reason, and have been trailed by many rumors that they made the last movie, The Fate of the Furious, very unhappily. There have also been rumors that this Hobbs and Shaw spinoff made without the rest of the Fast & Furious family has only exacerbated the behind-the-scenes issues.
Meanwhile, Johnson and Cena were wrestling rivals for years. While their feud is largely behind them (and largely fictional), there was a several-year period where they were constantly dissing one another on WWE television and the pair headlined two Wrestlemanias back to back. Theoretically, if one wanted to piss Dwayne Johnson off by replacing him with someone he wouldn’t like — at least if you think wrestling is real, or that Johnson and Cena’s fake feud was based in part on some real feelings of professional animosity or rivalry — then the guy you would pick is John Cena. And that seems to be what is happening!
Fast and Furious 9 is scheduled to open in theaters on May 22, 2020. I hope that this whole thing culminates with a three-way match between the Rock, Cena, and Diesel at Wrestlemania 2020. That’s the only correct outcome here.
Gallery — The Best Action Movie Posters of All Time:
Every Fast and Furious Movie Ranked
Source: ‘Fast and Furious 9’: Is John Cena Joining the Cast?
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MDM Team Wins Top Telefonica Award at International R&D Fair
Nov 28, 2008 By Anonymous (not verified)
Vancouver, BC, November 28, 2008 - Movisphere, a virtual world games arcade developed by students of the Masters of Digital Media (MDM) Program in collaboration with Telefonica, won top honours in the "Best New Business Opportunity" Category at Telefonica's Second Annual Research Fair earlier this month. More than 60 entries were received from Telefonica's Research and Development Centres around the world.
Movisphere earned the award for its multiplatform virtual world arcade. Based on a microtransactional model, the platform will enable third party developers to upload multi-player games to an environment where users can play them on either PC or mobile device.
Based in Spain, Telefonica is a leading telecommunications provider with more than 245 million customers in 25 countries. Telefonica actively encourages and supports innovation through initiatives such as the Research Fair where the best new ideas in Internet, mobile technology, videoconferencing, P2P, TV, 3D Visualization, e-Health and other technologies are presented and judged. More than 800 of its top executives, directors and senior managers participated in this year’s event.
Fernando Fournon, President of Telefonica’s research arm spoke at the Research Fair about the company’s commitment to innovation. “This is a great opportunity to see first-hand products currently under development and how these innovative ideas can become reality.”
Recognizing the expertise and talent at the Centre for Digital Media, Telefónica sought out the students of the Masters of Digital Media Program to work on a prototype. For the past two months MDM graduate students Elmar dela Cruz, McKane Lee, Karthik Venkateshan and Bill Zhao have been working on this innovative and technically challenging project with Telefonica’s Juan Jorda del Amo and Alberto Lumbreras. A prototype which will include a number of fully-functional features will be presented December 2008.
The MDM/Telefonica team were thrilled with the award, as was Dr. Gerri Sinclair, Executive Director of the MDM Program. “The fact that they did their presentation over video conference and still won is absolutely amazing and a testament to the fantastic accomplishment of the team” she said.
About the Masters of Digital Media (MDM) Program, Centre for Digital Media @ Great Northern Way Campus (GNWC)
Launched in September 2007, the Masters of Digital Media (MDM) Program is an innovative, full-time professional master’s degree offering students team-based experiences focused on project learning in close collaboration with the international digital media industry. Housed in the Centre for Digital Media at Great Northern Way Campus, the MDM is a 20-month program and includes a paid summer internship.
Great Northern Way Campus (GNWC), established in 2001, is a collaborative educational innovation that combines the strengths of four leading academic institutions: the University of British Columbia, Simon Fraser University, Emily Carr University of Art + Design and the British Columbia Institute of Technology. The MDM graduate degree bears the seals of these four academic partners.
About Telefonica
Telefonica is one of the largest telecommunications companies in the world in terms of market capitalization. Its activities are centered mainly on the fixed and mobile telephony businesses with broadband as the key tool for the development of both.
Telefonica has a significant presence in 25 countries and a customer base that amounts to more than 245 million accesses around the world. Telefonica has a strong presence in Spain, Europe and Latin America, where the company focuses an important part of its growth strategy.
Grace Battiston
Masters of Digital Media Program
grace_battiston@gnwc.ca
CDM News
IDEA-X News
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The Confidence Post
all things self-esteem, confidence, and character building.
Author Archives: theconfidencepost
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Jacqueline Carroll Interviewed by Elizabeth McCann
Posted on April 29, 2016 by theconfidencepost Standard Reply
In connection with our 5th Annual LUNAFEST Film Festival event, which took place earlier this month, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It features interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the entertainment industry.
Follow updates to the Q & A Interview Series campaign and find out about new JLLB activities at twitter.com/JL_LongBeach. For more information about the traveling LUNAFEST Film Festival, which highlights women filmmakers and their short films, visithttps://www.jllb.org/support/lunafest/.
For our seventh and last interview in the series, JLLB President Elizabeth McCann will be interviewing Jacqueline Carroll, who is the Head of Sales at Thunder Studios here in Long Beach.
Elizabeth, who is a second generation native of Long Beach, joined the Junior League of Long Beach in 2009 to reengage in community involvement after years of leadership in other service organizations in Long Beach. One of a number of highlights in Elizabeth’s league career has been her Advocacy work on JLLB’s Public Affairs Committee — specifically, serving as both Junior and Senior Delegates for the Junior League of California’s State Public Affairs Committee (CalSPAC). Her other key roles in JLLB have included working in the Fund Development areas for the league and holding the Board of Directors position of Treasurer in a prior year to her current position as President.
Outside of the league, Elizabeth is a Nonprofit Fundraising Leader who works with organizations in the Southern California area. She received her Bachelor of Arts in English and American Studies and her Master of Public Administration degrees from the University of Southern California.
Photo caption, from left: Elizabeth and Jacqueline both participated in a video shoot to discuss these questions on camera last month at Thunder Studios.
Elizabeth McCann (EM): What was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Jacqueline Carroll (JC): My first job in the industry was at Creative Artists Agency (CAA). I worked there for about five years and I decided to take a different route. I realized that I wasn’t going to be an agent – I just didn’t have it in me – so I started looking around and a friend told me about Thunder Studios.
EM: What does your typical day look like?
JC: A typical day for me here starts off with lots of emails, which are mostly inquires from clients who are looking for production space, or from clients who are already in on a project. It’s not just sales – I do a lot of operations as well. We’re kind of a small team here at Thunder and we all wear many hats.
EM: What are some of your favorite projects here at the Studios?
JC: I would say Nine Eleven is a favorite project that we just started filming last month. It’s our first co-production as a studio and it stars Charlie Sheen, Whoopi Goldberg, Luis Guzman, Wood Harris, and Olga Fonda. We have branched out to do our own thing, and to take control of our destiny, as the CEO says.
EM: How has the studio grown over the years?
JC: It became Thunder Studios in 2013. Previously, it was a third-party rental company and we were only renting out to production companies that had jobs. When Rodric David took over, he decided to branch off in a couple of different directions. We started our own production company in-house to take advantage of the fact that we have this huge studio and now we are also bidding jobs to clients and creative agencies.
In addition, we launched a digital media platform and are getting more involved in digital content, with two stages that are dedicated to YouTube creators. So if you sign up with our multi-channel network (MCN), then you’re able to come in and take advantage of all of the resources that our facility has to offer.
EM: What are the key aspects of your job that you enjoy the most?
JC: I just love working with different people, whether they’re with our own in-house production company or with a third party. It’s also that I like being part of something major. I didn’t really have an appreciation for commercials until I started working here and didn’t see all of the work that went into them before they were made: You have about seven days to make 30 seconds of television and a brand has probably given you $1 million to $2 million for it, so it has to be great.
EM: What qualities do you attribute to your success?
JC: I would say that I’m diligent and relentless. And I’m also a master networker – I can’t stress that enough. It’s getting out there and meeting people, and always being gracious and cordial and keeping those opportunities open. I think that’s very important for anything you’re going to do, especially in entertainment. I think this is one of the key components that makes me good at what I do.
EM: Who would you say has inspired you the most?
JC: My grandmother, who was a professor at USC for four years, was a huge inspiration to me. In entertainment though, it’s really anybody who goes after what they want. And if they don’t give up, and they do it in a positive way, then that’s an inspiration to me.
EM: What words of advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
JC: We’re at this threshold where we’re about to enter into a different way of life, so for women, there is still a bit of a battle. But it’s being relentless. You have to believe in yourself, and rely on yourself, and know that the things that you have to offer up are worthy and valuable. If you believe in what you’re doing, then I don’t think anything can stop you – I think it’s mostly relying on who you are and not giving up.
Find out more about Jacqueline Carroll below.
http://www.thunderstudios.com/
https://www.youtube.com/user/ThunderStudiosInc
This interview was edited by Lynda Miller, Public Relations Chair of the Junior League of Long Beach. She transferred from the Los Angeles league to Long Beach in 2012 to continue working in the community after a career change. When she’s not doing JLLB activities, Lynda is a PR, Sales & Fundraising Consultant who specializes in helping companies gain a competitive advantage in the marketplace.https://www.linkedin.com/in/lyndamiller1
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Jann Goldsby Interviewed by Janice Merriweather
Follow the Q & A Interview Series at twitter.com/JL_LongBeach to find out when the next interview will be posted. For more information about the traveling LUNAFEST Film Festival, which highlights women filmmakers and their short films, visitwww.jllb.org/lunafest.
For our sixth interview in the series, JLLB Sustainer Janice Merriweather will be interviewing Jann Goldsby, who is an American Sign Language (ASL) interpreter working on the set of the TV show Switched at Birth.
Janice joined the Junior League of Long Beach in 1988 when she was encouraged to do so by a Past President of the Junior League of Los Angeles. “She explained to me the Junior League’s mission as a training organization that helps develop the potential of women. Thus, after training and working on various projects and fundraisers in the league, a member would have exceptional skills to take that training out into the community and make a difference where she saw a need,” said Janice, who herself became a President of JLLB and served in this position during the 1995 – 1996 year.
After nearly three decades of service in the league, she is still active as a Sustainer. Janice’s numerous accomplishments with JLLB include her role as co-chair of the organization’s 80th Anniversary Celebration Committee, which raised $30,000 for The Children’s Dental Clinic, the Junior League of Long Beach’s first project after its founding in 1931. Janice also produced a historical video that gives viewers a comprehensive overview of JLLB’s contributions to the community over the years.https://www.jllb.org/about/our-history/
Janice is a recently retired General Manager/Executor for an aviation pioneer and cattle rancher with offices in Long Beach and Beverly Hills. She has served for several years on Casa Youth Shelter’s Board and as a Board Trustee member in Los Alamitos; as a member of Phoenix, a support group for the Long Beach Museum of Art; and as a member of The Links of Orange County, an international, non-profit organization of women committed to educational and civic programs. She has also served as a member and mentor in Cameo, an auxiliary of the Assistance League of Long Beach.
Caption for photo above: From left, Janice and Jann also discussed these interview questions on camera during a video shoot held last month at Thunder Studios in Long Beach.
Janice Merriweather (JM): What is your current job/title and what was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Jann Goldsby (JG): My current job title is American Sign Language (ASL) Interpreter on the set of the TV show Switched At Birth (SAB). My first theatrical interpreting experience came from ASL interpreting off-Broadway shows in New York City.
JM: What does your typical day look like?
JG: A typical day at Switched at Birth or any other film/TV production usually starts with the make-up and hair people. At SAB, while in the make-up trailer, I will often run lines with the actor until he or she is called to set for rehearsal where at that time I will often speak the actor’s lines for the director…who is hearing and does not know the language. I will often cue the actor during the actual filming and interpret when the director has specific notes to give. I am also there to facilitate the social banter on the set as well.
JM: What are the key aspects of your job and the qualities that you believe make you successful?
JG: Whenever possible, I will leave any questions regarding Deaf culture and language up to the actor to give a response. When anybody on the set wants to know a sign I will direct them to the actor. There is often a “family” feeling on the set after many months and years, and so I will often answer some questions regarding culture and language when it is necessary or the actor isn’t available at that moment, but it’s always in an effort to create more awareness and sensitivity to the Deaf community. This job requires having no ego. I’m just there to facilitate conversation and make it go as smoothly as possible.
JM: What is your favorite part of the job?
JG: My favorite part of the job is…just being there (smile). I love the creative aspect of the atmosphere. Also, if I’m there, then it means that an actor who is deaf has work! And while forming friendships is a wonderful by-product of my work, again, it means there is a production that has been willing to showcase an actor who is deaf
JM: Who or what inspires you?
JG: In my particular job I am mostly inspired by the actor who is deaf. I am always fascinated to see how they will interpret the script and thus their character. And when I am witness to a hearing director who has never worked with an actor who is deaf before and has himself or herself become more aware and inspired from it, that is also very gratifying.
JM: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
JG: My advice to anybody who wants to be an ASL interpreter on a set is to leave your ego at the door! The job is in no way about “you.” The interpreter is an extra body on an already crowded set so to be able to deftly navigate yourself well on said set is a plus!
Find out more about Jann Goldsby below.
https://twitter.com/goldsbylocks
This interview was edited by Lynda Miller, Public Relations Chair of the Junior League of Long Beach. She transferred from the Los Angeles league to Long Beach in 2012 to continue doing community work after a career change. When she’s not doing JLLB activities, Lynda is a PR, Sales & Fundraising Consultant who specializes in helping companies gain a competitive advantage in the marketplace. https://www.linkedin.com/in/lyndamiller1
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Noela Hueso
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Noela Hueso Interviewed by Paula Barrow
In connection with our 5th Annual LUNAFEST Film Festival event, which took place over the weekend, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It features interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the entertainment industry.
Follow the Q & A Interview Series at twitter.com/JL_LongBeach to find out when the next interviews will be posted. For more information about the traveling LUNAFEST Film Festival, which highlights women filmmakers and their short films, visitwww.jllb.org/lunafest.
For our fifth interview in the series, JLLB Advocacy Chair Paula Barrow will be talking with Noela Hueso, who is the author of theThe Art of The Croods, a beautiful hardcover book which showcases the conceptual art from the 2013 DreamWorks Animation filmThe Croods. She is also the Media Relations Manager for the UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television.
As Chair of the Advocacy Committee, Paula works to inform, educate and motivate the league on advocacy and public policy issues in the Long Beach community. Her JLLB work extends to engaging with Long Beach city officials to inform and grow their connections with the league. She also interacts with the delegates of JLLB’s California State of Public Affairs Committee (CalSPAC) to connect their advocacy work at the state level to the organization’s issue-based work at the local level. Paula joined the league in 2003 to learn more about her community and make friends with other women who shared the same goal of making positive changes in their communities. In June she will take on the role of Community Vice President as a member of the JLLB Board of Directors for the 2016 – 2017 year.
In the spirit of the league as a training organization, Paula has taken the skills that she’s learned here to benefit other community organizations and efforts, including positions as the Chair of the Homeless Services Advisory Committee, Board of Directors for the Long Beach Continuum of Care, and Chair of the Strategic Planning Committee for the Young Women’s Empowerment Conference hosted by U.S. Congressman Alan Lowenthal (47th District).
It turns out that Paula and Noela went to school together at San Diego High, also known as the Old Grey Castle. Go Cavers!
Paula Barrow (PB): What is your current job/title and what was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Noela Hueso (NH): My current title is Media Relations Manager at the UCLA School of Theater, Film and Television. I’ve been there for almost three years. My previous permanent position was as a senior editor at The Hollywood Reporter, where I worked for 16 years. In between those two jobs, I wrote a book for DreamWorks Animation, The Art of The Croods, which showcased the fabulous conceptual art that the talented artists at DreamWorks Animation created when they brainstormed what their 2013 film, The Croods, would ultimately look like. The book also delved into the process of how the film was made.
My first entertainment industry job was as a junior publicist for a boutique public relations agency but it was at The Hollywood Reporter, the job that followed, where I learned the ins and outs of the business. I started as an editorial assistant and worked my way up the ranks, assuming various titles through the years including copy editor, research editor, associate editor and finally senior editor.
PB: What is your favorite part of the job?
NH: When I was at The Hollywood Reporter, I dealt with people who were already successful in their careers, whether they were actors, directors, producers or cinematographers, just to name a few. My favorite part of my current job is seeing and working with Hollywood’s future trailblazers today, at the start of their careers.
PB: What are the key aspects of your job and the qualities that are key to being successful in it?
NH: I straddle two worlds in my current job: Editing and publicity. On the one hand, I write articles and newsletters and on the other, I facilitate interviews and get press for our school, faculty and students who are doing amazing things. Both jobs require an attention to detail as well as an ability to think creatively and to produce results. Great writing and communication skills are a must, too!
PB: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the entertainment industry or do what you do?
NH: Don’t get too comfortable in one place. You can grow much more as a person and in your career by being flexible and willing to take on new challenges in different environments. Go do the thing you think you cannot do. We limit ourselves because of fear — of the unknown, of financial instability, whatever. Get rid of those fears! Take a leap of faith. You will rise to the occasion; you will succeed.
For years, I had wanted to write a book but always said, “Someday.” I was really good at procrastinating. With two children at home and a full-time job, I rationalized that there wasn’t enough time but I think, deep down, there was a fear of failure. Then, when I was laid off from The Hollywood Reporter after 16 years, the opportunity to write The Art of the Croods landed in my lap, for which I will be forever grateful. It came at an opportune time but also fulfilled a longtime creative goal. I could have said no to the project — it was detailed and involved — but instead I embraced the challenge and it ended up being a great success. Now I plan on writing another book!
PB: Who or what inspires you creatively?
NH: Not surprisingly, I am inspired by people who are adventurous, whether physically or mentally. They’re not afraid to go out on a limb to accomplish great things. They’re not afraid of failure. They know that there is no such thing as failure, really, just lessons learned.
Find out more about Noela Hueso below.
http://www.amazon.com/The-Art-Croods-Noela-Hueso/dp/1781164118
http://www.tft.ucla.edu/
This interview was edited by Lynda Miller, Public Relations Chair of the Junior League of Long Beach, who also had the pleasure of working with Noela for many years at The Hollywood Reporter. She transferred from the Los Angeles league to Long Beach in 2012 to continue doing community work after a career change. https://www.jllb.org/ama/orig/News/JLLB-LBHTTF_Guide_Press_Release1.pdf
When she’s not doing JLLB activities, Lynda is a PR, Sales & Fundraising Consultant who specializes in helping companies gain a competitive advantage in the marketplace. https://www.jllb.org/?nd=February_2016
Posted on April 7, 2016 by theconfidencepost Standard Reply
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Tasha Day Interviewed by Ashleigh Ruhl
In honor of our upcoming April 10th LUNAFEST event, a film festival highlighting women filmmakers, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It features interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the entertainment industry.
Follow the Q & A Interview Series at twitter.com/JL_LongBeach to find out when the next interviews will be posted. For more information about LUNAFEST, visit www.jllb.org/lunafest.
For our fourth interview, JLLB Community Vice President Ashleigh Ruhl will be interviewing Tasha Day, Long Beach Film Commissioner and Manager of the Long Beach Special Events & Filming Office.
Ashleigh is going into her fifth year in the league, spending the majority of her time focused on JLLB’s Kids in the Kitchen and other Community Impact programs; she is currently the Community Vice President on the Board of Directors and is looking forward to serving again next year as Executive Secretary. Ashleigh is a fifth-generation Colorado native who joined JLLB as a way to make friends in a new town.
Outside of the league, Ashleigh has worked for more than a decade as a professional journalist, writer and social media manager, with her work published by Gazette Newspapers (or the Grunion Gazette), The Press-Telegram, City News Service, Long Beach Business Journal, Rocky Mountain News, and various other mediums online and in print.
Serving for more than five years as the Editor of the Grunion Gazette, she got to know Long Beach very well, and is passionate about community journalism and educating residents about the issues impacting them in their own backyard.
In one of her stories relating to the topic of filming in the city, Ashleigh wrote: “Long Beach boasts a history on the big screen that includes films such as Anchorman, Anger Management, Iron Man, Lethal Weapon, Mr. & Mrs. Smith, Transformers and many others that have temporarily turned parts of Long Beach into San Diego or even Shanghai.”
She has had the pleasure of interviewing Tasha Day before, for multiple articles about filming and special events in Long Beach, and Ashleigh was allowed special access to the filming of an episode of Dexter on one occasion. She has witnessed Day’s professionalism and the heavy workload carried by Day’s department, “which does great work to bring entertainment, notoriety and revenue to the city.” Ashleigh believes Day is a real mover and shaker in the city, and is delighted that the league is highlighting this extraordinary woman.
Ashleigh Ruhl (AR): What is your current job/title (along with top projects in your career) and what was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Tasha Day (TD): My current job title is Manager of the Long Beach Special Events & Filming Office. I have worked on several filming projects including NCIS: LA, Iron Man, Transformers, Scorpion, Rush Hour series, NCIS, The Fosters, Straight Outta Compton, Live by Night, Animal Kingdom, Lethal Weapon series, and many more. My first job in the industry was as a Clerk Typist for the Special Events and Filming Office while I was attending college.
AR: What does your typical day look like?
TD: No two days are alike. Each day is different and exciting. I am always working on new filmings and events throughout the city.
AR: What are three key aspects of your job and what are three qualities that are key to being successful in it?
TD: I would say the key aspects of my job are creating relationships, scouting new locations, and coordinating logistics. The three qualities that are key to being successful are patience, understanding, and flexibility.
AR: What is your favorite part of the job?
TD: Seeing the end product. Knowing that you have worked on something that has or will become successful.
AR: Who or what inspires you?
TD: My co-workers! Their constant support helps makes everyday a good day!
AR: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
TD: I would say you need to have a strong personality. Set your goals and go after those goals. Don’t stop until you have achieved them!
Find out more about Tasha Day below.
http://www.filmlongbeach.com/
http://www.filmcalifornia.com/longbeach.html
This interview was edited by Lynda Miller, Public Relations Chair of the Junior League of Long Beach. She transferred from the Los Angeles league to Long Beach in 2012 to continue doing community work after a career change.https://www.jllb.org/ama/orig/News/JLLB-LBHTTF_Guide_Press_Release1.pdf
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series – Anna Schumacher Interviewed by Alex Weiss
Posted on March 31, 2016 by theconfidencepost Standard Reply
In honor of the upcoming April 10th LUNAFEST event, a film festival highlighting women filmmakers, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It will feature interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the industry.
For our third interview, JLLB Vice President of Fund Development Alex Weiss will be interviewing filmmaker Anna Schumacher, who directed, wrote and appeared as an actress in Finding June, which will be screened at LUNAFEST. The short fiction film explores communication’s role in understanding one another through the eyes of a deaf women who has just been diagnosed with breast cancer.
Anna will be participating in the Q & A filmmakers’ panel taking place directly after the screening. The panel will be moderated by JLLB President-Elect Virginia Zart.
Alex joined the Junior League of Long Beach in 2010 and for the past six years has had roles including Chair of Community Impact Programs, Vice President overseeing Community Programs and Advocacy, and now most recently, Vice President of Fund Development. Alex has always known that an innate part of herself has the need to give back to the community to make a difference and foster change. Professionally, Alex is the Corporate & Community Partnerships Manager for the Pancreatic Cancer Action Network and leads fundraising and corporate support for the western United States.
Alex Weiss (AW): What is your current job/title (along with top projects in your career) and what was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Anna Schumacher (AS): Technically, I’m an American Sign Language interpreter by day, and an artist by night. I came to L.A. at the encouragement of a Deaf Studies teacher of mine from Berkeley City College to connect with Deaf West Theatre. At Deaf West I worked with the production team and quickly became immersed in the community. As I settled into L.A., I found more and more work as an interpreter, learning as I went and loving the language more and more. Through this I met an actor on the television show Switched at Birth, which became my Hollywood industry gig. As an artistic ensemble member of the theater and art production company cARTel: Collaborative Arts LA, I was also spreading my wings from theater actor to director, writer, and even clowning. I did my first film in the spring of 2013, about a year after I moved to L.A.
AW: What does your typical day look like?
AS: It varies, though it certainly always starts with walking three whiny puppies earlier than I’d like! Freelance interpreting means on any given day I could be working in a school, court, or doctors’ office. This work takes me all over town with all kinds of folks. I make time every day to connect with me, via yoga and writing. I have an almost daily habit of reviewing previous writing exercises to re-write and re-imagine. My favorite days are when production is imminent and I’m in producer mode, tying up loose ends by scouting, making shot lists, and getting notes from those I send my work to.
AW: What are three key aspects of your job (e.g., producing, developing relationships) and what are three qualities that are key to being successful in it (e.g., persistence, flexibility)?
AS: For this question I’ll call my job filmmaking as it’s a piece of what makes me tick. Three aspects of this work are candor, tenacity, belief. The people who succeed respect the time and talents of their team and believe in the work being made, full stop. They aren’t above sending email after email asking for help when they need it.
AW: What is your favorite part of the job?
AS: Watching a project you love take tangible shape is humbling and empowering — two of the best feelings there are.
AW: Who or what inspires you creatively?
AS: I think a lot in pictures. An example I often use: sometimes I’m out and maybe it’s raining. I’ve forgotten a jacket so I’m feeling bemused, and then I see a woman at a bus stop with a plastic bag full of socks and a cat on a neon green leash. (I live in Hollywood!) What a scene. So I think, whose socks are those? Who is this woman? Who walks their cat anyway? And then my mind goes. Like the non-Spanish speaker watching a telenovela, I begin to imagine the life I’m seeing. It’s so cool to know that I can literally look at the world around me, pause longer than most do, and be inspired to write a scene, a life, a story.
AW: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
AS: Please do what moves you, and be kind while you do it, but without apology. As women we are conditioned to say sorry, or even to question ourselves and our ability. People will push back, they’ll require more from you. It can feel bleak out there, but I believe that if you embrace your true self, you can be a formidable player and make your mark. Or to say it another way, and to paraphrase fellow filmmaker Meg Smaker: Regardless of anatomy, if you’re embracing your femme self, you’re being a badass extraordinaire.
Find out more about Anna Schumacher below.
http://www.lunafest.org/the-films/details/finding-june
This interview was edited by Rachael Rifkin, a Public Relations member of the Junior League of Long Beach. She has been in the league since January of 2012 because she believes in positive community programs. When she’s not doing JLLB activities, she’s a ghostwriter/personal historian who blogs about the traits we inherit and the qualities we find only in ourselves.
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series: Sarah Feeley
Interviewed by Summer Smith
In honor of the upcoming April 10th LUNAFEST event, a film festival highlighting women filmmakers, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It features interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the industry.
Follow the Q & A Interview Series at twitter.com/JL_LongBeach to find out when the next interviews will be posted. For more information about LUNAFEST, visitwww.jllb.org/lunafest.
For our second interview, JLLB member and LUNAFEST Event Chair-Elect Summer Smith will be interviewing Sarah Feeley, director and producer of Raising Ryland, a documentary that will be screened at the 2016 JLLB LUNAFEST Film Festival. The film takes an intimate look inside the transgender experience as lived by a 6-year-old boy and his loving parents. Sarah will be participating in the Q & A filmmakers’ panel taking place directly after the screening. The panel will be moderated by JLLB President-Elect Virginia Zart.
Sarah Feeley is also the creator and executive producer of My Side of the Sky, a breakout Hulu Spotlight series, and has worked on the Corpse Bride, PBS’ documentary series This Emotional Life, the documentary TV series The Freedom Files, the movie Warcase, and a variety of commercials. In addition, she writes for film, television, and advertising.
Summer Smith joined JLLB in 2013, ready to roll up her sleeves with other committed and caring women, and eager to take advantage of the leadership development opportunities the league has to offer. Summer’s day job is in non-profit fundraising and administration for an outpatient behavioral health care provider, servicing foster care youth in Long Beach and surrounding areas.
Summer Smith (SS): What is your current job/title (along with top projects in your career) and what was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Sarah Feeley (SF): Filmmaker. Top Projects: Raising Ryland, My Side of the Sky, Iraq for Sale, and Tim Burton’s Corpse Bride. My first job in the entertainment industry was a paid internship at Hanna-Barbera.
SS: What does your typical day look like?
SF: It depends on the day. Every day is a little bit different. I could have an early call time and be on set or in the field. I could be losing track of time writing, editing, or creating. I could be in back-to-back meetings trying to sell a project. I could be leading my team through a difficult production or creative challenge. I could be managing the health of my business.
SS: What are three key aspects of your job (e.g., producing, developing relationships) and what are three qualities that are key to being successful in it (e.g., persistence, flexibility)?
SF: Three key aspects of my job are creativity, abstract thinking and connecting-the-dots. Three qualities that are key to being successful in the entertainment business are drive, resilience, and optimism.
SS: What is your favorite part of the job?
SF: I have two favorite parts of the job. The first is getting the greenlight, and the second is seeing the impact my work has on audiences. All the parts in between are exhilarating, excruciating and wonderful, often at the same time.
SS: Who or what inspires you creatively?
SF: I recharge every week by getting out on a trail and reconnecting with nature, myself and the love of my life. I am blown away by the staggering beauty of this planet and amazed at the sights I can see by exerting some effort. Our hikes are an excuse to daydream for hours on end. They are also a lot like the entertainment business. Each project is a slow, hard climb that takes a lot out of you. But, the payoff can be beautiful and that makes it all worth it.
SS: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
SF: Dream big and go for it! Keep an open mind. Stay curious. Work hard. Have integrity. Ask for help. Help other women. The pay gap, opportunity gap and power gap are real. Become aware of the explicit and implicit biases that are holding you and all women back and change the system. Be bold. Be brave. Be yourself.
Find out more about Sarah Feeley below.
Company website: www.milemarkerentertainment.comFilm website: http://www.raisingryland.com
Follow Sarah on Twitter: @Sarah_Feeley
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment
2016 JLLB LUNAFEST® Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series: Karen Foster Interviewed by Ashley Hopkins
In honor of our upcoming April 10th LUNAFEST event, a film festival highlighting women filmmakers, the Junior League of Long Beach (JLLB) has created the LUNAFEST Women in Entertainment Q & A Interview Series. It will feature interviews pairing JLLB members making a difference in the Long Beach community with women making a difference in the industry.
For our first interview, JLLB member and LUNAFEST Event Chair Ashley Hopkins (for the second year) will be interviewing Karen Foster, a producer at DreamWorks Animation and her husband’s aunt.
Ashley is in her third active year in the league. She joined JLLB to serve her community in a meaningful way alongside other passionate, community-minded women. Outside of the league, she works as an executive assistant at a financial services firm.
Karen Foster is a DreamWorks Animation producer who works on animated features, theme park rides, and live entertainment. She has over 16 years of experience in feature animation production and development. She started her career in theater, both as a behind-the-scenes person and an actress.
Ashley Hopkins (AH): What was your first job in the entertainment industry?
Karen Foster (KF): My first job in animation was as a development executive at Walt Disney Feature Animation. I had been working at a nonprofit theater that supported the development of new plays and the careers of the playwrights who wrote them. It was a fabulous organization, but funded by octogenarians. I knew that the theater’s lifespan was only as long as the funders’ lifespans, so I started fishing around for work. I told my friends that I needed a new profession, but didn’t know what it was. I hoped they would tell me. Sure enough, a few months later, a friend recommended the position at Disney. After five months of interviewing, I got the job.
AH: What does your typical day look like?
KF: The nice thing about my job is there is no typical day. But in general, my days include a series of meetings with either artists and directors, or production people and executives. I am either reviewing scripts, recording actors, sitting in the edit bay reviewing footage and artist’s work, or sitting with production managers, accountants and production executives reviewing schedules, production strategies and budgets. If I am working on a theme park installation, I’m on site. But mostly I am at the studio where most of our animation is produced.
AH: What are three key aspects of your job (e.g., producing, developing relationships), and what kind of qualities will help you succeed in those areas?
KF: All of the aspects of my job are producing, but three key aspects are creative review, budgeting and personnel management. Keys to being successful in those areas are imagination, resourcefulness, patience and empathy.
AH: What is your favorite part of the job?
KF: I have lots of favorite parts. I work with amazing people, who are both talented and fun. I am challenged on a daily basis in many ways. I am always growing, using my natural creative skills and gaining new skills that are less natural for me. I feel incredibly lucky to have found such a demanding and rewarding profession.
AH: Who or what inspires you creatively?
KF: I get a lot of inspiration from my colleagues. But the challenge of any given task is also inspiring, especially when it really is challenging. What is more exciting than creatively tackling the impossible and succeeding?
AH: What advice would you give to women who want to work in the industry or do what you do?
KF: I have been fortunate to work at a company with many women in leadership roles. As a result, I may have had less barriers to success than women elsewhere. So, I am grateful for that.
The advice I would give women is the same advice I would give anyone seeking work in the industry: follow your passion. Don’t let anything stop you from pursuing your dream. Don’t listen to people who tell you how hard it is. Sure, it may be hard, but some people break through. The only people who make it into the industry are the people who try to make it in the industry. That is the first step. After that, I would recommend relentless effort. Make calls, ask for informational interviews, do your own projects.
The industry is rapidly changing. The methods of delivering entertainment are radically different than when I was growing up. The DVD market is dying and young men aren’t driving movie ticket sales anymore, they are playing video games. Young people looking to break into the industry should study the entertainment habits and appetites of their peers. That is the future market. Figure out the market and how to satisfy that market, and you will have a leg up on the people keeping their eyes on the past.
Find out more about Karen Foster below.
http://www.dreamworks.com
https://www.shreksadventure.com/london/
http://www.dubaiparksandresorts.com (Dubai Parks has a DreamWorks section in their Motiongate Park)
rosesforourselves on Hanging On To Hair
phillywriter24 on What Beauty Really Is.
smilecirculation on Thoughtful Thursday
kchezelle on Thoughtful Thursday
reuna tobin on Mark Your Calendars — Co…
#breakdownbarriers
#innerbeauty
awarness
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Emerson Electric Stock: Long-Term Dividend Income
I am susceptible to the bias of “52 week high and 52 week low” syndrome when analyzing investments. As a matter of logic, I know that a stock’s current price in relation to its past price is not determinative of whether it is the most attractive value today. The best long-term investments tend to generate the fastest growing future profits mixed with cumulative dividends, and a stock trading at a high is just as capable of being the best performer as a stock well off its highs. Does anyone really question that Google/Alphabet stock, which has shot up to $800 from $695 after I covered it this summer, will be one of the best performers over the coming decade?
Still, I can’t help but consider it a strong signal of interest when a company is (1) currently and historically profitable; (2) paying out a dividend that is high and has been growing for years; and (3) trading at a valuation that offers a haircut from recent valuations.
That is the basis for why I have been paying attention to old stalwart Emerson Electric lately. Despite a record of raising the dividend every year since the 1960s, a current dividend yield of 3.7%, and a dividend payout ratio that only consumes a bit more than half of profits, the stock has become unfashionable of late.
After quickly recovering from the financial crisis by rebounding from $24 in 2009 to $70 per share in 2013, the stock has traded in the $40 to $60 range during the past three years and currently sits at a price of $51 per share.
I understand why no one is talking about Emerson Electric these days. It completely flunks the “What have you done for me lately?” investment test. Since December 2013, the stock is down 20%. Over that same time, the S&P 500 is up 21%. Every dollar invested into the S&P 500 turned into $1.21 over the past three years; every dollar invested into Emerson turned into $0.80.
But what is interesting to me is that Emerson Electric is now at a point where the dividend yield is high enough to do some real compounding merely through the reinvestment of those cash dividends.
This is really one of those points where I realize I showed up on the investment scene at the wrong time. I would have loved to cover stocks during the 1940s to 1980s when high fixed income returns were taken for granted as an article of normalcy. You could load up on utilities, oil firms, and Philip Morris plus AT&T and collect a 5-7% dividend stream that grew at a rate of 4-6% every year. When you’d put $10,000 into a certificate of deposit at the bank down the street, you’d get $40 to $45 deposited into your account every month as interest. A basket of corporate bonds would get that up to $60 per month.
Heck, your savings account alone would be paying you $35 per month on $10k.
But there’s a lot of sweet advantages that come with the modern era of investing, particularly extreme transparency and access to the analysis of others, as well as low brokerage trading costs that we take for granted but were not historically commonplace, so there is no requirement to wail about the current days too loudly.
As a result, this means that one of the best income investments you will be able to find is something like Emerson Electric yielding 3.7% with a strong possibility of 7.5% annual dividend growth for the long haul.
And that’s not a bad place to be. As a reference point, consider Emerson Electric’s returns since 2003 (the last time that Emerson offered this high of a yield outside of recessionary conditions.)
During the past thirteen years, Emerson’s dividend has risen from $0.79 to $1.90. Assuming absolutely no dividend reinvestment, each share of EMR stock has produced $18.37 in total income. At that the time, the stock traded at $22 per share.
For the past thirteen years, you would have received capital appreciation of $29 plus that $18.37 per share in dividends for a total economic value of $47.37. As in, if you paid $2,200 for 100 shares in 2003, you’d have $4,737 in profit on the current $6,937 in dividend plus capital appreciation value that you received.
And, of course, people don’t usually let money stagnate alone in a brokerage account for thirteen years. If you would have reinvested that money back into shares of Emerson Electric, you would have received $22.84 per share in dividends that got reinvested at an average price of $37.44. In other words, every 100 shares of Emerson Electric purchased in 2003 would have become 161 shares of Emerson Electric today worth $8,211. That’s a $6,011 profit on the initial $2,200 investment.
So what’s the consolidated lesson here? I think it boils down to two facts and then an interpretation.
First, Emerson Electric has delivered 9.24% annual returns since 2003 without any dividend reinvestment.
Second, Emerson Electric has delivered 10.66% since 2003 with full dividend reinvestment.
Third, those return figures may actually be more impressive than they appear because it is my contention that Emerson Electric is trading at a 15% or so discount to its fair value. This skews the long-term results downward. For example, Emerson’s stock traded at $70 per share in 2013. The ten-year compounding from 2003-2013 was about 11.5% without dividends reinvested and almost 13% with dividends reinvested.
The lesson here for investors ought to stress the importance of getting the valuation right. People who bought Emerson in 2007 have only compounded at 2% because the stock was trading at $60 back then. It is dividends alone that have given investors a positive return from 2007 through 2016 because the beginning of the measuring period included high overvaluation and the end of the measuring period included moderate undervaluation.
This is why I suspect there is such a range of opinions regarding Emerson Electric in forum activity. You could have an ownership claim on the profit residue of the exact same electric motors, yet your investment experience would be radically different depending on when you opened your position. Someone that has been around for awhile, perhaps a retiree that bought 1,000 shares in 2003, would happily be earning annual returns in the 9-11% and seeing $790 checks turn into $1,900 checks for what is now a 8.63% annual income return on the initial investment. Or the checks would be over $3,000 annually with dividend reinvestment, for a 13.89% annual income return on the initial investment.
Meanwhile, someone loading up on Emerson in a retirement account in 2007 would have seen a 1,000 share investment decline experience a share price decline of $10,000 while the $15.06 in EMR dividend income would have added $15,060 to only create a $5,060 profit that would lag inflation and make the investor worse off than when he started. And if that money were invested in a taxable account, you’d have to deal with the double whammy insult of having to pay taxes on the dividend income even though there had been no purchasing power gain yet.
With a few investments, like the Visas and Alphabets of the world, it is preferred but not necessary to get the valuation right because it is still possible to get double-digit returns if you overpay. That’s inherent in the nature of a business growing in the 12% to 17% range.
But network, power, electrical, and network processing systems don’t have that kind of growth. This is an industry with 5-7% long-term revenue growth that can convert into 6-10% long-term earnings growth. That doesn’t give you the luxury of botching the valuation, and certainly doesn’t give you the ability to dramatically overpay and still do fine.
But if you get the price right, and hold the shares for the long run, you can beat the S&P 500 by one to three points annually while collecting a dividend payout that is twice as high as what you’d get from an S&P 500 index fund. With a 3.7% dividend yield, and moderately growing earnings, and a P/E ratio of 16, now is one of those times where I’d describe it as a “better opportunity than usual” to add shares of Emerson Electric to account. My guess is that investors will get about 8-11% from here over the next fifteen to twenty years, and will collect a large chunk of cash dividend income as part of their total returns along the way. For someone that would like to build a solid income stream for the late 2020s, Emerson Electric now offers fertile soil.
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General Motors Stock: Classic Value Trap →
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Image Credit: MINDEF Singapore
Brunei-Singapore Military Ties in Focus With Introductory Visit
Brunei’s second defense minister just made his first trip to Singapore.
By Prashanth Parameswaran for The Diplomat
This week, Brunei’s new second defense minister paid his first trip to Singapore in his current capacity. The visit put the spotlight once again on the defense relationship between the two Southeast Asian states amid wider domestic and regional challenges underway.
As I have noted before in these pages, Singapore and Brunei have a close defense relationship as part of their broader bilateral ties. This is reflected not just in traditional aspects like exchanges, visits, and exercises, but also the fact that Brunei has benefited from the expertise of the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF). Singapore’s military also holds training in Brunei as it does with a number of its other key partners as well.
The defense relationship has seen some recent gains over the past few years, with steps such as the inking of a new memorandum of understanding on defense technology cooperation back in 2016, which expanded collaboration, as well as the strengthening of existing consultative mechanisms between the two sides.
Both sides have kept up the momentum of ties through 2018 thus far amid a busy year. Singapore holds the annually rotating ASEAN chair this year, which has placed the city-state front and center on a host of regional defense issues ranging from disputes in the South China Sea to counterterrorism with lingering fears about the Islamic State. Brunei, meanwhile, has had a number of domestic changes, including a reshuffle of key officials that also affected the defense side (See: “What’s Behind Brunei’s New Defense Budget Hike?”).
This week, the defense relationship was in the headlines again with the visit of Brunei’s second defense minister, Haji Awang Halbi, to Singapore (Brunei’s head of state, Sultan Hassanal Bolkiah, holds the defense minister portfolio). Halbi’s visit, which lasted from August 13 to August 15, was his first visit to Singapore in his current capacity, which he assumed in January this year following the aforementioned reshuffle.
Halbi’s visit to Singapore included meetings with top Singapore officials such as Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Defense Minister Ng Eng Hen, and Deputy Prime Minister Teo Chee Hean. Discussions included a range of bilateral as well as regional security issues, including ASEAN-related meetings and agenda items.
In addition to those meetings, Halbi’s trip also included visits to several Singapore military facilities. This included the Cybersecurity Operations, Sensing, Monitoring, and Investigation Center (COSMIC), where, according to Singapore’s defense ministry (MINDEF), Halbi was briefed on cyber defense capabilities and cybersecurity operations by MINDEF and the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF).
Separately, Halbi also paid a visit to the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) Command at Murai Camp, which had been inaugurated back in 2007 as part of a wider reorganization of the Republic of Singapore Air Force (RSAF). As I have noted separately, the RSAF is in the midst of commemorating its Golden Jubilee this year, with a series of activities planned through 2018.
Brunei Singapore
Brunei Singapore defense
Brunei Singapore military
Brunei Singapore relations
Singapore ASEAN
Singapore COSMIC
Singapore cyber
Singapore cybersecurity
Singapore UAV
What Did the Brunei Sultan’s Singapore Visit Accomplish?
Both sides underscored the significance of their relations as they commemorated the anniversary of a unique agreement.
Brunei, Singapore Hold Maritime ExerciseThe New Digital Pillar in Singapore’s Military ThinkingNew Defense Training Puts Singapore’s Cyber Challenge Into FocusAir Force Exercise Puts Brunei-Singapore Defense Ties into FocusSingapore Unveils New ASEAN Cyber Initiative
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Among the key revelations in Crowe’s book: Oskar Schindler did not write out a list of people to save, he didn’t break down in tears because he thought he could have saved more people, and it is unlikely he experienced a defining moment, such as seeing a girl in a red coat, that led to his decision to save the lives of his Jewish workers. Steven Spielberg’s movie Schindler’s List, while important, impressive and admirable in many ways, took creative license on these and other issues.
Before the Nazis began their mass slaughter of Jews, they created a number of laws that separated Jews from society. Especially potent was the law that forced all Jews to wear a yellow star upon their clothing. The Nazis also made laws that made it illegal for Jews to sit or eat in certain places and placed a boycott on Jewish-owned stores. Learn more about the persecution of Jews before the death camps.
Life within Nazi concentration camps was horrible. Prisoners were forced to do hard physical labor and given little food. Prisoners slept three or more to a crowded wooden bunk; bedding was unheard of. Torture within the concentration camps was common and deaths were frequent. At a number of concentration camps, Nazi doctors conducted medical experiments on prisoners against their will.
John Ellis wrote that "...there is considerable justice in Matthew Cooper's assertion that the panzer divisions were not given the kind of strategic mission that was to characterize authentic armoured blitzkrieg, and were almost always closely subordinated to the various mass infantry armies."[83] Steven Zaloga wrote, "Whilst Western accounts of the September campaign have stressed the shock value of the panzer and Stuka attacks, they have tended to underestimate the punishing effect of German artillery on Polish units. Mobile and available in significant quantity, artillery shattered as many units as any other branch of the Wehrmacht."[84]
The Germans conquered large areas of the Soviet Union but their failure to destroy the Red Army before the winter of 1941 was a strategic failure that made German tactical superiority and territorial gains irrelevant.[95] The Red Army had survived enormous losses and regrouped with new formations far to the rear of the front line. During the Battle of Moscow, the Red Army defeated the German Army Group Center and for the first time in the war seized the strategic initiative.[95][96]
Germany invaded the Soviet Union in June 1941.[236] German propaganda portrayed the war against the Soviet Union as both an ideological war between German National Socialism and Jewish Bolshevism and a racial war between the Germans and the Jewish, Romani and Slavic Untermenschen ("sub-humans").[237] Local populations in some occupied Soviet territories actively participated in the killing of Jews and others, and helped identify and round up Jews.[238] German involvement ranged from active instigation and involvement to general guidance.[239] In Lithuania, Latvia, and western Ukraine, locals were deeply involved in the murder of Jews from the beginning of the German occupation. Some of these Latvian and Lithuanian units also participated in the murder of Jews in Belarus. In the south, Ukrainians killed about 24,000 Jews and some went to Poland to serve as concentration and death-camp guards.[238] Military units from some countries allied to Germany also killed Jews. Romanian units were given orders to exterminate and wipe out Jews in areas they controlled.[240] Ustaše militia in Croatia persecuted and murdered Jews, among others.[168] Many of the killings were carried out in public, a change from previous practice.[241]
Auschwitz, the largest and arguably the most notorious of all the Nazi death camps, opened in the spring of 1940. Its first commandant was Rudolf Höss (1900-47), who previously had helped run the Sachsenhausen concentration camp in Oranienburg, Germany. Auschwitz was located on a former military base outside OÅ›wiÄ™cim, a town in southern Poland situated near Krakow, one of the country’s largest cities. During the camp’s construction, nearby factories were appropriated and all those living in the area were forcibly ejected from their homes, which were bulldozed by the Nazis.
According to David A.Grossman, by the 12th Battle of Isonzo (October-November 1917), while conducting a light-infantry operation, Rommel had perfected his maneuver-warfare principles, which were the very same ones that were applied during the Blitzkrieg against France in 1940 (and repeated in the Coalition ground offensive against Iraq in the 1991 Gulf War).[56] During the Battle of France and against his staff advisor's advice, Hitler ordered that everything should be completed in a few weeks; fortunately for the Führer, Rommel and Guderian disobeyed the General Staff's orders (particularly General von Kleist) and forged ahead making quicker progress than anyone expected, and on the way, "inventing the idea of Blitzkrieg."[57] It was Rommel who created the new archetype of Blitzkrieg, leading his division far ahead of flanking divisions.[58] MacGregor and Williamson remark that Rommel's version of Blitzkrieg displayed a significantly better understanding of combined-arms warfare than that of Guderian.[59] General Hoth submitted an official report in July 1940 which declared that Rommel had "explored new paths in the command of Panzer divisions".[60]
Repeat selections took place several times during the day in roll calls. Inmates who had become weak or ill were separated from the ranks and sent to the gas chambers. A brutal regimen based on a set of punishments and torture was invoked in the camp. Few managed to survive. In Auschwitz-Birkenau, more than 1,100,000 Jews, 70,000 Poles, 25,000 Sinti and Roma (Gypsies) and some 15,000 prisoners of war from the USSR and other countries were murdered.
On 31 July 1941, Hermann Göring gave written authorization to Reinhard Heydrich, Chief of the Reich Security Head Office (RSHA), to prepare and submit a plan for Die Endlösung der Judenfrage (the Final Solution of the Jewish question) in territories under German control and to coordinate the participation of all involved government organizations.[152] Plans for the extermination of the European Jews—eleven million people—were formalized at the Wannsee Conference in Berlin on 20 January 1942. Some would be worked to death and the rest killed.[153] Initially the victims were killed with gas vans or by Einsatzgruppen firing squads, but these methods were impractical for an operation of this scale.[154] By 1942, killing centers at Auschwitz, Sobibór, Treblinka, and other extermination camps had become the primary method of mass killing.[155]
The fortified walls, barbed wire, platforms, barracks, gallows, gas chambers and cremation ovens show the conditions within which the Nazi genocide took place in the former concentration and extermination camp of Auschwitz-Birkenau, the largest in the Third Reich. According to historical investigations, 1.5 million people, among them a great number of Jews, were systematically starved, tortured and murdered in this camp, the symbol of humanity's cruelty to its fellow human beings in the 20th century.
On April 16, 1945 Soviets surrounded Berlin, Germany’s capital. When the Soviets began advancing towards the Reich Chancellery, Hitler committed suicide on April 30, 1945. Then on May 7th, Germany surrendered to the Western Allies in Reims, France and a few days later to the Soviets in Berlin. All told more than 60 million people, or about 3% of the world’s population at the time, were killed during the course of the Second World War.
The Auschwitz I main camp was a place of extermination, effected mainly by depriving people of elementary living conditions. It was also a centre for immediate extermination. Here were located the offices of the camp’s administration, the local garrison commander and the commandant of Auschwitz I, the seat of the central offices of the political department, and the prisoner labour department. Here too were the main supply stores, workshops and Schutzstaffel (SS) companies. Work in these administrative and economic units and companies was the main form of forced labour for the inmates in this camp.
On September 21, 1939, Reinhard Heydrich ordered the establishment of the Judenräte (“Jewish Councils”), comprising up to 24 men—rabbis and Jewish leaders. Heydrich’s order made these councils personally responsible in “the literal sense of the term” for carrying out German orders. When the Nazis sealed the Warsaw Ghetto, the largest of German-occupied Poland’s 400 ghettos, in the fall of 1940, the Jews—then 30 percent of Warsaw’s population—were forced into 2.4 percent of the city’s area. The ghetto’s population reached a density of more than 200,000 persons per square mile (77,000 per square km) and 9.2 per room. Disease, malnutrition, hunger, and poverty took their toll even before the first bullet was fired.
German doctors performed a variety of experiments on prisoners at Auschwitz. SS doctors tested the efficacy of X-rays as a sterilization device by administering large doses to female prisoners. Carl Clauberg injected chemicals into women's uteruses in an effort to glue them shut. Prisoners were infected with spotted fever for vaccination research and exposed to toxic substances to study the effects.[125] In one experiment Bayer, then part of IG Farben, paid RM 150 each for 150 female inmates from Auschwitz (the camp had asked for RM 200 per woman), who were transferred to a Bayer facility to test an anesthetic. A Bayer employee wrote to Rudolf Höss: "The transport of 150 women arrived in good condition. However, we were unable to obtain conclusive results because they died during the experiments. We would kindly request that you send us another group of women to the same number and at the same price." The Bayer research was led at Auschwitz by Helmuth Vetter of Bayer/IG Farben, who was also an Auschwitz physician and SS captain, and by Auschwitz physicians Friedrich Entress and Eduard Wirths.[126]
During the interwar period, aircraft and tank technologies matured and were combined with systematic application of the traditional German tactic of Bewegungskrieg (maneuver warfare), deep penetrations and the bypassing of enemy strong points to encircle and destroy enemy forces in a Kesselschlacht (cauldron battle).[3][6] During the Invasion of Poland, Western journalists adopted the term blitzkrieg to describe this form of armoured warfare.[7] The term had appeared in 1935, in a German military periodical Deutsche Wehr (German Defence), in connection to quick or lightning warfare.[8] German manoeuvre operations were successful in the campaigns of 1939–1941 and by 1940 the term blitzkrieg was extensively used in Western media.[9][10] Blitzkrieg operations capitalized on surprise penetrations (e.g., the penetration of the Ardennes forest region), general enemy unreadiness and their inability to match the pace of the German attack. During the Battle of France, the French made attempts to re-form defensive lines along rivers but were frustrated when German forces arrived first and pressed on.[10]
Throughout German-occupied territory the situation of the Jews was desperate. They had meagre resources and few allies and faced impossible choices. A few people came to their rescue, often at the risk of their own lives. Swedish diplomat Raoul Wallenberg arrived in Budapest on July 9, 1944, in an effort to save Hungary’s sole remaining Jewish community. Over the next six months, he worked with other neutral diplomats, the Vatican, and Jews themselves to prevent the deportation of these last Jews. Elsewhere, Le Chambon-sur-Lignon, a French Huguenot village, became a haven for 5,000 Jews. In German-occupied Poland, where it was illegal to aid Jews and where such action was punishable by death, the Zegota (Council for Aid to Jews) rescued a similar number of Jewish men, women, and children. Financed by the London-based Polish government in exile and involving a wide range of clandestine political organizations, Zegota provided hiding places and financial support and forged identity documents.
During World War I, Fuller had been a staff officer attached to the new tank corps. He developed Plan 1919 for massive, independent tank operations, which he claimed were subsequently studied by the German military. It is variously argued that Fuller's wartime plans and post-war writings were an inspiration or that his readership was low and German experiences during the war received more attention. The German view of themselves as the losers of the war, may be linked to the senior and experienced officers' undertaking a thorough review, studying and rewriting of all their Army doctrine and training manuals.[148]
Of those who received numbers at Auschwitz-Birkenau, only 65,000 survived. It is estimated that only about 200,000 people who passed through the Auschwitz camps survived. Michael Bornstein was one of the lucky ones. Decades after the war, he learned from Auschwitz documents kept in Israel that he had survived because he was sick and the Nazis left him behind when they evacuated the camp. He said that he was one of only 52 children under the age of eight who lived.
The Nazis targeted Jews, Gypsies, homosexuals, Jehovah's Witnesses, Communists, twins, and the disabled. Some of these people tried to hide from the Nazis, like Anne Frank and her family. A few were successful; most were not. Those that were captured suffered sterilization, forced resettlement, separation from family and friends, beatings, torture, starvation, and death. Learn more about the victims of Nazi cruelty, both the children and adults.
The Nazis used the phrase Lebensunwertes Leben (life unworthy of life) in reference to the disabled and mentally ill.[92] On 14 July 1933, the Law for the Prevention of Hereditarily Diseased Offspring (Gesetz zur Verhütung erbkranken Nachwuchses), the Sterilization Law, was passed, allowing for compulsory sterilization.[93][94] The New York Times reported on 21 December that year: "400,000 Germans to be sterilized".[95] There were 84,525 applications from doctors in the first year. The courts reached a decision in 64,499 of those cases; 56,244 were in favor of sterilization.[96] Estimates for the number of involuntary sterilizations during the whole of the Third Reich range from 300,000 to 400,000.[97]
In fall 1941, the Nazis began transporting Jews out of the ghetto. Most of them were sent to the Bełżec extermination camp and killed.[45] On 13 March 1943, the ghetto was liquidated and those still fit for work were sent to the new concentration camp at Płaszów.[46] Several thousand not deemed fit for work were sent to extermination camps and killed. Hundreds more were killed on the streets by the Nazis as they cleared out the ghetto. Schindler, aware of the plans because of his Wehrmacht contacts, had his workers stay at the factory overnight to prevent them coming to harm.[47] Schindler witnessed the liquidation of the ghetto and was appalled. From that point forward, says Schindlerjude Sol Urbach, Schindler "changed his mind about the Nazis. He decided to get out and to save as many Jews as he could."[48]
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Immediately after liberation, West European Jews who survived the Holocaust generally returned to their countries of origin. Holocaust survivors who tried to return to their homes in Eastern Europe faced many more difficulties. The Nazi destruction in the East had been all-encompassing. Many survivors, particularly in Eastern Europe, continued to encounter antisemitism when they returned to their communities. In some places survivors who had returned home met with violent hostility. In Kielce, 42 Jews who had survived the Holocaust were killed by local Poles in a pogrom on July 4, 1946.
On May 8, 1945, the war in Europe ended, and the next day Schindler and his wife fled the country with the help of several of the Schindlerjuden, as the Jews he saved came to be known. Schindler was wanted for war crimes in Czechoslovakia due to his earlier espionage activities. In 1949 they settled in Argentina with several of the Jewish families they had saved. Having spent the bulk of his profiteering fortune on bribes, Schindler unsuccessfully attempted to farm. He went bankrupt in 1957 and the next year traveled alone to West Germany, where he made an abortive entry into the cement business. Schindler spent the rest of his life supported by donations from the Schindlerjuden. He was named a Righteous Gentile by Yad Vashem in 1962 and was interred in the Catholic cemetery on Mount Zion in Jerusalem.
The ramp appeared to lead up to the crematorium ovens. I am not surprised that the commandant and the guards were not charged with gassing prisoners because the evidence had been destroyed by the British, but that was academic because they had enough evidence to hang Kramer and Grese a hundred times over. As my Dad's colonel said to him: "They'll have a legal trial and a legal hanging..."
A true modern classic. The fact that it's the true story of Oskar Schindler within the true story of the holocaust is just an amazing bonus. All of the these (WWII) stories are difficult to get through but this story manages to show the little miracles, sprinkled all throughout, giving it dimension as well as proving that the truth that as the darkness grows darker, how also the light intensifies. The best as well as the worst of human character and condition is on display. This is one of the best stories of all time, showcasing the heights and depths of the human heart. Beautiful tribute to Oskar Schindler as his family.
After the regular guards had escaped from the camp on the day before the liberation, 128 SS soldiers who had been imprisoned in a special wing of the Dachau bunker were released and ordered to serve as guards until the Americans arrived to take over the camp. 2nd Lt. Wicker had stayed behind when the other guards escaped because his mother was staying at the Dachau garrison, visiting him. Wicker's mother reported him missing after the war, and it is presumed that he was killed after he surrendered the camp to the Americans.
The job was then offered to legendary filmmaker Martin Scorsese, who accepted. Scorsese was set to put the film into production when Spielberg had an epiphany on the set of the revisionist Peter Pan story Hook and realized that he was finally prepared to make Schindler’s List. To make up for the change of heart, Spielberg traded Scorsese the rights to a movie he’d been developing that Scorsese would make into his next film: the remake of Cape Fear.
Hadassah Bimko was born in Sosnowiec, Poland. She was deported to Auschwitz-Birkenau, and then to Bergen Belsen, where she arrived in November 1944. A dentist who studied medicine, Hadassah made a name for herself caring for children in Bergen Belsen before and after liberation.She headed a team of survivor-doctors and became the head of the Health Department of the Jewish Central Committee. She was broad-minded and well-educated.
Most of the Jewish ghettos of General Government were liquidated in 1942–1943, and their populations shipped to the camps for extermination.[349][350][t] About 42,000 Jews were shot during the Operation Harvest Festival on 3–4 November 1943.[351] At the same time, rail shipments arrived regularly from western and southern Europe at the extermination camps.[352] Few Jews were shipped from the occupied Soviet territories to the camps: the killing of Jews in this zone was mostly left in the hands of the SS, aided by locally recruited auxiliaries.[353][u]
SS-Hauptsturmführer Adolf Haas became the first commandant of the Bergen-Belsen camp in the spring of 1943; SS-Hauptsturmführer Josef Kramer replaced him in December 1944. The number of SS functionaries in Bergen-Belsen varied over the course of the camp's existence. The SS succeeded in destroying many of the camp's files, including those on personnel.
A training center for SS concentration camp guards, Dachau’s organization and routine became the model for all Nazi concentration camps. A new crematorium area was constructed in 1942 to dispose of the increasing number of casualties of typhoid, starvation, and executions. Dachau’s prisoners were used as subjects of medical experiments and hundreds of prisoners died or were permanently crippled as a result of these experiments.
Marc Coyle (?) reached the camp two days before I did and was a guard so as soon as I got there I looked him up and he took me to the crematory. Dead SS troops were scattered around the grounds, but when we reached the furnace house we came upon a huge stack of corpses piled up like kindling, all nude so that their clothes wouldn't be wasted by the burning. There were furnaces for burning six bodies at once and on each side of them was a room twenty feet square crammed to the ceiling with more bodies - one big stinking rotten mess. Their faces purple, their eyes popping, and with a ludicrous (?) grin on each one. They were nothing but bones & skin. Coyle had assisted at ten autopsies the day before (wearing a gas mask) on ten bodies selected at random. Eight of them had advanced T.B., all had Typhus and extreme malnutrition symptoms. There were both women and children in the stack in addition to the men.
The Nazis also used Dachau prisoners as subjects in brutal medical experiments. For example, inmates were obligated to be guinea pigs in a series of tests to determine the feasibility of reviving individuals immersed in freezing water. For hours at a time, prisoners were forcibly submerged in tanks filled with ice water. Some prisoners died during the process.
His tasks for the Abwehr included collecting information on railways, military installations, and troop movements, as well as recruiting other spies within Czechoslovakia, in advance of a planned invasion of the country by Nazi Germany.[9] He was arrested by the Czech government for espionage on 18 July 1938 and immediately imprisoned, but was released as a political prisoner under the terms of the Munich Agreement, the instrument under which the Czech Sudetenland was annexed into Germany on 1 October.[10][11] Schindler applied for membership in the Nazi Party on 1 November and was accepted the following year.[12]
The never-ending rumors surrounding these early concentration camps instilled a nagging sense of fear among all Germans that helped to extinguish all potential opposition and criticism of Hitler's regime. However, the greatest challenge to Hitler would not come from his political opponents but from within his own ranks. By early 1934, a storm trooper rebellion was brewing that threatened to ruin everything he had worked so hard to achieve.
Shipments of Jews to the camps had priority over anything but the army's needs on the German railways, and continued even in the face of the increasingly dire military situation at the end of 1942.[355] Army leaders and economic managers complained about this diversion of resources and the killing of skilled Jewish workers,[356] but Nazi leaders rated ideological imperatives above economic considerations.[357]
The first thing that the American liberators saw at Dachau was the "death train" filled with the dead bodies of prisoners who had been evacuated three weeks before from Buchenwald; the train had been strafed by American planes, but the soldiers assumed that these prisoners had been machine-gunned to death by the guards after the train arrived. After the war, Hans Merbach, the German soldier who was in charge of this train was put on trial by an American Military Tribunal at Dachau.
These outdoor 'wild' camps were little more than improvised barbed-wire stockades where prisoners were subjected to military-style drills and random beatings. The storm troopers soon discovered that desperate family members would gather up whatever money they could find to ransom their loved ones out of the place. Thus began a lucrative practice of hauling off prisoners simply to hold them until sufficient ransom was received.
April 11 - August 14 - Eichmann on trial in Jerusalem for crimes against the Jewish people, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Found guilty and hanged at Ramleh on May 31, 1962. A fellow Nazi reported Eichmann once said "he would leap laughing into the grave because the feeling that he had five million people on his conscience would be for him a source of extraordinary satisfaction."
Also that November, Schindler was introduced to Itzhak Stern, an accountant for Schindler's fellow Abwehr agent Josef "Sepp" Aue, who had taken over Stern's formerly Jewish-owned place of employment as a Treuhander (trustee).[21] Property belonging to Polish Jews, including their possessions, places of business, and homes were seized by the Germans beginning immediately after the invasion, and Jewish citizens were stripped of their civil rights.[22] Schindler showed Stern the balance sheet of a company he was thinking of acquiring, an enamelware factory called Rekord Ltd[a] owned by a consortium of Jewish businessmen that had filed for bankruptcy earlier that year.[23] Stern advised him that rather than running the company as a trusteeship under the auspices of the Haupttreuhandstelle Ost (Main Trustee Office for the East), he should buy or lease the business, as that would give him more freedom from the dictates of the Nazis, including the freedom to hire more Jews.[24]
For a better sense of reality, Spielberg originally wanted to shoot the movie completely in Polish and German using subtitles, but he eventually decided against it because he felt that it would take away from the urgency and importance of the images onscreen. According to Spielberg, “I wanted people to watch the images, not read the subtitles. There’s too much safety in reading. It would have been an excuse to take their eyes off the screen and watch something else.”
In November 1938, the prohibitive measures against German Jews that had been instituted since Hitler came to power took a violent and deadly turn during “Kristallnacht” (“Crystal Night” or “Night of Broken Glass”). On the evening of November 9, synagogues in Germany and Austria were burned and Jewish homes, schools and businesses were vandalized. Over 30,000 Jews were arrested and dispatched to Dachau and the Buchenwald and Sachsenhausen concentration camps. Nearly 11,000 Jews ended up in Dachau.
In Dachau, as in other Nazi camps, German physicians performed medical experiments on prisoners, including high-altitude experiments using a decompression chamber, malaria and tuberculosis experiments, hypothermia experiments, and experiments testing new medications. Prisoners were also forced to test methods of making seawater potable and of halting excessive bleeding. Hundreds of prisoners died or were permanently crippled as a result of these experiments.
It is estimated that approximately 3,000 Jews died on the Plantages. When the camp officials felt that these internees were too ill and too weak to work, they would march them into a lake (since drained) , regardless of the time of year. They were forced to stay in the water until dead. Those who remained conscious were placed in wheelbarrows, brought back to camp, where they died a few hours later.
In most ghettos, Nazis ordered the Jews to establish a Judenrat (Jewish council) to administer Nazi demands and to regulate the internal life of the ghetto. The Nazis routinely ordered deportations from the ghettos. In some of the large ghettos, 1,000 people per day were sent by rail to concentration and extermination camps. To get them to cooperate, the Nazis told the Jews they were being transported elsewhere for labor.
Eicke's idea was that through a combination of severe discipline, Spartan living conditions and forced labor, he could reform any so-called 'Enemy of the State,' then set him free to resume a useful life in Hitler's Germany. Inside the camp, painted in large letters along the roof of one building was the motto: "There is one way to freedom. Its milestones are: obedience, zeal, honesty, order, cleanliness, temperance, truth, sense of sacrifice and love for the Fatherland."
To start with, Dachau was used as a place of internment for opponents of the regime - mostly communists, social democrats and trade unionists. Political prisoners managed to gain all the significant positions in the prison's administration and to maintain them throughout the camp's existence, which meant that in many cases they were able to help other prisoners. Later on, they were joined by other groups of prisoners - Jehovah's Witnesses, Roma and homosexuals. The number of Jewish prisoners also grew. After Kristallnacht, over 10 000 Jews from all over Germany were brought to Dachau. They were released a few weeks later after promising to leave Germany. Most of them, following their experiences in the concentration camp, were only too glad to emigrate.
According to a book published by the US Seventh Army immediately after the war, entitled "Dachau Liberated, The Official Report by The U.S. Seventh Army," there was a total of 29,138 Jews brought to Dachau from other camps between June 20, 1944 and November 23, 1944. This report says the Jews were brought to Dachau to be executed and that they were gassed in the gas chamber disguised as a shower room and also in the four smaller gas chambers, which were designed to be disinfection chambers. The report also says that 16,717 non-Jewish, German prisoners were executed at Dachau between October 1940 and March 1945.
Immediately after the war, Erich Preuss, a former Dachau prisoner, set up an exhibit in the crematory building, located just outside the barbed wire enclosure of the concentration camp. American soldiers stationed in Germany were brought to Dachau to see the gas chamber, which they were told had been used to murder innocent inmates of the concentration camp. Mannequins were used in a display that was set up to illustrate how the Dachau prisoners were punished on the whipping block. During this time, the former concentration camp itself was off limits to visitors because it was filled with accused German war criminals awaiting the proceedings of the American Military Tribunals at Dachau, and later by homeless German refugees.
General Patch's 12th Armored Division, forging their way towards the Austrian border, uncovered horrors at a German prison camp at Schwabmunchen, southwest of Munich. Over 4,000 slave laborers, all Jews of various nationalities, were housed in the prison. The internees were burned alive by guards who set fire to the crude huts in which the prisoners slept, shooting any who tried to escape. Sprawled here in the prison enclosure are the burnt bodies of some of the Jewish slave laborers uncovered by the US 7th Army at Schwabmunchen, May 1, 1945. #
The first proceedings against the Nazi war criminals after the war were conducted by a British Military Tribunal at Lüneburg, Germany in November 1945. Some of the staff members of Bergen-Belsen had previously worked at Auschwitz-Birkenau and former prisoners of that camp, who had been transferred to Bergen-Belsen in January 1945, testified about the crimes committed at Auschwitz-Birkenau at the Lüneburg proceedings. Dr. Klein was charged with selecting prisoners for the gas chamber at Auschwitz, but there were no charges, involving a gas chamber at Bergen-Belsen, against any of the accused.
Bergen-Belsen SS-women. On the right the notorious Herta Bothe, after the war charged with having committed war crimes. She had a good time shooting at weak female prisoners carrying food containers from the kitchen to the block with her pistol. And she often beat sick girls with a wooden stick. At the Bergen-Belsen Trial she got imprisonment for 10 years.
In Dachau, as in other Nazi camps, German physicians performed medical experiments on prisoners, including high-altitude experiments using a decompression chamber, malaria and tuberculosis experiments, hypothermia experiments, and experiments testing new medications. Prisoners were also forced to test methods of making seawater potable and of halting excessive bleeding.
The liberated inmates had to be kept in the camp until the typhus epidemic could be brought under control. The Americans used DDT, a new insecticide not being used in Germany, to kill the lice in the camp. When the epidemic ended, the concentration camp was immediately turned into War Crimes Enclosure No. 1 for 30,000 Germans who had been arrested as war criminals and were awaiting trial by an American Military Tribunal. Most of them were released by 1948 for lack of evidence, although some were transferred to France for trial.
In February 1942, the Nazis began systematically rounding up all the Jews in Germany and the Nazi-occupied countries, and transporting them to what is now Poland or the area that is now Belarus, in a program of extermination, which had been planned at the Wannsee conference on January 20, 1942. The title of the conference was "The Final Solution to the Jewish Question."
Dachau concentration camp (/ˈdɑːxaʊ/;[3] German: Konzentrationslager (KZ) Dachau, IPA: [ˈdaxaʊ]) was the first of the Nazi concentration camps opened in 1933, intended to hold political prisoners. It is located on the grounds of an abandoned munitions factory northeast of the medieval town of Dachau, about 16 km (10 mi) northwest of Munich in the state of Bavaria, in southern Germany.[4] Opened by Heinrich Himmler, its purpose was enlarged to include forced labor, and eventually, the imprisonment of Jews, German and Austrian criminals, and eventually foreign nationals from countries that Germany occupied or invaded. The Dachau camp system grew to include nearly 100 sub-camps, which were mostly work camps or Arbeitskommandos, and were located throughout southern Germany and Austria.[5] The camps were liberated by U.S. forces on 29 April 1945.
While there will always be those who question the motives of others, those who have examined Schindler’s efforts find him heroic. “The defining measure of Schindler’s commitment to doing everything possible to save his Jewish workers came in the fall of 1944, when Oskar chose to risk everything to move his armaments factory to Brunnlitz,” writes David Crowe, citing Dr. Moshe Bejski, who was saved by Oskar Schindler during the Holocaust. “Oskar could easily have closed his Krakow operations and retreated westward with the profits he had already made. Instead, he chose to risk his life and his money to save as many Jews as he could.”
A stunning novel based on the true story of how German war profiteer and factory director Oskar Schindler came to save more Jews from the gas chambers than any other single person during World War II. In this milestone of Holocaust literature, Thomas Keneally, author of Daughter of Mars, uses the actual testimony of the Schindlerjuden—Schindler’s Jews—to brilliantly portray the courage and cunning of a good man in the midst of unspeakable evil.
Premier diagnostic and advanced analytics enable Schindler to predictively identify, analyze and resolve possible service issues before they occur. The closed-loop platform connects equipment, customers and passengers with the Schindler Contact Center and technicians keep everyone informed. Technicians in the field are notified in real-time and have access to a comprehensive knowledge-based digital expert and assistant on the go.
Further trials at Nuremberg took place between 1946 and 1949, which tried another 185 defendants.[460] West Germany initially tried few ex-Nazis, but after the 1958 Ulm Einsatzkommando trial, the government set up a governmental agency to investigate crimes.[461] Other trials of Nazis and collaborators took place in Western and Eastern Europe. In 1960, Mossad agents captured Adolf Eichmann in Argentina and brought him to Israel to stand trial on 15 indictments, including war crimes, crimes against humanity, and crimes against the Jewish people. He was convicted in December 1961 and executed in June 1962. Eichmann's trial and death revived interest in war criminals and the Holocaust in general.[462]
Even before the Nazis came to power in Germany in 1933, they had made no secret of their anti-Semitism. As early as 1919 Adolf Hitler had written, “Rational anti-Semitism, however, must lead to systematic legal opposition.…Its final objective must unswervingly be the removal of the Jews altogether.” In Mein Kampf (“My Struggle”; 1925–27), Hitler further developed the idea of the Jews as an evil race struggling for world domination. Nazi anti-Semitism was rooted in religious anti-Semitism and enhanced by political anti-Semitism. To this the Nazis added a further dimension: racial anti-Semitism. Nazi racial ideology characterized the Jews as Untermenschen (German: “subhumans”). The Nazis portrayed the Jews as a race and not as a religious group. Religious anti-Semitism could be resolved by conversion, political anti-Semitism by expulsion. Ultimately, the logic of Nazi racial anti-Semitism led to annihilation.
During the first year, the camp held about 4,800 prisoners. Initially the internees were primarily German Communists, Social Democrats, trade unionists, and other political opponents of the Nazi regime. Over time, other groups were also interned at Dachau, such as Jehovah's Witnesses, Roma (Gypsies), homosexuals, as well as "asocials" and repeat criminal offenders. During the early years relatively few Jews were interned in Dachau and then usually because they belonged to one of the above groups or had completed prison sentences after being convicted for violating the Nuremberg Laws of 1935.
Upon liberating Bergen Belsen, British soldiers discovered the true nature of the Nazi Third Reich. Bergen Belsen had reached its lowest point about three weeks before liberation. Typhus was raging and about 1000 inmates died every day from this epidemic. There was no running water and rations were down to half a pint of soup a day and bread only three times a week. Although the British soldiers had heard about Nazi atrocities, nothing prepared them for what they saw. Richard Dimbleby of the BBC (British Broadcasting Corporation), who visited Bergen Belsen a few days after liberation, broke down several times when he tried to record his first impressions of the camp. On April 19, 1945, the BBC broadcasted his report and a stunned world learned what the inmates of Bergen Belsen had gone through, and what the British soldiers had witnessed a few days before. It took the British soldiers some time to realize that the former prisoners at Bergen Belsen needed easily digested food such as rice, biscuits and fresh milk. Thousands of prisoners died after liberation because they could not get to the food that the British provided, or because they ate too much, or because they could not digest the food that was available.
^ After the invasion of Poland, the Germans planned to set up a Jewish reservation in southeast Poland around the transit camp in Nisko, but the "Nisko Plan" failed, in part because it was opposed by Hans Frank, the new Governor-General of the General Government territory.[147][148][149] Adolf Eichmann was assigned to remove Jews from Germany, Austria, and the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia to the reservation.[150] Although the idea was to remove 80,000 Jews, Eichmann had managed to send only 4,700 by March 1940, and the plan was abandoned in April.[151] By mid-October the idea of a Jewish reservation had been revived by Heinrich Himmler, because of the influx of Germanic settlers into the Warthegau.[152] Resettlement continued until January 1941 under Odilo Globocnik,[153] and included both Jews and Poles.[154] By that time 95,000 Jews were already concentrated in the area,[155] but the plan to deport up to 600,000 additional Jews to the Lublin reservation failed for logistical and political reasons.[156]
As the first major camp to be liberated by the allies, the event received a lot of press coverage and the world saw the horrors of the Holocaust. Sixty-thousand prisoners were present at the time of liberation. Afterward, about 500 people died daily of starvation and typhus, reaching nearly 14,000. Mass graves were made to hold the thousands of corpses of those who perished.
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In December 1944 SS-Hauptsturmführer Josef Kramer, previously at Auschwitz-Birkenau, became the new camp commandant, replacing SS-Hauptsturmführer Adolf Haas [de], who had been in post since the spring of 1943.[7] In January 1945, the SS took over the POW hospital and increased the size of Bergen-Belsen. As eastern concentration camps were evacuated before the advance of the Red Army, at least 85,000 people were transported in cattle cars or marched to Bergen-Belsen.[14] Before that the number of prisoners at Belsen had been much smaller. In July 1944 there were 7,300; by December 1944 the number had increased to 15,000; and by February 1945 it had risen to 22,000. Numbers then soared to around 60,000 by April 15, 1945.[7] This overcrowding led to a vast increase in deaths from disease: particularly typhus, as well as tuberculosis, typhoid fever, dysentery and malnutrition in a camp originally designed to hold about 10,000 inmates. At this point also, the special status of the exchange prisoners no longer applied. All inmates were subject to starvation and epidemics.[14]
As the mass shootings continued in Russia, the Germans began to search for new methods of mass murder. This was driven by a need to have a more efficient method than simply shooting millions of victims. Himmler also feared that the mass shootings were causing psychological problems in the SS. His concerns were shared by his subordinates in the field.[251] In December 1939 and January 1940, another method besides shooting was tried. Experimental gas vans equipped with gas cylinders and a sealed compartment were used to kill the disabled and mentally-ill in occupied Poland.[252] Similar vans, but using the exhaust fumes rather than bottled gas, were introduced to the Chełmno extermination camp in December 1941,[253] and some were used in the occupied Soviet Union, for example in smaller clearing actions in the Minsk ghetto.[254] They also were used for murder in Yugoslavia.[255]
One of the most horrific terms in history was used by Nazi Germany to designate human beings whose lives were unimportant, or those who should be killed outright: Lebensunwertes Leben, or "life unworthy of life". The phrase was applied to the mentally impaired and later to the "racially inferior," or "sexually deviant," as well as to "enemies of the state" both internal and external. From very early in the war, part of Nazi policy was to murder civilians en masse, especially targeting Jews. Later in the war, this policy grew into Hitler's "final solution", the complete extermination of the Jews. It began with Einsatzgruppen death squads in the East, which killed some 1,000,000 people in numerous massacres, and continued in concentration camps where prisoners were actively denied proper food and health care. It culminated in the construction of extermination camps -- government facilities whose entire purpose was the systematic murder and disposal of massive numbers of people. In 1945, as advancing Allied troops began discovering these camps, they found the results of these policies: hundreds of thousands of starving and sick prisoners locked in with thousands of dead bodies. They encountered evidence of gas chambers and high-volume crematoriums, as well as thousands of mass graves, documentation of awful medical experimentation, and much more. The Nazis killed more than 10 million people in this manner, including 6 million Jews. (This entry is Part 18 of a weekly 20-part retrospective of World War II)
Many of the prisoners at Bergen Belsen arrived there on death marches from other concentration camps. During Summer 1944, as the British and American Armies advanced in their fight against Germany from the West and the Soviet army advanced in its fight against Germany from the East, the Nazis began liquidating concentration camps, sending prisoners on death marches. They forced prisoners of concentration camps to march over long distances, under unbearable conditions. Prisoners were abused, and sometimes killed, by the guards that accompanied them.
The British troops who liberated the Belsen camp three weeks before the end of the war were shocked and disgusted by the many unburied corpses and dying inmates they found there. Horrific photos and films of the camp's emaciated corpses and mortally sick inmates were quickly circulated around the globe. Within weeks the British military occupation newspaper proclaimed: "The story of that greatest of all exhibitions of 'man's inhumanity to man' which was Belsen Concentration Camp is known throughout the world." (note 1)
In 1944, Josiah DuBois, Jr. wrote a memorandum to then-Secretary of the Treasury Henry Morgenthau, Jr. entitled “Report to the Secretary on the Acquiescence of This Government in the Murder of the Jews”, which condemned the bureaucratic interference of U.S. State Department policies in obstructing the evacuation of Holocaust Refugees from Romania and Occupied France. The Report would spur the Roosevelt administration to create the War Refugee Board later that year.
Some of the inmates were exempt from work because they were too old or too young, but a few of the older prisoners worked on the herb farm. According to Paul Berben, "Statistics made by the camp administration on 16th February 1945 list 2,309 men and 44 women aged between 50 and 60 and 5,465 men and 12 women over 60." These figures are for the main camp at Dachau and all the subcamps.
Accompanied by Communist political prisoners, who served as guides, the Americans toured the prison camp and were shown the building, just outside the barbed wire enclosure, which housed the homicidal gas chamber disguised as a shower room. The Americans heard eye-witness accounts from Dachau survivors who said that prisoners had been gassed to death in the fake shower room; they also heard stories of how prisoners had been shoved into the crematory ovens while still alive. Bodies of fully-clothed dead inmates were found piled inside the new crematorium building and many more naked corpses were piled up outside. Outside the disinfection chambers, there was a huge pile of clothing waiting to be fumigated with Zyklon-B gas pellets.
After the joint conquest of Poland, by Germany and the Soviet Union, in September 1939, numerous Polish resistance fighters were imprisoned, including 1,780 Catholic priests. When the Catholic Church complained about the harsh treatment the priests received in the concentration camps, all the priests were moved to Dachau because it was the mildest camp of all. Dachau was designated as the main camp for Catholic priests who had been arrested on various charges, including child molestation, and a total of 2,720 from 19 different nations were sent there. The priests did not have to work in the factories and were given special privileges.
As far as we could trace the developments back, some kind of a group or clique seems to have first formed in 1937 under an Austrian Socialist by the name of Brenner. The "Brenner Group" in the Labor Office included both German and Austrian Socialists. After the release of Brenner, it was superseded by a combination of German Socialists and Communists under a certain Kuno Rieke (Socialist) and a certain Julius Schaetzle (Communist). This combination and their staff were in control of the Labor Office until June 1944, when Schaetzle was suspected of conspiratorial activities and shipped off in a transport. A temporary regime succeeded the Rieke-Schaetzle group until September 1944, when a new regime gradually took over, eliminating all Germans from positions of influence in the Labor Office. This last group, composed of Alsatians, Lorrainers, French, Luxembourgers, Belgians and Poles, is still in charge of the Labor Office today.
The first commander of Dachau, Hilmar Wäckerle, was dismissed from his position by Heinrich Himmler after charges of murder were brought against him by a Munich court for the deaths of several prisoners who had died after being severely punished. Another Dachau Commandant, Alex Piorkowski, was also dismissed by Himmler and was expelled from the Nazi party for breaking the strict rules set by Eicke.
In 1993, Steven Spielberg’s Schindler’s List brought to the screen a story that had gone untold since the tragic events of the Holocaust. Oskar Schindler, a Nazi party member, used his pull within the party to save the lives of more than 1000 Jewish individuals by recruiting them to work in his Polish factory. Here are some facts about Spielberg’s groundbreaking film on its 25th anniversary.
The gates of the camp had been locked again, and the liberators of the first hour, on their way again, were already far off, toward Munich, toward the south, pursuing their war. Guards had been placed on the other side of the barbed wire. No one was allowed out any more, Already, at the end of this first day, the Americans wondered what they would do with his rabble of lepers.
At the end of the evidence Mr. Le Drieiglenac was asked if he could identify anyone in the dock as having been guilty of cruelty to and ill-treatment of the prisoners. There was a hush, then a feeling of anticlimax as he said he could not. It became clear from his evidence that, so far as he was concerned, apart from the Hungarian guards the people most responsible for individual atrocities were those prisoners, mostly criminals, given positions of authority by the camp commandant. Asked by the court how Belsen compared with other camps he had been in, witness said that the others (Neuhamme and Arbeitskommando of Wilhelmshaven) were worse as far as sadism was concerned, but that on the whole Belsen was much the worst.
The Holocaust was the systematic, bureaucratic, state-sponsored persecution and murder of six million Jews by the Nazi regime and its collaborators. Holocaust is a word of Greek origin meaning "sacrifice by fire." The Nazis, who came to power in Germany in January 1933, believed that Germans were "racially superior" and that the Jews, deemed "inferior," were an alien threat to the so-called German racial community.
^ The caption for the photograph in the U.S. National Archives reads, "SC208765, Soldiers of the 42nd Infantry Division, U.S. Seventh Army, order SS men to come forward when one of their number tried to escape from the Dachau, Germany, concentration camp after it was captured by U.S. forces. Men on the ground in background feign death by falling as the guards fired a volley at the fleeing SS men. (157th Regt. 4/29/45)."
Steve Paulsson is a lecturer at the Oxford Centre for Hebrew and Jewish Studies. His doctoral thesis, 'Hiding in Warsaw: The Jews on the "Aryan side", 1940-1945', was co-winner of the 1998 Fraenkel Prize in Contemporary History, and is published by Yale University Press. He has also published articles on the flight of the Danish Jews to Sweden in 1943, and on Polish-Jewish relations. He was senior historian in the Holocaust Exhibition Project Office at the Imperial War Museum, 1998-2000.
The wounds of the Holocaust–known in Hebrew as Shoah, or catastrophe–were slow to heal. Survivors of the camps found it nearly impossible to return home, as in many cases they had lost their families and been denounced by their non-Jewish neighbors. As a result, the late 1940s saw an unprecedented number of refugees, POWs and other displaced populations moving across Europe.
December 8, 1941 - In occupied Poland, near Lodz, Chelmno extermination camp becomes operational. Jews taken there are placed in mobile gas vans and driven to a burial place while carbon monoxide from the engine exhaust is fed into the sealed rear compartment, killing them. The first gassing victims include 5,000 Gypsies who had been deported from the Reich to Lodz.
At first a single barrack accommodated only 180 persons, but later the overcrowding became intolerable, and bunks filled all available space. At the north end of Dachau stood the disinfection buildings and an Angora rabbit farm. The camp had a unique feature, the Dachau museum, containing plaster-images of prisoners marked by bodily defects or other strange characteristics.
Using gas vans, Chełmno had its roots in the Aktion T4 euthanasia program.[273] Majdanek began as a POW camp, but in August 1942 it had gas chambers installed.[274] A few other camps are occasionally named as extermination camps, but there is no scholarly agreement on the additional camps; commonly mentioned are Mauthausen in Austria[275] and Stutthof.[276] There may also have been plans for camps at Mogilev and Lvov.[277]
Between April and June of 1940, Germany invaded Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg consolidating power across neutral Western Europe. On June 22, 1940, France signed an armistice with Germany, which divided France between the German-occupied territory in the north and the Vichy regime in the south. Although officially neutral, the French state during this time was generally pro-Nazi and cooperated with Germany’s racial policies.
One of the alleged survivors of Dachau is Martin Zaidenstadt, a Polish Jew born in 1911, who settled in the town of Dachau after the war and married a German woman. He lives in a very nice house in the heart of Old Town Dachau, and up until May 2003 he would come to the Memorial Site every day to talk with the tourists. As many American tourists learned, he expected a donation and would get angry if he was handed less than $20. Although Martin told the tourists that he was a prisoner at Dachau for 3 years before the camp was liberated, the staff at the Museum claims that there is no record of him being incarcerated there.
According to a newspaper article by Mark Muckenfuss in The Press-Enterprise, Cecil Davis was a B17 pilot who was shot down during a bombing raid, and subsequently sent to a POW camp. He was with a group of American Prisoners of War who got lost while marching through the German countryside in late April 1945; the lost POWs were picked up by a patrol and dropped off at the Dachau "death camp" for three or four days. Davis was assigned to work in the crematorium where he saw the bodies of children that were being burned in "gas ovens."
The Roma refer to the genocide of the Romani people as the Pořajmos.[414] Because they are traditionally a private people with a culture based on oral history, less is known about their experience than that of any other group.[415] Bauer writes that this can be attributed to the Roma's distrust and suspicion, and to their humiliation because some of the taboos in Romani culture regarding hygiene and sex were violated at Auschwitz.[416] In May 1942, the Roma were placed under similar laws to the Jews. On 16 December 1942, Himmler issued a decree that "Gypsy Mischlinge [mixed breeds], Roma Gypsies, and members of the clans of Balkan origins who are not of German blood" should be sent to Auschwitz, unless they had served in the Wehrmacht.[417] He adjusted the order on 15 November 1943; in the occupied Soviet areas, "sedentary Gypsies and part-Gypsies are to be treated as citizens of the country. Nomadic Gypsies and part-Gypsies are to be placed on the same level as Jews and placed in concentration camps."[418] Bauer argues that this adjustment reflected Nazi ideology that the Roma, originally an Aryan population, had been "spoiled" by non-Romani blood.[419]
The film rights to Page’s story were actually first purchased by MGM for $50,000 in the 1960s after Page had similarly ambushed the wife of film producer Marvin Gosch at his leather shop. Mrs. Gosch told the story to her husband, who agreed to produce a film version, even going so far as hiring Casablanca co-screenwriter Howard Koch to write the script. Koch and Gosch began interviewing Schindler Jews in and around the Los Angeles area, and even Schindler himself, before the project stalled, leaving the story unknown to the public at large.
Those who could prove their intention to leave Germany were released, and indeed most of them were released within a few months of their arrest. Non-Jews were also arrested for helping Jews, in Berlin on 23 October 1941 a German Catholic priest, Bernhard Lichtenberg, who had been a military chaplain in the First World War, was arrested for his protests against the deportations to the East.
Albert Goering loathed all of Nazism's inhumanity and at the risk of his career, fortune and life, used his name and connections to save hundreds of Jews and and political dissidents during the Second World War. After the war Albert Goering - savior of victims of the tyranny his brother helped create - was imprisoned for several years for his name alone. But his story is almost unknown: he was shoved into obscurity by the enormity of his brother's crimes.
Since March 1945, around 15,000 new prisoners had been accommodated in a camp that was originally designed for 5,000 men. By the time the liberators arrived, there were over 30,000 prisoners in the camp. There was a typhus epidemic in the camp but the Germans had no DDT, nor typhus vaccine, available to stop it. Up to 400 prisoners per day were dying of typhus by the time that the Americans arrived. There was no coal to burn the bodies in the ovens and the staff could not keep up with burying the bodies in mass graves on a hill several miles from the camp.
Oskar Schindler, (born April 28, 1908, Svitavy [Zwittau], Moravia, Austria-Hungary [now in the Czech Republic]—died October 9, 1974, Hildesheim, West Germany), German industrialist who, aided by his wife and staff, sheltered approximately 1,100 Jews from the Nazis by employing them in his factories, which supplied the German army during World War II.
Jewish deportees in the Drancy transit camp near Paris, France, in 1942, on their last stop before the German concentration camps. Some 13,152 Jews (including 4,115 children) were rounded up by French police forces, taken from their homes to the "Vel d'Hiv", or winter cycling stadium in southwestern Paris, in July of 1942. They were later taken to a rail terminal at Drancy, northeast of the French capital, and then deported to the east. Only a handful ever returned. #
All the major death camps were behind the "Iron Curtain" and few Americans had even heard of them before the fall of Communism; the six death camps, Auschwitz, Majdanek, Treblinka, Sobibor, Belzec and Chelmno were all located in what is now Poland, and they were controlled by the Communists. For many years in America, Dachau was the name most associated with the Holocaust, not Auschwitz.
Demographic statistics vary but they are in the same general range. History will likely never know how many people were interned or died there, due to periods of disruption. One source gives a general estimate of over 200,000 prisoners from more than 30 countries for the Third Reich's years, of whom two-thirds were political prisoners, including many Catholic priests, and nearly one-third were Jews. 25,613 prisoners are believed to have died in the camp and almost another 10,000 in its subcamps,[16] primarily from disease, malnutrition and suicide. In late 1944, a typhus epidemic occurred in the camp caused by poor sanitation and overcrowding, which caused more than 15,000 deaths.[17] It was followed by an evacuation, in which large numbers of the prisoners died. Toward the end of the war, death marches to and from the camp caused the deaths of numerous unrecorded prisoners. After liberation, prisoners weakened beyond recovery by the starvation conditions continued to die.[18] Two thousand cases of "the dread black typhus" had already been identified by 3 May, and the U.S. Seventh Army was "working day and night to alleviate the appalling conditions at the camp".[19] Prisoners with typhus, a louse-borne disease with an incubation period from 12 to 18 days, were treated by the 116th Evacuation Hospital, while the 127th would be the general hospital for the other illnesses. There were 227 documented deaths among the 2,252 patients cared for by the 127th.[18]
Between the years 1933 and 1945, more than 3.5 million Germans were imprisoned in such concentration camps or prison for political reasons.[49][50][51] Approximately 77,000 Germans were killed for one or another form of resistance by Special Courts, courts-martial, and the civil justice system. Many of these Germans had served in government, the military, or in civil positions, which were considered to enable them to engage in subversion and conspiracy against the Nazis.[52]
Schindler’s most effective tool in this privately conceived rescue campaign was the privileged status his plant enjoyed as a “business essential to the war effort” as accorded him by the Military Armaments Inspectorate in occupied Poland. This not only qualified him to obtain lucrative military contracts, but also enabled him to draw on Jewish workers who were under the jurisdiction of the SS. When his Jewish employees were threatened with deportation to Auschwitz by the SS, he could claim exemptions for them, arguing that their removal would seriously hamper his efforts to keep up production essential to the war effort. He did not balk at falsifying the records, listing children, housewives, and lawyers as expert mechanics and metalworkers, and, in general, covering up as much as he could for unqualified or temporarily incapacitated workers.
His middle-class Catholic family belonged to the German-speaking community in the Sudetenland. The young Schindler, who attended German grammar school and studied engineering, was expected to follow in the footsteps of his father and take charge of the family farm-machinery plant. Some of Schindler’s schoolmates and childhood neighbors were Jews, but with none of them did he develop an intimate or lasting friendship. Like most of the German-speaking youths of the Sudetenland, he subscribed to Konrad Henlein’s Sudeten German Party, which strongly supported the Nazi Germany and actively strove for the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia and their annexation to Germany . When the Sudetenland was incorporated into Nazi Germany in 1938, Schindler became a formal member of the Nazi party.
By April 1945 the Germans were aware that the British would soon overrun the camp and were fearful that typhus would spread if the prisoners escaped. On 12 April, they approached elements of the British 11th Armoured Division to negotiate a temporary local truce and surrender the camp. The British entered Bergen-Belsen three days later. Harry Oakes and Bill Lawrie both served with the Army Film and Photographic Unit (AFPU), which was set up in 1941 to produce an official record of the British Army’s role during the Second World War. Both men arrived at Bergen-Belsen to record conditions in the camp. Here they explain how British forces gained access to the camp.
Below are figures for the number of Jews murdered in each country that came under German domination. They are estimates, as are all figures relating to Holocaust victims. The numbers given here for Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania are based on their territorial borders before the 1938 Munich agreement. The total number of six million Jews murdered during the Holocaust, which emerged from the Nuremberg trials, is also an estimate. Numbers have ranged between five and seven million killed.
Concentration camp crematorium being shown to a US soldier © Organised killing began with the outbreak of war in September 1939, but the first victims were not Jews. The Nazis set about killing people with physical and mental disabilities, whom they regarded as a burden on the state and a threat to the nation's 'racial hygiene'. About 170,000 people were eventually killed under this so-called Euthanasia programme, which also pioneered techniques and employed many of the people later used to kill Jews.
The anti-Hitler movement inside Germany, which included German communists and Jehovah's Witnesses, was the largest indigenous resistance movement of any country during the whole war. Only in Germany was an attempt made to assassinate their leader. Around 800,000 were sent to prison at one time or another for active resistance to the regime. While the western allies did all in their power to help other resistance movements, ie in France and the Netherlands, they did nothing to help or encourage the movement in Germany which in all probability could have ended the war sooner. But the Allies were intent on unconditional surrender and refused to make any deals at all with Germans. Accordingly the Allies viewed all Germans as bad, not only Nazis.
On the evening of November 9, 1938, carefully orchestrated anti-Jewish violence “erupted” throughout the Reich, which since March had included Austria. Over the next 48 hours rioters burned or damaged more than 1,000 synagogues and ransacked and broke the windows of more than 7,500 businesses. Some 30,000 Jewish men between the ages of 16 and 60 were arrested and sent to concentration camps. Police stood by as the violence—often the action of neighbours, not strangers—occurred. Firemen were present not to protect the synagogues but to ensure that the flames did not spread to adjacent “Aryan” property. The pogrom was given a quaint name: Kristallnacht (“Crystal Night,” or “Night of Broken Glass”). In its aftermath, Jews lost the illusion that they had a future in Germany.
After invading Poland, the Germans established ghettos in the incorporated territories and General Government to confine Jews.[143] The ghettos were formed and closed off from the outside world at different times and for different reasons.[196][197] For example, the Łódź ghetto was closed in April 1940,[143] to force the Jews inside to give up money and valuables;[198] the Warsaw ghetto was closed for health considerations (for the people outside, not inside, the ghetto),[199] but this did not happen until November 1940;[143] and the Kraków ghetto was not established until March 1941.[200] The Warsaw Ghetto contained 380,000 people[143] and was the largest ghetto in Poland; the Łódź Ghetto was the second largest,[201] holding between 160,000[202] to 223,000.[203] Because of the long drawn-out process of establishing ghettos, it is unlikely that they were originally considered part of a systematic attempt to eliminate Jews completely.[204]
SS-Obergruppenführer Reinhard Heydrich, head of the Reich Main Security Office (Reichssicherheitshauptamt or RSHA), convened what became known as the Wannsee Conference on 20 January 1942 at Am Großen Wannsee 56–58, a villa in Berlin's Wannsee suburb.[256][257] The meeting had been scheduled for 9 December 1941, and invitations had been sent on 29 November, but it had been postponed.[258]
When British tanks reached the camp Mr. Le Drieullenac was having his first meal for five days – grass. In the whole ten days there he had about one pint of soup in a mug which he took from a pile of effects of the dead. There was no water to wash the mug, but he did get one drink by climbing over the dead bodies in the washroom. The grass meal was got when the Germans on the last day moved him with some comrades to better quarters, this apparently being done to make a more favourable impression on the British troops. This motive was also, it would seem, behind the efforts which the Germans forced the prisoners to make to get rid of the bodies in the course of which Mr. Le Drieullenac said, the number of dead buried ran into five figures.
The government defined a Jewish person as someone with three or four Jewish grandparents, not someone who had religious convictions. This meant that people who had never practiced, or hadn’t practiced Judaism in many years, or even converted to Christianity were subjected to persecution. Although anti-semitism was pervasive in 1930s Germany, these restrictions frequently extended to any person the Nazis considered to be “non-Aryan”.
The camp was divided into two sections: the camp area and the crematorium. The camp area consisted of 32 barracks, including one for clergy imprisoned for opposing the Nazi regime and one reserved for medical experiments. The courtyard between the prison and the central kitchen was used for the summary execution of prisoners. The camp was surrounded by an electrified barbed-wire gate, a ditch, and a wall with seven guard towers.[13]
On April 26, 1945, as American forces approached, there were 67,665 registered prisoners in Dachau and its subcamps. Of these, 43,350 were categorized as political prisoners, while 22,100 were Jews, with the remainder falling into various other categories. Starting that day, the Germans forced more than 7,000 prisoners, mostly Jews, on a death march from Dachau to Tegernsee far to the south. During the death march, the Germans shot anyone who could no longer continue; many also died of hunger, cold, or exhaustion.
Current estimates put the number of prisoners who passed through the concentration camp during its period of operation from 1943 to 1945 at around 120,000. Due to the destruction of the camp's files by the SS, not even half of them, around 55,000, are known by name.[10]:269 As mentioned above, treatment of prisoners by the SS varied between individual sections of the camp, with the inmates of the exchange camp generally being better treated than other prisoners, at least initially. However, in October 1943 the SS selected 1,800 men and women from the Sonderlager ("special camp"), Jews from Poland who held passports from Latin American countries. Since the governments of these nations mostly refused to honour the passports, these people had lost their value to the regime. Under the pretext of sending them to a fictitious "Lager Bergau", the SS had them transported to Auschwitz-Birkenau, where they were sent directly to the gas chambers and killed. In February and May 1944 another 350 prisoners from the "special camp" were sent to Auschwitz. Thus, out of the total of 14,600 prisoners in the exchange camp, at least 3,550 died, more than 1,400 of them at Belsen, and around 2,150 at Auschwitz.[10]:187
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Up to this point, though, Auschwitz-Birkenau accounted for “only” 11 percent of the victims of the “Final Solution.” In August 1942, however, construction began on four large-scale gassing facilities. It appears from the plans that the first two gas chambers were adapted from mortuaries which, with the huge crematoria attached to them, were initially intended to cope with mortalities amongst the slave labor force in the camp, now approaching 100,000 and subject to a horrifying death rate. But from the autumn of 1942, it seems clear that the SS planners and civilian contractors were intending to build a mass-murder plant.
Selections for transit were a regular feature at Westerbork. Each Monday evening a train of about 20 cattle wagons would arrive at the camp. A list of one thousand people would be compiled by the Jewish council, which was made up of leaders of the community appointed by the Nazis and forced to carry out the Nazis’ orders. Early on the Tuesday morning those selected would assemble for deportation. After a roll call, they would enter the trains, at least 50 to each wagon, a bucket of water at one end and an empty one for use as a toilet at the other. The doors would close before the train departed for the long journey to the intended destination.
Despite its economic and political success, Nazism maintained its power by coercion and mass manipulation. The Nazi regime disseminated a continual outpouring of propaganda through all cultural and informational media. Its rallies—especially its elaborately staged Nürnberg rallies—its insignia, and its uniformed cadres were designed to impart an aura of omnipotence. The underside of its propaganda machine was its apparatus of terror, with its ubiquitous secret police and concentration camps. It fanned and focused German anti-Semitism to make the Jews a symbol of all that was hated and feared. By means of deceptive rhetoric, the party portrayed the Jews as the enemy of all classes of society.
From its rise to power in 1933, the Nazi regime built a series of incarceration sites to imprison and eliminate so-called "enemies of the state." Most prisoners in the early concentration camps were German Communists, Socialists, Social Democrats, Roma (Gypsies), Jehovah's Witnesses, homosexuals, and persons accused of "asocial" or socially deviant behavior. Some of these facilities were called “concentration camps” because those imprisoned there were physically “concentrated” in one location.
I do not understand, however, the attitude of Hitler and his followers in this matter. To atone for the Paris murder, the Nazis imposed a collective punishment upon all German subjects of Jewish origin. First they organized a 'spontaneous' outburst of popular rage on the eve of November 10, 1938, throughout Germany at almost the same hour, and everywhere by the same methods. Abuses and tortures, even manslaughter, destruction of Jewish shops and apartments, arson of synagogues with gasoline brought for the purpose—such was the program.
Nazi Germany is the common English name for Germany between 1933 and 1945, when Adolf Hitler and his Nazi Party (NSDAP) controlled the country through a dictatorship. Under Hitler's rule, Germany was transformed into a totalitarian state that controlled nearly all aspects of life via the Gleichschaltung legal process. The official name of the state was Deutsches Reich (German Reich) until 1943 and Großdeutsches Reich (Greater German Reich) from 1943 to 1945. Nazi Germany is also known as the Third Reich (Drittes Reich), meaning "Third Realm" or "Third Empire", the first two being the Holy Roman Empire (800–1806) and the German Empire (1871–1918). The Nazi regime ended after the Allies defeated Germany in May 1945, ending World War II in Europe.
Jews, Gypsies (Roma), homosexuals, asocials, criminals, and prisoners of war were gathered, stuffed into cattle cars on trains, and sent to Auschwitz. When the trains stopped at Auschwitz II: Birkenau, the newly arrived were told to leave all their belongings on board and were then forced to disembark from the train and gather upon the railway platform, known as "the ramp."
Frank herself sensed the limits of the adults around her, writing critically of her own mother’s and Peter’s mother’s apparently trivial preoccupations—and in fact these women’s prewar lives as housewives were a chief driver for Frank’s ambitions. “I can’t imagine that I would have to lead the same sort of life as Mummy and Mrs. v.P. [van Pels] and all the women who do their work and are then forgotten,” she wrote as she planned her future career. “I must have something besides a husband and children, something that I can devote myself to!” In the published diary, this passage is immediately followed by the famous words, “I want to go on living even after my death!”
Auschwitz was probably chosen to play a central role in the “final solution” because it was located at a railway junction with 44 parallel tracks—rail lines that were used to transport Jews from throughout Europe to their death. Heinrich Himmler, chief of the SS, the Nazi paramilitary corps, ordered the establishment of the first camp, the prison camp, on April 27, 1940, and the first transport of Polish political prisoners arrived on June 14. This small camp, Auschwitz I, was reserved throughout its history for political prisoners, mainly Poles and Germans.
Since the beginning of the war, special SS units called Einsatzgruppen had carried out mass executions of Jews and others in conquered territories; these commandos rounded up entire villages, forced them to dig their own graves and shot them. The massacres took a toll even on the German firing squads, says Debórah Dwork, a Holocaust historian at Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, and co-author (with van Pelt) of Holocaust: A History. “It’s totally clear from Nazi documents,” she says, “that Germans were looking for a way to murder masses of people without having such a traumatic impact on the murderers.”
The majority of scholars identify Nazism in both theory and practice as a form of far-right politics.[20] Far-right themes in Nazism include the argument that superior people have a right to dominate other people and purge society of supposed inferior elements.[21] Adolf Hitler and other proponents denied that Nazism was either left-wing or right-wing, instead they officially portrayed Nazism as a syncretic movement.[22][23] In Mein Kampf, Hitler directly attacked both left-wing and right-wing politics in Germany, saying:
While civilian efforts had an impact on public opinion, the army was the only organisation with the capacity to overthrow the government.[443][444] A major plot by men in the upper echelons of the military originated in 1938. They believed Britain would go to war over Hitler's planned invasion of Czechoslovakia, and Germany would lose. The plan was to overthrow Hitler or possibly assassinate him. Participants included Generaloberst Ludwig Beck, Generaloberst Walther von Brauchitsch, Generaloberst Franz Halder, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris, and Generalleutnant Erwin von Witzleben, who joined a conspiracy headed by Oberstleutnant Hans Oster and Major Helmuth Groscurth of the Abwehr. The planned coup was cancelled after the signing of the Munich Agreement in September 1938.[445] Many of the same people were involved in a coup planned for 1940, but again the participants changed their minds and backed down, partly because of the popularity of the regime after the early victories in the war.[446][447] Attempts to assassinate Hitler resumed in earnest in 1943, with Henning von Tresckow joining Oster's group and attempting to blow up Hitler's plane in 1943. Several more attempts followed before the failed 20 July 1944 plot, which was at least partly motivated by the increasing prospect of a German defeat in the war.[448][449] The plot, part of Operation Valkyrie, involved Claus von Stauffenberg planting a bomb in the conference room at Wolf's Lair at Rastenburg. Hitler, who narrowly survived, later ordered savage reprisals resulting in the execution of more than 4,900 people.[450]
Influenced by the Völkisch movement, the regime was against cultural modernism and supported the development of an extensive military at the expense of intellectualism.[8][187] Creativity and art were stifled, except where they could serve as propaganda media.[188] The party used symbols such as the Blood Flag and rituals such as the Nazi Party rallies to foster unity and bolster the regime's popularity.[189]
He is not the only one to argue against wholesale preservation of the camp. A 1958 proposal called for paving a 230-foot-wide, 3,200-foot-long asphalt road diagonally across the main Auschwitz camp and letting the rest of the ruins crumble, forcing visitors to “confront oblivion” and realize they could not fully comprehend the atrocities committed there. The concept was unanimously accepted by the memorial design committee—and roundly rejected by survivors, who felt the plan lacked any expression of remembrance.
Hitler's peace overtures to the new British Prime Minister Winston Churchill were rejected in July 1940. Grand Admiral Erich Raeder had advised Hitler in June that air superiority was a pre-condition for a successful invasion of Britain, so Hitler ordered a series of aerial attacks on Royal Air Force (RAF) airbases and radar stations, as well as nightly air raids on British cities, including London, Plymouth, and Coventry. The German Luftwaffe failed to defeat the RAF in what became known as the Battle of Britain, and by the end of October, Hitler realised that air superiority would not be achieved. He permanently postponed the invasion, a plan which the commanders of the German army had never taken entirely seriously.[107][108][e] Several historians, including Andrew Gordon, believe the primary reason for the failure of the invasion plan was due to the superiority of the Royal Navy, not the actions of the RAF.[109]
[W]hen we refer to all Kurdish fighters synonymously, we simply blur the fact that they have very different politics. . . right now, yes, the people are facing the Islamic State threat, so it’s very important to have a unified focus. But the truth is, ideologically and politically these are very, very different systems. Actually almost opposite to each other. —Dilar Dirik, “Rojava vs. the World,” February 2015
The regime promoted the concept of Volksgemeinschaft, a national German ethnic community. The goal was to build a classless society based on racial purity and the perceived need to prepare for warfare, conquest and a struggle against Marxism.[451][452] The German Labour Front founded the Kraft durch Freude (KdF; Strength Through Joy) organisation in 1933. As well as taking control of tens of thousands of privately run recreational clubs, it offered highly regimented holidays and entertainment such as cruises, vacation destinations and concerts.[453][454]
The SS gained its independence from the SA in July 1934, in the wake of the Röhm purge. Hitler then authorized SS leader Heinrich Himmler to centralize the administration of the concentration camps and formalize them into a system. Himmler chose SS Lieutenant General Theodor Eicke for this task. Eicke had been the commandant of the SS concentration camp at Dachau since June 1933. Himmler appointed him Inspector of Concentration Camps, a new section of the SS subordinate to the SS Main Office.
Annelies Marie Frank was born in Frankfurt on June 12, 1929 to Edith (née Holländer) and Otto Frank. The Frank family, which was affluent and socially active, had lived in the city since the seventeenth century. Otto and his two brothers served in the German army in World War I. In 1933, after the Nazi party came to power, the family moved to Amsterdam. For the first seven years, things were relatively quiet for the parents and their two daughters, Margot Betti (1926–1945) and her younger sister Anne, who attended the Montessori school until Germany invaded the Netherlands in May 1940.
Notable memoirists of the camp include Primo Levi, Elie Wiesel, and Tadeusz Borowski.[196] Levi's If This is a Man, first published in Italy in 1947 as Se questo è un uomo, became a classic of Holocaust literature, an "imperishable masterpiece".[276][h] Wiesel wrote about his imprisonment at Auschwitz in Night (1960) and other works, and became a prominent spokesman against ethnic violence; in 1986, he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.[278] Camp survivor Simone Veil was later elected President of the European Parliament, serving from 1979 to 1982.[279] Two Auschwitz victims—Maximilian Kolbe, a priest who volunteered to die by starvation in place of a stranger, and Edith Stein, a Jewish convert to Catholicism—were later named saints of the Catholic Church.[280]
Drancy held 5,000 prisoners. Around 70,000 mainly Jewish prisoners passed through the camp between August 1941 and August 1944. On 22 June 1942, the Nazis began systematic deportations of Jews from Drancy to the extermination camps in occupied Poland. In the first transport 1,000 Jews were sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau. By the last transport on 31 July 1944, 64,759 Jews had been deported from Drancy in 64 transports. Approximately 61,000 of these Jews were sent to Auschwitz-Birkenau. A further 3,753 Jews had been transported to Sobibor.
Over the years, there have been dissenting views about the preservationist approach. “I’m not convinced about the current plans for Auschwitz,” said Jonathan Webber, a former member of the International Auschwitz Council of advisers, who teaches in the European Studies program at the Jagiellonian University in Krakow. “If you have a very good memorial, you could achieve that without having to have all this effort on conservation and restoration,” he added.
None of the categories are independent - one could classify many camps as a mixture of several of the above. All camps had some of the elements of an extermination camp, but systematic extermination of new arrivals by gas chambers only occurred in specialized camps. These were extermination camps, where all new-arrivals were simply killed—the "Aktion Reinhard" camps (Treblinka, Sobibór and Belzec), together with Chelmno. Two others ( Auschwitz and Majdanek) operated as combined concentration- and extermination-camps. Others like Maly Trostenets were at times classified[by whom?] as "minor extermination camps".[50]
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Tag: #Auschwitz
The mess on our southern borders continues to get worse by the day, and nobody has quite known what to do. It came as a big relief to everyone genuinely concerned about the fate of our Southern American neighbors, who have come to us for help, that the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives has passed a bill to give these people some relief.
The House voted 230 to 195, mostly down party lines late Tuesday night to approve a $4.5 billion measure to send humanitarian relief to the southern border, addressing concerns about conditions of detention centers where migrant children are being held.
This whole time we have barely heard or seen a thing. Many have feared the worst. Finally CNN got to go inside, and there’s no doubt that it was about time, but still, no one knows for sure what they’re up to; about all we do know is it doesn’t involve mass graves. We know they’re not ordering mass shootings, but other than that there is very little positive to say.
The following observations were made by Clara Long and Nicole Austin-Hillery, the journalists assigned to the story’s coverage by CNN, but they spoke for us all when they published them.
We have been speaking out urgently, since then, about the devastating and abusive circumstances we’ve found. The Trump administration claims it needs even more detention facilities to address the issue, but policy makers and the public should not be fooled into believing this is the answer.
The situation we found is unacceptable. US Border Patrol is holding many children, including some who are much too young to take care of themselves, in jail-like border facilities for weeks at a time without contact with family members, regular access to showers, clean clothes, toothbrushes, or proper beds. Many are sick. Many, including children as young as 2 or 3, have been separated from adult caretakers without any provisions for their care besides the unrelated older children also being held in detention.
These meathook findings leave little room for equivocation and help to shed critical light on a basic fact of critical importance.
We are dealing with the totally awful here, combined with more than a dash of the hideously absurd, although all of us are used to that by now. It’s Trump, after all.
Among other things, we had to actually have a vote about whether or not these little kids should be able to get soap and toothpaste. In the world’s richest country. What an insult to the history of the world’s remaining superpower.
Republicans are boasting about the worst thing they’ve done since Iraq, but even they and Trump seem mostly miserable. They’re not handling this situation well, but they didn’t create it, either. It’s a problem for us all at this point and a highly complex one. It should be noted that the Senate passed relief legislature as well, so that’s good.
Certainly, medieval solutions such as walls are a laughable measure. These people are coming here because our laws allow them to. Unless that changes, the wall would be nothing but a pointless and ugly disaster. They’re coming in through legal ports anyway. It’s almost like the right is starting to see that a wall’s not going to stop legal asylum seekers, but of course, that is probably a pipe dream. Bipartisan is practically a curse word to the modern right wing Party.
Democrats, as usual, are desperately trying to clean up what we can and keep it from getting any worse. Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi was the one who put this relief bill together, to the surprise of absolutely no one, and her ability to keep her caucus in order has allowed us to keep things up and running. We even got some Republican votes.
Only one group of people in all of this wide nation’s Democratic Party stood in a bloc to oppose a bill that should have been a no-brainer for any progressive.
The Democratic Socialists of America all voted in a bloc against giving the kids soap and toothpaste.
How unbelievable is that? This is Ocasio-Cortez and Ilhan Omar we’re talking about here. Omar’s father was a Somalian cab driver who was able to get in here only at the cost of great difficulty, and now she is a famous Representative with an important voice to be heard in the Democratic Party. She blew it badly here. We gave her a chance before, and wrote “#WeStandWithIlhan-This Time.”
No way are we sticking up for her now. Not on your life.
At least the moderate core of the Party remains decent. I don’t have a thing to say for the rest. I guess Ilhan Omar can’t be outright proven a terrorist, so there’s that. But she sure does have some awful friends, and by this I mean Bernie Sanders, who she just co-authored a bill with, just as much as the Council of American-Islamic Relations. They’ve been right here to undermine us whenever it has counted all along, and look what it could have led to this time! The sheer physical revulsion I feel towards that vote they made is indescribable. Let no one say that we have not reached out; we have. Over and over again. But they just don’t share our values.
Regretting the need to keep this article about the kids and not the endless evils of the socialists, it’s disappointing from anyone to vote for refusing soap to caged immigrant children. Why was it not possible for Democrats of all stripes to come together and pressure Trump into buying these kids some soap and toothpaste? The guy does not mind at all putting on these displays of pettiness, unreal for the richest country in the world, but we do!
So much for Giving me your tired and poor. Our citizens are mostly the types of people who bought into all that Statue of Liberty stuff about the “huddled masses yearning to break free”. They opened up a Japanese internment camp for one particularly lucky huddled mass. I hate the term “masses” anyway and find it smarmily arrogant and superior. Those are people in there, not chewed and processed cud.
That last is a rather dehumanizing metaphor, which brings us to our next troubling observation. These people are not being discussed in the language of respect we should use when we hear of the plight of other humans, wherever or whoever they may be. They’re being referred to as pests and vermin. This cannot be allowed. We’re on a slippery slope at this point.
This really is Nazi-like, and not in the same overdramatic and irresponsible sense that Ocasio-Cortez used to compare what’s going on right now to the Holocaust. It’s in the sense of negating the basic human value possessed by every human.
Respect and kindness from our fellows ought to be a birthright, possessed by all members of our species. It’s always been unequal, and that sucks enough. But now Trump and the right wing are removing it altogether. The next step really could be mass graves and the death camps, and if it does come down to that we’ll be up against it even worse than ever. We now have these four time bomb socialist candidates to deal with on top of the mountainous pile of our other challenges.
Three Republicans voted in favor of the bill, and just four Democrats opposed the vote — they were all freshmen Democrats, and arguably the highest profile freshmen from the 116th Congress: Reps. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib and Ayanna Pressley. All four said earlier in the week they would vote against the bill due to its funding of Immigration and Customs (ICE), which they have called for to be abolished.
There they are! The usual suspects, on again about the abolishing of ICE. Is this really the time? Make a speech or something, if you want to make a meaningless gesture. This is the same thing they pulled when Ocasio-Cortez refused to vote to help us re-open the government.
Oh, and those pictures of her showing up like a dynamo on the border today like some kind of a Terminatrix? They weren’t even recent! The shame of it all!
How in God’s holy name are we going to get those kids out of those cages, if we can’t even come together on giving them toothpaste? There’s no end to the outrage we ought to feel! It’s like living in a Nazi cartoon! If only we weren’t so beat up and numb already, from the previous three years of traumas! And let NO one forget, not a single bit of any of it could have been possible except with the help of Bernie Sanders!
That is why people now are getting murdered down there wholesale, in many cases by predator Americans who have gone there to act out their violent fantasies.
Removing from the German public their perception of their Jewish neighbors as humans like themselves proved invaluable to the Nazis when they locked down all of Europe and began to hunt them down and kill them off. It needs to be clearly noted that we’re far from saying they’re doing anything like what the Nazis were doing- yet.
We do not wish at all to trivialize the Holocaust, which dwarfed in proportion by far any other human tragedy. AOC made a big mistake there. She then made it obvious that she’s anti-Israel completely by refusing a visit to Auschwitz with a number of survivors, another big mistake. But just because she’s shrill and hysterical doesn’t mean she doesn’t have a wildly overstated point. The longer this goes on, the more vicious Trump will get, and we all know how he looks up to that savage lot. There’s no telling where it all might end.
Sincere people of all political persuasions should be able to get that we need to take care of children. The fact that we can’t just says it all about the state of the nation today. One thing is for sure, and one alone. The radicals are not helping on either side. The Democrats are the only ones who can, so we need to support each other now more than ever. All old grudges should be piled up like fall leaves and lit afire. The stakes are too high.
Going forward, the plan is clear. We have got to do what it takes to link hands with our people down there on the southern border, and we’ve got to do it now. We want you to give us those kids back, Trump, and a rage is growing in us because you won’t. The Point of No Return is now on your horizon. Turn back now, and you may yet reach the shore. History will revile you anyway, there’s no getting around that anymore, but only as Mussolini, not as Hitler. Take it or leave it.
And give those bars of soap to those dog-caged children!
themillennialdemocrats Climate, Culture, Immigration, Millennial Op-Ed, Politics and Current Events, World 4 Comments June 27, 2019 7 Minutes
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Stella SS
AFL Family Dynasties
Pointing out the AFL’s father-son rule is a quick way to lay to rest any argument claiming there is no longer romance in football. Currently, we have a Daicos at Collingwood, a Daniher at Essendon, an Ablett at Geelong, and a Jarman in Adelaide.
Family connections in the AFL are strong, and both the clubs and the league have embraced the nostalgia embodied by having family ties at club level. It’s one aspect unique to AFL football, and something that should be not only retained, but fostered as we move forward. Fathers and sons attending Western Bulldogs games, or watching them together on TV can see Tom Liberatore tackle an opponent to the ground whilst the father reminisces about Tom’s Brownlow Medal-winning dad, Tony in the red, white and blue. The recently retired Jobe reminded so many of his father with the way he moved with the ball for Essendon, and in 2018 we’ll see Patrick Naish follow in his father Chris’ footsteps at Tigerland.
If the son is good enough, he'll get the opportunity to walk the same path as his father, or possibly even his grandfather in Jack Silvagni’s case.
With that in mind, the question of powerful football families deserves a little more exploration. Which families have made the biggest impact on the sport over its long history, and which families are set to expand their influence as we enter 2018?
It’s hard to look beyond the Ablett family when you are talking about upper echelon talent. Gary Senior had the football world at his feet. Sadly, he stumbled over it a few times en route to being regarded as one of the greatest to ever play the game. His son won two Brownlow Medals and a record five AFL Most Valuable Player awards. Many believe that the son surpassed the father, if not in terms of sheer talent, then in commitment and sustained success. As the amount of awards piles up, it has become a difficult point to argue against.
But the Ablett family had more strings to its bow than just that father-son combination. I think its safe to leave Nathan out of the conversation, as I believe football wasn’t his passion. He probably wouldn’t mind too much if he wasn’t prominently featured in an article examining famous football families. Geoff Ablett is another story.
Gary Snr’s older brother, Geoff played for Hawthorn, but also had short spells at both Richmond and St Kilda. His 229 games saw him play in 2 Hawk premierships (76 and 78) and he finished with a healthy career average of over 18 touches per game. The third Ablett brother, Kevin played for Hawthorn, Richmond and Geelong.
Now, in any regular footballing family, anyone else we threw into the Ablett family-mix could be seen as the steak knives at this point. However, when you consider that Michael Tuck is the man we’re adding, those steak knives start to look like a pretty tempting purchase all by themselves. Tucky married Fay - the sister of Gary, Geoff and Kevin, bringing the man who would, until recently, hold the AFL games record into the family. Michael and Fay would then have two sons who played in the AFL. Travis, who spent time at both Hawthorn and Richmond, and Shane, who was an important part of the Tigers’ engine room for many years.
And just when you thought it was all done for the Abletts, don’t forget about Luke - son of Kevin, who bobbed up in Sydney and was part of their 2005 premiership team. Phew…
The Daniher clan made history in 1990, when four brothers lined up for the Bombers. Terry, Neale, Chris and Anthony grew up playing in New South Wales, but became central to Essendon’s success through the 1980s. Terry would win the Most Valuable Player Award (now known as the Leigh Matthews trophy) in 1983 and was All-Australian captain in 1985.
Those who watched a young Neale Daniher play swear black and blue (or red and black) he was the most talented of the brothers, however repeated knee injuries hobbled him, and he could only manage 82 games for his Bombers. He would go on to become Melbourne coach and, like Terry, had a larrikin personality that drew people to him.
Anthony’s 233 VFL/AFL games were extremely underrated. He played almost equal amounts for South Melbourne and Essendon, and was All-Australian full back in 1991, but he is also beloved by Essendon fans for another reason. Anthony delivered the Bomber faithful Joe Daniher, their current towering forward. Joe, drafted under the father-son rule, looks as though he will be adding more glory to the Daniher name as the go-to forward for the next 10 years for Essendon.
Chris reminded me of the runt of the litter in many ways. Still, he amassed 124 games for the ‘Dons, and was the last of the four brothers standing, playing in the 1993 premiership team.
But wait, there is some steak knives here. We almost forgot about Darcy Daniher. Playing only 6 games, he retired in 2011, but hey, he made the league and gets a guersney in the Daniher Dynasty.
People tend to forget how good David Cloke was at Richmond. Patrolling the half forward line, Cloke was an absolute gun in the Tigers’ 1980 premiership year. In a team laden with talent the likes of Roach, Raines and Bartlett, Cloke was the standout player in many games. Check out these stats for a Centre Half Forward in 1980.
Round 5 – 29 disposals, 9 marks, 3 goals
Round 7 – 25 disposals, 9 marks
Round 11 – 27 disposals, 12 marks
Round 13 – 25 disposals, 12 marks, 5 goals
Cloke was playing Centre Half Forward like a modern day champion back before it was fashionable. And fashion wasn't really his strong suit. He moved to Collingwood, and it was there that the Cloke bloodline continued to flow into the next AFL generation.
It started with Jason, who was a very serviceable backman for the Pies. That is, until Mick Malthouse decided to throw him forward in the 2003 grand final; a move that did not pay dividends. Jason looked all at sea, and was one of the Magpies’ least effective players in that game, collecting only four disposals. It spelled the beginning of the end for his AFL career.
Cameron Cloke played for both the Pies and the Blues, and is probably best remembered for being assaulted by his own teammate during an intra-club match. Cam probably still has an imprint of Setanta O’Hailpin’s boot on his backside.
Travis was the pick of the Cloke-offspring. Despite being a maligned player much of the time, Travis had an excellent AFL career. Playing over 250 games and adding over 450 goals to his name, he was one of the strongest contested marks in the game during his prime, and was integral in the Magpies 2010 premiership triumph. He led the Collingwood goalkicking four times, made two All-Australian teams, and won the Copeland trophy and the Pies’ Best and Fairest in 2007.
Now we start really getting out on branches in family trees. The Krakouer Brothers burst onto the VFL scene for North Melbourne in 1982, but both Jim and Phil were already stars in Western Australia, playing in Claremont’s 1981 premiership alongside future Richmond star, Maurice Rioli. We’ll get to the Rioli family soon enough…
Jim and Phil were a revelation, and soon the phrase ‘Krakouer Magic’ was being uttered on every football oriented show in the country. While they did not achieve premiership glory at North Melbourne, anyone who watched them play marveled at their sixth sense when it came to finding each other on the field.
Jim’s son, Andrew followed him into the league and started as a quick small forward for Richmond in 2001. Sadly it would not be the only place he followed his troubled father. Andrew was jailed in 2008 and spent almost two years behind bars before he resurrected his career with Collingwood in 2011, averaging almost a goal a and a half per game for the next three seasons.
Maurice, Cyril, Daniel… the Rioli family oozes class and success on the field. The late, great Maurice won the 1982 Norm Smith Medal for the Tigers; one of only four men to win the award as part of a losing side. His nephew, Cyril, added a Norm Smith of his own to the family honour board when he secured the award in 2015, and has four premiership medals and three All-Australian berths to his name as well
But there’s more to this Rioli family. Essendon champion, Michael Long is an uncle of Cyril, and guess what medal Uncle Michael managed to nab for himself in 1993? Yep – a third Norm Smith for the family. Young Daniel has a bit of work to do to catch up to his three famous relatives, but 2017 was a great start. His performance in the preliminary final, kicking a career-high four goals, gave an indication of things to come, and his repeated efforts in the Grand Final that saw him injure an ankle in the process, were inspiring.
Of course, if you’re looking for more Rioli magic, Dean is one that you can add to the mix too. He played 100 games for the Bombers, and was supremely skilled. He also enjoyed eating pies.
And now we come to the Silvagni family. There are not many more names more synonymous with a club than that of the Silvagni clan with Carlton.
Serge played 239 games in the navy blue, including two premierships in 1968 and 1970. He formed a famous on-ball duo with John Nicholls and spent a season as the Blues captain before Ron Barassi arrived on the scene to usher in a period of glory for Carlton.
The arrival of Stephen Silvagni at Carlton raised the bar for father-son duos. SOS played 312 games, and was named full back in the AFL’s Team of the Century. Silvagni was no traditional gorilla full back. He was quick, he was gangly, and he looked like he was out of a contest right until the ball got into the vicinity. Somehow, his fist would make contact with the ball, foiling another opposition attack.
Stephen proved that he was as versatile as they come, pushing forward on occasion and finishing several games with bags of 8 or more goals, including a memorable 10 against Fitzroy in 1993.
Young Jack Silvagni has big shoes to fill indeed. Following in the footsteps of a revered grandfather, and an adored father cannot be easy. His early form has suggested that he might just be up to the task of building a name for himself. Built like his father, and looking a little untidy at times on the field (in the way he moves, not in terms of his disposal) he played 20 games in 2017 and notched almost a goal a game. He now has his third-cousin, Alex at Carlton with him as well, after a few years at Fremantle.
The Cordner family could have an article all of their own. With ten members all playing footy at the highest level, it is Don and George who combine to provide the highlights. Between them they have 5 premierships, 3 Bluey Truscott medals, 2 Melbourne FC Hall of Fame Inductions, and 1 Brownlow medal.
The tradition at Melbourne continues to this day, with Harriett Cordner, the granddaughter of Don, re-signing for her second season in the AFLW competition. She played seven games in 2017.
For further reading on families with storied histories in the AFL, check out some of the following names.
The Cordys
The Coventrys
The Dwyers
The Eberts
The Hanneberys
The Hirds
The Jarmans
The Materas
The Selwoods
The Shaws
Got another family you’d like to add? Give us a yell on Twitter @themongrelpunt and say g’day.
Or get me on Twitter @StellaSS6
Tagged: Cloke, Daicos, Rioli, AFL, Silvagni, Father Son, Cordner, North Melbourne, Carlton, Collingwood, Travis Cloke, Krakouer
Newer PostThe New Sheriff in Town. Michael Christian Takes on Footy's Toughest Job
Older PostThe Players Your Team Cannot Afford To Lose
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Spontaneous shutdown, clashes in Awantipora against youth’s custodial death
By Muslim Kashmir on March 19, 2019 No Comment
Srinagar : Amid a spontaneous shutdown, clashes erupted between youth and government forces in Awantipora area of south Kashmir’s Pulwama district on Tuesday following the custodial death of a school teacher.
Reports said that soon after the news of the killing spread in the area, people especially youth took to streets and protested against the killing.
The protestors later clashed with the government forces near police station Awantipora, however, there was no damage reported from the site.
Meanwhile, in wake of the killing, the authorities have closed the Islamic University of Science and Technology and postponed the exams scheduled today as a precautionary measure. The area is also witnessing a shutdown over the tragic incident.
Earlier, a private school teacher Rizwan Asad Pandit, a resident of Awantipora was allegedly killed in the custody of Special Operations Group (SOG) of Jammu and Kashmir police in Srinagar.
Spontaneous shutdown, clashes in Awantipora against youth’s custodial death added by Muslim Kashmir on March 19, 2019
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Webb-site Reports
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We announce the winner of the inaugural Webb-site Award for Ridiculous Titles (WART), and follow a trail which leads to bogus honorary degrees for the dictators of Equatorial Guinea and Gambia. The latter has a special relationship with Hong Kong, one which may surprise you.
You can call me Dr Sir
There's something rather sad about the way some individuals crave respectability by collecting obscure titles, but we are going to feed that craving by handing out one of our own - the Webb-site Award for Ridiculous Titles (WART). The deserving recipients will be entitled to append the suffix "WART" to their names in all official correspondence.
We can now announce the inaugural recipient of the WART: he is "Dr., Sir Wong Wai Sing", or Dr Sir Wong as he prefers to be called by his friends, ignoring the clumsy punctuation. The list of his accomplishments has gradually grown since he first popped up on 31-Oct-2008, at the tender age of 23, as Chairman of Ming Kei Holdings Ltd (Ming Kei, 8239), having stuffed (along with his older brother) an over-priced coal-mining firm into the GEM shell. His most recent biography was given on 16-Mar-2012 in an announcement by Newtree Group Holdings Ltd (1323).
He claims to hold a bachelor's degree in science from "the Canterbury University, England" which he more recently described as "the Canterbury University, London". There's no such recognised degree-awarding entity in the UK, although there was a degree mill by that name, which had a web site at canterburyuni.net (archived version). The site no longer exists.
On 17-Apr-2009, by then aged 24, he was appointed as non-executive Chairman of TLT Lottotainment Group Ltd (8022), then known as "Argos Enterprise (Holdings) Limited". By then he had obtained a new qualification, a "Master Degree in International Business Administration" from "Stratford University, USA". There is a real accredited place by that name, based in Falls Church, Virginia (and later biographies have given that location). But given the degree from "Canterbury University", you will forgive our scepticism if we wonder whether he in fact obtained his second degree from Stratford International University (archived), another diploma mill later known as Rutherford University. You will see why below.
His biography in the Ming Kei 2011 annual report, which was published on 28-Jun-2011, has nothing new, but by 19-Sep-2011, when he was redesignated as executive Chairman, he had graduated again, with "a master of arts and a doctor of philosophy from the Universidad Empresarial De Costa Rica" (UNEM). That is an entity with a web site on a Polish domain, unem.edu.pl. There is also a domain unem.edu, which has no web site at its root, but there is a site in a subdirectory which has similar content to the Polish one. The site states that the President and Rector of UNEM is a Mr William Zamora, who is also the administrative contact for the unem.edu domain.
But wait, there's more. Dr Sir Wong is also "the Trade Adviser of the Honorary Consulate of Equatorial Guinea to Bucharest Romania". Apparently the Honorary Consul is a "Professor" Eugenio Caligiuri (Mr Caligiuri), an Australian of Italian extraction, and here is his web site and here is another one and another and another and another. How many blogs does a guy need? What a legend. So Dr Sir Wong is his adviser. According to his WAP site, Mr Caligiuri is a "Full Professor" of UNEM, and he has a Phd in law from UNEM.
And there's more! Dr Sir Wong is "the Diplomatic Adviser to the Special Representatives for the People's Republic of China of the Sovereign Order of Saint John of Jerusalem, Knights of Malta, Federation of the Autonomous Priories (KMFAP)". So that is where he gets his "Sir". And what on earth is the KMFAP? Well there is indeed a web site for the Sovereign Order of the blah blah at this link. And according to an undated press release, it has opened a representative office in Macau, and a "Special Cabinet Representative", H.E. Ambassador Dr Eugenio Caligiuri, has been assigned to attend the opening ceremony. There he is again - not only is Mr Caligiuri the Honorary Consul of Equatorial Guinea in Bucharest, but he is also an ambassador for KMFAP, and Dr Sir Wong his is Diplomatic Adviser.
The domains KMFAP.net and KMFAP.org are registered to Adam Popper, of E-szamla Zrt, some kind of e-billing system in Hungary. Szamla is Hungarian for bill or invoice. According to the web site, the Secretary General of The Grand Magisterial See of KMFAP is "Rev. Manoel Arruda", whose address is at 7, Pulaski Street, Auburn, NY 13021, USA. That looks like a warehouse and is the address of Magic Circle Music, a heavy metal label, which credits Manoel Arruda for IT Management/Web Management. He's also listed as an assistant engineer on this discography.
For our readers in Equatorial Guinea
So what is the connection between Mr Caligiuri and Equatorial Guinea? Well it turns out that not only is Mr Caligiuri a full professor of UNEM, but he also doubles as Vice Rector of the "International University of Fundamental Studies in St Petersburg, Russia" (IUFS), another diploma mill. According to its web site, IUFS was "invited by the Government of Equatorial Guinea" on 6-Jun-2009 to award a "GRAND Doctor of Philosophy in International Diplomacy in Defence of Peace" to the President of that country (since 1979), Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo. So Mr Caligiuri went to Malabo and bestowed the award on Mr Obiang.
In case you are wondering, Equatorial Guinea has an Honorary Consul in HK. Since 19-Aug-2011, that has been Mr Hui Man Chiu. We know nothing about him.
For our readers in The Gambia
At the risk of destabilising another small African country, The Republic of the Gambia, we have to note that their President (since 1994), Yahya Jammeh, accepted the "prestigious award of the Grand Doctorate of Philosophy in International Relations and Diplomacy" from IUFS, presented to him by Mr Caligiuri, on 2-Jul-2010, and you can read all about it on the presidential web site. The award was for his "outstanding services to humanity" (but not, perhaps, to human rights). The site says that "Dr. Caligiuri reiterated his institution's faith in the Presidential Herbal Treatment Programme". Ah yes, that would be his innovative 3-day herbal cure for HIV/AIDS.
The IPSP and Stephen Lee Kwok Leung
Tagging along with Mr Caligiuri to both Equatorial Guinea and The Gambia was a "Dr Lee Kwok Leung", who is a "senior member of International (States) Parliament for Safety and Peace" (IPSP), an unrecognised accreditation outfit run by one Viktor Ivan Busa. IUFS claims that it is accredited by IPSP, amongst other accreditation mills. IPSP has a web site here. Dr Lee Kwok Leung is also known as Stephen Lee. He has a blog here and he is the Chairman, President, Treasurer and Secretary of Green Dragon Wood Products, Inc, a wood trader based in Kowloon which trades on the US OTCBB. His mum is the only other director - so board meetings must be a hoot. He too has an honorary doctor degree from IUFS and is an honorary professor of it.
Rutherford University, also known as Stratford International University (where Dr Sir Wong might or might not have obtained his second degree) claimed accreditation from IPSP on its web site.
Hong Kong's special relationship with Gambia
Gambia has a special relationship with Hong Kong: although it has no consulate here, Gambia has been the largest single conduit for Chinese mainlanders seeking residency in HK via the Capital Investment Entrant Scheme. In order to qualify for that, apart from making an investment of a certain size in certain assets, mainlanders must have permanent residence in a foreign country. This is so that we can all pretend that mainlanders moving to HK under the scheme are coming with their money from overseas and not bypassing mainland capital controls and treating HK as the Monaco of China that it is.
So they shop around, looking for countries to grant them "permanent residency" without actually expecting them to go and live there. The scheme was launched in Oct-2003. In an answer to LegCo on 16-Apr-2008, the Government revealed that by 31-Dec-2007, 1,114 Chinese nationals had been formally approved, of whom 414 or 37.2% had permanent residency in Gambia. Ranking behind them were Canada and New Zealand, and then the world's smallest republic, Nauru, with 75. There were also 58 from Niger and 42 from Guinea-Bissau. Incidentally, the Honorary Consul of Niger is Hari Harilela, and the Honorary Vice Consul is his brother, Gary Harilela.
That was the last time the somewhat embarrassing breakdown was published - perhaps David Li Kwok Po would be kind enough to ask the question again. Four years later on 31-Dec-2011, the total number of mainlanders formally approved has mushroomed to 11,022. They account for 84.1% of all approved applicants, with 332 (2.5%) from Taiwan, with 280 (2.1%) from Macau, and 1,474 (11.2%) being nationals from other countries.
© Webb-site.com, 2012
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Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University
country rank Un
world rank Un
Established in 1994, Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University is a private higher education institution located in the suburban setting of the large town of Satsumasendai (population range of 50,000-249,999 inhabitants), Kagoshima. Officially accredited and/or recognized by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan, Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University is a women only higher education institution. Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University offers courses and programs leading to officially recognized higher education degrees in several areas of study. See the uniRank degree levels and areas of study matrix below for further details. This 25 years old higher-education institution has a selective admission policy based on students' past academic record and grades. International applicants are eligible to apply for enrollment.
2365 Amatatsu-cho
Satsumasendai (population range: 50,000-249,999)
895-0011 Kagoshima
+81 (996) 23 5311
Important: please contact or visit the official website of Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University for detailed information on areas of study and degree levels currently offered; the above uniRank Study Areas/Degree Levels Matrix™ is indicative only and may not be up-to-date or complete.
(3,700-5,500 Euro) Not reported
Important: the above uniRank Tuition Range Matrix™ does not include room, board or other external costs; tuition may vary by areas of study, degree level, student nationality or residence and other criteria. Please contact the appropriate Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University's office for detailed information on yearly tuitions which apply to your specific situation and study interest; the above uniRank Tuition Range Matrix™ is indicative only and may not be up-to-date or complete.
Yes, based on students' past academic record and grades
2365 Amatasu
Satsumasendai 895-0011
Important: admission policy and acceptance rate may vary by areas of study, degree level, student nationality or residence and other criteria. Please contact the Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University's Admission Office for detailed information on a specific admission selection policy and acceptance rate; the above University admission information is indicative only and may not be complete or up-to-date.
Important: please contact or visit the official website of Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University for detailed information on facilities and services provided, including the type of scholarships and other financial aids offered to local or international students; the information above is indicative only and may not be complete or up-to-date.
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Japan Institution for Higher Education Evaluation (JIHEE)
Important: the above section is intended to include only those reputable organizations (e.g. Ministries of Higher Education) that have the legal authority to officially accredit, charter, license or, more generally, recognize Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University as a whole (Institutional Accreditation or Recognition) or its specific programs/courses (Programmatic Accreditation). Memberships and affiliations to organizations which do not imply any formal, extensive and/or legal process of accreditation or recognition are included in the specific Memberships and Affiliations section below. Please report errors and additions taking into consideration the above criteria.
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Please visit the official website of Kagoshima Immaculate Heart University to make sure the University information provided is up-to-date. The uniRank University Ranking™ is not an academic ranking and should not be adopted as the main criteria for selecting a higher education organization where to enroll.
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NewsPolitical
Arizona primary elections: Everything you need to know
By: Associated Press, abc15.com staff, KTAR
Arizona’s primary election day is underway.
With Sen. Jeff Flake deciding not to run for re-election, three Republicans and two Democrats are fighting for his seat. Not only are voters choosing who will represent their respective parties in races for the lone Senate seat, they are also selecting candidates for governor and several other positions.
Just one hour into Tuesday morning's voting, issues at polls across the Valley began being reported .
LIVE UPDATES: Arizona's primary election
Here’s everything you need to know ahead of voting day.
What are the big races?
For the Senate seat, there are a number of Republicans running in the primary. Former Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio, U.S. Rep. Martha McSally, and former state Sen. Kelli Ward are fighting for their respective parties, while Kyrsten Sinema and Deedra Abboud are running for the Democratic Party.
Two of Arizona's nine congressional seats are wide open this year. All nine congressional seats are up for office; five are currently held by Republicans. Two seats -- the one held by Democratic. Rep. Kyrsten Sinema and the one held by Republican Rep. Martha McSally -- have no incumbent running.
Looking at the governor’s race, Republican Doug Ducey takes aim at a second term against challenger Ken Bennett. Steve Farley, David Garcia and Kelly Fryer are all vying for the Democratic Party’s seat.
The incumbent is the heavy favorite in that race, but polling shows a tight battle shaping up for the general election.
Where can I vote?
Most primary election voters cast their ballots early but polling places across the state opened at 6 a.m. and are scheduled to remain open until 7 p.m. If you are unsure where to vote, visit the Arizona Secretary of State or the Maricopa County Recorder website to find your polling location.
There are also 40 locations that anyone can vote at, regardless of their address. Those locations are in the map below.
When will the results be in?
Polls start to close at 7 p.m. and Secretary of State Michele Reagan’s office was expected to begin posting results around 8 p.m. You can view them at abc15.com/results .
Copyright 2018 Scripps Media, Inc. The Associated Press contributed to this report. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.
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Home / News / Jenny’s off the block
Jenny’s off the block
Jennifer Lopez and Alex Rodriguez have found a buyer for their luxe home at 432 Park Ave. in Midtown, Manhattan.
The $17.5 million spread, which the engaged pair bought for $15.31 million in 2018, has entered contract, according to a StreetEasy update and its listing with brokerage the Modlin Group.
It’s not immediately clear who the buyer is and how much the property ultimately sold for. Modlin Group honcho Adam Modlin did not immediately return a request seeking comment.
Lopez and Rodriguez decided to sell the 4,003-square-foot condo — after owning it less than year — to search for something bigger.
"They love the building, but when their [four] kids are all together, it’s too small," a source told Page Six. "They need something bigger for the family."
The in-contract pad, which is on the 36th floor of the tallest residential building in the Western Hemisphere, features three bedrooms, four full bathrooms and a powder room.
A 29-by-29-foot living/dining room has Central Park and city skyline views. The windowed eat-in kitchen has marble floors and counters; the master suite has two bathrooms. Other touches include oak floors and ceilings nearly 13 feet high.
Just last week, Rodriguez toured a $42.5 million penthouse at the Puck Building that has five bedrooms and over 5,158 square feet.
The 432 Park contract comes at a time when J.Lo is trying to sell her penthouse at the Whitman, at 21 E. 26th St. That 6,540-square-foot condo, now asking $24.99 million, has bounced on and off the market since 2017, when it was listed for $26.9 million, according to StreetEasy. That spread is also listed with the Modlin Group.
GWEN STEFANI SLASHES PRICE OF LUXURY BEVERLY HILLS ESTATE 23.04.18
Singer Gwen Stefani has chopped $6 million off the price of her lavish Beverly Hills compound – which was once the home of Jennifer Lopez – and is now asking for $29 million. The former No Doubt lead singer discounted…
JUSTIN TIMBERLAKE SELLING NEW YORK PENTHOUSE 16.04.18
Grammy winning singer Justin Timberlake is selling his three-bedroom New York penthouse for a cool $8million. The former member of N*SYNC originally purchased the property back in 2010 along with his wife, Golden Globe nominated actress Jessica Biel. The three-and-a-half-bathroom…
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Gillette Is Recalling Thousands of Venus Simply3 Disposable Razors
Usher Has Herpes, But So Does 15 Percent of America So Everyone Needs to Just Calm Down
Hayley MacMillen
BEVERLY HILLS, CA - APRIL 22: Recording artist Usher arrives at the JDRF LA Chapter's Imagine Gala at The Beverly Hilton Hotel on April 22, 2017 in Beverly Hills, California. (Photo by Amanda Edwards/WireImage)Getty Images
Earlier this week, news broke that 38-year-old “Confessions” singer Usher has genital herpes. Court papers obtained by RadarOnline.com revealed Usher Raymond IV paid a former sex partner to whom he transmitted the infection a cool $1.1 million in a 2012 court settlement. The woman, identified in reports only as a celebrity stylist, accused Usher of “consciously and purposefully” withholding his STI status from her and alleged he “continued to have unprotected sex” with her. (Usher was reportedly diagnosed with herpes in 2009 or 2010.)
And that part is inarguably fucked up. Denying someone else control over their own sexual health by lying to them about your STI status? Hell no. Not cool. Having herpes in the first place? Um, pretty common. Not curable, but absolutely manageable, and nothing to be ashamed of. Which is not a message that some of the Internet seems to have gotten.
https://twitter.com/PettyDeli/status/887677803210178561
https://twitter.com/xoxoxMinnie/status/887711684412014592
https://twitter.com/mortalslut/status/887897860146122752
Genital herpes is perhaps the most stigmatized STI despite the fact that, according to the CDC, some one in six people in the U.S. from 14 to 49 has it. If you think you don’t know someone with herpes, you are wrong. They just haven’t told you — possibly due to that stigma. While there is something wrong with lying to your sex partner, there is nothing shameful about having herpes simplex virus type 2 (HSV-2), the virus that typically causes genital herpes.
Herpes is transmitted through vaginal, anal, or oral sex with someone who has it. (Herpes simplex virus type 1 (HSV-1) — which, guess what, two out of three adults in the world has — can lead to genital infection through oral sex. Usually, though, it just causes cold sores.) People with herpes may not even know they have it. In fact, the CDC reports that the majority of people who have it don’t.
And while herpes can’t be cured, medication can shorten and even prevent outbreaks. Herpes stigma is real, and people who have it often face huge challenges in their social and especially their sex and dating lives. But here’s what herpes is not: It is not a marker of how “moral” you are. It is not a sign that you are “dirty.” A herpes diagnosis is not banishment from the dating world, and it’s not the end of a lifetime of sexy, happy, healthy relationships. Herpes is a virus, plain and simple. Anyone making fun of someone who has it, celebrity or otherwise, needs to check their impulse to ostracize others based on their health status. So sure, judge Usher for lying to his partner. Judge him for undermining a woman's ability to make informed decisions about her sex life. But leave his STI status itself out of it.
Follow Hayley on Twitter.
More on sexual health:
9 Sex Myths You Need to Stop Believing
What You Need to Know About Bleeding After Sex
Gonorrhea Is Getting Harder to Treat, Reports Say
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“Free Beer for the Americanos”
Digging out a crashed F-104 in a Spanish village in 1964, I made some unexpected friends.
An F-104D from the 479th Wing, and the author in Vietnam, with a backdrop of Southern Spain. (Background: Artur Bogacki; Inset photos: NMUSAF and Courtesy George C. Wells)
By George Wells
In 1964, strategic air command had B-52 bombers on round-the-clock alert over the Mediterranean Sea. According to information that filtered down to us at the 479th Wing at George Air Force Base near Victorville, California, some B-52s had been harassed by MiGs out of North Africa. However, no one ever told us who was operating them.
Because of this situation, Lockheed F-104s were on alert at Morón Air Base in Spain. In January, our squadron was ordered to relieve the F-104 squadron on duty at Morón. We were being sent to do the job F-104s had been made for: intercepting hostile aircraft. What we encountered was pretty much the exact opposite.
We were informed that we were to fly the trip nonstop—someone, either in our wing, or at Air Force headquarters, wished to demonstrate that the F-104 was capable of flying a global mission. As the squadron navigation officer, I was responsible for preparing the flight plan for 18 aircrews and supporting entities, plus coordinating KC-135 tankers for refueling.
We were fitted with water survival gear and rubber waterproof suits, dubbed “poopy suits,” which were cumbersome and uncomfortable. We would be flying over the North Atlantic in January, and were told that temperatures would be well below zero. If we had to bail out, we would have about 20 seconds to get into our dinghies before we froze to death, and even if we did get aboard, we would probably freeze to death shortly thereafter. We got the idea that we should probably not bail out unless there was absolutely no other option.
We departed George around 9 p.m. Sunday, January 5, joined up with a set of tankers over Clovis, New Mexico, and flew formation with them all the way to Loring Air Force Base in Maine. At that point we had sucked most of the gas out of the first tankers, so they broke off and we joined up with a fresh set, two fighters to a tanker. The sun rose as we approached the Atlantic.
We flew all day and landed at Morón in the evening. My logbook indicates I flew 10 hours and 30 minutes—certainly my longest flight, and, we were told, the longest flight for an F-104 at that time. To keep us alert, we were given a bottle of “go pills”—probably Benzedrine. If you started nodding off, you popped a pill, which would keep you wide-eyed and bushy-tailed for several hours. When we landed, I was exhausted but still wide awake. It took about three days to get back to normal functioning.
Our mission was to sit ready alert with two airplanes, 24 hours a day, and respond immediately if a B-52 was attacked. One night I was awakened by the alert siren around 2 a.m. I was airborne in less than two minutes and in a couple of minutes more, I was cruising at about one and a half times the speed of sound toward the Mediterranean. But by the time I reached the B-52, the threat was over. In fact, none of us ever engaged a hostile aircraft; they always disappeared before we arrived.
One evening, one of the flights in our squadron launched for a practice refueling. The four aircraft met up with some tankers, probably out of Torrejón Air Base, near Madrid. I had just gone to bed when our squadron operations officer, Major Walt Irwin, informed me that one of our airplanes had just crashed and that I was to be the accident investigation officer. I told him I had the next four days off, and my bag was packed to spend this time at the resort area of Málaga on the Costa del Sol in southern Spain. Nice try. Irwin told me that my plans had changed.
I learned that our flight surgeon, Doc Lenar, was in the back seat of a two-seat F-104D, with Major John Thomas in control. After receiving a full load of fuel, Thomas reduced power slightly to disconnect from the tanker. The disconnect mechanism failed and pulled the end of the F-104’s refueling probe out, which was then swallowed by the J79 engine. The F-104 caught fire, and Thomas and Lenar opted to finish their trip via parachutes. The airplane nosed over and dove straight down, resembling, as was related to me, an Atlas rocket in reverse.
Thomas landed, uninjured. Lenar landed in an olive tree. He told me he did not even lose his glasses.
The next day, an Air Force bus took a dozen enlisted airmen and me to recover what was left of the airplane. The pieces were scattered over a fairly small area. The impact was so great that big pieces, like the engine, drove 25 feet into the ground.
The crash site was a half-mile outside a small Spanish village, Villanueva de Algaidas. There was only one automobile in the town, an old U.S. Army Jeep. The people were very friendly and seemed pleased that we had crashed literally in their back yard. The Spanish police, the Guardia Civil, showed up to monitor the proceedings, and even they seemed happy to see us. You would have thought we were filming a major Hollywood production—at times there must have been several hundred residents standing around watching.
The hole we were digging to recover the engine went so deep we had to attach five-gallon buckets on ropes to pull the dirt to the surface. Amid all this, a local set up a concession stand next to us and started selling beer. This was not a beer that any of us had ever seen. It came in very small bottles that sold for five pesetas—in our money, really cheap. About every 30 minutes or so, a loud voice resonated “free beer for the Americanos.” Every one of my airmen would come scrambling out of the hole for what they called nickel beer.
Around noon, I noticed a lack of progress. The hole was not getting much deeper. Quite a few of my men were lying around the hole, relaxing. I had to somewhat limit the nickel beer or we would have been there for months, probably to the airmen’s—and the concessionaire’s—great pleasure.
I bonded with the young Spaniard who owned the Jeep, even though he did not speak English and I didn’t know a word of Spanish. One evening I decided to stay in town rather than ride the bus back to Morón and return the next morning. I stayed in a boarding house for $1.25, which included a breakfast of coffee, sausage, and eggs. That evening my new friend insisted that I visit the local tavern. The bartender was so honored to have us that all we drank was on the house. After imbibing a little more than we should have, my friend invited me to his home for dinner. We walked down a path, along which all the houses were connected. When we came to his door, my friend knocked.
We were greeted by my friend’s wife, a pretty young woman with a child. As my host attempted to step over the threshold, he tripped, fell flat on the floor, and passed out for a moment or two. There I stood in front of his wife, her husband on the floor between us. Neither one of us could communicate. She started laughing, which greatly eased the tension.
My friend soon regained consciousness, and I was treated to a unique meal in a native Spanish home, an engaging introduction to international life for a guy who grew up driving a John Deere tractor on a farm in southern Illinois.
The next day, my friend told me he really liked my Air Force flying jacket. Would I sell it to him? I told him Air Force regulations forbade that. He then offered to trade me his Andalusian riding jacket for it. He had done so much for me that I agreed to trade.
Our squadron took up a collection and returned to Villanueva de Algaidas with school supplies and candy for the children. The villagers declared our return a holiday.
The silk-lined jacket is a work of art. I still have it in my closet. It fits me perfectly.
About George Wells
George Wells wrote about his 40-year aviation career in It’s That Way Everywhere, George, published in 2008.
The Most Talented Aviation Pioneer You’ve Never Heard of
Thomas Baldwin’s “Aerial Rowboat” Could Do About 4 MPH on a Calm Day
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Recent SPA Grad Advances Research, Policy, and Perceptions on Violence | News | School of Public Affairs | American University in Washington, DC
You are here: American University School of Public Affairs News New SPA Grad and Professor Advances Research, Policy, and Perceptions on Violence
Newsletter Dispatches
SPA Blog
spa@american.edu
Kerwin Hall
AU School of Public Affairs 4400 Massachusetts Avenue NW Washington, DC 20016 United States
New SPA Grad and Professor Advances Research, Policy, and Perceptions on Violence
By April Thompson | July 23, 2013
Jane Palmer
A former social worker and nonprofit director, Jane Palmer, SPA/PhD ’13, has been dedicated to ending violence for two decades. Palmer “got the spark” to work on this issue after seeing the painful wake of violence firsthand, but it was a high school teacher that gave her the outlet to act on it. The budding student activist joined the teacher-sponsored theater troupe that used students’ personal stories to educate about racism, prejudice, violence, and homophobia. It became a lifeline for Palmer, who attended high school in a conservative town.
Twenty years later, Palmer is lighting that spark in students here at AU. This spring, she taught a Domestic Violence class covering law and public policy relative to intimate partner violence and child abuse. “It was a great class, with students from a range of disciplines,” said Palmer. “A few students told me that I inspired them to want to work in this field, although they just took the class to fill an elective requirement. That to me is really exciting.”
Joining SPA
Palmer joins AU’s Department of Public Administration and Public Policy full-time as a Professorial Lecturer this fall, after having completed her PhD from SPA’s Department of Justice, Law & Society in May. Her work and career path were recently featured in the Washington Post Express.
Before coming at AU, Palmer served in numerous roles working to prevent or reduce the impact of sexual and physical abuse, including educator, advocate, counselor, trainer, consultant, social worker and executive director, mainly in the nonprofit worlds of Chicago and St. Louis. “I always knew I wanted to get a PhD … As a social worker, I felt like I didn’t know enough about the research or if the approach I was taking had an empirical basis,” said Palmer. “I want to help build bridges between practice, policy, and research.”
SPA was such a perfect fit that it was the only PhD program she applied to. “I was attracted to the program’s interdisciplinary focus, and the freedom and the opportunity to go deep into the issues I am passionate about,” she said.
Bystanders' roles in sexual assault
Palmer’s dissertation looked at the complex role of bystanders in intervening in sexual assault and dating violence on college campuses. “More and more we’re realizing that bystander intervention isn’t just about what happens during an incident; there are opportunities to intervene before and after,” said Palmer. She found a number of factors, such as whether or not alcohol was involved and if the perpetrator was intimately involved with the victim, affected whether or not a bystander would intervene.
Some of the responses were eye-opening for Palmer. For example, a female student reported that she felt like she needed to wear pants instead of a skirt to a club to prevent sexual harassment. “It puts the responsibility for behavior change on the victim, rather than the perpetrator, to prevent violence,” said Palmer, “and for bystanders, victim blaming becomes a convenient excuse for inaction.”
Award-winning research
Palmer’s groundbreaking research and academic excellence earned numerous awards at AU, including the Neil and Ann Kerwin Doctoral Fellowship Award, the AU Dissertation Fellowship Award, and the SPA Graduate Honor Award.
She also received a Graduate Research Assistantship at the U.S. Department of Justice’s National Institute of Justice, where she worked on Congressionally-mandated research on violence against Native American women living in tribal communities. At the DOJ, Palmer was part of a team that designed a pilot study on victimization in Indian Country and in Alaska Native villages, analyzed FBI data on violent crimes in Indian Country with female victims, and interviewed criminal and tribal justice personnel and victim advocates about violence against American Indian and Alaska Native women.
Today, Palmer continues to pursue the role of bystanders in response to violence with colleagues at the Center on Violence Against Women and Children at the Rutgers University School of Social Work. Her current project involves analyzing data from a longitudinal evaluation of a campus-based bystander intervention and sexual violence prevention program.
“Violence is experienced by far too many people, including people close to the victims, who undergo a vicarious trauma,” says Palmer. “Everyone deserves to be free of the fear and experience of violence.”
Seeking Justice through Research
A Near-Consensus: Israel’s Security Establishment and the Two-State Solution
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Paul C. Messina
Division Director, Argonne Distinguished Fellow
Dr. Paul Messina is the Director of Argonne’s Computational Science Division and Argonne Distinguished Fellow.
Dr. Paul Messina is the Director of Argonne’s Computational Science Division and Argonne Distinguished Fellow. During 2015-2017, he served as Project Director for the U.S. Department of Energy Exascale Computing Project. From 2008-2015, he served as Director of Science for the Argonne Leadership Computing Facility. In 2002-2004, he held the position of Senior Computer Scientist at Argonne and served as Adviser to the Director General at CERN (European Organization for Nuclear Research).
From 1987-2002, he was founding Director of the Center for Advanced Computing Research, Assistant Vice President for Scientific Computing, and Faculty Associate for Scientific Computing at the California Institute of Technology (Caltech). While at Caltech, he held a joint appointment at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory as manager of High-Performance Computing and Communications. Dr. Messina led the DOE-NNSA Accelerated Strategic Computing Initiative while on leave from Caltech from October 1998 through 2000.
At Argonne, he held a number of positions from 1973-1987 and was the founding Director of the Mathematics and Computer Science Division.
Tags: Computational Science
Contact Paul C. Messina
email: messina@anl.gov
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Father Hesburgh’s long shadow extended to Baltimore
Whether it was chairing hearings on segregated housing or opening his office to a young principal-to-be, Holy Cross Father Theodore M. Hesburgh had considerable influence that was felt in Baltimore and among local Catholics.
The longest-serving president of the University of Notre Dame in South Bend, Ind., died Feb. 26, at age 97. In the midst of transforming what was perceived as a football factory into one of the nation’s most highly-regarded academic centers, Father Hesburgh’s role as a civil rights leader brought him to Baltimore.
When the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights was created in 1957, Father Hesburgh was a charter member. He chaired the body from 1969 until 1972, when, according to Catholic News Service, President Richard Nixon dismissed him over his criticism of the administration’s civil rights record.
That dismissal came two years after Father Hesburgh chaired federal hearings that addressed the lack of public housing in Baltimore County. Spiro Agnew, Nixon’s vice president until his 1973 resignation, had been the county executive from 1962 to 1966.
Related article: Father Theodore Hesburgh, education leader, diplomat dies at 97
As the Catholic Review reported in its Aug. 21, 1970 issue, paraphrasing Father Hesburgh, “There are no separate black and white markets for cars or television sets, but, he (Father Hesburgh) said at one session, there still seem to be separate black and white housing markets in the Baltimore area, with little being done to break down the barriers.”
The hearings were conducted at the Social Security Administration headquarters in Baltimore, where Father Hesburgh told the Review that Cardinal Lawrence Shehan, then-archbishop of Baltimore, “was very strong on essential principles” regarding civil rights.
After his ordination in 1943, Father Hesburgh told the Review, while studying at The Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., he spent a summer serving St. Patrick’s Church in Washington, when Cardinal Shehan was its pastor.
Jim Sellinger, chancellor of education for the Archdiocese of Baltimore, is among the legion of Notre Dame graduates in the area. He recalled Father Hesburgh’s friendship with his late uncle, Jesuit Father Joseph Sellinger, who was president of what is now Loyola University Maryland in Baltimore from 1964 to 1993.
Jesuit Father Brian Linnane, the Loyola president since 2005, said, “Father Hesburgh challenged the idea that Catholic universities were not hubs of intellectualism.”
Fatter Linnane met Father Hesburgh in 1990, when he was a graduate student at Yale University in New Haven, Conn., and the Notre Dame president met with active supporters of the Catholic chapel and center at Yale, named for St. Thomas More.
“What I found fascinating was that he was able to make a meaningful connection between anyone he met and the University of Notre Dame,” Father Linnane said. “He knew I was a Jesuit, and said that he wanted to make Notre Dame not only an athletics powerhouse but an academic powerhouse.
“Strengthening the theology department was crucial, he said, and told me that he would have to lean on the Jesuits to make (it) world class. It was very gracious.”
Dr. Thomas Powell, president of Mount St. Mary’s University in Emmitsburg, said that “a lot of his (Father Hesburgh’s) writings have guided what I try to do here.”
Casey Buckstaff, the principal of Monsignor Slade Catholic School in Glen Burnie, was in the class of 2002 at Notre Dame. Her senior thesis, on Catholic religious in the civil rights movement, took her to Father Hesburgh’s office, in the library that bears his name.
“My great aunt, Sister Florus Castle (a Sinsinawa Dominican), said I should call him up,” Buckstaff said. “He graciously agreed to meet me. He spoke eloquently, like the storyteller he always was at Mass and events. Father Hesburgh has always been an iconic figure, yet he focused on staying connected to the students at Notre Dame.”
Politicians call for coalition airstrikes to help Syrian Christians
Shroud of Turin helps deepen faith
Staff writer Erik Zygmont contributed to this article.
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Delivering world-class public transport systems in the Middle East
Ahmed El-Essnawi
10 March 2015 - Ahmed El-Essnawi, Highways and Transport Infrastructure Leader for the Middle East and North Africa, is responsible for delivering world-class services relating to highways and transport infrastructure to Aurecon’s clients in the Middle East and North Africa, especially in the United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the rest of the Gulf countries.
In this interview, we asked El-Essnawi about the unique challenges, trends and considerations of creating usable public transport systems in the Middle East.
How is the Middle East progressing with regard to public transport systems?
A decade ago, there weren’t public transport systems in the Gulf countries. People used their own cars for transportation purpose. In 2005, the Roads and Transport Authority (RTA) started planning the Dubai Metro, which was officially launched on 9 September, 2009, making it the first city in the Gulf to adopt a metro public transport system.
Today, Dubai’s public transport system has evolved into much more than a metro system – it is a fully-integrated public transport system. There are now many different modes of transport in use in Dubai, and you’ll notice signs for pedestrians, cars, buses, trams and the metro.
Saudi Arabia is one of the biggest markets for future transport systems – I would estimate that their transport needs are much larger than any other Middle Eastern countries, making this growing market a major focus point for Aurecon and other transport services providers.
Encouraging the use of public transport
Public transport systems are still new in the Middle East and people are growing accustomed to using them efficiently. We need to make public transport more attractive to people so that they see it as a viable option. When a public transport system is implemented, consultancy groups such as Aurecon estimate what percentage of the city’s population will be using it and then focus on ways to increase that percentage. The traffic jams and congestion on the highways in Dubai are making it better for people to leave their cars at home and take a metro instead. Similarly, there’s a system where vehicle drivers pay a fee for crossing different regions in Dubai, known as Salik, so it’s becoming more expensive to travel by car.
What is currently holding the Middle East back in terms of creating even larger public transport systems?
Financial constraints are one of the biggest barriers. The Gulf area invested heavily in highway infrastructure over the past decade, but projects slowed down after the global financial recession in 2009. This year, things have started to pick up again and there has been renewed investment in these projects. Aurecon is working closely with local developers and authorities who are expanding their transport networks. In addition, unique challenges such as cultural considerations need to be carefully planned for and addressed.
The importance of cultural consideration
Culture is a factor that needs to be taken into account in the Middle East. Dubai is very open to different cultures, however will see that there is an exclusive carriage on the metro for women and children. When Saudi Arabia gets a public transport system, there will be a focus on cultural considerations. This needs to be allowed for when designing the transport systems, as well as the flow of pedestrians onto the trains and so forth.
How is Aurecon helping clients adapt to future transport needs?
Besides being able to plan and create integrated public transport systems, we are also able to adapt these plans and future-proof them for growth and expansion within the Middle East. From an economic perspective, city planners and governments need to forecast population growth. We are currently working with the Roads and Transport Authority of Dubai and we have estimated that the road network will need to be increased by 2030. The cities in the Middle East continue to grow and, in Dubai specifically, this will mean more metro lines, the extension of existing metro lines, a wider network coverage for buses, water taxis and so on.
How can Aurecon’s experience benefit clients?
We offer a fully-integrated range of technical services from planning, preliminary and final design, engineering management and administration, through to the construction supervision of buildings, roads and highways, stormwater drainage systems, bulk earthworks, water supply and reticulation, sewerage drainage and treatment, water canals and bridges. We are basically a one-stop consultancy for everything that is needed to create transport systems.
Our team uses modern modelling techniques to test traffic data and flow. Our transport planners have been involved with some of the best public transport systems in the world, as well as right here in the Middle East, so we know what works.
Where we add value is being able to take a city, urban or development plan and put the transport systems in place to make it a liveable, efficient and sustainable environment for the people who need to move around within the area. Take the Palm Jumeirah, for example – over a million people live there and Dubai’s shoreline was increased by over 500km to accommodate these residences. A development such as this would not be able to function without a transportation master plan that would enable people to move around with ease. Aurecon is able to work with developers and planners to make sure the right road networks, with the right size corridors and infrastructure, are planned from the start.
Aurecon is excited to be at the forefront of many exciting transport developments in the Middle East. that will leave a legacy for the people of the Middle East.
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Clarendons acts on acquisition of five iconic sporting events
by Duffie Osental | 28 May 2019
Clarendon Lawyers has announced that it advised World Triathlon Corporation (WTC) on the acquisition of five iconic sporting events.
WTC acquired The Sun-Herald City2Surf, The Sydney Morning Herald Half Marathon, Carman’s Women’s Fun Run, Melbourne Corporate Triathlon, and Spring Cycle, from Fairfax subsidiaries of Nine Entertainment Co. Holdings Limited (Nine) for $31 million. The completion of the purchase is expected to occur in the coming weeks.
WTC, which was acquired by Chinese conglomerate Dalian Wanda Group in 2015, operates a global portfolio of events – including the IRONMAN Triathlon Series and six of the nine International Triathlon Union World Triathlon Series races.
The Clarendons team was led by managing director Tony Symons and senior associate Brendan Sheehan, who were assisted by lawyer Zhong Wu.
“We are delighted to have been able to assist USM Events and WTC, longstanding clients of the firm, on the successful purchase of the City2Surf event and other marquee events formerly operated by Fairfax,” said Symons. “WTC has a reputation for delivering world-class events in all corners of the globe and this transaction is a game-changer for them and the sports events industry in Australia.”
Clarendon Lawyers marshals deals in transport, lab-testing and elemental-analysis sectors
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Over 600 legal professionals gathered at The Star Sydney on ...
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Gulf AIr CEO talks boutique model and its place within the five-year strategy
Over the past two years, the national carrier of Bahrain has focused its efforts in expanding its fleets, as well as the reach of its global network
By Aviation Business
Currently, Gulf Air has a total of 39 aircraft on order, which consists of 10 787-9 Dreamliners, 12 A320neo and 17 A321neo aircraft.
With just over a year clocked into its ongoing five-year corporate strategy, Gulf Air has made great strides towards augmenting both its regional base and its position within the global aviation market.
Over the course of 2018, the national carrier of Bahrain focused much of its efforts towards increasing its fleet size, which saw the addition of five Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner aircraft and an Airbus A320neo, as well as an expansion of its network.
In the case of the latter, the airline added eight new destinations over the course of the year. This included the launch of flights to Bengaluru and Calicut in India, Abha and Tabuk in Saudi Arabia, Alexandria and Sharm Al Shaikh in Egypt, along with new services to Baku in Azerbaijan and Casablanca in Morocco.
Last year also saw the culmination of a two-year rebranding exercise that brought with it a revamped logo, aircraft livery, improved inflight product, as well as a redesign of airline’s cabin interiors. Unveiled during the 2018 Formula 1 Bahrain Grand Prix via a flyby of a Boeing 787-9 sporting the new livery, the rebrand underscores Gulf Air’s drive to modernise its fleet and enhance its overall service offering.
Continuing on the momentum that was built up over 2018, Gulf Air recently announced that it would be adopting a novel boutique model as a means to further boost business and catch the eye of world travellers.
“All of our news that we had last year, which was our year of change, we introduced a new fleet, brand, logo, liveries and a new inflight product. This year we are going to put it into a framework and this framework is the boutique strategy,” explains Kresimir Kucko, chief executive officer of Gulf Air.
Moving away from the traditional volume-driven approach, Kucko shares that the airline will focus on creating a luxury product that will provide travel opportunities targeting corporate and millennial travellers, as well as Gulf Air’s own premium leisure passengers.
“In every business, it is important to find your niche and to do proper cost control. Same goes for the airline business,” adds Kucko.
“We want to be the airline of choice, not convenience … to achieve these goals, we need to move to this boutique concept, because we want to focus more on a luxury product and unique passenger experience.”
Elaborating further on the various elements that will form the foundation of this new business model, Gulf Air’s CEO shares that the first step will be the continued expansion of the fleet. With a pair of deliveries already received at the start of the current year, the airline expects to receive a total of two Boeing 787-9 Dreamliner and four Airbus A320neo aircraft for 2019.
In addition to sporting the company’s new livery, the new aircraft will also feature several improvements in cabin design.
“Our products play of course a very important role in achieving all the goals set under Gulf Air’s boutique strategy. It also collides with our corporate goals and one of them, of course, is to be a best in class. It is all connected,” explains Kucko.
“In short, to be best in class, which I think we already are. For example, our business class on our Gulf Air flights on the Dreamliner — this is the industry standard. Definitely, the best and biggest class in the world at the moment … we are talking 89-inch pitch, wide and built for comfort,” he adds.
Of course, an expanded fleet, added capacity, and improved inflight experience on their own are only a handful of measures of progress for an airline. Equally as valued to a carrier and its customers is its network of destinations. With recent additions that include Oman’s Salalah and Malaga – Costa del Sol in Spain, Gulf Air is already hard at work exploring new opportunities for its portfolio, particularly destinations in the Far East.
As part of its corporate strategy, Gulf Air has also been hard at work in forging new codeshare partnerships, such as the recent agreements signed with Thai Airways and Royal Air Maroc. These efforts have proved vital in expanding its reach towards both corporate and premium leisure destinations.
Another notable collaboration that occurred recently was the signing of a codeshare partnership between Gulf Air and Etihad Airways.
Building upon a memorandum of understanding (MoU) that was inked between the two carriers at last year’s Bahrain International Airshow, the agreement will not only see both airlines exchange flight codes on select routes, but will also benefit Etihad Guest and Gulf Air Faclconflyer loyalty customers with select offers.
“The MoU was the beginning of our closer cooperation, although it existed before in terms of maintenance and use of their [Etihad] training facilities for the pilots, now we signed a codeshare agreement. So we’ll extend our offer to our passengers — both companies — adding an additional 10 routes, mainly in Australia and in America,” explains Kucko.
Finally, with the impending launch of the new terminal at Bahrain International Airport, which is slated for the third quarter of 2019, Gulf Air is set to unveil a new premiere lounge for its loyalty programme customers.
While unable to share specific details on what features the lounge will offer, Kucko shares that the airline is looking to offer more of an interactive experience for guests with live activities. The general idea is to encourage passengers to arrive at the airport earlier, to take advantage of the hospitality on offer.
The CEO went on to explain the airline’s motivation for adopting a boutique model approach, which he shares was driven by increasing competition within the region. Both from fellow full-service network carriers active in the Middle East, as well as the thriving low-cost market.
“You can’t compete with airlines that are bigger in size, volume or with prices. You can only compete in quality … I can compete with any airline, no matter the size, with the quality of my product. That’s the battle I willingly participate with a chance to win,” explains Kucko.
“We want to offer our passengers traditional Arabian hospitality. Which for that to really put true meaning into practice, you really need to offer something unique,” he adds.
When asked about what to expect from his airline in the coming years, as far as their ongoing corporate strategy is concerned, Kucko shares that there will be continued progress with the fleet modernisation.
“Our five-year plan includes adding new destinations, both West and East, and also maintaining our position as a company with the strongest network within the region …,” explains Kucko.
“We are working on it by adding either additional frequencies or new routes in the region. We find it crucial to make our hub as strong as possible. By first being strong in the region and then by adding additional routes around the globe.
“We will be operating in the coming years more in Europe and also the Far East. Hopefully, in the coming two, maximum three years, we would be able to open flights to the US,” adds Kucko.
Switching gears to discuss the ongoing challenges currently affecting the global aviation market, Gulf Air’s CEO noted that shared issues include fuel and regulatory issues in different markets across the world.
While the lack of local aviation talent is hampering the activities of all the major players in the Middle East in some form or another, Gulf Air’s efforts with Bahrainisation has led the carrier to the point where 70% of its active pilots are Bahraini.
In terms of what trends he expects to be driving the Middle East’s aviation market, Gulf Air’s CEO shares his own insights on the matter.
“Low-cost carriers have started paying attention to the passengers, investing in reservation systems. On the other side, full-service carriers are reducing costs wherever possible, so basically moving towards in a way to a low-cost model. That’s why you have today, you have a term ultra-low cost companies, which is essentially the characteristics for the model,” says Kucko.
“We need to all optimise of course our fleet and our network and of course cost reduction. This is something that all the airlines will be facing,” he concludes.
Gulf Air achieves highest seat load factor since 2014
Dubai's DAE completes delivery of Dreamliners to Gulf Air
Gulf Air's CEO on airline's new boutique business model concept and its five-year corporate strategy
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Baripada is a city famous for its natural landscapes and sights. Being located in the lap of Mother Nature the city of Baripada is blessed with several natural resources and tourist destinations. There are also several tribes that are located in the deep forests of Baripada especially in the forests of Similipal. The art and craft of the city of Baripada is mostly dependent on the tribal community that has their presence in the city and the nearby places to a great extent.
Handicrafts in Baripada
The handicrafts being manufactured in the city if Baripada along with the nearby places of it are stated to be the vital part of the rich artistic inheritance of entire district of Mayurbhanja. In the ever changing time of today there is also a major change that took place in the attitude towards the art and the craft of the city as well. Previously these were the only source reliable for the source of earning of the tribes of Baripada and which now changed into their professions and are now being also supported by the government in promoting them among the modern generation. The handicrafts being crafted here at Baripada are the signs of the cognizant artistic loom towards the art of the tribal society. The prime concept behind these art pieces so made was basically inspired from the permeating each and every thing that is used in the daily life and were also crafted with the artistic approach and with all the care being taken care about the glamour that is added to the handicrafts made.
The handicrafts which commenced being crafted in the current time were the merged form of the forces that were influencing the present day industrialization with immense effects and high power mechanization which made these lose their prime focus in every perspective. Several attempts were also made in order to look for a new market place to make these crafts get the value they are worth of. It became very necessary at times to acclimatize the changes that took places in the near past in designing these handmade craft pieces and to improvise them in all aspects. At the mean time violence from the traditional folk characters and the pastoral verve of these handicrafts made and designed at the city of Baripada are also been take care of.
The craftsmen involved in these traditions are also trained for decades and they are in this profession since their generations and now they have also the idea of the changing trends which is enabling them also to change their style of work and to deliver according to the demands of the modern day customers. The present day designs and motifs are being made without vulgarizing them.
The Handicrafts made in Baripada and nearby small villages surrounding the city are offered in numerous forms and are made up of various materials and finalized to various tools known as the Dhokra, Artistic Mats, Wooden items painted on it with various designs, carved stones, toys which are lacquered, Verities of Jewelry, Bamboo and cane products, Terracotta, wares made of metals, A special Grass product made of Sabai grass, Folk traditional paintings, Tassar Textiles and sea shells etc. The prime handicrafts being developed here are the clusters which are originated from the Dhokra casting and the Grass products.
Dhokra – The Art of Metal Casting
There is a famous metals available in the entire district of Mauyurbhanja especially the nearby villages of Baripada known as the Sithulias or the Dhokra which are the believed to be the best examples of the metal castings done in Baripada. The Dhokras are said to be the tribes which are somewhere common with that of the tribes of Keonjhar and Dhenkanal and are involved in formatting the metal casting products to be used for the house held activities. The Dhokras are the roving tribes which do not tend to locate at any particular place and were found relocating in several parts of the entire district. Most of them were often seen at the villages of Baripada at many times.
The art of Dhokra tribes is the one discovered centuries back and hence it has its demand for the uniqueness. These artisans then started settling into the villages of Baripada and started working on this year old traditional work of art. The main raw materials being used for making these art pieces are the charcoal, the bell-metals, wax, and the fine bee-hives. Presently there are more than 300 artisan are working on these art pieces and are trading them at various location of the district. This is the only source of income for these tribes as they are dependent on it since generations and are also the expert artisans as well.
The Sabai-Grass Products of Baripada
There is a special grass which is being cultivated in various nearby villages of Baripada which is known as the Sabai-Grass. These grasses are used in making the ropes and several other products. The most famous products that are mad by these Sabai-Grasses are the Charpai which are the floor mats being used in every households of the state. The ropes which are being made by these grasses are known as the Sabai Ropes and are these ropes are believed to be very strong enough than that of the plastic ones. The other products which are made of these Sabai-Grasses are the Chairs, Sofas, Tea tables and many more.
These are also used in the paper manufacturing. The grass which is used in manufacturing the tables and the chairs are said to be part of the chairs whose body is made of the wood but these are the portions that comprises the inner seating part. These are made so well that it is said to one of the major products being purchased and sold in the markets of Baripada and also in the entire Mayurbhanja state. The chairs and tables are given the finest shapes which add a great look to these products. The other items made of these grasses are the Carpets, Car mats and Screens etc. In the present days several new and modern products are also being made by these Sabai-Grasses such as the dining mat, Flower vases, Fruit baskets and many more. In the recent times the NCJDI (The National Council for Jute Development in India) has provides immense assistance to these tribal society in the form of several services, beginning from the obtaining the raw materials to the marketing of the finished products.
Government’s Role in Encouraging Art Work of Baripada
The Government of India as well as the Government of Odisha has taken several measure to protect this generation old art form and for this the appointment of the Development Commissioner of Handicrafts is also being done by the Government of India which monitors the facilitation of these handicrafts products with the help of an agency named as Anwesha. The Bhubaneswar based agency operates as a facilitator which has conducted several development programs in the designs and the art of these tribes.
Presently there are more than 60 artisans which are involved in this work of art and are helped by the government organizations in order to facilitate their work smoothly. The demand of these art pieces have increased in the recent years and the prime reason behind this can be said the initiatives taken by both central and the state government. Several centers are opened in the city of Baripada to train the local people to keep this art form alive and the girls are especially being trained so that they can earn the maximum with a minimum amount of investment.
There are several NGO which are also engaged in the training the people of Baripada and the tribes of the nearby villages to keep the art form of Sabai-Grass products and many such more art forms alive. There is one of the NGO named DASI located at the city of Baripada near the Madhuban which has been credited for training the maximum people of Baripada and also the tribes and they also educate them regarding the changing trends in fashion. They are involved in this since many years nd have successfully trained and certified many such artisans which are now working successful yand serving their family.
Here are the names of few organizations and communities which train and educate people of Baripada, regarding the traditional art and handicrafts of the historical era:
DASI
At – Madhuban
Baripada, Mayurbhanj
Niranjan Mukhi
Raghunathpur,
Baripada, Mayurbhanj.
Superitendent Circle Jail
Comments / Discussion Board - Art and Craft of Baripada
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| ERROR: type should be string, got "https://www.barrons.com/articles/mgm-stock-paul-salem-bets-millions-insider-51557776042\nMGM Stock Has Stalled, but Director Paul Salem Bets Millions It Will Come Back\nEd Lin\nMay 14, 2019 7:00 am ET\nPhotograph by Anthony Wallace/AFP/Getty Images\nA comeback in MGM Resorts International stock this year has faded, but the casino operator’s newest director is betting millions of dollars that shares will recover, with his first open-market buy.\nMGM stock (ticker: MGM) tumbled 27.3% last year, weakened by investor concerns that gambling, in general, was losing momentum in Macau. The company had turned the page in 2019. MGM stock surged in January and set an intraday high on Feb. 11 of $30.21, which represented a year-to-date gain of 24.5%. Two days later, after the market closed, MGM reported a strong fourth quarter, but also said it would no longer provide formal guidance figures. The stock tumbled on what investors perceived to be less transparency from management. On Monday, MGM stock closed at $25.36, meaning the year-to-date gain has slipped to 4.5%.\nOn May 8, MGM’s newest director, Paul Salem, plunked down $20.3 million in cash to buy MGM stock a little above that price. The senior managing director emeritus of private-equity firm Providence Equity Partners bought 800,000 MGM shares at an average price of $25.40 each. To put the value of that purchase into perspective, consider that it represented two-thirds of MGM’s latest first-quarter earnings of $31 million. According to S&P Capital IQ, it is the largest open-market MGM stock purchase by a company insider since at least August 2004.\nAccording to a form Salem filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission, the per-share prices he paid for MGM stock that day ranged from $25.07 to $25.69. Apart from the 800,000 shares Salem purchased, he also owns a $112,500 grant of restricted stock units (RSUs) that vested on the day of the annual meeting of stockholders, May 1, 2019.\nMGM didn’t make Salem available for comment on his stock purchase, and the company declined to comment. Providence Equity didn’t respond to a request to make Salem available for comment on his MGM stock purchase.\nSalem’s stock purchase looks bullish for two reasons. It was a magnitude larger than what he was required to own as an MGM director, and he could have fulfilled the requirement without ever purchasing shares on the open market, never mind only 9 months after joining the board. Salem was named to the MGM board in August 2018, expanding it to 13 directors from 12, and he had five years to meet the stock-ownership guidelines. Each director is expected to eventually own stock or RSUs with a market value of five times the annual base cash retainer, which now stands at $90,000, according to MGM’s latest proxy. Instead of buying stock, Salem could have fulfilled the ownership requirement by taking his retainer in the form of RSUs.\nWrite to Ed Lin at edward.lin@barrons.com"
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Daily Ratings & News for South State
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South State Corp (SSB) Declares Quarterly Dividend of $0.40
Posted by Philip Parker on May 8th, 2019 // Comments off
South State Corp (NASDAQ:SSB) announced a quarterly dividend on Tuesday, April 30th, Wall Street Journal reports. Stockholders of record on Friday, May 10th will be paid a dividend of 0.40 per share by the bank on Friday, May 17th. This represents a $1.60 dividend on an annualized basis and a dividend yield of 2.12%. The ex-dividend date is Thursday, May 9th. This is a boost from South State’s previous quarterly dividend of $0.38.
South State has increased its dividend payment by an average of 12.1% annually over the last three years and has increased its dividend annually for the last 4 consecutive years. South State has a dividend payout ratio of 26.6% meaning its dividend is sufficiently covered by earnings. Equities analysts expect South State to earn $5.67 per share next year, which means the company should continue to be able to cover its $1.52 annual dividend with an expected future payout ratio of 26.8%.
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Shares of SSB stock opened at $75.30 on Wednesday. South State has a fifty-two week low of $56.55 and a fifty-two week high of $93.25. The stock has a market cap of $2.66 billion, a PE ratio of 13.69 and a beta of 1.25. The company has a debt-to-equity ratio of 0.11, a quick ratio of 0.95 and a current ratio of 0.96.
South State (NASDAQ:SSB) last issued its quarterly earnings results on Monday, April 29th. The bank reported $1.26 earnings per share for the quarter, hitting the Zacks’ consensus estimate of $1.26. South State had a return on equity of 8.28% and a net margin of 25.49%. The business had revenue of $155.33 million for the quarter, compared to analyst estimates of $158.86 million. During the same quarter in the previous year, the firm earned $1.39 earnings per share. Sell-side analysts predict that South State will post 5.34 EPS for the current year.
In other South State news, Director James C. Cherry sold 1,785 shares of the business’s stock in a transaction that occurred on Friday, May 3rd. The stock was sold at an average price of $75.96, for a total value of $135,588.60. Following the completion of the transaction, the director now directly owns 7,000 shares of the company’s stock, valued at $531,720. The sale was disclosed in a filing with the Securities & Exchange Commission, which is available at this hyperlink. Also, President John F. Windley sold 3,947 shares of the business’s stock in a transaction that occurred on Friday, February 22nd. The shares were sold at an average price of $71.01, for a total value of $280,276.47. Following the completion of the transaction, the president now directly owns 39,021 shares of the company’s stock, valued at $2,770,881.21. The disclosure for this sale can be found here. Insiders sold 6,232 shares of company stock valued at $451,365 over the last three months. 2.05% of the stock is currently owned by corporate insiders.
A number of equities research analysts recently commented on the company. Brean Capital reiterated a “hold” rating on shares of South State in a research report on Monday, January 14th. BidaskClub upgraded South State from a “strong sell” rating to a “sell” rating in a research report on Wednesday, January 16th. TheStreet upgraded South State from a “c+” rating to a “b-” rating in a research report on Tuesday, March 19th. Finally, Zacks Investment Research upgraded South State from a “hold” rating to a “buy” rating and set a $79.00 target price on the stock in a research report on Wednesday, April 3rd. Two analysts have rated the stock with a sell rating, six have assigned a hold rating and one has given a buy rating to the stock. The stock currently has a consensus rating of “Hold” and an average price target of $78.40.
ILLEGAL ACTIVITY NOTICE: “South State Corp (SSB) Declares Quarterly Dividend of $0.40” was originally reported by Baseball Daily News and is owned by of Baseball Daily News. If you are accessing this article on another site, it was stolen and republished in violation of US and international trademark & copyright laws. The original version of this article can be read at https://www.baseballdailydigest.com/news/2019/05/08/south-state-corp-ssb-declares-quarterly-dividend-of-0-40.html.
About South State
South State Corporation operates as the bank holding company for South State Bank that provides a range of retail and commercial banking services, mortgage lending services, trust and wealth management services, and consumer finance loans. The company accepts demand deposits, savings deposits, interest-bearing transaction accounts, certificates of deposit, and other time deposits; and offers lending and credit card, and ATM processing services.
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FibroGen Inc (FGEN) Holdings Lifted by Los Angeles Capital Management & Equity Research Inc.
Stokes & Hubbell Capital Management LLC Sells 1,645 Shares of iShares MSCI EAFE ETF (EFA)
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Business selected
Autonomy misled HP about finances, Hewlett Packard says
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/business-20412186
Media captionHP chief executive Meg Whitman: "We uncovered a whole host of very concerning accounting improprieties"
Computer maker Hewlett-Packard has asked US and UK authorities to investigate alleged misrepresentations of Autonomy's finances before HP took over the UK software group last year.
HP said Autonomy appeared to have "inflated" the value of the company prior to the takeover as part of a "wilful effort to mislead".
This led to a $5bn (£3.1bn) charge in its latest quarterly accounts.
The former management team of Autonomy "flatly rejected" the allegations.
Three former senior members of staff, including former chief executive Mike Lynch, said they were "shocked" to see the statement.
"HP's due diligence review was intensive," Autonomy's former chief executive, chief financial officer and chief operating officer said, referring to the process of investigating a firm prior to purchase.
"It took 10 years to build Autonomy's industry-leading technology and it is sad to see how it has been mismanaged since its acquisition by HP," the statement from the former management team said.
During a conference call following the announcement, HP chief executive Meg Whitman said: "We did a whole host of due diligence but when you're lied to, it's hard to find.
"[Autonomy] was smaller and less profitable that we had thought," she said, adding that HP's investigations suggested that the UK firm had misstated its revenues and growth rate.
Taking into account recent falls in HP's share value and lower-than-anticipated returns from the merger, the total one-off charge recorded in HP's accounts for the three months to the end of October was $8.8bn, pushing the company to a $6.85bn net loss.
'Questionable accounting'
HP's allegations... are shocking if true - not least because for years Autonomy was regarded as that rarest and most precious of British companies, a global hi-tech success
By Robert PestonBusiness editor
Mike Lynch told BBC News that the HP allegations were just a way of distracting attention from poor results.
"It's managed the company very badly," he said. "It lost around half the staff before I left and the whole of the management team, and the value of the company has now fallen and they've been forced to write it off."
"Today is the day they're announcing the worst results in the 70 year history of the business and I think there's a little bit of distraction going on here."
HP said during its conference call that "a very senior person" from Autonomy had come forward "with specific details [of accounting misrepresentations]". That person was still at the company, it said.
Ms Whitman said HP had discovered a number of irregularities, including hardware sales that had been reported as software revenues, which inflated both overall revenues and profit margins.
She said margins of between 40% and 45% had been reported, whereas HP now believed them to be between 20% and 28%.
As well as referring the matter to the regulatory authorities, the company would be "aggressively pursuing individuals responsible for this wrongdoing", she added.
This would involve trying to recover money for HP shareholders.
HP shares closed 12% lower in New York.
Media captionMike Lynch, former CEO of Autonomy: "We flatly reject [the claim]... HP managed the company very badly"
Deloitte, the accountancy firm which audited Autonomy's accounts, said it could not comment on the allegations due to client confidentiality, but would cooperate with any investigations.
HP completed the takeover of Autonomy for $12bn in October last year.
Autonomy was founded by Mike Lynch in 1996 and grew to become one of the largest software companies in the UK.
Mr Lynch is a non-executive director of the BBC, which said in a statement that it had spoken to him about the allegations and had not asked him to step down from his role.
A spokeswoman said the BBC noted that Autonomy had denied the allegations, adding: "We will continue to monitor the situation as it develops and will take any further action, should it become necessary."
Autonomy gained a listing on the US Nasdaq exchange in May 2000, at the height of the technology boom, and was listed in London six months later.
The firm has often been cited as an example of how academic research can be turned into a profitable business, although it has attracted criticism from the City, particularly when, in October 2010, it warned there had been unexpected volatility in its customers' "purchasing behaviour" and lowered its full-year forecasts.
HP's decision to buy the company was part of the US firm's long-term plan to move away from making computers into the more profitable software business.
Profile: Autonomy
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Lancashire selected
Man, 24, dies after car hits wall in Blackburn
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-lancashire-39172135
Image caption The 24-year-old's Renault Clio hit a post and a wall on Buncer Lane in Blackburn
A man has died after his car hit a wall shortly after being signalled to stop by a police car.
A Renault Clio crashed into a post and then hit a wall on Buncer Lane in Blackburn at about 04:30 GMT on Saturday, Lancashire Police said.
The 24-year-old driver was taken to Royal Blackburn Hospital but was pronounced dead.
Police said the incident had been referred to the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC).
Ch Insp Jon Bullas said: "This is a tragic incident and an investigation into the circumstances surrounding the collision is under way.
"Our thoughts and condolences are very much with the family of the man who has sadly died at this time."
Lancashire Constabulary
Lancashire live reporting
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London selected
Tory London mayor candidate's comments 'Islamophobic'
https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-london-45734837
Image caption In 2005, Shaun Bailey warned accommodating Muslim and Hindu cultures "robs Britain of its community"
The Conservative candidate for Mayor of London has been labelled "Islamophobic" over comments he made 13 years ago.
In a 2005 pamphlet, Shaun Bailey wrote accommodating Muslim and Hindu cultures "robs Britain of its community".
This could lead the country into a "crime-riddled cesspool," he said. Campaigners and politicians have called his comments "grotesque".
But, a Conservative Party spokesperson said Mr Bailey "has always championed diverse communities".
Mr Bailey could not be reached for comment to respond directly to the criticism.
'Ludicrous suggestion'
But, a spokesman from his mayoral campaign team said: "As a descendant of the Windrush generation, and someone who has worked with diverse communities for over 20 years, Shaun knows full well the challenges faced by BAME communities."
"Whether it is working with one of London's biggest Muslim communities in North Kensington, or helping young people from all communities to fulfil their potential, Shaun has always championed diverse communities.
"Shaun has made it his life's work to help those from migrant and disadvantaged communities, and to suggest otherwise is ludicrous."
In the pamphlet, which focussed on opportunities for inner-city children, Mr Bailey claimed school children were being taught more about Diwali than Christmas.
"Removing the religion that British people generally take to" led to immigrants bringing problems from their country of origin, he argued.
During the report's chapter on multiculturalism he said "it is far easier for black people to integrate".
"Within the black community it is not such a bad thing because we've shared a religion and in many cases a language," he said.
Image caption Shaun Bailey unsuccessfully ran as a parliamentary candidate for Hammersmith, west London, in 2010
Labour MP Andrew Slaughter said: "It is increasingly clear that he holds views that are at best divisive and at worst Islamophobic."
Mr Slaughter defeated Mr Bailey in the 2010 general election.
"This reaffirms that Mr Bailey is exactly the wrong person to be Mayor of London and why the Conservatives should not be in charge of London," he said.
The Hope not Hate campaign group called Mr Bailey's comments "grotesque".
"The Conservatives can't tackle their problem with Islamophobia if they don't admit they have a problem in the first place," they tweeted.
Shaun Bailey
London mayoral election: Shaun Bailey chosen as Conservative candidate
London live reporting
Live BBC London Live: Latest updates
Full article BBC London Live: Latest updates
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BCRI provides free educational programs to K-12 students thatintroduce and explore the lessons of the civil rights movement. Incorporating interactive programs such as “Tug-of-war” to describe the events of 1963 (Children’s March and Sixteenth Street Church Bombing), role-play, oral histories and documentary films, BCRI empowers students with a better understanding of the civil rights movement’s complexities. BCRI Outreach programs reach an audience of 20,000 people annually in area schools, churches, club meetings and other venues. For more information, contact the Education Department at (205) 328-9696, ext. 246.
Legacy Youth Leadership Program
The 2017 LYLP is supported by PNC Bank and utilizes BCRI’s mission, collections, programs, and partnerships to engage area high school students in a series of training experiences and internship opportunities that will help them develop into lifelong learners, productive citizens, and community leaders. The objective of LYLP is to: 1) promote student confidence, self-esteem, character, and community involvement through active participation, and (2) involve students as leaders in project planning and implementation. Upon acceptance into the program, students are expected to attend a series of 12 weekly participatory workshops. The workshops will help build students’ knowledge base of BCRI’s permanent galleries, archival holdings, and public programs through three segments: BCRI exhibitions, African American history and culture, and leadership development. Students will also be expected to attend BCRI public programs as well as participate in college visits. In the summer, students who successfully complete the program will serve as Docents (tour guides) at BCRI. LYLP alumni are expected to continue to serve as BCRI volunteers throughout their high school tenure.
Legacy Application
BCAP (Birmingham Cultural Alliance Partnership)
The Birmingham Cultural Alliance Partnership (BCAP) BCRI’s award-winning collaborative project of seven of the city’s major museums and the public library to provide after-school learning opportunities designed to enhance the cultural literacy and academic achievement of students and their parents. The purpose of the project is to create a positive community learning environment that will enhance student achievement, increase student participation in enrichment activities, involve families in learning and enrichment activities and build partnerships between the school and community organizations. BCAP Partners include Alabama Jazz Hall of Fame, Birmingham Botanical Gardens, Birmingham Public Library, McWane Science Center, Southern Museum of Flight, and Vulcan Park and Museum.
BCAP is funded by the Alabama State Department of Education 21st Century Community Learning Centers with supplemental support from Wells Fargo Foundation.
Community of Readers
The Community of Readers program at BCRI aims to bridge the gap between literacy and parental involvement by instructing families about better reading habits, promoting local parents’ belief in their own capabilities as educational mentors, and using books to enhance the time that families spend together.
HERITAGE ALIVE
Heritage Alive! is a series of FREE 45-minute programs designed by BCRI that engage young learners with weekly interactive activities.
Heritage Alive! features one book each month with new activities presented each week. Lead teachers attending the program will receive a copy of the book, the month’s syllabus and a bibliography of related books for young readersBenefits of Heritage Alive!:
Improves students‘ literacy skills through the introduction of books and stories written and illustrated by African Americans
Helps foster children’s understanding of other cultures and people
Increases students’understanding of similarities and differences of people
Encourages students to enjoy reading and to become life long learners
Reserve Your Place Today! Contact Yvette Chatman at (205) 328-9696, ext. 249.
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Crime & Scandal
Maya Angelou became the first black female streetcar conductor in San Francisco, California, in the 1940s.
Maya Angelou's 1969 autobiography, I Know Why The Caged Bird Sings, is the first nonfiction bestseller by an African-American woman.
Maya Angelou recited one of her poems at President Bill Clinton's 1993 inaugural ceremony—marking the first inaugural recitation since 1961.
Maya Angelou was lauded in 1995 for her record-setting, two-year run on The New York Times' paperback nonfiction bestseller list.
Maya Angelou is the first African-American woman to have her screenplay produced, for the 1972 film Georgia, Georgia.
MLK Jr. was assassinated on friend Maya Angelou's birthday (April 4) in 1968. Angelou stopped celebrating her birthday for years afterward.
In 1952, Maya Angelou married a Greek sailor named Anastasios Angelopulos, from whom she took her professional name.
George Washington High School, California Labor School
Who Was Maya Angelou?
“A bird doesn't sing because it has an answer, it sings because it has a song.”“Courage is the most important of all virtues, because without courage, you cannot practice any of the other virtues consistently.”“I have found that among its other benefits, giving liberates the soul of the giver.”“The caged bird sings with a fearful trill/ of things unknown but longed for still/ and his tune is heard on the distant hill/ for the caged birds sings of freedom."["I Know Why The Caged Bird Sings"]”“If you don't like something, change it. If you can't change it, change your attitude.”“We may encounter many defeats, but we must not be defeated.”“I've learned that people will forget what you said, people will forget what you did, but people will never forget how you made them feel.”“Words mean more than what is set down on paper. It takes the human voice to infuse them with deeper meaning.”“How important it is for us to recognize and celebrate our heroes and she-roes!”“To grow up is to stop putting blame on parents.”“We are only as blind as we want to be.”“The intensity with which young people live demands that they 'black out' as often as possible.”“Home is a refuge, not only from my worries, my terrible concerns. I like beautiful things around me. I like to be beautiful because it delights my eyes and my soul is lifted up.”“You may not control the events that happen to you, but you can decide not to be reduced by them.”“When people show you who they are, believe them the first time.”“Let gratitude be the pillow upon which you kneel to say your nightly prayer. And let faith be the bridge you build to overcome evil and welcome good.”“If you get, give. If you learn, teach.”“In the flush of love's light, we dare to be brave, and suddenly we see that love costs all we are and will ever be. Yet, it is only love which sets us free.”“I believe that each of us comes from the creator trailing wisps of glory.”
Maya Angelou Biography
Maya Angelou was a poet and award-winning author known for her acclaimed memoir I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings and her numerous poetry and essay collections.
Marguerite Annie Johnson Angelou, known as Maya Angelou, was an American author, actress, screenwriter, dancer, poet and civil rights activist best known for her 1969 memoir, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings, which made literary history as the first nonfiction bestseller by an African-American woman. Angelou received several honors throughout her career, including two NAACP Image Awards in the outstanding literary work (nonfiction) category, in 2005 and 2009.
Maya Angelou was born on April 4, 1928, in St. Louis, Missouri. Angelou had a difficult childhood. Her parents split up when she was very young, and she and her older brother, Bailey, were sent to live with their father's mother, Anne Henderson, in Stamps, Arkansas.
As an African American, Angelou experienced firsthand racial prejudices and discrimination in Arkansas. She also suffered at the hands of a family associate around the age of 7: During a visit with her mother, Angelou was raped by her mother's boyfriend. As vengeance for the sexual assault, Angelou's uncles killed the boyfriend.
So traumatized by the experience, Angelou stopped talking. She returned to Arkansas and spent years as a virtual mute.
Maya Angelou’s Education
During World War II, Angelou moved to San Francisco, California. There she won a scholarship to study dance and acting at the California Labor School.
Also during this time, Angelou became the first black female cable car conductor — a job she held only briefly — in San Francisco.
Maya Angelou’s Son
In 1944, a 16-year-old Angelou gave birth to a son, Guy (a short-lived high school relationship led to the pregnancy). After giving birth, she worked a number of jobs to support herself and her child.
A poet himself, Angelou’s son now goes by the name Guy Johnson.
Maya Angelou’s Husbands
In 1952, Angelou wed Anastasios Angelopulos, a Greek sailor from whom she took her professional name — a blend of her childhood nickname, "Maya," and a shortened version of his surname. The couple later divorced.
Notoriously secretive about her marriages, Angelou was likely married at least three times, including in 1973 to a carpenter, Paul du Feu.
Acting and Singing Career
In the mid-1950s, Angelou's career as a performer began to take off. She landed a role in a touring production of Porgy and Bess, later appearing in the off-Broadway production Calypso Heat Wave (1957) and releasing her first album, Miss Calypso (1957).
A member of the Harlem Writers Guild and a civil rights activist, Angelou organized and starred in the musical revue Cabaret for Freedom as a benefit for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, also serving as the SCLC's northern coordinator.
In 1961, Angelou appeared in an off-Broadway production of Jean Genet's The Blacks with James Earl Jones, Lou Gossett Jr. and Cicely Tyson.
Angelou went on to earn a Tony Award nomination for her role in the play Look Away (1973) and an Emmy Award nomination for her work on the television miniseries Roots (1977), among other honors.
Time in Africa
Angelou spent much of the 1960s abroad, living first in Egypt and then in Ghana, working as an editor and a freelance writer. Angelou also held a position at the University of Ghana for a time.
In Ghana, she also joined a community of "Revolutionist Returnees” exploring pan-Africanism and became close with human rights activist and black nationalist leader Malcolm X. In 1964, on returning to the U.S., Angelou helped Malcolm X set up the Organization of Afro-American Unity, which disbanded after his assassination the following year.
'Just Give Me a Cool Drink of Water 'fore I Diiie' (1971)
Angelou published several collections of poetry, but her most famous was 1971’s collection Just Give Me a Cool Drink of Water 'Fore I Die, which was nominated for the Pulitzer Prize.
Other famous collections of Angelou’s poetry include:
Oh Pray My Wings Are Gonna Fit Me Well (1975), which includes Angelou’s poem “Alone”
And Still I Rise (1978), which features the beloved poem “Phenomenal Woman”
Shaker, Why Don’t You Sing? (1983)
I Shall Not Be Moved (1990), featuring the poem “Human Family”; Apple famously used a video of Angelou reading this poem in an advertisement at the 2016 Olympics
Even the Stars Look Lonesome (1997)
'On the Pulse of Morning' (1993)
One of her most famous works, Angelou wrote this poem especially for and recited at President Bill Clinton's inaugural ceremony in January 1993. The occasion marked the first inaugural recitation since 1961, when Robert Frost delivered his poem "The Gift Outright" at John F. Kennedy's inauguration.
Angelou went on to win a Grammy Award (best spoken word album) for the audio version of the poem.
Other well-known poems by Maya Angelou include:
“His Day Is Done” (1962), a tribute poem Angelou wrote for Nelson Mandela as he made his secret journey from Africa to London
“Amazing Peace” (2005), written by Angelou for the White House tree-lighting ceremony
'I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings' (1969)
Friend and fellow writer James Baldwin urged Angelou to write about her life experiences. The resulting work was the enormously successful 1969 memoir about her childhood and young adult years, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings.
The poignant story made literary history as the first nonfiction bestseller by an African-American woman. The book, which made Angelou an international star, continues to be regarded as her most popular autobiographical work.
In 1995, Angelou was lauded for remaining on The New York Times' paperback nonfiction bestseller list for two years—the longest-running record in the chart's history.
‘Gather Together in My Name’ (1974)
Angelou’s follow-up to A Caged Bird, this memoir covers her life as an unemployed teenage mother in California, when she turned to narcotics and prostitution.
Singin' and Swingin' and Gettin' Merry Like Christmas (1976)
Angelou wrote this autobiography about her early career as a singer and actress.
‘The Heart of a Woman’ (1981)
Angelou crafted this memoir about leaving California with her son for New York, where she took part in the civil rights movement.
'All God's Children Need Traveling Shoes' (1986)
A lyrical exploration about what it means to be an African American in Africa, this autobiographical book covers the years Angelou spent living in Ghana.
'Wouldn't Take Nothing for My Journey Now' (1994)
This inspirational essay collection features Angelou’s insights about spirituality and living well.
'A Song Flung Up to Heaven' (2002)
Another autobiographical work, A Song Flung Up to Heaven explores Angelou’s return from Africa to the U.S. and her ensuing struggle to cope with the devastating assassinations of two human rights leaders with whom she worked, Malcolm X and Martin Luther King Jr. The book ends when, at the encouragement of her friend James Baldwin, Angelou began work on I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings.
'Letter to My Daughter' (2008)
Dedicated to the daughter Angelou never had, this book of essays features Angelou’s advice for young women about living a life of meaning.
Mom & Me & Mom (2013)
In this memoir, Angelou discusses her complicated relationship with a mother who abandoned her during childhood.
Interested in health, Angelou’s published cookbooks include Hallelujah! The Welcome Table: A Lifetime of Memories With Recipes (2005) and Great Food, All Day Long (2010).
Screenplay Author and Director
After publishing Caged Bird, Angelou broke new ground artistically, educationally and socially with her drama Georgia, Georgia in 1972, which made her the first African-American woman to have her screenplay produced.
In 1998, seeking new creative challenges, Angelou made her directorial debut with Down in the Delta, starring Alfre Woodard.
Angelou's career has seen numerous accolades, including the Chicago International Film Festival's 1998 Audience Choice Award and a nod from the Acapulco Black Film Festival in 1999 for Down in the Delta.
She also won two NAACP Image Awards in the outstanding literary work (nonfiction) category, for her 2005 cookbook and 2008's Letter to My Daughter.
Famous Friends
Martin Luther King Jr., a close friend of Angelou's, was assassinated on her birthday (April 4) in 1968. Angelou stopped celebrating her birthday for years afterward, and sent flowers to King's widow, Coretta Scott King, for more than 30 years, until Coretta's death in 2006.
Angelou was also good friends with TV personality Oprah Winfrey, who organized several birthday celebrations for the award-winning author, including a week-long cruise for her 70th birthday in 1998.
When and How Maya Angelou Died
After experiencing health issues for a number of years, Maya Angelou died on May 28, 2014, at her home in Winston-Salem, North Carolina. The news of her passing spread quickly with many people taking to social media to mourn and remember Angelou. Singer Mary J. Blige and politician Cory Booker were among those who tweeted their favorite quotes by her in tribute.
President Barack Obama also issued a statement about Angelou, calling her "a brilliant writer, a fierce friend, and a truly phenomenal woman." Angelou "had the ability to remind us that we are all God's children; that we all have something to offer," he wrote.
Maya Angelou - On the Pulse of Morning(TV-14; 5:42)
Maya Angelou - Mini Biography(TV-14; 4:16)
Langston Hughes - House in Harlem(TV-PG; 1:03)
Zora Neale Hurston - American Folklorist(TV-PG; 1:28)
Alice Walker - Pursuing Civil Rights(TV-14; 1:45)
James Baldwin - Later Years(TV-14; 1:46)
Sojourner Truth - Abolitionist and Feminist(TV-PG; 1:59)
Alice Walker - The Mysterious Wonder of Life(TV-14; 2:17)
Harper Lee - Mini Biography(TV-14; 3:05)
Oprah Winfrey - Mini Biography(TV-14; 3:28)
Bill Clinton - Mini Biography(TV-14; 4:17)
Langston Hughes - Mini Biography(TV-14; 3:34)
Toni Morrison - Mini Biography(TV-14; 3:49)
James Baldwin - Mini Biography(TV-14; 4:00)
Hillary Clinton - Mini Biography(TV-14; 3:55)
George W. Bush - Mini Biography(TV-14; 4:33)
Barack Obama - Mini Biography(TV-14; 5:05)
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Toni Morrison is a Nobel Prize- and Pulitzer Prize-winning American novelist. Among her best known novels are 'The Bluest Eye,' 'Song of Solomon,' 'Beloved' and 'A Mercy.'
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Maya Lin
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Zora Neale Hurston
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Group_C_nerve_fiber
Group C nerve fiber
C fiber not labeled, but substantia gelatinosa of Rolando is Rexed lamina II, labeled at upper left.
Dorlands/Elsevier
f_05/12360696
How to ensure accurate weighing results every day?
Daily Sensitivity Test
1 Structure and Anatomy
1.2 Structure
1.3 Remak bundles
2 Pathway
3.1 Vanilliod Receptor
4 Role in Neuropathic Pain
4.1 Central Sensitization
4.2 Treatment
5 Microneurography
Structure and Anatomy
C fibers are found in the peripheral nerves of the somatic sensory system [1]. They are unique because unlike most other nerves in the nervous system, they are unmyelinated [1]. This lack of myelination is the cause of their slow conduction velocity, which is on the order of no more than 2 m/s [1]. C fibers are on average .2-1.5 μm in diameter [1].
C fibers are a type of axon that classifies its attached free nerve endings, which are pain-sensing nociceptors [1]. The other main classification of nociceptors is Aδ fibers [1]. These fibers have axons that are larger (1-5 μm), in diameter, are thinly myelinated, and have a higher conduction velocity, which is on the order of about 20 m/s [1].
Remak bundles
C fiber axons are grouped together into what is known as Remak bundles [2]. These occur when an unmyelinated Schwann cell bundles the axons close together by surrounding them [3]. The Schwann cell keeps them from touching each other by squeezing its cytoplasm between the axons [3]. The condition of Remak bundles varies with age [3]. The number of C fiber axons in each Remak bundle varies with location [2]. For example in a rat model, large bundles of greater than 20 axons are found exiting the L5 dorsal root ganglion, while smaller bundles of average 3 axons are found in distal nerve segments [2]. Multiple neurons contribute axons to the Remak bundle with an average ratio of about 2 axons contributed per bundle [2]. The cross sectional area of a Remak bundle is proportional to the number of axons found inside it [2]. Remak bundles in the distal peripheral nerve are clustered with other Remak bundles [2]. The Remak Schwann cells have been shown to be electrochemically responsive to action potentials of the axons contained within them [2].
In experiments where nerve injury is caused but nearby C fibers remain intact, increased spontaneous activity in the C fibers is observed [2]. This phenomenon supports the theory that damaged nerve fibers may release factors that alter the function of neighboring undamaged fibers [2]. Study of Remak bundles has important implications in nerve regeneration after sustaining injury [2]. Currently, recovery of distal C fiber function takes months and may still only regain incomplete function [2]. This may result in abnormal sensory function or neuropathic pain [2]. Remak bundles are thought to release certain trophic factors that promote the regeneration of the damaged axons [2].
C fibers synapse to second-order projection neurons in the spinal cord at the upper laminae of the dorsal horn in the substantia gelatinosa [4]. The second-order projection neurons are of the wide dynamic range (WDR) type, which receive input from both nociceptive terminals as well as myelinated A-type fibers [4]. There are three types of second order projection neurons in the spinothalamic tract: wide dynamic range (WDR), high threshold (HT), and low threshold (LT) [5]. These classifications are based on their responses to mechanical stimuli [5]. The second-order neurons ascend to the brain stem and thalamus in the ventrolateral, or anterolateral, quadrant of the contralateral half of the spinal cord, forming the spinothalamic tract [1]. The spinothalamic tract is the main pathway associated with pain and temperature perception, which immediately crosses the spinal cord laterally [1]. This crossover feature is clinically important because it allows for identification of the location of injury.
Because of their higher conduction velocity, Aδ fibers are responsible for the sensation of a sharp first pain [1]. They respond to a weaker intensity of stimulus [1]. C fibers, however, respond to a stronger intensity of stimulus and are responsible for the slow, dull, longer-lasting, second pain [1].
C fibers are considered polymodal because they can respond to thermal, mechanical, and chemical stimuli [1]. C fibers respond to all kinds of physiological changes in the body [6]. For example, they can respond to hypoxia, hypoglycemia, hypo-osmolarity, the presence of muscle metabolic products, and even light or sensitive touch [6]. C fiber receptors include:
C fiber nociceptors
responsible for the second, burning pain
C fiber warming specific receptors
responsible for warmth
ultra-slow histamine-selective C fibers
responsible for itch
tactile C fibers
sensual touch
C mechano- and metabo- receptors in muscles or joints
responsible for muscle exercise, burn and cramp [6]
This variation of input signals calls for a variety of cells of the cortex in lamina 1 to have different modality-selectiveness and morphologies [6]. These varying neurons are responsible for the different feelings we perceive in our body and can be classified by their responses to ranges of stimuli [6]. The brain uses the integration of these signals to maintain homeostasis in the body whether it is temperature related or pain related [6].
Vanilliod Receptor
The vanilliod receptor (VR-1) is a receptor that is found on the free nerve endings of both C and Aδ fibers that responds to elevated levels of heat (>43°C) and the chemical capsaicin [1]. Capsaicin activates C fibers by opening a ligand-gated ion channel and causing an action potential to occur [1]. Because this receptor responds to both capsaicin and heat, chili peppers are sensed as hot [1]. VR-1 is also able to respond to extracellular acidification and can integrate simultaneous exposure to all three sensory stimuli [7]. VR1 is essential for the inflammatory sensitization to noxious thermal stimuli [7]. A second type of receptor, a vanilliod-like receptor (TRPV1), has a higher threshold of activation regarding heat of about 52°C and also does not respond to capsaicin [1]. Both types of receptors are transmembrane receptors that are closed during resting conditions [1]. When open, these receptors allow for an influx of sodium and calcium which initiates an action potential across the fibers [1]. Both receptors are part of a larger family of receptors called transient receptor potential (TRP) receptors [1]. If damage to these heat transducer receptors occurs, the result can be chronic neuropathic pain caused by lowering the heat pain threshold for their phosphorylation [8].
Role in Neuropathic Pain
Activation of nociceptors is not necessary to cause the sensation of pain [8]. Damage or injury to nerve fibers that normally respond to innocuous stimuli like light touch may lower their activation threshold needed to respond; this change causes the organism to feel intense pain from the lightest of touch [8]. Neuropthaic pain syndromes are caused by lesions or diseases of the parts of the nervous system that normally signal pain [9]. There are four main classes:
peripheral focal and multifocal nerve lesions
traumatic, ischemic or inflammatory
peripheral generalized polyneuropathies
toxic, metabolic, hereditary or inflammatory
CNS lesions
stroke, multiple sclerosis, spinal cord injury
complex neuropathic disorders
complex regional pain syndromes [CRPSs] [4]
After a nerve lesion of either C fibers or Aδ fibers, they become abnormally sensitive and cause pathological spontaneous activity [4]. This alteration of normal activity is explained by molecular and cellular changes of the primary afferent nociceptors in response to the nerve damage [4]. The abnormal activity of the damaged nerves is associated with the increased presence of mRNA for voltage-gated sodium channels [10]. Irregular grouping of these channels in sites of the abnormal activity may be responsible for lowering the activation threshold, thus leading to hyperactivity [10].
Central Sensitization
After nerve damage, WDR neurons experience a general increase in excitability [4]. This hyper-excitability can be caused by an increased neuronal response to a noxious stimulus, a larger neuronal receptive field, or spread of the hyper-excitability to other segments [4]. This condition is maintained by C fibers [4]. C fibers cause central sensitization of the dorsal horn in the spinal cord in response to their hyperactivity [4]. The mechanism underlying this phenomenon involves the release of glutamate by these pathologically sensitized C fibers [4]. Presynaptic neuronal voltage-gated N-calcium channels contribute to central sensitization by the release of glutamate and the neuropeptide, substance P [4]. After a nerve lesion, these presynaptic channels are over expressed [4]. The glutamate interacts with the postsynaptic NMDA receptors, which aids the sensitization of the dorsal horn [4]. Once this abnormal central sensitization is established, previously non-noxious stimuli evoke a pain response [4].
Central sensitization of the dorsal horn neurons that is evoked from C fiber activity is responsible for temporal summation of “second pain” (TSSP) [11]. This event is called ‘windup’ and relies on a frequency greater or equal to 0.33[[Hertz | Hz] of the stimulus [11]. Windup is associated with chronic pain and central sensitization [11]. This minimum frequency was determined experimentally by comparing healthy patient fMRI’s when subjected to varying frequencies of heat pulses [11]. The fMRI maps show common areas activated by the TSSP responses which include contralateral thalamus (THAL), S1, bilateral S2, anterior and posterior insula (INS), mid-anterior cingulate cortex (ACC), and supplemental motor areas (SMA) [11]. TSSP events are also associated with other regions of the brain that process functions such as somatosensory processing, pain perception and modulation, cognition, pre-motor activity in the cortex [11].
Currently, the availability of drugs proven to treat neuropathic pain is limited and varies widely from patient to patient [8]. Many developed drugs have either been discovered by accident or by observation [8]. Some past treatments include opiates like poppy extract, non-steroidal anti-inflammatory drugs like salicylic acid, and cocaine [8]. Other recent treatments consist of antidepressants and anticonvulsants, although no substantial research on the actual mechanism of these treatments has been performed [8]. However, patients respond differently to these treatments possibly because of gender differences or genetic backgrounds [8]. Therefore, researchers have come to realize that no one drug or one class of drugs will reduce all pain [8]. Research is now focusing on the underlying mechanisms involved in pain perception and how it can go wrong in order to develop an appropriate drug for patients afflicted with neuropathic pain [8].
Microneurography
Microneurography is a technique using metal electrodes to observe neural traffic of both myelinated and unmyelinated axons in efferent and afferent neurons of the skin and muscle [12]. This technique is particularly important in research involving C fibers [12]. Single action potentials from unmyelinated axons can be observed [12]. Recordings from efferent postganglionic sympathetic C fibers of the muscles and skin yield important insights into the neural control autonomic effector organs like blood vessels and sweat glands [12]. Readings of afferent discharges from C nociceptors identified by marking method have also proved as important tools to revealing the mechanisms underlying sensations such as itch [12].
Unfortunately, interpretation of the microneurographic readings can be difficult because axonal membrane potential can not be determined from this method [13]. A supplemental method used to better understand these readings involves examining recordings of post-spike excitability and shifts in latency; these features are associated with changes in membrane potential of unmyelinated axons like C fibers [13]. Moalem-Taylor et. al. experimentally used chemical modulators with known effects on membrane potential to study the post-spike super-excitability of C fibers [13]. The researchers found three resulting events [13]. Chemical medulators can produce a combination of loss of super-excitability along with increased axonal excitability, indicating membrane depolarization [13]. Secondly, membrane hyperpolarization can result from a blockade of axonal hyperpolarization-activated current [13]. Lastly, a non-specific increase in surface charge and a change in the voltage-dependent activation of sodium channels results from the application of calcium [13].
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t Purves, Dale; et.al (2004). Neuroscience. Massachusetts: Sinauer Associates, Inc.. ISBN 0-87893-725-0.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Murinson, BB; JW Griffin (2004). "C-fiber structure varies with location in peripheral nerve". Journal of Neuropathology and Experimental Neurology 63: 246-254.
^ a b c Fagan, Tom (2003). "Glial Cells Critical for Peripheral Nervous System Health". News from Harvard Medical, Dental and Public Health Schools.
^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n Baron, Ralph (2006). "Mechanisms of Disease: neuropathic pain—a clinical perspective". Nature Clinical Practice Neurology 2.
^ a b Chung, J.M.; et. al (1979). "Excitation of primate spinothalamic neurons by cutaneous C-fiber volleys". .” Journal of Neurophysiology 42: 1354-1369.
^ a b c d e f Craig, AD (2003). "Interoception: the sense of the physiological condition of the body". Current Opinion in Neurobiology 13: 500-505.
^ a b Davis, JB; et. al (2000). "Vanilloid receptor-1 is essential for inflammatory thermal hyperalgesia". Nature 405: 183-7.
^ a b c d e f g h i j Scholz, Joachim; Clifford Woolf (2002). "Can we conquer pain?". Nature Neuroscience 5: 1062-1067.
^ Baron, Ralph (2000). "Peripheral neuropathic pain: from mechanisms to symptoms". Clinical Journal of Pain 16: S12–20.
^ a b Lai, J (2003). "The role of voltage-gated sodium channels in neuropathic pain". Current Opinion Neurobiology 13: 291-297.
^ a b c d e f Staud, Roland; et. al (2007). "Brain activity related to temporal summation of C-fiber evoked pain". Pain 129: 130-142.
^ a b c d e Mano, Tadaaki; et. al (2006). "Microneurography as a tool in clinical neurophysiology to investigate peripheral neural traffic in humans". Clinical Neurophysiology 117: 2357-2384.
^ a b c d e f g Moalem-Taylor, Gila; et. al (2007). "Post-spike excitability indicates changes in membrane potential of isolated c-fibers". Muscle and Nerve 36: 172-182.
Free nerve ending
Sensory neuron
Thermoreceptor
B fiber
Histology: nervous tissue
Neurons (gray matter)
soma, axon (axon hillock, axoplasm, axolemma, neurofibril/neurofilament), dendrite (Nissl body, dendritic spine, apical dendrite, basal dendrite)
types (bipolar, pseudounipolar, multipolar, pyramidal, Purkinje, granule)
Afferent nerve/Sensory nerve/Sensory neuron
GSA, GVA, SSA, SVA, fibers (Ia, Ib or Golgi, II or Aβ, III or Aδ or fast pain, IV or C or slow pain)
Efferent nerve/Motor nerve/Motor neuron
GSE, GVE, SVE, Upper motor neuron, Lower motor neuron (α motorneuron, γ motorneuron)
neuropil, synaptic vesicle, neuromuscular junction, electrical synapse - Interneuron (Renshaw)
Sensory receptors
Free nerve ending, Meissner's corpuscle, Merkel nerve ending, Muscle spindle, Pacinian corpuscle, Ruffini ending, Olfactory receptor neuron, Photoreceptor cell, Hair cell, Taste bud
astrocyte, oligodendrocyte, ependymal cells, microglia, radial glia
Myelination (white matter)
Schwann cell, oligodendrocyte, nodes of Ranvier, internode, Schmidt-Lanterman incisures, neurolemma
Related connective tissues
epineurium, perineurium, endoneurium, nerve fascicle, meninges
Category: Neuroanatomy
This article is licensed under the GNU Free Documentation License. It uses material from the Wikipedia article "Group_C_nerve_fiber". A list of authors is available in Wikipedia.
https://www.bionity.com/en/encyclopedia/Group_C_nerve_fiber.html
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GOP law fails to break Iowa's largest public-sector unions
Wednesday, Oct 25 2017
One of the most transparent union-busting provisions of Iowa’s new collective bargaining law has failed to significantly reduce the number of workers covered by the state’s two largest public-sector unions: the Iowa State Education Association and AFSCME Council 61.
Unofficial results posted today by the Iowa Public Employment Relations Board show large majorities of public employees voted to continue to be represented by their unions.
The new law forced public-sector unions to be recertified by every bargaining unit before every contract period (in most cases every two or three years). Adding to the burden, unions must receive “yes” votes from a majority of covered employees. Anyone who does not participate in the election is counted as a vote against the union.
AFSCME Council 61 President Danny Homan wasn’t far off the mark when he said today, “There’s not one Republican in this state that could win an election under the rules they gave us.”
Republicans pretended they were only trying to give workers more of a voice in their representation.
The obvious but unstated goal was to reduce the political clout of labor unions, which generally favor Democrats. AFSCME and the ISEA in particular support many candidates for state offices with “boots on the ground,” and have been large donors to the Iowa Democratic Party.
Republicans succeeded in making labor unions devote substantial resources and energy to these elections, but they didn’t diminish the unions’ bargaining power by much.
Forty-one of the 42 AFSCME locals voted to recertify. (Homan will challenge the one unfavorable result, caused by a single voided ballot in a bargaining unit with only four members.) Meanwhile, 216 out of 220 ISEA locals voted to recertify. That union’s President Tammy Wawro noted in a statement, “We were short just 15 votes for a complete sweep” statewide. Last month, thirteen bargaining units for educators all voted to continue to be represented by the largest teachers union.
Overall, 28,448 of the 33,252 employees eligible to vote statewide supported recertification. Only 624 people in the entire state cast a “no” ballot, and 137 ballots were voided. Unofficial results indicate 436 out of 468 bargaining units were recertified.
Democratic State Senator Rob Hogg put it well: “Republicans set out to bust unions, but in the process they reinvigorated workplace democracy in all parts of Iowa.”
Any relevant comments are welcome in this thread. I enclose below today’s news releases from the ISEA and AFSCME Council 61.
UPDATE: Hogg highlighted an important detail: in almost all the units where the union failed to be recertified, “yes” votes far outnumbered the “no” votes. But there were enough non-participants to keep the “yes” votes below 50 percent plus one. Only five units in the entire state recorded more “no” votes than “yes.”
The ISEA provided this information about the four locals that did not recertify:
Sigourney EA – “Yes” 19 – “No” 6 Votes needed to win in the rigged system = 21
Sigourney ESP – “Yes” 10 – “No” 6 Votes needed to win in the rigged system = 16
Glidden EA – “Yes” 14, “No” 8” Votes needed to win in the rigged system = 17
North Linn – “Yes” 23, “No” 11” Votes needed to win in the rigged system = 25
If only the ballots cast had been counted (rather than counting non-participants as “no” votes), every education association in the state would have recertified.
Statement by ISEA President Tammy Wawro on landslide recertification victories
“We are enormously proud of the thousands and thousands of education professionals who overwhelmingly voted in favor of their professions by successfully passing recertification in their locals.
ISEA members and their colleagues took time out of their busy schedules to let the legislature know that they believe their voice in their profession, their work environment and in support of their students is important. Almost 22,000 employees were impacted by this vote. After the two week period of recertification, 98 percent of our locals retained the ability to collectively negotiate a Master Contract.
Iowa legislators set an unreasonable standard for successful recertification elections requiring a 50 percent plus 1 majority of all employees covered by the bargaining unit regardless of their union membership. In addition anyone who failed to participate was automatically counted as a “no”. In spite of this standard, 216 out of 220 ISEA locals passed their recertification elections. We were short just 15 votes for a complete sweep.
In passing the anti-union bill last spring, Iowa legislators told unions that recertification elections were needed for members to choose their own representation. Today, local associations overwhelmingly chose the union to help represent their best interests and the interests of their students, schools and the communities in which they live.
So, it appears that recertification elections were just another obstacle the legislature placed in front of Iowa’s public employee unions in an effort to weaken them. Once again, this obstacle was overcome by the strong and determined professionals who will not back down from what they know is best for their profession, their students and their schools.
We are very proud of our members and the other public employees who stood strong. It is now time to get back to the great work they do every day for Iowa’s students.”
The ISEA represents education professionals across the state. This October, ISEA had 220 local associations up for recertification representing almost 22,000 employees making it the largest recertification election by one union held by PERB.
This September, the ISEA had 13 local associations up for recertification representing almost 1300 employees. All 13 voted in favor of recertification.
AFSCME CELEBRATES OVERWHELMING VICTORY IN RECERTIFICATION ELECTIONS
DES MOINES – AFSCME Council 61 President Danny Homan issued the following statement regarding the results of the October recertification elections:
“After over 24 hours of waiting for election results, I am proud to share that 100% of AFSCME-covered employees voted to retain their union, but because of a rigged law and an alleged voided ballot, we lost one bargaining unit of four employees by a single vote. This sweeping victory confirms what we’ve known since the gutting of collective bargaining rights in February: that unionized employees, both members and non-members, value their voice in the workplace and reject the actions of Kim Reynolds and legislative Republicans who turned their backs on working Iowans in February. I am confident that workers will once again claim victory in the November 2018 election when those politicians who stabbed them in the back are sent packing.
“While this process was unnecessarily challenging and unfair at every turn, I am immensely proud of our members and leaders who stepped up to earn every last vote. We worked hard to communicate the rigged system put in place to each and every eligible voter, and that work paid off. I congratulate the hardworking public employees who voted to recertify; this victory is all theirs.”
The American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees Council 61 represents 40,000 public employees in Iowa including law enforcement and correctional officers, firefighters, mental health workers, professional school staff, emergency responders, and many other workers. AFSCME Council 61 also represents home health care and child care providers across the state and private sector workers at Prairie Meadows, Palmer College of Chiropractic, Des Moines University, and ABM (Marshalltown).
Top image: Iowa State Education Association President Tammy Wawro, in a photo posted on the ISEA’s Facebook page.
Tags: 2017 session, AFSCME, Danny Homan, Education, Iowa Democratic Party, Iowa GOP, Labor, Rob Hogg, State Legislature
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Rashid Khan stars as Sunrisers bounce back in Indian Premier League
Jofra Archer's birthday is celebrated in the Royals camp
Michael Hellyer
Published: 15:06 Updated: 17:59 Monday 01 April 2019
Sussex T20 star Rashid Khan’s Sunrisers Hyderabad bounced back from defeat with two victories in the Indian Premier League.
After losing to in controversial fashion to Kolkata Knight Riders, Sunrisers went on to beat Sussex team-mate Jofra Archer’s Rajasthan Royals by five wickets on Friday and the Royal Challengers Bangalore by a comprehensive 118 runs.
The hosts, Rajasthan, won the toss at the Rajiv Gandhi International Stadium and elected to bat first. England’s Jos Buttler went for five off the bowling of Rashid but fellow opener Ajinkya Rahane (70) and Sanju Samson (102 not out) scored an impressive second-wicket partnership of 119 to leave the Royals on 198-2 at the end of their innings.
Rashid, named player of the match, bowled 1-24 off his four over spell, which included 10 dot balls.
In the Sunrisers’ reply, an opening partnership of 110 between Australia’s David Warner (69) and England’s Jonny Bairstow (45), put the visitors in prime position to chase down the total.
Vijay Shankar cameoed with 35 off 15 balls and Yusuf Pathan (16*) and Rashid (15*) went on to hit the winning runs with one over to spare. Royals’ Archer took 0-42 from his four overs.
Pakistan star's Sussex arrival is early
Jordan extends his stay
The Sunrisers were dominant in their second game of the week as Bairstow starred with a century. The Yorkshireman’s 114 off 56 balls, along with Warner’s unbeaten 100 off 55 balls guided the hosts to an impressive 231-2 after they lost the toss and the Royal Challengers elected to field first.
In the Challengers’ reply, Rashid’s fellow countryman Mohammad Nabi made a massive impact with the ball, taking 4-11 including the wickets of openers, Parthiv Patel and West Indian Shimron Hetmyer.
Colin de Grandhomme top scored with 37, but it was not enough as they fell well short of the target, finishing on 113 all out. Khan took 0-25. The Sunrisers sit in second behind unbeaten Chennai Super Kings.
After defeat for the Royals on Friday, they needed to bounce back with a win against the Super Kings in Chennai. The away side won the toss and elected to field first at the MA Chidambaram Stadium. Archer had an amazing spell with the ball as he took 2-17, including a maiden. But player of the match MS Dhoni’s 75 off 46 runs put the hosts on the front foot, giving them the confidence to defend a total of 175-5.
In the Royals’ reply, Rahane (0), Buttler (6), and Samson (8) were sent back to the pavillion within 3.1 overs. Ben Stokes top scored with 46 but it was in vain, as they were eight runs short, leaving the Royals without a win and bottom of the table.
The Royals need to turn it around quickly if they want to challenge for a play-off position, and will host RCB on Tuesday and the Kolkata Knight Riders on Sunday. Meanwhile, the Sunrisers will want to carry on their positive start when they travel to the Delhi Capitals, and host the Mumbai Indians.
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Accessibility.Blog
Web Accessibility and Local Governments: What You Need to Know
January 10, 2018 10:30:00 AM EST
By connecting citizens with their government and providing access to information, the web is one of the most powerful tools of democracy. Unfortunately, far too many local government websites still have one big barrier for many of their users: accessibility.
Citizens use local government websites for countless activities: learning about upcoming elections and government meetings, filing complaints, making payments, viewing materials from the local library, and more. Failing to make these websites accessible means that people with some disabilities will have a harder time participating in the local community and gaining access to important information.
Website accessibility doesn’t just benefit the one in five Americans who has a disability, however; it’s also a legal requirement under the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 and the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. For these reasons, it behooves you to make your government website more accessible to everyone who wants and needs to use it.
Why Government Website Accessibility is Important
The ADA’s Title II prohibits state and local governments from discriminating on the basis of disability for all public services and programs. In addition, if you receive federal funds, the Section 508 amendment to the Rehabilitation Act of 1973, passed in 1998, requires you to make your electronic and information technology accessible to people with disabilities. Together, these two regulations form a powerful requirement for state and local governments to commit to website accessibility.
Local and state government websites provide a slate of useful programs and services to the public, from paying parking tickets to applying for jobs. People with disabilities deserve to have the same access to these activities as every other member of the public. In fact, because it’s often more difficult to make a phone call or an in-person visit with a disability, people with disabilities may be even more likely to take advantage of the internet’s convenience and speed.
Disabilities come in many forms, divided into four major categories: visual, hearing, motor, and learning. Therefore, making your website more accessible necessarily includes many responsibilities and perspectives. For example, you must ensure that your website’s color scheme has enough visual contrast for colorblind users, while also designing the website to be navigable with only a keyboard for the benefit of people with motor disabilities.
How to Make Your Government Website More Accessible
Currently, the most widely used set of standards for website accessibility are the Web Content Accessibility Guidelines (WCAG), which were developed by the World Wide Web Consortium. If you’re not sure where to get started with accessibility for your government website, implementing WCAG is an excellent place to start.
The current version of the standards, WCAG 2.0, separates levels of accessibility into three tiers: A, AA, and AAA. Because Level AAA is not possible for all types of digital content, however, most organizations aim to fulfill the Level AA requirements.
According to the WCAG standards, accessible websites must satisfy four criteria:
Perceivable: For starters, users must be able to perceive your website using their method of choice — whether it’s through a screen reader or with their own eyes and ears.
Operable: Users need to be able to interact with your website and fully perform all functions, from clicking on links to viewing multimedia content.
Understandable: Not only must your website be navigable, but users must also be able to completely understand its functionality and content.
Robust: Your website should be usable with a variety of assistive technologies, including screen readers and magnification software.
For more information about making your website more accessible, take a look at the Bureau of Internet Accessibility website and blog, where you’ll find the latest news and guidelines about online accessibility. BOIA has a free website scanning tool that measures your compliance with the WCAG 2.0 Level AA standards to give you the foundational knowledge of where your strengths and weaknesses are and what ground you still have to cover.
Accessibility Guidelines Accessibility Requirements People with Disabilities ADA Title II&III Government
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Follow Salman Khan
Sonakshi is pregnant, says Salman Khan
Yes, you hear it right that Sonakshi Sinha daughter of veteran actor Shatrughan Sinha and Poonam Sinha is pregnant but before you draw any wrong conclusion, let me clear you that she is expecting a child only in reel and not in real.
Sonakshi is playing a pregnant woman in the upcoming film, ‘Dabangg 2’. Taking forward the original script where she was married to Chulbul Pandey now in the sequel she will be seen happily married to Salman and is three to four months pregnant.
Salman Khan reasoned why she has gained some weight for the movie. "When she entered the film industry, we all knew she was very talented. What she had to do was to lose her weight, which she did before joining the film industry. Of late, there were reports that she had put on little bit of weight again, but that was for Dabangg 2 as she plays a pregnant woman in the film," said Salman.
"She could not look like a model, she had to look like a (regular) housewife. So she had to look three to four months pregnant," he added.
Arbaaz Khan is directing his brother Salman Khan in ‘Dabangg 2’ and the actor described his experience on working with Arbaaz, "Arbaaz has been an assistant director, so he has been on the sets and he knows everything. So it was not like a new guy directing a movie," Salman said here.
Salman Khan says they share a good professional relationship.
"The comfort between me and Arbaaz is great. We used to help each other out. As a storyteller, he is fantastic. Arbaaz is a very sensible guy," added Salman, who will be seen as Chulbul Pandey in Dabangg 2, releasing on Friday.
‘Dabangg 2’ is slated to release tomorrow worldwide. The film is a sequel to 2010 blockbuster ‘Dabangg’ directed by Abhinav Kashyap.
Dabangg 2 On The Sets On ...
Dabangg 2 On The Sets
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‘Dabangg 2' slows down, doubtful to earn 200 crores
Salman refuses to touch Kareena
Watch: Kareena’s raunchy moves in ‘Fevicol Se’ from 'Dabangg 2'
Salman to gift Kareena BMW
Check Photo: Salman, Sonakshi gets intimate on bed
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Health Infrastructure in India
by D. Dhanuraj
With a population of 1.15 billion, and growing at almost 18 million per year, India will be the most populous nation by 2030, with as many as 1.4 billion or more inhabitants. Rapid urbanization is a reality in India with the opening up of the markets and improved investment opportunities. Urban centers offer better avenues for employment opportunities and reflect the transition from an agriculture-based society to a modern one.
The number of urban agglomerations/towns has grown from 1,827 in 1901 to 5,161 in 2001. With 340 million Indians living in our 5,161 cities and forming 30 per cent of the total population (urban GDP accounts for 58 per cent and is projected to rise to 70 per cent by the year 2030), our annual spend in per capita terms in urban areas is only $17. The Eleventh Five-Year Plan envisioned Indian cities to be the engine of economic growth over the next two decades. However, Indian cities have to be more livable, bankable and competitive in the years to come to match with the projected economic growth.
Unfortunately, infrastructure development in Indian cities is paltry and requires focused attention. The double digit growth rate that the country envisions in the coming decade faces immense infrastructural bottlenecks in cities. The larger cities attained inordinately large population sizes that have led to virtual collapse of urban services, followed by basic problems in housing, slum, water, infrastructure, quality of life, and other related aspects. Water, sanitation, sewerage, urban transport, city energy distribution, transport terminals, warehousing and logistics parks fall under the urban infrastructure category. Ancillary to the urban development is social infrastructure that includes healthcare, education, leisure and entertainment, retail, tourism, housing, exhibition and convention centers, hospitality, IT, and telecom.
Health plays an important role in the development of any society. Unfortunately, health infrastructure and health scenario in India is very poor.
In 2002, the World Bank reported:
"Irrespective of income class, one episode of hospitalization is estimated to account for 58 per cent per capita annual expenditure, pushing 2.2 per cent of the population below the poverty line. Even more disconcerting is the fact that 40 per cent of those hospitalized had to borrow money or sell off assets."
Even after a decade, the story remains the same. This is largely due to the lack of supply in the health sector. Urbanization has resulted in migration of people from villages to cities. This increased population in urban areas has put a strain on the health sector. Lack of infrastructure development in housing, waste management, slum rehabilitation, and drinking water has had a definite impact on the overall health index of cities. This has strained the existing resources, stressed the available healthcare infrastructure, and choked the overall urban system.
Across the country, the bed-to-people ratio is 1:422. The existing record of Government hospitals is worse; one bed for 2,239 persons (WHO recommends a minimum of three beds per 1,000 people). Thirty five per cent of patients in private hospitals belong to lower income groups (those that earn less than Rs 10,000 a month). Eighty five per cent of these patients do not have any insurance cover, while 42 per cent visit private facilities in nearby rural areas. According to studies conducted by FICCI, about 7-8 per cent of households are pushed below the poverty line due to expenses incurred on health care. These facts point to critical gaps in infrastructure, especially with respect to the availability of healthcare centers and well-trained staff.
Shortage of Staff:
According to Planning Commission reports, India faces a shortage of about 600,000 doctors, one million nurses, 200,000 dental surgeons and a large number of paramedical staff. Currently, private healthcare expenditure amounts to around 4.2 per cent of the GDP, making India one of the highest ranking countries in terms of private expenditure on health.
Lack of Hospitals:
Increase in the number of hospitals in emerging cities needs special attention. Affordable essential drugs, medical equipment, and tests and surgeries, are also necessary. This can become a reality only with the support of all stakeholders, which include Government agencies, private initiatives, entrepreneurs, pharmaceutical companies, and insurance companies. An affordable and effective health insurance scheme for all citizens, among other things, can recourse these challenges.
Need for More Beds:
In India, hospitals are mostly located in metropolitan cities, and not in rural areas or emerging cities. The current strength of hospital beds is about 7 lakh and another 7 lakh needs to be added in the next 10 years. Ideally, it needs to be four beds per 1,000 people, keeping in mind the sheer geographical spread of the country and the geography's varied population density. According to a study conducted by Technopak, for a modest Rs 40 lakh direct investment per bed, India will need to invest a minimum of Rs 8,00,000 crore over the next 20 years to establish two million new beds, and as much as Rs 20,00,000 crore (over $400 billion) if it wishes to reach the four-bed-per-1,000-people norm. The sector will have to see direct employment of over 25 million persons, and an indirect employment of as many as 75-100 million. Of these, as many as 2.5 to 3 million will be qualified doctors alone and another 5-6 million nursing staff. At about three million functioning beds by 2030, the revenue of healthcare service providers alone would be over $400 billion. Two million additional beds will require almost two billion square feet of additional constructed space, providing a huge fillip to the construction sector, while the business opportunity for medical equipment suppliers will be in excess of $100-125 billion.
Predicted Growth:
Healthcare has emerged as one of the most progressive and largest service sectors in India with an expected GDP spend of 8 per cent by 2012 from 5.5 per cent in 2009. It is believed to be the next big thing after IT, and is expected to become a $280 billion industry by 2020.
Increase in personal income, government healthcare outlays and private domestic investments, combined with longer life expectancy is predicted to lead to annual average growth in healthcare spending of around 14 per cent in the forecast period. This is possible only with the help of public and private stakeholders alike. Free market environment, a developed industry and investment in health infrastructure are amongst other factors that will result in such growth.
"Health infrastructure across Indian states is projected to grow by an average of 5.8 per cent per annum between 2009 and 2013, taking the total expenditure in 2013 to $14.2 billion," says global consultancy KPMG in its report on India's healthcare sector. Of the 32 states under review, Maharashtra, Rajasthan, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Andhra Pradesh will represent approximately 50 per cent of the expenditure, KPMG said. The Indian healthcare industry was estimated to double in value by 2012 and more than quadruple by 2017. All these facts indicate hidden opportunities in healthcare infrastructure.
Government hospitals are not a solution to the present problem. To tackle the above mentioned challenges, private hospital chains should set base in emerging cities to provide health-related infrastructure.
The Government should come up with investment-friendly policies in the health sector. Tax holidays, land bank to support builders of hospitals, special interest rates and loans from banks, benefits for setting up of private practices, hospitals, diagnostic centers and pharmaceuticals, can change the face of healthcare infrastructure in India. In the developed market, health insurance companies can compete with each other. They can also negotiate with hospitals for the quality of services offered to the patients. Eventually, a better competitive market will reduce costs and result in better services.
One cannot ignore the possibilities of Medical Tourism. It is considered to be a supplementary market emerging within the urban health portfolio. India is emerging as a popular medical tourism destination, thanks to its relatively low costs and better success rates. It is reported that the cost of treatment in India is one fifth of that of the US. Development in Medical Tourism depends on the advancement in health infrastructure in India. The revenue earned from Medical Tourism could help subsidize medical costs for poorer patients.
Easing of regulations in opening and governing of medical colleges is another policy change warranted in this sector.
Better compilation of per capita expenditure data of patients and availability of beds at the regional or local levels within states can help investors set up hospitals for the needy. The Government should demarcate health circles and priority areas for intervention, based on available information, indexed with health standards of each particular area.
A major bottleneck for entrepreneurs who seek to enter the health market is the lack of access to banking, to raise the required capital. Health Circles can be auctioned, similar to the mobile phone market, ensuring fair competition amongst bidders and financial support from the Government.
Policies governing health infrastructure need to be in black and white, and not left to the discretion of the Government.
Improved urban health infrastructure is definitely the need of an emerging urban economy like India. This should be met to help the majority of patients in emerging cities across India. With 60-80 per cent of healthcare sought in the private sector, and households contributing 4-6 per cent of their incomes to the same, there will be a whopping Rs 400-600 billion healthcare market in India by 2040.
Chatterjee, V. 2010. The defining issue. Business Standard. 21 June.
FICCI. 2010. Health Report 2010.
Ramachandran, M. 2010. India's dimming city lights. Economic Times. 2 October.
Courtesy: Centre for Public Policy Research
More by : D. Dhanuraj
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Graphic Novels: Superheroes
Astro City Vol. 15 Ordinary Heroes
4.1 (147 ratings by Goodreads)
By (author) Kurt Busiek
Available. Dispatched from the UK in 1 business day
The son of a superhero must choose his future. A lawyer faces challenges far beyond
any human court. A long-forgotten villain has a chance at finding new glory. And a
cat may be the difference between life and death for a frightened child. Heroes...all around you. In Astro City, where the general public walks side by side with heroes, villains, monsters and more, the ordinary and the extraordinary are never far apart. From tales of villains, heroes, bystanders and even house pets, acclaimed creators Kurt Busiek, Alex Ross and an all-star gathering of artists invite you in to discover the lives beyond the costumes and the human side of the superhuman.
The 15th volume in the award-winning ASTRO CITY series. Collects #35, #36, #39, #40, #42 and #44.
Format Hardback | 176 pages
Publication date 19 Dec 2017
Publisher DC Comics
Publication City/Country United States
Save US$7.96
Astro City Volume 16
Astro City Vol. 14 Reflections
"It's impossible not to smile." --IGN "ASTRO CITY reminds readers just how much fun Busiek and Anderson's series can be. It was absolutely worth the wait."--COMIC BOOK RESOURCES
"I don't often realize how much I miss ASTRO CITY when it's gone until it comes back and sweeps me up again." --MTV
"The most interesting new game in town, as far as caped crusaders are concerned."--THE WASHINGTON POST
"Comics just don't get much better than this."--THE COMICS BUYERS GUIDE
"One of the most well-crafted, life-affirming, and exhilarating superhero comics in recent memory."--THE COMICS JOURNAL
"A stunningly imaginative piece of work."--THE ONION/A.V. CLUB
About Kurt Busiek
Kurt Busiek was born in Boston, Massachusetts. He began writing comics professionally in 1982, selling stories to both DC and Marvel Comics in the same month, both of which appeared the same day. Since then, he's written series and characters ranging from MICKEY MOUSE to VAMPIRELLA, including AQUAMAN, SPIDER-MAN, CONAN, IRON MAN, the AVENGERS and more. He is best known for his co-creation ASTRO CITY, which have garnered numerous industry awards. He lives in the Pacific Northwest with his wife, Ann, and his two daughters.
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Champaign, city, Champaign county, east-central Illinois, U.S. Lying about 135 miles (220 km) southwest of Chicago, it adjoins Urbana (east), with which it shares the main campus of the University of Illinois. The cities are often called Champaign-Urbana. In 1854 Illinois Central Railroad tracks were laid and a depot built 2 miles (3 km) west of Urbana. In 1855 a bill incorporating Urbana included the depot within its limits, but citizens of the depot area fought successfully to remain separate. The settlement around the depot was known as West Urbana, and in 1860 it was renamed for the county (which in 1833 had derived its name from Champaign county, Ohio).
Assembly Hall, University of Illinois, Champaign, Illinois. Courtesy of the Illinois Department of Business and Economic Opportunity, Bureau of Tourism
The University of Illinois (founded in 1867) is the community’s chief economic asset, but agriculture (mainly corn [maize] and soybeans), food processing, distribution, high-technology industries, and manufacturing (plastics, ceramics, and office supplies) are also important. Parkland (community) College was founded in 1966. The area features several museums, including those devoted to natural history, art, and science. The 900-acre (360-hectare) Lake of the Woods Forest Preserve is in Mahomet, 10 miles (16 km) northwest. Inc. 1860. Pop. (2000) 67,518; Champaign-Urbana Metro Area, 210,275; (2010) 81,055; Champaign-Urbana Metro Area, 231,891.
This article was most recently revised and updated by Kenneth Pletcher, Senior Editor.
Champaign county, east-central Illinois, U.S. Urbana is contiguous with Champaign (west), about 135 miles (220 km) southwest of Chicago. The two cities are often called Champaign-Urbana. The area was first settled in 1822, and in 1833 the city was founded as the county seat and…
Illinois, constituent state of the United States of America. It stretches southward 385 miles (620 km) from the Wisconsin border in the north to Cairo in the south. In addition to Wisconsin, the state borders Lake Michigan to the northeast, Indiana to the east, Kentucky to the southeast, Missouri to…
Chicago, city, seat of Cook county, northeastern Illinois, U.S. With a population hovering near three million, Chicago is the state’s largest and the country’s third most populous city. In addition, the greater Chicagoland area—which encompasses northeastern Illinois and extends into southeastern Wisconsin and northwestern Indiana—is the country’s third largest metropolitan…
University of Illinois, state system of higher education in Illinois, U.S. It consists of three campuses, the main campus in the twin cities Champaign and Urbana and additional campuses in Chicago and Springfield. The universities are teaching and research institutions with land-grant standing and a full range of undergraduate and…
George Will, American journalist and pundit known for espousing political conservatism, particularly in his columns for The Washington Post and Newsweek. Will was, along with a sister, raised in Champaign, where his father taught philosophy at the University of Illinois and his mother edited…
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association with Urbana
In Urbana
India, country that occupies the greater part of South Asia. It is a constitutional republic consisting…
United States, country in North America, a federal republic of 50 states. Besides the 48 conterminous…
Russia, country that stretches over a vast expanse of eastern Europe and northern Asia. Once the preeminent…
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Home/Infrastructure/Maison de Radio-Canada in Montreal
Maison de Radio-Canada in Montreal
Cultural Icon to Take New Residence
By Anna Guy
The new Maison de Radio Canada in Montreal will make a positive impact in the cultural—and neighbourhood—landscape.
As Canada’s national public broadcaster and one of its largest cultural institutions, CBC/Radio-Canada is a beacon of news, entertainment, and information. Deeply rooted in communities all across the country, the broadcaster’s French Language headquarters is getting a modern upgrade.
The Maison de Radio-Canada (MRC) is moving homes to a new, state-of-the-art building that will reflect the broadcaster’s stature in Canadian culture and usher in a new era of digital communication. The public broadcaster’s current Montreal headquarters was designed to accommodate outdated analogue technology, and has seen better days in its 50-year history. The new MRC will support Internet-based video and audio technology and an entirely new world of communications.
MOVE IN 2020
In late summer, Montreal-based construction company Broccolini began construction on the new MRC at the corner of René-Lévesque Blvd and Papineau Ave, and has signed on to manage the building for the next 30 years. Radio-Canada is scheduled to take possession of its new facility in early 2020.
In stark contrast to the previous tall, concrete tower, the new building will be bright, modern and designed for versatility and flexible spaces convertible from production to office use or vice versa. Whereas a lot of usable space of the previous building was underground, the new MRC has been described as 280,000-square-metres of mixed-use space focused on natural light, high, and open ceilings, with a massive 4-storey atrium that connects two towers on either side.
Says Michel Bissonnette, Executive Vice-President of Radio-Canada, “The creators, programmers, journalists and other professionals in the building will enjoy a dynamic, stimulating workplace that fosters collaboration and innovation. Our new MRC will be a creative space that acts as a catalyst for developing the country’s top productions and talent. It will be the place where creators go to bring their ideas to life.”
“Upon entering, visitors will be able to see all types of production—radio, television, digital —in the atrium and upstairs, which is going to enable them to see and really feel part of what we do as a broadcaster,” adds Emmanuelle Lamarre-Cliche, Senior director, New Maison de Radio-Canada and Specials projects. “And for employees who work at Radio-Canada, this atrium will be a great living space.”
A green roof top will work to decrease the carbon output of the building, and outdoor green space has been incorporated into the design. In fact, the outside of the building was given just as much consideration as inside. Just as technology has changed, architecture and urban design has evolved considerably since the opening of the old building.
The new MRC will contribute to the urban renewal of the surrounding neighbourhood and frame a new gateway to Montreal’s east end. Whereas design of the 1950s prioritized parking lots, the new site will feature coherent public areas, gathering places and green spaces. In line with Montreal City regulation, parking spaces have been reduced from over 1000 to 250, encouraging employees to walk, bike, or take public transportation.
As impressive as the new building complex will be, one of the team’s biggest accomplishments cannot be seen, says Lamarre-Cliche. “Maintaining a good relationship with residents of the area was a huge priority, and we are proud that their voices were heard. We created a committee to keep them informed, and provided them with a forum to discuss the project. This has been helpful to also make them part of the project as a community. We are more and more part of the neighbourhood and in proximity with the local community here in Montreal. We want this collaboration to continue with our new partners.”
“Broccolini has been, and is still, a valuable partner in this venture,” continues Lamarre-Cliche. “Aside from the quality and experience of their team, one of the things that really distinguish them from the very beginning was their capacity to listen and understand our mission as well as our objectives and needs for the new Maison. That was a key advantage of the Broccolini team and what made it so interesting to work with them.”
The MRC building is symbolic of the importance of Radio Canada and it’s history of offering Canadian content to Canadians. A beautiful, modern building designed to support the natural—and cultural—landscape for today’s digital and media environment.
www.cbc.radio-canada.ca/en
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Home News Millions of J...
Millions of Japanese homes are abandoned, and owners are giving them away for free
Aria Bendix, Business Insider US
Carl Court/Getty Images
Japan’s rural and suburban communities are littered with unoccupied or deserted homes, which have little to no resale value.
This surplus of abandoned real estate has caused many owners to start giving away homes for free on online databases.
Some local governments are even offering subsidies for people to tear down the structures.
There are many reasons why the homes are unoccupied, including the shrinking size of Japan’s population and buyers’ superstitions.
Japan’s home prices may be rising, but the country still has more than 8 million unoccupied properties, so many that owners have started giving them away for free.
In some cases, local governments are even offering subsidies for people willing to tear down homes and build new ones, according to The Japan Times.
Though many properties aren’t listed on the market, they do appear on online databases called “akiya banks,” a reference to the Japanese word for “empty home.” While some of these properties are being given away, others are being sold for as little as $4.
Those outside Japan can purchase the properties without a residence visa, though it’s much easier to find financing if you have one, or have at least worked in the country.
Read more: Eerie photos show a neighborhood of abandoned million-dollar McMansions
Many of the homes are dilapidated – a product of the shoddy construction methods used during the postwar housing boom in the 1960s. These prefabricated structures have a lifespan of just 20 to 30 years, according to The Guardian. A number of them are also built on sloping land, making them structurally unsound.
But there are bigger reasons why no one seems interested in buying.
Japan’s population is shrinking, with researchers predicting the loss of about 16 million citizens in a little more than two decades. Its residents are also trending older, meaning there are fewer young people trying to nab property – particularly in suburban or rural areas.
The phenomenon has carried over into urban areas as well. The Japan Times reported that more than one in 10 homes in Tokyo are now empty.
Though there’s certainly a demand for property in cities, Japan’s real-estate market actually encourages the demolition of buildings. Property taxes are six times higher on land with a physical structure as opposed to a vacant lot.
While this problem could be addressed by government incentives, reversing the mindset of local buyers may be a difficult task.
In Japan, it’s often considered bad luck to purchase a home that has witnessed a murder, suicide, or “lonely death” (one that occurred in isolation). Many would prefer to abandon these stigmatized properties than invest in sordid land.
A few realtors have sidestepped superstitions by performing rituals and incorporating feng shui into their renovations. But, to many owners, the homes simply aren’t worth the investment. Even the akiya banks haven’t resulted in many sales.
For a time, there was a possibility that a new home-sharing law would allow Airbnb and other services to take over the properties. When the law arrived in June, however, it imposed severe restrictions, like capping the rental period to 180 days. Airbnb hosts have fled the market ever since.
In the meantime, Japanese home buyers have continued to prioritize new homes, and its millions of “akiyas” have remained just that: empty.
Abandoned Houses
BI Innovation
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This 'Peaky Blinders' Series 5 Trailer Will Have Your Excitement Level Off The Charts
By Sam Ramsden
BBC / Youtube
As a welcome to the new year, the BBC has begun to tease and celebrate the upcoming lineup of dramas which will be broadcast throughout 2019. In a recently released trailer from the broadcaster, an array of sneak previews from show's including Call The Midwife, Luther, Poldark and Killing Eve were revealed — and those awaiting the return of their favourite Brummie gangsters were treated to a clip from Peaky Blinders Series 5.
As reported by Digital Spy, the BBC crime drama is set to air sometime in 2019, with Cillian Murphy returning to the role of Tommy Shelby. In the new series, Shelby will take on his most intimidating rival yet, when he engages in the world of politics with a vision to change Britain forever. In addition to Murphy's return, Peaky Blinders will welcome to it's cast The Hunger Games star, Sam Claflin, as well as The Witch actress Anya Taylor-Joy, and Emmett J Scanlan of Hollyoaks fame. A fifth outing of the hit drama was confirmed by the BBC back in December 2017, and according to the Radio Times, we could be welcoming back the Shelby gang as early as Spring 2019. The next series will see the Blinders broadcast on a new home, as the show will now be aired on BBC One, as opposed to previously being aired on BBC Two.
When explaining the reason for the channel switch, Charlotte Moore, the Director of BBC Content, said "Peaky Blinders is world class drama at the top of its game and the time has arrived for it to move to the UK's biggest channel. Steven Knight’s epic storytelling is authentic and utterly compelling and I want to give it the chance to be enjoyed by an even broader audience on BBC One," and continued "We couldn’t have asked for a better response to series four and the impact it had with young audiences. This move will also give BBC Two more creative headroom to experiment with new drama."
One cast member who won't be returning to the new series is Tom Hardy, who's character Alfie Solomons was killed in the season four finale. As well as this bombshell coming as a surprise to viewers, members of the Peaky Blinders cast were also shocked to learn the fate of Solomons. Speaking to Digital Spy, Paul Anderson said that he "didn’t know it was coming," and continued "We were unsure, it was up for debate and discussion. I know that Tom didn’t want to go."
As previously reported, the new series will see leading man Shelby enter the world of politics, and although we won't be seeing Prime Minister Shelby just yet, his new found political influence will certainly play a role in the upcoming storylines. Speaking to the Metro, Anderson explained how the series five plot will effect the dynamic of the characters. He said: "What it gives Arthur and his family is more power. Tommy is in a position of power, and he can only get stronger in that position. We’ll all have more cover, more opportunity and more protection. Becoming an MP is just Tommy expanding his empire – his ambition is to have power in a lot of areas and that’s just another extension of his power."
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Who Is Caitlin Ary? The 'Westside' Star Is Still Figuring Herself Out
By Rebecca Patton
Greg Gayne / Netflix
From scripted TV and original movies to weekly talk shows and reality series, Netflix has already conquered almost every corner of the entertainment industry. But with its newest offering, Westside, it's entering new territory, introducing a reality hybrid that intercuts documentary-style footage with stylized music videos. The show follows nine aspiring musicians who, with the help of co-creator and co-star Sean Patrick Murray, stage a showcase at a Los Angeles nightclub. One such Westside cast member is Caitlin Ary.
According to Variety, Ary is a 29-year-old L.A. native returning to her hometown after some time in Las Vegas. Per the same report, she struggles with self-doubt and recently suffered a miscarriage, both issues that could very likely play out on the show. She's also friends with Murray and fellow cast member James Byous, and is polyamorous.
In a "meet-the-cast" video, Ary described herself as "the c*nty, hands-on mom," while in another teaser, she said she's still figuring out where her career is headed. "I've never known exactly what I've wanted to do," she admitted. "Because I do want success, and I know that I just want it on my own terms. I just really don't know what that is yet."
Screenshot via Netflix
However, her fellow performers seem more confident in her abilities. "[Ary's] purpose is to always laugh at my dad jokes, FaceTime me 10 times a day...oh and to conquer the world with her INSANE voice!" Murray commented on a Westside Instagram post. This speaks to the general atmosphere of the show, which by all accounts seems encouraging and uplifting. There doesn't appear to be that cutthroat attitude that's often so prevalent in reality shows. After all, Westside is a collaboration, not a competition.
"We’re all musicians, and we allowed cameras to access our lives," Murray told Variety in the aforementioned article. "Our goal is to share our music and tell our stories. We’re all just trying to be the best versions of ourselves."
It remains to be seen, however, what stories Ary will share. "There wasn’t anything prepared ahead of time," she told Pitchfork. "We were truly there just playing by ear, figuring it out as we went."
Netflix on YouTube
Kevin Bartel, one of Westside's executive producers and co-creators, told Variety that they were initially on the fence about whether audiences would respond to an unscripted reality show. "We started to dig deeper to get to know and understand [the cast members'] relationships and their fears — and the decisions they were making that were impacting their lives," he recalled. "These are really captivating individuals. And the breakthrough moment for us was.... 'What if we could turn the genre on its head and really make this about the people?' If you fall in love with the people, you’re going to fall in love with their music."
He continued: "It’ll be interesting to see their relationships evolve as people get to know them and who pops and who doesn’t pop because, as you know, the music industry can also be cruel."
Only time will tell if Ary will be one of Westside's breakouts, but audiences will get to learn her story, hear her voice, watch her dance, and determine that for themselves.
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Todd Family Net Worth
How much is Todd Family Worth?
Todd Family net worth:
$2.7 Billion
Todd Family Net Worth: Todd Family is a New Zealander family of business people who has a net worth of $2.7 billion. The Todds have been engaged in business since 1870 when pioneer Charles Todd left Scotland to settle in Dunedin. In more than a century and a half, Charles and his descendants have been active in fellmongery, gold mining, stock and station agencies, car importation and distribution, motor vehicle assembly, petroleum distribution, electricity generation and capital investment, as well as gas and oil exploration, development and production. Nowadays, there are two key Todd businesses, both of which operate as subsidiaries of the Todd Corporation: Todd Energy and Todd Capital. The former deals with exploration and production of oil and gas, electricity generation and distribution of gas and electricity, whereas the latter specializes in making strategic investments in New Zealand and Australian companies, particularly in the areas of telecommunications and property. The corporation as a whole is controlled by Sir John D. Todd, its chairman who succeeded Sir Bryan Todd in 1987 right after his death.
Todd Chrisley Net Worth
Todd English Net Worth
Todd Schnitt Net Worth
Net Worth: $2.7 Billion
Mark Cuban Net Worth
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July 4, 2016 5 minute read
Eyes on the prize: Inside the Western Cape government’s delivery unit
Adrian Brown Executive Director of the Centre for Public Impact
South Africa's Western Cape govt has a new Delivery Support Unit to deliver key objectives Tweet this
Real-time data, measurable indicators and regular six-weekly stocktakes are all being used Tweet this
South Africa should be recognised as a centre for delivery in Africa Tweet this
The Western Cape on the southern tip of South Africa is famous for many things. Cape Town and Table Mountain spring to mind, as does its reputation as the gateway to the African continent. And it has long been a top tourist destination – with its beautiful wine farms and the garden route just up the coast.
Now, though, it is gaining a reputation for something quite different – the Western Cape government’s Delivery Support Unit (DSU). It was developed under the aegis of Sir Michael Barber, known for developing the results-focused ‘science of delivery’ in Tony Blair’s government of 2001-2005. Belinda Wood, a manager at the DSU, explains that there is much in common between the two administrations.
“Both units were launched at the start of a second term in office,” she points out. “In our case in the Western Cape, it happened after Helen Zille’s re-election as premier in 2014. She was clear that she wanted the provincial government to focus on delivering some high-level priorities and, at the same time, had come across the work of Sir Michael. The methodology and approach he established in Blair’s government had really spoken to her, so she made contact with him and at the same time set up the DSU. That was about 15 months ago.”
The work of the DSU is underpinned and driven by six priority areas, christened ‘game changers’, covering energy security, technical and vocational skills, after school, e-learning, alcohol harms reduction, and an innovative, mixed-use development to integrate communities. The ambition is to deliver impactful results faster and to create opportunities that will improve citizens’ lives by the conclusion of the premier’s current term of office in 2019.
The DSU has a specific role to play when it comes to ensuring the success of the game changers, by providing oversight and strategic support to provincial departments. Mirroring the approach of governments elsewhere, such as Punjab in Pakistan and Maryland in the US, Wood and her colleagues place a high value on data and metrics.
With the support of leading policymakers, the DSU, in conjunction with delivery teams in individual departments, is focusing on delivering results and outcomes via detailed performance tracking. They use tools such as real-time data and measurable indicators in their regular six-weekly stocktakes that take place in front of Premier Zille and other senior colleagues.
At least that’s the theory. How have they actually been getting on?
Wood says that although they are still a young unit – “we only got up to full capacity in August last year” – progress has been swift, thanks to the strong backing the DSU continues to have from Premier Zille. “She is behind us 100%,” says Wood. “The stocktakes are sacred in the premier’s diary and don’t get moved for anything.”
Wood also cites the positive impact of the game changers, revealing that their establishment has already promoted positive behavioural change within provincial departments. “In governments, people have very good intentions but they can get quite bogged down in procedure,” she says. “And in South Africa at least, compliance has often taken centre stage, which means making sure you receive a clean financial audit rather than prioritising delivering services to citizens. But our game changers are focused on delivering results and making an impact on the lives of citizens – and officials are increasingly recognising that.”
And the stocktakes, too, have proved a powerful tool in establishing the DSU and also in promoting greater transparency. “The stocktake methodology means that the premier and relevant provincial ministers know what’s going on at all times,” she explains. “We quickly got into the routine of having these stocktakes because they keep the leading policymakers briefed and the departments moving in the right direction. They know that they will be sitting in front of the premier in six weeks and will have to account for failing to meet deadlines or targets that have been set.”
And as a result, the heads of provincial departments have started recognising the value of the DSU and the role it plays. “As in many other governments, when you try to introduce change and a new way of doing things, you are often met with resistance. The DSU has encountered this problem over the past year or so,” concedes Wood. “But now the heads of department are starting to see how our work can assist them in achieving their departments’ internal objectives.”
Western Cape crusaders
Wood, who prior taking up her role at the DSU had worked in the policy unit of the provincial government and had taken a Master’s in Development at university in Belgium, goes on to say that she and her colleagues work closely with colleagues in other governments, including the City of Cape Town just down the road.
“They don’t have a delivery unit in the traditional sense, but instead have a strategic policy unit that also seeks to push things through the system,” she says. “Certainly, the scale of some of the issues we are working on means that they are not going to be solved by our government alone. This is why we have partnered with the City on a number of our game changers. For example, the Energy Security and After School game changers are being rolled out jointly by the Western Cape Government and the City of Cape Town. We recognise that the provincial government competencies are limited in some areas, and so we need to work together with all spheres of government to achieve the desired impact.
“However, that doesn’t mean that our provincial government is unable to make real progress on its own. A number of our game changers have been chosen because they fall within our remit,” she points out. “For example, it’s the mandate of the province to run education – so that’s why we have an education-focused game changer, namely implementing e-learning to schools across the province.”
There seems little doubt that the DSU team is fully focused on their immediate priorities for the next few years. “The countdown to 2019 – the conclusion of Premier Zille’s term in office – is top of our list. We’ve just come out of a very intensive planning phase and we now know what our goals, outcomes and indicators are, as well as the levers we will use to get there,” she says. “We are moving from 80% planning to 80% implementation.”
And although the DSU has only been up and running for a relatively short period of time, Wood is already keen to share its knowledge and insights with others. “Overcoming the many barriers to delivery is not something that is exclusive to our provincial government,” she points out. “Africa has its own unique context with its own unique challenges, but also its own unique opportunities. We’re already talking to other provincial governments about our experiences, as we want South Africa to be recognised as a centre for delivery in the continent.”
We are committed to achieving the goals set out under our game changers and are looking forward to working in partnership with other spheres of governments, the private sector and citizens to make this a reality. These partnerships are what underpins the Western Cape government’s slogan: “Better Together”.
African dawn. South African campaigner, academic, public servant and business leader DrMamphela Ramphele tells us why good governance is critical to positive public impact
City, slicker. Few cities can rival Cape Town for natural setting but its strengths are by no means limited to geographic location. The city’s mayor, Patricia de Lille, tells Adrian Brown about her action-based approach to governing
Voices of delivery. A selection of government delivery leaders reveal how they seek to implement policy proposals
Cape Town’s delivery crusaders. Performance and delivery are top of the agenda in Cape Town.Taru Jaroszynski tells us how the city’s Strategic Policy Unit has helped move the city forward – and why there’s no turning back
Measure for measure. Melanie Walker explains how overseeing the World Bank Group’s delivery unit is underpinned by the aim to free a billion people from the grip of extreme poverty
Romania’s rules for delivery. Ioana Petrescu’s governmental career has included stints as Romania’s finance minister and heading up her government’s delivery unit. She tells us about a record of reform and results
Helping governments to govern. The ultimate test of any government policy is whether it makes the difference it sets out to achieve, says Adrian Brown
Data to delivery. Former Maryland governor and Baltimore mayor, Martin O’Malley, tells us about a new approach to governance and delivery
From vision to reality. Government leaders worldwide share the objective of making an impact and getting things done but it’s rarely straightforward – Hans-Paul Buerkner offers some advice
Lungisa: reporting public service issues in Cape Town
The Prime Minister’s Delivery Unit (PMDU) in the UK
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Impressionist and Modern Art (Day Sale)
Maurice Utrillo (1883-1955)
La maison de Cuvier au Jardin des Plantes
USD 50,000 - USD 70,000
signed 'Maurice. Utrillo. V.' (lower right)
25½ x 20 in. (64.8 x 50.9 cm.)
Painted circa 1920
Anon. sale, Galerie Charpentier, Paris, 20 March 1959, lot 225.
John Paul Getty (acquired at the above sale).
The J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu (donated from the above, 1971); sale, Sotheby's, London, 29 November 1989, lot 172.
P. Pétridès, L'oeuvre complete de Maurice Utrillo, Paris, 1962, vol. II, p. 304, no. 870 (illustrated, p. 305).
B. Fredericksen, Catalogue of the Paintings in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, 1972, p. 107, no. 154.
Osaka, Kintetsu Grand Gallery; Nagasaki, Museum of Art; Kitakyushu, Municipal Art Museum, and Yokohama, Sogo Art Museum, Maurice Utrillo, 1988-1989, no. 43 (illustrated in color).
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Jared Smith | Ciccarelli Law Offices, a Pennsylvania Law Firm based in suburban Philadelphia (West Chester PA) and serving all of Pennsylvania for Civil and Criminal Litigation matters.
Jared grew up in North Huntingdon, PA in Westmoreland County. He graduated from Grove City College where he earned a Bachelor of Arts in Political Science and minor degrees in History and Legal Studies. During his undergraduate career, Jared had the opportunity to serve on the editorial board of the undergraduate law journal, one of only a handful in the nation. He also had a paper published on the topic of Fourth Amendment searches in criminal law.
After graduation, Jared enrolled in the Dickinson School of Law at the Pennsylvania State University. During law school, Jared served two years on the Penn State Law Review, including serving as its Managing Editor his third year. This position enabled him to work closely with school administrators, fellow students, and noted experts in the legal field. He was also able to work extensively with a general practice firm as an intern during law school. This provided him with hands-on experience in many areas of law, including criminal defense, family law, and estates.
After graduation from law school, Jared served as the Senior Judicial Law Clerk to the Honorable Jennifer Harlacher Sibum of the Monroe County Court of Common Pleas. During his tenure as a law clerk, Jared developed and utilized the research, writing, and analytical skills which are required of a successful attorney. Jared was also able to actively participate in several areas of law, including criminal, civil, family law, and civil forfeiture matters. He was active in the Monroe County Bar Association, and became a source of advice for other judicial law clerks and local attorneys in the bar. He also developed an impressive record of successful appeals during his time as a judicial law clerk. During his clerkship, Jared became drawn to the area of personal injury law, and sought to focus his legal career on that field
Jared is admitted to practice law in Pennsylvania. He has relocated to Chester County, where he brings his research, writing, and analytical abilities, as well as his knowledge of the inner workings of the judicial system, to Ciccarelli Law Offices. Jared works in the personal injury department, representing those who have suffered physical injury through no fault of their own. Jared understands that each client he works with deserves to be treated like family, and he seeks to find the best possible solution for each client.
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A Public Affair
Matt Rodgers (CIO) 09 October, 2001 09:00
Probity
There can be little doubt that CIOs in the public sector have to be far more aware of probity guidelines than their private sector peers. Unfortunately, as Amesbury points out, the multitude of government regulations that public sector CIOs must take into account also slows down the decision making process drastically.
"In the agencies I was involved with, I saw decisions take days or weeks and involve committees or panels - decisions which in my previous employment I would have delegated to a more junior manager and expected to have resolved the same day," he says.
However, despite his criticism, Amesbury is quick to point out that a longer decision making process is simply the price of doing business in the public sector. Those who deal with the government know from the outset that these are the rules that the government plays by.
It's a view shared by Colin Roberts, former director of information systems at the Federal Department of Communications, Information Technology and the Arts (DCITA). An 18-year veteran of the IT industry in Australia, Roberts began his career in the public sector but, after nine years in government, moved to private enterprise, where he assumed a number of sales roles selling solutions and hardware. Five years ago, he founded his own company and set his sights on the government outsourcing market. His position as manager of information systems and services with DCITA was a contract role. As such, Roberts is ideally positioned to comment on the difference in the way public and private sector organisations conduct business.
"It can take a lot longer to get something done [in the public sector], but that's predominantly because there are processes you have to go through and rules you have to follow," he says. "Accountability is what slows the process down, but when you're dealing with taxpayers' money you have to make sure you're squeaky clean. There's no way of getting around that."
According to Roberts, achieving success in the government sector is largely a matter of setting realistic expectations.
"The period between when you start taking a look at an opportunity in government and when you actually start doing the work can sometimes be fairly drawn out. But that's a known quantity. Government bureaucracy is no secret," he says. "Once you know how long it will take to get something done, you need to set expectations accordingly. It's a matter of establishing a realistic time frame for achieving something, given the bureaucracy that you have to go through."
In fact, it is precisely the challenge to streamline government bureaucracy that attracts some CIOs. Treadwell counts herself among the their ranks. She regards the need to scale back bureaucracy and deliver more efficient service to the public as a top priority.
"As an organisation we're trying to make ourselves responsive, low on bureaucracy, high on quality and provide a good work environment that makes it easy for our staff to service citizens," she says. "My interest is in helping that reform process, and in the information and technology area that's very much a transitional role. That's also what excites me about being a CIO."
Lewis takes a slightly different view. While conceding that public sector organisations often take longer to make strategic decisions, Lewis maintains that, when you hold the strings to the public purse, accountability must take precedence over action.
"One of the essences of an organisation that has to deal with the public is that you need a certain sense of stability so that the public knows what to expect," he says. "This can constrain circumstances, but often stability is a good design feature."
"Having stability is different from being hidebound and slow," Lewis says. "In fact, it's one of the characteristics of a quality service provider."
"Take the example of an organisation that's paying veterans' cheques. You want to know what to expect from this organisation. You want surety of service rather than wonderful innovations that mean each time you turn up there's a new product to consider or a new way of doing business."
Using AI to create a workspace for the future
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Former Wipro exec new IT and data head at Unicef
How resilient do you think your IT systems are?
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The adventures of 'wondering and wandering' gay Jewish Cleveland storyteller Ken Schneck
The adventures of Cleveland storyteller Ken Schneck: Writers on the rise
Gallery: The adventures of Cleveland storyteller Ken Schneck: Writers on the rise
By Nikki Delamotte, cleveland.com
CLEVELAND, Ohio - "How, oh how, do I end up in these absurd situations?" asks Ken Schneck from a hotel lobby in Canada as he's about to embark on a 425-mile charity bike ride from Montreal to Portland, Maine. There's only one problem with this predicament: As we learn in his new debut book, "Seriously...What Am I Doing Here?: The Adventures of a Wondering and Wandering Gay Jew," Schneck's prior athleticism had peaked at making it to level 12 on an elliptical machine.
The realization comes a third of the way into his travelogue, which also takes us along with Schneck on a volunteer trip to Uganda, a visit to a California hippie retreat and a backpacking voyage through the Colorado Rocky Mountains. "Promises, plus stubbornness," he devises, "are what lead me to places so unfamiliar, where all I can do is pause and freak out."
He'll have a launch party for the book 6:30 p.m. to 9:30 p.m., Wednesday, May 24, at Old City Libations, 6706 Detroit Ave., in Gordon Square.
Filled with refreshing, often hilarious and routinely snarky observations, "Seriously...What Am I Doing Here?" introduces readers to colorful characters and off-beat, yet universal, reflections.
What: Book launch for "Seriously...What Am I Doing Here?" by Ken Schneck
When: Wednesday, May 24; 6:30 p.m. - 9:30 p.m.
Where: Old City Libations, 6706 Detroit Rd., Cleveland
These misadventures - and their resulting morals - have been part of Schneck's repertoire for years. As the host of the podcast "This Show Is So Gay," which recently earned an Excellence Award in Podcasting from the National Lesbian and Gay Journalists Association, he's been amplifying voices in the LGBT community since 2008. Scheck is also a regular at storytelling events around town, and a contributor to Huffington Post's Queer Voices, College and Impact sections. As a professor at Baldwin Wallace University, he teaches lessons from those experiences.
You might think that Schneck was destined for this path, and you'd be right. When asked if he's always had a knack for public speaking, he laughs as he recalls being 6 years old and striking up conversations with other children's grandmothers at the neighborhood pool.
"It wasn't so much about the attention, per se, but more about how I could talk to people who are so different than me but still love being entertained," he says. "That drive in me can be relentless and obnoxious. But it's just what I've always done."
Over the airwaves
It started with a 4th of July parade in Vermont, where Schneck was living while working as the dean of students at Marlboro College. A flier for an opening with the local access radio show was circulating and two weeks later, Schneck was on the air. "This Show Is So Gay" was born.
"The world opened up before me," he recalls. "I just fell in love with using my voice in that way."
Schneck carried the show with him when he moved to Cleveland in 2013. Now surpassing 400 episodes, the radio show continues to broadcast on more than 25 stations around the world. He's hosted civil rights champions, drag stars, musicians and authors among the many leading voices as guests. Recent guests include Dan Savage, Margaret Cho, The Indigo Girls, and United States Ambassador Rufus Gifford.
He credits an early interview with NPR commentator Ari Shapiro for giving the show a boost.
"When we had Ari on, it really gave the show some street cred," Schneck says. "It greased the wheels for other guests to say 'Sure, I'll call into this random gay radio show on a low-powered station in southern Vermont.'"
For Schneck, the podcast is a platform to talk about everyday topics that affect the LGBT community.
"At the end of the day, it's just this dorky gay Jew with his recording equipment, calling up people who are using their voices in real, authentic and powerful ways to make a difference," he says. "To me, the mark of success is random listeners writing in and saying 'Hey! I never thought about it that way."
It also led to Schneck's opportunity to contribute to Huffington Post, where he's written viral stories about topics like Cleveland's Pride celebration and the city's hosting of the Republican National Convention. People saw marriage equality as the ultimate victory, but there are still so many more issues at the forefront, he cautions.
"It's one thing if you're saying 'this is how inequality affects society,' but it's an altogether different thing if you're able to articulate how these issues affect our lived experiences," Schneck says. "For example, I can't donate blood even though I have the type of blood that can save all of you because the FDA still has a rule that says they will not take my blood because I am a gay man. That should enrage people."
In the classroom and on the page
In a February piece for Huffington Post, Schneck speaks of his role as a teacher at Baldwin Wallace: "We get to wrestle in the classroom with ideas that have divided us, and that very wrestling unites us. My views have been challenged by students, just as much as I have challenged theirs. And we're all the better for it."
These days, his work is read and streamed throughout the world, but many Northeast Ohio students know him better as "Dr. Schneck." At Baldwin Wallace University, he serves as Associate Professor and Director of the Leadership in Higher Education and teaches courses on topics such as race and student development.
Much like many of the lessons in Schneck's book come from experiences outside of his comfort zone, students know him for bringing the same mentality to the classroom.
At heart, he says, his work at Baldwin Wallace is inherently social justice work.
"I'm comfortable being wrong in class, saying the wrong thing and engaging in charged topics," Schneck says. "I want us to have difficult conversations about race and gender identity and class issues. Not talking about them doesn't make the problems go away."
So it's no surprise that Schneck tackles each situation in his book with both tongue-in-cheek humor and a heavy dose of reality. With the words ripped straight from the journals he kept on these adventures, readers trek with him through the wilderness and see first-hand the ways Americans on humanitarian trips overseas can potentially do more harm than good. You can almost picture Schneck on the 200th mile of his AIDS awareness charity bike ride while he alternates between deconstructing the purpose of the event and testing out his show tune skills.
Throughout it all, Schneck weaves a story about his divorce and its devastating aftermath. Along the way, he meets people like Gloria, the brash American with her Ugandan non-profit, Mary, the no-nonsense healer at the Big Sur hippie retreat, and Karen, the wise wilderness expert who guides him over a cliff in the Colorado Rocky Mountains.
"After my first adventure, my whole world fell apart," he says. "I started throwing myself into adventures just to try to get some grounding. The book gives you full access to these ridiculous and overwhelming situations that I threw myself into in hopes that I could somehow find the emotional cure I was desperately seeking."
Schneck asserts that in spite of his public persona, it's easy for him to get caught in his little corner of the world. "Seriously...What Am I Doing Here?" chronicles a writer chasing one extreme to the next. As long as he doesn't slow down, he notes in the book, he doesn't have to dwell on anything.
The irony is that no amount of perpetual motion can slow Schneck's keen, cheeky observations.
"For me, it was really important to push myself to change my surroundings," he says. "Being open to my perceptions in how I approach this world and the lessons I needed to learn about how to be kinder to myself and how to say 'yes' to the unfamiliar. I needed fantastical experiences to force my hand to do that."
A second book is already in the works for Schneck. ("I'll quote 'Hamilton' until the end of time: 'There's a million things I haven't done, but just you wait,'" he says with a laugh.) But first, he's focusing on his debut.
"People who read this are going to be entertained, and I think we all need that right now," he says. "I really want people to pause and look around them and look within. And maybe that opens the door, even a crack, to trying something different. Ultimately, isn't that what we're all here to do?"
Please take a moment and click here to help the Greater Cleveland Food Bank, a cleveland.com partner. Every dollar you give buys four meals for the hungry.
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Female Pop Singer 80s
On February 13, 1998, Adam Sandler gave Valentine’s Day sweethearts a retro treat with The Wedding Singer, a 1980s-set rom-com about a heartbroken wedding singer named Robbie Hart (Sandler) who.
7) Nona Gaye The only daughter of soulful seducer Marvin Gaye, singer and actress Nona Gaye was apparently Prince’s youthful bride-to-be. In what may have been the romantic delusions of a love.
and the show included an empowering performance of Kesha’s “Praying” featuring her fellow female pop stars as backup singers. However, the hashtag #GrammysSoMale trended Sunday night as men swept eigh.
The Brattle Theatre’s yearlong celebration of Women in Cinema takes a pleasantly unexpected detour this weekend (Friday, Aug. 11 to Sunday, Aug. 13) with a collection of six ’80s comedies from female.
Who Is Madonna? Pop music singer Madonna was born in Bay City, Michigan, on August 16, 1958. In 1981, she went solo as a pop singer and became a sensation on the then male-dominated ’80s music scene.
For those not familiar with musical bingo, imagine listening to playlists of music from the 50s, 60s, 70s, 80, 90s, movies.
These Are the Top George Michael and Wham! Songs. Posted By Dan on Dec 25, 2016. With Wham! singer and solo success George Michael having passed away at the age of 53, those of us here at Like Totally 80s wanted to give people a chance to remember the iconic artist.
One Of The Instruments Played In An Orchestra A group of players with music in 2, 3, 4. parts, where each part is played by one player Ensemble A group of players with
The party was well underway, 30 or more people there, loud music, dancing, etc. At some point I had to go. but the guys we know that relied on alcohol for sex still pop up in our Twitter timelines.
Estate Of Keith Morris / Redferns / Getty Images Janis Joplin was one of the first female artists to break the "girl singer" mold in folk and pop music in the mid-’60s.
List of the most famous Canadian women singers along with their. (Singer, Actor, Voice actor, Musician, Pianist, Restaurateur, Composer, Film actor). 30 March.
A Jamaican-born model and muse of Andy Warhol, Grace Jones became a pop-disco siren in the ’70s and ’80s. She is the epitome of androgynous beauty.
The 2018 BET Awards barely handed out any trophies with big stars like Cardi B, Drake and Kendrick Lamar absent, but the show included superior performances by rising singer H.E.R., rapper. Beyonce.
The name was a clandestine reference to French model, actress, singer, dancer, animal-rights activist, and all around pop cul.
Oct 16, 2018. This is a list of female artists meant to bring awareness to what women offer in music. Her ballads are rich and her dance-pop is electric.
For some reason, even experienced music industry people at the time couldn’t. This might have been why John, like virtuall.
Apr 18, 2009. Young, glamorous, eccentric and borrowing heavily from 80s style, a host of new female pop artists are challenging the hegemony of.
Entertainment is the most consumed category on UC News Feed; Priyanka Chopra ranks first in female celebrity. in which social events, music and cricket-related videos are all hot topics. Cricket is.
The 1980s (pronounced "nineteen-eighties", commonly shortened as the "’80s", pronounced "eighties") was a decade of the Gregorian calendar that began on January 1,
This is a list of female rock singers. For female heavy metal singers, see List of female heavy. Amy Winehouse · Karin Wistrand (Lolita Pop); Whitney Wolanin · Allison Wolfe (Bratmobile, Partyline); Jen Wood (The Postal Service, Tattle Tale).
Thanks to these beautiful women for paving the way, many stars in the entertainment. Let's take a look at some of the hottest singers from the 80s era. Kim Wilde became an instant pop sensation after releasing her single, 'Kids in America'.
‘Currently, it is sixty degrees,’ a perky female voice answered, assuring her it wouldn’t rain. Over the next hour, Grace ‑ f.
Cyndi is 80's best female singernew. V 38 Comments VoteE. 6 If I Could Turn Back Time – Cher. Changed pop culture & music. Became Cher's signature song.
Minnesota Orchestra Young Artist Competition Biography. Robin Scott, an award-winning musician described as one of America’s rising stars on the classical music stage, has built a varied career as a
Pages in category "American female pop singers". The following 200 pages are in this category, out of approximately 455 total. This list may not reflect recent.
For more on who charted in the 80s check out the one hit wonders here:. know it 78)Radio free Europe 85)S.central rain (I'm sorry) 86)Pop song 94)Fall on me. 1)Just like starting over 2)Woman 5)Nobody told me 10)Watching the wheels.
The focus is on what certain songs of the eighties mean, especially songs that aren’t immediately obvious. This is an offshoot of the web page about masturbation since a lot of people don’t know what songs like "She-Bop" or "Turning Japanese" are really about. I welcome email about any song you would like to discuss here, as well as follow up.
It was a new decade, and 1980 started off with a bang in the form of both natural and man-made disasters – including the eruption of Mount St. Helens and the.
It hasn't been an easy journey for female country musicians, who have faced the same — and. Top 100 Country Female Artists. Top 100 Songs of the 80s.
It’s mid-July, 8:15 a.m., and the temperature has already climbed into the 80s with the humidity hanging. down the red car.
80s hard rock queen Lita Ford. you’re probably gonna attract other female attorneys or male attorneys or the secretaries. It just kind of goes that way. If you’re a rock band, you’re gonna attract.
Terri Nunn and Berlin return to The 80s Cruise in 2019 by popular demand after rocking the ship the past two years with their electrifying live performances.The Los Angeles-based synth pop group, founded by bassist John Crawford, singer Terri Nunn, and keyboard player David Diamond, made its first national impression with the provocative single “Sex (I’m A…)” from the gold-selling.
Feb 16, 2018. If you're looking to get your sing-along pop songs on, there's even some. Headline for 40 Most Influential Black Female Singers / Musicians. She grew up listening to '70s soul and '80s hip-hop, but Erykah Badu drew more.
Oct 16, 2015. We know what's up with the biggest '80s female pop stars because they've never. Many of them are singing, modeling lingerie, and scoring.
Shania Twain’s Come On Over turns. Twain and Lange made music that was ahead of its time. In subsequent years, numerous country recordings would follow their lead. Carrie Underwood, the next female.
Metro Soul Music Metro does not tolerate acts of violence, victimization, or predation. We always encourage our patrons to voice their concerns and want you to know that
Live Music Montgomery County Pa February 2019 Audrey P. Mauk, 88, of Moon Township passed away peacefully on August 15, 2018. Audrey was born February 16, 1930 in South Heights, PA. She
Who Is Madonna? Pop music singer Madonna was born in Bay City, Michigan, on August 16, 1958. In 1981, she went solo as a pop singer and became a sensation on the then male-dominated ’80s.
Top 100 Greatest Female Singers. rocketed to international super-stardom in the mid-1970s when her groundbreaking merger of R&B, soul, pop, funk, rock,
Best Female, and Best Couple. Trailblazing house music producer Mark Farina will lay down the beats Saturday for the Pink Gar.
It was a new decade, and 1980 started off with a bang in the form of both natural and man-made disasters – including the eruption of Mount St. Helens and the assassination of John Lennon.
Hymns To Fit A Soldier Many in the audience joined in singing, and Soldiers in the audience stood during Julia Ward Howe’s patriotic anthem "The Battle Hymn of the Republic"
Ladies of the 80s. By Legacy Recordings. Nasty Women and Bad Hombres will love this playist. This nonstop mix of hits from Cyndi Lauper, the Bangles and.
These Are the Top George Michael and Wham! Songs. Posted By Dan on Dec 25, 2016. With Wham! singer and solo success George Michael having passed away at the age of 53, those of us here at Like Totally 80s wanted to give people a.
Dec 8, 2016. English pop singer, author, DJ and TV presenter Kim Wilde's first. in the Go-Go girls, one of the most successful all-female bands in history.
(BEGIN VIDEO CLIP) UNINDENTIFIED FEMALE: Elizabeth Warren has relied on stereotypes and popular misconceptions about Native A.
Among these women are 80s female singers like Madonna, who changed the landscape and format of pop music forever, as well as pop stars like Mariah Carey,
The best and brightest women in '80s rock music becomes far more interesting to compile once massive pop superstars from Madonna to Whitney Houston to.
During the ‘80s, Mary Lambert made an entire career out of music videos, becoming one of Madonna’s go to directors and aiding.
The focus is on what certain songs of the eighties mean, especially songs that aren’t immediately obvious. This is an offshoot of the web page about masturbation since a lot of people don’t know what songs like "She-Bop" or "Turning Japanese" are really about. I welcome email about any song you would like to discuss here, as well as follow up email to anyone else’s comments about a song.
But it can afford this bit of honesty, since the British music. sound. Hot Fuss floats boatloads of blasé lyrics about the pressures of being fabulous and the politics of fucking over an easily sip.
Apr 9, 2014. The '90s were basically a breeding ground for female pop singers — everywhere you turned, there was another awesomely successful pop hit.
The 1980s was a huge decade in terms of breaking pop stars. 80s artists benefited from the rising popularity of cable television. MTV was a cultural.
She works closely with several female farmers and has partnered with Experience Columbus. his label is Reptile Fiction – a.
2 Guns N’ Roses Guns N’ Roses is an American hard rock band from Los Angeles formed in 1985. The classic lineup, as signed to Geffen Records in 1986, consisted of vocalist Axl Rose, lead guitarist Slash, rhythm guitarist Izzy Stradlin, bassist Duff McKagan, and drummer Steven Adler.
Get the latest slate of VH1 Shows! Visit VH1.com to get the latest full episodes, bonus clips, cast interviews, and exclusive videos.
We’ve been trying really hard to get some gender balance on this event, there are lots of wonderful female. Organise A Music Festival #2 Green Man How To Organise A Music Festival #3 Beacons Metro.
J-pop (Japanese: ジェイポップ jeipoppu; often stylized as J-POP; an abbreviation for Japanese pop), natively also known simply as pops (ポップス, poppusu), is a musical genre that entered the musical mainstream of Japan in the 1990s. Modern J-pop has its roots in traditional Japanese music, but significantly in 1960s pop and rock music, such as The Beatles and The Beach Boys, which.
The 1980s (pronounced "nineteen-eighties", commonly shortened as the "’80s", pronounced "eighties") was a decade of the Gregorian calendar that began on January 1, 1980, and ended on December 31, 1989.
1800 Southern Folk Music
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Decline of oil predicted, but we’ve heard this before
By CFACT Ed |2018-05-09T11:49:19-04:00May 9th, 2018|Energy|Comments Off on Decline of oil predicted, but we’ve heard this before
World fund managers predict a fall in the value of oil companies. According to a survey published last month in the United Kingdom, climate change risks will force a lower valuation of oil company stock prices within the next five years. But despite many predictions of demise over the last 50 years, global consumption of hydrocarbon energy continues to grow.
Last month, the UK Sustainable Investment and Finance Association published its second annual “Not Long Now” survey, stating that “The fund management sector is clear that international oil companies will be negatively revalued within a few years because of climate change related risks.” Thirty fund managers responded to the survey, representing over £13 trillion ($17.8 trillion) in assets, including global giants such as Blackrock, Deutsche Asset Management, Fidelity International, BNY Mellon, and HSBC Global Asset Management.
The survey responses predict a decline in asset values based on damage to company reputations, litigation losses, and regulation to curtail “fossil fuel pollution.” A majority of fund managers responding to the survey also anticipate peak demand for oil and gas to impact stock values within the next ten years.
We’ve heard this many times before. In his address to the nation on April 18, 1977, President Jimmy Carter stated, “…we could use up all the proven reserves of oil in the world by the end of the next decade.” But while government pressure and public opinion may drive oil prices lower, there is neither evidence that we are running out of oil nor that market demand for hydrocarbon fuels—coal, gas, and oil—is declining.
Over the last 30 years, world efforts to try to halt human-caused global warming have dominated energy policy in developed countries. In 1988, the United Nations established the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and began a global mission to fight man-made warming. At the Rio de Janeiro Earth Summit of 1992, 41 nations and the European Community signed a treaty pledging to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. By 2016, over 300,000 wind turbines were operating worldwide.
The world invested almost $3 trillion dollars in renewable energy from 2004 to 2017. But according to the International Energy Agency, coal, oil, and natural gas continue to provide 82 percent of world energy needs, exactly the same share as in 1985.
Nor has energy demand entered a decline. Energy consumption more than tripled since 1965. Each day the world uses the energy equivalent of the oil carried in 182 oil tankers, each with a 200,000-ton capacity, or the energy output of 370,000 Hoover Dams.
From 1996 to 2016, world oil consumption rose 31 percent, natural gas use rose 59 percent, and coal consumption climbed 62 percent. Each year, the world adds about a United Kingdom worth of new energy demand, most of it powered by hydrocarbons. Renewables cannot even supply the annual growth in energy demand, let alone replace traditional hydrocarbon fuels.
In addition to the historical growth in hydrocarbon consumption, other trends support the notion that coal, gas, and oil will be with us for many decades to come. Demand for oil, in particular, shows no sign of decline.
Biofuels have fallen far short of the goal of replacing vehicle, plane, and ship fuels from oil. After two decades of subsidies and mandates, biofuels provide about 8.5 percent of US automobile and truck fuel, using 40 percent of the nation’s corn crop. But scientists recently determined that when land use changes are taken into account, biofuel use does not reduce carbon dioxide emissions when compared to gasoline or diesel fuel. Governments and environmental groups alike now question policies promoting large-scale biofuel use.
Instead, electric cars are proposed as the new solution to end oil consumption. Spurred on by governmental incentives and mandates, leading car manufacturers have announced more than 100 planned electric car models.
But electric car demand is disappointing. According to auto research firm JATO Dynamics, electric vehicles totaled only 0.8 percent of the 86 million cars and light commercial vehicles sold worldwide in 2017. Gasoline- and diesel-fueled sport utility vehicles now dominate world car demand, growing to 34 percent of vehicle sales in 2017. SUVs not only dominate the market in North America, but SUV sales are growing in Europe and booming in China.
Fund managers trust the theory of human-caused warming, but world markets don’t seem to be buying it. The decline in oil demand and the fall in oil company stock prices remain decades away.
CFACT Ed
CFACT -- We're freedom people.
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CGI Federal Privacy Statement
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Issue Brief 63 - Infant and Early Childhood Mental Health: Building a Statewide System of Professional Endorsement®
PRINTABLE VERSION: IB 63
Our Work: Early Childhood Mental Health
Learn more about our work to promote healthy social and emotional development from birth.
Promoting the Healthy Social and Emotional Development of Children Through an Informed Workforce
Building a Statewide System of Professional Endorsement®
Professionals who care for young children play an important role in promoting social-emotional development, positive mental health, and relational health, as well as identifying problems early and connecting young children to intervention and treatment services when necessary. Unfortunately, most pre-professional education and training programs lack specific courses or modules related to infant and toddler mental health, and many professionals lack the critical skills needed to work with very young children. Many states, including Connecticut, are taking steps to ensure that professionals working with infants, toddlers, and their families are well-trained to promote optimal mental health, promote preventive strategies, and facilitate linkage to early intervention or treatment.
Attention to the Mental Health of Young Children is Critical for their Healthy Development
Infant and early childhood mental health is defined by the Zero to Three Infant Mental Health Task Force Steering Committee as a young child’s capacity to regulate and express emotions, form close and secure relationships, safely explore their environment, and learn. Young children develop these capabilities within the context of their family, environment, community, and culture, as well as through relationships with their primary caregivers. Infants and toddlers who develop healthy and strong social and emotional competency are better prepared for school and have healthier and more prosperous lifelong outcomes.
Professional Endorsement® for Infant and Early Childhood Mental Health Ensures a Skilled Workforce
The Connecticut Association for Infant Mental Health (CT-AIMH) is a statewide non-profit professional organization dedicated to advancing the infant and early childhood workforce by ensuring professionals are trained in the most current scientific advances in child development, infant mental health principles, and relationship-based practices. In 2010, CT-AIMH, with support from the Children’s Fund of Connecticut (CHDI’s parent organization), the Connecticut Head Start State Collaborative Office, and others, purchased the license from the Michigan Association of Infant Mental Health to provide the Endorsement for Culturally Sensitive, Relationship-Focused Practice Promoting Infant Mental Health®. Also holding the Endorsement® license are 28 other state IMH associations, Western Australia, and Ireland that together are members of the Alliance for the Advancement of Infant Mental Health (Alliance).
Since obtaining the license in 2010, CT-AIMH has built a statewide competency system known as the CT-AIMH Endorsement®.The system provides professional development through training and education programs with a goal of building a more skilled workforce. Becoming endorsed demonstrates that an individual has completed specialized education, related work, in-service training, and reflective supervision/consultation experiences that have led to competency in the promotion and/or practice of infant or early childhood mental health. The credential does not replace licensure or certification, but is meant as evidence of a specialization in the promotion and practice of infant mental health within each professional field, such as child development, early care and education, pediatrics, psychiatry, psychology, social work, and others. To date, 56 professionals in Connecticut are endorsed in Infant Mental Health through this system.
Expanding Endorsement® from Infancy to Early Childhood Will Improve Connecticut’s Workforce
In 2017, recognizing that there are also many professionals working with children ages 3 to 6, the Alliance, with help and guidance from a national workgroup, developed an early childhood mental health endorsement for those who work with older children. The Competency Guidelines® were retitled to reflect the extension of the program to professionals who work with children prenatal to 6 years old and their families, and is now called the Endorsement for Culturally Sensitive, Relationship-Focused Practice Promoting Infant and Early Childhood Mental Health®.
CT-AIMH is now conducting a pilot project to endorse professionals who work with children ages 3 to 6 and whose work will benefit from extended training in infant and early childhood mental health principles. To date, three providers have earned their Early Childhood Mental Health Endorsement®, and three others are in process. CT-AIMH plans to revise deployment of the endorsement program based on lessons learned during the pilot and offer the Early Childhood Mental Health Endorsement to professionals in 2019.
Additional Support will Advance Professional CT-AIMH Endorsement® in Connecticut
Connecticut agencies and stakeholders have taken several steps to build a more competent infant and early childhood workforce. Examples include: increasing support for reflective supervision/consultation groups in Birth to Three and home visiting programs; committing to having at least one endorsed infant mental health professional on staff for every Birth to Three operated program; and providing a bi-annual infant mental health training series for child welfare and Head Start staff through a partnership with Head Start, the Department of Children and Families, and CT-AIMH. While these measures are expanding the capacity of the early childhood workforce in Connecticut to address the socio-emotional needs of young children, additional actions can advance and sustain a statewide system of professionals who are endorsed and credentialed in infant and early childhood mental health.
Recommendations for Connecticut include:
Increase public funding to support endorsement activities, including funding for:
infant and early childhood mental health training;
release time for staff to attend training;
reflective supervision/consultation;
deployment of a university-level, cross-discipline, Faculty Infant Mental Health Training Institute, with accompanying materials.
Ensure that all State and/or public agencies serving the most vulnerable children and their families have infant/early childhood mental health endorsed staff in every region.
Follow Michigan’s practice requiring Endorsement® in infant and early childhood mental health for practitioners who bill Medicaid for mental health services provided to infants and toddlers. Additionally, Medicaid and commercial insurers should pay for infant and early childhood mental health services delivered to young children birth to 6 years who show signs of risk (without a diagnosis) if delivered by a professional holding the Endorsement for Culturally Sensitive, Relationship-Focused Practice Promoting Infant and Early Childhood Mental Health®.
Require state institutions of higher education to include infant and early childhood mental health competencies in their infant, young child, and family related courses (e.g., nursing, social work, education, psychology) and/or supportan Endorsement® requirement to develop a pipeline of professionals who can pursue endorsement within their careers. Use the Faculty Infant Mental Health Training Institute to help faculty across disciplines to incorporate infant mental health into existing courses.
This Issue Brief was prepared by Abby Alter, Senior Associate for Early Childhood Initiatives at Child Health and Development Institute, and Heidi Maderia, Executive Director of the Connecticut Association for Infant Mental Health. To learn more about Endorsement®, please visit www.ct-aimh.org. To learn more about the infant mental health workforce, read "The Infant Mental Health Workforce: Key to Promoting the Healthy Social and Emotional Development of Children," or contact Abby (Email: aalter@uchc.edu; Phone: 860-679-8788).
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by CHDS Staff · Published December 22, 2014 · Last modified March 23, 2016
Twenty-nine earn master’s degrees in Security Studies at the Naval Postgraduate School
Twenty-nine professionals who work in the homeland security field were awarded a Master of Arts in Security Studies December 19 from the Center for Homeland Defense and Security at the...
Homeland Security Master’s Degrees Awarded to 26 at Naval Postgraduate School
The Naval Postgraduate School Center for Homeland Defense and Security (CHDS) awarded a Master of Arts in Security Studies to 26 professionals during a September 26 ceremony. The graduates comprise...
by CHDS Staff · Published April 3, 2014 · Last modified December 29, 2015
The Naval Postgraduate School Center for Homeland Defense and Security (CHDS) at the Naval Postgraduate School awarded a Master of Arts in Security Studies to 30 professionals during a March...
by CHDS Staff · Published September 27, 2013 · Last modified June 16, 2015
Twenty-nine earn master’s degrees in Security Studies at Naval Postgraduate School
MONTEREY, Calif. – Twenty-nine professionals who work in the homeland security field were awarded a Master of Arts in Security Studies September 27 from the Center for Homeland Defense and...
by CHDS Staff · Published April 2, 2013 · Last modified May 28, 2015
Master’s Degrees Awarded to 31 at CHDS
Thirty-one professionals who work in the homeland security field were awarded master’s degrees March 29 at the Naval Postgraduate School (NPS) Center for Homeland Defense and Security (CHDS). The graduates...
by CHDS Staff · Published December 27, 2012 · Last modified May 28, 2015
Twenty-Nine Earn CHDS Degrees
MONTEREY, Calif. – Twenty-nine professionals who work in the homeland security field were awarded a Master of Arts in Security Studies Dec. 14 from the Center for Homeland Defense and...
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Typecast in the C-suite?
Women, a rarity among top execs, often play the general counsel role
Steven R. Strahler
John R. Boehm
Carrie Hightman is the only woman in NiSource's C-suite.
Carrie Hightman has seen both sides of corporate Chicago's gender divide.
Until 2006, she steered AT&T Illinois as president through a shifting telecom landscape. Now, the 55-year-old lawyer has a rewarding but more stereotypical job for top female executives: general counsel. At NiSource Inc., she's the only woman in the Merrillville, Ind.-based utility's C-suite.
“This is my pet peeve,” she says.
Nine of the 25 biggest Chicago public companies, including Abbott Laboratories, McDonald's Corp. and Illinois Tool Works Inc., list female general counsels but a total of only three other senior-level women. None of the nine will comment.
“There's always a bunch of suits—and there's a woman. And she's a general counsel,” says John Hoppe, a Chicago-based recruiter of general counsels and other in-house lawyers, who says he's reminded of the Heinrich Boll novel “Group Portrait With Lady.”
Women have been pouring into corporate legal departments after topping 40 percent of law school enrollments in the mid-1980s and later encountering slow progress at law firms. The number of female general counsels at Fortune 500 companies has more than doubled from 43 since 1999, according to the Minority Corporate Counsel Association, a Washington trade group that tracks hiring. At Chicago employers such as Hyatt Hotels Corp., women make up more than half the legal staff.
But are companies using the general counsel slot to check a diversity box? Compared with 108 female GCs at Fortune 500 companies, only 10 percent of chief financial officers and 3.6 percent of CEOs are women among a larger universe that includes Standard & Poor's 500 companies.
“One wonders,” says Mary Carragher, 52, once general counsel at the ad agency then known as Foote Cone & Belding. She practiced on her own for 15 years before joining Deerfield-based Mondelez International Inc. in October as chief trademark counsel. “There's no question the talent is there—it's just that the talent is there in all those fields.”
Although women make up a third of all lawyers, they hold only 4 percent of managing partnerships and 70 percent of “low-status, non-partnership track” staff attorney positions at the nation's 200 biggest law firms, according to the National Association of Women Lawyers.
“Having accomplished access—meaning we have the chance to get these jobs—we're at a tougher part of the issue, which is the culture of law firms and corporations,” says Susan Lichtenstein, 56, a Chicago-based general counsel at four firms, currently hospital supplier Hill-Rom Holdings Inc. “It hasn't changed a whole lot since the 1950s or more.”
NiSource last year launched a mentoring program, “Building the NextGen: Women in Leadership.” Meeting attendance is pushing 200, Ms. Hightman says: “They've got to move up the pipeline on the operations side to get to the CEO role. Here at our company, we're trying to build the pipe.”
Nancy Laben, 51, Chicago-based general counsel of consultant Aecom in Los Angeles, says, “That pipeline is constricted for women in a way it's not constricted for men. A lot of women don't put themselves out in a corporate environment—volunteer for the new job—because it can be risky.” Women lacking accounting or finance degrees, for example, are less inclined than comparably situated men to jump into finance, she maintains.
Business school trends offer hope. Women, already a third of MBA graduates for a decade or more, represented 41 percent of GMAT test takers in the year ended in June, a record.
“I actually do believe we're seeing progress in most CEO jobs, but it's very, very slow,” says Ana Dutra, Chicago-based CEO of Korn/Ferry Leadership & Talent Consulting. “You still have a bottleneck when women hit 30, 35 and start to have children. It's hard—it's really, really hard. Let's face it.”
THIS WEEK'S FOCUS: What keeps general counsels awake at night?
quote|John Hoppe, recruiter
' There's always a bunch of suits — and there's a woman. And she's a general counsel.'
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