pred_label
stringclasses 2
values | pred_label_prob
float64 0.5
1
| wiki_prob
float64 0.25
1
| text
stringlengths 73
1.02M
| source
stringlengths 37
43
|
|---|---|---|---|---|
__label__wiki
| 0.73187
| 0.73187
|
REVIEWS: RBG and Won’t You Be My Neighbor?
For someone who struggled to get friends jazzed for documentaries a few years ago, it’s been nice to see two non-fiction features doing blockbuster numbers. Two biographical docs, Julie Cohen and Betsy West’s “RBG” along with Morgan Neville’s “Won’t You Be My Neighbor?,” will gross whopping eight-figure sums. Netflix has certainly helped grease the skids by investing heavily in documentary content of many lengths and formats, but there seems to be something bigger at play here beyond just a small-screen effect.
Subjects Ruth Bader Ginsburg and Fred Rogers are, in many senses, miles apart. Ginsburg is a dyed-in-the-wool liberal who’s used her power to secure major victories for women’s rights, while Rogers was a social conservative and fairly prototypical Reagan Republican. Yet in their respective adulations this summer, I don’t see a blue state-red state divide – in fact, quite the opposite. Granted that one figure is significantly more political than the other, but both stand for something larger than party in a time where seemingly everything is partisan.
These members of the so-called Silent Generation were both crucial in giving voice to the concerns of groups ignored and dismissed by society. Because RBG fought for herself to have a seat at the table in a chauvinistic legal world, both in academia and in practice, she was able to use her power as a litigator and later Supreme Court Justice to fight vigorously for all women to receive an equal opportunity. Mr. Rogers, meanwhile, eschewed the priesthood to evangelize through the medium of television, then a pure entertainment delivery service which no one thought could work as a tool for education. By listening to children and telling them their thoughts and feelings mattered, Rogers inspired a generation of children (including me, who will tear up a little bit every time I hear the jingle).
Ginsburg and Rogers are both inspiring humanists who told women and children, respectively, that they were granted certain rights and dignities just by being themselves. Both believed so fervently in their causes and were so unwavering in their convictions that they inspired loyalty and friendship from unlikely corners. RBG was a traveling buddy with her ideological opposite on the court, Antonin Scalia, while Mr. Rogers maintained fond relationships with members of the cast and crew whose lifestyles were anathema to his own beliefs.
It’s interesting to consider, however, that while both were ascendant for most of their careers, their respective apexes never seemed to overlap. “Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood” was a perfect program for America in the twentieth century, when a surge in post-war optimism and affluence allowed the country to consider the needs and desires of children. While the show never shied away from tragedy, be it the RFK assassination or the Challenger explosion, the strength of America to stick together and overcome the sadness never felt in doubt.
The violent imagery of the attack on 9/11 shattered that patina of invincibility, and it wore on Mr. Rogers. The most heartbreaking moment of “Won’t You Be My Neighbor?” comes towards the close when Neville shows behind-the-scenes footage of Rogers shooting PSAs for PBS in the wake of the tragedy. He offers touching, inspiring words, yet the reassurance present in four decades of his show feels totally absent. Had “Mister Rogers’ Neighborhood” continued into the new millennium, it seems unlikely that the jolly, comforting host would have felt honest.
Ginsburg, on the other hand, hit her stride in the past decade or so as her scathing dissents from the bench went viral. Her refusal to mince words in an era rife with prevarication and equivocation struck a chord with a younger generation. If society already places little value on the opinions of women, it places even less on the opinions of older women. RBG’s refusal to go quietly when she still has so much to say has made her an icon for the social media era. Funny enough, as Cohen and West point out, her outsized persona is at odds with her relatively quiet personality. (In other words, that Kate McKinnon impersonation – which the documentary shows RBG watching for the first time – is not accurate.)
While both “RBG” and “Won’t You Be My Neighbor?” follow standard biographical documentary formats, they manage to overcome staleness by focusing as much on the ideas and virtues animating their subject. We see not just them but who they inspired – and how they did it. These films are both worthy and inspiring testaments to two great Americans.
RBG – B+ /
Won’t You Be My Neighbor? – A- /
Tags: Betsy West, Fred Rogers, Julie Cohen, Morgan Neville, RBG, Ruth Bader Ginsburg, Won't You Be My Neighbor?
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line853
|
__label__wiki
| 0.862431
| 0.862431
|
iPhone 5C Hands On: Your Budget iPhone
By Lance Ulanoff 2013-09-11 01:58:22 UTC
Hands On With the iPhone 5C
Introducing the iPhone 5C
For the first time ever, Apple launched a second device alongside its next-generation iPhone (the 5S). Dubbed the iPhone 5C, the low-cost smartphone will cost $99 in the U.S. for a 16 GB model and $199 for 32 GB.
Five Colors
The iPhone 5C comes in five flavors: blue, green, yellow, pink and white.
The iPhone 5C has the same measurements as the iPhone 5 and 5S, but it's constructed from soft silicon rubber, rather than anodized aluminum.
The iPhone 5C will ship with iOS 7, Apple's completely re-engineered mobile operating system. The device also includes an A6 chip and a slightly larger battery than the iPhone 5.
iSight Camera
The iPhone 5C's iSight camera touts a 3x video zoom and a new FaceTime HD camera. The rear camera is 8 megapixels, and comes with back-side illumination and a hybrid IR filter. It also supports more LTE bands than any other smartphone in the world.
For $29, iPhone 5C users can dress up their devices with brightly colored cases. The cases come with holes to add color-contrasting to the device. Some say it looks like the game Connect Four or other quirky items.
Pre-orders start on Sept. 13, and the iPhone 5C will go on sale on Sept. 20 in the United States, China, Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Japan, Singapore and the United Kingdom. By December, the iPhone 5C will be available in over 100 countries and on 270 carriers.
Colors are in. Nokia’s been selling Day-Glo smartphones for ages, Motorola lets you design your own colorful case cover and now, Apple is selling the candy-colored iPhone 5C.
While the 5C's specs are largely familiar to anyone who owns an iPhone 5 (retina display, LTE, iSight camera, A6 chip), everything else about the new phone is surprising — at least for Apple. It’s the company's first budget smartphone (costing $99 with a two-year contract), its body is polycarbonate (or as Jony Ive put it, “unapologetically plastic") and it shared the stage in Cupertino on Tuesday with Apple's second new handset: the iPhone 5s. Before this week, no iPhone has ever had to share the spotlight.
But make no mistake: The innovation is almost entirely on the iPhone 5S' side. Let’s call the iPhone 5C an innovation in product marketing. If you think Apple's flagship phone is too expensive, then perhaps you’d like a $99 phone that has all the power of the now-retired iPhone 5. Worried that the iPhone 5S' glass and metal body is too fragile for your kids to handle? Check out the polycarbonate body on the iPhone 5C. With its rounder edges, the budget phone is definitely ready to handle its share of drops and rough living.
Apple’s new iOS 7 looks right at home on the iPhone 5C (possibly even more so than the iPhone 5s), as its colorful exterior appears to almost exactly match the operating system's primary-color palette.
Slightly larger than the iPhone 5s (and 5), the iPhone 5C felt cool, comfortable and sturdy in my hand. The one-piece plastic body is shiny and smooth to the touch. On the front is the familiar home button (with its trademark box) and an edge-to-edge glass face, which houses the 4-inch retina display. Inside the phone is a steel frame, which doubles as an antenna, and adds to the rigid feel.
While the 5C shares most of the iPhone 5’s specs, Apple did upgrade the FaceTime camera. I had a chance to run my iPhone 5’s front facing-camera alongside the one on the iPhone 5C; the difference was startling, and is sure to change the video-calling experience.
Bigger Markets to Fry
Although the iPhone 5C bears little resemblance to recent iPhones, and echoes the iPhone 3G/3GS (which had plastic backs), it’s still probably best described as a reskinned iPhone 5.
In the demo room at Apple's Tuesday event, tech journalists crowded around the available iPhone 5Ss, as a collection of iPhone 5Cs and their silicon rubber cases were left largely untouched. Undeterred, I kept playing with the budget phone, looking for differences that are more than just skin-deep. I asked Apple reps what sets the iPhone 5C apart. In response, they pointed to the FaceTime camera, but beyond that, they were stumped.
Don’t get me wrong — I think the new bodies and colors will appeal to many people who think Apple's flagship phone is too austere. What's more, the new price puts iPhone 5 technology in reach for a whole budget-conscious set of users.
Many of them live in China.
Correction: This article originally misidentified the material of the original iPhone's back as plastic. As commenters have pointed out, the iPhone didn't get a plastic back until the iPhone 3G.
Image: Mashable
Topics: Apple, Gadgets, iPhone 5C, Mobile, Tech
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line854
|
__label__wiki
| 0.892684
| 0.892684
|
DraftKings and FanDuel have best week ever
by Chris Isidore @CNNMoney October 13, 2015: 10:41 AM ET
Here's how to cheat at fantasy football
A scandal and a lot of bad PR didn't hurt fantasy sports: The sites took in record entry fees from fans last week amid concerns that the services' employees were profiting from inside information.
A report by SuperLobby, a research firm that tracks fees and prizes in the industry, reports that the daily fantasy sports sites brought in more money in NFL fan entry fees than in any other week.
"Fears concerning the potential impact of the mainstream media's negative daily fantasy sports coverage last week appear unjustified," the report said. "If anything, it may be that the 'there is no such thing as bad publicity' maxim has come into play."
SuperLobby's data shows that entry fees to DraftKings and FanDuel, the two highest-profile players in the business, rose 4% to 5% compared to the previous week. Spokespeople for DraftKings and FanDuel declined to comment.
Related: Fantasy sports - What is it anyway?
It came to light recently that a DraftKings employee who had access to confidential data won $350,000 in a FanDuel contest -- raising questions about the fairness of the games.
DraftKings and FanDuel said no inside information was used by the DraftKings employee before he made the entry that won the big prize.
The two companies also announced new policies permanently banning their employees from playing paid fantasy sports and said they would no longer accept entries from employees of rival sites.
Related: Fantasy sports fans wonder if games are rigged
DraftKings and FanDuel have each raised about $300 million from investors and now have valuations in the billions. They have flooded the airwaves and stadiums with ads trying to attract new players to daily fantasy games. In daily game, fans compete for prizes based on a single week of football statistics.
"These sites don't need publicity of these news reports; they're everywhere to be seen," said Dan Back, a partner with RotoGrinders, a news site for daily fantasy sports players. RotoGrinders has its own ads from the services.
Still, the news reports likely introduced new fans to how daily fantasy sports are played, and that could have attracted new players.
Back also said that some fantasy players might have been assured by the steps taken by DraftKings and FanDuel in the wake of the scandal.
CNNMoney (New York) First published October 13, 2015: 10:41 AM ET
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line858
|
__label__wiki
| 0.948789
| 0.948789
|
In a major achievement for Mumbai
In a major achievement for Mumbai’s suburban network, no accidental death on June 26 on Central Railway and Western Railway
By Kamal MishraKamal Mishra, Mumbai Mirror | Updated: Jun 28, 2019, 07:28 IST
A tremendous achievement for Mumbai’s suburban network, which has reduced the incidence of fatalities through a series of measures, including sustained campaigning to spread awareness.
June 26 was a red-letter day for Mumbai’s suburban railway network as not a single case of accidental death was reported on Western and Central lines. This is all the more remarkable since the number of fatalities on Mumbai’s rail network had decreased by over 10 per cent in the last 5 months (January to May) when compared to the same period last year.
In the three days before June 26, the incidence of fatality had gone down, with 5 deaths reported on June 25, two on June 24 and four on June 23 when the average daily death last year was 8.16.
However, June 26 wasn’t exactly free of mishaps as 11 people were reported injured.
The Railways attribute this success to a series of measures carried out by Central Railway (CR) and Western Railway (WR). In the last six months, CR has closed the gaps in boundary walls at more than 100 locations. Last year alone, it had constructed new boundary walls of 13 km. Apart from constructing 41new foot overbridges in the last 18 months, it has installed 49 escalators and 22 lifts in various stations.
WR too has plugged the boundary wall gaps at more at 52 locations in the Churchgate Virar section, including at crucial points in Jogeshwari, Bandra, Andheri, Borivali and Dahisar to curb trespassing. It has constructed 6 FOBs for east-west connectivity and another 38 to streamline passenger traffic at stations. Apart from constructing 8.98 km of boundary wall, WR has also put up fences in Mahim-Bandra, Borivali-Dahisar and Naigaon-Vasai sections.
Both CR and WR have been strict about enforcing rules. This year till June 26, 9894 trespassers were prosecuted by CR under the Railway Act. For WR till June 26, the figures stood at 4787. “The drive against trespassing is an ongoing process and CR is committed to take all possible measures in its domain,” said Sunil Udasi, CPRO, CR.
In addition, the Railways carried out sustained campaigning in the form of radio jingles, newspaper advertisements, announcements in trains and at stations, distributing pamphlets. The RPF even carried out a door-to-door campaign for those living along the railway tracks.
Hailing WR and CR’s zero-fatality record on Wednesday, a motorman said, “Watching a death on the tracks is the most traumatic experience for us. The first thing we do once we step into the cabin is to pray so that no one falls off the train or is killed while crossing the tracks.”
In the last six months, CR has closed the gaps in boundary walls at more than 100 locations.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line862
|
__label__wiki
| 0.504531
| 0.504531
|
Sons of Zion – Come Home Tour
Sons of Zion are without question one of Aotearoa’s favourite live acts and this August, they’re taking their new live show on the road.
The seven-date ‘Come Home’ Tour, presented by Mai fm and Pato Entertainment, celebrates the release of the band’s new hit single of the same name, which just last week debuted at #6 on the NZ singles chart and is already quickly climbing the radio charts.
The tour kicks off on Friday, August 2 in New Plymouth at The Mayfair; followed by The Good Home in Christchurch on Saturday, August 3; Totara Street in Tauranga on Friday, August 9; The Powerstation in Auckland on Saturday, August 10; The Factory in Hamilton on Friday, August 16, San Fran in Wellington on Thursday, August 29 and Coronet Peak in Queenstown on Saturday, August 31.
Tickets go on sale at 8.00am on Wednesday July 3 from www.patoentertainment.co.nz
Sons of Zion have well and truly earned their place as one of the strongest forces in the Australasian music scene and ‘Come Home’ – the first single from a new body of work – sets the bar high for the next chapter in their legacy.
‘Come Home’ follows their Top 40 smash ‘Drift Away’ which is now certified platinum in New Zealand and was the #1 most played song on NZ radio for 11 weeks running, achieving the #1 NZTop20 NZ Single, over 10 million streams and almost 1 million video views.
‘Drift Away’ was featured on their 2018 album VANTAGE POINT, alongside a slew of their other hits including ‘Leave with Me,’ ‘Now’ and ‘Is That Enough (Ft. Aaradhna).’
From their humble Kiwi beginnings, to playing shows across the globe and dominating charts, Sons of Zion have amassed over 40 million streams on Spotify, more than 20 million views on YouTube and 100,000-plus followers on social media.
Their accolades include a NZ Music Award for ‘Best Roots Artist’ in 2018, NZ on Air Best Music Video Award for Superman and nominations for ‘Best Māori Urban Roots Album’, ‘Best Song By A Maori Artist’ and ‘Best Song Writer’ at the Waiata Maori Music Awards.
For members Rio, Sam, Joel, Matt, Ross, and Caleb, it’s a track record that has established them as one of the southern hemisphere’s most-loved and well-respected bands.
Catch them live this August, at a town or city near you!
Mai fm and Pato Entertainment presents Sons of Zion ‘Come Home’ tour 2019
Friday, August 2 – New Plymouth – The Mayfair
Saturday, August 3 – Christchurch – The Good Home
Friday, August 9 – Tauranga – Totara Street
Saturday, August 10 – Auckland – The Powerstation
Friday, August 16 – Hamilton – The Factory
Thursday, August 29 – Wellington – San Fran
Saturday, August 31 – Queenstown – Coronet Peak
Tickets from www.patoentertainment.co.nz – on sale Wednesday July 3 at 8.00am
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line864
|
__label__wiki
| 0.759653
| 0.759653
|
richardmitnick 2:33 PM on March 28, 2018 Permalink Reply
Tags: Avant-garde ( 590 ), Bang On A Can ( 59 ), Classical Music ( 653 ), Jazz ( 538 ), Jazz Loft Project ( 80 ), John Schaefer ( 119 ), New Music ( 1,036 ), New Sounds ( 186 ), New York Public Radio ( 96 ), streaming audio ( 513 ), The Jewish Museum, Tomeka Reid Quartet, WBGO ( 70 ), WPRB ( 154 ), WQXR ( 136 )
From Bang On A Can: The Jewish Museum and Bang on a Can Present Tomeka Reid Quartet
Bang On a Can is the original DIY New Music Organization
Tomeka Reid Quartet
Tomeka Reid, cello
Jason Roebke, bass
Mary Halvorson, guitar
Tomas Fujiwara, drums
Thursday, April 26, 2018 at 7:30pm
Scheuer Auditorium at the Jewish Museum
1109 5th Ave at 92nd St | New York, NY
Tickets: $18 General; $15 Students and Seniors; $12 Jewish Museum and Bang on a Can Members.
Available at http://www.thejewishmuseum.org. Includes museum admission.
Bang on a Can and the Jewish Museum’s 2017-18 concert season, which focuses on pioneering female artists, concludes on Thursday, April 26, 2018 at 7:30pm with a performance by cellist, composer, and improviser Tomeka Reid. Reid will perform with the Tomeka Reid Quartet, her own collection of leading Chicago and New York-based musicians, including Jason Roebke, bass; Mary Halvorson, guitar; and Tomas Fujiwara, drums. The ensemble will perform new compositions, combining her love of groove along with freer concepts, inspired by the themes in Scenes from the Collection, a new, major exhibition of the Jewish Museum’s unparalleled collection featuring nearly 600 works from antiquities to contemporary art.
On being a pioneer, Reid says, “I like to think that I am a musician who is helping, along with so many other musicians, to keep moving the tradition forward. There have been many other string players and female musicians before me who have helped pave the way and have showed me possibility. I am honored to be a part of this legacy, while carving out my own path. I am an advocate for other string players to explore the imaginative world of improvisation because I feel like it develops us not only musically but personally too. I also feel like it’s a great medium for musical and cultural exchange. I am currently embarking on a month long tour in places like Beirut, Istanbul, Cairo and Addis Ababa and I am so grateful to partake in so many improvisational musical exchanges.”
In the ongoing exhibition, Scenes from the Collection, art and Jewish objects are shown together, affirming universal values that are shared among people of all faiths and backgrounds. The installation is a powerful expression of artistic and cultural creativity as well as a reflection of the continual evolution that is the essence of Jewish identity. This unique mix of art and ceremonial objects speaks of the many strands of Jewish tradition, culture, spirituality, and history. The stories the works of art tell illuminate multiple perspectives on being Jewish in the past and present, how Jewish culture intersects with art, and how it is part of the larger world of global interconnections.
About Tomeka Reid
Recently described as a “New Jazz Power Source” by the New York Times, Chicago cellist and composer Tomeka Reid has emerged as one of the most original, versatile, and curious musicians in the Chicago’s bustling jazz and improvised music community over the last decade. Her distinctive melodic sensibility, usually braided to a strong sense of groove, has been featured in many distinguished ensembles over the years. Reid has been a key member of ensembles led by legendary reedists like Anthony Braxton and Roscoe Mitchell, as well as a younger generation of visionaries including flutist Nicole Mitchell, singer Dee Alexander, and drummer Mike Reed. She is also a co-leader of the adventurous string trio Hear in Now, with violinist Mazz Swift and bassist Silvia Bolognesi. Reid released her debut recording as a bandleader in 2015, with the eponymous recording, Tomeka Reid Quartet, a lively yet charged debut album that is a vibrant showcase not only for the cellist’s improvisational acumen, but also her knack for dynamic arrangements and her compositional ability. Reid, grew up outside of Washington D.C., and her musical career kicked into gear after moving to Chicago in 2000 to attend DePaul University for graduate school. Her work with Nicole Mitchell and various Association for the Advancement of Creative Musicians-related groups have proved influential to the young musician. By focusing on developing her craft primarily as a side person and working in countless improvisational contexts, Reid has achieved a stunning musical maturity. Reid is a 2016 recipient of a 3Arts award in music and received her doctorate in music from the University of Illinois, Urbana- Champaign in 2017.
The 2017-2018 season marks the fourth year of the Jewish Museum and Bang on a Can’s partnership, producing dynamic musical performances inspired by the Museum’s diverse slate of exhibitions. This is the final concert of this season focused on pioneering female artists. Details about the 2018-2019 season to be announced.
Received via email.
Bang On A Can David Lang- Michael Gordon- Julia Wolfe © Peter Serling
Bang On A Can All-Stars Members Ashley Bathgate, cello
Robert Black, bass
Vicky Chow, piano
David Cossin, percussion
Mark Stewart, guitars
Ken Thomson, clarinet
Formed in 1992, the Bang on a Can All-Stars are recognized worldwide for their ultra-dynamic live performances and recordings of today’s most innovative music. Freely crossing the boundaries between classical, jazz, rock, world and experimental music, this six-member amplified ensemble has consistently forged a distinct category-defying identity, taking music into uncharted territories. Performing each year throughout the U.S. and internationally, the All-Stars have shattered the definition of what concert music is today.
Together, the All-Stars have worked in unprecedented close collaboration with some of the most important and inspiring musicians of our time, including Steve Reich, Ornette Coleman, Burmese circle drum master Kyaw Kyaw Naing, Tan Dun, DJ Spooky, and many more. The group’s celebrated projects include their landmark recordings of Brian Eno’s ambient classic Music for Airports and Terry Riley’s In C, as well as live performances with Philip Glass, Meredith Monk, Don Byron, Iva Bittova, Thurston Moore, Owen Pallett and others. The All-Stars were awarded Musical America’s Ensemble of the Year and have been heralded as “the country’s most important vehicle for contemporary music” by the San Francisco Chronicle.
Current and recent project highlights include the touring performances and recording of Julia Wolfe’s Pulitzer Prize winning Anthracite Fields for the All-Stars and guest choir, the record release of Wolfe’s acclaimed Steel Hammer, featuring Trio Mediaeval, plus a moving theatrically staged collaboration with SITI Company and director Anne Bogart; Field Recordings, a major multi-media project and CD/DVD now featuring 30 commissioned works by Tyondai Braxton, Mira Calix, Anna Clyne, Bryce Dessner, Florent Ghys, Michael Gordon, Jóhann Jóhannsson, David Lang, Christian Marclay, Steve Reich, Todd Reynolds, Julia Wolfe, and more; the Lincoln Center Festival 2017 world premiere of Cloud River Mountain, a new collaboration featuring Chinese superstar singer Gong Linna; the world premiere performance and recording of Steve Reich’s 2×5 including a sold-out performance at Carnegie Hall, and much more. With a massive repertoire of works written specifically for the group’s distinctive instrumentation and style of performance, the All-Stars have become a genre in their own right. The All-Stars record on Cantaloupe Music and have released past recordings on Sony, Universal and Nonesuch.
← From INNOVA: “Two new releases in April”
From CERN CMS The Cylindrical Onion: “Dark Matter: Music Meets Physics” →
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line865
|
__label__wiki
| 0.643124
| 0.643124
|
Hyun, Shin Joong & Yup Juns
LION 123
Spring of 1974 witnessed the birth of psychedelic power trio SHIN JOONG HyUN & YUP JUNS. “In Korean, yupjun literally means a brass coin,” Shin explains. “However, during that time it was used as slang to describe a sense of unpleasantness and dislike. Since I was so unpleasant and dissatisfied [in my career], I told myself, ‘Ok, fine, I am just a yupjun,’ and named my band with a rebellious attitude.” He began by renting a room at Seoul’s Tower Hotel to serve as a creative base for the group. After six months of preparation, the group cut ten powerful songs filled with monster grooves, fuzz guitar, emotive singing, and top-notch songwriting. The album was pressed up as a broadcast-only promotional vinyl to test radio response; the response wasn’t what anyone expected, and the record label refused to release the album. The band re-recorded the album, but it is this, the original ten track version, that has become legendary—with good reason. An astounding record, and one that we are privileged to bring to the rest of the world for the first time. The 180 gram vinyl version comes in a deluxe old-style jacket, with OBI, and has a full color insert with liner notes and rare photos; the deluxe mini-LP sleeve CD version has a 20-page booklet with rare photos, and great stories about Shin Joong Hyun and his continuing place of prominence in the Korean music scene.
Originals Vol. 2 (1969)
Sidewinders
Cuacha!
En Regardent Passer Le Temps
Deluxe, Jean-emmanuel
Rouen Dreams
Nihilist Spasm Band
Originals Vol. 1 (1967-68)
Montgomery Chapel
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line867
|
__label__wiki
| 0.818771
| 0.818771
|
All posts tagged hydrogen bomb
NSA Building A $2 Billion Quantum Computer Artificial Intelligence Spy Center
Posted in: Mindcomputers, Tech News. Tagged: aspartame, computer, depopulation, electromagnetic field, environment, european space agency, Health and nutrition, hydrogen bomb, medium resolution imaging, Micro/Nano Brain Implant, Military, nanofabrication, nanoproducts, nanotechnology, national security center, new, nsa, Quantum Computer, qubit chip, research, Satellite, science, telecomunication, total information awareness, total information awareness program, Vesuvius. 8 Comments
The NSA is a data center to house a 512 qubit quantum computer capable of learning, reproducing the brain’s cognitive functions, and programming itself.
The National Security Center is building a highly fortified $2 Billion highly top secret complex simply named the “Utah Data Center” which will soon be home to the Hydrogen bomb of cybersecurity – A 512 Qubit Quantum Computer — which will revitalize the the “total information awareness” program originally envisioned by George Bush in 2003.
The news of the data center comes after Department of Defense contractor Lockheed Martin secured a contract with D-Wave for $10 million for a 512 qubit Quantum Computer code-named Vesuvius.
Vesuvius is capable of executing a massive number of computations at once, more than 100,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000,000, which is would take millions of years on a standard desktop.
The computer will be able to crack even the most secure encryption and will give the US government a quantum leap into technologies once only dreamed of including the rise of the world’s very first all-knowing omniscient self-teaching artificial intelligence.
The D-Wave Quantum computer boasts of a wide array of features including:
Binary classification – Enables the quantum computer to be fed vast amounts of complex input data, including text, images, and videos and label the material
Quantum Unsupervised Feature Learning QUFL – Enables the computer to learn on its own, as well as create and optimize its own programs to make itself run more efficiently.
Temporal QUFL – Enables the Computer to predict the future based in information it learns through Binary classification and the QUFL feature.
Artificial Intelligence Via Quantum Neural Network – Enables the computer to completely reconstruct the human brain’s cognitive processes and teach itself how to make better decisions and better predict the future based.
D-Wave’s 512-qubit chip, code-named Vesuvius
D-Wave’s 512-qubit chip, code-named Vesuvius. The white square on the right contains the quantum goodness. Photo: D-Wave
D-Wave Defies World of Critics With ‘First Quantum Cloud’
The quantum computer is the holy grail of tech research. The idea is to build a machine that uses the mind-bending properties of very small particles to perform calculations that are well beyond the capabilities of machines here in the world of classical physics. But it’s still not completely clear that a true quantum computer can actually be built.
But Rose keeps fighting. In May, D-Wave published a paper in the influential journal Nature that backed up at least some of its claims. And more importantly, it landed a customer. That same month, mega defense contractor Lockheed Martin bought a D-Wave quantum computer and a support contract for $10 million.
The critics have been so vociferous in large part because Rose isn’t shy about promoting his company. But that’s just the way he is. Rose likens D-Wave’s quantum computers to the Large Hadron Collider, the world’s biggest particle accelerator. “They’re the largest programmable quantum systems that have ever been built by a long shot,” he says. And his latest pitch is that D-Wave is on verge of unveiling the world’s first quantum cloud. That’s right, quantum-computing-as-a-service.
D-Wave’s computer is designed to solve what are called combinatorial optimization problems. The classic example is figuring out the most efficient route for a traveling salesman going to multiple destinations. There’s no mathematical shortcut that computers can take to solve combinatorial optimization problems. They have to use brute force: Simply check all possible combinations. The trouble is, the number of possibilities explodes exponentially with the problem size. For example, if you have six destinations, there are 64 possible combinations. If you have 20 destinations, there are 1,048,576 possible combinations.
D-Wave’s next-generation computer is designed to handle problems with as many as 512 variables. In theory, that lets you solve problems involving two to the 512 possible combinations, and a problem of that size is beyond the reach of any classical computer that could ever be built. “It’s bigger than the number of atoms in the universe,” Rose says. “It doesn’t matter how big a supercomputer you make.”
He then convinced Lockheed Martin’s management to buy a D-Wave computer and install it in a lab at USC’s Information Sciences Institute. Lockheed Martin and USC split time on the machine, and Lockheed Martin’s access is via a secure network. The machine came online at noon on December 23, and the company now has 50 people working on it.
Source: Wired
Via Explaining Quantum Computers:
QUANTUM COMPUTING PIONEERS
OK, so quantum computing may sound all very theoretical (and indeed at present a lot of it actually is!). However, practical quantum computing research is now very much under way. Perhaps most notably, back in 2007 a Canadian company called D-Wave announced what it described as “the world’s first commercially viable quantum computer”. This was based on a 16 qubit processor — the Rainer R4.7 — made from the rare metal niobium supercooled into a superconducting state. Back in 2007, D-Wave demonstrated their quantum computer performing several tasks including playing Sudoku and creating a complex seating plan.
Many people at the time were somewhat sceptical of D-Wave’s claims. However, in December 2009, Google revealed that it had been working with D-Wave to develop quantum computing algorithms for image recognition purposes. Experiments had included using a D-Wave quantum computer to recognise cars in photographs faster than possible using any conventional computer in a Google data centre. Around this time, there was also an announcement from IBM that it was rededicating resources to quantum computing research in the “hope that a five-year push [would] produce tangible and profound improvements”.
In 2011, D-Wave launched a fully-commercial, 128-qubit quantum computer. Called the D-Wave One, this is described by the company as a “high performance computing system designed for industrial problems encountered by fortune 500 companies, government and academia”. The D-Wave One‘s super-cooled 128 qubit processor is housed inside a cryogenics system within a 10 square meter shielded room. Just look at the picture here and you will see the sheer size of the thing relative to a human being. At launch, the D-Wave One cost $10 million. The first D-Wave One was sold to US aerospace, security and military giant Lockheed Martin in May 2011.
D-Wave aside, other research teams are also making startling quantum computing advances. For example, in September 2010, the Centre for Quantum Photonics in Bristol in the United Kingdom reported that it had created a new photonic quantum chip. This is able to operate at normal temperatures and pressures, rather than under the extreme conditions required by the D-Wave One and most other quantum computing hardware. According to the guy in charge — Jeremy O’Brien — his team’s new chip may be used as the basis of a quantum computer capable of outperforming a conventional computer “within five years”.
Another significant quantum computing milestone was reported in January 2011 by a team from Oxford University. Here strong magnetic fields and low temperatures were used to link — or “quantumly entangle” — the electrons and nuclei of a great many phosphorous atoms inside a highly purified silicon crystal. Each entangled electron and nucleus was then able to function as a qubit. Most startlingly, ten billion quantumly entangled qubits were created simultaneously. If a way an be found to link these together, the foundation will have been laid for an incredibly powerful computing machine. In comparison to the 128 qubit D-Wave One, a future computer with even a fraction of a 10 billion qubit capacity could clearly possess a quite literally incomprehensible level of processing power.
Details About The NSA Quantum Computer Spy Center
The National Security Center’s massive $2 Billion Dollar highly fortified top secret data center
Watch: Quantum Computers – The Hydrogen Bomb of Cyber Warfare
Watch: Inside The 128 Bit Quantum Computer
Here is a recap of the work the NSA is doing followed by recent technology breakthroughs in quantum physics and detailed overview of what quantum computing.
Cryptogon reports :
Bamford Claims NSA Has Made “An Enormous Breakthrough” in Cryptanalysis
Well, it has been the $64,000 question for a couple of decades: Can NSA break something like PGP?
While there might be other black world technologies that could be up to the task (there’s no way to know), what we do know is that a practical quantum computing capability would be, for all intents and purposes, the master key.
I’m pretty confident that NSA has this capability and here’s why: IBM Breakthrough May Make Practical Quantum Computer 15 Years Away Instead of 50. There is no hard constant that one can point to when considering how much more advanced black world technologies are than what we think of as state of the art, but if IBM is 15 years away from building a useful quantum computer, it’s not a stretch to assume NSA has that capability already, or is close to having it.
Bamford lays out a narrative below about the “enormous breakthrough,” but, at the end of the day, it’s conventional computers. There’s no mention quantum computers, or even the far less “out there” photonic systems.
Is Bamford’s piece a limited hangout?
Maybe, but it makes for interesting reading in any event.
Note: For some reason, Bamford refers to Mark Klein as, “A whistle-blower,” without naming him. Because of Mark Klein, we know, for sure, that the mass intercepts are happening, how NSA is doing it, the equipment involved, etc. So, thanks, Mark Klein. Heroes have names on Cryptogon.
Source: Cryptogon
Wired reports
The NSA Is Building the Country’s Biggest Spy Center (Watch What You Say)
Under construction by contractors with top-secret clearances, the blandly named Utah Data Center is being built for the National Security Agency. A project of immense secrecy, it is the final piece in a complex puzzle assembled over the past decade. Its purpose: to intercept, decipher, analyze, and store vast swaths of the world’s communications as they zap down from satellites and zip through the underground and undersea cables of international, foreign, and domestic networks. The heavily fortified $2 billion center should be up and running in September 2013. Flowing through its servers and routers and stored in near-bottomless databases will be all forms of communication, including the complete contents of private emails, cell phone calls, and Google searches, as well as all sorts of personal data trails—parking receipts, travel itineraries, bookstore purchases, and other digital “pocket litter.” It is, in some measure, the realization of the “total information awareness” program created during the first term of the Bush administration—an effort that was killed by Congress in 2003 after it caused an outcry over its potential for invading Americans’ privacy.
But “this is more than just a data center,” says one senior intelligence official who until recently was involved with the program. The mammoth Bluffdale center will have another important and far more secret role that until now has gone unrevealed. It is also critical, he says, for breaking codes. And code-breaking is crucial, because much of the data that the center will handle—financial information, stock transactions, business deals, foreign military and diplomatic secrets, legal documents, confidential personal communications—will be heavily encrypted. According to another top official also involved with the program, the NSA made an enormous breakthrough several years ago in its ability to cryptanalyze, or break, unfathomably complex encryption systems employed by not only governments around the world but also many average computer users in the US. The upshot, according to this official: “Everybody’s a target; everybody with communication is a target.”
In the process—and for the first time since Watergate and the other scandals of the Nixon administration—the NSA has turned its surveillance apparatus on the US and its citizens. It has established listening posts throughout the nation to collect and sift through billions of email messages and phone calls, whether they originate within the country or overseas. It has created a supercomputer of almost unimaginable speed to look for patterns and unscramble codes. Finally, the agency has begun building a place to store all the trillions of words and thoughts and whispers captured in its electronic net. And, of course, it’s all being done in secret. To those on the inside, the old adage that NSA stands for Never Say Anything applies more than ever.
The data stored in Bluffdale will naturally go far beyond the world’s billions of public web pages. The NSA is more interested in the so-called invisible web, also known as the deep web or deepnet—data beyond the reach of the public. This includes password-protected data, US and foreign government communications, and noncommercial file-sharing between trusted peers. “The deep web contains government reports, databases, and other sources of information of high value to DOD and the intelligence community,” according to a 2010 Defense Science Board report. “Alternative tools are needed to find and index data in the deep web … Stealing the classified secrets of a potential adversary is where the [intelligence] community is most comfortable.” With its new Utah Data Center, the NSA will at last have the technical capability to store, and rummage through, all those stolen secrets. The question, of course, is how the agency defines who is, and who is not, “a potential adversary.”
According to Binney—who has maintained close contact with agency employees until a few years ago—the taps in the secret rooms dotting the country are actually powered by highly sophisticated software programs that conduct “deep packet inspection,” examining Internet traffic as it passes through the 10-gigabit-per-second cables at the speed of light.
The software, created by a company called Narus that’s now part of Boeing, is controlled remotely from NSA headquarters at Fort Meade in Maryland and searches US sources for target addresses, locations, countries, and phone numbers, as well as watch-listed names, keywords, and phrases in email. Any communication that arouses suspicion, especially those to or from the million or so people on agency watch lists, are automatically copied or recorded and then transmitted to the NSA.
The scope of surveillance expands from there, Binney says. Once a name is entered into the Narus database, all phone calls and other communications to and from that person are automatically routed to the NSA’s recorders. “Anybody you want, route to a recorder,” Binney says. “If your number’s in there? Routed and gets recorded.” He adds, “The Narus device allows you to take it all.” And when Bluffdale is completed, whatever is collected will be routed there for storage and analysis.
According to Binney, one of the deepest secrets of the Stellar Wind program—again, never confirmed until now—was that the NSA gained warrantless access to AT&T’s vast trove of domestic and international billing records, detailed information about who called whom in the US and around the world. As of 2007, AT&T had more than 2.8 trillion records housed in a database at its Florham Park, New Jersey, complex.
Verizon was also part of the program, Binney says, and that greatly expanded the volume of calls subject to the agency’s domestic eavesdropping. “That multiplies the call rate by at least a factor of five,” he says. “So you’re over a billion and a half calls a day.” (Spokespeople for Verizon and AT&T said their companies would not comment on matters of national security.)
After he left the NSA, Binney suggested a system for monitoring people’s communications according to how closely they are connected to an initial target. The further away from the target—say you’re just an acquaintance of a friend of the target—the less the surveillance. But the agency rejected the idea, and, given the massive new storage facility in Utah, Binney suspects that it now simply collects everything. “The whole idea was, how do you manage 20 terabytes of intercept a minute?” he says. “The way we proposed was to distinguish between things you want and things you don’t want.” Instead, he adds, “they’re storing everything they gather.” And the agency is gathering as much as it can.
Once the communications are intercepted and stored, the data-mining begins. “You can watch everybody all the time with data- mining,” Binney says. Everything a person does becomes charted on a graph, “financial transactions or travel or anything,” he says. Thus, as data like bookstore receipts, bank statements, and commuter toll records flow in, the NSA is able to paint a more and more detailed picture of someone’s life.
The NSA also has the ability to eavesdrop on phone calls directly and in real time. According to Adrienne J. Kinne, who worked both before and after 9/11 as a voice interceptor at the NSA facility in Georgia, in the wake of the World Trade Center attacks “basically all rules were thrown out the window, and they would use any excuse to justify a waiver to spy on Americans.” Even journalists calling home from overseas were included. “A lot of time you could tell they were calling their families,” she says, “incredibly intimate, personal conversations.” Kinne found the act of eavesdropping on innocent fellow citizens personally distressing. “It’s almost like going through and finding somebody’s diary,” she says.
Sitting in a restaurant not far from NSA headquarters, the place where he spent nearly 40 years of his life, Binney held his thumb and forefinger close together. “We are, like, that far from a turnkey totalitarian state,” he says.
Meanwhile, over in Building 5300, the NSA succeeded in building an even faster supercomputer. “They made a big breakthrough,” says another former senior intelligence official, who helped oversee the program. The NSA’s machine was likely similar to the unclassified Jaguar, but it was much faster out of the gate, modified specifically for cryptanalysis and targeted against one or more specific algorithms, like the AES. In other words, they were moving from the research and development phase to actually attacking extremely difficult encryption systems. The code-breaking effort was up and running.
The breakthrough was enormous, says the former official, and soon afterward the agency pulled the shade down tight on the project, even within the intelligence community and Congress. “Only the chairman and vice chairman and the two staff directors of each intelligence committee were told about it,” he says. The reason? “They were thinking that this computing breakthrough was going to give them the ability to crack current public encryption.”
Source:Wired
Cyrptome further quotes the 4 paged wired article.
By James Bamford
[Excerpts of excellent NSA overview to focus on the MRF decryption facility.]
When Barack Obama took office, Binney hoped the new administration might be open to reforming the program to address his constitutional concerns. He and another former senior NSA analyst, J. Kirk Wiebe, tried to bring the idea of an automated warrant-approval system to the attention of the Department of Justice’s inspector general. They were given the brush-off. “They said, oh, OK, we can’t comment,” Binney says.
There is still one technology preventing untrammeled government access to private digital data: strong encryption. Anyone—from terrorists and weapons dealers to corporations, financial institutions, and ordinary email senders—can use it to seal their messages, plans, photos, and documents in hardened data shells. For years, one of the hardest shells has been the Advanced Encryption Standard, one of several algorithms used by much of the world to encrypt data. Available in three different strengths—128 bits, 192 bits, and 256 bits—it’s incorporated in most commercial email programs and web browsers and is considered so strong that the NSA has even approved its use for top-secret US government communications. Most experts say that a so-called brute-force computer attack on the algorithm—trying one combination after another to unlock the encryption—would likely take longer than the age of the universe. For a 128-bit cipher, the number of trial-and-error attempts would be 340 undecillion (1036).
Breaking into those complex mathematical shells like the AES is one of the key reasons for the construction going on in Bluffdale. That kind of cryptanalysis requires two major ingredients: super-fast computers to conduct brute-force attacks on encrypted messages and a massive number of those messages for the computers to analyze. The more messages from a given target, the more likely it is for the computers to detect telltale patterns, and Bluffdale will be able to hold a great many messages. “We questioned it one time,” says another source, a senior intelligence manager who was also involved with the planning. “Why were we building this NSA facility? And, boy, they rolled out all the old guys—the crypto guys.” According to the official, these experts told then-director of national intelligence Dennis Blair, “You’ve got to build this thing because we just don’t have the capability of doing the code-breaking.” It was a candid admission. In the long war between the code breakers and the code makers—the tens of thousands of cryptographers in the worldwide computer security industry—the code breakers were admitting defeat.
So the agency had one major ingredient—a massive data storage facility—under way. Meanwhile, across the country in Tennessee, the government was working in utmost secrecy on the other vital element: the most powerful computer the world has ever known.
The plan was launched in 2004 as a modern-day Manhattan Project. Dubbed the High Productivity Computing Systems program, its goal was to advance computer speed a thousandfold, creating a machine that could execute a quadrillion (1015) operations a second, known as a petaflop—the computer equivalent of breaking the land speed record. And as with the Manhattan Project, the venue chosen for the supercomputing program was the town of Oak Ridge in eastern Tennessee, a rural area where sharp ridges give way to low, scattered hills, and the southwestward-flowing Clinch River bends sharply to the southeast. About 25 miles from Knoxville, it is the “secret city” where uranium- 235 was extracted for the first atomic bomb. A sign near the exit read: what you see here, what you do here, what you hear here, when you leave here, let it stay here. Today, not far from where that sign stood, Oak Ridge is home to the Department of Energy’s Oak Ridge National Laboratory, and it’s engaged in a new secret war. But this time, instead of a bomb of almost unimaginable power, the weapon is a computer of almost unimaginable speed.
In 2004, as part of the supercomputing program, the Department of Energy established its Oak Ridge Leadership Computing Facility for multiple agencies to join forces on the project. But in reality there would be two tracks, one unclassified, in which all of the scientific work would be public, and another top-secret, in which the NSA could pursue its own computer covertly. “For our purposes, they had to create a separate facility,” says a former senior NSA computer expert who worked on the project and is still associated with the agency. (He is one of three sources who described the program.) It was an expensive undertaking, but one the NSA was desperate to launch.
Known as the Multiprogram Research Facility, or Building 5300, the $41 million, five-story, 214,000-square-foot structure was built on a plot of land on the lab’s East Campus and completed in 2006. Behind the brick walls and green-tinted windows, 318 scientists, computer engineers, and other staff work in secret on the cryptanalytic applications of high-speed computing and other classified projects. The supercomputer center was named in honor of George R. Cotter, the NSA’s now-retired chief scientist and head of its information technology program. Not that you’d know it. “There’s no sign on the door,” says the ex-NSA computer expert.
At the DOE’s unclassified center at Oak Ridge, work progressed at a furious pace, although it was a one-way street when it came to cooperation with the closemouthed people in Building 5300. Nevertheless, the unclassified team had its Cray XT4 supercomputer upgraded to a warehouse-sized XT5. Named Jaguar for its speed, it clocked in at 1.75 petaflops, officially becoming the world’s fastest computer in 2009.
1 Geostationary satellites
Four satellites positioned around the globe monitor frequencies carrying everything from walkie-talkies and cell phones in Libya to radar systems in North Korea. Onboard software acts as the first filter in the collection process, targeting only key regions, countries, cities, and phone numbers or email.
2 Aerospace Data Facility, Buckley Air Force Base, Colorado
Intelligence collected from the geostationary satellites, as well as signals from other spacecraft and overseas listening posts, is relayed to this facility outside Denver. About 850 NSA employees track the satellites, transmit target information, and download the intelligence haul.
3 NSA Georgia, Fort Gordon, Augusta, Georgia
Focuses on intercepts from Europe, the Middle East, and North Africa. Codenamed Sweet Tea, the facility has been massively expanded and now consists of a 604,000-square-foot operations building for up to 4,000 intercept operators, analysts, and other specialists.
4 NSA Texas, Lackland Air Force Base, San Antonio
Focuses on intercepts from Latin America and, since 9/11, the Middle East and Europe. Some 2,000 workers staff the operation. The NSA recently completed a $100 million renovation on a mega-data center here—a backup storage facility for the Utah Data Center.
5 NSA Hawaii, Oahu
Focuses on intercepts from Asia. Built to house an aircraft assembly plant during World War II, the 250,000-square-foot bunker is nicknamed the Hole. Like the other NSA operations centers, it has since been expanded: Its 2,700 employees now do their work aboveground from a new 234,000-square-foot facility.
6 Domestic listening posts
The NSA has long been free to eavesdrop on international satellite communications. But after 9/11, it installed taps in US telecom “switches,” gaining access to domestic traffic. An ex-NSA official says there are 10 to 20 such installations.
7 Overseas listening posts
According to a knowledgeable intelligence source, the NSA has installed taps on at least a dozen of the major overseas communications links, each capable of eavesdropping on information passing by at a high data rate.
8 Utah Data Center, Bluffdale, Utah
At a million square feet, this $2 billion digital storage facility outside Salt Lake City will be the centerpiece of the NSA’s cloud-based data strategy and essential in its plans for decrypting previously uncrackable documents.
9 Multiprogram Research Facility, Oak Ridge, Tennessee
Some 300 scientists and computer engineers with top security clearance toil away here, building the world’s fastest supercomputers and working on cryptanalytic applications and other secret projects.
10 NSA headquarters, Fort Meade, Maryland
Analysts here will access material stored at Bluffdale to prepare reports and recommendations that are sent to policymakers. To handle the increased data load, the NSA is also building an $896 million supercomputer here.
Russia Today Reports:
NSA Utah ‘Data Center’: Biggest-ever domestic spying lab
Overview of Camp Williams site before the construction works began. UDC will be located on the west side of the highway, on what was previously an airfield (Image from http://www.publicintelligence.net)
The biggest-ever data complex, to be completed in Utah in 2013, may take American citizens into a completely new reality where their emails, phone calls, online shopping lists and virtually entire lives will be stored and reviewed.
US government agencies are growing less patient with their own country with every month. First, paying with cash, shielding your laptop screen and a whole list of other commonplace habits was proclaimed to be suspicious – and if you see something you are prompted to say something. Then, reports emerged that drones are being fetched for police forces. Now, the state of Utah seems to be making way in a bid to host the largest-ever cyber shield in the history of American intelligence. Or is it a cyber-pool?
Utah sprang to media attention when the Camp Williams military base near the town of Bluffdale sprouted a vast, 240-acre construction site. American outlets say that what’s hiding under the modest plate of a Utah Data Complex is a prospective intelligence facility ordered by the National Security Agency.
Cyber-security vs. Total awareness
The NSA maintains that the data center, to be completed by September 2013, is a component of the Comprehensive National Cyber-security Initiative. The facility is to provide technical assistance to the Department of Homeland Security, collect intelligence on cyber threats and carry out cyber-security objectives, reported Reuters.
But both ordinary Americans and their intelligence community were quick to dub it “a spy center.”
The Utah Data Center will be built on a 240-acre site near Camp Williams, Utah. Once completed in September 2013, it will be twice as large as the US Capitol. The center will provide 100,000 square feet of computer space, out of a total one million square feet. The project, launched in 2010, is to cost the National Security Agency up to $2 billion
The highly-classified project will be responsible for intercepting, storing and analyzing intelligence data as it zips through both domestic and international networks. The data may come in all forms: private e-mails, cell phone calls, Google searches – even parking lot tickets or shop purchases.
“This is more than just a data center,” an official source close to the project told the online magazine Wired.com. The source says the center will actually focus on deciphering the accumulated data, essentially code-breaking.
This means not only exposing Facebook activities or Wikipedia requests, but compromising “the invisible” Internet, or the “deepnet.” Legal and business deals, financial transactions, password-protected files and inter-governmental communications will all become vulnerable.
Once communication data is stored, a process known as data-mining will begin. Everything a person does – from traveling to buying groceries – is to be displayed on a graph, allowing the NSA to paint a detailed picture of any given individual’s life.
With this in mind, the agency now indeed looks to be “the most covert and potentially most intrusive intelligence agency ever,” as Wired.com puts it.
William Binney, NSA’s former senior mathematician-gone-whistleblower, holds his thumb and forefinger close together and tells the on-line magazine:
“We are that far from a turnkey totalitarian state.”
‘Everybody is a target’
Before the data can be stored it has to be collected. This task is already a matter of the past, as the NSA created a net of secret monitoring rooms in major US telecom facilities – a practice that was exposed by people like William Binney in 2006.
The program allowed the monitoring of millions of American phone calls and emails every day. In 2008, the Congress granted almost impecible legal immunity to telecom companies cooperating with the government on national security issues.
By this time, the NSA network has long outgrown a single room in the AT&T building in San Francisco, says Binney:
“I think there are ten to twenty of them. This is not just San Francisco; they have them in the middle of the country and also on the East Coast.”
Binney suspects the new center in Utah will simply collect all the data there is to be collected. Virtually, no one can escape the new surveillance, created in the US for the War on Terror.
Some data, of course, would be crucial in the anti-terrorism battle: exposing potential adversaries. The question is how the NSA defines who is and who is not a potential adversary.
“Everybody is a target; everybody with communication is a target,” remarks another source close to the Utah project.
Breaking the unbreakable
Now, the last hurdle in the NSA’s path seems to be the Advanced Encryption Standard cipher algorithm, which guards financial transactions, corporate mail, business deals, and diplomatic exchanges globally. It is so effective that the National Security Agency even recommended it for the US government.
Here, the Utah data complex may come in handy for two reasons. First: what cannot be broken today can be stored for tomorrow. Second: a system to break the AES should consist of a super-fast computer coupled with a vast storage capabilities to save as many instances for analysis as possible.
The data storage in Utah, with its 1 million square feet of enclosed space, is virtually bottomless, given that a terabyte can now be stored on a tiny flash drive. Wired.com argues that the US plan to break the AES is the sole reason behind the construction of the Utah Data Center.
The eavesdropping issue has been rocking the US since the Watergate scandal in the 1970s, when domestic spying was eventually outlawed. Nowadays, a lot of questions are still being asked about the secret activities of the US government and whether it could be using the Patriot Act and other national security legislation to justify potentially illegal actions. The NSA’s former employees, who decided to go public, wonder whether the agency – which is to spend up to $2 billion on the heavily fortified facility in Utah – will be able to restrict itself to eavesdropping only on international communications.
Source: Russia Today
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line870
|
__label__cc
| 0.705494
| 0.294506
|
All posts tagged SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY
Billion dollar race: Soviet Union vied with US in ‘mind control research’
Posted by Magnus Olsson on December 20, 2013
Posted in: Micro/Nano Brain Implant, Mind Control. Tagged: Arms, brain, History, human rights, Intelligence, Military, mind control, Nano, Russia, science, SciTech, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, USA. 1 Comment
Published time: December 17, 2013 23:59
Competing with the US during the Arms Race, the Soviet Union put extensive effort in unconventional research seeking to outflank its rival in understanding behavior control, remote influencing and parapsychology, a new survey has revealed.
The survey published by Cornell University Library is based on open scientific and journalistic materials and provides an overview of unconventional research in the USSR and then in its successor, Russia, in the period between 1917 and 2003 – as compared to the USA.
The report by Serge Kernbach showed that unconventional weapons took the scientists in both countries to areas bordering sci-fi which nowadays would be seen in TV programs featuring UFOs, the supernatural and superpowers.
Due the Iron Curtain, Soviet and American scientists knew little about each other’s secret work – still, they focused on same themes.
In the Soviet Union, among the areas of particular interest, were, for instance, “the impact of weak and strong electromagnetic emission on biological objects, quantum entanglement in macroscopic systems, nonlocal signal transmission based on the Aharonov-Bohm effect, and ‘human operator’ phenomena,” the survey says.
Soviet scientists were developing a field they dubbed “psychotronics.” The country spent between $0.5-1 billion on research of the phenomena, Kernbach who works, at the Research Center of Advanced Robotics and Environmental Science in Stuttgart, Germany, found out.
Some of the programs in psychotronic research – even those launched decades ago – have not been officially published.
“For instance, documents on experiments performed in OGPU and NKVD – even 80 years after – still remain classified,” Kernbach noted. The OGPU (Joint State Political Directorate) was the Soviet secret police and the NKVD (The People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs) was the main law enforcing body, which was later transformed into the Internal Ministry and a security organization which was part of it – into the KGB.
According to the survey, Soviet and American areas of interest often mirrored each other. In particular, Kernbach recalls the Central Intelligence Agency’s (CIA) scandalous human research program MKUltra which involved the use of various methods to manipulate an individual’s mental states and alter brain functions.
“As mentioned in the public documents, the program to some extent was motivated by the corresponding NKVD’s program, with similar strategies of using psychotropic (e.g. drugs) substances and technical equipment,” Kernbach said.
In the 60s and the 70s, the Soviet Union was actively researching the influence of electromagnetic fields on human physiological and psychological conditions. Several authors point to the application of research results in the form of new weapons in the USA and the Soviet Union.
“Over the past years, US researchers have confirmed the possibility of affecting functions of the nervous system by weak electromagnetic fields (EMFs), as it was previously said by Soviet researchers. EMFs may cause acoustic hallucination (’radiosound’) and reduce the sensitivity of humans and animals to some other stimuli, to change the activity of the brain (especially the hypothalamus and the cortex), to break the processes of formation processing and information storage in the brain. These nonspecific changes in the central nervous system can serve as a basis for studying the possibilities of the direct influence of EMFs on specific functions of CNS,” read an article in Nauka (Science) magazine in 1982.
A US Marine Corps truck is seen carrying a palletized version of the Active Denial System, March 9th, 2012, at the US Marine Corps Base Quantico, Virginia. It is a US DoD non-lethal weapon that uses directed energy and projects a beam of man-sized millimeter waves up to 1000 meters that when fired at a human, delivers a heat sensation to the skin and generally makes humans stop what they are doing and run. (AFP Photo/Paul J. Richards)
Kernbach’s analysis lacks details on practical results of unconventional research in the USSR.
He mentions though a device invented by Anatoly Beridze-Stakhovsky – the torsion generator ‘Cerpan’. The exact structure of the device is unknown, as the scientist feared it would be put to unethical uses. Cerpan was designed on the “shape effect” produced by torsion fields. Some sources claim that the device – a 7-kilo metal cylinder – was used to heal people, including Kremlin senior officials.
Kernbach’s overview of unconventional research in USSR and Russia suggests that following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, these programs were first reduced and then completely closed in 2003.
“Due to academic and non-academic researchers, the instrumental psychotronics, denoted sometimes as torsionics, still continue to grow, but we cannot speak about government programs in Russia any longer,” he said.
However, based on the number of participants at major conferences, the number of psychotronics researchers in Russia is estimated between 200 and 500, the report said.
Last year, the now-fired Defense Minister Anatoly Serdyukov said his ministry was working on futuristic weaponry.
“The development of weaponry based on new physics principles; direct-energy weapons, geophysical weapons, wave-energy weapons, genetic weapons, psychotronic weapons, etc., is part of the state arms procurement program for 2011-2020,” Serdyukov said at a meeting with the then Prime Minister Vladimir Putin, cited RIA Novosti.
That followed a series of Putin’s presidential campaign articles, one of which focused on national security guarantees. Speaking about new challenges that Russia may face, and which armed forces should be ready to respond to, he wrote:
“Space-based systems and IT tools, especially in cyberspace, will play a great, if not decisive role in armed conflicts. In a more remote future, weapon systems that use different physical principles will be created (beam, geophysical, wave, genetic, psychophysical and other types of weapons). All this will provide fundamentally new instruments for achieving political and strategic goals in addition to nuclear weapons.”
Original: http://rt.com/news/psychotronic-arms-soviet-weapon-379/
New Microchip Can Mimic How a Human Brain Thinks
Posted by Magnus Olsson on October 21, 2013
Posted in: Artificial Intelligence, Micro/Nano Brain Implant. Tagged: artificial intelligence, artificial telepathy, collective consciousness, human brain, Human Brain Thinks, nanotechnology, neuromorphic chips, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, the Institute of Neuroinformatics, transhumanist. 2 Comments
Susanne Posel Occupy Corporatism August 1, 2013
Researchers from the University of Zurich, have created neuromorphic chips that can mimic the way a human brain will process information in real-time.
With the assistance of an artificial sensory processing system, these chips are able to display cognitive abilities.
Giacomo Indiveri, professor at the Institute of Neuroinformatics (INI), of the University of Zurich and ETH Zurich, explained that the goal of the team was to “emulate the properties of biological neurons and synapses directly on microchips.”
With the creation of artificial neuromorphic neurons that can perform specified tasks, the researchers are able to further advancement toward a complex sensorimotor that can complete tasks in real-time.
Shockingly, behavior can be replicated by input formulated in a finite-state machine that could be transferred into neuromorphic hardware.
Indiveri stated: “The network connectivity patterns closely resemble structures that are also found in mammalian brains.”
Researchers at the University of Berkley have suggested implanting mind-reading “neural dust” into human brains to facilitate connectivity of man to machine.
If this dust were sprinkled onto a human brain, it could form an “implantable neural interface system that remains viable for a lifetime.”
This dust would consist of particles no more than 100 micrometers across that would be millions of sensors capable of measuring electrical activity in neutrons within the brain.
According to the paper, these sensors could be attached to the “tips of fine wire arrays” that could be inserted directly into brain tissue.
This would enable a human brain – machine interface and create a mechanical “telepathy”.
Another way scientists are endeavoring to connect man to machine is through the use of newly developed stretchy conductive material that could be attached to electrode implants to the brain or pacemakers.
This gold-crafted nanoparticle invention is an elastic polymer that can be stretched to four times its original length.
Nicholas Kotov, chemical engineer at the University of Michigan (UoM) explains that “it looks like elastic gold. But we can stretch it just like a rubber band. And when you release the stress, they pretty much come back to their original position.”
Kotov claims that this invention “can alleviate a lot of diseases-for instance, severe depression, Alzheimer’s disease and Parkinson’s disease. They can serve as a part of artificial limbs and other prosthetic devices controlled by brain.”
The Royal Society, in conjunction with Academy of Medical Sciences, British Academy and Royal Academy of Engineering came together this month to discuss the potentials, opportunities and challenges of the melding of man with machine (i.e. transhumanism) under the guise of augmentation technologies.
At the Human Enhancement and the Future of Work conference, and further expanded upon in their published report, explains how science and ethics are coming into conflict as technology promises to replace the faulty human body with an eternal, mechanical replacement.
These transhumanists define human enhancement as everything that “encompasses a range of approaches that may be used to improve aspects of human function (e.g. memory, hearing, mobility). This may either be for the purpose of restoring an impaired function to previous or average levels, or to raise function to a level considered to be ‘beyond the norm’ for humans.” Many transhumanist groups can be found throughout the world, such as the UK Transhumanist Association who believes that scientific research must be applied to answer questions of the human condition and bring substantial benefit to society. The Oxford Transhumanists promote “radical life extension, artificial intelligence, cognitive enhancement, existential risks and mind – uploading.”
The Future of Humanity Institute at the University of Oxford endeavors to answer the “big – picture questions about humanity and its prospects.”
These transhumanists favor the Singularity Summit, an annual extension of the Singularity Institute wherein robotics, artificial intelligence, brain – computer interfacing and [various] emerging technologies” into genetics and regenerative medicine are examined under the perspective of transhumanism.
The transhumanists at the 2045 Program assert that humanity “is in need of a new evolutionary strategy” consisting of a balance between the complexity of technological advances and the acceleration of informational processes to expand the “limited, primitive human” into a “highly self-organized” and technologically “higher intelligence”.
Technology can organize society and integrate unification of a super collective consciousness – a superbeing.
By doing away with individuality, the conclusion is the elimination of:
• Lack of consumer provisions • Aging, illness and death • Crime and conflicts • Natural disasters and catastrophes
The concept of the neo-human and neo-humanity is the replacement for a post-industrial capitalist and consumer-based society where a new form of civilization will emerge.
Original: http://gizmodo.com/a-new-kind-of-microchip-mimics-the-human-brain-in-real-872326444
Superhuman Intelligence, THE TRANSHUMANISM PANDEMIC
Posted by Magnus Olsson on September 18, 2013
Posted in: Artificial Intelligence, Mind Control. Tagged: artificial intelligence, artificial telepathy, Intelligence, nanotechnology, Superhuman, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, Technology, Transhumanism. 2 Comments
THE TRANSHUMANISM PANDEMIC
“Within 30 years, we will have the technological means to create superhuman intelligence. Shortly after, the human era will be ended.” – Vernor Vinge, Technological Singularity, 1983
Within these pages we take an informative and in-depth look into the construct of the extensive Transhumanism matrix in an edge-of-the-seat balance between an unfolding reality that could equally rival any Hollywood sci-fi, and the factual entanglement that we collectively explore as human souls.
A layered awakening is promised the reader with this unprecedented collection of data that is sure to blow open the boundaries of any mind. The tearing apart of this deeply infesting pandemic will be vivisectioned chapter by chapter, casting a line through the story of humanity to reach an unexpected hidden plan that will rewrite the end-game for many.
Through the timely arrival of this book, a (perhaps prophetic) early-warning red alert, we can finally resolve to prepare and avoid the moment by moment staggering impacts of those who seek our organic annihilation.
Link: http://transhumanismpandemic.wordpress.com/
REPORT ON RF SCANNING IN A SHIELDED ENVIRONMENT FOR HUMAN BRAIN IMPLANT
Posted by Magnus Olsson on August 1, 2013
Posted in: Micro/Nano Brain Implant, Uncategorized. Tagged: artificial telepathy, brain computer interface, brain implant, brainchip, computer, magnus olsson, mind control, Nano, science, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY. 1 Comment
REPORT ON RF SCANNING IN A SHIELDED ENVIRONMENT
ICAACT Phase III Testing
ICAACT is an Independent evidence gathering Non Profit Human Rights Organization.
This report details the findings of the ICAACT phase III testing procedure. The ICAACT Phase III testing is about testing the human body for RF (Radio Frequency) emission, in a shielded environment. A Faraday cage was utilized to conduct the testing. The shielding spectrum of the environment was rated to be effective between 9KHz and 18GHz. The Faraday cage was certified in December of 2011 and was less than a year old when the tests were conducted. All tests were conducted inside the shielded environment also referred to as a Faraday cage.
Magnus Olsson
Our intentions are to share our findings in hopes that it will lead to further investigations within the scientific, medical, and forensic communities around the world.
Video of the scanning of Mr. Magnus Olsson (Director of EUCACH) from Sweden.
Download the report in PDF format
http://www.icaact.org/ICAACT-PhaseIII-Report.pdf
Download the zip file containing documents referred to in the appendices
http://www.icaact.org/PIIIAppendices.zip
Context of the report
Human electronic implant technologies are not new, they have been in existence since the early 50’s. The use of implant technology has in recent years also gained interest outside the medical and scientific community and has now become tools of interest in many newly emerging commercial fields. They can provide real-time data from real life scenarios, rather than from the restrictive and in many cases limiting artificial scenarios that can be recreated in laboratory and clinical settings. There is a boom in commercially driven neuroscience research like marketing and consumer behavior. The social sciences and especially the behavioral sciences are having a “Field day”. The ethical and legal implications that arise from these implant technologies, and their commercialization, are as yet unsolved, and need urgent attention. These implications pertain to tampering with the innermost sacred sanctum of a human being, the mind.
Energy, Frequency and Vibration
Posted by Magnus Olsson on May 2, 2013
Posted in: Mind Control, Scientists Warns. Tagged: energy, frequency, internet, mind control, Nano, resonance frequency, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, vibration, wi-fi. Leave a comment
Mind-Meld Unites two Rats
Posted by Magnus Olsson on March 19, 2013
Posted in: Mindcomputers, Tech News. Tagged: brain chip, brain engineering, brain implant, brain signals, neural activity, neural interfaces, neuroscientist, organic computer, signals from the brain, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, Technology. Leave a comment
Nature | News
Intercontinental mind-meld unites two rats
About predicted organic computer.
Ed Yong
Two rats were wired up together (here in an artist’s impression) so that one would make decisions using sensory cues from the other.
Katie Zhuang, Laboratory of Dr. Miguel Nicolelis/Duke University
The brains of two rats on different continents have been made to act in tandem. When the first, in Brazil, uses its whiskers to choose between two stimuli, an implant records its brain activity and signals to a similar device in the brain of a rat in the United States. The US rat then usually makes the same choice on the same task.
Miguel Nicolelis, a neuroscientist at Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, says that this system allows one rat to use the senses of another, incorporating information from its far-away partner into its own representation of the world. “It’s not telepathy. It’s not the Borg,” he says. “But we created a new central nervous system made of two brains.”
Nicolelis says that the work, published today in Scientific Reports1, is the first step towards constructing an organic computer that uses networks of linked animal brains to solve tasks. But other scientists who work on neural implants are sceptical. Lee Miller, a physiologist at Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois, says that Nicolelis’s team has made many important contributions to neural interfaces, but the current paper could be mistaken for a “poor Hollywood science-fiction script”. He adds, “It is not clear to what end the effort is really being made.”
Animal engineering
In earlier work2, Nicolelis’s team developed implants that can send and receive signals from the brain, allowing monkeys to control robotic or virtual arms and get a sense of touch in return. This time, Nicolelis wanted to see whether he could use these implants to couple the brains of two separate animals.
His colleague Miguel Pais-Vieira started by training one rat — the encoder — to press one of two levers, as indicated by a light. An implant recorded neural activity in the rat’s motor cortex (the area that controls its movements), compared it to earlier recordings, and converted it into a simpler signal: a single pulse representing one lever, or a train of them representing the other.
These pulses were delivered to the motor cortex of a second rat in the same lab — the decoder — which reacted by pressing its own levers. If it chose the right one, both rats got a reward. This happened 64% of the time — a low rate of success, but significantly greater than chance (see video).
The rats achieved a similar accuracy at another task in which they had to judge different stimuli with their whiskers, and implants linked their somatosensory cortices, the regions involved in touch. This link worked even when one rat was in Natal, Brazil, and the other in the Duke lab.
But Andrew Schwartz, a neurobiologist at the University of Pittsburgh in Pennsylvania, notes that the decoders performed poorly, even though they had to solve only a basic task with just two choices. “Although this may sound like ‘mental telemetry’, it was a very simple demonstration of binary detection and binary decision-making,” he says. “To be of real interest, some sort of continuous spectrum of values should be decoded, transmitted and received.”
Better, stronger, faster
Nicolelis argues that even in this simple task, the rats showed some interesting emergent behaviours. Because the encoder always got an extra reward if the decoder chose correctly, it started making movements that were cleaner, smoother and faster than at the beginning. That increased the signal-to-noise ratio in its brain activity and inadvertently provided the decoder with signals that were easier to decipher.
Such interfaces have many applications, says Nicolelis, from creating organic computers to uniting different parts of the same brain that have been cut off by damage or disease. But Sliman Bensmaia, a neuroscientist from the University of Chicago in Illinois, says that if the goal is to make better neural prosthetics, “the design seems convoluted and irrelevant”. And if it is to build a computer, “the proposition is speculative and the evidence underwhelming”.
Nicolelis is undeterred: his team is already working to link the brains of four mice. The researchers are also set to start similar experiments with monkeys, in which paired individuals control virtual avatars and combine their brain activity to play a game together. “Rats don’t have a sense of self so it’s hard to say what the effect on the animals are,” he says, “but monkeys can collaborate in a much more complex way.”
Monkey brains ‘feel’ virtual objects
How tools change the brain
Monkeys move paralysed muscles with their minds
Original: http://www.nature.com/news/intercontinental-mind-meld-unites-two-rats-1.12522
Magnus Olsson: Nano-Brain-Implant Technologies (Full Lecture)
Posted by Magnus Olsson on January 7, 2013
Posted in: Artificial Intelligence, Micro/Nano Brain Implant, Mindcomputers. Tagged: artificial intelligence, artificial telepathy, brain computer interface, brain implant, electromagnetic field, magnus olsson, mind control, nano brain implant, politics, science, SYNTHETIC TELEPATHY, Technology. Leave a comment
Magnus Olsson: Nano-Brain-Implant Technologies and Artificial Intelligence
Magnus Olsson is blowing our mind away in the speech he held in Stockholm, Sweden, in September 2012. Seven years ago, Magnus became a victim of non-consensual experimentation after having visited a hospital. He was sedated and when he woke up; he couldn’t recognize himself. His personality had changed.
On his own homepage (mindcontrol.se) he explains some years ago:
“For me, there was a day in life when everything changed. I went from a life as a citizen in a demo map indicative country into a world where violence and torture was the norm. It was not a journey across continents, but in life circumstances. It also included a science fiction drama that completely shattered my life. My name is Magnus Olsson; I am 38 years old, studied economics at the Cesar Ritz in Switzerland, American University of Paris and Harvard, Boston, USA, during the years 1988-1991. 1994 I started the company Jon Sandman who became a well-known brand in the bedding industry.
I managed with my life and had also met a wonderful woman whom I had two children with. They are now 13 to 16 years old. But all this harmony and success came to a sudden end. It happened five and a half years ago. After that, life has been about a constant struggle for survival. In order to cope with but also to be able to tell what has happened to me and get out of the nightmare.”
Magnus Olsson used to be a very successful businessman. Not only is Magnus highly educated, but he also had a very successful career: as an entrepreneur, stockbroker and businessman.
A visit in the hospital was all it was necessary to gradually take everything away; almost overnight.
Magnus begins his speech telling the audience “Welcome to the Future” and it’s a very good way to start what he’s going to say next. He also chooses to quote Gerald McGuire and Ellen McGee that several times published scientific papers requiring some type of regulation of implantable devices. Even though they’re been developed since the 1940s-1960s, and even though they’re such a huge area of research right now, as we speak, if you ever mention them in health care, the staff will claim that they don’t even exist. No physical examination is usually made, and there is no explanation to why victims are in so much pain in very specific areas of their bodies.
Magnus Olsson also took part in the scanning process conducted by icaact.org and he had the strongest emissions ever encountered among victims, around he’s whole head. When asked what he thought about his emissions, he stated:
“I hope that we can use these measurements to prove our cases” and sadly he also mentioned how terrible it was. He also stated right after the scanning process that actually experiencing the scanning for RF-emissions and getting so strong emissions over his whole head, also made him extremely sad. Imagine having someone do that to you; to your children; to a loved one.
Magnus has researched all aspects of the supercomputer systems based on transmissions from implants in the human body. He elaborates on the Artificial Intelligence research done today and what it’ll mean for humanity in the future. He understands that this technology can be used in good ways but unfortunately, if unregulated, it can lead to the real Orwellian “thought police” state.
He explores the possibility of using different avatars or agents, to assist people in their daily life and the developments of virtual worlds where people can enter as a third type of reality, apart from awaken state and the dream state. He talks about the NSAs supercomputer called “Mr. Computer” that has the ability to make its own decisions and the development of the new quantum computer, which is supposed to “marry” the old-fashioned Mr. Computer.
As interesting and fascinated his speech is, it’s easy to get lost in the new emerging world view that Magnus creates for a while. It’s tempered by the experiences he has, the immense 24/7 torture, the lack of privacy, the lost freedom of the mind and the necessity to cope with something that no human being should have to cope with: the most grotesques aspects of life.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line871
|
__label__wiki
| 0.601016
| 0.601016
|
News and Facebook’s ‘Like’ Button
By: Catalina Iorga
About Catalina Iorga
BA in International Politics and History ’09 from Jacobs University Bremen. Research MA in Media Studies (in progress) at Universiteit van Amsterdam. Currently finalising my MA thesis on the topic the challenges of studying Facebook as an ever-changing techno-cultural platform. I also own my own journalism and social media consulting business. Passionate about sustainability, arts & culture, software studies and helping SMEs expand their social media reach.
http://catalinaiorga.com
One of the most talked about aspects concerning Facebook’s launch of social plugins was how these would affect the content and distribution of news. My aim in this short post is to briefly address the following exploratory question: “What are the matters of concern expressed in the popular debate with respect to the implementation of Facebook’s social plugins on news websites?” To locate these matters of concern, I used the Facebook + Media page as one of the starting points, as well as a presentation made by Justin Osofsky, Facebook’s Director of Media Partnerships, ‘Working Together to Build Social News’ (September, 2010).
Marking the launch of its new set of social plugins launch, Facebook created a ‘Facebook + Media’ page that aims to help their media partners to “[l]earn about best practices and tools to […] drive referral traffic, increase engagement, and deepen user insights” (Facebook, 2010). The very name of the page alludes to a separation between Facebook – as the largest social networking website – and the rest of the media, including offline corporations with an online presence. In fact, the equation-style About statement on the aforementioned Page reads as follows: “Facebook + Media = Helping News, TV, Video, Sports, and Music partners use Facebook.” The social networking site portrays itself as an advisor to traditional media, giving advice on how to maximize the use of Facebook and its social plugins.
On the 28th of September 2010, Justin Osofsky, Facebook’s Director of Media Partnerships, gave a stats-driven presentation called ‘Working Together to Build Social News’. According to these statistics, the implementation of the ‘Like’ button led to a massive increase in traffic for news websites ABC News and Global News, to name just a few. More traffic means more insight into a news website’s demographic through a Facebook-developed application called Insights for Websites, which offers aggregated data, such as the “gender, age range, country, and language” (Himel, 2011) of the site’s visitors. Such information, evidently, can be used not only for tailoring the geographic specificity of news content, but also to help advertisers in targeting Facebook users.
Another way to attract traffic is creating content headlines that conform to four categories of stories that receive more engagement according an analysis of posts from major news media Facebook Pages. These are as follows: “touching, emotional stories”, “provocative, passionate debates”, “sports game important wins” and “simple easy questions to the user” (Osofsky, 2010). Joshua Benton of the Nieman Lab identifies the problem of producing news content in a Web environment oriented towards positive reaction: “as news organizations — many of them traditional bringers of bad news — have to adjust to an online ecosystem that privileges emotion, particularly positive emotion.” (Benton, 2011)
The Personalization of News
In a video[1] that explains how social plugins work, the narrator states that, before the emergence of the ‘Like’ button, users “had to choose between the social experience of Facebook and the specialized information of a content site [the video give a news platform as example]”, a choice colloquially referred to as “kind of a bummer”. Facebook therefore makes several assumptions worth mentioning. First, that news website and social networks are mutually exclusive and in competition with each other, meaning that that users must always make a choice. Second, that the average newsreader and Facebook account holder wants to merge these experiences.
But what I find to be the most crucial implication of adding a ‘Like’ button to news pages relates to democracy and isolation from contesting views, a phenomenon that Sunstein discusses extensively when referring to personal insulation or group polarization. Arguing that “there is a natural human tendency to make choices with respect to […] news that do not disturb our preexisting view of the world” (Sunstein, 2007: 52), the American legal scholar outlines the fact that we, as Web users with already established political inclinations, for example, choose to stick to sources – and people – sharing similar orientations.
If one applies the same logic to Facebook social plugins, then what the Activity Feed does is deepen these preferences by offering readers stories their friends already found interesting. Not only are then users sticking to their favourite websites, but they are also receiving recommendations from people who presumably have matching views when it comes to socio-political matters.
Social news has the potential of creating a relatively solitary experience in which the user, guided by a limited number of recommendations, fails to critically engage with a more diverse range of content. The danger associated with this attitude, of clicking directly on the ‘Likes’ instead of browsing through content is that “many people are mostly hearing more and louder echoes of their own voices” (Sunstein, 2007: 55) or, in this scenario, their friends; this leads to a lack of plural perspectives, which is “undesirable from the [deliberative] democratic standpoint” (Sunstein, 2007: 55).
The Commodification of the ‘Liker’
Although The Washington Post was one of Facebook’s official partners in launching the ‘Like’ button, columnist Rob Pegoraro has expressed concerns on the Post’s blog about Sponsored Stories, a new type of advertising that takes ‘Likes’ and re-uses them on Facebook by allowing companies and individuals to “buy the right to republish […] actions [such as ‘Likes’ or check-ins] to your friends in ads — including your name and profile photo” (Pegoraro, 2011). By ‘liking’ items, users generate value that is exploited by commercial interests without their consent or the receipt of any financial compensation. Not to mention the difficulty of opting out from this imposed arrangement.
Bruns and Shirky would probably agree that Facebook and their social plugins organize content in a folksonomic manner, tailored to the personal connections of a user’s network. Jay Rosen, Journalism professor at New York University, agrees with Shirky and argues that “there’s no such thing as information overload, there’s only filter failure.” (Shirky in Juskalian, 2008). He then proceeds to explain that “[t]he social stream is a means to filter success. Relying on friends and a personal network to filter the news and point out the best stuff solves that problem Shirky identified” (Rosen in Lavrusik, 2010). But ‘filtering success’, as Rosen puts it does not only benefit the user, but also news platforms and their advertisers.
To ‘like’ news is then a way of produsing metadata, which is “treated today much like a public service as common property to all who have contributed to its creation” (Bruns, 2007: 173) in the sense that ‘Likes’ contribute to personalization of websites according to individual preferences. Only that the actual produsers of the content are not financially profiting from spreading their interests across news websites, while news organizations, their advertisers and Facebook do. Even if these platforms cannot be called ‘parasites’, as Pasquinelli refers to Google, which uses metadata to make money even if it does not offer any original content, they do exploit the ‘Like’ economy (Gerlitz and Helmond, 2011) through targeted advertisements based on the demographic data of their users, both on news websites and inside Facebook.
The ‘Like’ Button’s Impact on News Content
Journalists and scholars are now asking themselves how social plugins will affect the content of news. According to Joshua Benton, director of the Nieman Lab, optimizing the social media of a news platform will not only consist of adding diverse plugins, but also “changing, in subtle ways, the kinds of content being produced to encourage sharing” (Benton, 2011). He does not, however, mention whether this is a welcome development or a negative one, claiming instead “it’s the natural outcome of the economic incentives at play” (Benton, 2011).
Given that news organizations are not just providers timely information on current affairs, but also businesses that want to make profit and pay their staff, it seems there is no way to escape the commercial implications of the ‘Like’ button. Money is here to stay in this equation. The question is: how can journalists figure out a way to produce financially viable content without sacrificing their professionalism and objectivity? It is perhaps too early to judge the impact of social plugins since they have only been in use for less than a year. But it is still worth discussing the potential effects of these relatively new tools.
Certain studies, such as one done on a sample of 46,000 tweets collected during the 2010 Winter Olympics in Vancouver, support Osofsky’s advice: “if you want your messages to be forwarded and to reach more people, you need to make sure that both the tone and content of your online messages are positive overall.” (Gruzd et al., 2011: 7) The authors used automated software to judge whether tweets expressed positive, neutral or negative emotions and realized that the positive ones were the most retweeted, about 2.5 times more than the rest.
Based on this logic, newsreaders could ‘like’ content that arouses negative emotions since ‘liking’ is also an act of sharing and recommending. Would they like it more than positive information? That is a problem worth exploring, but that goes beyond the limitations of this post.
[1] Facebook (2010). Understanding Social Plugins. Retrieved March 28, 2011 from http://www.facebook.com/video/video.php?v=10150210521510484&oid=20531316728&comments
Tags: facebook, like button, news, social plugins, top, Transformation of Politics
One Response to “News and Facebook’s ‘Like’ Button”
New Media M.A. Research Blog | Media Studies, University of Amsterdam | News media in the digital age
[…] Related post: News and Facebook’s ‘Like’ Button […]
+ five =
« Interacticipation: Ten Artworks Reflecting the Status of Contemporary Participation in New Media Art
Nicholas Carr in Amsterdam: “The Net Bombards Us With Distractions” »
The Whatever Button – Now for Firefox!
No longer just a metaphor for how we consumers fall for anything, the Whatever Button is now available as...
By Michael Stevenson on 04/25/07 8
Yeah, the “dislike” button is finally here – but it does not like this!
Finally a “dislike” button! Well, not really… The long-awaited Facebook “dislike” button is finally here, but presumably it...
By Leonie Herma on 10/29/15 1
Twitter’s “buy” button creates one-click shopping
Twitter, a microblogging platform with 271 million monthly active users began beta testing a “buy” button, allowing users to...
By Sage Stargrove on 09/18/14 0
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line873
|
__label__cc
| 0.727913
| 0.272087
|
This is the real reason you go shopping before a snowstorm
Daniel Engber of Slate offers an explanation as to why people behave like idiots before a snowstorm, rushing off to a grocery store that will undoubtedly be open at some point the next day.
The word is hunkering, in the specifically American sense of digging in and taking shelter. It’s the anxious form of self-indulgence, where fear is fuel to make us cozy.
I agree that hunkering is part of it, but I also think there is something even larger at play:
People want to be involved in momentous events. They want to feel like they played a part in a historical moment. By role playing panic – which is essentially what a person does when he or she is willing to wait in an endless line for milk that will be readily available in 24 hours – people feel like an essential part of the oncoming snowstorm. They are like actors, committing to a part that their friends, colleagues and the local media have been undoubtedly hyping for three days.
It’s no fun to be liaise-faire. Being able to remain calm in an actual emergency is a skill that is valued by all, but remaining calm in a fake emergency is no fun for anyone involved. It just makes the people pretending that they are in the midst of an emergency feel stupid or angry or both. It’s like when little kids are running around the playground, pretending that a dragon is chasing them, but one kid just stands there and shouts, “There is no dragon! There is no dragon!”
But there is no dragon, people. New England just experienced one of the worst winters in terms of snowfall ever, yet in my part of Connecticut – which received near-record snowfalls – there was never a storm that kept the roads from being cleared and the stores opened within 24 hours, and most of the time, considerably less than that.
In most cases, the roads were impassible for a few hours at best and the stores never actually closed.
My wife and I never went shopping before a storm this winter – despite the fact that we have two small children who drink a lot of milk and eat a lot of bread – and we were never wont for either item. If you don’t have enough food in your house to survive 8-24 hours, the problem isn’t the storm. It’s with the way you shop for groceries.
If you’re looking for something to panic about, why not make it climate change. I realize that it won’t allow you to go shopping (which also plays a role in the pleasure of pre-storm pretend panic), and you won’t find yourself in the midst of the pretend panicked nearly as often, but at least you’ll be panicking over something that is real and worthy of your concern.
March 18, 2015 / matthew/ -2 Comments
daniel engber, grocery, grocery store, hunkering, panic, shopping, slate magazine, snowstorm
Today I feel like a real author – ...
Malcolm Gladwell on shorter ...
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line874
|
__label__cc
| 0.620966
| 0.379034
|
‘Creeps,’ an Erotic Horror Novel, Chapter Sixteen
Mawr Gorshin bullying, capitalism, complex post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional abuse, erotic horror, eroticism, gaslighting, Horror fiction, horror novel, literature February 10, 2019 8 Minutes
The next week, after more accustoming themselves to the ever darker aspects of Capitol, Guy and Thea, bearded and suited up, were in the Regulating Room with Mark again. He was explaining to them how the Creeps technology worked.
“Now to take your test of loyalty to the next level,” he said, holding a yellow Creep casing in his hand.
Steel yourself, Thea thought; no matter how horrifying the next set of bombshells are, pretend you’re totally into it. Show no attitude of mercy for the victims; bury your compassion deep down in your soul.
“Are you at all familiar with a fairly new form of technology devised by researchers in such places as MIT?” Mark asked them. “Ingestible origami robots, really tiny ones, that when eaten, they can solve certain health problems or remove foreign objects from the body.”
“Ingestible origami robots?” Guy asked. “Sounds weird.”
“Yeah, but effective,” Mark said. “The tiny robots are wrapped in sheets of pig intestine that are folded like origami. These, in turn, are put in capsules that, once ingested, melt and free the robots, which by remote control are made to do the work required of them.”
“Wow,” Thea said in her normal voice. Then, after seeing a frown from Guy to remind her to sound like a man, she rasped, “Interesting. So how does that technology relate to what we do here?”
“It inspired someone to create a similar kind of tech, but one for a completely different purpose,” Mark said.
“Something related to what goes on here?” Thea asked, thinking, I’ll bet this is where we learn how they control Petunia.
“Not yet,” Mark said. “The man who created this tech was planning to sell it to the U.S. military, something they could use to implant into the bodies of enemy soldiers, to kill them by burning them up on the inside. It could also be used to control the minds of the enemy, either to get them to surrender easily, or maybe to kill each other, or to kill the leaders of their own regime, one of those the U.S. government wants to topple. Or, the U.S. military might use it on their own soldiers, to make them fight more ruthlessly, more tirelessly, or with greater determination.”
“So, what ended up happening with this technology?” Guy asked.
“We convinced the inventor to sell it to us,” Mark said. “For use on our Commodities. He made several modifications of the tech, so they’d have a sexual application instead.”
Bingo, Thea thought.
“The new version he’s been making for us, what we now call ‘Creeps’, includes a mixture of drugs in some of them, but ultimately, they work much better than drugs, since those who have the Creeps working inside them don’t look high at all when they’re with our customers,” Mark said.
That explains it perfectly, Thea thought; Bastard.
“So how do they work?” Guy asked.
“They come in different colours,” Mark explained. “The blue ones pacify you, and they knock you out if you’ve had a strong enough dose. The green ones make you docile and compliant, even to the point of willingly telling the truth. The orange ones sexually arouse the Commodities, lubricating vaginas and giving men erections. The yellow ones, well…I’ll explain those ones another time…kinda complicated.”
Thea shuddered at what Mark might have been hiding there.
“As for the red Creeps, especially tiny ones, we’ve developed microscopic technology that is implanted in them, and it attaches itself to the brain, since the red Creeps are programmed to slip into the Commodities’ ears,” Mark explained. “This technology gives us control over the speech centre of the brain, what’s called Broca’s area, so we can control what the girls say when they’re servicing a client.”
Or so you can control what they say whenever we try to prove that they don’t work here voluntarily, Thea thought; You slimy bastard, Mark. I wish I’d recorded you saying all of this, but with all this sophisticated technology, you’d probably be able to track my recording of your confessions, too. Then I’d be as dead as Guy’s predecessor.
‘So, Jack,” Mark went on, “what I’m gonna need you to do is, as you’re watching a Commodity with a client, press the red button to your left over there, on the central control panel. It activates that tiny speck of technology attached to Broca’s area, on the left side of the Commodity’s brain, what you’ll have put into her left ear, with the red Creep, to prepare her for the client. Then you’ll speak through the microphone here in front of you, and she’ll say your exact words to the client. Obviously, you’ll want to say exactly the kind of thing the client wants to hear.”
You bastard, Thea thought.
“OK, Mark,” Guy said with a smile. “No problem.” I wonder if I could figure out a way to put red Creeps in your ear, and in those of all the staff, he wondered; then I could speak your confessions in this microphone, and have you say my words to the police. Then Petunia’d be freed from this prison, and you’d be in the normal kind of prison.
“Is there any way the…Commodities…can stop this controlling of them?” Thea asked, remembering her vocal fry after her third word.
“I dare say they have no desire to…or little desire, if any,” Mark said. “When we find these women—and men—we put them through a screening process to determine how…slutty, for lack of a better word, they are. All the Commodities we have here like to fuck; they’re also all from more or less desperate circumstances—unemployed, homeless, or from Third World countries—so we’re providing food and shelter for them, as well as giving them lots of opportunities to do what they love to do: fuck. What we have them say is practically what they’d want to say, anyway.”
Clever rationalization, Thea thought; you fucker. “If this is true, then why put those things in their ears at all? Why not just have the Commodities speak spontaneously?”
“Because they might not put their true thoughts into words our clients will like to hear,” Mark said. “It might come out clumsily. It might sound tactless, or crass, ruining the clients’ fantasy. Also, many Commodities speak broken English, or no English at all. Your speaking for them, Jack, will only guide them to speak well.”
Or to lie well, Guy thought.
“No other questions?” Mark asked. “None from you, Jack, or from you, Cameron?”
“No, I’m good,” Guy said.
“Well, I’m just curious,” Thea said, straining her face into a fake smile. “When you put these mind-controls, or what-not, into the Commodities’ bodies, why use Creeps? I’m mean, why have these worm-like things crawling up their pussies and assholes? Why not just give them pills, or shots?”
“That’s a good question, Cameron,” Mark said. “And it requires a multi-faceted answer. First of all, giving the Commodities pills or shots will be difficult, because the girls won’t cooperate, of course. They’ll squirm. They won’t open their mouths. But Creeps move fast, and they can crawl into a naked Commodity’s cunt or ass before she has time to close up her holes. Some slip in the ears, mouth, or even nostrils, moving as fast as greased lightning. Second, the man who’d been working on this technology had a convenient way of activating the Creeps, remote-controlled by a computer or cellphone app, making them squiggle and slither at great speeds, able to carry drugs into people’s bodies before they can react. As I said before, he was going to sell his invention to the army; I convinced him to sell it to us, offering him such a huge ton of money that he couldn’t resist. For here’s the third reason: Ricardo Davis, Ken Maynard, and I found it amusing to watch the Commodities’ reactions as they had these things snaking up their pussies and asses.”
He laughed, with Thea and Guy pretending to as well.
“Any other questions, Cameron?”
“No, I’m good.”
“Good,” Mark said. “OK, Cameron, come with me. We’ll leave Jack to his work, and I’ll show you what you need to take care of.” He and Thea left the room.
Guy watched a video screen of a man going into a VIP room. A naked black woman, Kusiima, whom Guy recognized, was brought into the room by a man who then left, leaving her alone with the client.
Guy pressed the red button and leaned toward the microphone. “So, what do you want me to do?” he said, noting her saying those words to the client a split second after he said them.
“Get on your knees, bitch,” the man said. “I wanna piss and shit on your head.”
Guy was speechless.
Ten minutes later, ‘Free’ Mark returned to the Regulating Room to see how ‘Jack’ was doing. He opened the door slowly and quietly so Guy couldn’t hear him: indeed, Mark wanted to see what his new employee would do without apparent supervision.
The man in the VIP room was, right then, in the middle of shitting on Kusiima’s head.
“You aren’t saying anything, Jack,” Mark said, making Guy jump. “You’re frowning.” He walked over to Guy.
“Jesus!” Guy gasped. “You scared me. There’s nothing to say.”
“You look unhappy,” Mark said. “Don’t you like the live porn show?”
“Well, he’s shitting on her,” Guy said. “Not my kind of fetish, to be honest.”
“Well, I guess it’s not for everyone. We’ll clean her up as soon as he’s gone.”
“Didn’t you say something about not allowing the clients to abuse the girls? Because injuring them depreciates their value?”
“Yeah, but scat is nothing. He isn’t giving her cuts or bruises. And we have Creeps that kill germs, bacteria, and viruses of all kinds, even HIV. We also have Creeps that heal cuts and bruises quickly enough to get a Commodity ready for a client within the same day as an S and M encounter.”
“Then how do you define ‘abuse’?” Guy asked.
“When a client injures a girl beyond the ability of our Creeps to heal her within a day,” Mark said. “Broken bones, knocked-out teeth, that kind of thing. They’re bad for business.”
“OK, I just wanted to make sure I understood where to draw the line, so I’d know when to intervene.”
“Those are good questions to ask, Jack. It shows me you care about your job.” Just don’t care too much about the girls, Jack, Mark thought; or else you might end up like Jim.
Published by Mawr Gorshin
I'm merging the variety of topics I've blogged about--which include literary and film analyses, anarchism, socialism, libertarian-leaning Marxism, narcissistic abuse, and psychoanalysis--into a coherent philosophy centred on dialectical materialism, dialectical monism, and object relations theory. Now, one dialectical opposition is that between the erotic and the ascetic, so accordingly, my writing encompasses the sexual as well as the philosophical; the former can be found in my publications on the Literotica website, as well as my self-published (erotic) horror writing on Amazon. View all posts by Mawr Gorshin
Previous Post ‘Creeps,’ an Erotic Horror Novel, Chapter Fifteen
Next Post ‘Creeps,’ an Erotic Horror Novel, Chapter Seventeen
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line875
|
__label__wiki
| 0.533457
| 0.533457
|
arecutofffromthecrowd?
amcutofffromthecrowd,too.
Thecrowdisawildernessoftigers,bitingandtearinganyonewithoutthesamestripes.
Pity them; for, inside the tigers,
theyareallahumancentipede,passingtheirshitdowntheline.
Mawr Gorshin bullying, complex post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional abuse, gaslighting, literature, narcissism, narcissistic mothers, poetry Leave a comment July 7, 2019 0 Minutes
Hiking Haiku
Up here at the top,
I look at the rocks below:
Hard and sharp, they teach.
Mawr Gorshin literature, poetry Leave a comment June 16, 2019 0 Minutes
Analysis of Aeschylus’ ‘Persians’
The Persians is a historical tragedy Aeschylus wrote, and which won first prize in the dramatic competitions in 472 BCE. It is his earliest surviving play, and the only one we have of his based on historical sources, rather than on Greek myth. It tells the story of Xerxes‘ disastrous invasion of Greece, Persia’s second humiliating defeat after the failed attempt by his father, Darius I, to invade Greece.
The translation I’ll be basing this analysis on is a brand new one by Mark Will, which can be found here on Amazon. It’s a literal translation that comes as close as possible to paralleling the poetry of the original Greek. It also includes an excellent introduction that not only explains the historical background of the play, but also, in a timely way, relates imperial Persia’s losses to contemporary concerns, making it a kind of cautionary tale about what the US’s current imperialist excesses will most likely lead to.
Here are some of Will‘s translated lines:
“Oh, wretched me, having met/this loathsome, obscure fate/because a demon savage-mindedly trod upon/the Persian race!” –Xerxes, beginning of Episode 4, page 68, lines 909-912
“My son found sharp the vengeance/of famous Athens, for they did not suffice,/the barbarians whom Marathon destroyed before./Intending to make retribution for them, my son/has caused so great a plethora of calamities.” —Atossa, Episode 1, page 45, lines 473-477
“Groan and mourn,/cry heavy and/heavenly distress!/Strain the sadly wailing,/clamorous, wretched voice!
“Torn by the whirlpool,/they are mangled by the voiceless,/by the children of the undefiled sea!
“And the deprived house mourns/the man of the family, and childless fathers/are demonized by distress,/and old men bewailing/everything perceive pain.” –Chorus, Choral Ode 2, page 49, lines 571-583
Structurally, the play can be divided into four parts: 1) premonitions and fears for the Persian army, as felt by the Chorus of Persian Elders and by Atossa, Darius’ widow queen and King Xerxes’ mother; 2) the calamity of the Persian army’s defeat at the Battle of Salamis, as told by a messenger; 3) the Ghost of Darius’ report of further Persian woe, and counsel not to attempt an invasion of Greece again [lines 790-792]; and 4) Xerxes’ despair when he returns to Susa, his clothes in tatters.
[Bear in mind that my four-way division of the play differs from Will’s, whose Episode 1 combines my parts one and two, as described in the previous paragraph, and his Episode 2 is a speech by Atossa, just before his Episode 3 and my part three, with Darius’ ghost. Each of his Episodes is preceded by a Choral Ode, with strophes, antistrophes, and epodes; whereas I’m dividing the play in terms of thematic contrasts I’ve seen.]
The choral poetry comments on the fortunes of the Persian empire, past and present. We hear of the great glories of Persia’s imperial past, her conquest of Ionia, and the achievements of Darius the Great (Choral Ode 4, pages 66-67).
While it’s more typical in Greek tragedy to start the play with a hubristic character who experiences a sudden reversal of fortune (peripeteia) and a realization (anagnorisis) of some terrible truth, both of these elements propelling the action towards tragedy (e.g., a fall of pride); there seems to be very little of such contrast in The Persians. The flowing of the plot, from beginning to end, seems a sea of undifferentiated sorrow.
Xerxes’ hubris is felt offstage, while he’s creating the pontoon bridges for his army to cross the Hellespont (lines 65-72; also lines 743-750), and when his troops commit sacrilege (lines 809-812) by destroying the images of Greek gods at their temples. This hubris is described by the characters in Susa, where the whole play takes place. Instead of seeing a boastful king, we hear the Chorus expressing their fears, for the Persian army, who at the beginning of the play (lines 8-15, 107-139) have not sent any reports on the progress of the invasion. The Chorus’ pride is only in Persia’s past.
This fear morphs into sorrow from the messenger’s report; then further sorrow from what Darius’ ghost knows of the army’s other misfortunes, coupled with his not-so-comforting advice not to invade Greece again; and finally despairing sorrow on shamed Xerxes’ return. Fear, woe, more woe, and the worst. The whole play is a continuous descent into sadness.
As I’ve said above, Mark Will parallels this Persian woe to the predicted fate of the US’s near future, with–as I would add–the ascent of China and Russia as against American imperialist overreach, with its absurd military overspending and over trillion-dollar debt, a ticking time bomb that will destroy the US sooner than the military-industrial complex expects. Will also asks us to use this play to help us sympathize with Iran (Translator’s Preface, page 11), the modern Persia threatened with invasion from, ironically, the American Persia of today.
While I affirm Mark Will’s parallels to contemporary events as perfectly true and legitimate, I see another parallel between The Persians and the recent past: the decline in Persian might, and its military humiliations, can be compared to those of the Soviet Union in the 1980s and early 1990s.
Hamartia in political leaders should be understood as a warning to them that “missing the mark” can lead to political catastrophes for the nation. Xerxes’ foolish overconfidence in his army and navy leads to missteps and his huge losses. This missing the mark is easily seen in the military misadventures of the US over the past twenty years, as Will observes. I’d say that a missing of the mark (quite an understatement, given the growing treason in the USSR, especially from Khrushchev onwards) is also attributable to Gorbachev‘s mismanagement of Soviet affairs.
A series of woes befell the USSR that parallel those of Xerxes and his army. The US lured the USSR into a war with Afghanistan, a war that was a major factor in the weakening of the socialist state (this is rather like Xerxes being manipulated into planning “this voyage and campaign against Hellas” by “evil men” [lines 753-758]). The USSR’s loss against the mujahideen, who were proxy warriors (including Bin Laden) for the US, was a humiliating defeat comparable to that of Xerxes.
Furthermore, Xerxes’ listening to the Greeks’ plans to flee at night, and taking them at their word (lines 355-371), is comparable to Gorbachev thinking he could negotiate with the US and NATO over whether to open up the Soviet economy to the West, and to allow the reunification of Germany, breaking down the anti-fascist protection Wall. Xerxes’ gullibility caused his humiliating loss at Salamis, as Gorbachev’s caused not only the USSR’s dissolution, but also the eastward advance of NATO.
The Persian loss is considered a momentous turn of events in Western history; for if the Persians had won, the West, some argue, would likely have been inundated with Persian, rather than Greek, culture. Their loss is assumed to have been a good thing, with Greek democracy triumphing over Persian despotism. Certainly Hegel thought so in his Philosophy of History:
“The World-Historical contact of the Greeks was with the Persians; in that, Greece exhibited itself in its most glorious aspect…In the case before us, the interest of the World’s History hung trembling in the balance. Oriental despotism–a world united under one lord and sovereign–on the one side, and separate states–insignificant in extent and resources, but animated by free individuality–on the other side, stood front to front in array of battle. Never in History has the superiority of spiritual power over material bulk–and that of no contemptible amount–been made so gloriously manifest.” (Hegel, pages 256-258)
On closer inspection, however, it can be argued that the Persians under the Achaemenid Dynasty were closer to real democracy than the Greeks. Achaemenid-era Persians had far fewer slaves than Greeks, and Persian women enjoyed far better rights than their Greek counterparts.
This point is especially salient when we parallel it with the propagandistic portrayal of American “democracy,” with its history of racism, slavery, genocide of Native Americans, income inequality, and mass incarceration, as against the USSR‘s having considerably fewer of these evils. Certainly, Paul Robeson felt far more at home in the USSR than in his native US.
Paralleled with the end of Persian hegemony over the region, and thus the liberation of Greece, is the notion that the USSR’s dissolution meant the triumph of American capitalist democracy and “the end of history.” Consider how the rise of neoliberalism under the Clintons, coupled with the near ubiquity of American imperialist war, have shown the lie of this democracy.
With the end of the Achaemenid Dynasty came the rise of Alexander the Great, whose imperialism–justified as a spreading of Greek culture and civilization to the barbarians of the East–parallels American neoconservative arrogance.
The Ghost of Darius advising the Persians not to invade Greece again seems to me like the ghost of Stalin wishing to advise the Soviets of the 1980s to revert to Socialism in One Country, rather than attempt to bring it about in other countries like Afghanistan.
The Messenger, by his own admission, describes only a fraction of the misfortunes that have befallen the Persian army and navy. Though they outnumbered the Greeks, they’ve been mostly destroyed. Most of the survivors have perished on their journey back home, through hunger or thirst (lines 482-491).
Darius’ Ghost also informs the Chorus and Atossa of newer woes. This piling up of one misfortune after another is, on the one hand, a warning of the karmic future of US imperialist overreach, as Will maintains; but on the other hand, as I am arguing, this accumulation of woe is also something that can be paralleled with the growing suffering in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and throughout the 1990s.
The US and NATO were scheming at how they could bring about the USSR’s downfall. There were shortages of food, which was Gorbachev‘s responsibility. Through the establishment of “free market” economic policies, the traitors in the Russian government privatized and seized state-owned assets, and removed the Soviet social safety net, throwing millions of Russians into poverty and starvation, and allowing the ascendance of Russian oligarchs; and when the people tried to bring back socialism, not only did the US’s puppet, Yeltsin, use violence to stop them, but the US also helped Russia’s extremely unpopular leader get reelected in 1996.
Some have called the suffering of Russians in the 1990s an “economic genocide.” This woe after woe after woe is easily paralleled with Persian suffering in the play. Russians have consistently, in poll after poll, regretted the end of the Soviet system, especially recently. Apart from the lost social services, Russians are nostalgic of when their country was once a great world power; as the Chorus, in their lamentations, reminisce of Persia in Choral Ode 4. Putin is well-known for having said that the fall of the Soviet Union was “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe” of the 20th century.
So when we get to Xerxes’ return to Susa, with his clothes in tatters, we see the final amalgamation of Persian suffering and despair. Back and forth between him and the Chorus, we hear “Ototototoi!” [Philip Vellacott, page 151], “Ay, ay!” [Will, page 76], and “Woe!” during their exodos from the stage. This quick cutting back and forth of brief one-liners, as opposed to the long speeches heard before, symbolically suggests the psychological fragmentation and disintegration each Persian is experiencing.
We may wonder what the ancient Greek response was to Xerxes’ humiliation. For many, it must have been Schadenfreude to see their oppressors finally brought so low, knowing it really happened: remember Xerxes’ words, line 1034, “Distressing, but a joy to our enemies.” (page 76) Similarly, many on the left, including American socialists, are eagerly awaiting the downfall of the American empire, which some experts say may happen by the 2030s.
There’s also a sympathetic reading of the play, though, in which one pities the Persians; and after all, the whole point of tragedy is to arouse pity and terror, as well as to bring about the catharsis of those emotions. At least some Greeks in the audience must have felt that pity for Xerxes and Atossa, or else how could the play have won first prize in 472 BCE?
Certainly, we leftists can pity the Russians, who lost their great Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Neither I nor many leftists agree with Reagan’s projection that the USSR was an “evil empire”; though Maoists, during the time of the Sino-Soviet split, thought it was an empire. I see the USSR rather as a check against imperialism, though a flawed one.
In the end, we can see my paralleling of the play with modern problems, in a dialectical sense, with Will’s paralleling. And his thesis, with my negation, can undergo a sublation to give a deeper message about US imperialism: it destroys any attempts to end its evil, causing oceans of woe; then it will destroy itself, bringing karmic woe on itself.
Evil empire, indeed.
Aeschylus, Persians, a new translation by Mark Will, Cadmus and Harmony Media, 2018
Mawr Gorshin capitalism, communism, history, imperialism, leftism, literature, literature analysis, literature promotion, poetry, politics 3 Comments January 16, 2019 January 17, 2019 9 Minutes
Analysis of ‘In the Court of the Crimson King’
In the Court of the Crimson King: an Observation by King Crimson is a 1969 progressive rock album by King Crimson, the band’s debut. Its dark, lugubrious, and portentous sound, combining woodwinds and the Moody Blues symphonic sound of the Mellotron with rock, helped define the art rock genre that would soon be represented by such bands as Yes, Genesis (the Peter Gabriel/Steve Hackett era), Jethro Tull, ELP (whose L was Greg Lake, King Crimson’s original bassist/singer), Gentle Giant, and Van der Graaf Generator.
Pete Townshend endorsed the album, calling it “an uncanny masterpiece,” and while it initially got a mixed critical response, it was commercially successful (making an unusually good ranking, for a King Crimson album, on the charts), and it’s now considered a classic.
Here is a link to all the lyrics.
The cover, a painting by Barry Godber (1946–1970), shows a closeup of a terrified face, reminding me of Edvard Munch‘s The Scream. The inside cover, a dominant blue to contrast the dominant pink of the outer cover, shows a face with an evil grin to contrast with the outer face.
The album was released in October 1969, when opposition to the Vietnam War was at its height. I’ve always thought, mistakenly, that “King Crimson,” coined by lyricist/light-show man Peter Sinfield, was meant as a synonym for the Devil; apparently, a ‘crimson king‘ is historically understood to mean a ruler mired in blood, one governing during a period of great civil unrest and war. Somehow, though, the Devil metaphor doesn’t seem too far off the mark. Certainly, US imperialism was, and is now even more so, a devilish crimson king for our time.
The first song on the album, “21st Century Schizoid Man,” is prophetic to us now, from its title alone. “Schizoid” should be understood to mean the fragmented character of the modern personality. We’re all split, not in the schizophrenic or split personality senses, but in the sense of dividing the inner representations of our objects (e.g., other people in relation to oneself, the subject) into absolute good and bad–friends and foes, rather than the actual mixes of good and bad in each of us and them.
This dichotomous attitude, taken to an extreme, has led us to all of these horrible wars–the Vietnam War of the time of the album’s release, and all the wars we’ve had in this schizoid 21st century. The psychological fragmentation of modern man is symbolized in these lyrics–disjointed, standalone images of violence: “Cat’s foot, iron claw…Blood rack, barbed wire…Death seed, blind man’s greed.”
“Neurosurgeons scream for more/At paranoia’s poison door.” I suspect, given the song’s focus on “paranoia” and being “schizoid,” that neurosurgeons is meant more metaphorically than literally. This seems especially plausible, since Freud shifted from neuropathology (via a study of neurosis) to psychoanalysis. Hence, for neurosurgeons, read psychiatrists, who have often forsaken their duty to their patients for the sake of profit. Also, there has been all that psychiatric complicity during the ‘War on Terror.’
“Politicians’ funeral pyre/Innocents raped with napalm fire” is an obvious reference to the Vietnam War, though of course the use of napalm can equally apply to any modern war from WWII till Nam, and a number of wars fought since this album was made.
The fast middle section of the song, mostly a change from 4/4 to 6/8, is called “Mirrors.” Given how Lacan‘s mirror gives us a falsely unified sense of self, to the point of alienating oneself from the reflected image, the title of this frantic, dissonant (i.e., Ian McDonald‘s alto sax solo) section–and with its awkward time changes during the fast-picked, alternating 4/16 to 6/16 “down-up” guitar part, doubled by the sax, towards the section’s end–reflects that spastic alienation from oneself, as “I Talk to the Wind” (the following track) reflects alienation from other people (more on that later).
The last verse demonstrates the root cause, the “Death seed,” of all this madness, killing, and suffering: “blind man’s greed,” also known as capitalism. The blindness of these greedy men comes from the capitalist’s denial that his economic system is responsible for the woes of the world–typically blaming the problem on the state, while proposing a ‘free market‘ solution instead…as if we haven’t had enough deregulation and tax cuts for the rich as it is. “Poets starve” because the profit motive has no use for art unless it can make money, thus cheapening art and turning poetry into the titillating superficiality of performers like Nicki Minaj.
Imperialist war makes “children bleed”: consider what happened to Phan Thị Kim Phúc, or what’s happening to Yemeni children now, to see my point. The super-rich have so much money, they don’t know what to do with it; so on the one hand, they avoid taxes by putting their money into offshore bank accounts, and on the other, their addiction to money drives them to cause more wars for the sake of profits for Lockheed Martin, Raytheon, Boeing, et al. Hence, “Nothing he’s got he really needs.”
Because of all these horrors, the song’s chaotic, dissonant ending shouldn’t surprise anyone: ever-increasing neoliberal, capitalist imperialism will inevitably lead to barbarism. Small wonder guitarist/bandleader Robert Fripp once introduced the song in a 1969 concert, dedicating it to Spiro T. Agnew. Here’s a live version of the song, done by the Cross/Fripp/Wetton/Bruford lineup of 1973, which I really like.
The very title of the second track implies social alienation. “My words are all carried away,” and not listened to. Capitalism brought the madness expressed in the first song because it also brought the alienation described in this song. While I prefer a more uptempo version sung by Judy Dyble, the sadder, slower version on the album seems more thematically appropriate.
Where has “the late man” been? He’s “been here” and “there” and “in between.” He hasn’t been with “the straight man”: he was late. He didn’t care enough about his commitment to meet the straight man to arrive on time. Alienation causes this apathy.
It also causes one to be “on the outside, looking inside,” seeing “confusion…[and] disillusion.” Those who alienate us “don’t possess,” “don’t impress,” “can’t instruct…or conduct” us…they just “upset” us and waste our time.
“Epitaph,” with its “March for No Reason,” evokes such things as the Vietnam War, the Cold War, and the nuclear arms race. “Tomorrow and Tomorrow” is an allusion to Macbeth, and to that crimson king’s famous speech, upon learning of the death of his queen, when he speaks of the meaninglessness of life, and our day-after-day misery.
The lyrics of “Epitaph” put our present-day troubles into historical context. The words of the writers of scripture have little meaning for us today, for the wall of their etched words “is cracking at the seams.” “The instruments of death” are historic and modern ones, and the sunlight is our knowledge of such Vietnam War atrocities as the My Lai Massacre.
We’re “torn apart with nightmares and with dreams,” for the latter are rarely fulfilled, while the former all too often come true. Media “silence drowns the screams,” for we know of far too few of the atrocities of war, especially the wars of our schizoid 21st century.
We feel “confusion…as [we] crawl a cracked and broken path” paved by the lies of those who fraudulently got the US into the Vietnam War…and now the conflicts in Iraq, Syria, Libya, and “I fear tomorrow” Iran, China, and Russia.
Part of what makes this album great, sadly, is that it’s even more relevant today than it was when it was released. We’re in a new Cold War with Russia, with NATO troops along the Russian border (and in the Arctic), ready to fight. The trade war with China could escalate, especially with tensions in the South China Sea. If we can prevent these problems from getting worse, “we can all sit back and laugh, but I fear tomorrow I’ll be crying.”
Fate has “iron gates,” for it seems to have an implacable will. “The seeds of time were sown” between those gates, “and watered by the deeds of those who know”–Lake’s voice seems ironic with that last word–“and who are known.” Those in authority, the ruling classes, have dominated history and our collective fate; we know them all too well. What they know–how to manipulate us, keep us divided, and make us kill each other–“is a deadly friend” without ethical rules. Our fate “is in the hands of fools,” especially today, when MAD is being disregarded in the temptation to use nukes.
The song’s ending is one of the most emotively powerful ones, if not the most powerful, of the whole album, with Lake’s expressive voice, “Crying,” and backed by Ian McDonald’s weeping Mellotron string section tapes, as well as the kettledrum rolls by drummer Michael Giles.
[As a side note, I’d like to mention that these three songs each have their own ‘new versions’ on Side One of King Crimson’s second album, In the Wake of Poseidon. Fripp wanted to rework the first album his way, with “Pictures of a City” paralleling “Schizoid Man,” “Cadence and Cascade” paralleling “I Talk to the Wind,” and “In the Wake of Poseidon” paralleling “Epitaph.” In fact, on Side Two, towards the end of “The Devil’s Triangle” (adapted by Fripp and Ian McDonald from “Mars, the Bringer of War,” from Holst’s The Planets), a little bit of the “ah…ah-ah-ah…ah-ah-ah” singing from “The Court of the Crimson King” can be heard in the background.]
Now, let’s come to Side Two.
“Moonchild” begins with “The Dream,” which is the section with Lake’s singing. She is “dancing in the shallows of a river,” “dreaming in the shadows of a willow,” “gathering the flowers in a garden,” and “playing hide and seek with the ghosts of dawn.” Throughout the darkness of the gloomy night, her frolicking and “waiting for a smile from a sun child” represents our long-held hope for peace and a better world. The long instrumental improvised section, however–with its almost Bartókian night music, seemingly going on for hours in a sad minor key until McDonald’s vibraphone switches to a major key, bringing on a happy daybreak of hope–is fittingly titled “The Illusion.”
“The Court of the Crimson King” includes “The Return of the Fire Witch” and “The Dance of the Puppets.” A witch casts spells, mesmerizing and transforming those under her spells; fire is desire, craving, attachment, greed, hate, and delusion. Since the Fire Witch is in the court of the crimson king, her spells keep the fire of our desires aflame, and distract us from his evildoing, keeping us ignorant of it. Similarly, the puppets’ dance keeps us mesmerized and distracted, so we’ll ignore the bloodshed, carnage, and oppression the crimson king is responsible for.
The other songs of the album have dealt with the wars, as well as the suffering, greed, alienation, fear, and misguided hope we all feel; this last song deals with the bread and circuses, the entertainment and titillation used by the bloodthirsty ones in power to keep us at bay.
“The rusted chains of prison moons/Are shattered by the sun.” The prison of dark night, of lunacy, no longer keeps us in chains when we see the sunlight of truth. “I walk a road, horizons change”: I explore what’s out there in the freedom of my thoughts, and my whole perspective changes because of this sunny enlightenment. “The tournament’s begun”: the powers-that-be are ready to contest my freedom by attempting to put me back to sleep, back in the “rusted chains” of my former lunacy, a mental illness that comes from being denied the truth.
To lure me back into hypnotized compliance, the “purple piper plays his tune/The choir softly sing/Three lullabies in an ancient tongue…” The three lullabies seem to represent the Trinity of the authoritarian Church, tricking me into thinking all these wars are for the glory of Christ (e.g., as against Muslims, etc.).
A king’s court is full of servile flatterers, and the contemporary equivalent–the media as part of the superstructure of the ruling class–is no improvement. All this lulling, hypnotizing music of the piper, the choir, and the orchestra symbolizes the deceitful narrative we get in the mainstream media, a problem every bit as real back in the days of the Cold War–with Operation Mockingbird–as it is today, with similar mind games going on to make one wonder if Operation Mockingbird ever really ended.
“The keeper of the city keys,” who controls who can enter and leave, and thus controls us in general, “put shutters on the dreams,” preventing us from realizing them. The “pilgrim” wishes to go on a far-off journey to a far better, holier place than our corrupt city, and “I wait outside” his home, thinking of how I can help him escape, but my “insufficient schemes” can’t get us out of town.
The “black queen” of Thanatos, the death drive that inspires war and lulls us into joining her with her “chants” and ringing “cracked brass bells,” more mesmerizing music to fan the flames of desire and hate, “To summon back the Fire Witch.” We take pleasure in satisfying our desires and in causing death.
The ruling class seems to do good in one place–that is, it “plants an evergreen/Whilst trampling on a flower,” or doing evil elsewhere. Distracted by all this, “I chase” empty pleasure, “the wind” (which I aimlessly talk to, knowing it won’t hear, much less satisfy my yearnings). In Shakespeare’s day, a juggler was a “trickster, deceiver, fraud” (Crystal and Crystal, page 248); lifting his hand, the juggler makes the mesmerizing, “orchestra begin/As slowly turns the grinding wheel” of the empire of bloodshed.
“The Return of the Fire Witch” section has a pretty flute solo by McDonald. We’re lulled in the bower of bliss of our desires, not noticing the death and destruction elsewhere in the world.
The “mornings [, when] widows cry,” are “grey” because the Moonchild’s illusory hope for a sunny morning never came true: the widows’ husbands came home from Vietnam (and the other wars of recent memory) in bodybags. “The wise men [who] share a joke” are the academics of today who are full of witty, clever observations, but are cut off from the common people because they’re all in ivory towers.
I read the newspaper propaganda, the “divining signs,” because I want to be reassured in my prejudices of what’s going on in the world, “to satisfy the hoax,” and not face the truth. This propaganda is part of what the “jester” does as he “gently pulls the strings/And smiles as the puppets dance”–all part of the ruling class’s control of the media, the minds of the public, and therefore the political direction of the world, pushing us further and further towards even more bloodshed, inequality, and despair.
“The Dance of the Puppets” section, like the “Fire Witch” one, has a sweet melody played by multi-instrumentalist McDonald; again, we’re tricked into thinking all is well, so we never hear the screams of the suffering.
The dissonance heard coming towards the end of the song (including Giles’s magnificently precise and fast drum licks) suggests the pain and sorrow hidden behind the pleasant melodies of the “Fire Witch” and “Puppets” sections. In fact, the song ends almost as chaotically and abruptly as “21st Century Schizoid Man,” fittingly bringing the whole album full circle, and reminding us of the horrors that are hidden, because the crimson king uses silence to drown the screams.
Mawr Gorshin imperialism, leftism, Marxism, music, object relations theory, poetry, politics, psychoanalysis Leave a comment December 19, 2018 December 19, 2018 10 Minutes
Family Romance
Mom is here. Dad is here.
Child is held.
Mom is harsh. Dad is harsh.
Child runs off.
New Mom guards. New Dad guards.
Child is safe.
She says, “Play.” He says, “Play.”
Child can play.
Mom looks over. Dad looks over.
Child is watched.
Mom looms over. Dad looms over.
Child then flees.
New Mom sees him. New Dad sees him.
Child is tended.
She saves him. He saves him.
Child is free.
Parents are rich…yet, they’re poor.
Child feels empty.
Parents give things…but not love.
Child feels lonely.
New parents: poor…yet, they’re rich.
Child has plenty.
New parents love…but, sans silver
Child–loved wholly.
Mawr Gorshin bullying, complex post-traumatic stress disorder, emotional abuse, Freud, literature, narcissistic mothers, poetry, psychoanalysis 4 Comments June 25, 2018 0 Minutes
The Calm After the Storm
There is the breast that gives milk,
and that which doesn’t;
and then, there are both, which feed us sparingly.
We, smiling, suck on the first,
we bite the second;
we sigh when we see they’re from the same mother.
One parent is our hero,
one is a mirror;
but both are bridges from us to the world.
Some heroes will fall from grace,
some mirrors crack;
our bridges, then, will break, and we can’t cross them.
Bravely, we’d walk on the water,
see wavy reflections
beneath our feet, our warped and rippled faces.
Thus, we ignore the storm,
feel still, calm waters,
blind to the splashing sea we’re drowning in.
We’d reach the other side,
the land of milk,
but all we have to drink is wind-tossed water.
The storm cannot be calmed
until it’s faced.
We see our faces blowing on the waves.
We see parental ghosts
inside our eyes,
the ruach blowing on the rolling seas.
They blow the wind into us,
we blow it out,
and all our gales break mirrors and bridges.
Our gusts make crests and troughs,
and gentle waves
will only come when we can calm the winds.
Bad ghosts blow hurricanes,
good ones blow breezes;
cast out the bad by letting in the good.
The good are our new heroes:
they’ll mend the mirrors,
and help us build new bridges we can cross.
The winds of rage will slow down to a calm.
We’ll cross the bridges, reach the other side,
and drink the milk of bliss and mutual love.
Mawr Gorshin emotional abuse, literature, narcissism, object relations theory, poetry, psychoanalysis, self psychology 4 Comments June 22, 2018 1 Minute
We used to roam and run freely across the fields,
eat bread, and drink, and dance with family
and then, they started creeping in
with their tanks and guns
Now, we have walls
around our fields
little bread
little water
no space
bro-
pie-
Deserted
Mawr Gorshin nakba, poetry, politics, Third World 4 Comments May 19, 2018 June 24, 2018 0 Minutes
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line876
|
__label__cc
| 0.530197
| 0.469803
|
WHO guideline on digital health interventions
WHO released new recommendations on 10 ways that countries can use digital health technology, accessible via mobile phones, tablets and computers, to improve people’s health and essential services. “Harnessing the power of digital technologies is essential for achieving universal health coverage,” says WHO Director-General Dr Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus. “Ultimately, digital technologies are not ends in themselves; they are vital tools to promote health, keep the world safe, and serve the vulnerable.”
Over the past two years, WHO systematically reviewed evidence on digital technologies and consulted with experts from around the world to produce recommendations on some key ways such tools may be used for maximum impact on health systems and people’s health.
One digital intervention already having positive effects in some areas is sending reminders to pregnant women to attend antenatal care appointments and having children return for vaccinations. Other digital approaches reviewed include decision-support tools to guide health workers as they provide care; and enabling individuals and health workers to communicate and consult on health issues from across different locations.
“The use of digital technologies offers new opportunities to improve people’s health,” says Dr Soumya Swaminathan, Chief Scientist at WHO. “But the evidence also highlights challenges in the impact of some interventions.” She adds: “If digital technologies are to be sustained and integrated into health systems, they must be able to demonstrate long-term improvements over the traditional ways of delivering health services.”
For example, the guideline points to the potential to improve stock management. Digital technologies enable health workers to communicate more efficiently on the status of commodity stocks and gaps. However, notification alone is not enough to improve commodity management; health systems also must respond and take action in a timely manner for replenishing needed commodities.
“Digital interventions, depend heavily on the context and ensuring appropriate design,” warns Dr Garrett Mehl, WHO scientist in digital innovations and research. “This includes structural issues in the settings where they are being used, available infrastructure, the health needs they are trying to address, and the ease of use of the technology itself.”
WHO released new recommendations on 10 ways that countries can use digital health technology, accessible via mobile phones, tablets and computers, to improve people’s health and essential services.
Insufficient on their own
The guideline demonstrates that health systems need to respond to the increased visibility and availability of information. People also must be assured that their own data is safe and that they are not being put at risk because they have accessed information on sensitive health topics, such as sexual and reproductive health issues.
Health workers need adequate training to boost their motivation to transition to this new way of working and need to use the technology easily. The guideline stresses the importance of providing supportive environments for training, dealing with unstable infrastructure, as well as policies to protect privacy of individuals, and governance and coordination to ensure these tools are not fragmented across the health system.
The guideline encourages policy-makers and implementers to review and adapt to these conditions if they want digital tools to drive tangible changes and provides guidance on taking privacy considerations on access to patient data. “Digital health is not a silver bullet,” says Bernardo Mariano, WHO’s Chief Information Officer. “WHO is working to make sure it’s used as effectively as possible. This means ensuring that it adds value to the health workers and individuals using these technologies, takes into account the infrastructural limitations, and that there is proper coordination.”
The guideline also makes recommendations about telemedicine, which allows people living in remote locations to obtain health services by using mobile phones, web portals, or other digital tools. WHO points out that this is a valuable complement to face-to-face-interactions, but it cannot replace them entirely. It is also important that consultations are conducted by qualified health workers and that the privacy of individuals’ health information is maintained.
The guideline emphasizes the importance of reaching vulnerable populations, and ensuring that digital health does not endanger them in any way.
On 6 March 2019, Dr Tedros announced the creation of the Department of Digital Health to enhance WHO’s role in assessing digital technologies and support Member States in prioritizing, integrating and regulating them.
Source: WHO
digital healthehealthhealth appsHealth ITmhealthpoliticssmartphone
Previous Article3D printing nanoparticle shapes
Next ArticleContact lenses with medicine and sugar
Keeping health data under lock and key
RFID: Tiny digital ‘tags’ improve eye care
The digital revolution in ophthalmology
Stress from using EHRs linked to physician burnout
Sea Hero Quest can detect Alzheimer’s risk
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line878
|
__label__wiki
| 0.888979
| 0.888979
|
A History of Materials Science and Engineering at UC Davis
Our Department's 50 Years of Growth and Development
by James Shackelford and Subhash Risbud
Though the Department of Materials Science and Engineering (MSE) at UC Davis has only existed since 2016, materials science and engineering research and teaching has a long and prestigious history at the university.
Birth and development
Professor Amiya Mukherjee teaching a course, c. 1993. Photo: College of Engineering Biennial Report 1992-94.
The materials science and engineering curriculum was established within the Department of Mechanical Engineering in 1969 under the leadership of Professor Amiya Mukherjee, who taught its first 14 courses, starting in 1966. Professor Zuhair Munir joined the program in 1972. A formal Division of Materials Science and Engineering was created within the Department of Mechanical Engineering in 1980 (with the faculty by that time comprising of Mukherjee, Munir and James Shackelford), and the department title was later expanded to the Department of Mechanical, Aeronautical and Materials Engineering (MAME).
By 1993, the Division of Materials Science and Engineering had grown to the size of seven faculty members and moved to the Department of Chemical Engineering, forming the Department of Chemical Engineering and Materials Science (CHMS) with Subhash Risbud serving as vice chair from 1993-96 and Chair from 1996-2002.
Ground is broken for Kemper Hall (formerly known as Engineering II), which opened in 1992.
The synergism between Chemical Engineering and Materials Science and Engineering, especially at the graduate level, grew in a variety of ways for nearly two decades, but in 2013, the faculty began to consider the reconstitution of CHMS into two separate departments. Following a number of discussions and a formal faculty vote, a reconstitution proposal was submitted to the UC Davis Academic Senate in 2014. Formal approval for the reconstitution was received in March 2016, thus creating the current Department of Materials Science and Engineering.
Materials Science and Engineering at UC Davis has been an ABET-accredited program since 1990 and will again have a comprehensive review in the 2018-19 school year. The MSE undergraduate program complements a strong graduate research effort that provides M.S., M.Eng. and Ph.D. degrees. The graduate program, which collaborates both with various departments at UC Davis and other institutions across the country, was ranked 30th out of all MSE programs nationally in 2018, according to U.S. News and World Reports. The department’s research funding in recent years has reached roughly $8 million.
Professor James Shackelford (left) and Ricardo Castro (right) receiving awards at the 2012 College of Engineering gala.
World-class faculty
The ranking of a program rests largely on the reputation of its faculty. From the beginning, the MSE faculty at UC Davis have been well-recognized within the field, and that recognition continues to grow. Mukherjee and Munir have received the UC Davis Prize for Teaching and Scholarly Achievement. Mukherjee also received the Academic Senate’s Distinguished Teaching Award and the Distinguished Mentoring Award.
Three current faculty members have received early-career awards from NSF, DOE and DARPA (Klaus van Benthem, Ricardo Castro and Yayoi Takamura), two are members of the National Academies (Subhash Mahajan and Alexandra Navrotsky) and most are fellows of at least one professional society and/or have received awards from a professional materials society.
Our faculty members are also highly active in organizing national and international meetings and publishing related proceedings, monographs and handbooks. Several faculty have also served as editors of materials science journals, and Shackelford’s text, Introduction to Materials Science for Engineers, has been published in its eighth edition and translated into seven languages.
A recent decade-long survey of research publications from the faculty indicated an average of six archived publications annually per faculty member, consistent with top-rated peer institutions across the country.
The materials science and engineering faculty, as of 2018.
The MSE department is committed to excellence in both research and teaching, shown by hiring Susan Gentry as a full-time lecturer in 2015. Since the reconstitution, the department continues to expand in size and prestige, adding Roopali Kukreja in 2016 and Jeremy Mason in 2017.
The Department of Materials Science and Engineering at UC Davis has grown dramatically in the 50 years since its birth in the Mechanical Engineering department. Today, the department has an internationally-recognized faculty known for their cutting edge research and teaching excellence. Continued growth of students and faculty is on the horizon as the department moves into a new and exciting phase of making fresh strides in the education of future generations of materials scientists and engineers.
History of Materials Science and Engineering
Last update: March 29, 2019
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line885
|
__label__wiki
| 0.580392
| 0.580392
|
« Start-Up Aims for Database to Automate Web Searching
Launching the Web 2.0 Framework »
January 21, 2008 by Francisco Antonio Cerón García
By JOHN MARKOFF
SAN FRANCISCO, Nov. 11 — From the billions of documents that form the World Wide Web and the links that weave them together, computer scientists and a growing collection of start-up companies are finding new ways to mine human intelligence.
Their goal is to add a layer of meaning on top of the existing Web that would make it less of a catalog and more of a guide — and even provide the foundation for systems that can reason in a human fashion. That level of artificial intelligence, with machines doing the thinking instead of simply following commands, has eluded researchers for more than half a century.
Referred to as Web 3.0, the effort is in its infancy, and the very idea has given rise to skeptics who have called it an unobtainable vision. But the underlying technologies are rapidly gaining adherents, at big companies like I.B.M. and Google as well as small ones. Their projects often center on simple, practical uses, from producing vacation recommendations to predicting the next hit song.
But in the future, more powerful systems could act as personal advisers in areas as diverse as financial planning, with an intelligent system mapping out a retirement plan for a couple, for instance, or educational consulting, with the Web helping a high school student identify the right college.
The projects aimed at creating Web 3.0 all take advantage of increasingly powerful computers that can quickly and completely scour the Web.
“I call it the World Wide Database,” said Nova Spivack, the founder of a start-up firm whose technology detects relationships between nuggets of information by mining the World Wide Web. “We are going from a Web of connected documents to a Web of connected data.”
Web 2.0, which describes the ability to seamlessly connect applications (like geographic mapping) and services (like photo-sharing) over the Internet, has in recent months become the focus of dot-com-style hype in Silicon Valley. But commercial interest in Web 3.0 — or the “semantic Web,” for the idea of adding meaning — is only now emerging.
The classic example of the Web 2.0 era is the “mash-up” — for example, connecting a rental-housing Web site with Google Maps to create a new, more useful service that automatically shows the location of each rental listing.
In contrast, the Holy Grail for developers of the semantic Web is to build a system that can give a reasonable and complete response to a simple question like: “I’m looking for a warm place to vacation and I have a budget of $3,000. Oh, and I have an 11-year-old child.”
Under today’s system, such a query can lead to hours of sifting — through lists of flights, hotel, car rentals — and the options are often at odds with one another. Under Web 3.0, the same search would ideally call up a complete vacation package that was planned as meticulously as if it had been assembled by a human travel agent.
How such systems will be built, and how soon they will begin providing meaningful answers, is now a matter of vigorous debate both among academic researchers and commercial technologists. Some are focused on creating a vast new structure to supplant the existing Web; others are developing pragmatic tools that extract meaning from the existing Web.
But all agree that if such systems emerge, they will instantly become more commercially valuable than today’s search engines, which return thousands or even millions of documents but as a rule do not answer questions directly.
Underscoring the potential of mining human knowledge is an extraordinarily profitable example: the basic technology that made Google possible, known as “Page Rank,” systematically exploits human knowledge and decisions about what is significant to order search results. (It interprets a link from one page to another as a “vote,” but votes cast by pages considered popular are weighted more heavily.)
Today researchers are pushing further. Mr. Spivack’s company, Radar Networks, for example, is one of several working to exploit the content of social computing sites, which allow users to collaborate in gathering and adding their thoughts to a wide array of content, from travel to movies.
Radar’s technology is based on a next-generation database system that stores associations, such as one person’s relationship to another (colleague, friend, brother), rather than specific items like text or numbers.
One example that hints at the potential of such systems is KnowItAll, a project by a group of University of Washington faculty members and students that has been financed by Google. One sample system created using the technology is Opine, which is designed to extract and aggregate user-posted information from product and review sites.
One demonstration project focusing on hotels “understands” concepts like room temperature, bed comfort and hotel price, and can distinguish between concepts like “great,” “almost great” and “mostly O.K.” to provide useful direct answers. Whereas today’s travel recommendation sites force people to weed through long lists of comments and observations left by others, the Web. 3.0 system would weigh and rank all of the comments and find, by cognitive deduction, just the right hotel for a particular user.
“The system will know that spotless is better than clean,” said Oren Etzioni, an artificial-intelligence researcher at the University of Washington who is a leader of the project. “There is the growing realization that text on the Web is a tremendous resource.”
In its current state, the Web is often described as being in the Lego phase, with all of its different parts capable of connecting to one another. Those who envision the next phase, Web 3.0, see it as an era when machines will start to do seemingly intelligent things.
Researchers and entrepreneurs say that while it is unlikely that there will be complete artificial-intelligence systems any time soon, if ever, the content of the Web is already growing more intelligent. Smart Webcams watch for intruders, while Web-based e-mail programs recognize dates and locations. Such programs, the researchers say, may signal the impending birth of Web 3.0.
“It’s a hot topic, and people haven’t realized this spooky thing about how much they are depending on A.I.,” said W. Daniel Hillis, a veteran artificial-intelligence researcher who founded Metaweb Technologies here last year.
Like Radar Networks, Metaweb is still not publicly describing what its service or product will be, though the company’s Web site states that Metaweb intends to “build a better infrastructure for the Web.”
“It is pretty clear that human knowledge is out there and more exposed to machines than it ever was before,” Mr. Hillis said.
Both Radar Networks and Metaweb have their roots in part in technology development done originally for the military and intelligence agencies. Early research financed by the National Security Agency, the Central Intelligence Agency and the Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency predated a pioneering call for a semantic Web made in 1999 by Tim Berners-Lee, the creator of the World Wide Web a decade earlier.
Intelligence agencies also helped underwrite the work of Doug Lenat, a computer scientist whose company, Cycorp of Austin, Tex., sells systems and services to the government and large corporations. For the last quarter-century Mr. Lenat has labored on an artificial-intelligence system named Cyc that he claimed would some day be able to answer questions posed in spoken or written language — and to reason.
Cyc was originally built by entering millions of common-sense facts that the computer system would “learn.” But in a lecture given at Google earlier this year, Mr. Lenat said, Cyc is now learning by mining the World Wide Web — a process that is part of how Web 3.0 is being built.
During his talk, he implied that Cyc is now capable of answering a sophisticated natural-language query like: “Which American city would be most vulnerable to an anthrax attack during summer?”
Separately, I.B.M. researchers say they are now routinely using a digital snapshot of the six billion documents that make up the non-pornographic World Wide Web to do survey research and answer questions for corporate customers on diverse topics, such as market research and corporate branding.
Daniel Gruhl, a staff scientist at I.B.M.’s Almaden Research Center in San Jose, Calif., said the data mining system, known as Web Fountain, has been used to determine the attitudes of young people on death for a insurance company and was able to choose between the terms “utility computing” and “grid computing,” for an I.B.M. branding effort.
“It turned out that only geeks liked the term ‘grid computing,’ ” he said.
I.B.M. has used the system to do market research for television networks on the popularity of shows by mining a popular online community site, he said. Additionally, by mining the “buzz” on college music Web sites, the researchers were able to predict songs that would hit the top of the pop charts in the next two weeks — a capability more impressive than today’s market research predictions.
There is debate over whether systems like Cyc will be the driving force behind Web 3.0 or whether intelligence will emerge in a more organic fashion, from technologies that systematically extract meaning from the existing Web. Those in the latter camp say they see early examples in services like del.icio.us and Flickr, the bookmarking and photo-sharing systems acquired by Yahoo, and Digg, a news service that relies on aggregating the opinions of readers to find stories of interest.
In Flickr, for example, users “tag” photos, making it simple to identify images in ways that have eluded scientists in the past.
“With Flickr you can find images that a computer could never find,” said Prabhakar Raghavan, head of research at Yahoo. “Something that defied us for 50 years suddenly became trivial. It wouldn’t have become trivial without the Web.”
Posted in bussines, Internet, Web 2.0 | Tagged Entrepreneur, Web | Leave a Comment
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line886
|
__label__wiki
| 0.671297
| 0.671297
|
Select ratingGive McNeill, John Sr.: A Dream World 1/5Give McNeill, John Sr.: A Dream World 2/5Give McNeill, John Sr.: A Dream World 3/5Give McNeill, John Sr.: A Dream World 4/5Give McNeill, John Sr.: A Dream World 5/5
John McNeill, Sr.: A dream world
Late one summer night last year my daughter and I found John McNeill Sr., age 87, sitting alone on his deck by the shores of Lake Waccamaw. He was listening to romantic songs from World War II coming from loudspeakers hung high in the trees by the lake. The retired pharmacist and decorated Navy veteran -- he commanded an amphibious assault group in the Pacific -- was looking out on one of the most amazing sights I have ever seen: a long, double-decked lake pier covered every inch by thousands of breathtakingly gorgeous flowering plants. I felt as if we had walked into a beautiful dream.
That weekend we were guests at a fish fry there, toured a fascinating museum in an old train depot and explored the river swamps at Crusoe Island. But what I will always remember best about Lake Waccamaw are my daughter's long idylls among the flowers and hummingbirds on McNeill's pier, and the stories that he told me of other young dreamers growing up in a small town nearby.
In John McNeill, Sr.'s words:
I was born in Whiteville in 1918. My grandfather had been an orphan in the Civil War and his uncle sent him to medical school, interestingly, at the Edenborough Medical College, not in Scotland but in Raeford, N.C. (He laughs.) It only existed for 10 years after the Civil War. He moved to Shallotte in 1886 and practiced there with his brother.
He was often paid in livestock. He would accumulate a herd of cattle, maybe 50, and my father, as a teenage boy, would drive them to Wilmington and sell them and return with a load of drugs to sell at their drugstore.
He just happened to be there the day they were picking up the streets after that Wilmington race riot in 1898. It made a great impression on him as a boy. He described this wagon going by picking up bodies.
My father went to Davidson and developed severe arthritis and became an invalid, and they decided that he couldn't go back to Davidson. If he was a pharmacist, he could do it working in a chair. So he went to Page's School of Pharmacy in Raleigh. Dr. Ira Rose was the head of it.
They moved to Whiteville in 1900, and they had a pharmacy and it's still McNeill's Pharmacy. It's the oldest pharmacy in the state. The School of Pharmacy in Chapel Hill believes it might be the oldest in the nation now, the oldest owned by the same family.
Whiteville was originally a crossing of a road from Charlotte to Wilmington, and one from Elizabethtown to Conway. Back then there were some farmers coming in, largely Scotch-Irish, and one of the crops they grew was grapes. When the railroad was formed, after they came northwest of Wilmington to clear Lake Waccamaw, they went straight to Fair Bluff and missed Whiteville by a mile.
So the business people went to build a warehouse or loading platform down there, and they named it Vineland. Most of the business in Whiteville grew up down in Vineland, and I grew up downtown in Vineland.
We were very adventurous children. We went all over the woods and swamps. When I was growing up, me and my brother Charles and a couple other boys even started a museum. We had a little child's museum. We studied taxidermy, and we were granted a charter from the state. I think we ended up with 52 species of birds -- a male, a female, a nest and eggs.
We would have these serious meetings about predicting the insect problem for farmers for the next year. We came up with the idea that we could count the cocoons of butterflies, and we could project how the insect population would be the next year. All kinds of kid stuff!
We'd go to a movie and see a safari in Africa, and we would get packs and we'd go wandering around the swamps on expeditions, collecting and so forth. It was a dream world, but it was just great.
Our parents encouraged dreaming. They were never negative, my mother particularly. She'd smile and she'd say, "Dream on."
Another great thing about our childhood, my mother had four bedrooms upstairs that she would rent to teachers. The teachers would eat with us. So we had the advantage of growing up with people who were from away from Whiteville and who were intelligent and educated. It was a broadening experience.
Two of the most significant things that happened in the county were, one, around 1900, the Sunny South Colony came here. It was a group of about 300 people from Belgium, Holland, all through that area of Europe. They had settled in the Midwest and were devastated by the grasshoppers and the drought. They introduced strawberries, and of course Chadbourn became a big strawberry market. But the great thing was, we had new life coming in, with new ideas.
Another thing, in the early '20s, seven Jewish families moved to Whiteville. That had a dramatic influence on the county, because they were great citizens. Each one contributed something. They sort of stayed in the background, but you could tell that they were insisting on better banking, better schools and better government.
They also brought style. All of them had dry good stores. We were wearing homemade clothes, you know, and they brought clothing that was ready made and cloth of different colors. It changed the complexion of the county.
When I went away to college, I told the people at Chapel Hill that I wanted to be a botanist. They told me there was no way to make a living as a botanist. It was the Depression. So I went to pharmacy school, but I was just totally fascinated with flowers all my life.
I can't wait to get up in the morning and see what the changes are and start watering and fertilizing and pruning. Then you have the added pleasure of people. Somebody stops by every two or three hours to look at them.
We began having weddings out there. Then we began to have school classes that wanted to plan a little trip, and garden clubs. Several of the black churches have baptisms here. And 24 Fridays a year, we have a fish fry out there. It's a fund-raiser for the museum. I just thoroughly enjoy it all.
12 February 2006 | Cecelski, David S.
JOHN MCNEILL MY 4TH GREAT
Permalink Submitted by Niesha (not verified) on Thu, 07/04/2019 - 10:57
JOHN MCNEILL MY 4TH GREAT GRANDFATHER
My great grandmother had the
Permalink Submitted by Evangeline Long (not verified) on Thu, 09/27/2018 - 19:53
My great grandmother had the middle name of McNeill and no one knew why. They were French Huguenos who moved into the Gurley area of SC from N.C. I would like permission to copy this article to show my mother. Thank you, Evangeline Cardinal
Hi, Evangeline. Please feel
Permalink Submitted by mmillner on Fri, 09/28/2018 - 09:23
Hi, Evangeline. Please feel free to print out a copy for your mother.
Mike Millner, NC Government & Heritage Library
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line892
|
__label__cc
| 0.555228
| 0.444772
|
20 mins Oil Prices Tank As Washington Names Moderate Liaison To Lead Iran Negotiations
1 hour Shale Oil will it self destruct?
1 min Berkeley becomes first U.S. city to ban natural gas in new homes
White House Shelves Coal Industry Incentives Plan
Troubled coal-fired power plant operators…
India’s Coal Reliance Deepens
Despite significant efforts to boost…
Thermal Coal Prices Are Soaring
With tight supply in key…
Irina Slav
Irina is a writer for Oilprice.com with over a decade of experience writing on the oil and gas industry.
Why China’s Shale Boom Is Struggling
By Irina Slav - Apr 21, 2018, 4:00 PM CDT
A few years ago, there was a lot of talk about a Chinese shale revolution as the country’s fast-growing demand for natural gas sparked enthusiasm in the exploration of its potentially huge shale gas reserves. Then the hype died down as it turned out that the enthusiasm was premature. Now it’s back with a vengeance and a set of homegrown fracking technologies that could finally spur the development of those huge resources.
China has recoverable shale gas reserves of 1,115 trillion cu ft, the latest estimate of the Energy Information Administration from 2015 shows. This makes the country the biggest reservoir of shale gas, with Argentina a distant second with a little over 800 trillion cu ft. Yet, it is very unlikely that China will be able to repeat the U.S. shale gas boom.
China’s shale gas deposits are in remote, geologically challenging areas. “Geologically challenging” means that they are in mountainous regions and the gas-bearing rocks are much deeper than they are in the U.S. shale patch. Also, the remoteness of these deposits means there is no established infrastructure for production and transportation of all these trillions of cubic feet of gas.
Of course, China is now known for giving up in the face of challenges, so it has been working to recover these recoverable cubic feet. Because of the geological peculiarities of its shale deposits, local energy companies have developed proprietary fracking methods specifically targeting the local gas-bearing rocks. They have also significantly cut their drilling costs. Compared with 2010, exploration well costs are down 40 percent, according to Wood Mackenzie, and production well costs are down by 25 percent since 2014.
Related: Is Saudi Arabia Losing Its Asian Oil Market Share?
Beijing is helping them along, as well. The government this month cut the resource tax on shale gas by 30 percent to stimulate shale gas production as demand continues to expand at a breakneck pace. There are also subsidies that currently stand at about US$0.048 (0.3 yuan) per cubic meter of shale gas although there are plans to lower them to US$0.032 (0.2 yuan). Since these subsidies are essential for the biggest producers of shale gas in the country, CNPC and Sinopec, chances are the prospect of lowering them will spur more research into improving productivity and lowering costs.
The prospects for China’s shale gas look bright even though the country will be unable to meet its ambitious 30-billion-cu-m production goal for 2020. The reasons it will be unable to meet it are the abovementioned: geology and infrastructure constraints. But China will double its shale gas production to 17 billion cu m a year by 2020, Wood Mac analysts said recently. China will add almost 700 new wells by 2020 at three large fields, two of them operated by PetroChina and one by Sinopec, all in the Northwest. The energy consultancy has estimated the combined investment in the new production capacity at US$5.5 billion.
Related: Can Saudi Arabia Afford Its Megaprojects?
Still, this will not be a repeat of the U.S. shale boom. Rather, China’s shale gas case is a slow evolution of technology and gradual climb of production because the constraints are not of the sort that can be eliminated in no time. According to some, the lack of an open market and lots of competition between producers is also affecting China’s chances at a shale gas revolution, but Beijing has been proving repeatedly that its brand of planned economy surprisingly works, for the most part. Where it doesn’t seem to work—with respect to gas—is in making realistic plans about supply and demand in a way that would ensure there is enough of the former to satisfy the latter.
Last winter, parts of China were left without heating in mid-winter because there wasn’t enough gas to replace the phased-out coal generation capacity. Now, though total gas production in the country is growing, it is not growing fast enough to catch up with demand. Perhaps, at some point in the future it will, if the shale drillers can find more ways to extract the gas from the shale rock cheaply and efficiently. For this, they may require assistance from international energy companies.
By Irina Slav for Oilprice.com
Canada’s Oil Patch To Turn Profitable In 2018
The One Man Who Could Send Oil To $100
A Natural Gas Giant Like No Other
The Billion Dollar Bet On European Coal
The One Nation Returning To Coal
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line897
|
__label__cc
| 0.699719
| 0.300281
|
WVSUonline-full-horiz-logo-reversed
icon-callicon-call
icon-request Request Your Free Info Packet icon-call Speak With an Enrollment Counselor
About WVSU
The 14 Principles of Management
Posted January 16, 2017 by Tricia Hussung | Business
Share onTwitterFacebookLinkedIn
Working in a management role comes with many challenges. From supervising various teams of employees to seeking to resolve personnel issues, managers have a big responsibility when it comes to overseeing operations.
Though there are a wide variety of management tools and research available today, there were far fewer resources for managers in the past. Theorist Henri Fayol recognized the skill gap in 1914 and devised a set of 14 management principles that serve today as a foundation of modern management theory, according to Pestle Analysis.
Fayol’s 14 Principles of Management
Fayol’s 14 principles represent a pioneering theory of management and provide a look at effective management. Though management theory has expanded extensively since Fayol’s time, he is considered to be “one of the most influential contributors to the modern management concept,” Pestle Analysis says. Modern managers can learn from Fayol’s principles and apply them to their daily responsibilities.
Division of Work: Managers should be able to divide work among their employees so that each individual team member has a clear responsibility to focus on. When employees have specialized roles, they become more efficient and skilled in their work.
Authority and Responsibility: Because managers act as supervisors for their direct reports, they have the authority to assign tasks and make sure that employees carry them out successfully. This responsibility comes with a duty to do so in a responsible way, so ethics play a key role in this principle.
Discipline: While it’s important to maintain discipline among employees, this is another area where ethics come into play. Managers should be judicious about when discipline is required and carry it out in a responsible manner. Establishing clear policies and processes ensures that fairness is maintained.
Unity of Command: To avoid confusion and conflict, Fayol argued that it was best for employees to have one direct supervisor.
Unity of Direction: Closely tied to Unity of Command, this principle involves working toward a central business goal. Teams should have a clear sense of their goals and use the same processes to achieve them. This allows for efforts that save time in the long run.
Subordination of Individual Interests: This is another principle that is primarily about ownership and goals. It suggests that the interest of the group should be more important than personal interests, even (and perhaps especially) in the case of the manager, Pestle Analysis says.
Remuneration: Employees should receive fair pay as a way to ensure job satisfaction and loyalty. Other benefits and perks fall under this category as well, as it refers to both financial and non-financial compensation.
Centralization: Centralization “refers to how involved employees are in the decision-making process,” and this principle suggests that managers maintain a balance. “The degree of centralization or decentralization a firm should adopt depends on the specific organization,” Pestle Analysis suggests.
Scalar Chain: This term refers to an organization’s hierarchy. Fayol posited that each employee should understand his or her position within the larger structure of a business. Each member of an organization has a certain amount of authority, with leadership having the most and entry-level employees having the least.
Order: This principle is about ensuring that the workplace is both safe and orderly. It also suggests that employees in the same role should all be treated equally with no favoritism. This ensures teamwork and coordination.
Equity: One of the most important tenets of successful management is fairness. Managers should therefore maintain high standards for discipline as well as being kind and fair to employees.
Stability of Tenure of Personnel: Reducing turnover is an important element of effective management as well. Keeping high-performing workers around for the long term should be a top priority for most managers, as it builds a functional culture and saves resources involved in recruiting, hiring and training new staff.
Initiative: Though maintaining proper hierarchy is important, employees also need autonomy to perform to the best of their ability. Management should encourage workers to take on projects that interest them.
Espirit de Corps: This principle is all about developing a sense of unity or “team spirit” among employees. By creating a positive company culture, managers can maintain a high level of job satisfaction.
Starting a Career in Business Management
In 1914, Fayol published his principles and provided managers with the tools they needed for success. He created a more streamlined and effective management style that enabled managers of the 20th century to supervise and build successful relationships with their employees.
While Fayol’s work revolutionized management practices during his time, his 14 principles are still utilized in some form by managers today, making them “a stabilizing force in the modern workplace” in a time of rapid change and globalization, according to Chron Small Business.
The fully online Bachelor of Science in Business Administration – Management degree program from West Virginia State University teaches students the skills required for leadership positions in today’s business world. Learn more about WVSU’s online business programs.
Request Your Free Info Packet
An Introduction to the Organizational Development Process
West Virginia State University
Institute, WV 25112-1000
(833) 564-6463 Request Info Packet
West Virginia State University is accredited by the Higher Learning Commission, a commission of the North Central Association of Colleges and Schools. In addition to North Central Association of Colleges and Schools, the Bachelor of Science in Business Administration program, including the management and accounting concentrations, is accredited by the Accreditation Council for Business Schools and Programs (ACBSP), a premier, international accrediting agency in business-related academics.
© 2019 WVSU Online. Privacy Policy
We take our role in ensuring your information is private and secure very seriously. We have recently updated our Privacy Policy. You can learn more about it here: Privacy Policy
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line900
|
__label__wiki
| 0.710548
| 0.710548
|
Book of the Week — A General Account of the Development of Methods of Using Atomic Energy for Military Purposes Under the Auspices of the United Stated Governement
≈ Comments Off on Book of the Week — A General Account of the Development of Methods of Using Atomic Energy for Military Purposes Under the Auspices of the United Stated Governement
Albert Einstein, Army Corps of Engineers, atomic energy, electromagnetism, fission, Franklin D. Roosevelt, General Leslie R. Groves, Henry De Wolf Smyth, Hiroshima, isotopes, Japan, Manhattan Project, Metallurgical Laboratory, military, Nagasaki, neutrons, nuclear weapon, physics, Princeton, science, Smyth Report, United States, United States War Department, University of Chicago, uranium, war, weapons
“These questions are not technical questions; they are political and social questions, and the answers given to them may affect all mankind for generations. In thinking about them the men on the project have been thinking as citizens of the United States vitally interested in the welfare of the human race. It has been their duty and that of the responsible high government officials who were informed to look beyond the limits of the present war and its weapons to the ultimate implications of these discoveries. This was a heavy responsibility. In a free country like ours, such questions should be debated by the people and decisions must be made by the people through their representatives. This is one reason for the release of this report. It is a semi-technical report which it is hoped men of science in this country can use to help their fellow citizens in reaching wise decisions. The people of the country must be informed if they are to discharge their responsibilities wisely”
— Henry De Wolf Smyth
A GENERAL ACCOUNT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF METHODS OF USING ATOMIC ENERGY FOR MILITARY PURPOSES UNDER THE AUSPICES OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT, 1940-1945
Henry De Wolf Smyth (1898- 1986)
Washington, D. C: U. S. Govt. Print. Off., 1945
On August 6, 1945 the United States government dropped a uranium bomb on Hiroshima, Japan. One week later, after a second bomb was dropped on Nagasaki, Japan, the United States War Department issued an official account of the Manhattan Project which produced the bombs, written by Princeton physicist Henry D. Smyth.
The program to develop a nuclear weapon had its origins in 1939, when a group of scientists, including Albert Einstein, apprised President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the vast destructive power that could be unleashed by the recently-discovered fission of uranium. By mid-1942 a top-secret program had been instituted under the Army Corps of Engineers’ Manhattan District. Smyth’s involvement began with his research at Princeton, where he headed the physics department, on electromagnetic methods of separating uranium isotopes. In 1943 he was appointed associate director of the Metallurgical Laboratory at the University of Chicago, working on the production of the heavy water needed to regulate the speed of neutrons in a chain reaction.
In April 1944 General Leslie R. Groves, chief of the Manhattan Project, asked Smyth to prepare a report on the project for release after the expected deployment of the bomb. The press release became known simply as the “Smyth Report.”
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line902
|
__label__wiki
| 0.533856
| 0.533856
|
Tag Archives: museums
Thank you, Anonymous!
≈ Comments Off on Thank you, Anonymous!
1960s, 1970s, Albert Camus, Alfred Hitchcock, California, catalog, Curtis all-rag, DelMonico Books, e. e. cummings, educator, Frances Elizabeth Kent, German, Great Depression, Ian Berry, Immaculate Heart College, Immaculate Heart College Press, Italian, John Cage, judge, Lilian Marks, Lilian Simon, London, Los Angeles, love, Martin Luther King, Michael Duncan, Munich, museums, New York, nun, Ohio, peace, Pennsylvania, Pirandello, Plantin Press, plays, playwright, poems, poet, Poland, Prestel, Roman Catholic, Saul Marks, serigraphs, silkscreen, Sister Mary Corita, Sisters fo the Immaculate Heart of Mary, soldier, The Frances Young Yang Teaching Museum and Art Gallery at Skidmore College, theater, Ugo Betti, United States
A generous donation from Anonymous adds to our growing collection of material documenting the 1960s.
The Words of Ugo Betti. Innocence and the Process of Justification in the Late Plays…
Los Angeles: Immaculate Heart College Press, 1965
Ugo Betti (1892-1953) was an Italian judge and poet. He is considered by some to be the greatest Italian playwright since Pirandello. He wrote his first poems while a soldier in German captivity (1917-18). They were published as Il Re Pendieroso in 1922. After the success of his first play, La Padrona, he worked exclusively in theater, for which he wrote twenty-seven plays.
Illustrated with eight serigraphs by Sister Mary Corita (born Frances Elizabeth Kent) (1918-1986), a Roman Catholic nun and educator who worked with silkscreen — incorporating scriptural quotation, excerpts from well-known authors such as e.e. cummings and Albert Camus, song lyrics, and grocery store signs into her art. Kent belonged to the order of Sisters of the Immaculate Heart of Mary. While teaching at Immaculate Heart College her students included John Cage and Alfred Hitchcock. Her work, focused on the themes of love and peace, were popular during the social upheavals of the 1960s and 1970s. One of her best known works is “Love Your Brother,” a 1969 piece that features photographs of Martin Luther King overlaid with words in her handwritings. She is famous for her 1985 “Love” stamp.
Sister Mary said, “I really love the look of letters – the letters themselves become a kind of subject matter even apart from their meaning – like apples or oranges are for artists.”
Printed on Curtis all-rag paper at the Plantin Press, Los Angeles. Edition of two hundred and seventy-five copies.
The Plantin Press, a small private press, was begun in 1931 by Saul and Lilian Marks. Saul Marks learned the printing trade in Poland during WWI. He emigrated to the United States in 1921, where he met and married Lilian Simon. The Marks’ moved to Los Angeles in 1930 and set up shop in the midst of the Great Depression. Lilian Marks continued the press after Saul died in 1974, until she sold the business in 1985.
The donation included a catalog accompanying the exhibition, “Someday is Now: The Art of Corita Kent,” curated by Ian Berry and Michael Duncan, which traveled to museums in New York, Ohio, Pennsylvania and California between 2013 and 2015.
Someday is Now: the Art of Corita Kent
The Frances Young Tang Teaching Museum and Art Gallery at Skidmore College
DelMonico Books, Prestel: Munich, London, New York, 2013
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line903
|
__label__wiki
| 0.840974
| 0.840974
|
Marian Wood Kolisch (1920-2008)
Marian Wood Kolisch was an Oregon photographer known for her documentation of those who helped shape cultural life in Oregon during the twentieth century. From 1976 through the early 2000s, she worked to create a record of the artists, dancers, writers, historians, gallerists, and other cultural figures who were significant from the 1920s onward.
Marian Wood was born in Ontario, Oregon, on February 29, 1920. The granddaughter of lawyer, political activist, author, and artist C.E.S. Wood, she had an interest in creative expression that took root at an early age. As a child, she wanted to be a writer and often retreated to the attic of her Portland home to practice. Later, as a young adult, she was passionate about acting and performed in Portland Civic Theatre productions. It had been her hope upon graduating from Miss Catlin's School (later Catlin Gabel) to go to drama school, but she lacked the funds. Out of necessity, she went to Katherine Gibbs secretarial school in Boston and, upon graduating in 1939, returned to Portland to work at a law firm. She disliked being a secretary and was fortunate to be hired to host a daily news and entertainment broadcast at the Swan Island shipyard, which was more in line with her creative aspirations.
In 1943, Wood married Pierre Kolisch, and they moved to Suffern, New York, so he could practice law at his father's firm. Like many women of her generation, she put aside dreams of creative fulfillment to raise two daughters, Leslie and Christine, and run a household. In 1952, the family returned to Portland, where Kolisch's husband started a law firm and she had a third child, Pierre Jr., and volunteered at Catlin Gabel School and the Portland Art Museum. It was not until 1972, when she took a photography workshop with Paul Miller in central Oregon, that Kolisch found her calling as a photographer.
Serious about becoming proficient as a photographer, she continued to study with Bill Grand at the Portland Art Museum School, where she learned about the creative process of taking a photograph, darkroom work, and the history of photography. On Grand's recommendation, Kolisch attended a two-week workshop in 1974 with landscape photographer Ansel Adams in Yosemite. Adams taught her to maintain a ceaseless pursuit of perfection while photographing and working in the darkroom, which was a revelatory experience for Kolisch and cemented her desire to become a professional photographer.
In 1976, Kolisch began what would become a decades-long project to document those who had made significant contributions to Oregon's cultural scene, including both high-profile creative people and the philanthropists and administrators who worked behind the scenes. She began with the innovative, internationally acclaimed architect Pietro Belluschi, designer of the Portland Art Museum and the Equitable Building, who she not only photographed but also interviewed. The practice of augmenting a portrait session with an interview became part of Kolisch's process when working with those whose careers were mostly complete.
Later that year, Kolisch attended a workshop with photographer Arnold Newman, who had pioneered the environmental portrait, which combined the best elements of snapshot and studio photography. He photographed his subjects in their own environments, using available light, but shot with a large or medium format camera on a tripod to ensure a detailed, high-quality negative. Kolisch was already using this approach, but she further perfected her style in her studies with Newman, looking at composition and how to bring out the individuality in each subject.
In 1989, Kolisch exhibited twenty-two of her portraits, along with extracts from her interviews with her subjects, in Oregon's Cultural Visionaries: Portraits by Marian Wood Kolisch at the Portland Art Museum. The exhibit included photographs of art patron and gallerist Arlene Schnitzer, writer Ursula K. Le Guin, and painter Carl Morris. For the next fourteen years, she continued to photograph Oregonians, capturing the likenesses of such cultural luminaries as movie director Gus Van Sant, conductor James DePreist, and painter Henk Pander. She also completed two other notable bodies of work: a series on dancers, including Body Vox founders Jamey Hampton and Ashley Roland, and a series of portraits of internationally prominent photographers that included Ansel Adams, Arnold Newman, and Imogen Cunningham. Kolisch photographed her last subject, Senator Mark O. Hatfield, in 2003 and published a book of photographs, Marian Wood Kolisch Portraits, in 2004.
Kolisch died on November 24, 2008. The majority of her photographs are in the permanent collection of the Portland Art Museum, with a smaller selection, along with negatives and interviews, in the Davies Family Research Library at the Oregon Historical Society.
/media-collections/137/
Kolisch, Marian Wood. Marian Wood Kolisch Portraits. Portland, Ore.: Friends of Marian Wood Kolisch, 2004.
Strayer, Jennifer. "The Late Life Career of Marian Wood Kolisch." Oregon Historical Quarterly 113:1 (Spring 2012).
Jennifer Strayer
Marian Wood Kolisch, self-portrait
Courtesy Oregon Hist. Soc. Research Lib., Org. Lot 1078, bb008916
Marian Wood Kolisch
Courtesy Oregon Hist. Soc. Research Lib., bb008915
Catlin Gabel School
Catlin Gabel School in Portland is the largest nondenominational private school in Oregon, with over 770 students from preschool through the twelfth grade. Considered a national leader in progressive education, the school’s purpose is “supporting inspired learning leading to responsible action,” with an emphasis on academics and experiential learning ...
Read full article ›
C.E.S. Wood (1852-1944)
C.E.S. Wood may have been the most influential cultural figure in Portland in the forty years surrounding the turn of the twentieth century. He helped found the Portland Art Museum and was instrumental in making the Multnomah County Library a free and public institution. He secured the services ...
Eleanor Baldwin (1854-1928)
The career of Eleanor Baldwin, a radical journalist, reveals the cross-fertilization of reform movements in Portland during the Progressive Era. Her anti-capitalism was influenced by greenbackism, which blamed working-class poverty on powerful bankers whose manipulations of the money supply allowed them to siphon the proceeds of labor from working people ...
Lily Edith White (1866-1944)
Photographer Lily White once professed: "Alone—controlling the power, directing the course—one might be so filled." Dubbed the "Captain" by Columbia River boat officers and crews, White is best known for the photographs she made while traveling on her custom-built houseboat with her friend and fellow photographer, Sarah Hall Ladd.
Lily Edith ...
Myra Albert Wiggins (1869-1956)
Myra Albert Wiggins was a painter and photographer who gained recognition when she was named to Alfred Stieglitz's famed Photo-Secession, an elite group of American and European photographers dedicated to establishing photography as a fine art. Wiggins's carefully staged photographic vignettes, which resembled Dutch genre paintings, received favorable ...
The Portland Art Museum, which opened in 1895 in the city library with casts of classical sculptures and prints of European paintings, is a nationally respected mid-size museum with a collection of some 42,000 original artworks representing a wide range of cultures and media. Since 1932, it has been ...
Related Historical Records
This entry was last updated on May 21, 2019
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line906
|
__label__wiki
| 0.813309
| 0.813309
|
Home FEATURED NEWS There Is So Much Corruption In Nigeria’s Judiciary – Falana Laments
There Is So Much Corruption In Nigeria’s Judiciary – Falana Laments
Orsu24news TeamApril 17, 20190
A Senior Advocate of Nigeria, Mr Femi Falana, on Tuesday lamented the corruption in the judiciary, calling for reforms to redeem the image of the third arm of government.
Falana also urged the media and civil society organisations to investigate and monitor the appointment of top judges in the country.
He spoke during an in-house forum organised by PUNCH editorial board at Punch Place, Magboro.
The human rights lawyer, who compared Nigeria’s judiciary to those of developed countries, said some corrupt lawyers were exploiting the system to frustrate cases against public officials.
He said, “If you steal money in China, it is public execution. Nigeria is the only country where you hire drummers and people wear aso ebi to court premises. There is nothing more contemptuous because you are challenging the state for charging you to court. Here, out of the money you have stolen, you get a bad lawyer who will adopt all manner of delay tactics to get the state frustrated from prosecuting you.
“(Adolphus) Wabara has been celebrating an end to his case after 14 years. You know what happened? Some senior lawyers filed some objections; frivolous objections that you know will be overruled. So, when the objection is overruled, you file an appeal; interlocutory appeal for stay of proceedings. That case lasted for 14 years.
“Abacha’s son was charged with stealing N463bn. The case was in court for 14 years. In the case of Wabara, the two star witnesses died and the case could not go on. In the case of Abacha’s son, what was the objection? He said the immunity of his father should be extended to him. The Supreme Court said even if your father were still alive, he would have lost his immunity. But the objection was taken to court for 14 years. By the time they came back, the witnesses could no longer be found, the judge had been promoted, so you have to start de novo, and the case was withdrawn.
“Today in England, if you file a motion that is meant to delay the case, you are disciplined by the law society. But here, these are the lawyers that we are celebrating.
“The case of James Ibori; without a trial, he was discharged and acquitted. The judge carelessly forgot that the $15m seized from him when he wanted to bribe (former EFCC Chairman Nuhu) Ribadu was still there as an exhibit. He did not make any order on the money.
“When the same man got to England, he pleaded guilty. You know why he pleaded guilty, when the lawyers saw his defence, they told him it was a sham and they could not go on with the case. He asked if they could not file an appeal, and they told him, ‘We don’t do that here.’ They told him that if they went on and he got convicted, he would get the highest punishment. But that is not the real problem. They told him they were afraid they would also lose their licence to practice law because they would be charged for wasting the resources of her majesty’s court.”
According to the human rights lawyer, a judge is more powerful than a President because he can sentence a man to death.
He explained that a judge, who could collect money to compromise cases, could also collect money to kill, using legal instrument.
Falana, who said the present administration was not fighting corruption, said the Federal Government was only “recovering money.”
He insisted that the refusal of President Muhammadu Buhari to start the war against corruption from members of his cabinet was an indictment on the anti-corruption campaign.
“I think the only President who has done that in Africa is the late (former President of Burkina Faso) Thomas Sankara. He went to the national stadium in Ouagadougou and said, ‘I have only an eight-year-old Renault car, a bicycle, a refrigerator and an undeveloped plot of land. If anybody knows any other property owned by me or my family, acquire it for the state.
“Here, there is nothing going on. It is only the EFCC that is attempting to fight. Have you ever heard that the office of the attorney general secured any conviction? No. No state government in Nigeria is fighting corruption. Out of the 36 states, the All Progressives Congress has 21. Not one is fighting corruption. So, there is no way you can make any meaningful impact with an EFCC in Abuja roaming round the whole country. EFCC has less than 5,000 staff. The police, of course, are part of the corruption. We cannot win it unless Nigerians own the fight.
“Our country has been destroyed to the point that we now celebrate those who are corrupt. When you charge a big man now for stolen money…abroad, the lawyer will have to apply to the court to be paid for defending somebody who is charged with corruption. But here, you pay the lawyer and bribe the judge. The judiciary cannot operate outside the Nigerian system,” he added.
Falana also criticised lack of governance in Lagos State despite the reported N30bn monthly Internally Generated Revenue.
He said many roads in the state were not passable, saying the incoming government must be put on its toes.
The lawyer, who supported the call for restructuring, said there must be devolution of powers with responsibility.
He commended the agricultural partnership between Lagos and Kebbi states that led to the production of the LAKE Rice, adding that other South-West states should replicate same.
“Kebbi State made N150bn from the sales of rice in 2017. Kebbi is in the heart of the desert. They have turned adversity to prosperity because the governor simply came to Lagos and partnered the state. Kebbi State, at the best of time, will collect N4bn per month from Abuja. But from one commodity, the state made N150bn,” he said.
falana
Customs Begin Recruitment Of 3,200 Officers Previous post
APC Adopts Gbajabiamlia For Speaker, Zones Deputy To North-Central Next post
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line909
|
__label__wiki
| 0.57165
| 0.57165
|
Home / News / Employee suit over ‘imprudent’ 401k investments can proceed
Employee suit over ‘imprudent’ 401k investments can proceed
ERISA case sets up potential Supreme Court showdown
By: Pat Murphy February 26, 2019
Former employees of Putnam Investments can proceed with an ERISA class action against their former employer and other plan fiduciaries based on allegations that they suffered losses as a result of the investment options selected for their 401(k) plan, the 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals has decided.
U.S. District Court Judge William G. Young granted a defense motion for summary judgment dismissing the plaintiffs’ claim that the defendants engaged in prohibited transactions in violation of ERISA. Young further found that the plaintiffs failed to prove that any lack of care in selecting the plan’s investment options resulted in losses to the plan.
But a unanimous 1st Circuit panel concluded that Young improperly placed the entire burden of proof on the issue of causation on the plaintiffs. Noting a circuit split on the issue, the panel found that such claims are to be analyzed under a burden-shifting framework.
“[W]e align ourselves with the Fourth, Fifth, and Eighth Circuits and hold that once an ERISA plaintiff has shown a breach of fiduciary duty and loss to the plan, the burden shifts to the fiduciary to prove that such loss was not caused by its breach, that is, to prove that the resulting investment decision was objectively prudent,” Judge William J. Kayatta Jr. wrote on behalf of the court.
In addition, the 1st Circuit concluded that the plaintiffs could go forward with a claim alleging that the defendants violated §1106(b)(3) because Putnam received fees from the funds in which the plan invested.
The 50-page decision is Brotherston, et al. v. Putnam Investments, LLC, et al.
Supreme Court-bound?
Boston’s James R. Carroll, who represents the defendants, did not respond to requests for comment.
However, Carroll filed a defense motion requesting that the 1st Circuit stay its mandate in Brotherston to allow the defendants to file a petition for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court.
“Appellees’ petition will present a substantial question for the Supreme Court — whether the plaintiff or the defendant bears the burden of proof on loss causation under ERISA §409(a),” Carroll wrote.
Kayatta granted the requested stay on Oct. 29, giving the defendants 90 days to file their petition.
The plaintiffs are represented by James H. Kaster of Minneapolis. Kaster said Brotherston is a significant decision in favor of plan participants on the issue of loss, one that prevents the recognition of a standard that many in the defense bar view as an insurmountable obstacle to recovery.
“The defense would have you believe that what you need to prove is that the decisions they made were ‘objectively’ imprudent,” Kaster said. “The court basically looked to the Restatement [(Second) of Trusts] and said you can prove this in several different ways, one of which is to use index funds as a marker for how you judge the performance of imprudently chosen funds.”
Boston ERISA attorney Jonathan M. Feigenbaum said the 1st Circuit made the right call in following those circuits that have shifted the burden of proof on causation to ERISA fiduciaries.
“The burden shifting follows settled trust law,” Feigenbaum wrote in an email. “A beneficiary in seeking certain equitable remedies under trust law theories does not always bear the burden of proving causation for a loss.”
Meanwhile, Providence ERISA attorney Brooks R. Magratten said that putting that burden on the fiduciary was “not a surprising decision,” nor “particularly consequential.”
“When defending a breach of fiduciary duty action, the fiduciary will almost always come forward with evidence tending to prove the lack of causation between an alleged breach and plaintiffs’ loss,” Magratten explained. “The Brotherston ruling may make it more difficult for fiduciaries to prevail on a motion to dismiss, but for cases that are litigated on the merits I do not think it will have a significant impact.”
Feigenbaum said Brotherston underscores the point that fiduciaries need to vet for “suitability, costs and performance” the retirement investment options offered to employees.
“Also, the fiduciaries must continue to monitor the investment options for performance and costs on a continuous basis against competitive benchmarks,” he wrote.
“The defense would have you believe that … you need to prove the decisions they made were ‘objectively’ imprudent. The court said you can prove this in several different ways, one of which is to use index funds as a marker for how you judge the performance of imprudently chosen funds.”
— James H. Kaster, plaintiffs’ counsel
Putnam 401(k) plan
Putnam is an asset management company in the business of managing and selling mutual funds. Plaintiffs John Brotherston and Joan Glancy participated in Putnam’s defined-contribution 401(k) retirement plan.
Under the 401(k) plan, Putnam employees make contributions to individual accounts and direct those contributions among a menu of investment options. Putnam also contributes to its employees’ accounts.
The plan’s governing documents identify defendant Putnam Benefits Investment Committee as one of the plan’s named fiduciaries. Under the terms of the plan, PBIC is responsible for selecting, monitoring and removing investments from the plan’s investment options, which include Putnam mutual funds.
Between 2009 and 2015, more that 85 percent of the plan’s assets were invested in Putnam funds.
The trial judge found that PBIC did not independently investigate Putnam funds before including them as investment options, nor did the committee independently monitor those funds once in the plan.
In 2015, the plaintiffs filed a class action against Putnam, PBIC and various other Putnam entities. First, the plaintiffs alleged that the fees charged by Putnam subsidiaries to the mutual funds offered in the plan constituted prohibited transactions under ERISA.
In addition, the plaintiffs alleged the defendants breached fiduciary duties by stocking the plan with Putnam investment options.
By agreement of the parties, the plaintiffs’ claims were decided on summary judgment using a “case-stated” procedure. The procedure used in non-jury cases allows the District Court to engage in a certain amount of fact-finding, including the drawing of inferences from facts agreed to by the parties. The judge found against the plaintiffs on all claims after a seven-day bench trial at which only the plaintiffs presented their case.
ERISA claims revived
The plaintiffs’ suit implicated two ERISA provisions prohibiting certain transactions. Subject to certain exceptions, 29 U.S.C. §1106(a)(1)(C) prohibits a fiduciary from causing the plan to engage in a transaction that constitutes a direct or indirect “furnishing of goods, services, or facilities between the plan and a party in interest.”
Section 1106(b)(3) likewise prohibits a fiduciary from receiving “any consideration” from “any party dealing with such plan in connection with a transaction involving the assets of the plan.”
The Putnam 401(k) plan raised a question of liability under §1106(a)(1)(C) because it contracted for services with Putnam subsidiaries. A question of liability under §1106(b)(3) arose because Putnam received service fees charged by Putnam funds in which the plan invested.
Putnam contended and the 1st Circuit agreed that there was no liability under §1106(a)(1)(C) because of a statutory exemption allowing the payment of “reasonable compensation” to parties in interest for services rendered.
The 1st Circuit reached a contrary conclusion as to the plaintiffs’ claim that the defendants were liable under §1106(b)(3).
The defendants claimed a safe harbor under a Department of Labor regulation, PTE 77-3, which provides a prohibited transaction exemption for employee benefit plans that invest in in-house mutual funds so long as certain conditions are met.
The plaintiffs contended that the defendants could not satisfy a condition that “all other dealings” between their 401(k) plan and Putnam were any less favorable to the plan than dealings between Putnam and other shareholders investing in the same Putnam funds.
According to the plaintiffs, their plan did not benefit from an arrangement offered to third-party plans that invested in Putnam funds under which revenue sharing offset the payment of service fees.
However, the trial judge found that Putnam’s discretionary employer contributions to the plaintiffs’ 401(k) meant that their plan was treated more favorably than third-party plans that benefitted from revenue sharing.
The 1st Circuit determined that the trial judge erred in his analysis on that point.
“Putnam cannot point to those contributions to offset funds Putnam charges (or withholds from) the Plan in its capacity as a plan fiduciary,” Kayatta wrote. “To hold otherwise would be to allow employers to claw back with their fiduciary hands compensation granted with their employer hands.”
Finally, the panel addressed the dismissal of the plaintiffs’ claims that Putnam acted imprudently in selecting plan investment options and breached the duty of loyalty by engaging in self-dealing.
The trial judge found that PBIC breached its fiduciary duty in automatically including Putnam funds as investment options for the plan and then failing to independently monitor the performance of those funds.
The defendants argued, and the lower court judge agreed, that the defendants nonetheless had no liability for breaching the fiduciary duty of prudence because the plaintiffs were unable to show they sustained losses as the result of any such breach.
To show loss in the ERISA context, the 1st Circuit turned to well-established trust principles.
“We … hold that an ERISA trustee that imprudently performs its discretionary investment decisions, including the design of a portfolio of funds to offer as investment options in a defined-contribution plan, ‘is chargeable with … the amount required to restore the values of the trust estate and trust distributions to what they would have been if the portion of the trust affected by the breach had been properly administered,’” Kayatta wrote.
The plaintiffs’ expert testified that the 401(k) plan paid a premium of $30 to $35 million to obtain net returns that fell below the returns generated by the passive investment options that could have been offered by PBIC. The 1st Circuit found that evidence sufficient as a matter of law to establish a prima facie case of loss.
The panel observed that the circuits are divided on who bears the burden of proving or disproving causation once a plaintiff has proven a loss in the wake of an imprudent investment decision.
Turning once again to “ordinary trust principles,” the panel concluded that the burden-shifting scheme adopted by the 4th, 5th and 8th circuits was the correct approach, rejecting 6th, 9th, 10th and 11th Circuit decisions placing the burden of proof on the plaintiff.
11:21 am Tue, February 26, 2019 New England In-House
Issue: February 2019 issue
Previous: U.S. Supreme Court hands rare ADR win to workers in 1st Circuit case
Next: Pleadings sufficient in FCA retaliation claim
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line911
|
__label__cc
| 0.550331
| 0.449669
|
Injured Spider-Man: Turn Off The Dark actor can't wait to return to the show
Sean O'Neal
Filed to: MusicFiled to: Music
Although the high-wire hubris act that is Spider-Man: Turn Off The Dark seems to be enjoying an intermission between disasters—save the departure of concussed lead Natalie Mendoza and her subsequent replacement by understudy T.V. Carpio—there’s no denying that the show’s publicity team is likely feeling as scared and helpless as an actress dangling in the inky depths of an orchestra pit, screaming for someone to call an ambulance.
So, to counteract those groundswells of negativity, the Turn Off The Dark cast has been making the rounds—and if you think a fractured skull, four broken ribs, three cracked vertebrae, and weeks in physical therapy would have sullied the attitude of injured aerialist Christopher Tierney, think again. The “Spider-Man Survivor,” as he was identified, appeared on today’s Good Morning America to let everyone know that he feels “fantastic” and have a couple of good laughs about the whole incident with his castmates, who are touched by everyone’s concerns for their safety, but want everyone to know that things are fine, really, how are you? What’s more, the moment that Tierney’s doctors give him the okay and remove the screws from his back, he “can’t wait” to return to the show again and help turn it into “the greatest comeback in theater history,” which is pretty brave, openly tempting fate like that.
Tierney is even more animated in this second interview with a local CBS affiliate, where he apparently took a break from playing bass for Collective Soul to talk about his immediate reaction to the 30-foot fall (“'Ohhhhh Gawwwd,' then I just passed out”), aver that “not a single actor in this show has said, ‘Someone’s gonna die, you need to stop,’” and get touchingly emotional about the “outpouring of love” he’s had since his injury. Tierney seems like a genuinely positive guy; here’s hoping his Spider-Man back brace doesn’t end up being his sole souvenir of this experience.
Recent from Sean O'Neal
June brings a Dark Phoenix, the Men In Black, and lots of living toys to theaters everywhere
20 years ago, Rushmore took the soundtrack back to school
Why does more Ghostbusters always provoke such anxiety?
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line913
|
__label__wiki
| 0.946865
| 0.946865
|
May's way: Prime minister unmoved ahead of expected Brexit vote defeat
Theresa May has not found the game-changer she needs from EU leaders or the government and Bank of England economic analyses.
By Faisal Islam, political editor
Friday 30 November 2018 15:09, UK
'We can do trade deal with US'
The prime minister has told me that she will be robust with the Saudi Crown Prince, but has also dished out some of the same for her rebellious MPs.
Speaking to me at the G20 summit in Buenos Aires, she said she "hasn't seen an alternative" on Brexit to the deal she struck with EU leaders last weekend, adding that "the EU has made clear this is the deal on the table".
This will come as a shock to the DUP, large swathes of Brexiters and Remainers in her party, as well as Labour, Nicola Sturgeon, and others.
But it reflects the dire parliamentary position the PM faces, having not found the game-changer she needs neither from EU leaders or the government and Bank of England economic analyses.
More than 100,000 people have signed the petition - have you?
Indeed, if anything, the intervention of the US president against the deal has made her situation worse.
Asked about the president's comments that this was a great deal for the EU, she was adamant: "We can do a trade deal with the United States.
"We have a working group with the United States looking at what a trade agreement with the United States might be, what it might contain once we have left the European Union.
"We can't negotiate and sign trade deals until we have left the EU, once we have we will be able to do that".
She said the period tied to a customs union in a backstop, if it came to that, would only be "temporary".
But when she meets world leaders here, I am not clear she can definitively promise them to, for example, lower the tariffs on goods without making a mockery of the backstop.
'I'll be robust with Saudis'
But she is still adamant that she does not want to talk about a vote she is on course to lose spectacularly, or to talk about her own future at Number 10.
She said: "This isn't just about whether this is the only plan available, its about the fact that it's a good plan, it's a good deal for the UK and it's a good deal for the UK because it protects jobs and the economy, honours the referendum and opens up opportunities for us for a better future outside the EU."
And at the very same moment, European Council President Donald Tusk said of the House of Commons: "It's clear this is the best and only deal on the table, if its rejected we will have no deal or no Brexit.
"The EU is prepared for every scenario".
Preparing for no Brexit as well as no deal - that is one way to help the PM be "robust" with her own backbenchers.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line914
|
__label__wiki
| 0.960624
| 0.960624
|
ArtsHumanities
USC Dornsife faculty receive Guggenheim Fellowships
Percival Everett, Vanessa Schwartz and David Ulin will pursue research and literary projects
BY Susan Bell
Percival Everett, Vanessa Schwartz and David Ulin (Photo of David Ulin/Noah Ulin)
Three USC faculty members have been honored with Guggenheim Fellowships.
Distinguished Professor of English Percival Everett, Vanessa Schwartz, professor of history and art history, and David Ulin, lecturer in the Master of Professional Writing Program at the USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences, were among a diverse group of 175 scholars, artists and scientists selected by the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation on the basis of prior achievement and exceptional promise from a group of more than 3,100 applicants.
Everett said he felt grateful and honored to have won the Guggenheim.
“A lot of people apply and a few are selected, and from the list of recipients I am flattered to have been included,” he said.
Everett was recently presented with the Presidential Medallion, the university’s highest honor, by USC President C. L. Max Nikias.
The author of 25 books, Everett is currently working on a new novel set in Rhode Island, Paris and El Salvador in 1979, just prior to the Salvadoran Civil War.
“The fellowship will allow me to travel for my research,” Everett said. “I need to be able to speak with some authority about the layout of San Salvador and its surroundings, and talk to people and get a sense of what the city and the American Embassy were like in 1979.”
Everett will also use the Guggenheim to complete a screenplay he is writing for French filmmaker Camille de Casabianca about the celebrated French Navy submarine, the Casabianca, which joined the Free French Forces during World War II and participated in the liberation of Corsica. De Casabianca’s family comes from the village for which the submarine was named.
Writing novels is really an excuse for me to study something.
Percival Everett
“Writing novels is really an excuse for me to study something,” said Everett, whose works’ settings range from antiquity to the mythic American West to the contemporary Western American landscape and feature such diverse characters as Ulysses, physicians, hydrologists and ballplayers.
Published by Graywolf Press, his novels include Assumption: A Novel (2011); I Am Not Sidney Poitier (2009); The Water Cure (2007); American Desert (2006) and Wounded (2005), for which he received the PEN USA 2006 Literary Award. For Erasure (2001), he earned the American Academy of Arts and Letters’ Academy Award for Literature as well as the Hurston/Wright Legacy Award. His most recent novel is Percival Everett by Virgil Russell (2013).
“I’d like to believe that one wouldn’t be able to see my hand at work from one novel to the next. I think there is an ongoing play with language in all of my works, both with form and structure,” Everett said. “I am less concerned with telling stories than with how stories get told.”
Schwartz’s fellowship will enable her to concentrate on her book Jet-Age Aesthetics: Media and the Glamour of Motion. She is analyzing how the new cultural experiences in western Europe and America in the late 1950s to the mid-1960s that made the jet airplane and the constant motion it implied and enabled, beautiful and appealing.
“My book asks what made the rather improbable experience of hurtling through the atmosphere in a metal tube, miles above the ground, seem like one of the most glamorous and exciting ways to live a newfangled life,” said Schwartz, director of the Visual Studies Research Institute. A historian of modern visual culture and the author or editor of nine books and journals, she recently won the USC Associates Award for Creativity in Research and Scholarship.
Her research project focuses on the architects, fine artists, photojournalists, filmmakers and entertainment impresarios who experimented with a powerfully optimistic aestheticization of the technology, motion and mobility that defined the jet age.
“I show that globalization was borne not only out of the increased physical displacement of people and goods, but also — just as importantly — through a new aesthetic that glamorized the associated novel experiences of fluid motion,” she said.
I am thrilled to be awarded a Guggenheim.
Vanessa Schwartz
“I am thrilled to be awarded a Guggenheim to support my research and scholarship, not only because of the time it will afford me to do that work full time, but also because it’s the kind of recognition that is very respected among my peers and also resonates outside academe,” Schwartz said.
An affirmation of the work
Ulin also said he felt honored to have won the award.
It’s an affirmation, not only of the project for which I applied, but also of the work I’ve done for the last 25 years.
David Ulin
“It’s an affirmation, not only of the project for which I applied, but also of the work I’ve done for the last 25 years,” he said. “Many of the writers and artists I admire have been awarded Guggenheims, so that sense of proximity is profound. It’s wonderful, weird and a little overwhelming to be a part of that cohort.”
Ulin, the Los Angeles Times book critic and author or editor of eight books, won for his fiction project Losing My Religion, a memoir about family, faith, assimilation and identity.
“These are themes that emerge throughout my writing, and they come together in this book,” Ulin said. “I’ve been circling this project for at least a decade in the form of essays, but it’s only in the last year or two that I’ve really zeroed in. Although zeroed in is not exactly accurate — more that I’ve begun to immerse, to get lost a bit, to see the possibilities and the frame.”
Ulin said he finally worked out how to approach the book a year ago after writing a long essay about his experiences working in a uranium mine in South Texas when he was 18.
“I thought it was a stand-alone, but the more I worked on it, the more I saw broader connections to the themes I want this book to address,” he said. “The issues of belonging, of identity, of the heritage into which we’re born, and the heritage we choose. These will all be a part of the book, which uses the year I was 18, and traveled the country, first from New York to Texas and then to California, as a frame, a lens, a window on those broader concerns.”
These artists and writers, scholars and scientists, represent the best of the best.
Edward Hirsch
Edward Hirsch, president of the Guggenheim Foundation, lauded the 2015 fellows.
“These artists and writers, scholars and scientists, represent the best of the best,” he said. “The Guggenheim Foundation has always bet everything on the individual, and we’re thrilled to continue the tradition with this wonderfully talented and diverse group. It’s an honor to be able to support these individuals to do the work they were meant to do.”
Since its establishment in 1925, the foundation has granted more than $325 million in fellowships to almost 18,000 individuals, among them scores of Nobel laureates and poets laureate, as well as winners of the Pulitzer Prize, Fields Medal and other internationally recognized honors.
More stories about: Art History, Awards, Faculty, Research
USC professor Lee Epstein awarded Guggenheim Fellowship
Lee Epstein holds the Rader Family Trustee Chair in Law at USC. (Photp/Courtesy of USC Gould School of Law)
Lee Epstein, a nationally renowned law and politics scholar, has been awarded a coveted fellowship by the John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Foundation.
USC faculty honored with Guggenheim Fellowships
Alan Willner and Brighde Mullins were selected from 3,000 applicants in the 88th annual competition.
USC professors have been awarded Guggenheim Fellowships that recognize their proven records of accomplishment and provide them with material aid to continue their work.
The complex nature of Alzheimer’s disease makes finding a cure difficult, but USC Dornsife researchers are working across disciplines to address dementia and its accompanying challenges. (Illustration/iStock)
USC scientists shift goals in Alzheimer’s research to focus on prevention
Amid mounting discoveries about Alzheimer’s complex list of triggers, USC Dornsife researchers turn their attention to preventive measures.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line915
|
__label__wiki
| 0.856423
| 0.856423
|
Nikias puts spotlight on diversity in annual presidential address
‘Nobody talks at the national level about the real crisis we face as a nation’
BY Alicia Di Rado
USC President C. L. Max Nikias delivers his State of the University Address on Feb. 11, 2016. (USC Photo/Gus Ruelas)
USC will not be satisfied until the Trojan Family is united in a shared commitment to justice and equality, said USC President C. L. Max Nikias in his annual State of the University Address.
Before a packed Town and Gown, Nikias delivered a major speech on the topic of diversity, an issue that recently has come to the fore at USC and many other top research universities nationwide. For the last several years, he acknowledged, the country has seen too many incidents of intolerance — and USC has not been immune. He urged the university community to seize this time as an opportunity to stand strong for inclusion.
“When we exclude, we betray ourselves,” he said to faculty, quoting Mexican author Carlos Fuentes. “When we include, we find ourselves.” Nikias went on to add, “It is by embracing every culture, my fellow colleagues, every religious view, every individual, that we find ourselves.”
Nikias stressed the need for open dialogue among USC students, educators and staff about discrimination and prejudice.
“We know that when members of our Trojan Family stand up and speak out, we must lend our ears and listen,” he said. “Because when we listen to each other, we learn from each other, and we understand each other in a deeper and more meaningful way.”
USC may be home to a broad array of perspectives and opinions, but we all must share a common bond: a love of this university.
C. L. Max Nikias
While such discussion may spur conflict, Nikias called on the USC community to focus on its point of unity. “USC may be home to a broad array of perspectives and opinions,” he said, “but we all must share a common bond: a love of this university.”
Advances in inclusion
During the last five months, many of the discussions between Nikias and students have focused on diversity and related issues. He also has met with graduate and undergraduate student leaders to listen to their concerns about diversity and inclusion and has consulted and discussed the topic with key faculty.
C. L. Max Nikias discusses issues of diversity at USC. (USC Photo/Gus Ruelas)
“Throughout time, universities have strongly championed freedom of inquiry, freedom of expression and a relentless search for truth,” Nikias said. “It is only through the crucible of debate that we ultimately determine what is best for our community and our society.”
Nikias thanked Provost Michael Quick for establishing the Provost’s Diversity Task Force, which seeks ways to improve campus climate across USC. He also encouraged involvement and critical conversation from the broader faculty: “We’re developing a deeper dialogue with each of our schools, asking you to offer your ideas and your input to increase faculty diversity.”
USC has added a new mentoring initiative to examine existing faculty diversity programs, he said, and the university will continue to support the Provost’s Postdoctoral Scholars in the Humanities, a program that fosters inclusion among faculty and postdoctoral fellows.
With our great diversity, we must ensure that we remain a university dedicated to access, to opportunity, to inclusivity.
“With our great diversity,” he said, “we must ensure that we remain a university dedicated to access, to opportunity, to inclusivity.
“Together, faculty and staff, students and academic leaders share this important responsibility.”
At the same time, Nikias celebrated USC’s successes in expanding diverse students’ access to the university, regardless of their financial or socioeconomic background, while also elevating the university’s academic standing.
The university has made gains in attracting talented students from low-income families. Nearly a quarter of USC’s enrolled undergraduate students this fall received Pell Grants, an indication of financial need. The sheer number of these students places USC third in the United States in enrolling Pell Grant recipients.
Increasing the pipeline
But for universities like USC to act most effectively as tools for economic and social equality, Nikias said, society must prepare a wider swath of young men and women for the academic rigor of higher education.
“Despite all the talk about diversity in American higher education, nobody talks at the national level about the real crisis we face as a nation,” he said.
While only one in 12, or 8 percent of the 3 million American high school graduates have the academic preparation to be considered for a top-50 U.S. university, he noted, “the real crisis is that the pool for qualified underrepresented minorities is even smaller. It’s actually shrinking.”
Only 11,000 African-American students and 24,000 Latino students have the appropriate grades and coursework to enter an elite college. “That’s in the entire nation!” he emphasized.
“If we are going to create more diversity in American higher education among our student body, our PhD students, our postdoctoral scholars and our faculty, eventually we must pay attention to the pipeline,” he said, urging K-12 schools to do better in preparing students for college. “If we don’t do that, we have no chance.”
Nikias expressed pride in USC’s own success in enrolling underrepresented minorities.
“I’m very proud of the fact that due to our strategy over the past five years, USC currently ranks number two among all private research universities in Latino students and number three in African-American students,” he said.
African-American students comprise a larger portion of the student body at USC than at any of the University of California campuses that are fellow members of the Association of American Universities (the nation’s leading academic research institutions). “By the way, only 10 percent of our African-American students are student-athletes,” he added.
USC also is promoting education excellence and economic opportunity through community programs, including the Neighborhood Academic Initiative, that help children read and write, inspire them through art and music, promote health and improve well-being, as well as programs that support businesses and create jobs.
Nikias emphasized that the university cannot let up on its efforts.
“Are we satisfied? Of course not!” he told faculty.
Nikias closed the diversity portion of his address by invoking the words of Martin Luther King, noting that USC’s dedication to diversity and to improving the lives of the thousands of residents in its communities mirrors what King was talking about in his “I Have a Dream” speech.
“‘We will not be satisfied,’ he told the crowd, ‘until justice rolls down like waters … and righteousness like a mighty stream.’ And his dream ends with hope, where all people are one family, one community, inseparably bound together.
“It is a legacy beyond one man’s life. It is a legacy of love. It is our hope and passion at USC.”
More stories about: C. L. Max Nikias, Diversity, Education
“A global research university needs to provide educational access and opportunity to all,” said Provost Michael Quick. (USC Photo/Steve Cohn)
Meet the new Trojans: the most diverse and academically talented in USC history
The Class of 2019 includes more underrepresented minority students than at most other private research universities.
A USC Annenberg student-reporter goes on the air. (USC Photo/Brett Van Ort)
Annenberg Foundation gift aims to drive diversity at USC journalism school
New initiative will provide scholarships for students and fellowships for working journalists.
ArtsSocial Impact
Panelists Brandon Bell, Anita Dashiell Sparks, Marlene Forte, William Allen Young, Vicki Lewis and Anthony Sparks, from left (Photo/Ryan Miller/Capture Imaging)
Diversity, inclusion take center stage at USC School of Dramatic Arts summit
Dialogue focuses on race, gender, culture and identity in art and academia.
A $10 million gift established the George Lucas Foundation Endowed Student Support Fund for Diversity. (Photo/Steve Cohn)
George Lucas Family Foundation gift to support diversity at USC School of Cinematic Arts
The largest single donation for student support in the cinematic arts school’s history — $10 million — will provide scholarships for African-American and Latino students.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line916
|
__label__cc
| 0.724779
| 0.275221
|
how to make your own x-ray machine
nursemyra likes doing crosswords and playing mah jongg. relatively tame hobbies compared to Harry Simon’s penchant for making his own X-ray machines.
Fortunately for us, Harry has listed a couple of dos and don’ts for those who are tempted to try this experiment at home (don’t tell me you’re not interested, reverend tethercow.com)
Whenever the machine is in operation, the experimenter must wear a lead apron and stand well behind the orifice through which the rays are emitted. Never turn your back on the machine so that you are between it and the apron! It is also advisable to place a few exploratory samples of film around the room while the apparatus is in operation. When developed, these will show the pattern of radiation and protective lead shielding can be installed accordingly. Finally, resist the temptation to make X-ray examinations of the bones in your hands or other body parts. A frozen fish makes a much safer test object.
outsiders antics
on January 27, 2009 at 7:29 am Comments (33)
The URI to TrackBack this entry is: https://nursemyra.wordpress.com/2009/01/27/how-to-make-your-own-x-ray-machine/trackback/
On January 27, 2009 at 7:45 am Abigail said:
That’s a very interesting frozen fish in that last photo!
On January 27, 2009 at 8:14 am nursemyra said:
I believe it may be related to the electric eel
On January 27, 2009 at 8:17 am Somnambulist said:
haha :-)) great photo…
On January 27, 2009 at 8:44 am Daddy Papersurfer said:
Tee hee – that’s funny!!!!
On January 27, 2009 at 12:12 pm mister anchovy said:
Who needs their own X-Ray machine…I bet you can still order up X-Ray Gogs from the back of comic books.
On January 27, 2009 at 12:13 pm Mick said:
Where DO you find this stuff from?
Endless trawling. I really should get out more
On January 27, 2009 at 1:11 pm daisyfae said:
fascinating – i have access to all the parts to make the x-ray machine. and like the frisky hospital staff photo… who else?
On January 27, 2009 at 2:47 pm O.G. said:
Is that person taking the breathalizer?
Yes, that’s exactly what’s happening…..
On January 27, 2009 at 2:56 pm UncleKeith said:
“stand well behind the orifice ” – That’s good advice for us all.
On January 27, 2009 at 3:08 pm C. Fraser said:
What fun!
On January 27, 2009 at 3:26 pm tobymarx said:
Thanks for the link to Harry Simon’s page, nm. I love to tinker (years ago, I was a prototype designer for Orban Electronics), and his experiments with home-brew X-ray machines are great fun to read.
That last photo: anyone you know? 🙂
On January 27, 2009 at 3:54 pm Rassles said:
Dude, whenever I’m by an orifice, I stand as far back as possible.
On January 27, 2009 at 4:26 pm kyknoord said:
“Never turn your back on the machine” I’ve been saying that for years. You just can’t trust those wily mechanical bastards.
On January 27, 2009 at 4:30 pm shnewt said:
Now I’m confused. I have a frozen fish as an other body part. Can I still x-ray it?
On January 27, 2009 at 5:12 pm The Rev. said:
Why’s that person drinking a coke can flat up against a wall, I wonder….? 😉
On January 27, 2009 at 7:56 pm Lord Likely said:
If I had an x-ray device, I would waste no time in deploying it in a responsible and sensible manner; i.e using it so look under women’s clothes.
Actually, I inevitably get to see what is under most women’s clothes anyway, so forget that idea.
On January 27, 2009 at 8:44 pm nursemyra said:
Yeah, judging by your amazing adventures you don’t need ANY help Lord Likely
On January 27, 2009 at 8:58 pm The Unbearable Banishment said:
AAHH! A bone in your hand! It’s a play on words. That made me laugh out loud.
*phew* my job here is now done 🙂
On January 27, 2009 at 10:57 pm renalfailure said:
Proof that the term “boner” for an erection is a bit of a misnomer.
On January 28, 2009 at 1:26 am thegnukid said:
i’ve got an old microwave we can use…
On January 28, 2009 at 2:59 am silverstar98121 said:
Silverstar has no interest in suffering any more than background radiation, except at such times as a qualified radiologist is at hand to interpret it. She finds it useful when she breaks bones, but otherwise not necessary.
On January 28, 2009 at 4:33 am Seraphine said:
maybe if i x-ray my closet, i can find things easier.
On January 28, 2009 at 5:28 am Thomas said:
I think I’ll stick to home brewing and skydiving. Both seem much safer.
until the brew explodes or the parachute doesn’t open…..
On January 29, 2009 at 1:08 am anaglyph said:
>>don’t tell me you’re not interested, reverend
Ooooh. Yes. I was wondering what to do with that old Oudin coil I have in the shed.
You have a shed now?
On January 29, 2009 at 8:22 pm anaglyph said:
On April 14, 2010 at 4:56 pm acire said:
that do not look like a fish 2 me and to everybody who seen this
On April 24, 2010 at 10:55 pm anuraganimax` said:
Thats a very interesting fish you got there.
On April 28, 2010 at 11:31 am amy said:
does this really work?
please i need 2 no coz i think i have a fracture
On August 29, 2010 at 9:48 pm bob said:
hmmm I havent tried this but I am studying electronics and from that schematic, something is incredibly wrong and all you would create is a short circuit, and funilly enough on top of that short there is only one polarity going all the way to the tube so even without the short it still shouldnt work, you need whatever device you want to power to link both the positive and negavite poles together. With this schematic, you create a short at the cap and another one at the junction of the 5 and 5000 wind coils.
Leave a Reply to Seraphine Cancel reply
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line920
|
__label__wiki
| 0.93201
| 0.93201
|
BASEBALL’S FINEST HITS – MOMA FILM SERIES TAKES YOU OUT TO THE BALLGAME
By Katherine Pushkar
April 1, 2006 | 5:00am
THERE’S been all sorts of crap written about baseball and the American psyche. Well, according to the Museum of Modern Art, you can forget all that.
As it says in the précis to “Baseball and American Culture,” a film series kicking off Monday night and continuing through April 30, “Baseball is neither a metaphor for life nor the quintessential emblem of American culture.” Got that?
The series, put together by Carl E. Prince, former NYU professor and author of “Brooklyn’s Dodgers: The Bums, the Borough and the Best of Baseball,” and MoMA film curator Charles Silver, is perfectly timed for those days when the season is young and the nights a bit too cold for the ballpark. We’ve included the picks for our rotation:
“Headin’ Home” (1920): The Babe himself stars as … himself. The silent film was supervised by Raoul Walsh, and this screening – with piano accompaniment – is the premiere of MoMA’s restored 35mm print. Paired with “The Jackie Robinson Story” (1950), with Robinson and Ruby Dee; Monday at 8 p.m. and April 16 at 1 p.m.
“Cobb” (1994): Based on a book based on an article by Al Stump, “Cobb” is inhabited by Tommy Lee Jones, doing what he does best: act like an, um, jerk. By all accounts, the title character, portrayed after his playing days, excelled at that, too. April 10 at 8:30 p.m. and April 30 at 5 p.m.
“Eight Men Out” (1988): The film of Eliot Asinof’s book about the Black Sox scandal (in which the Chicago White Sox threw the 1919 World Series) should be required viewing for anyone who wonders why in the world baseball players have a union anyway. April 14 at 8:30 p.m. and April 17 at 8:15 p.m.
“Bull Durham” (1988): Yeah, it’s kind of sexy and funny and nostalgic. It’s also Tim Robbins’ finest performance (followed closely by his largely missed appearance at the very end of “Top Gun,” when Maverick lands on the aircraft carrier and all the pilots cheer). Friday at 8:30 p.m. and April 15 at 8:30 p.m.
All films will be shown at MoMA, 11 W. 53rd St., between Fifth and Sixth avenues. For a complete schedule, visit moma.org.
ENOUGH TO MAKE YOU SICK
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line921
|
__label__wiki
| 0.694057
| 0.694057
|
Grassroots Commentary
This Military Policy Causes Precisely What It Is Intended to Prevent
James Shott · Jul. 23, 2015
The United States is a wonderful country that provides many opportunities for all. However, the U.S. is short of perfect in many ways, including unwise policies that put Americans at risk. Places like schools, shopping areas, restaurants and bars, office buildings and, of all places, military installations, leave their occupants at risk by announcing to everyone, including murderers and terrorists, that guns are not allowed on the premises.
Those in charge of these facilities obviously want the people who spend time in them to be safe, and so they ban guns from them. If only the murderers and terrorists obeyed the rules. But, alas, they don’t.
And so yet again newspapers, broadcasts and Internet sites are filled with the horrific story of multiple deaths and injuries at gun-free zones, this last episode at two military facilities in Chattanooga, Tenn., last week.
“A 24-year-old Kuwaiti-born gunman opened fire on a military recruiting station on Thursday, then raced to a second military site where he killed four United States Marines,” as reported by The New York Times. A Navy petty officer shot on Thursday died Saturday. The nation has logged yet another event where American military personnel – at the mercy of short-sighted rules based upon emotion and fear, rather than on logic – were forced to be sitting ducks while on duty defending the nation against its enemies. Except, in this case they were prohibited from protecting themselves against this enemy.
After the numerous examples of violence on military bases – the worst of which was the massacre at Ft. Hood, Texas on Nov. 5, 2009, when Army Maj. Nidal Hasan killed 13 people and wounded more than 30 others at the clinic where he worked as a physician – one might think that the President of the United States, the commander in chief of the nation’s military, might change the rules that prohibit military personnel, arguably those best trained to carry weapons anywhere and everywhere, from being armed while on duty (this is a non sequitur!).
It defies reason to deny highly trained military personnel being armed while serving at their duty stations, making them sitting ducks, but it also makes little sense to deny having trained people at schools and other places who could respond to an armed attacker that otherwise would enjoy open season on those at defenseless facilities.
Just the idea that there may be armed people at a potential target has a deterrent effect on those wishing to commit murder and mayhem. Terrorists and murderers may be vicious scum, but they are not always stupid. They prefer soft targets, where they can accomplish their evil goals without interference, and knowing that guns are prohibited at a potential target location is an attractive advantage, as opposed to a target where they know they likely will encounter armed resistance.
John R. Lott, Jr. is an economist, columnist and author of books on guns and crime. He notes in discussing a live-fire incident: “And even when concealed handgun permit holders don’t deter the killers, the permit holders stop them. Just a couple of weeks ago, a mass public shooting at a liquor store in Conyers, Ga., was stopped by a concealed handgun permit holder. A couple of people had already been killed by the time the permit holder arrived, but according to Rockdale County Sheriff Eric Levett: ‘I believe that if [the legal permit holder] did not return fire at the suspect, then more of those customers would have [been] hit by a gun. It didn’t appear that he cared who he shot or where he was shooting until someone was shooting back at him. So, in my opinion, he saved other lives in that store.”
So, what are the chances that the “gun-free zone” policy at least contributed to the deaths of five military personnel in Chattanooga? Very good, if not certain.
This policy was put into effect by President Bill Clinton, according to a 2009 editorial in The Washington Times, following the Ft. Hood massacre: “Among President Clinton’s first acts upon taking office in 1993 was to disarm U.S. soldiers on military bases.” The editorial then added, “Because of Mr. Clinton, terrorists would face more return fire if they attacked a Texas Wal-Mart than the gunman faced at Fort Hood …” That restriction was not altered by President George W. Bush, although there was only one shooting on military bases during Mr. Bush’s presidency, according to a report on nbcwashington.com, and that was in September 2008, three months before Mr. Bush’s tenure as president ended.
The report lists three shootings during Mr. Clinton’s term in the White House, but that number increased substantially during Barack Obama’s tenure. The report lists 16 shootings from January 2009 when Mr. Obama took office through April of 2014. But even that shocking statistic has not prompted him to change the rules.
A major enumerated function of the federal government is to guarantee our God given rights, several (but not all) of which are listed in the Bill of Rights. Who can argue that protecting one’s self is not such a right? When is the government going to stop interfering with that right?
James Shott is a columnist for the Bluefield Daily Telegraph, and publishes his columns on several Websites, including his own, Observations.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line924
|
__label__wiki
| 0.715316
| 0.715316
|
Someone asks Dave for a sign #ElectDavidNickarz @WolseleysGoingGreen #mbpoli youtu.be/THb-byK11G8 via @YouTube 10 hours ago
Posts Tagged ‘Canada’
Posted: September 26, 2018 in Human Rights
Tags: apartheid, Canada, Geneva Conventions, Human Rights, international law, Israel, Palestine, United Nations
Earlier this month I attended and recorded the proceedings of the Israel Palestine International Law Symposium, held in Winnipeg September 7 – 9. While I thought I was better informed than the average Canadian going into the symposium, by the time it was over I was overwhelmed by the amount of new information I received.
The credentials of the presenters were impressive:
Suha Jarrar is a Palestinian human rights researcher and advocate, and currently the Environmental and Gender Policy Researcher at Al-Haq human rights organization in Ramallah, Palestine. More.
Jonathan Kuttab is a human rights lawyer in Israel and Palestine and co-founder of Al-Haq, the first human right international law organization in Palestine. More
Dimitri Lascaris is a Canadian lawyer, journalist and activist and a board member of Canadians for Justice and Peace in the Middle East. More.
Michael Lynk is Associate Professor of Law at the University of Western Ontario and United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian Territory. More.
David Matas is an international human rights, refugee and immigration lawyer and Senior Honorary Counsel for B’Nai Brith Canada. More.
Virginia Tilley is Professor of Political Science at Southern Illinois University and co-author of Israeli Practices towards the Palestinian People and the Question of Apartheid. More.
For me, the main takeaway of the symposium is that by supporting the illegal activities of the State of Israel, our own federal government is in violation of Canadian and international law. If you disagree with this assessment, or want to understand why I believe this to be the case, watch these videos.
Introduction: In this clip, symposium coordinator David Kattenburg explains the origins and purpose of the symposium.
Keynote: In this clip, Michael Lynk explains how international law has largely been ignored or broken by Israel over the past several decades of its occupation of the Palestinian Territory.
One State or Two? In this clip, we hear from Michael Lynk and Virginia Tilley.
Human rights: Rhetoric vs Reality: In this clip, symposium Dimitri Lascaris describes the failure of western governments to uphold the human rights of Palestinians.
Palestinian Rights & Obligations: In this clip, we hear from Suha Jarrar and Jonathan Kuttab.
Palestinian Rights to Resources: In this clip, Suha Jarrar outlines how Israel has misappropriated key Palestinian resources.
Israeli Rights and Obligations: In this clip, we hear from Michael Lynk and Dimitri Lascaris, who look at different aspects of Israeli’s legal rights and obligations in the Occupied Palestinian Territory.
Is Israel and Apartheid State? In this clip, Virginia Tilley argues that Israel is an apartheid state.
Dueling Perspectives: In this clip, David Matas defends Israeli practices and policies with regard to the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT). Michael Lynk argues that Matas’s arguments are not supported by international law.
Canada’s Rights and Obligations: In this clip, Dimitri Lascaris discusses relevant aspects of Canadian and international law.
Concluding Remarks: In this clip we hear concluding remarks from David Kattenburg, Mark Golden and Dean Peachey.
This symposium will be an important resource for lawyers, scholars and activists for years to come. It was sponsored by Independent Jewish Voices Canada, Mennonite Church Manitoba Working Group on Palestine-Israel, Palestinian Canadian Congress, Peace Alliance Winnipeg, United Jewish People’s Order (Winnipeg) and the Winnipeg Centre Federal Green Party Association. Additional information, including Power Point presentations and other documents will be made available at the conference web site: https://www.israelpalestinelawsymposi…
Bringing the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples to life in Canada
Posted: April 27, 2016 in Aboriginal Peoples, Human Rights
Tags: Canada, indigenous rights, Romeo Saganash, UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples
Winnipeg, April 26, 2016: NDP MP Romeo Saganash, in conversation with students at the University of Winnipeg. Photo: Paul S. Graham
On April 21, 2016, NDP MP Romeo Saganash (Abitibi-Baie James-Nunavik-Eeyou) introduced legislation (Bill C-262) that will ensure that Canadian law is consistent the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.
Adopted by the UN General Assembly in 2007, the declaration was initially opposed by the Harper government but eventually endorsed by Canada in 2010. Bill C-262 is essentially the same as a bill Saganash introduced during the Harper government. While the Conservatives were unwilling to support it, the (then) Opposition Liberals did promise to vote for it. Saganash says the Trudeau government has so far been noncommittal with regard to this bill.
Saganash played a key role in the development of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, a process that took 23 years. He was in Winnipeg recently and spoke with students at the University of Winnipeg about the benefits this legislation will provide indigenous peoples in Canada, if it is passed by Parliament. Passage is by no means assured and Saganash is calling on Canadians to lobby their Members of Parliament to support the bill.
Video: Manitoba government urged to recognize the genocide and help heal the trauma
Posted: June 6, 2015 in Aboriginal Peoples, Human Rights, Winnipeg
Tags: Canada, education, genocide, Indian Residential Schools, Manitoba, Manitoba Indian Residential School Genocide and Reconciliation Memorial Day, racism, Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada
Winnipeg, June, 5, 2015: At the Manitoba Legislative Building, Maeengan Linklater answers journalists’ questions about his proposed Manitoba Indian Residential Schools Genocide and Reconciliation Memorial Day Act. Photo: Paul S. Graham
Now that the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada has completed its work, and the major federal political parties have have adopted predictable positions, what can ordinary folk do to make sure Justice Sinclair’s message isn’t lost between now and the election this fall?
I’m rather taken with a draft Act that was made public yesterday on the steps of the Manitoba Legislature that would set aside one day a year, called Manitoba Indian Residential School Genocide and Reconciliation Memorial Day, to reflect on and reaffirm our commitment to truth and reconciliation.
According to Maeengan Linklater, the proponent of this resolution, adopting the Act would help achieve the following:
Continue the healing for those survivors, families and communities;
Reaffirm the safety and protection of Aboriginal children from emotional, physical, and sexual abuse;
Reaffirm, recognize and acknowledge Aboriginal people and governments as self-governing and nation-to-nation in their relationships with the Government of Canada and the Province of Manitoba; and,
Educate all Canadians about the Indian Residential School experience.
The use of the word “genocide” makes this is a provocative name for a provincial holiday. It is precisely the provocative nature of the word that makes it so valuable. Most Canadians are in a state of denial regarding the injustices perpetrated against indigenous peoples and badly in need of some straight talk.
I recorded Maeengan’s launch of the Act, following him through the halls of the Manitoba Legislature to capture the responses of representatives of four political parties. I’ve also (see below), published the draft Act. I hope the Manitobans reading this post will get behind it and get in contact with their Members of the Manitoba Legislature.
Wouldn’t it be cool if Canadians in other parts of the country tried to beat us to the punch and get similar laws enacted in their provinces?
Manitoba Indian Residential School Genocide and Reconciliation Memorial Day Act
WHEREAS between the years 1870 and 1996, 150,000 Indian, Metis, and Inuit children in Canada were removed from their families and communities to attend residential schools.
WHEREAS, the ‘Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide’ (adopted by Resolution 260 (III) A of the United Nations General Assembly on 9 December 1948, includes “Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group,” and the actions taken to remove children from families and communities and to put them in residential schools meets this definition of a “genocide”.
WHEREAS the goals of the Indian Residential School system were to “remove and isolate children from the influence of their home, families, traditions, and cultures, and to assimilate them into the dominate culture”.
WHEREAS the Government of Canada recognized that many of the children experienced emotional, physical, and sexual abuse, lived in conditions of neglect, and were forbidden to learn, or practice, their culture, and to speak their language.
WHEREAS on June 11, 2008, the Government of Canada made a Statement of Apology – to former students of Indian Residential Schools to initiate healing and reconciliation between the Aboriginal community and Canada.
WHEREAS efforts have been launched nationally to lead to reconciliation including the Indian Residential Schools Settlement Agreement and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada.
WHEREAS on June 2, 2015, the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada recognized the establishment and operation of residential schools was a central element of assimilative policies that can be best described as cultural genocide.
WHEREAS the Truth and Reconciliation Commission recommended that the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples be the framework for reconciliation at all levels and across all sectors of Canadian society.
WHEREAS setting aside one day a year for such a day will provide an opportunity to focus on understanding and reconciliation including to:
a. Continue the healing for those survivors of residential schools, their families, and communities;
b. Reaffirm the safety and protection of Aboriginal children from emotional, physical, and sexual abuse;
c. Reaffirm, recognize, and acknowledge, Aboriginal peoples and governments as self-governing, sovereign, and nation-to-nation, in its relationship with the Government of Canada and the Province of Manitoba; and,
d. To educate all Manitobans about the lessons of the Indian Residential School system, and its continuing impacts in today’s society.
WHEREAS the Legislative Assembly of Manitoba is committed through legislation and education, to support the revitalization of Aboriginal communities that enable Aboriginal people to reach their full potential, and to bridge efforts of reconciliation of Aboriginal people and the people of Manitoba.
WHEREAS on June 2, we will remember, for we must never forget.
THEREFOR HER MAJESTY, by and with the advice and consent of the Legislative of Manitoba, enacts as follows:
Manitoba Indian Residential School Genocide and Reconciliation Memorial Day
In each year, June 2, to be known as Manitoba Day for Understanding and Reconciliation in Relations to the Indian Residential Schools.
Canada continues to occupy stage right
Posted: November 24, 2014 in Act Locally, Human Rights
Tags: #StopHarper, Canada, fascism, neo-fascism, Palestine, Ukraine, United Nations, United States
Canada’s position on the world stage continues to embarrass and disturb.
On Nov. 4, Canada, along with Ukraine and United States, voted against a draft resolution entitled “Combating glorification of Nazism and other practices that contribute to fuelling contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance.”
It’s a lengthy document, but worth the time it takes to read. As you read through the resolution, ask yourself why any decent human being would oppose it. Surely, only racists, bigots and nazis could find this resolution offensive.
In this instance, it seems likely that the US and Canada chose to vote with Ukraine because of the influence of neo-fascists in Ukraine’s government. I found myself wondering if parts of this resolution might apply to Israel’s oppression of Palestinians – thus providing another incentive for Harper to remain on the wrong side of justice (and history).
Not surprisingly (also on Nov. 4th), Canada was one of a handful of nations to vote against a draft text on the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination. The resolution was supported by a record vote of 170 in favour. Seven were opposed (Israel, Canada, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Palau, United States, Nauru), and six abstained (Cameroon, Central African Republic, Kiribati, Paraguay, Rwanda, South Sudan).
The Harper government’s stance on these two resolutions will not surprise anyone who has been paying attention. The next federal election cannot come soon enough.
Video: Canadian Human Rights on Trial – the Case of Omar Khadr
Posted: September 24, 2014 in Afghanistan, Human Rights, Winnipeg
Tags: Canada, Dennis Edney, Human Rights, Omar Khadr
Almost unnoticed amidst the hoopla and the protests associated with the opening of the Canadian Museum for Human Rights was a dinner held at the Grand Mosque Community Centre last Friday in honour of Edmonton-based human rights lawyer Dennis Edney, QC.
Sept. 19, 2014: Human rights advocate Dennis Edney, QC, speaking in Winnipeg on the case of Omar Khadr. Photo: Paul S. Graham
Edney is the recipient of the National Pro Bono Award (2008) and the Human Rights Medal (British Columbia, 2009). He was honoured in Winnipeg for his decade-long pro bono defence of Omar Khadr and presented with a sculpture created by local artist Margaret Glavina.
Omar Khadr is probably Canada’s best-known, least understood prisoner. In 2002, at the age of 15, he was severely wounded in an American assault on a compound in Afghanistan, imprisoned in Guantanamo Bay, tortured and coerced into confessing to “war crimes.” Following his conviction by a US military tribunal he was returned to Canada and is currently held at the federal Bowden Correctional Institution in Edmonton. While respected human rights advocates, such as South African Archbishop Desmond Tutu, have called for Khadr’s release, the federal government continues to resist demands that he be set free.
The Khadr case is controversial to say the least. In this video report, Dennis Edney recounts his experience defending Omar Khadr and discusses what this affair says about the state of human rights in Canada.
The dinner, the proceeds of which were donated to cover Omar Khadr’s legal defense costs, was sponsored by:
Lawyers Rights Watch Canada
Global College, University of Winnipeg
United Jewish People’s Order
Project Peacemakers
Conference of Manitoba & Northwestern Ontario – The United Church of Canada
Aboriginal women are speaking up for missing and murdered Aboriginal men
Posted: August 25, 2014 in Aboriginal Peoples, Human Rights, Uncategorized, Winnipeg
Tags: Canada, missing and murdered aboriginal women
Some of the people camping out in Memorial Park to call for a national inquiry into the deaths and disappearances of over 1200 Aboriginal women. Photo: Paul S. Graham
The hatred directed at aboriginal people in Canada is appalling, as is their poverty and exclusion from the opportunities that exist for non-indigenous Canadians. Nowhere is this more evident than in the federal government’s continuing refusal to hold a national inquiry into the causes of the deaths and disappearances of over 1200 aboriginal women. Now, aboriginal women are beginning to speak up for the aboriginal men who have disappeared over the years.
My latest video explores some of this.
To connect with the Protest Camp on Facebook, click here.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line926
|
__label__wiki
| 0.857438
| 0.857438
|
Crime & Crime Prevention
How Human Trafficking Works
by Molly Edmonds
How Big is This Problem, Anyway?
Somaly Mam (holding water bottle) has become known worldwide for her work with trafficking victims in Cambodia. Mam is a survivor of sex trafficking.
It will never be easy to estimate how many victims of human trafficking exist at any given time; after all, if officials could figure out where the slaves are kept in order to count them, then they could shut down the traffickers and free the prisoners. And while no one seems to be arguing about ending human trafficking, there's quite a lot of heated discussion over just how big the problem is. According to the U.S. State Department's 2010 Trafficking in Persons Report, 12.3 million adults and children are in forced labor situations or experiencing sexual exploitation [source: U.S. Department of State]. In 2009, however, there were just 4,166 successful trafficking prosecutions. This disparity raises the question of whether enforcement officials are looking hard enough for trafficking victims -- or whether there aren't that many trafficking victims to find.
In 1999, officials told Congress that 50,000 slaves were brought into the United States each year; the number was based on an estimate by the Central Intelligence Agency [source: Markon]. Many aid groups joined the charge for fighting slavery in the U.S., especially Christian ones, and these groups urged President George W. Bush to make the fight against trafficking a policy priority. But even with vast resources, prosecutions against traffickers only amounted to a few hundred cases.
In 2004, the official estimate of slaves coming into the U.S. was changed from 50,000 to somewhere between 14,500 and 17,500, and even that number was deemed too high. The same year, when New York Times reporter Peter Landesman claimed that at least 10,000 slaves are brought to the U.S. each year, it caused a firestorm of controversy, as critics questioned this number as well [sources: Landesman; Shafer]. While stopping human trafficking is a no-brainer cause, some are starting to wonder if it's worth the money that the U.S. in particular is throwing at it.
But of course, there are others who say that it doesn't matter what the number is -- if there are any slaves at all, we must work to eradicate human trafficking, particularly if the U.S. wants to remain a signpost of human rights in the world. On the next page, we'll take one last look at how slavery in the world might be eliminated.
Prison Food Is Way Worse Than You'd Expect
Nearly Half of All Americans Have a Family Member Who's Been Jailed
Why Did the Harts Deliberately Drive Their Family Over a Cliff?
How to Safely and Anonymously Report Sexual Assault
What's It Like to Have a Serial Killer for a Dad?
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line927
|
__label__wiki
| 0.734354
| 0.734354
|
Tag Archives: Ausweis
French Punk in Dub
(credit due to whoever took this)
When I was a teenager, I was fortunate enough to join a school trip to France, and — maybe predictably — it was a week of drunken debauchery, teenage awkwardness, and extraordinary moments that I will always remember. I fell in love with France that week. There is nothing quite like sitting on the steps of Sacre Couer at midnight on Easter, the sound of the choir drifting out over you and the city spread out at your feet, having one of those “life is amazing and mysterious” conversations that you can only really have when you’re a teenager. But that was later.
On my first day in Paris, I did not yet know what kind of magic the city held, but I was eager to see what I could discover. Our group’s first planned outing was a tour of the Opera Garnier, the setting that inspired the novel The Phantom of the Opera (Puffin Classics). That was all well and good, but I was in the biggest city I had ever seen and full of youthful curiosity and self-confidence. While the rest of the group moved into the building, a couple of friends and I stayed back and took off down the street to see what we could find. I didn’t want to see history that day. I wanted to see the living Paris.
Unfortunately, I did not keep a journal then, and I regret it to this day. I do not remember well where I walked that afternoon, but I do remember that I ended up in a music store nearby, likely Fnac, possibly at Le Passage du Havre. There, I purchased a French Iggy and the Stooges seven inch and a CD compilation of French punk bands I had never heard of: France Profonde vol 1 et 2. I had a short conversation with the clerk about Iggy Pop, the Kentucky Derby, and my first visit to Paris. It was the best introduction I could have had to the city, and thought I would end up making a lot of great memories that week, I get to relive these moments every time I spin my iPod over to the A’s.
I did not have a CD player with me on the trip, and neither did my friends. It wasn’t until I got home that I was able to see if the comp had anything worthwhile on it. To my elation, it turned out to be a great mix of oi, melodic punk and 80s hardcore that I still listen to regularly some twelve or thirteen years later. Standing out from the crowd of faster, more traditionally “punk” songs are two tracks by Ausweis, each a gothy post-punk blend of early Killing Joke and Joy Division. The stringy bass, chorused guitars and sterile, metallic reverb on the vocals all sound like they came from the hand of some French Hannett-phile and offer a stark contrast the rest of the music on the disc.
For years, I figured that this compilation would be the extent to which I got to know any of these bands, but the internet (really, the blogosphere) changed that. Recently, I stumbled across a post at the Phoenix Hairpins blog with some information about the Ausweis discography and a link to their debut album. Sparked by this post, I started digging deeper to find other releases, and I was pleasantly surprised to discover that they progressed from post-punk to full-on dub reggae over the course of three years. Punk and Jamaican music have crossed paths many times over the past several decades, but it is rare to hear this dramatic of a shift in one band’s career.
Ausweis’ 1984 self-titled debut is in my opinion a forgotten masterpiece. At this early point, they retained quite a bit of straight-forward punk influence, but the overall sound of the record is more Unknown Pleasures than Never Mind the Bollocks. Each song is good on its own, but taken as a whole, the album is nearly perfect. “Eva” (listen via Youtube above) and “Berlin” provide a distinctly Bauhausian opening for the record, being very reminiscent of In the Flat Field, but with “Gangsters United” and “Ella Choice,” the tempo is amped up to more typically punk levels. “Mecaniks” and “1984” split the difference, tying the album together stylistically and setting the stage for the final two tracks on the album. Stretching out a bit, the synth-and-drum coldwave vamp “Phase Fatale” isn’t so much a song as it is a five minute stretch of rhythm and washes of sound with indistinct snatches of vocals floating out of the haze. Though there’s no hint of Jamaican riddim in this song, it more than any of the others hints at the future direction of the band. Finally, the goth post-punk of “Murnau” brings the album full circle.
Ausweis followed their debut with the Victimes maxi in 1985, which I have not yet found, and Jours de Haine in 1986. Jours de Haine retains many of the post-punk qualities of the debut, but the increased use of keyboards and atmospherics give it a much more focused cold/darkwave goth sound, stripping out much of the traditional punk influence. What is most notable on this release is the final track, “Jack (Dub)” (listen below). This Lee Perry-via-Clash-inspired dub track takes the Ausweis sound into a traditional reggae format that just plain works for me. Despite being a big departure from their earlier work, this track does not feel forced, instead seeming like a natural progression. The original sound of the band is still there, just reconfigured. I wish they had made a whole record in this style before their subsequent experiment with Puppa Leslie, but this track is the only glimpse I’ve gotten of the goth post-punk dub group that could have been.
Ausweis “Jack (Dub)” http://dl.dropbox.com/u/6819977/04-Jack%20%28Dub%29.mp3
After releasing the Pas Demain single (another one I haven’t yet found) in 1987, the group hooked up with Puppa Leslie, a toaster in the Jamaican style whom they met through a mutual friend. Together, they produced Dub Action, a dancehall and dub album that sounds considerably different from anything the band had done before. Whereas before they had worked in mostly dark, murky sounds, this new record was bright and colorful. Snatches of Ausweis’ past slip into the guitar work on the songs from time to time, but little else of their earlier sound appears on the album. This record borrows heavily from Wayne Smith’s Under Me Sleng Teng , with heavy synth and drum machine use and more rigid rhythms than one finds in more traditional reggae. Puppa Leslie’s deejay-style chanting vocals shine throughout the album, and he goes hard on songs like “Le Feu Va Les Bruler” and “Tout, Tout, Tout.” The dubs are not heavy on effects, playing more on drop-outs and altered mixing with occasional dubbed-out flourishes, evoking the Upsetter more than King Tubby. This style suits the dense arrangements, where a large dose of delay or reverb crashes would muddy the mix.
From what I can piece together from rough translations, the politics of Dub Action made it difficult to find a label that would release it, with only Danceteria willing to do so. I won’t pretend to know much about French politics in the 80s, and with only Google translations of the lyrics, I am somewhat in the dark about why this album was so inflammatory. This highlights my one big frustration with listening to foreign-language music: my inability to know what’s actually being said. I know that the song “Tout, Tout, Tout” (listen below or find the video on Myspace) calls out members of Chirac and his cabinet directly and compares them to Hitler, but as an American who grew up on punk bands calling our government fascists, it seems odd to me that the lyrics of this record were such a big deal. Perhaps a French reader could educate me on this sometime.
Ausweis + Puppa Leslie “Tout, Tout, Tout” http://dl.dropbox.com/u/6819977/01-tout%20tout%20tout.mp3
Unfortunately, Dub Action was the last record that Ausweis released. Guitarist Croc and bassist Luz left the group, and Puppa Leslie and the rest went on to form Gom Jabbar, along with other Leslie projects before his death in 1999. Luz did some industrial stuff in the 90s and is now part of electronic dub group Dub Wiser. None of their subsequent work has drawn my interest quite like Ausweis. Something about that blend of post-punk, goth and dub mentality just gets me on another level.
Tagged as a to z, Ausweis, dub, France, France Profonde, goth, memories, Paris, punk, Puppa Leslie
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line929
|
__label__wiki
| 0.675466
| 0.675466
|
Viewpoint: Polarons Get the Full Treatment
Chris G. Van de Walle, Materials Department, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA, USA
A new way to model polarons combines the intuition of modeling with the realism of simulations, allowing these quasiparticles to be studied in a broader range of materials.
Chris G. Van de Walle; adapted by APS/Alan Stonebraker
Figure 1: Atomic-scale sketch of a polaron in the salt lithium fluoride (LiF), as derived with the new model proposed by Sio et al. [2].
In 1933, theoretical physicist Lev Landau wrote a 500-word article discussing how an electron traveling through a solid might end up trapped by a distortion of the surrounding lattice [1]. Those few lines marked the beginning of the study of what we now call polarons, some of the most celebrated “quasiparticles” in condensed-matter physics—essential to understanding devices such as organic light-emitting-diode (OLED) displays or the touchscreens of smart devices. Until now, researchers have relied on two approaches to describe these complex quasiparticles: idealized mathematical models and numerical methods based on density-functional theory (DFT). On their own, each approach has limitations, but Weng Hong Sio and colleagues from the University of Oxford, UK, combined elements of the two approaches into one formalism that could dramatically boost our ability to model polarons of different types and in different materials. The new method allowed them to derive an unprecedentedly detailed picture of polarons in an ionic crystal and in an oxide used for energy storage applications [2, 3].
When an electron travels through a solid, its negative charge exerts an attractive force on the surrounding positively charged atomic nuclei. In response, the nuclei move away from their equilibrium positions, trying to reach for the electron. The resulting distortion of the crystalline lattice creates a lump of positive charge that tags along with the moving electron. This combination of the electron and the lattice distortion—which can be seen as an elementary particle moving through the solid—is a polaron [4, 5]. In the language of condensed-matter physics, the polaron is a quasiparticle formed by “dressing” an electron with a cloud of phonons, the quantized vibrations of the crystal lattice. Polarons may be large or small—depending on how the size of the lattice distortion they carry compares to the lattice constant—and tend to be effectively heavier than electrons, that is, harder to push around using electric fields.
Our current understanding of polarons has been shaped by idealized mathematical models, such as the one developed by Herbert Fröhlich in 1950 [6]. His model was introduced to study electrons moving in ionic crystals such as alkali halides. Since these crystals are polar, the atomic vibrations associated with certain optical phonons generate strong oscillating electric fields that can affect the electron’s movement. The Fröhlich model accounts for this effect by considering one electron whose wave function spreads over many ions. The electron moves within a parabolic conduction band while coupling to optical phonons. Despite the apparent simplicity of this model, its solution troubled theorists—even Richard Feynman—for more than half a century [7–9]. While these theorists’ contributions represent great feats of condensed-matter theory, Fröhlich’s model and others like it cannot account for many features of real materials—complex band structures, unit cells, and phonon dispersion curves. And they can’t tackle difficult systems like interfaces, surfaces, or low-dimensional materials.
In the past decade, researchers have explored an alternative approach—first-principles numerical calculations of polarons based on DFT [10]. The idea is to add one electron to a large subset of the crystal (a “supercell”) and find the minimum-energy state of the entire system using optimization algorithms. This strategy is useful for investigating real materials, since the supercell can be described with atomistic detail. However, there are limitations. In particular, since the computational cost of DFT scales with the third power of the number of atoms, only very small polarons can be studied. For example, the electron polaron in a simple salt like lithium fluoride (LiF) is less than a nanometer in size, but its description requires a supercell containing more than 5000 atoms. This is already at the limit of current computational capabilities; investigating larger polarons is out of the question. Another practical difficulty is related to the fact that DFT, being a mean-field theory, produces an unphysical effect on the polaron: It experiences a spurious Coulomb repulsion from its own electronic charge. In some cases, this self-interaction is sufficiently strong to destabilize the polaron, leading to incorrect predictions. Lastly, since DFT relies on the adiabatic Born-Oppenheimer approximation, it is challenging to upgrade the theory so that it accounts for quantum fluctuations of the atomic nuclei or nonadiabatic electron-phonon correlations.
Now Sio and colleagues have combined idealized polaron models and supercell DFT approaches in a single formalism [2, 3]. Their idea is to use DFT to find the ground-state energy of the polaron but to avoid explicit calculations for the entire supercell. To do this, they express all relevant quantities—the polaron’s wave function and formation energy, the atomic displacements associated with the polaron, and the effect of polarons on all the other electrons and atomic nuclei—in terms of several ingredients. These ingredients, which include the electron band structure, phonon dispersion relations, and electron-phonon coupling constants, can be evaluated within the first Brillouin zone of the reciprocal lattice. This strategy allows them to reformulate the polaron problem as a standard nonlinear optimization problem that requires DFT calculations only within one primitive cell of the crystal, rather than within a prohibitively large supercell.
The authors show that the derived polaron equations are essentially as accurate as explicit DFT calculations, while offering additional perks. Most importantly, the equations allow them to tackle systems that would have been beyond the reach of existing DFT approaches. For example, they enable, for the first time, investigation of large polarons—polarons whose radii are much larger than the unit cell of the material—with atomic-scale detail and in real materials,. What’s more, the new equations get rid of the spurious polaron self-interaction.
Sio and colleagues demonstrate the power of their approach by computing polarons in LiF and in a well-known material for lithium-ion batteries, Li2O2. Their computations deliver a close-up view of the structure of the polarons at the atomic scale. For example, the electron in LiF forms a large polaron that looks like a lump of negative charge that attracts Li+cations and repels F− anions (Fig. 1). While the obtained features are in line with our physical intuition of polarons, the new methodology allows the authors to pinpoint precisely the electronic and vibrational states that contribute to making the polaron. A striking result, which had been missed in previous work, is that, contrary to common belief, polarons in LiF arise not only from the interaction with optical phonons but also from the interaction with piezoacoustic phonons—that are responsible for the piezoelectric effect.
We can expect many more surprises as the method is applied to new and more complex materials. One can envision that the approach could be generalized to include many-body interactions or to tackle excited polaron states. But even in its present version, the new methodology opens up exciting prospects for studying polarons in low-dimensional materials, correlated-electron systems, and topological quantum matter. An all-important application would be studying how polarons transport electrical charge in materials—a problem beyond the reach of previous models. Accurate polaron-transport models would significantly impact the ab initio design of many optoelectronic materials that hold promise for a wide range of applications—not only OLEDs and touch screens but also organic transistors, solar-driven photocatalysts, and hybrid and organic solar cells. A century after Landau’s seminal remarks, we are getting up close and personal with polarons, and this progress might soon be felt in our everyday lives.
This research is published in Physical Review Letters and Physical Review B.
L. Landau, “Uber die Bewegung der Elektronen im Kristallgitter,” Phys. Z. Soviet. 3, 664 (1933).
W. H. Sio, C. Verdi, S. Poncé, and F. Giustino, “Polarons from first principles, without supercells,” Phys. Rev. Lett. 122, 246403 (2019).
W. H. Sio, C. Verdi, S. Poncé, and F. Giustino, “Ab initio theory of polarons: Formalism and applications,” Phys. Rev. B 99 (2019).
D. Emin, Polarons (Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2013)[Amazon][WorldCat].
L. D. Landau and S. I. Pekar, “Effective mass of a polaron,” Zh. Eksp. Teor. Fiz. 18, 419 (1948).
H. Fröhlich, H. Pelzer, and S. Zienau, “Properties of slow electrons in polar materials,” Philos. Mag. 41, 221 (1950).
R. P. Feynman, “Slow electrons in a polar crystal,” Phys. Rev. 97, 660 (1955).
A. Mishchenko, N. Prokof’ev, A. Sakamoto, and B. Svistunov, “Diagrammatic quantum Monte Carlo study of the Fröhlich polaron,” Phys. Rev. B 62, 6317 (2000).
J. T. Devreese and A. S. Alexandrov, “Fröhlich polaron and bipolaron: Recent developments,” Rep. Prog. Phys. 72, 066501 (2009).
C. Franchini, G. Kresse, and R. Podloucky, “Polaronic hole trapping in doped BaBiO3,” Phys. Rev. Lett. 102, 256402 (2009).
Chris Van de Walle is the Herbert Kroemer Distinguished Professor in the Materials Department at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Prior to joining UCSB in 2004, he was a Principal Scientist at Xerox PARC. He received his Ph.D. from Stanford University in 1986, he is a Member of the National Academy of Engineering, and a Fellow of the APS, AVS, AAAS, MRS, and IEEE. Van de Walle develops and employs first-principles computational techniques to model the structure and behavior of materials. He has studied semiconductor interfaces, defects and impurities, the behavior of hydrogen in materials, loss mechanisms in light emitters, and spin centers for quantum computing. In 2008 he was recognized as an Outstanding Referee by the American Physical Society.
Ab initio theory of polarons: Formalism and applications
Weng Hong Sio, Carla Verdi, Samuel Poncé, and Feliciano Giustino
Phys. Rev. B 99, 235139 (2019)
Polarons from First Principles, without Supercells
Condensed Matter PhysicsMaterials Science
Viewpoint: Cooling with a Squeeze
A newly designed alloy exhibits a “colossal” elastocaloric effect—a temperature change under strain—making it a good candidate for an environmentally friendly type of cooling. Read More »
Synopsis: Flexing an Electron Gas
Bending a stack of metal oxide sheets can alter the electrical resistance of a 2D electron gas that resides within. Read More »
Synopsis: Nonlinear Forces Explain Elastomer Ridges
A new theory that incorporates nonlinear properties of rubber-like materials correctly describes the shape of the ridge that forms when the material is strongly deformed by an object. Read More »
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line930
|
__label__cc
| 0.602899
| 0.397101
|
Community members working together to preserve and enhance our shared treasure
Autumn sunset from Pine Island Dock
Recently interested individuals, organizations and agencies gathered at the Cooperative Extension Auditorium in Barco, NC with the expressed goal of forming an alliance to ensure a brighter future for Currituck Sound, to identify what we could do together to benefit our local environment and our local economy.
A look back at the history of barrier island migration, sea levels and inlet formation started our day as a diverse group of nearly 40 citizens, government officials and nonprofit leaders gathered to discuss and plan for the improvement of Currituck Sound.
The meeting was hosted by Audubon North Carolina, the UNC Coastal Studies Institute, the Albemarle-Pamlico National Estuarine Partnership,Mackay’s Island and Currituck National Wildlife Refuges, and the Currituck site of the National Estuarine Research Reserve. From that meeting an Alliance was formed. Now a steering committee is working to solicit more input from citizens, establish conservation goals and fundraise to implement them.
Currituck Sound has long held a special place in the hearts of those that have experienced it. Abundant waterfowl lead to the establishment of major duck hunting lodges here in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Fishing also became a major draw. The beauty of the sunlight on the water inspired artists and took their breath away.
Today the sound has too high a sediment load from marsh loss due to erosion and a reduction in submerged aquatic vegetation resulting in less abundant birds and fish. The Currituck Alliance will work to reduce erosion and restore marshes resulting in clearer water and a more productive ecosystem – ultimately supporting more fish and more waterfowl.
Life in northeastern North Carolina is often a life on the edge. The wind can howl, storms rage, some years the ducks are plentiful, some years not, but by protecting the sound we are together focused on the infrastructure of our community; that which binds us all and propels us forward, and that which will continue to bring not only ducks, but tourists - flocking to a wonderland that still takes one’s breath way.
Citizen involvement is critical to protecting wildlife. Working together for the health of Currituck Sound, we will ensure a bright future for the life of our region.
Why are marshes important
Pine Island promises to be a unique experience of the wildness of Currituck Sound and its unparalleled marshes, maritime forests, birds, and other wildlife.
A Vision for Currituck's Marshes
The Audubon sanctuary is part of the Currituck Marshes-Pine Island Important Bird Area, which is made up of an extensive system of marshes, creeks, channels and open water.
Audubon's plan for an enduring landscape
Audubon's plans for an enduring landscape
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line932
|
__label__cc
| 0.573363
| 0.426637
|
by Molly Beauchemin
Heems Shutters Greedhead Label, Calls Roster "Unappreciative"
"I'm folding Greedhead as a label because mostly my artists/"friends" used me for their recording budgets and PR and never appreciated shit."
Last year, Heems expressed concern that he would have to fold his Greedhead label, which has been in operation since 2008, due to financial concerns. Today, he announced that he would be in fact be shuttering the label due to these same financial concerns, and he took to Twitter to call out his "artists/'friends'" in the process.
As Stereogum reports, the label was initially an outlet for Das Racist material, and after Das Racist broke up in 2012, the label released material from Heems and Kool A.D., Le1f, Mayhem Lauren, Big Baby Gandhi, Lakutis, and others. Today, Heems called out the label's constituents (without naming anyone in particular) for their lack of appreciation. Read his comments below, via Twitter.
https://twitter.com/HIMANSHU/status/619261590177730564
Watch Heems' video for "Damn, Girl":
Heems
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line933
|
__label__wiki
| 0.647808
| 0.647808
|
Pittsburgh Quarterly Archives
PQ Category
Pittsburgh Quarterly Cartoons
PQ Staff
Questions or corrections? Contact us at .
Soaring majesty
It’s only recently that bald eagles have been able to call Pittsburgh home. For 200 years, obstacles such as habitat loss, pollution, persecution and pesticides have kept them away, but as the region’s environment improved, so did the chance of bald eagles successfully roosting here once again.
Pittsburgh Quarterly — Award Winners
The Retirement Question, Part III
This is the final installment in a three-part series about retirement in our region.
The retirement question: Part II
This is part two of a three-part series in which we ask a group of the region’s leading financial advisors to address retirement-related questions.
The retirement question
In this issue and the following two, we ask a group of the region’s leading financial advisors to address three different retirement-related questions.
HEALTH /SCIENCE
Pittsburgh Quarterly — Health/Science
Ferguson, Mastiff, Kay, Kalson, Musgrave, Simmons, Guarino, Gallagher
Dr. Albert Ferguson Jr., 95 Dr. Ferguson founded the University of Pittsburgh Department of Orthopaedic Surgery, which he chaired from 1954 until he retired in 1986. As a Marine during World War II, he performed enemy surveillance in islands in the South Pacific, surviving a torpedo attack on the boat transferring him to…
Last Chapter
Binai, Carlough, Maazel, Werner, Noll, Kimmel, Lovette, Mellon Scaife, McDevitt Rubin
Paul Binai, 81 A former curator of the Carnegie Museum of Art, Binai was a renowned painter whose work has been exhibited throughout the world. Binai was a quiet, erudite man who also served as curator at the Southern Alleghenies Museum of Art and the Detroit Institute of Art. His art was greatly…
McLaughlin, Ho, Wolf, Freeland, Purcell, Magovern
Aloysius “Ish” McLaughlin Jr., 79 An engineer who grew up in Swissvale, Ish McLaughlin rose through the ranks to become president of the Dick Corp., building it into one of the nation’s largest construction companies. A consummate strategist, tireless worker and smart businessman, he won major contracts including the restoration of Washington, D.C.’s…
Gaisford, Fisher, Feeney, Mccarran, Veeder, Weis Jr., Wymard
Dr. John Gaisford, 98 Jack Gaisford was a leading Pittsburgh surgeon, known for creating the West Penn Burn Center. After serving as a surgeon in the Pacific during World War II and treating patients around Hiroshima, Japan, Dr. Gaisford returned home, developing a specialty in treating burn patients.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line934
|
__label__wiki
| 0.701633
| 0.701633
|
The Mechanics Are the Message: Studying Video Games as Texts in the Language Arts Classroom
by Hancock, Tyler, M.Ed., Minot State University, 2019, 151; 13879762
The purpose of this paper is to show the effects on students of studying a video game as a text in a middle school Language Arts classroom. 86 students in a small midwestern town of 50,000 people participated in a unit of study wherein the game Inside was played, discussed, and dissected like a text. Participants played the game, discussed literary techniques unique to games (agency and interactivity), analyzed a theme and its development throughout the game, and hypothesized potential meanings of the events of the game. Reactions and insights were recorded throughout, from the perspectives of both the participants and the researcher. Playing the game together proved to be a positive experience for most participants, with classes showing increased positive attitudes and a sense of community that developed as the game went on. Participants also showed evidence of increased understanding of a theme based on playing the game, and remained highly engaged throughout the experience. There is evidence of worth in using games as texts in the Language Arts classroom, but further research needs to be undertaken, both with older and younger participants, in order to better understand which games are appropriate for which ages, similar to how this has been decided for novels, poems, plays, and other text forms.
Advisor: Jensen, Debra
Commitee: Aleshire, Sarah, Borden-King, Lisa, Jensen, Debra
School: Minot State University
Department: Education
School Location: United States -- North Dakota
Subjects: Language arts, Middle School education, Educational technology
Keywords: Classroom, ELA, Language arts, Texts, Video games
Publication Number: 13879762
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line938
|
__label__wiki
| 0.644136
| 0.644136
|
Looking for more? ProQuest® Dissertations & Theses has additional dissertations and theses.
33410 open access dissertations and theses found for:
if(Paper dust) » Refine Search
361 - 390 of 33410 displayed. < Previous | Next >
Sort by: Relevancy Most Recent Oldest First
Understanding Involuntary Job Loss Among Former Newspaper Staff Photographers
by Morris, Ryan K., M.A. University of South Florida. 2012: 100 pages; 1509341.
Full Text - PDF (920.9 KB)
Visual Perception in School-Aged Children: A Psychometric Study of the Correlation between Computer-based and Paper-based Scores on the Motor-Free Visual Perception Test, 3rd Edition
by Christian, Rachel Wood, M.S. East Carolina University. 2010: 80 pages; 1484078.
Etchless Core-Definition Process for the Realization of Low Loss Glass Waveguides
by John, Demis D., Ph.D. University of California, Santa Barbara. 2012: 318 pages; 3540189.
Full Text - PDF (10.3 MB)
Hot-water pre-extraction of hardwoods: Impact of processing on extract and pulp properties
by Duarte, Gustavo, Ph.D. State University of New York College of Environmental Science and Forestry. 2010: 179 pages; 3449178.
Full Text - PDF (12.74 MB)
Innovations in Test Phantom Metrology for Ultrasonic Imaging in relation to Medical Imaging, Biometric Characterization, and 3-Dimensional Microfluidic Applications
by Schneider, Philip, Ph.D. State University of New York at Buffalo. 2018: 181 pages; 10845972.
Incorporating Science Education for Students with Emotional Disturbances in a Special Education Classroom
by DeVries, Bryan, M.S. California State University, Long Beach. 2018: 86 pages; 10784119.
Wayfinding in a complex indoor environment: Correlation of wayfinding experience, survey knowledge, and route knowledge
by Manganelli, Joseph Charles, M.S. Clemson University. 2016: 113 pages; 10119325.
Art Therapy with Older Adults: Adaptive Tools and Adaptations in Times of Transition
by Smith, Emily, M.A. Hofstra University. 2017: 172 pages; 10746165.
An American aesthetic: A social history and future for tree planting on southeastern Wyoming's High Plains
by Townsend, Evan E., M.A. University of Wyoming. 2016: 120 pages; 10161573.
Incongruous Conceptions: Owen Jones's “Plans, Elevations, Sections and Details of the Alhambra” and British Views of Spain
by Johnson, Andrea M., M.A. University of South Florida. 2016: 86 pages; 10076071.
Exploring the factors that influence attitudes and achievement when students take computerized tests
by Kilgore, Jessie E., Jr., Ph.D. Walden University. 2009: 354 pages; 3342471.
The Relationship of Grade 12 High School Students' Perceptions of Writing Self-Efficacy and Academic Writing Outcomes in a Suburban High School
by Pelopida, Agnes, Ed.D. Johnson & Wales University. 2016: 172 pages; 10031621.
Information, communication and wayfinding: Technology shows us the world
by Liang, Mai, M.F.A. California State University, Long Beach. 2012: 11 pages; 1521875.
Full Text - PDF (619.14 KB)
Data-driven Techniques for Improving Data Collection in Low-resource Environments
by Chen, Kuang, Ph.D. University of California, Berkeley. 2011: 101 pages; 3498794.
History and Techniques of Printmaking
by Haney, Amy, M.A. Prescott College. 2015: 163 pages; 1590440.
Ending Invisibility: Three Papers Examining Ways to Improve the Birth Registration System for an Advancement of Population Health in Indonesia
by Kusumaningrum, Santi, Dr.P.H. Columbia University. 2019: 140 pages; 13866133.
Productivity Dynamics and Economic Transition in China
by Hu, Zhongzhong, Ph.D. Vanderbilt University. 2015: 122 pages; 13835076.
Criminal justice involvement and sexual HIV risk among drug-involved men and their primary female sexual partners: Individual and couple-level effects
by Epperson, Matthew W., Ph.D. Columbia University. 2008: 135 pages; 3333488.
Innovators or Laggards: Surveying Diffusion of Innovations by Public Relations Practitioners
by Savery, Carol A., M.A. The University of Akron. 2005: 104 pages; 10805885.
The pulmonary health effects of diesel exhaust and diesel exhaust particles: Evidence from cellular in vitro and human exposure studies
by Sawyer, Keegan, Ph.D. The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. 2008: 197 pages; 3331013.
New Media Models for the 21st Century
by Murray, Susan, M.A. The American University of Paris (France). 2010: 73 pages; 10305722.
Information management and animal welfare in crisis: The role of collaborative technologies and cooperative work in emergency response
by White, Joanne Isobel, Ph.D. University of Colorado at Boulder. 2015: 196 pages; 3704841.
Essays in international economics
by Antoniades, Alexis, Ph.D. Columbia University. 2008: 78 pages; 3317648.
Comparing site management of a NIH versus industry sponsored study: CTSN (surgical interventions for moderate ischemic mitral regurgitation) trial versus DEEP (Dual Epicardial Endocardial Protocol for Persistent and Longstanding Atrial Fibrillation) trial
by Ong, Jennifer, M.S. University of North Texas Health Science Center at Fort Worth. 2010: 93 pages; 1489310.
A theory of value drivers: A grounded theory study
by Wendee, Paul M., D.B.A. University of Phoenix. 2011: 312 pages; 3535532.
Lynching in the border states: Press coverage change over time 1901-1942
by Sheppard, Ann M., M.A. Southern Illinois University at Edwardsville. 2016: 85 pages; 10147030.
A Comparison of Mathematical Models for Axial Force Transfer in Tubulars in Horizontal Wells under Pre-buckling and Post-buckling Conditions
by Ren, Chong, M.S. University of Louisiana at Lafayette. 2015: 55 pages; 10003768.
Essays on the Role of Financial Intermediaries in the U.S. Financial Crisis of 2008
by Yen, Jacqueline, Ph.D. Yale University. 2013: 153 pages; 3578479.
The Changing Dynamics of Health Care: Physician Perceptions of Technology in Medical Practices
by Hatton, Jerald D., D.M. University of Phoenix. 2012: 150 pages; 3531633.
Look at the Eye and See Your Destruction and Other Stories
by Baumann, Joseph A., Ph.D. University of Louisiana at Lafayette. 2014: 278 pages; 3622920.
361 - 390 of 33410 displayed.
« First < Previous | 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 Next >
Find Open Access Dissertations and Theses
There are additional search options following the search buttons.
Date degree received: from Any year 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951 to Any year 2019 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 2013 2012 2011 2010 2009 2008 2007 2006 2005 2004 2003 2002 2001 2000 1999 1998 1997 1996 1995 1994 1993 1992 1991 1990 1989 1988 1987 1986 1985 1984 1983 1982 1981 1980 1979 1978 1977 1976 1975 1974 1973 1972 1971 1970 1969 1968 1967 1966 1965 1964 1963 1962 1961 1960 1959 1958 1957 1956 1955 1954 1953 1952 1951
^ Hide options
Title of dissertation/thesis:
School/Institution:
Keywords (dissertation topic):
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line939
|
__label__wiki
| 0.922965
| 0.922965
|
Release Date Set For Radio Free Albemuth
Posted on May 8, 2014 by Michael Fisher
After the successful Kickstarter campaign many Philip K. Dick fans have been waiting (im)patiently for Radio Free Albemuth to arrive in theaters and eventually on DVD. Along with the announcement of a new trailer for the film, the release date has been announced as June 27, 2014.
From the press release sent out a few days ago:
NEW TRAILER DEBUT FOR ‘RADIO FREE ALBEMUTH’
PHILIP K. DICK NOVEL ‘RADIO FREE ALBEMUTH’ COMES TO THEATERS VIA FREESTYLE
Shea Whigham, Alanis Morissette, Jonathan Scarfe & Katheryn Winnick Star in Sci-fi Tale Set for Day and Date Release on June 27th, 2014
A new trailer is now available for the film. Please see the two links below for the trailer:
YouTube: http://youtu.be/ovH_-mQxCok
Yekra: http://www.yekra.com/radio-free-albemuth
Los Angeles, CA (May 6, 2014) – Freestyle Releasing and Freestyle Digital Media (FDM) announced today that they have acquired theatrical and all DVD/VOD rights to the science fiction thriller RADIO FREE ALBEMUTH, which is based on a Philip K. Dick novel and was directed and adapted by John Alan Simon. The film stars Jonathan Scarfe (“Perception,” “Grimm”), Shea Whigham (“Boardwalk Empire”), Katheryn Winnick (“Vikings”) and world renowned recording artist Alanis Morissette (“Weeds”). Supporting cast includes Scott Wilson (“Walking Dead”), Ashley Greene (“Twilight”), Jon Tenney (“The Closer,” “Scandal”) and Rich Sommer (“Mad Men”). The film was produced by Dale Rosenbloom, Stephen Nemeth and Elizabeth Karr along with Simon and will debut in limited theaters and on all digital platforms on June 27, 2014.
From sci-fi author Philip K. Dick (Blade Runner, Minority Report, A Scanner Darkly) comes his most personal and prophetic thriller to date. It’s 1985 in an alternate reality and Berkeley record store clerk Nick Brady (Jonathan Scarfe, Perception) begins to experience strange visions transmitted from an extra-terrestrial source he calls VALIS. He uproots his family and moves to Los Angeles where he becomes a successful music executive with a secret mission to overthrow the oppressive government led by US President Fremont (Scott Wilson – The Walking Dead). With the help of his best friend, sci-fi writer, Philip K. Dick himself (Shea Whigham – Boardwalk Empire, American Hustle) and a beautiful, mysterious woman named Silvia (Alanis Morissette – Weeds), Nick finds himself drawn into a conspiracy of cosmic, mind-shattering proportions. Although it might cost them their freedom or even their lives, they join
forces to expose the dangerous truth about the corrupt regime.
FDM’s CEO Susan Jackson brokered the deal directly with Simon’s Discovery Productions, which will join forces with FDM on the release. Discovery was repped in the deal by Matthew Fladell, Esquire.
“Philip K. Dick is a legend in the sci-fi world,” said Jackson, “Radio Free Albemuth” is one of the truest adaptations of his vision and will be loved by his core fans as well as fans of the genre.”
“The big-budget, effects-heavy studio movies made from Dick’s works have often emphasized one ‘high concept’ idea to try to create exciting action movies. I took the indie route in order to have the freedom to make a movie that captures all the other aspects that reader/fans like myself love – Dick’s dark humor, politics, visionary metaphysics, borderline paranoia, and especially his tender view of the human condition,” said Simon.
The source novel for the film was considered to be Dick’s answer to Orwell’s 1984 and is still one of his most prescient works — a powerful sci-fi conspiracy thriller that underlines the conflict of individual rights against the power of the state.
The following is a list of Dick’s highest profile screen adaptations:
Blade Runner (1982) from Do Androids Dream of Electric Sheep? (1968)
Total Recall (1990) from We Can Remember It for You Wholesale (1966)
Minority Report (2002) from The Minority Report (1956)
A Scanner Darkly (2006): adapted from novel of the same name
Adjustment Bureau (2011) from story Adjustment Team
Total Recall (Summer 2012) from We Can Remember It For You Wholesale
Recent Freestyle titles include the box office hit GOD’S NOT DEAD, TIGER EYES, the first big screen adaptation of a Judy Blume novel starring Willa Holland, and the SXSW festival favorite FUNERAL KINGS from the McManus Brothers and the upcoming THE IDENTICAL starring Ashley Judd and Ray Liotta.
Website: www.freestyledigitalmedia.tv
About Freestyle Releasing:
Freestyle Releasing is a full-service, theatrical motion picture distribution company that specializes in representing independent companies, major studios, and mini-major studios for the purpose of exhibiting their films in a first class theatrical release. The founders and principals of Freestyle Releasing, Mark Borde and Susan Jackson are highly regarded and experienced motion picture veterans with a combined total of over a century of respected work in the industry. From a platform that delivers an anytime-anywhere capability in the medium of their choice and a positive digital viewing experience on any device in any location.
About Freestyle Digital Media
Freestyle Digital Media, LLC was launched in November 2011 by its CEO Susan Jackson who is Co-President and founder of independent theatrical distributor Freestyle Releasing, LLC and North American sales company Turtles Crossing, LLC. Freestyle Digital Media supplies quality commercial film and TV content directly to all US VOD/SVOD rental DVD/Kiosks and theaters using the latest cloud-based technologies to automate digital workflow. Freestyle’s goal is to provide fresh, well-marketed product and stay on the cutting edge of the ever-compressing windows to ensure that their partners benefit from a platform that delivers an anytime-anywhere capability in the medium of their choice and a positive digital viewing experience on any device in any location.
About Discovery Productions
Discovery Productions is a production company that primarily specializes in movie adaptations. Development projects include other Philip K. Dick properties (“Flow My Tears The Policeman Said” and “VALIS”), Jim Thompson novels (“Nothing More Than Murder” and “Pop 1280”) as well as novels and short stories by Hugo-Award winning author Lucius Shepard. The distribution arm of Discovery has successfully rereleased cult classics like the original “The Wicker Man”, “The Haunting of Julia” and Dennis Hopper’s “Out Of The Blue.”
Here is the new trailer at youtube:
Copyright © 2014 Prodigy Public Relations, All rights reserved.
Philip K. Dick Festival Update Theaters Set For Radio Free Albemuth For June 27, 2014 Release Date
One thought on “Release Date Set For Radio Free Albemuth”
Steven Miller says:
Which 10 cities will the film be released in?
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line943
|
__label__wiki
| 0.650593
| 0.650593
|
By phonybeatlemania Uncategorized
27. The Kinks – Victoria (1969)
Since October 23 is (all right, was) my birthday, I’m going to indulge myself with one more song from the Kinks. So here’s “Victoria,” originally from Arthur (Or the Decline and Fall of the British Empire), but here recorded live for the BBC in 1973.
And let’s send this one out especially to Strummer Dunn, who loves this song almost as much as I do.
Critics tend to think of The Village Green Preservation Society (1968) as the Kinks’ masterpiece, and understandably so — it’s a whole lot of awesome. But I’m probably even more fond of their next record, Arthur (1969). Whereas Village Green is predominantly nostalgic in tone, mourning the loss of traditions and values in an increasingly capitalist materialist world (or perhaps just tracing the waning of Britain as a world power and the waxing of America), Arthur is much more sophisticated, reflective, and self-critical.
It’s tough to sift through the layers of irony to know what Ray Davies is getting at: “Long ago, life was green / Sex was bad, called obscene, / And the rich were so mean.” At times, the song seems to be celebrating the old days, the height of the Empire, a time when Village Greens brought people together as a community, a time when Victoria was queen. But at other times, he’s throwing hard punches — or at least backhanded compliments. The second verse is classic and wry: “I was born (lucky me…) / In a land that I love / Though I’m poor, I am free. / For this land, I will fight; / For this land, I will die: / Let her sun never set.”
Easily one of the greatest songs about England ever written.
The Kinks (none too pretty)
3 thoughts on “27. The Kinks – Victoria (1969)”
EMLE says:
Happy Birthday! (well belated anyway)
phonybeatlemania says:
Thanks, dude.
annagreenwood says:
Hi Rob, This is Strummer. We had fun today. Thanks for the song! xoxoxoxoxxx
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line944
|
__label__wiki
| 0.682252
| 0.682252
|
Welfare, food stamp cuts affecting needy
While the needy enjoyed a free Thanksgiving dinner Thursday thanks to the NyE Communities Coalition Holiday Task Force, during the rest of the year there is a big demand for food aid in Nye and Esmeralda County.
By Mark Waite Pahrump Valley Times mwaite@pvtimes.com
November 29, 2013 - 7:02 am
The Nevada Division of Welfare and Supportive Services has 8,573 recipients on the food stamp program in the Nye and Esmeralda counties area, all served by the Pahrump office, with $1.04 million in total payments this month, according to staff specialist Miki Allard. That’s an average of $121.31 per person per month.
Payments from the program, known as the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), were below $1 million per month in 2010, with $991,740 in payments to the two-county area. By November 2011, the payments had risen over the million dollar mark to $1.06 million.
The payments have dropped by $23,000 from two years ago. Allard said food stamp payments were increased in 2009 under the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) also known as the stimulus package. Those increased payments ended Oct. 1. For a family of four, monthly food stamp benefits were cut $36 per month, for a single person they will receive $11 less as the federal government deals with the ballooning costs of the program during the recession.
The number of food stamp recipients in Nye and Esmeralda counties also decreased slightly, by 86 people during the two-year period. That came after a 39 percent increase in SNAP recipients from 2009 to 2011 due to the economic slowdown, when the program fed 6,708 people in both counties.
The Pahrump welfare office has 607 recipients in Nye and Esmeralda counties this month receiving Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, the welfare program, a 23 percent drop from 785 households in 2011. The Pahrump welfare office paid out $75,055 this month in TANF benefits, an average of $123.65 per household, compared to $98,525 in 2011.
The number of Medicaid recipients also dropped slightly in the two-county area, from 6,915 in 2011 to 6,843 this year, or 72 fewer recipients. The medical program for the poor is funded 55 percent by the federal government, 45 percent by the state.
Federal funds through the Community Services Block Grant (CSBG) program to Nye County Health and Human Services were cut from $122,696 in fiscal year 2012-13 to $105,043 in the current fiscal year. Funding for a separate Welfare Set Aside program was cut from $10,500 last fiscal year to $8,000 this year. Nye County Health and Human Services had 54 clients enrolled in CSBG programs this month. The county helped 62 clients with gas vouchers, 61 clients with energy assistance and processed 11 applications for state welfare among a total of 130 clients this month submitting applications for service. County HHS opened 83 new medical indigent cases.
Local providers outside the government noticed an uptick in requests from the needy this Thanksgiving. The line stretched down the block during the latest commodity giveaway at Path of Hope, run by new Hope Fellowship Church.
“We fed 558 families, which is the largest we ever fed this year in the two years I’ve done commodities,” said Sandy Tucker, Path of Hope ministry leader. “It was over 2,000 people.”
When Path of Hope took over the commodity giveaway program from No To Abuse, Tucker estimated there were only around 300 families served during each giveaway.
“We just gradually increased. Our numbers are higher in the winter because we have the seniors who come in,” she said.
Anyone who receives food stamps is eligible to receive commodity giveaways, Tucker said.
“We’re seeing new people in line because of the food stamps being cut because they truly don’t know how they’re supposed to survive on the cuts. The people that I personally know have been affected, there are people who are getting $16 to live on food stamps for a month. I don’t see how anybody can live on that,” she said.
Tucker said the U.S. Department of Agriculture provides $30,000 to $40,000 worth of commodities for the program.
The Three Square food program also contributes about another 13,000 pounds of food every month to the local food pantry, she said.
The USDA requires recipients to have an identification card and a local residence to patronize the food pantry, they can drive through every Wednesday between 9 a.m. and noon to pick up food. But Tucker said they don’t always check the requirements.
“If they lie, they have to deal with God, not me,” she said.
Tucker said there are a number of senior citizens living off Social Security who also need food assistance in the Pahrump community.
“Their incomes are below $1,000 (per month). They still have to pay rent and utilities on that. It’s tough. We see a lot of seniors when they lose a spouse because you go from two incomes down to one income,” she said.
But Tucker was full of thanks for the community support of the food program.
“We’ve always had the support of the community,” she said.
Posted on: News
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line948
|
__label__cc
| 0.74597
| 0.25403
|
Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP | (205) 870-9989
Glen M. Connor
George N. Davies
Robert M. Weaver, Of Counsel
Richard P. Rouco
Tessa A. Warren
Nick Stanojevich
John L. Quinn, Of Counsel
Multi-Employer Plans and ERISA
Wage Disputes
Complex Litigation Actions
Employee Benefits Claim
Labor and Employee Benefit Plans Attorney Glen B. Connor
Glen Connor has represented employee benefit plans and union employees for over two decades. He provides extensive ERISA experience and has litigated numerous lawsuits across the country.
Glen Connor has played a role in some of the largest 401(k) ERISA actions in the United States. He concentrates on the pension, health, and welfare funds that have proven vital to the success of Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP. He also regularly represents labor unions in arbitration proceedings and collective bargaining disputes.
University of Alabama — J.D. (1984)
Birmingham-Southern College — B.A., cum laude (1981)
Admissions & Memberships
U.S. District Court for the Northern District of Alabama
U.S. District Court for the Middle District of Alabama
U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Alabama
Rankin v. Rots, 220 F.R.D. 511 (E.D. Mich. 2004)
Rankin v. Rots, F.Supp. 853 (E.D. Mich. 2003)
McCoy v. Hess Oil of Virgin Islands, 206 F.Supp.2d 276 (D.V.I. 2002)
United Steelworkers of America v. Cherokee Electric Co-op, 127 LRRM (BNA) 2375; 108 Lab.Cas. p. 10, 441; aff’d 829 F.2d 1131; cert. den. 458 U.S. 1038; 108 S.Ct. 1601 (1988)
Operating Engineers Local 312 Health and Welfare Fund v. Rivers & Rhodes, Inc., 813 F.Supp. 791 (N.D. Ala. 1993)
United Steelworkers of America v. Simcala, 111 F.Supp.2d 1287 (M.D. Ala. 2000).
Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP assists clients in Atlanta and Birmingham with cases involving employment law. Call (205) 870-9989 for more information.
Serving Birmingham & Atlanta Metropolitan Areas
Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP represent residents throughout Alabama and Georgia, including those in Birmingham, Decatur and Atlanta.
Protecting Individuals & Unions
Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP assist Georgia and Alabama clients with cases involving labor law, employment law, and class action suits.
Contact Quinn, Connor, Weaver, Davies & Rouco LLP
2 - 20th Street North, Suite 930
Birmingham, Alabama 35203
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line951
|
__label__cc
| 0.505566
| 0.494434
|
Home Entertainment Arnold Asamoah Baidoo writes: Sarkodie deserves to Win VGMA 2019 ‘Artiste of...
Arnold Asamoah Baidoo writes: Sarkodie deserves to Win VGMA 2019 ‘Artiste of the Decade’ Category
In 2009, as part of the 10th Anniversary of the Ghana Music Awards, Charterhouse, organizers of the scheme, together with the Board of the awards, set up a special category, ‘Artiste of the Decade’ – to celebrate that personality that had stayed relevant and consistent for that duration, with some special emphasis to the Music Awards. One legend, Kojo Antwi beat another luminary, Daddy Lumba to that prize.
Another decade is upon us and once again, in commemoration of the 20th edition of the most popular music awards scheme in Ghana, the ‘Artiste of the Decade’ category is back in the fray and tense arguments have already commenced on who deserves the honour.
Okyeame Kwame, Efya, Becca, R2Bees, No Tribe & Nacee, Stonebwoy, Samini, Sarkodie and Shatta Wale are vying for the title.
The definition for ‘Artiste of the Decade’ is; ‘Artiste adjudged by the Academy and the Board as the Artiste(s) with the highest audience appeal and popularity over the last decade. The Artiste must have released a hit single/album within the last 10 years.’
Last week, Efya, one of the contenders, came out publicly to justify her inclusion in that category and was audacious enough to claim that she deserves to win.
In all honesty, Efya’s inclusion is highly justified and she has every right to make a claim for the honour – considering the fact that, she is the record holder with the highest number of wins for ‘Female Vocal Performance’ category; 5 times and 4 consecutive runs from 2011 to 2014.
However, I have the strongest conviction, based on the criteria and proceedings in the last decade, that Sarkodie is the VGMA Artiste of the Decade.
Sarkodie is the most decorated Ghanaian artiste of all time; which means, he is the Ghanaian artiste with the most nominations and awards in the history of Ghanaian music. Let me break it down; since the civilization of Ghanaian music, he has thus far, notched over 140 nominations in various award schemes across the world, winning over 80 of them, in a spate of 10 years.
Since his emergence in the industry in 2009, with the release of his debut album, ‘Maky3’ – Sarkodie has hardly experienced any form of dip in his illustrious and exemplary career. His brand has soared and been solidified as the years have rolled by.
That level of relevance has made him one of the go-to artistes in Ghana and one with such critical mention across Africa and the rest of the world – as he has affected the culture, a generation and the craft. That relevance has ensured that he commands one of the largest following in the music industry, a fan base that is overly dedicated and committed to his cause.
Impressive run from 2009 to 2019
In such a higgledy-piggledy music industry like ours, it is quite torrid to remain consistent for 10 years straight, but Sarkodie has been able to achieve that.
No disrespect to his peers in that category, especially the likes of Shatta Wale, Stonebwoy, Samini, Efya and R2Bees who come close somehow to making a shout for that prize.
Arguably, his biggest competitor for the honour, Shatta Wale, found his renaissance in the music industry in 2013, by that time; Sarkodie had already garnered 16 nominations in the Ghana Music Awards, winning 8 awards including the record-setting ‘Artiste of the Year’ in 2010 and 2012 respectively. During the period, Shatta Wale was frantically trying to figure out how to get back in the limelight by all means necessary.
The album paved the way for greatness
In the 10-year span under consideration, Sarkodie has released 6 albums; Makye (2009),Rapperholic (2012), .T.I.M.G (With Jayso, 2013), Sarkology (2014), Mary (2015), and Highest (2017); the highest number among his other contenders – and if you know what goes into the production, promotion, marketing and distribution of albums, you would extol the man for his ability to produce these number of chart-topping albums within the duration.
In this 10-year period, has there been any high profile gathering or show with the name of Sarkodie not on the list? Absolutely not! In this period, has there ever been any conversation about the projection of Ghanaian music without the mention of his name? Definitely not!
Another ground-breaking album
Audience Appeal
One of the elements in the category definition is ‘Audience Appeal’ and for the avoidance of doubt, it is only germane we understand what these words mean. According to the Google Dictionary, Audience means; the assembled spectators or listeners at a public event such as a play, concert or meeting. Appeal, according to Cambridge Dictionary means; the quality in someone or something that makes him/her or it is attractive or interesting.
Audience appeal has never been in doubt
Over the years, Sarkodie’s brand has commandeered such a strong appeal and has been alluring to the elite, downtrodden and most importantly, business opportunities. His appeal transcends the shores of Ghana, making him the Ghanaian with the best international appeal – arguably.
The level of attention he attracts with regards to the music he puts out or whatever subject he posts on his social media handles or any interview he grants, not to mention the sort of fervor and enchantment that greets him wherever he goes – are attestation of the kind of allure he has.
Face of the VGMA
Sarkodie is undoubtedly the face of the Ghana Music Awards and his story is an exhibition and reflection of what the scheme represents. His domination of the awards cannot be overemphasized.
With 58 nominations and 21 awards at the Ghana Music Awards in the last decade, he is the most nominated and holds the record as the artiste with the most awards – and he is expected to win some more come May 18, at the 20th edition of the awards.
Too many VGMA Awards
Incredibly, in the 10-year period, he’s been nominated in the coveted ‘Artiste of the Year’ category for 8 times in the last 10 editions, scoring consecutive nods for 2014, 2014, 2015, 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019. What’s more; he is one of just 2 artistes (VIP as the other) to ever annex the ‘Artiste of the Year’ twice, 2010 and 2012.
There’s no shred of doubt, that his impressive showing at the Ghana Music Awards aided his enviable surge unto the international platform, where he’s been mentioned in a plethora of international awards including BET and MTV Europe Music Awards.
There’s more
Public Has No Say In Choice of Winner
Just like the technical-based categories, the ‘Artiste of the Decade’ category is adjudicated by only the Board and the Academy, leaving out another voting block – the General Public.
What this means is that, there will be no attached public sentiments in the voting; nobody is going to win because they command a bigger following or have the better ‘swag’ or possess the finest face.
Members of the Board and Academy, who are said to have expertise in the industry would rely on the criteria definition and attach empirical data or evidence to back their respective choices. There’s no room for error, and as stated with facts, there’s only one artiste that deserves the honour and it is Sarkodie.
Source: entertainmentgh.com
VGMA
VGMA 20
VGMA 2019
Previous articleMeet DJ Pho: the Disc Jockey who rocked Otumfuo @ 20 Dinner
Next articleAfia Pokua reveals Why She is Still Single
I Want to Manage Sarkodie – Clergy
Sarkodie drops ‘Bleeding’ Music Video
Sarkodie gets Ghana Card
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line954
|
__label__cc
| 0.684237
| 0.315763
|
Special Event Photos
Club Heritage
The Poinsett Club Today
Poinsett Club History
Joel Poinsett
"A group of interested citizens has approved the idea of organizing a social club to occupy what was originally the Lewis W. Parker home on Washington Road."
Interested citizens, headed by John W. Arrington, sent a letter on March 26, 1935, including the above passage, to a select group of prominent men in Greenville and the surrounding territory. The letter was an invitation to join what would become one of the finest private clubs in America, the Poinsett Club. On April 16, 1935, by-laws were adopted and the Club was named Poinsett after South Carolina statesman Joel Roberts Poinsett. The first day of the Club's original lease was May 1, 1935.
The 20th century Colonial House, the home of the Poinsett Club since its organization in 1935, was built in 1904 by well-known textile executive, Lewis Parker. Parker and his family lived in the home until the beginning of WW I. After the War, the home was owned by Joseph McCullough and Mr. and Mrs. Allen Graham, along with their family. Just prior to its purchase by the Poinsett Club, it was the home of Mr. and Mrs. Marion Brawley. Mr. Marion Brawley was hired as the first General Manager of the Club.
The original main floor had two parlors, a ladies lounge, and a main dining room and bar; the upper floor included a billiards room and card room for Members' recreation. In 1958-59, the Ballroom and an additional dining room were added. In the early 1960s, the cellar area was renovated for Member use. The current Ballroom, President's Bar and Governor's Room were added to the main floor in 1982.
807 East Washington Street Greenville, SC 29601
864-242-3062 864-232-5436 receptionist@poinsettclub.org
© Poinsett Club 2018. All Rights Reserved
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line955
|
__label__wiki
| 0.61819
| 0.61819
|
MONKEY REVIEW: Pandorum
Pandorum is a science fiction/horror hybrid that starts out promisingly enough, but then loses its grip and meanders into an unsatisfying conclusion. It’s too bad because the movie is initially fascinating to watch, as two men (Ben Foster and Dennis Quaid) wake up after a long sleep aboard a huge spaceship with little or no memory of where the ship is or why they are on it in the first place, or for how long. Foster eventually ventures out into the rest of the ship, and finds it’s infested with mutant cannibals. Pandorum‘s got atmosphere to burn, and some good ideas, but too much of the movie is given over to scenes of guys (and one woman, played by Antje Traue, who is quite good here) just walking and occasionally running around a dark and often noisy environment. The movie resembles a video game in this last respect, as the characters go from level to level seeking a specific goal. The movie also waits way too long to explain what the monsters are and how they got into the ship: Up until then, they are mostly just weird and unpleasant, with ill defined abilities, both of which render them not very scary. (They are rather like the Druids, as explained in This Is Spinal Tap: “Nobody knows who they were…or what they were doing.”) The movie is also lacking in real scares in general and only sometimes works up some suspense, though never enough. It’s certainly not a bad film, nor is it poorly made, but neither is it a must see.
MONKEY RATING: THREE MONKEYS
(For a brief explanation of the Monkey Review rating system, click here.)
Posted in Art, Movies | 1 Comment »
Tags: action, Ben Foster, Dennis Quaid, Horror, Pandorum, science fiction
MONKEY REVIEW: G.I. Joe: The Rise of Cobra
When this movie was first released in August, it was pretty much roasted by most critics, and the early buzz I read was even worse, which was on a “worst movie of the year” level. I was initially ready to see it opening weekend, as I’d resolved to see all the big summer blockbusters this year, but I lost my enthusiasm for it early on and waited until this week to see it. My judgment? It’s not bad. It’s certainly better than the Transformers sequel in that G.I. Joe has a semblance of an actual plot going for it. Humans are also essential to the story, whereas in Transformers, it was basically all giant robots fighting, which I admittedly didn’t have a huge problem with, though I was pretty sure I didn’t need two and a half hours of it. G.I. Joe is probably a bit overlong at nearly two hours, too, but it’s got a lot of last minute character drama in the third act that makes up for it, which they fortunately play pretty straight. Like Transformers, I found G.I. Joe to be a pretty honest, unpretentious movie in that it knows exactly what it wants to be and doesn’t bury itself in camp to make up for its obvious flaws. I wasn’t much of a fan of the 80’s incarnation of G.I. Joe, when the action figures got miniaturized, and certainly wasn’t a fan of the cartoon upon which this movie is based, but the movie is more than passable summer popcorn movie fare, with some good action scenes and just the right amount of humor. It exists in roughly the same universe as Speed Racer in that the physical world it depicts is almost complete fantasy, with its own laws (or lack thereof) of physics, but then most action films play fast and loose with the laws of physics, anyway. The acting is mostly good, especially by Sienna Miller as the Baroness and Marlon Wayans as Ripcord. (With regard to the latter character, I was initially worried he was going to be used strictly as comic relief, but that doesn’t turn out to be the case at all.) It’s hard to evaluate Channing Tatum’s work in the movie because he’s not really given much of a character to play, and any hopes that Joseph Gordon-Levitt would take his villain role and do something akin to what Heath Ledger did with the Joker are sadly dashed by Gordon-Levitt’s pretty standard performance. Christopher Eccleston is just hammy, and Dennis Quaid is, too, for that matter, but Quaid nevertheless gets away with it. G.I. Joe: The Rise Of Cobra is certainly no classic, nor is it in any way essential viewing, but neither is it even close to being as bad as some would have it. It’s only a movie, only a movie, only a movie…and it’s a pretty entertaining one for the most part. And what’s wrong with that?
MONKEY RATING: THREE G.I. MONKEYS
Posted in Art, Movies, TV | Leave a Comment »
Tags: action, fantasy, G.I. Joe: The Rise of Cobra, science fiction, summer blockbuster, summer movie, toys
MONKEY REVIEW – State Of Play (2009)
Kevin MacDonald’s State Of Play, an adaptation of a 2003 BBC miniseries, unfortunately went largely unseen when it was released earlier this year, but deserves a second chance on DVD. It’s a intelligently conceived hybrid of political and journalistic thrillers, focusing on a US Congressman (Ben Affleck) who turns to an old college roommate turned seasoned D.C. reporter (Russell Crowe) after a young female aide dies in an apparent suicide. When it’s revealed that he was having an affair with the aide, and that he suspects it wasn’t a suicide after all but a murder, perhaps connected to his opposition to a defense contractor, the story takes off at a fairly furious pace and doesn’t stop until the final revelations. Crowe, uncharacteristically looking scruffy and unkempt, is terrific here, as is the rest of the supporting cast, including Helen Mirren is his editor and Rachel McAdams as an up and coming reporter who is assigned to help him investigate his friend’s case. Affleck once again proves he’s a fine actor, capable of subtle, modulated performances when he’s given the right material. Jason Bateman also makes a strong impression in a small, but crucial role as a source. State Of Play is not quite a great thriller, as it lacks a strong finish, but it’s very entertaining, very well written and it’s that current rarity in Hollywood theatrical releases: A suspense and action thriller made for adult audiences.
MONKEY RATING: ONE MONKEY
Posted in Art, Movies | Leave a Comment »
Tags: action, Ben Affleck, Helen Mirren, journalistic thriller, Kevin MacDonald, mystery, political thriller, Rachel McAdams, remake, Russell Crowe, State Of Play, suspense, thriller
MONKEY REVIEW: The Hurt Locker
“War is a drug.”
Not just one of the best films of 2009 so far, but one of the best war movies ever, Kathryn Bigelow’s The Hurt Locker focuses on the last 39 days of a bomb squad’s rotation in 2004 Iraq. The support squad (Anthony Mackie and Brian Geraghty, both excellent in their roles) has been saddled with a new team leader (Jeremy Renner), who is seemingly reckless and borderline nihilistic, and soon they begin to fear he is going to get them killed. Much of The Hurt Locker, and almost all the action scenes, are shot in a cinéma vérité-like style, with hand held cameras putting you uncomfortably close to the action. There are set pieces in the movie that are among the most harrowing and suspenseful I have ever seen, so on that level, it certainly works as an action film. On a deeper level, its depiction of addiction to war, personified by Renner, who gives what I’m positive will be an Academy Award nominated performance, may be revelatory to some audiences, and will certainly keep them pondering the movie long after its haunting final image. (Another interpretation of Renner’s condition is that he’s been deeply traumatized, and like a good number of trauma victims, has begun to feel like a ghost in his own life.) I can’t say The Hurt Locker is a movie without its flaws, but neither would I say that those flaws in any way blunt its impact. It’s brilliantly directed, with a minimum of flash and a rejection of rapid fire cutting, from an excellent, insightful script by Mark Boal, and brought to life by a terrific cast. The Hurt Locker is a future classic.
MONKEY RATING: ZERO MONKEYS
Tags: 2004, action, Anthony Mackie, Brian Geraghty, Iraq War, Kathryn Bigelow, suspense, The Hurt Locker, war movie
MONKEY REVIEW: The International
So it’s the weekend of the Oscars, and for some strange reason you’re not totally pumped to see Fired Up! or Madea Goes To Jail, the only two new wide releases opening on Friday. Allow me then to make a case for The International, a top notch, sometimes astoundingly shot thriller from Run Lola Run director Tom Tykwer, starring a particularly intense Clive Owen as a globetrotting Interpol agent battling a murderous multinational bank. It’s pretty plain from the start that The International‘s cinematic forebears are 70’s thrillers like The Parallax View or Three Days Of The Condor, and while it eschews slower 70’s pacing, it also dispenses with the furious edits that render the action in other contemporary films annoying to watch and frequently incomprehensible. Instead, Tykwer emphasizes the spatial relationships of his characters onscreen, making clear their goals and obstacles, which in turns ratchets up the tension and intensity of the action. Nowhere is this more effective than a scene where Owens finds himself trapped by gunmen on a ramp. The ensuing melee is simply one of the most brilliantly staged and flat out exciting shootouts I’ve seen in movies, and for action fans, this scene alone is worth sitting through, especially on a big screen. The International isn’t without its flaws, as it loses some momentum towards the third act. It also essentially wastes Naomi Watts in a role that’s alternately underwritten or flat out badly written: She’s required by the script to deliver some of the film’s most cringeworthy dialogue. Tykwer keeps things going fast enough that most viewers I think will find it easy to overlook these things. The overarching conspiracy elements of the plot some viewers may find hard to swallow, but I felt the final scenes of the movie made it clear that what The International was chiefly about the collision of essentially amoral forces with forces equipped with their own variable notions of moral behavior. Can we expect justice to come out of such a collision or simply more upheaval and chaos? To its credit, The International doesn’t do the thinking for its viewers, instead ending on a refreshingly adult note. The International has its flaws, but in general, it’s a pretty solid thriller, and definitely recommended. And damn, that shootout!
MONKEY RATING: TWO EVIL BANKING MONKEYS
Posted in Art, Movies | 2 Comments »
Tags: action, Clive Owen, corporate thriller, Naomi Watts, shootout, The International, thriller, Tom Tykwer
MONKEY REVIEW: Taken
“I don’t know who you are. I don’t know what you want. If you are looking for ransom, I can tell you I don’t have money. But what I do have are a very particular set of skills; skills I have acquired over a very long career. Skills that make me a nightmare for people like you. If you let my daughter go now, that’ll be the end of it. I will not look for you, I will not pursue you. But if you don’t, I will look for you, I will find you, and I will kill you.”
That’s pretty much the bulk of the text from the trailer for the Liam Neeson thriller Taken, a Pierre Morel film co-written by Luc Besson, which arrived on American shores this weekend after a successful international run. It’s Neeson’s character, an ex-CIA operative, talking to his teenage daughter’s kidnappers, and it made for a pretty riveting trailer, riveting enough to get me into the theatres this weekend to see Taken. Unfortunately, despite a brisk pace and Neeson’s convincing turn as an action hero, Taken doesn’t deliver on the promise of that trailer, not even close, really. There’s plenty of shooting, car chases and people getting beat up, but it’s all in the service of a pretty standard (not to mention pretty xenophobic) action plot where everyone is an idiot but the hero, with virtually no surprises in stores for audiences. Well, there’s one surprise, that this even got a PG-13 rating, as it’s got a body count to rival a slasher film. You’re better off watching 24, a Jason Bourne or a James Bond movie, as this pastiche of all of the above isn’t really worth your time.
Tags: action, Liam Neeson, Luc Besson, Pierre Morel, spy movie, Taken, thriller
MONKEY REVIEW: Underworld: Rise Of The Lycans
I really had no intention of seeing the latest movie in the Underworld franchise because frankly I liked neither the first movie, Underworld nor its even worse sequel, Underworld: Evolution. The films took an intriguing idea, a centuries old war between vampires and werewolves, and proceeded to develop it in the most commonplace way, despite the presence of actors like Kate Beckinsale, Bill Nighy and Michael Sheen. The end result was a blue tinted Matrix inspired shoot ’em up and a big disappoinment all around, all style and pretty much no worthwhile substance. Underworld: Rise Of The Lycans is a prequel to the aforementioned films, and aims to show the beginning of the war between the vampires and the werewolves, which is framed as a conflict between Viktor (Nighy), leader of the vampires, and Lucian (Sheen), who eventually aims to lead his fellow werewolves, or Lycans, out of the enslavement set upon them by Viktor. To complicate matters even further, Lucian is carrying on a forbidden affair with Sonja (Rhona Mitra), Viktor’s daughter. Basically what you get in Underworld: Rise Of The Lycans are vampires and werewolves in a medieval setting, with swords, arrows and some really big spear launchers, all of which serves the general concept infinitely better than the modern setting of the first two films did. Add some Romeo and Juliet and Exodus elements, some well done CGI effects, a very fast pace and several truly rousing and exciting action sequences and you end up with the kind of movie that I had hoped the first one was going to be in the first place. Is it silly and overwrought sometimes? Sure, but so what? It’s very entertaining and at 92 minutes, it even knows when to quit. Yes, it’s true that fans of the franchise know how the story is going to turn out, so maybe newcomers to the franchise will be the ones to appreciate Underworld: Rise Of The Lycans the most, but I think audiences in general will find this to be a solid horror fantasy. This one is a keeper.
Tags: action, Bill Nighy, Horror, Lycans, Michael Sheen, prequel, Rhona Mitra, Underworld, Underworld: Rise Of The Lycans, vampires, werewolves
MONKEY REVIEW: Rogue
Second film from Australian writer/director Greg McLean is an effective horror/thriller about a group of tourists, led by guide Kate (Radha Mitchell), who find themselves trapped on a tidal island in an isolated lagoon by a highly territorial and very hungry rogue crocodile. To say much more about it would be to ruin some of the fun of the movie, as it takes some twists and turns I wasn’t expecting, but suffice to say the last half an hour in particular is one of the most nervewracking experiences I’ve had watching a movie in a quite awhile. I didn’t really care for McLean’s previous work, the serial killer movie Wolf Creek, mostly because it took so long for anything to happen. That said, Rogue is deliberately paced, too, but when things get going, they really get going. It’s also very well acted, especially by Mitchell and by Michael Vartan, who plays an American travel writer, and it’s populated with characters that behave realistically, sensibly and sometimes unexpectedly under the circumstances. McLean wisely doesn’t show the crocodile too much, so when it does appear, it’s to maximum effect, similar to what Steven Spielberg did with the shark in Jaws. Though there are some violent and gory sequences, he also leaves a lot to the imagination. I’m not sure why this wasn’t given a wide release in American theatres, since it outshines the vast majority of the horror films Hollywood has released this year. This is a skilfully made thriller, beautifully shot for the most part in Australia’s Northern Territory, and I very much recommend it for horror and thriller fans.
Tags: action, Australia, crocodile, Greg McLean, Horror, Michael Vartan, Northern Territory, Radha Mitchell, Rogue
MONKEY REVIEW: Dark City – Director’s Cut
“You were looking in the wrong place.”
Director Alex Proyas followed up his moody, heavily atmospheric and richly imaginative film debut The Crow with another moody, heavily atmospheric, richly imaginative film called Dark City, about a man who wakes in a city where it is perpetually night with no memory of who he is, though he quickly finds he is being pursued by police for a series of gruesome murders. He is also being pursued by the Strangers, led by Mr. Hand in a memorable performance by Richard O’Brien. Though it tread on much the same ground as The Matrix, released a year later, Dark City was nowhere near as successful as that film, nor was it even as successful as Proyas’ own The Crow. It did have some champions, Roger Ebert among them, who hailed Dark City as the best film of 1998. Ten years later, Proyas has released his own cut of Dark City, and unlike a lot of other so-called director’s cuts, which too often tend to be self-indulgent or flat out pointless, the changes made here have enriched it, and indeed made this the definitive version of this movie. If you are one of the few who saw Dark City during its original theatrical run, or else have seen since on DVD, I highly recommend seeing this directors cut. If you haven’t seen it, you will be watching one of the all time best science fiction films, and certainly one of the most stunning to behold. Obviously, some of the grandeur and beauty of the imagery, inspired chiefly by German Expressionism and film noir, will be diminished somewhat on a smaller screen, but it still retains much of its visual power. The changes Proyas made to the film are immediately apparent at the outset: The opening voiceover narration of Dr. Schreber (Kiefer Sutherland, in one of his most unusual and effective performances) is gone, along with some footage that has been moved to later in the movie, thus preserving the initial mystery of the plot, allowing viewers to discover what’s really going on in Dark City along with its central character, John Murdoch (Rufus Sewell). I’ve read that some viewers actually turn down the narration in the original cut, as the narration immediately gives so much of the movie away. The narration was not a directorial decision, however, but one enforced upon Proyas by New Line Cinema. Other changes include more scenes including William Hurt’s detective character, Frank Bumstead, elevating what seemed more of a glorified cameo in the original cut to a major role. Some of the special effects have been subtlely modified as well. Some critics have accused of Dark City as emphasizing style over substance, but this is just wrong. It is a movie about individuality and control, anxiety about the nature and purpose of human lives, and finally, about the nature of that thing we called the human soul. Proyas’ directorial style, which presents the story with the intensity of a fever dream, serves but does not overwhelm these weighty themes. Clearly, I admire this film quite a lot, and I was happy to discover Proyas had improved with this new cut what was already a great movie in my mind. If you are a fan of this movie, you should see this version as well, and if you have never seen it, this is the only version you need watch, Dark City as it was originally meant to be seen.
Tags: action, Alex Proyas, Dark City - Director's Cut, fantasy, Kiefer Sutherland, movie, Rufus Sewell, science fiction, William Hurt
MONKEY REVIEW: Vantage Point
Vantage Point is an effective action/conspiracy thriller, no more, no less. It’s not out to make a great statement about the war on terror, though it’s set during a international summit on the war on terror being held in Spain, nor is it much on character development, though it’s got a solid cast, headed by Dennis Quaid and William Hurt. The plot involves an assassination attempt on the President of the United States, and the movie shows the same twenty-three minutes of the attempt, seen through the eyes of various characters, thus the title Vantage Point. It’s a bit like 24 done like Run Lola Run, except unlike that latter film, the events remain the same every time the movie quite literally rewinds itself, although audiences get a bit more information with every viewing, and finally learn everything by the end. There’s not a lot of depth here, but I don’t think that was ever the point, really: Vantage Point is exciting, suspenseful popcorn entertainment, and I had a good time watching it.
MONKEY RATING: TWO MONKEYS
Tags: action, conspiracy thriller, Dennis Quaid, thriller, Vantage Point, William Hurt
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line961
|
__label__wiki
| 0.827687
| 0.827687
|
Quietly Yours
Letters to Christine
October 26th, 2018 •23:13
Grief cuts deep. Guilt cuts deeper. Emma and Christine have been separated forever... But who's to blame?
Lisa's car breaks down and she finds herself stuck in a small town in the middle of nowhere. Only, there doesn't seem to be anyone in the town. Not even in the church. And the tombstones outside all bear the same name...
You're Going to Die
He thinks they’re just prank calls. But whoever is on the line is trying to get inside…
The Mannequin
The owner of a small, independent clothing store is confident that he'll never be caught for his crime. But he can't shake the feeling that he's being watched...
As a storm descends on the trenches, a soldier finds himself lost among the snow in the middle of No Man's Land. But soon he'll find that there's …
She Left Her Grave
It can be tough losing a loved one. It turns out it's no walk in the park when they come back, either...
The Forgotten Child
The kids tell stories about their new house. About the woman who used to live there. About what she did. About how she died. But the stories, the ones about how their home is haunted... They can't be true, can they?
What the Heart Wants
They say that memories can live in the heart. That sometimes a transplant can move thoughts and feelings from one body to another. He doesn't believe it, even after his surgery. But the dreams...
The Dead Planet
A teenage girls begins to suspect that her entire life has been a lie and the only person she can trust is the one behind it all.
Jack shares excerpts from his girlfriend’s diary in an attempt to understand the strange events that she experienced…
The Other Woman
Josie Corrigan is the most hated woman in Britain. In her first interview from behind bars, she tells her side of the story.
Two girls get lost down an empty country road in the middle of nowhere, and things go from bad to worse when they realise they're being followed...
Everyone's been jealous of their siblings at some point. It's harmless enough. But sometimes jealousy can be overpowering. Sometimes, it can drive a person just a little too far...
Quietly Yours Copyright 2018 All rights reserved.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line963
|
__label__wiki
| 0.820457
| 0.820457
|
HomeFeatures & ColumnsFood and DrinkBaseball Hall of Famer, Washington mayor heap praise on Patrick O’Connell
Baseball Hall of Famer, Washington mayor heap praise on Patrick O’Connell
By John McCaslin February 3, 2018 Food and Drink Comments Off on Baseball Hall of Famer, Washington mayor heap praise on Patrick O’Connell
Baseball great Cal Ripken, Jr., aka. “The Iron Man,” was among 200 distinguished guests descending on the town of Washington Sunday evening to toast The Inn at Little Washington chef and proprietor Patrick O’Connell on the occasion of the Inn’s 40th birthday.
Baseball Hall of Famer Cal Ripken, Jr. By John McCaslin
“Patrick and I go back probably 30 years — my first visit here was in the 1980s,” Ripken recalled during a pre-dinner champagne and caviar reception held in the Inn’s colonial ballroom, which dates to the 1700s and where George Washington is supposed to have danced the minuet.
“I’ve had an appreciation for Patrick and this place for a long time,” said the former Baltimore Orioles “Hall of Fame” shortstop, who holds the record for consecutive games played — 2,632 — surpassing Lou Gehrig’s otherwise impressive streak of 2,130, which few baseball historians ever thought could be equaled let alone broken.
Ripken said he’s impressed every time he returns to the town of Washington and sees how the Inn’s campus has expanded in “wonderful” ways, whether through acquiring old cottages and homes or adjacent land.
“Over time he’s snapped up this . . . and he’s snapped up that but it’s never lost its original charm,” said Ripken.
Leading several toasts to O’Connell was Washington Mayor John Fox Sullivan.
“On our opening night in 1978,” O’Connell had noted in introducing Sullivan, “we asked the then-mayor of Little Washington to cut a ribbon for the grand opening world premier and since then we have had five mayors in this tiny little town.”
“Washington is a small town,” Sullivan told the crowd that included numerous repeat visitors to the Inn, like Ripken. “On a good day there are 150 people living here, which is why we call it Little Washington.”
And then this praise from the mayor: “Washington is known for two people in the history of this town: one is George Washington, and the other is Patrick O’Connell.”
Of the nation’s first president and town namesake, Sullivan said: “We claim that he laid out this town in 1749. It is also well known that he partied and danced in this building.”
A horse drawn carriage adds to the colonial atmosphere surrounding the 40th birthday celebration of The Inn at Little Washington on a rainy Sunday evening. By John McCaslin
And of O’Connell: “By my calculation we have the greatest number of Five Star restaurants per capita in this town than anywhere in this world” — as well as Michelin Star, Five Diamond, and James Beard Award restaurants, the mayor added.
“Patrick is a sheer genius,” Sullivan said, who through his “perseverance started out with almost nothing 40 years ago, and what do we have today? I always believed it is the theatre major in Patrick that makes this place what it is. The food of course is extraordinary, but we all know that we are on stage in this place. It’s a theatrical production created and directed, scripted and scored by Patrick O’Connell. He appeals to us with at least five senses: taste, smell, sight, sound and touch. And he creates memories for us. He is in the business of creating special memories, and we’re all here tonight sharing past memories and we’re here tonight to create new ones.”
Ripken took the time to tell this newspaper that he keeps more than busy these days “in the baseball business with kids.”
“We have a few baseball complexes that we’re looking to scale and put all over the country, so it’s an exciting time,” he said, describing one such stadium complex that is visible from I-95 north of Baltimore.
“You can see the minor league stadium [from the interstate], and the kids’ side is the jewel that’s hidden behind that. So it’s wonderful. The kids get a chance to be like big leaguers in our ballparks.”
About John McCaslin 478 Articles
John McCaslin is the editor of the Rappahannock News. Email him at editor@rappnews.com.
Creative movements underway at MPT and Healing Arts
They grow up so fast…
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line964
|
__label__wiki
| 0.968897
| 0.968897
|
Home / Profile / Taking the airport to new heights
Taking the airport to new heights
By: Velvet Spicer November 13, 2015
Navy veteran Michael Giardino is director of the Greater Rochester International Airport. (Photo by Kimberly McKinzie)
As a child, Michael Giardino spent a lot of time at Greater Rochester International Airport watching his father take flying lessons, unaware that decades later he would have an office on the second floor of the facility.
Although his love of all things flight-related started at a young age, it was in 1985 that Giardino walked away from graduate school and into a U.S. Navy recruiting office. It was an about-face that would have a resounding effect on his career, personal life and who he would become as a person and business leader.
“A friend of mine said he was going to join the Navy and be a pilot and I said, ‘You’re a knucklehead. If you can do it, I can do it,’” Giardino, 53, recalls. “And I went to a recruiter the following Monday.”
Three decades later, Giardino serves as director of aviation for the airport. He earned his wings and spent 26 years piloting helicopters for the Navy.
“I went from a long-haired college student to an ensign in the U.S. Navy,” Giardino recalls. “And I loved it.”
At the airport Giardino oversees 100 staff and operations of the facility, which serves nearly 2.4 million passengers annually. The airport has an annual budget of $32 million and handles roughly 150 flights daily from its 22 passenger gates.
Giardino works closely with the seven commercial airlines serving passengers from here: American Airlines Inc., United Airlines Inc., Delta Air Lines Inc., JetBlue Airways Corp., Southwest Airlines Co., Allegiant Air and Air Canada. He also works with the Federal Aviation Administration and the Transportation Security Administration.
The Monroe County Airport Authority’s mission is to ensure the airport provides safe, efficient and economical air transportation and it promotes economic development, trade and tourism throughout the region.
Giardino’s job is a lot like running a small community, he says. His years in the Navy prepared him for that.
Working at early age
Giardino’s first foray into the working world was alongside his father, who owned two local dairies in Gates and Brockport. He grew up on a milk truck, delivering to local grocers and schools. After his father died in a car accident in 1973, his older brother started a general contracting business here and Giardino labored for him.
“These experiences taught me a lot about hard work and small business,” Giardino says. “Small- business owners have to be very good at their core business, but they also have to make sure all the administrative stuff gets done.”
Giardino comes from a family of entrepreneurs, including hairdressers, barbers and grocery store owners. From them he learned that working hard was to be admired and long hours were OK.
“Quality of work speaks for itself, and your customers will come back if the quality is good,” he says.
After high school Giardino pursued a political science degree at the University of Rochester. While there, he saw an ad for a local rock band.
As lead singer of Iron Angel, Giardino and his bandmates won the Monroe County Fair Battle of the Bands, which included a gig at the former Red Creek in Henrietta and three hours of recording studio time.
“The type of music that we played, which was hard rock/heavy metal, we came to the conclusion with the owners of Red Creek that we were never going to play at Red Creek and we walked away from that,” he recalls with a laugh. “But the three hours of recording time we used.”
While he was working a late-night shift at a 7-Eleven store he heard Iron Angel being played on the radio.
“That was very cool,” he says, noting that he remains in touch with his former bandmates.
Giardino knew that being a musician was not something he wanted to do with the rest of his life, and he also realized political science and becoming a lawyer were not going to work for him. He transferred to SUNY College at Brockport, where he earned a degree in meteorology. Upon graduation he went to SUNY Albany, where he planned to get a master’s degree in atmospheric sciences.
Instead, he joined the Navy.
While in the Navy Giardino flew H-46 and H-60 helicopters. Primarily stationed on the East Coast, Giardino also attended the Naval Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif., in the early 1990s and from 1996 to 1997 was a flight instructor in San Diego.
In 1999 Giardino had an opportunity to come full circle: He flew the CH-46D Sea Knight helicopter from Norfolk, Va., to the Rochester International Air Show, where he served as a static display participant for the event.
“It was great to bring a little bit of my Navy life back home to Rochester,” he says. “Friends and family got to see what I did for the Navy, and my Navy buddies got to see where I came from. Who knew I’d retire years later and end up here?”
In 2001 Giardino graduated from the Naval War College in Newport, R.I., and then went to work at the Pentagon. He was at the Pentagon on 9/11, as well as during the anthrax scares and the Beltway sniper attacks in 2002.
“I enjoyed my time in the Pentagon,” he says. “I learned a lot and I worked with some great people.”
Giardino spent three years in Germany; while there, he was deployed to Afghanistan as chief of air operations for NATO. He spent time in Kabul in 2005 and in 2006 served as the lead U.S. planner in Kandahar as the U.S. was transitioning the base to a NATO base.
While in Kandahar, Giardino began thinking about what he would do when he retired from the Navy. At the base he learned how to run a community—from power, water and sewage systems to how to house people, feed them and do laundry.
When he returned to Ramstein, Germany, Giardino negotiated orders to be the executive officer at Naval Air Station Key West. His four years as second-in-command in Florida further prepared him for his job at GRIA, he says.
Giardino oversaw an airfield, two marinas, a port facility for large Navy ships, base housing for more than 300 units and recreational facilities for families, among other things.
“It was like being the city manager of a small city,” Giardino says. “That’s when I said I think municipal government is what I want to do.”
When he retired in 2011, Giardino began looking for municipal opportunities.
“I put out about 100 cover letters and resumes, and the Village of Brockport answered my call,” he says.
Giardino served as manager/treasurer in Brockport until taking the job at the airport in 2012.
“I would say overall the military experience rounded me out tremendously. And it also allowed me to explore things I never thought I’d explore,” he says. “So it really did give me an education and it worked for me. I know it doesn’t work for everybody. But the military did wonders for me.”
Coming to county
When Giardino joined the airport it was on the heels of former director Susan Walsh’s resignation, following a charge of driving while intoxicated. Walsh had replaced David Damelio, who had resigned in January 2011 following reports of misspending county money.
Since joining the organization, Giardino says non-airline revenue is up, while expenditures are down. A few years ago total budget for the airport was $34 million. In three years the airport has saved the airlines more than $4 million, Giardino notes.
“We try to keep their cost per (passenger boarding) down so they make more money per passenger and, hopefully, add more flights,” he explains. “It’s one of the reasons why, in a contraction environment, we were able to retain flights and recently add Allegiant.”
Airport revenue comes from an array of sources, Giardino says, including non-aeronautical areas such as parking, car rental concessions, land rent and other items. Parking contributes $6.5 million annually to the airport’s budget, while car rental and other concessions add up to some $5 million.
Aeronautical revenues contribute roughly $16 million to GRIA’s budget. Landing fees add some $7.5 million, while terminal fees, which include the ticket counter and gates, add up to another $5.5 million.
The airport receives $4.5 million per year in FAA entitlement grants for airfield upgrades and improvements, based on commercial airline activity. The airport is not funded through tax dollars, Giardino says.
The airport recently signed three-year lease agreements with some of its airline partners, including Southwest and JetBlue, and has received commitments from others, which means the airlines will continue to operate out of the Rochester airport. A 2011 study by the state Department of Transportation shows the local airport is responsible for creating and sustaining 10,000 jobs, directly and indirectly, while contributing $800 million to the local economy each year.
The airport, which was built in 1927, has 58 outbound flights and 58 inbound flights daily. That likely will not increase without effort from the community, in particular the business community, Giardino says.
“Business travel is most of who travels here. And airlines look at business travel because they pay more money per seat,” he says. “It’s very important that the business community use their airport because if you don’t, you’ll lose service.”
If there are fewer than 100 people on a flight, the region runs the risk of losing that flight. And the only flights out of Rochester consistently running with that many passengers are flights to Florida, which typically are leisure flights, Giardino says.
Southwest recently pulled two flights out of Rochester to the Midwest that were underperforming, and replaced them with one flight to the Baltimore/Washington area, where they have better connectivity and fewer delays.
“We must use the service that we get or we’re going to lose it. If you like your airport, use your airport, keep your airport,” Giardino says. “There are a lot of things we can do at the airport, like keep costs low and be a strong advocate for the community, but the community also has to do their part.”
A couple of decades ago airfare out of Rochester was one of the highest in the nations, Giardino acknowledges, so many people got into the habit of driving to Buffalo for flights. In recent years, however, Rochester flights have been below the national average.
“We stress what we offer: We’re convenient, we’re just around the corner and we’re affordable. Our parking rates are the lowest in the state,” he says.
Giardino says the biggest challenges he sees in his job are airline consolidations and the reduction in the frequency of flights.
In addition, adds airport operations manager Timothy Woolston, the changing regulatory environment can be challenging.
“Are we meeting those expectations that they have for us and staying current with industry changes? The changes over the last 25 years have been astronomical and trying to keep up with that is a challenge,” Woolston says.
But it is a fun challenge, he acknowledges.
Airport fire chief Todd Bane has been with the organization 34 years and says the face of aviation has changed dramatically in the last three decades. FAA regulations can be challenging, but security also is an issue, he says.
“Security is a major challenge for the airport,” Bane says. “There are always people looking to do bad things. They look at aviation as a prime target, so we always have to be ready.”
Despite the challenges, the working atmosphere is somewhat relaxed, and employees describe the environment as family-like.
“I think it’s an enjoyable atmosphere. We try to create an atmosphere where people want to come to work,” Woolston says. “It’s non-adversarial. We try to keep it light.”
Adds Bane: “It’s a great place to work. Most everybody knows everybody else. It’s a great team here at the airport.”
Teamwork is a must, Giardino says.
“It’s absolutely collaborative. I always point to the binders on the credenza,” he says, pointing to several thick manuals. “We have rule books. But it’s the team that makes that work.”
Giardino’s management style reflects his beliefs in teamwork. He is hands-on when necessary, but he also walks around a lot, observing.
Giardino does not micromanage, Bane says, but you can tell he has a military background. “He will tell you what to do. There’s an assignment and he expects you to complete it,” Bane adds. “He allows you to get your work done in the way that you see fit.”
Giardino is a “chain-of-command” type of manager, Woolston adds.
“He allows his subordinates to do their jobs and he guides them when they need guidance,” Woolston says. “When we have questions or are looking for direction we can go to Mike. But he really puts it back to us as department heads to manage our departments within the confines of the regulations.”
What makes the airport successful, Bane says, is having the right person leading it.
“This guy came to us understanding what it takes to run an airport. An airport is like a small city or town,” Bane says. “We have a person that’s leading the airport now that gets it.”
The best part of his job is the people, Giardino says.
“This has got to be one of the best staffs I’ve ever worked with in my entire life, and I’ve worked with some great people,” he says.
Giardino says his passion and integrity are his strengths, and he learned patience from his first flight instructor, Capt. Billy Young, whose call sign was Stump.
“I had never flown before. We got in the air and I looked around. And I kept looking around,” he recalls with a laugh. “Because for the first time in my life I was flying above treetops with this bubble canopy and I’m not in an aircraft where you’re just peeking out a window. And he’s just screaming over the intercom, put the gear up, get the flaps up, all the things I was supposed to do real fast. He had to be the most patient man.”
The advice he would give other business leaders is knowing the importance of patience.
“Doing it right the first time is fast enough,” he says. “You don’t get many second chances in the aviation business.”
Giardino was born in Rochester and raised in Charlotte. He lives there with his wife, Janice. He has two sons, Kyle, 26, and Dominic, 21. Another son, Mitchell, died when he was 8 months old of a rare, congenital disorder.
His favorite family memories are the births of all of his children and his wedding, he says. His musical gene was passed on and one of his sons is a student at the Eastman School of Music.
Long-time friend Gregory May says family is important to Giardino, as is the church and his work with Veterans Outreach Center Inc.
“When he was in the military he was always doing charity for veterans,” May says. “It’s very important to him to be part of the community.”
Giardino also is involved with the Rochester Rotary Club, which runs the Sunshine Campus in Rush, a fully accessible residential summer camp that helps children with paralysis and other physical challenges and their families.
May calls his friend “dynamic.”
“I think that he is very intense on everything he does. He’s always been that way,” May says. “Whatever he was doing at the moment was the greatest thing in the world. Whether that’s being a friend, or studying meteorology in college or flying helicopters, that was always the greatest thing in the world.”
While Giardino is humble, he has a few accomplishments he particularly is proud of.
In 1999 Hurricane Floyd hit the East Coast with a vengeance. When it struck North Carolina it caused billions of dollars in damage and widespread flooding where Hurricane Dennis had hit just weeks earlier. Giardino was part of the rescue efforts that saved hundreds of lives.
“I got 110 rescues after Hurricane Floyd. That was pretty satisfying,” he says. “Pulling people off of rooftops. That was probably the best day of flying ever.”
And though he is proud to have earned his Navy wings, one thing takes precedence.
“Husband and father are No. 1,” Giardino says. “Family is No. 1, all the time,”
Michael Giardino
Position: Director of Aviation, Greater Rochester International Airport
Education: B.S., meteorology, SUNY College at Brockport, 1985; M.A., national strategic studies, Naval War College, 2001
Residence: Charlotte
Family: Wife, Janice; sons Kyle, 26, and Dominic, 21
Activities: Family, golf, working with veterans
Quote: “Doing it right the first time is fast enough. You don’t get many second chances in the aviation business.”
11/13/15 (c) 2015 Rochester Business Journal. To obtain permission to reprint this article, call 585-546-8303 or email rbj@rbj.net.
12:00 am Fri, November 13, 2015 Rochester Business Journal
New rideshare company touts lower costs, higher pay
Regional airports receive FAA funding
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line966
|
__label__cc
| 0.559098
| 0.440902
|
Puerto Rico Convention Center
Puerto Rico to host WTTC’s 2020 Global Summit
The World Travel and Tourism Council (WTTC) has announced that the Caribbean island of Puerto Rico will host its 2020 Global Summit.
The summit, which is regarded as the most important event in the global Travel & Tourism sector, will take place from 21-23 April 2020.
The location was announced at the closing ceremony of the 2019 Global Summit in Seville by Gloria Guevara Manzo, WTTC president and CEO, and Puerto Rico’s Governor Ricardo Rosselló Nevares.
Puerto Rico, which attracts more than three million visitors each year, will host the event at the Puerto Rico Convention Center in San Juan.
Travel & Tourism is one of the leading sectors stimulating economic growth and employment worldwide. In 2018, the global Travel & Tourism sector grew at 3.9% to contribute a record $8.8 trillion and 319 million jobs in the world economy.
Guevara Manzo said: “We are delighted to bring next year’s Global Summit to the beautiful tropical Caribbean island of Puerto Rico, a welcoming and diverse destination, which not only offers visitors glorious beaches, it is also home to the only tropical rainforest in the US.
Gloria Guevara Manzo speaks at the WTTC 2019 Global Summit in Seville
“Our annual Global Summit brings together the most influential figures from the public and private sector to address the challenges and opportunities facing the Travel & Tourism industry and is the most important event in the calendar each year. Hosting the Global Summit in Puerto Rico reflects the commitment and efforts of the government and tourist board to grow both business and leisure travel.”
Rosselló Nevares added: “Travel & Tourism in instrumental in Puerto Rico’s economic development plans, and has proven to be the most resilient sector in our economy. More so, we believe that sound public policy that effectively attends to private sector needs can be a catalyst for change.
“Events like the WTTC Global Summit not only give us an opportunity to showcase the diversity of our destination’s tourism offering, but also facilitate spaces for the public and private sectors to define the future of Travel & Tourism together.”
The Puerto Rico Tourism Company (PRTC) is the Government of Puerto Rico’s Tourism Ministry, and Carla Campos, its Executive Director, stated: “Every destination has a moment in time to claim its place in the global Travel & Tourism scene; Puerto Rico is on the cusp of becoming a next generation tourism destination, and the WTTC Global Summit is the ideal stage to unveil how the public and private sectors are working together to make it happen.
“Tourism is a force for good and an ideal vehicle to improve people’s quality of lives. We share that vision with WTTC members and are honoured to have the opportunity to host Travel & Tourism leaders from around the world in Puerto Rico next year.”
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line967
|
__label__cc
| 0.749931
| 0.250069
|
Which children should we patch test?
P E Beattie, C Green, G Lowe, M S Lewis-Jones
Clinical and Experimental Dermatology 2007, 32 (1): 6-11
BACKGROUND: Allergic contact dermatitis (ACD) in childhood was considered rare until recently. However, reports are increasing, which may reflect an increased incidence and/or more frequent patch testing of children. It is also likely that allergen exposure in children has changed with time.
AIMS: To determine the most common contact allergens and the rate of positive patch-test reactions among children with suspected contact allergy.
METHODS: We carried out a retrospective case study of 114 children (66 girls and 48 boys) aged from 3 to 15 years (median 11.5) patch tested over a 3-year period. Indications for patch testing included uncontrolled or deteriorating atopic dermatitis, localized dermatitis or a history of reacting to a specific allergen.
RESULTS: Of 110 children for whom we had notes, 83 (75%) had a history of atopy. Positive reactions that were of current, past or possible relevance were seen in 61 children (54%); in 58 (52%) of 111 tested with the standard series (SS) and in 6 (10%) of 60 tested with the medicament series. None of the children patch tested to the corticosteroid (n = 47), shoe (n = 15), fragrance (n = 12), cosmetic (n = 10) or rubber (n = 5) series had a positive reaction. However, 11 (10%) reacted to rubber allergens within the SS and one of five to their own shoes. The lowest rate of relevant positive reactions was among those with deteriorating atopic dermatitis (22%) and facial (33%) or perioral dermatitis (40%), and the highest rate amongst those with eyelid (86%) or hand (71%) dermatitis. Nickel was the most common allergen (20%) in line with previous reports (82% female), followed by rubber chemicals (10%), fragrance (7.2%), cobalt (5.4%) and lanolin (wool alcohol) (4.5%).
CONCLUSIONS: The reported incidence of ACD among children, in particular nickel and rubber allergy, appears to be increasing, which may relate to changing fashions and hobbies. Contact allergy should be considered in all children with dermatitis, particularly with eyelid or hand dermatitis, and patch testing carried out more frequently.
Contact allergy in children referred for patch testing: North American Contact Dermatitis Group data, 2001-2004.
Patch tests in children with suspected allergic contact dermatitis: a prospective study and review of the literature.
Allergic contact dermatitis in children: should pattern of dermatitis determine referral? A retrospective study of 500 children tested between 1995 and 2004 in one U.K. centre.
Epicutaneous patch test results in children and adults with allergic contact dermatitis in Karlovac county: a retrospective survey.
Environmental contact factors in eczema and the results of patch testing Chinese patients with a modified European standard series of allergens.
Patch test results in 542 patients with suspected contact dermatitis in Turkey.
Usefulness of the European standard series for patch testing in children. A 3-year single-centre study of 337 patients.
Patch testing is a useful investigation in children with eczema.
Contact allergy and allergic contact dermatitis in children - a review of current data.
Contact dermatitis in children: 6 years experience (1992-1997).
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line968
|
__label__wiki
| 0.893702
| 0.893702
|
These Are the Latinos Nominated for a 2018 Emmy Award
Emmys at the First Annual News & Documentary Emmy Awards. Photo by Evan Agostini/Getty Images
Written by Manuel Betancourt | 1 year ago
Let’s get the bad news out of the way first: Gina Rodriguez still has zero Emmy nominations to her name (thankfully her FYC money went to a good cause this time around). One Day at a Time couldn’t crack any of the top categories (no, not even for living legend Rita Moreno). Roberto Aguirre-Sacasa’s teen soap Riverdale was nowhere to be found. Ditto for Queen of the South, Narcos, and On My Block, all shows with Latinos both in front and behind the camera doing solid work. Indeed, if you caught Samira Wiley (The Handmaid’s Tale) and Ryan Eggold (The Blacklist) announcing the nominations for the 70th Primetime Emmy Awards, you heard no single Latino name. If this sounds familiar it is because this is basically what we bemoaned last year. And the year before. So, while it’s not surprising that the Television Academy can’t quite shed a spotlight on these Latino-centered stories, it is just as dispiriting.
Elsewhere, as always, there was something to celebrate. Following her win last year, Alexis Bledel finds herself in the running again, this time as a Supporting Actress for her work in The Handmaid’s Tale. Ryan Murphy’s The Assassination of Gianni Versace unsurprisingly nabbed nominations for all four of its leads — yes, including Ricky Martin, while awards-magnet Lin-Manuel Miranda earned yet another nom for his work on this season’s Curb Your Enthusiasm. Shout-out also to Full Frontal With Samantha Bee Presents: The Great American* Puerto Rico (*It’s Complicated), which earned several nominations and raised funds for Puerto Rico following 2017’s devastating hurricane season. And if you dive deep into the full list of nominees, you find even more talented Latinos singled out. And so, since we choose to shine a light on those whose skills were rewarded this morning, find below some highlights of the Latinos and Latin Americans nominated for a 2018 Emmy Award.
SNL Weekend Update anchors Michael Che and Colin Jost host the 70th Primetime Emmy Awards airing live on Monday September 17, 2018 on NBC at 8pm ET
Alexis Bledel, The Handmaid's Tale, Outstanding Supporting Actress In A Drama Series
Last year’s winner in the Guest Star category, the Gilmore Girls star, whose father was born and raised in Argentina, and whose mother was raised in Mexico, is in contention again for her work in the Hulu series.
John Leguizamo, Waco, Supporting Actor In A Limited Series or Movie
A previous winner for John Leguizamo: Freak, the Colombian-born performer celebrates his 3rd Emmy nomination for his work on the Paramount Network project.
Edgar Ramirez, The Assassination Of Gianni Versace: American Crime Story, Supporting Actor In A Limited Series or Movie
The Venezuelan actor was almost unrecognizable as the balding and flamboyant Italian designer whose death anchored the second season of American Crime Story. This is his second Emmy nomination (he was previously nominated for his work on Carlos).
Ricky Martin, The Assassination Of Gianni Versace: American Crime Story, Supporting Actor In A Limited Series or Movie
The former Menudo singer finally put those telenovela skills to good use in Ryan Murphy’s anthology series as Versace’s grieving partner.
Coco VR, Outstanding Original Interactive Program
Pixar’s Day of the Dead flick keeps picking up awards, this time around for its Virtual Reality program.
Lin-Manuel Miranda, Curb Your Enthusiasm, Outstanding Guest Actor in a Comedy Series
The Hamilton creator is only missing the Oscar in his EGOT but that won’t stop him from nabbing a second Emmy, with this, his 3rd nomination overall.
Neil deGrasse Tyson, StarTalk With Neil deGrasse Tyson, Outstanding Informational Series Or Special
This is the African-American and Puerto Rican astrophysicist’s third consecutive nomination in this category.
Julio Torres, Saturday Night Live, Outstanding Writing For A Variety Series
The Salvadoran-born comedian received a nomination along with the entire writing team of NBC’s Saturday Night Live. This is his second nomination as part of the late night show.
Carlos Rafael Rivera, Godless, Outstanding Original Main Title Theme Music
Born in Washington, D.C. the US-based musician was raised in Guatemala, Costa Rica, Panamá and Miami.
Additional Latino Nominees
Carmen Cuba
Steven Castillo
Gabriel Villareal (aka “Delta Work”) & Hector Pocasangre
Ana Bretón
Daphne Gomez-Mena
Jason Pedroza
Tricia Rodrigo
Melissa Silva Borden
William Fabian Castro
Noel A. Guerra
James J. Munoz
Greg Cornejo
Ken Diaz
Milagros Medina-Cerdeira
Andrew Sotomayor
Ana Lozano
Hugo Villaseñor
Eddie Perez
Kico Velarde
See a complete list of nominees here.
curb your enthusiam, Emmy Awards, television, The Assassination of Gianni Versace: American Crime Story. Thursday, July 12, 2018 at 2:01 PM EDT July 16, 2019 by Manuel Betancourt
The Emmy Awards Touts Its Diversity While Shutting Out Latino TV Shows (Again)
Emmys 2019: Four Latino Actors & Zero Latina Actresses Get Nominations
There's a Plane Flying Over LA Urging Emmy Voters to Nominate 'One Day at a Time's Justina Machado
Dascha Polanco Shines as a Miami Detective in Finale of 'The Assassination of Gianni Versace'
On 'American Crime Story,' Andrew's Filipino Father Gets the American Dream By Any Means Necessary
7 Stunning Versace-Inspired Looks Penelope Cruz Wore as Donatella on 'American Crime Story'
On ‘The Assassination of Gianni Versace,’ Gianni Weighs the Consequences of Coming Out Publicly
‘The Assassination of Gianni Versace’ Recap: We Want More Ricky Martin and Dascha Polanco
UP NEXT: The Emmy Awards Touts Its Diversity While Shutting Out Latino TV Shows (Again)
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line971
|
__label__cc
| 0.746043
| 0.253957
|
A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia
Emma Barkus, Johanna C. Badcock
School of Psychological Science
Research output: Contribution to journal › Review article
Humans are highly social beings, yet people with social anhedonia experience reduced interest in or reward from social situations. Social anhedonia is a key facet of schizotypal personality, an important symptom of schizophrenia, and increasingly recognized as an important feature in a range of other psychological disorders. However, to date, there has been little examination of the similarities and differences in social anhedonia across diagnostic borders. Here, our goal was to conduct a selective review of social anhedonia in different psychological and life course contexts, including the psychosis continuum, depressive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, and autism spectrum disorders, along with developmental and neurobiological factors. Current evidence suggests that the nature and expression of social anhedonia vary across psychological disorders with some groups showing deficient learning about, enjoyment from, and anticipation of the pleasurable aspects of social interactions, while for others, some of these components appear to remain intact. However, study designs and methodologies are diverse, the roles of developmental and neurobiological factors are not routinely considered, and direct comparisons between diagnostic groups are rare-which prevents a more nuanced understanding of the underlying mechanisms involved. Future studies, parsing the wanting, liking, and learning components of social reward, will help to fill gaps in the current knowledge base. Consistent across disorders is diminished pleasure from social situations, subsequent withdrawal, and poorer social functioning in those who express social anhedonia. Nonetheless, feelings of loneliness often remain, which suggests the need for social connection is not entirely absent. Adolescence is a particularly important period of social and neural development and may provide a valuable window on the developmental origins of social anhedonia. Adaptive social functioning is key to recovery from mental health disorders; therefore, understanding the intricacies of social anhedonia will help to inform treatment and prevention strategies for a range of diagnostic categories.
Frontiers in Psychiatry
https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
Published - 24 Apr 2019
Barkus, E., & Badcock, J. C. (2019). A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia. Frontiers in Psychiatry, 10, [216]. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
Barkus, Emma ; Badcock, Johanna C. / A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia. In: Frontiers in Psychiatry. 2019 ; Vol. 10.
@article{09f02c37175648d19161fc22cf0ee184,
title = "A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia",
abstract = "Humans are highly social beings, yet people with social anhedonia experience reduced interest in or reward from social situations. Social anhedonia is a key facet of schizotypal personality, an important symptom of schizophrenia, and increasingly recognized as an important feature in a range of other psychological disorders. However, to date, there has been little examination of the similarities and differences in social anhedonia across diagnostic borders. Here, our goal was to conduct a selective review of social anhedonia in different psychological and life course contexts, including the psychosis continuum, depressive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, and autism spectrum disorders, along with developmental and neurobiological factors. Current evidence suggests that the nature and expression of social anhedonia vary across psychological disorders with some groups showing deficient learning about, enjoyment from, and anticipation of the pleasurable aspects of social interactions, while for others, some of these components appear to remain intact. However, study designs and methodologies are diverse, the roles of developmental and neurobiological factors are not routinely considered, and direct comparisons between diagnostic groups are rare-which prevents a more nuanced understanding of the underlying mechanisms involved. Future studies, parsing the wanting, liking, and learning components of social reward, will help to fill gaps in the current knowledge base. Consistent across disorders is diminished pleasure from social situations, subsequent withdrawal, and poorer social functioning in those who express social anhedonia. Nonetheless, feelings of loneliness often remain, which suggests the need for social connection is not entirely absent. Adolescence is a particularly important period of social and neural development and may provide a valuable window on the developmental origins of social anhedonia. Adaptive social functioning is key to recovery from mental health disorders; therefore, understanding the intricacies of social anhedonia will help to inform treatment and prevention strategies for a range of diagnostic categories.",
keywords = "schizotypy, schizophrenia, eating disorders, autism spectrum disorders, posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, POSTTRAUMATIC-STRESS-DISORDER, OXFORD-LIVERPOOL INVENTORY, NUCLEUS-ACCUMBENS, PLEASURE SCALE, HIGH-RISK, NEGATIVE SCHIZOTYPY, EARLY ADOLESCENCE, NEURAL RESPONSES, ANOREXIA-NERVOSA, CHILDHOOD TRAUMA",
author = "Emma Barkus and Badcock, {Johanna C.}",
doi = "10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216",
journal = "Frontiers in Psychiatry",
publisher = "Frontiers Research Foundation",
Barkus, E & Badcock, JC 2019, 'A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia' Frontiers in Psychiatry, vol. 10, 216. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia. / Barkus, Emma; Badcock, Johanna C.
In: Frontiers in Psychiatry, Vol. 10, 216, 24.04.2019.
T1 - A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia
AU - Barkus, Emma
AU - Badcock, Johanna C.
N2 - Humans are highly social beings, yet people with social anhedonia experience reduced interest in or reward from social situations. Social anhedonia is a key facet of schizotypal personality, an important symptom of schizophrenia, and increasingly recognized as an important feature in a range of other psychological disorders. However, to date, there has been little examination of the similarities and differences in social anhedonia across diagnostic borders. Here, our goal was to conduct a selective review of social anhedonia in different psychological and life course contexts, including the psychosis continuum, depressive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, and autism spectrum disorders, along with developmental and neurobiological factors. Current evidence suggests that the nature and expression of social anhedonia vary across psychological disorders with some groups showing deficient learning about, enjoyment from, and anticipation of the pleasurable aspects of social interactions, while for others, some of these components appear to remain intact. However, study designs and methodologies are diverse, the roles of developmental and neurobiological factors are not routinely considered, and direct comparisons between diagnostic groups are rare-which prevents a more nuanced understanding of the underlying mechanisms involved. Future studies, parsing the wanting, liking, and learning components of social reward, will help to fill gaps in the current knowledge base. Consistent across disorders is diminished pleasure from social situations, subsequent withdrawal, and poorer social functioning in those who express social anhedonia. Nonetheless, feelings of loneliness often remain, which suggests the need for social connection is not entirely absent. Adolescence is a particularly important period of social and neural development and may provide a valuable window on the developmental origins of social anhedonia. Adaptive social functioning is key to recovery from mental health disorders; therefore, understanding the intricacies of social anhedonia will help to inform treatment and prevention strategies for a range of diagnostic categories.
AB - Humans are highly social beings, yet people with social anhedonia experience reduced interest in or reward from social situations. Social anhedonia is a key facet of schizotypal personality, an important symptom of schizophrenia, and increasingly recognized as an important feature in a range of other psychological disorders. However, to date, there has been little examination of the similarities and differences in social anhedonia across diagnostic borders. Here, our goal was to conduct a selective review of social anhedonia in different psychological and life course contexts, including the psychosis continuum, depressive disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, eating disorders, and autism spectrum disorders, along with developmental and neurobiological factors. Current evidence suggests that the nature and expression of social anhedonia vary across psychological disorders with some groups showing deficient learning about, enjoyment from, and anticipation of the pleasurable aspects of social interactions, while for others, some of these components appear to remain intact. However, study designs and methodologies are diverse, the roles of developmental and neurobiological factors are not routinely considered, and direct comparisons between diagnostic groups are rare-which prevents a more nuanced understanding of the underlying mechanisms involved. Future studies, parsing the wanting, liking, and learning components of social reward, will help to fill gaps in the current knowledge base. Consistent across disorders is diminished pleasure from social situations, subsequent withdrawal, and poorer social functioning in those who express social anhedonia. Nonetheless, feelings of loneliness often remain, which suggests the need for social connection is not entirely absent. Adolescence is a particularly important period of social and neural development and may provide a valuable window on the developmental origins of social anhedonia. Adaptive social functioning is key to recovery from mental health disorders; therefore, understanding the intricacies of social anhedonia will help to inform treatment and prevention strategies for a range of diagnostic categories.
KW - schizotypy
KW - schizophrenia
KW - eating disorders
KW - autism spectrum disorders
KW - posttraumatic stress disorder
KW - depression
KW - POSTTRAUMATIC-STRESS-DISORDER
KW - OXFORD-LIVERPOOL INVENTORY
KW - NUCLEUS-ACCUMBENS
KW - PLEASURE SCALE
KW - HIGH-RISK
KW - NEGATIVE SCHIZOTYPY
KW - EARLY ADOLESCENCE
KW - NEURAL RESPONSES
KW - ANOREXIA-NERVOSA
KW - CHILDHOOD TRAUMA
U2 - 10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
DO - 10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
M3 - Review article
JO - Frontiers in Psychiatry
JF - Frontiers in Psychiatry
M1 - 216
Barkus E, Badcock JC. A Transdiagnostic Perspective on Social Anhedonia. Frontiers in Psychiatry. 2019 Apr 24;10. 216. https://doi.org/10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
10.3389/fpsyt.2019.00216
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line973
|
__label__cc
| 0.670352
| 0.329648
|
Main House
The Stable
The Rūmene Manor is surrounded by an extensive park covering nearly eight hectares. The park has been restored along with the manor buildings and contains some of the 364 original rare tree specimens, as well as an orchard and quaint gravel roads, as is typical in this type of rural landscape. The manor house has been reconstructed with utmost respect for its history but also contains elements of contemporary art.
The Manor House offers five quiet, private apartments, the largest of which occupies two storeys, with access to a spacious terrace and a splendid view of the park and lake. Two additional two-storey apartments are located on the second floor of the house, while two more secluded, romantic one-room apartments are located on the third floor.
The Stable has five two-storey apartments, each furnished and decorated in a light, airy style, and each with a separate entrance through a small garden.
The Garden House features four comfortable double occupancy apartments and a terrace facing the park.
The Rūmene Manor has several common rooms available for celebrations. Each space has a slightly different atmosphere, allowing guests to choose the most appropriate for their particular event.
RUMENE MANOR
Kandava district, LV-3120, Latvia
Phone: +371 67770960 (Hotel Bergs in Riga)
rumene@hotelbergs.lv
This website is using cookies. By continuing to use our site, you agree to our cookie policy.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line974
|
__label__wiki
| 0.916575
| 0.916575
|
Returning Power to the People
by Connie Hair
Human Events.com
click here to view the original column
On Thursday a group of House conservatives from the Republican Study Committee (RSC) announced the launch of the 10th Amendment Task Force -- a project of the RSC -- designed as a means for legislators to change tactics on downsizing the leviathan federal government.
With an eye toward November elections and the increasing likelihood of Republicans making great gains if not taking back Congress outright, the RSC is positioning an avenue by which conservative legislators can begin to reverse the unprecedented and unconstitutional power grabs inflicted on the states by an out-of-control Congress.
The 10th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution is simple: "The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."
The task force will develop and promote proposals that aim to disburse power, decision-making, and money away from Washington back to states, local governments and individuals.
You can't stop an aircraft carrier on a dime. Around 100 years of so-called "progressive" creeping socialism at the federal level will take some undoing, and legislating power back to the states is the legal framework within which this can be achieved.
"One of the foundational principles of our government is that federalism works," RSC Chairman Tom Price (R-Ga.) told HUMAN EVENTS at the launch event. "The power that is not explicitly given to the federal government is left and reserved to the states and to the people. We have gotten so far away from that that people don't even know that as a principle anymore. Our goal here is to bring attention to that, to educate people about it -- not just the public but members of Congress -- and then move in a positive direction to empower the states and give them outlets to say to the federal government ‘thanks but no thanks.'"
I asked Price about the Founders' idea of federalism as the means to empower flexible, localized representative governance, not a tyranny of the majority stemming from the sheer number of voters in America's urban population centers. (What works in Boston doesn't play in Baton Rouge.)
"Tyranny of the majority or tyranny of the minority, either way tyranny is bad," Price said. "Remember big government, small citizens -- big citizens, small government."
Rep. Rob Bishop (R-Utah), is the founder of the new task force.
"This is not yesterday's states' rights argument, it's much bigger than that," Bishop said of the new task force tactics. "This is about better governance and breaking up big, inefficient, unresponsive government -- returning power back to the people of this country."
I asked HUMAN EVENTS favorite Rep. Louie Gohmert (R-Texas), a former Texas appellate judge, about this new effort to defend the 10th amendment.
"This all came to a head with the passage of the health care ‘deform' bill that has so many unfunded mandates on the states particularly with regard to Medicaid -- the states can't afford that," Gohmert said. "It was an outrageous usurpation of states' rights in a mandate from on high in matters over which the federal government's not even supposed to have jurisdiction. I feel like the Supreme Court will eventually strike it down, but that is a perfect example of the kind of usurpations we've seen."
The task force will also work with outside groups to develop, propose, monitor and amend legislation aimed at cutting the size and scope of the federal government. One of those organizations is Americans for Tax Reform (ATR), a group opposed to all tax increases. ATR was represented by its president Grover Norquist at the launch event.
"Federalism -- the idea that things should be done at the state level and not in Washington, D.C. -- is particularly important not because local government or state governments are closer to the people or are smarter but because there are 50 of them," Norquist said. "When one state does something particularly silly you have a chance to move out of that state. Truly stupid ideas can only be imposed at the national level. You can't do at the state level some of the silly and destructive things that have been done at the national level because people will move from Massachusetts to New Hampshire."
The 10 original members of the task force: Rep. Rob Bishop (R-Utah), Rep. John Culberson (R-Texas), Rep. Scott Garrett (R-N.J.), Rep. Cynthia Lummis (R-Wy.), Rep. Michael Conaway (R-Texas), Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah), Rep. Marsha Blackburn (R-Tenn.), Rep. Randy Neugebauer (R-Texas), Rep. Doug Lamborn (R-Co.) and Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Calif.).
Connie Hair is a freelance writer, a former speechwriter for Rep. Trent Franks (R-AZ) and a former media and coalitions advisor to the Senate Republican Conference.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line975
|
__label__wiki
| 0.531541
| 0.531541
|
Posts tagged ‘Revolutionary Road’
Revolutionary Road by Richard Yates
I read Revolutionary Road by Richard Yates while travelling between my work in the city and my suburban home by train. This reading time is often the highlight of my day, as at work I feel like a mouse running in an endless, pointless wheel, trying to earn enough money to keep us in the drudgery in our boring, ordinary life in our suburban home… or so I felt while I was immersed in Revolutionary Road. Luckily these feelings went away after I finished the book, otherwise I would probably have told my boss where to jam the job that I actually love, thrown the keys to our dearly loved home back to the bank and gone off footloose and fancy free to start a whole new life, somewhere initially exciting but ultimately unsatisfying, while I desperately missed my family and friends.
Revolutionary Road is set in the 1950’s in the suburbs. Frank Wheeler, the main character, was a promising young man, all talk and no action, who impressed his friends so much during their late night, drunken conversations that based on their flattery he came to believe he could do anything or be anyone. At the height of his confidence, he met and fell in love with a first rate girl, April, who at the time was a not very successful actress.
Frank and April married and had two children before moving to a dinky little house on Revolutionary Road, out in the suburbs. Frank and April’s think they are more interesting than their friends, much more interesting than their neighbours and that they the trapped in the mundane lives they are actually living. April never wanted to be a mother and is bored and lonely out in the suburbs. Frank took a nothing job in the nothing company his father worked at for his whole career, and does as little as possible while on the payroll. Frank is on the verge of starting an affair with a woman he works with. They fight almost constantly, blaming each other for their unhappiness.
April convinces Frank that they should move to Paris where she will go out to work while he finds himself. Frank is also taken with the idea of escape and for a time they are happy together, making plans for the amazing new life they are going to have. Having a shared dream brings April and Frank closer than they have been in years and for a time they are happy.
April is more serious about moving to Paris than Frank and she starts taking actual steps to make the move happen. Frank, almost by accident though, does some actual work for his company and he is offered a promotion. Frank has second thoughts about leaving and when April falls pregnant, Frank is secretly relieved that this will not allow them to move to Paris. April wants to terminate the pregnancy but Frank won’t allow her to, even though he doesn’t want another child either. Their relationship deteriorates again and to further complicate things, Frank’s affair with the woman he works with heats up.
By now, you’ve probably realised that there is no way things are going to turn out well for Frank and April.
This book is very, very well written. The character’s voices became real to me very quickly. The whole point of art, in this case writing a novel, is for the author to cause the reader to feel particular emotions, and Richard Yates certainly achieved this with Revolutionary Road. Frank and April had no gratitude for what they had, no satisfaction from doing things properly, no joy and very little love for their children. Apart from their shared fantasy of escaping their real lives, they took no pleasure in each other’s company. While I felt sorry for them, I was also glad to finish this book and leave their unhappiness behind, before they affected my joy in life.
I will be watching the movie of Revolutionary Road sometime, which was directed by Sam Mendes and starred Leonardo DiCaprio, Kate Winslet and Kathy Bates. I don’t know if Richard Yates wrote anything else, but if he did I’ll be reading it.
Author, Book Review, Yates - Richard
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line977
|
__label__wiki
| 0.841213
| 0.841213
|
Tag Archives: willam belli
Live: ‘RuPaul’s Drag Race’ Battle of the Seasons
Willam, Detox, Michelle Visage, Pandora Boxx, Ivy Winters, Carmen Carerra, Sharon Needles, Alaska Thunderfuck and Manila Luzon perform in “RuPaul’s Drag Race” Battle of the Seasons. Via Pandora Boxx/Facebook
On Feb. 6, “RuPaul’s Drag Race” Battle of the Seasons brought eight performers from the reality television show, as well as host Michelle Visage and RuPaul himself, to Club Nokia in downtown Los Angeles for a phenomenal display of theatricality.
Individually, Willam, Alaska Thunderfuck, Pandora Boxx, Sharon Needles, Detox, Manila Luzon, Carmen Carerra and Ivy Winters all took the stage to show off their individual talents at least twice.
Interspersed between performances were videos of the stars backstage and on the road, as well as promotional material from the sixth season of “RuPaul’s Drag Race,” which will premiere on Feb. 24. The entire event was incredibly seamless and professional. But with a lot of dick jokes.
While I would deem the whole evening a success, some performances stood out more than others. My jaw actually dropped in awe at Ivy Winters, who juggled gigantic knives while wearing a tall, silver-horned helmet and walked on stilts to Little Mix’s “Wings.”
Alaska wowed me with her singing talent and impressive vocal range during an impassioned cover of Eric Carmen’s “All By Myself” (a nod, perhaps, to announcing the breakup with longtime boyfriend Needles late last year), as well as her original song “Ru Girl.”
Detox and Willam were fantastic as usual as two thirds of DWV (missing fellow drag queen Vicky Vox, who has not appeared on “Drag Race”) while performing their parody songs “Chow Down (at Chick-fil-A)” and “Boy is a Bottom.” Detox, especially, is not a bad rapper, and her black light shoes were fantastic, although her solo numbers were considerably less interesting. Willam, however, looked amazing, performed flawlessly and had a commanding stage presence throughout. But, of course.
And Needles, my personal favorite and the fifth season winner of “Drag Race,” was as hilarious, creepy and sexy as I’ve always dreamed she would be. For her first number, she was carried onstage in a coffin before launching into “Call Me on the Ouija Board” from her 2013 album “PG-13.” It’s a really, really great goth-pop song with a catchy hook, smart lyrics full of tongue-in-cheek references to classic horror movies and a super polished sound. I actually haven’t stopped listening to it since. In the song, Needles declares, “I’ll be your Carol Anne, / I’ll be your pentagram. / Let’s dabble in the black arts.” Onstage, Needles picks up a dollar bill that was thrown at her and takes a few bites out of it before throwing it back.
Fun aside, there was also talk about the growing popularity of the show and its increasing influence on creating “drag queen society,” which is not entirely an exaggeration. The show and its contestants appeal to a wide range of audience members, reaching many underrepresented demographics. The wide appeal of fun, kitschy drag queens has allowed for stars that use the platform for political advocacy.
Carerra, who came out as a transgender woman after competing on the third season of “RuPaul’s Drag Race,” has since become a very public proponent for transgender equality. In January, she appeared alongside “Orange is the New Black” star Laverne Cox on Katie Couric’s talk show to speak about transgender issues, and last year, an online petition aimed at persuading Victoria’s Secret to have Carerra as its first transgender model gathered around 45,000 signatures.
Luzon, also a competitor from season three, has been pretty involved in AIDS awareness since appearing on the show. She and other “Drag Race” alumni appear regularly in public service announcements on Logo TV promoting safe sex and HIV testing.
Fittingly enough, the Battle of the Seasons show took place just as I’ve been following another story of drag queen activism unfolding overseas. On Feb. 1, Irish drag queen Panti Bliss spoke (amazingly effectively and eloquently) about gay rights and oppression in Ireland. Shortly thereafter, a video of the speech garnered such international attention that it has been discussed everywhere from Ireland’s houses of parliament to Russia, where anti-gay legislation was famously passed in 2013 to prohibit “propaganda” in support of “non-traditional” sexual orientation.
All of this just makes me feel like there should be way more drag queens occupying political office.
This entry was posted in Los Angeles, Music, Television and tagged activism, aids, alaska, Alaska Thunderfuck, all by myself, Battle of the Seasons, boy is a bottom, Call Me on the Ouija Board, Carmen Carerra, Chick-fil-A, Chow Down (at Chick-fil-A), club nokia, comedy, costumes, Detox, Detox Icunt, downtown los angeles, drag queens, drag show, dtla, dwv, eric carmen, gay, gay rights, gender, goth, hiv, homophobia, horror movies, ireland, Ivy Winters, juggling, katie, Katie Couric, la live, laverne cox, lgbt, little mix, live music, logo tv, los angeles, Manila Luzon, michelle visage, music, Orange is the New Black, Pandora Boxx, panti bliss, pg-13, politics, pop, queer, reality tv, ru girl, RuPaul, RuPaul's Drag Race, russia, safe sex, sexuality, Sharon Needles, stilts, television, transgender, transgender rights, tv, vicky vox, victoria's secret, Willam, willam belli, wings on February 8, 2014 by screamfmlondon.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line981
|
__label__cc
| 0.531922
| 0.468078
|
Tag Archives: signature
Signature Saturday, no. 8: the McNeelys.
October 22, 2016 Lisa Y. HendersonMcNeely, signature 2 Comments
My great-great-grandfather Henry W. McNeely taught for a few years after Freedom and surely could read and write. His wife Martha, despite her transparent assertions otherwise, could not. Their children received educations that they had been denied, and when Henry’s brother Julius died without direct heirs about 1913, all signed off on the distribution of his estate. (All except Addie McNeely Weaver, who had recently passed.)
Several of Henry’s grandsons’ signatures appear on World War II draft registration forms, including Luther’s son Robert H.; Edward’s son Quincy; and Addie’s son James.
North Carolina, Other Documents, Paternal Kin, Photographs
Signature Saturday, no. 7: John Henry Henderson’s sons and grandsons.
October 3, 2015 Lisa Y. HendersonHenderson, signature, Wayne County Leave a comment
John Henry Henderson (1861-1924) was the youngest of James Henderson‘s sons to reach adulthood. He married Sarah Simmons, daughter of Bryant and Elizabeth Wynn Simmons, in 1886 near Dudley, Wayne County. Census records suggest that Sarah gave birth to as many as twelve children, but only three survived — Frances “Frankie,” Charles Henry and John Henry. I have found no record of John H. Henderson’s signature, but here are those of his sons and grandsons.
John and Sarah Simmons Henderson, perhaps the 1910s.
Charles H. Henderson, born about 1893, is something of a mystery. In 1900, he appears as “Charley” in the census of Dudley, Wayne County, with father John, mother Sarah and sister Frankie. There’s some uncertainty about the children’s identification, but this is a photo John and Sarah circa 1895. My best guess is that the image depicts Frankie and Charley.
Charles was not living in his parents’ home in 1910, however. Nor can I find him elsewhere. In 1917, however, he registered for the World War I draft in Richmond, Virginia. He reported that he was born 21 July 1893 in Dudley; resided at 114 E. Leigh Street, Richmond; and worked as a self-employed barber. He was of medium height with a slender build, brown hair and eyes and was slightly bald. (His signature is from this draft card.) In the 1920 census of Richmond, Henrico County, Virginia, at 614 Baker Street, in Lee Ward, Charles H. Henderson, 32, and wife Maria R., 32, with Maria’s parents Henry and Mary B. Stockes, sharing a household headed by Eddie Seigel. Charles worked as a barber and was recorded as being born in Virginia. (This and his age — he was actually about 27 — are erroneous.) It’s the last record I have for Charles Henderson.
Eight years after Charles was born, Sarah Simmons Henderson gave birth to her last child, son Henry Lee (1901-1942). Henry married Christine Lenora Aldridge while both were still in their teens. I’ve written of their sons here, and samples of their signatures (all from World War II draft cards) are shown below Henry’s.
Henry Lee Henderson, perhaps the very early 1940s.
On Christmas Day 1911, Frances Ann “Frankie” Henderson (1891-1985) married her first cousin, Israel Henderson Wynn (1890-1967), son of Washington “Frank” and Hepsey Henderson Wynn. I have no sample of Frankie’s handwriting, and Israel was unable to read or write. (At least, as a young man.) He signed his World War I draft registration card with an X.
Frankie and Israel (called “H”) had at least 11 children, including sons John Franklin (1915-1981), George Roosevelt (1918-1986), Henderson B. (1924-1981), and Lawrence (1925-??), whose World War II draft card marks or signatures are shown:
Education, North Carolina, Other Documents, Paternal Kin
Signature Saturday, no. 6: James Henry’s Hendersons.
August 8, 2015 Lisa Y. HendersonHenderson, signature 2 Comments
For decades, men (and the rare women) who apprenticed free children of color in North Carolina were required to teach them to read and do basic math. However, in the crackdown on free colored people that followed the Nat Turner Rebellion, this mandate was first ignored and then done away with altogether. It is not a surprise then that census records generally report that my great-great-great-great-uncle James Henry Henderson was illiterate.
James H. Henderson (1838-1920).
What of his children though? Was he able to send them to school long enough to gain at least the rudiments of literacy? His first five children were daughters. I have not found Mary Ella, Elizabeth or Nancy Henderson in census records as adults, but Amelia Henderson Braswell‘s entries indicate that she could neither read nor write. The evidence is mixed for James’ “outside” daughter Carrie M. Faison Solice, whose mother was Keziah “Kizzie” Faison. The 1900 and 1930 censuses say no, she could not; the 1910 and 1920 say yes, she could. As for James’ sons and youngest daughter and some of their offspring, here’s what I’ve found:
Elias Lewis Henderson (1880-1953) was James and Frances Sauls Henderson’s oldest son. He was a farmer and founder of Saint Mark Church of Christ, near Fremont, Wayne County. I am fairly certain that he could read, but have found no sample of his handwriting.
David John Henderson (1901-1960) was E.L. and Ella Moore Henderson’s oldest son.
Their second son was James Henry Henderson (1906-1947).
And Ira Junior Henderson (1911-1984) was their third.
Jazell Westly Henderson (1924-2004) was Elias’ son with his second wife, Sarah Edmundson Henderson.
James Ira Henderson (1881-1946) was James and Frances Henderson’s second son. He signed his World War I draft card with an X.
Here’s the signature of Ira’s son, William Henry Henderson (1902-1974).
James’ son Lewis Henderson (1885-1932) was named after his uncle, my great-great-great-grandfather Lewis Henderson (1836-1912).
Lewis had ten daughters and one son, James Ivory Henderson (1922-1986).
Georgetta Henderson Elliot (1889-1972), called Etta, was James and Frances Henderson’s youngest daughter. This signature appears on her daughter Mackie Bee‘s marriage license, but there is a possibility that it was inscribed by the officiating minister, rather than Etta herself.
North Carolina, Other Documents, Paternal Kin
Signature Saturday, no. 5: Napoleon Hagans and family.
August 1, 2015 Lisa Y. HendersonArtis, Hagans, signature Leave a comment
Napoleon Hagans, self-made man, could neither read nor write. His wife, Appie Ward Hagans, born into slavery, picked up the rudiments of an education at some point in her life and was able to scratch out a shaky signature, as shown in this 1888 deed. By time his sons were born, Napoleon had begun his ascent into Wayne County’s African-American elite, recognized by both blacks and whites as a savvy and successful cotton farmer. Thanks to his wealth, the children he reared, Henry and William Hagans, would lead lives very different from their father’s, starting with their educations at local schools and then Howard and Shaw Universities. Henry E. Hagans spent much of his life as a teacher and principal, and his small, firm hand reflects his pedagogical life. He likely met his wife, Julia B. Morton of Danville, Virginia, at Howard. This sample of their signatures is on a deed dated 1899.
William Hagans’ signature was bolder and more architectural than his brother’s, as shown on the 1916 deed below. Though not a teacher, his early career as secretary (read: assistant or even chief of staff, if there was additional staff) to United States Congressman George H. White and as businessman/farmer provided ample opportunity for him to display his conjoined signature. (William M. Artis, son of Adam T. and Frances Seaberry Artis, was William Hagans’ first cousin, and Hannah E. Forte Artis was the wife of William Artis’ brother, Walter S. Artis. William likely did not attend school beyond eighth grade, but his penmanship is lovely. Hannah, too, clearly benefitted from several years of schooling. I wish I knew more about late 19th century rural African-American schools in Wayne County.)
Education, Maternal Kin, North Carolina, Other Documents
Signature Saturday, no. 4: Harriet Hart’s men.
July 25, 2015 Lisa Y. Hendersonliteracy, signature Leave a comment
Harriet Nicholson Tomlin Hart was not an educated woman. She did not lack for ambition, though, and made sure that both her sons received schooling.
The bold, instantly recognizable signature of Lon W. Colvert (1876-1930), on a marriage license:
The somewhat shakier signature of his half-brother Harvey Golar Tomlin (1894-1961):
Her last husband, Thomas Lonzo Hart (1866-1929), may have been trained as a lawyer, and his business acumen was recognized throughout his community. He had the practiced hand of a literate man and, in fact, taught Harriet how to read and write:
Other Documents, Paternal Kin
Signature Saturday, no. 3: Aldridge.
January 31, 2015 Lisa Y. HendersonAldridge, signature Leave a comment
Elizabeth “Lizzie” Aldridge (1864-??), John William Aldridge (1853-1910), and Joseph Aldridge (1869-1934):
Robert Aldridge Jr.
John J. Aldridge (1885-1964), son of John W. Aldridge.
James Thomas Aldridge (1886-1968), son of John W. Aldridge.
Prince Albert Aldridge (1888-1953), son of George W. Aldridge.
Blancher K. Aldridge (1894-1965), son of George W. Aldridge.
Signature Saturday, no. 2: Lewis Henderson’s progeny.
December 13, 2014 Lisa Y. HendersonHenderson, literacy, signature Leave a comment
Lewis and Margaret Henderson were surely unlettered, and I suspect that most of their children were, too. I have only been able to find handwriting samples for two.
Caswell C. Henderson was the most worldly of the siblings, having migrated to New York City in his mid 20s, engaged in local politics, and secured a patronage job at the United Customs House while in his 30s. From his 1893 marriage certificate to Emma D. Bentley:
And from a letter he wrote in 1926 to his sister Sarah:
Sarah Henderson Jacobs Silver was also literate, though her handwriting and grammar reveal the limits of her schooling. This signature appeared on the marriage license of her niece, Minnie Simmons Budd.
Most families grow exponentially, but Lewis and Mag’s descendants underwent a bit of a bottleneck in the third generation. Of their nine children, only two — Ann Elizabeth and Loudie — had children that survived to adulthood. Those two produced five children (barely, as one died at age 19) who reached majority. Of the five, I have only found the signature of one. Jesse “Jack” Henderson, Loudie’s son, affixed his name to his Social Security application in 1936:
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line982
|
__label__wiki
| 0.839709
| 0.839709
|
Find out more about the Mapping Sculpture project
Click here for help using the Mapping Sculpture site
Click here for details of how to contact the Mapping Sculpture team
HOME | SEARCH | ADVANCED SEARCH | BROWSE
Browse Objects: A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P Q R S T U V W X Y Z | Back to list
Plymouth Naval Memorial
Co-created by Henry Poole
Designed by Robert Stodart Lorimer
Object class: sculpture
Object type: memorial
Description: 'After the First World War, an appropriate way had to be found of commemorating those members of the Royal Navy who had no known grave, the majority of deaths having occurred at sea where no permanent memorial could be provided. An Admiralty committee recommended that the three manning ports in Great Britain - Chatham, Plymouth and Portsmouth - should each have an identical memorial of unmistakable naval form, an obelisk, which would serve as a leading mark for shipping. The memorials were designed by Sir Robert Lorimer, who had already carried out a considerable amount of work for the Commission, with sculpture by Henry Poole.'
(See site of the Commonwealth war Graves Commission: http://www.cwgc.org/search/cemetery_details.aspx?cemetery=142000&mode=1 accessed 15 October 2010)
Catalogue of the Memorial Exhibition of Sculpture by the Late Henry Poole RA
Citing this record
'Plymouth Naval Memorial', Mapping the Practice and Profession of Sculpture in Britain and Ireland 1851-1951, University of Glasgow History of Art and HATII, online database 2011 [http://sculpture.gla.ac.uk/view/object.php?id=msib2_1210341691, accessed 18 Jul 2019]
Noticed a mistake? Have some extra information about this record? Click here.
Your e-mail again:
Type verification image*:
All Objects People Organizations Events Places Sources
Please log in to add this record to your portfolio.
© 2019 | Developed by HATII
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line983
|
__label__cc
| 0.596067
| 0.403933
|
Director Dean Smith Leaving Cornell University Press
April 18, 2019 sagehouseCornell University Library, Dean Smith, Duke University Press, Grateful Dead, Northern Illinois University Press, Open Access, Three Hills
Earlier today, Duke University Press announced that Dean Smith will be their next director. Dean, of course, has served Cornell University as its press director since 2015. This morning, Dean gathered the CUP staff together and told us his bittersweet news.
Surprise and shock greeted his startling announcement, but also pride, good wishes, and congratulations. During his four years here, Dean has led us all with humor, intelligence, compassion, and wisdom. We have all benefited from his guidance and mentoring and we will be saddened when he departs us and moves south.
Dean leaves us at CUP with an emboldened mentality. He has given us the spirit and desire to fly ever higher, to dream ever bigger, and to achieve ever more. In the past four years, we have become leaders in open access publishing, we have moved into journal publishing, and we have grown our front list such that we now publish 150 new books a year. Dean has brokered the agreement with Northern Illinois University Press announced publicly last week. He has overseen the development of our regional trade imprint, Three Hills. We’ve forged new and lasting strategic partnerships and collaborations with various university departments and outside service providers. He moved us into a new reporting structure under the Cornell University Library where we now have full and solid support and advocacy. He has developed a nascent endowment and fundraising capacity. And he has acquired some of our best-selling books of the past few years.
Dean Smith’s time at Cornell University Press has been a spectacular success, and he leaves us positioned for success, sustainability, and growth. We all wish him the best in his new role and want him to know that he has given us the gift of confidence and strength as a publisher of incredible authors and books and in ourselves as purveyors of publishing knowledge and excellence.
Bon Voyage, Dean. We’ll miss your bow ties, Baltimore sports books, Grateful Dead references, and unstoppable optimism.
March 8, 2019 March 8, 2019 sagehouseCornell Press, Cornell University, Gangs of Russia, Giving Day, Internet Archive, Open Access, poetry, Svetlana Stephenson
Gangs of Russia author Svetlana Stephenson wanted to become a sociologist after she read a collection of essays entitled American Sociology given to her by her father at the age of fifteen.
Growing up in Russia, she couldn’t obtain a degree in sociology from Moscow State University without having first worked in an industrial plant or for the party. So she studied history and later obtained a doctorate in sociology from the Russian Academy of Sciences.
“I consider myself a historical sociologist,” she said. “This was the time of Gorbachev. I got a job at the Russian center for public opinion and I was lucky to have it.” Continue reading “One Book at a Time” →
Embracing the Subversive Nature of Open Access
January 26, 2018 January 26, 2018 sagehouseAmazon, Cornell Open, DOAB, Ebooks, Hathi, Ithaka, JSTOR, libraries, Mellon Foundation, NEH, OAPEN, Open Access, Project Muse
“Libraries are innately subversive institutions born of the radical notion that every single member of society deserves free, high quality access to knowledge and culture.”—Dr. Matt Finch
Libraries are indeed a radical idea. Rather than purchase a book, I can simply go to my public library and borrow it for no fee whatsoever. Free books for everyone! Apart from the single purchase of a book by the library, it is a collective slap in the face to free-market capitalism. Some conservative voices in the nineteenth century, in fact, strongly attacked libraries for being “socialist continuation schools” that created a culture of dependency for those who could not pay market value for the books they wanted. And some continue to argue this even now. Continue reading “Embracing the Subversive Nature of Open Access” →
A Brief Note on the Past, the Future, and Cornell Open
January 25, 2018 January 25, 2018 sagehousearchives, Cornell Open, Ebooks, Humanities Open Book, Jim McCaffery, JSTOR, Mellon Foundation, metadata, NEH, Open Access, Project Muse
The Humanities Open Book Program, sponsored jointly by the National Endowment for the Humanities and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, is an effort to make out-of-print scholarly work once again available to scholars, students, and the general public, free of charge, in the form of high-quality, searchable ebooks. It is in many ways a bold, technologically savvy, forward-looking embrace of twenty-first-century developments in publishing and higher education—so what better person to bring on to help usher this dream into reality than an old-fogey stick-in-the-mud like myself who likes nothing better than poking around in museums and used-book stores, prefers riding trains to airplanes, and has never read an ebook cover to cover (or whatever it is they have instead of covers) in his life? Continue reading “A Brief Note on the Past, the Future, and Cornell Open” →
Doc Martyn’s Sage Marketing: Free Stuff!
January 24, 2018 sagehouseacademics, books, Marketing, Mellon Foundation, NEH, Open Access, Publishing
This week, we’re focusing on Cornell Open, our partnership with National Endowment for the Humanities and the Mellon Foundation to bring classic books from our backlist back to the forefront of discussion through an open access strategy. As such, I’ve been turning my attention to how we market and “sell” things that are free. Continue reading “Doc Martyn’s Sage Marketing: Free Stuff!” →
A Week of Free Books!
January 22, 2018 January 19, 2018 sagehouseGerman studies, lit crit, Mellon Foundation, Nabokov, NEH, Open Access, Slavic studies
Today, we’re starting a week long focus on Cornell Open.
Cornell Open is the global open access portal for classic titles from the distinguished catalog of Cornell University Press. Funded by the newly created Humanities Open Book Program, a collaborative effort between the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH) and The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation, Cornell Open offers for the first time open access to key titles in literary criticism and theory, German studies, and Slavic studies.
As part of this focus, we’ll be offering short excerpts from a selection of the Cornell Open books, as well as some other bits and pieces to give you a little more insight into Cornell Open and open access books.
Continue reading “A Week of Free Books!” →
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line984
|
__label__wiki
| 0.785982
| 0.785982
|
CBS Sports’ Kevin Harlan On Week 7 Broncos-Chargers Matchup, More
Filed Under:Cincinnati Bengals, Denver Broncos, Kansas City Chiefs, Kevin Harlan, Los Angeles Chargers, Matt Citak, NFL on CBS, NFL Q&A, Oakland Raiders, Pittsburgh Steelers, profootballqa, Thursday Night Football
By Matt Citak
The Denver Broncos got the season off to a great start, winning three of four games before heading into their Week 5 bye. Despite two weeks to prepare, Denver came out flat against the New York Giants. The Giants ran the ball 32 times for 148 yards, with Orleans Darkwa gaining 117 of those yards on 21 carries (5.6 yards per carry), en route to a 23-10 victory. Darkwa ran for more yards than the Broncos had allowed to Melvin Gordon (54), Ezekiel Elliott (8), LeSean McCoy (21), and Marshawn Lynch (12) combined in Weeks 1-4.
Quarterback Trevor Siemian will be without a few of his top options in the passing game when the Broncos take on the Los Angeles Chargers and their top-5 pass defense this weekend. Wide receivers Emmanuel Sanders and Isaiah McKenzie suffered ankle injuries against the Giants and will miss Sunday’s game and possibly several more. Demaryius Thomas is coming off his best game of the season (10 receptions for 133 yards), but will likely see shadow coverage from Casey Hayward, one of the NFL’s top shutdown corners.
The Chargers have had an incredibly up-and-down season thus far. Starting the season with four losses, Los Angeles has rebounded with close wins on the road against the Giants and Raiders. In fact, five of Los Angeles’s six games in 2017 have been decided by five points or fewer. Had their field-goal attempts at the end of Weeks 1 and 2 been successful, the 2-4 Chargers would be enjoying a 4-2 record.
Los Angeles is riding the play of star running back Melvin Gordon this year. Gordon has scored four touchdowns in the last two weeks, and has shown the ability to do a little bit of everything. The running back has carried the ball 99 times for 356 yards (3.6 yards per carry) and three touchdowns through the first six games, but has really made his presence felt in the passing game. Heading into Week 7, Gordon has caught 28 passes for 222 yards and four touchdowns, averaging 7.9 yards per reception. In the last two weeks alone, he has 15 receptions for 125 yards and three touchdowns. Philip Rivers and the Chargers’ offense has relied on their running back early and often in 2017.
THE NFL ON CBS play-by-play announcer Kevin Harlan weighed in on this week’s matchup between the Denver Broncos and Los Angeles Chargers, which he will be calling alongside Rich Gannon, as well as other upcoming NFL ON CBS action in Week 7.
>WATCH: The NFL ON CBS All Access – Try It Free
Credit: Justin Edmonds/Getty Images
Denver Broncos vs. Los Angeles Chargers – 4:25 PM ET Sunday – CBS
CBS Local Sports: The Broncos defense just allowed a season-high 117 rushing yards to the Giants’ Orleans Darkwa. How do they stop Melvin Gordon from doing the same on Sunday?
Kevin Harlan: We’ve seen a change in Los Angeles with their offense. I’m pretty confident a conversation ensued [after] that 0-4 start, and Philip Rivers and Anthony Lynn, the quarterback and the first-year head coach, got on the same page and tweaked what they were doing. Namely, use this elite running back, Melvin Gordon. That means [Rivers] playing under center, and that means checking down and not looking deep all the time, and going for the safe pass with a lot of room to roam for a guy like Gordon, who is a great pass-catcher. He’s a three-down running back. He can pass block, he can run, and he’s a very good receiver out of the backfield.
The Chargers, in the span of about three weeks with the two consecutive wins, have shown that they can run the ball and adjust, which they have done. Denver has their hands full. They just got gashed for over 100 yards on the ground by the Giants and Darkwa, and now they’ve got to contend with Melvin Gordon. And the confidence on the Chargers’ side is palpable. They’ve lost close games. They’re a much better team than their record. They’re going to give the Broncos all they can handle.
CBS Local Sports: After losing their first four games of the season, the Chargers have won two consecutive close contests. What will Los Angeles have to do to keep the winning streak going against the Broncos?
Kevin Harlan: They have to stay healthy, because certainly that has been the problem with them over the last couple of years. They’ve always had the talent. They’ve always had playmakers. The problem is, they can’t keep them on the field. They’ve already lost their Pro Bowl cornerback Jason Verrett. Trevor Williams is playing the corner [now]. They found some kids that are playing well and playing within the scheme. Gus Bradley is their new defensive coordinator, and he is bringing a simplified, quick-read, attack formula, which is playing very well.
For the Chargers, this season has been, over the last two weeks, defined by grabbing momentum. They feel it. The quarterback has adjusted. They’re staying healthy, so far. The running back, who we knew was good, is emerging. And, they are brimming with confidence. And now you have Kansas City with the loss, the Raiders have lost all these games in a row after a 2-0 start, and Denver is on the ropes a little bit. For the Chargers, we’re still so early in the year that they can, shockingly, be back up there in the conversation with a win this weekend. So it’s a huge, huge game in the AFC West.
CBS Local Sports: Between Denver being without starting wide receiver Emmanuel Sanders, and the presence of shutdown corner Casey Hayward in the Chargers’ secondary, how will Trevor Siemian and the Broncos’ passing offense fare in this matchup?
Kevin Harlan: Denver is going to have to adjust. When you lose guys that you count on so much, and in this case guys that can stretch the field, sure-handed, reliable receivers, it affects a lot of your offense. A team which is hot, you’re debilitated, and a quarterback — Siemian — who is coming under fire. The Broncos are on the ropes. They have a feel about their team right now. And in the first game of the season, the Chargers were right there at the very end. They had a rookie free agent kicker that had a kick blocked at the end of the game. This is a tough one for Denver. This game has a feel to it that I’d be very leery if I were the Broncos. The Chargers have a great deal of confidence. They (the Chargers) played them (the Broncos) well [before].
Credit: Thearon W. Henderson/Getty Images
Kansas City Chiefs vs. Oakland Raiders – 8:25 PM ET Thursday – CBS and NFL Network
CBS Local Sports: The Raiders’ season is unraveling after suffering four consecutive losses, already matching their loss total from the 2016 season. How does Oakland get back on track and defeat one of the league’s most well-rounded teams?
Kevin Harlan: Derek Carr is still injured, and he’s in pain. Carr has the small, broken bone in the lower part of his back, and that is not going away. He should have been out for three to six weeks, yet he missed only one game. The kid is playing in pain. What defined the Raiders to me last year was their ability to win late, their explosiveness on offense, their ability to take away the ball, and not allowing the big plays. But overriding all of that is the passion and intensity which marked their team so well last year. I don’t see it this season.
Their body language is bad. That team seems different to me. Amari Cooper is dropping as many balls as any receiver in our game right now. We know they’re trying to incorporate Marshawn Lynch, who is a special back and coming off a very good game this past week and running like the Lynch we know. But he, at the same time, demands less than a full load now. So they are taking him out and using a running back by committee. Their offensive line is okay, but not great. They came into the league this year as one of the top four or five in the NFL. But overall, the offensive line has not performed up to those lofty standards they established a year ago.
It’s a lot of little things that have added up. And it probably begins with their quarterback. They do not win when Carr is out of the game, so they need to keep him upright. They’re so worried about him getting hit, and the ball is coming out so fast that they can’t be what they are, which is a vertical team, throwing deep and loosening up the strings on the defensive coverage so they can run the ball. They have none of that.
Credit: Peter Aiken/Getty Images
Cincinnati Bengals vs. Pittsburgh Steelers – 4:25 PM ET Sunday – CBS
CBS Local Sports: Was last week’s performance against Kansas City the spark that Pittsburgh’s Killer B’s attack (Ben Roethlisberger, Le’Veon Bell, and Antonio Brown) needed to finally get the offense going?
Kevin Harlan: The emerging story in Pittsburgh is Bell has his football legs and the football-feel back. After missing all of camp and trying to come in and pick up as the train is going 100 MPH is difficult for anybody, even the best all-purpose running back in the league in Le’Veon Bell. With Roethlisberger not playing at the standard we know, Bell becomes even more important. A quarterback’s best friend is a good running game, and they’ve got it with Bell. Bell can catch, we know he can block. He’s a three-down back like Melvin Gordon.
Bell is their key. When he’s going, that team is at its optimum. And then you just want Roethlisberger to be what he’s been — a guy that will use play action and throw the deep ball. Then you’ve got Brown. People label him a selfish player, and there’s no doubt he is. But you have to have a little bit of selfishness and style to be great. You have to want the ball. They need Brown to perform, but they need Roethlisberger to get him the ball. That will be enhanced with the continued performance of Le’Veon Bell.
Matt Citak is a producer for CBS Local Sports and a proud Vanderbilt alum. Follow him on Twitter or send comments to mcitak@cbs.com.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line991
|
__label__cc
| 0.639785
| 0.360215
|
Trigger warning: How our varsity students turned into whining ...
Trigger warning: How our varsity students turned into whining wimps
Our fragile, coddled undergrads are abandoning the empiricism and tolerance that underpinned the Enlightenment
It’s the suddenness that’s so shocking. Until about five years ago, no one had heard of “safe spaces”, “trigger warnings”, “cultural appropriations” or “micro-aggressions”. Now, university life seems to revolve around them.
From one moment to the next, undergraduates became apparently incapable of dealing with challenging opinions. Oxford’s law students are now given formal warnings before they read about gory crimes. Its English students are counselled before encountering literature that might upset them. Undergraduates are given a trigger warning, for example, when presented with Robert Lowell’s 1964 poem For the Union Dead because it contains the n-word. Never mind that Lowell, a committed civil rights campaigner, was writing a homage to the black soldiers of the 54th Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry.
Context is irrelevant: feelings, or at least imagined feelings, now trump facts.
What is new is not left-wing radicalism on campus, but the loudly proclaimed fragility of our students, their determination to take offence at the smallest thing, their demand that nothing should make them feel uncomfortable (a logic that they don’t extend to the targets of their protests).
Consider the recent agitation against the statue of Cecil Rhodes at my old Oxford college, Oriel. It is easy enough to imagine students abusing the diamond magnate in the 1990s or, indeed, in the 1960s. But those students would have been aggressive and domineering in their anti-colonialism. The tone of today’s demonstrators is very different. It is introverted, injured, plaintive.
Undergraduates complain that they “suffer violence” every time they walk past the little guano-encrusted statuette, which is set so high in its niche that they must be making quite an effort to look at the thing they’re determined to be wounded by.
The answer is provided in a brilliant new book, The Coddling of the American Mind, by Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt. Haidt, a softly spoken psychology professor at New York University, is, for my money, currently the most important social scientist in the world. His insights on how our opinions are rooted in our evolved intuitions have revolutionised our understanding of politics.
The elevation of passive-aggressive victimhood has spread with astonishing rapidity over the past three years from American campuses to those in Britain, Canada and Australia. Yet it remains largely unknown in Europe, let alone further afield.
“Safetyism,” Haidt tells me, “is a uniquely Anglosphere problem.” In part, this is because ideas travel swiftly within a linguistic and cultural continuum; the French, by contrast, instinctively distrust American imports. It also reflects, Haidt believes, the way top universities in the English-speaking world are modelled, ultimately, on Oxbridge.
He stresses “top universities”. Safetyism is much rarer in technical colleges, especially those that are non-residential. You need to be removed from the amused reaction of your parents or work colleagues to be susceptible.
Formal education also starts earlier in the English-speaking democracies than in Europe and that, for Haidt, is part of the problem. “We’ve over-scheduled, over-protected and over-supervised our kids,” he says. They are less likely to walk or cycle to school. Playgrounds have been made risk-free. Social media encourages young people to think of opposed opinions, not as an intellectual test, but as a form of moral contamination.
This is far more worrying than “political correctness gone mad”. We are turning our backs on the central idea of the Enlightenment.
Over the past four centuries, at least in the West, we have absorbed a set of precepts that do not come naturally. We have taught ourselves that someone can disagree with us without being wicked; that people whose ways seem strange might yet possess wisdom; that we don’t know everything, and that listening to new ideas broadens our understanding.
This last idea – the recognition of our ignorance – is the foundation of modern science. For thousands of years, our ancestors believed that all truth was contained somewhere, usually in a sacred book. Only very recently have we reached the view that letting different ideas jostle is the best way to improve our knowledge.
In 1644, John Milton advanced a revolutionary argument: “A man may be a heretic in the truth, and if he believe things only because his pastor says so, or the assembly so determines, without knowing other reason, though his belief be true, yet the very truth he holds becomes his heresy.” Milton would immediately have recognised what is happening in our leading universities. Certain ideas are sacralised, lifted out of the field of rational enquiry.
Four centuries ago, heresy meant challenging the teaching of the church. Today, it means questioning the received dogmas on diversity and equality. We are abandoning the empiricism and tolerance that underpin the Enlightenment, and returning to the older notion of judging an idea on the basis of whether the speaker is from our own tribe – though “tribe” is now defined by political and cultural affinities.
How can we pull out of the nosedive?
In the long term, we should be readier to let our kids play unsupervised. Let them devise their own games, set their own rules, work out what to do if they gash a knee. In the shorter term, the leaders of our universities need to be prepared to defend free speech, in letter and in spirit.
And in the immediate term? Well, reading Haidt and Lukianoff’s book would be a start.
– © The Sunday Telegraph
Mob injustice: Let's shut up those telling us to ...
How to future-proof your kids without wrecking ...
They're no snowflakes: Older generations could ...
Don't blame the selfie-made Kardashians - we made ...
Oh you silly cult: The weird wiles of a real-life ...
Let expelled students study – but they need to ...
Mzansi and the art of political correctness
Today's cryptic crossword
Sorry Mr Barnes, your Post Office needs to hit resend
By Wendy Knowler
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line993
|
__label__wiki
| 0.607133
| 0.607133
|
Uninsured Rate Falls to Record Low
The share of people in the U.S. who lacked health insurance for 2016 declined to a record low of 8.8 percent, according to a U.S. Census Bureau report released Tuesday. This is down from 9.1 percent in 2015. The number of uninsured Americans fell to 28.1 million in 2016, down from 29 million in 2015. Both the overall percentage and number of uninsured are record lows.
Other findings in the report:
Massachusetts had the lowest uninsured rate at 2.5 percent.
Texas had the highest rate with 16.6 percent.
States that expanded Medicaid had an average uninsured rate of 6.5 percent.
States that did not expand Medicaid had an average uninsured rate of 11.7 percent.
Bernie Sanders Unveils ‘Medicare for All’ Bill
Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) on Wednesday rolled out details of his healthcare bill, Medicare for All Act of 2017. The bill has support from several Democratic senators; however, the measure has little chance of passing in a Republican-led Congress. The legislation would expand Medicare to cover all Americans, and people and businesses would no longer owe premiums to insurers.
Highlights of the bill include:
Americans under 18 would be immediately covered.
Those over 18 who are not currently eligible for Medicare would be phased in over 4 years.
Employer-provided insurance would be replaced, with businesses paying higher taxes.
Private insurers would remain to cover elective treatments.
Doctors would be reimbursed by the government.
Providers would sign a yearly participation agreement with Medicare to remain with the system.
Sanders’ description of the legislation omitted specifics about how much it would cost and final decisions about how he would pay for it.
At least 15 Senate Democrats had signed onto Sanders’ bill by late Tuesday. Those senators include California’s Kamala Harris, Massachusetts’ Elizabeth Warren, New York’s Kirsten Gillibrand, and New Jersey’s Cory Booker.
Latest GOP ACA Replacement Bill to be Announced
Senators Bill Cassidy (R-LA) and Lindsey Graham (R-SC) met with Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-KY) on Tuesday to discuss their Obamacare repeal bill. McConnell encouraged the senators to find the 50 votes needed to pass the legislation.
The bill would end funding for Obamacare subsidies and Medicaid expansion and instead provide money for state block grants.
Considered a last-ditch effort to repeal and replace Obamacare, the bill faces odds. Graham and Cassidy will introduce the legislation Wednesday along with Senators Dean Heller (R-NV) and Ron Johnson (R-WI).
House Democrats Request Funding for Obamacare Navigators
A group of 31 House Democrats sent a letter to President Donald Trump asking the administration to release funding for Obamacare navigator groups. Led by Representative Carol Shea-Porter of New Hampshire, the letter pressed the president to reinstate grant money for the education and outreach services.
An excerpt from the letter: “Destabilizing the Navigator program could further compound the challenges consumers will face in understanding when and how to enroll. [D]iscouraging enrollment could weaken the market and drive up premiums.”
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Illinois Leaving Obamacare Small Business Exchange
Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Illinois announced that it will no longer provide group plans for small businesses through the ACA health insurance exchange. However, the company will continue to offer individual plans through the exchange.
Several ACA Marketplace Navigator Groups Halt Operations
Navigator groups that help educate and enroll consumers in the Affordable Care Act insurance exchanges are shutting down because they are not being paid by the federal government.
Last month, the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services (CMS) announced plans to cut funding for the groups by 40 percent. However, CMS did not indicate how navigators would be affected. The University of South Florida, one of the country’s largest navigation services, is among the groups suspending activities.
Navigator contracts for the 2018 enrollment period from Health and Human Services (HHS) were to begin September 2, but navigators say they have yet to receive notice from the agency regarding funding.
Senate’s Bipartisan ACA Talks Hit a Speed Bump
Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-TN) has reportedly suggested substantial changes to the Affordable Care Act in private negotiations with Senate Democrats. These changes would make it easier for states to waive some consumer protections and benefits. However, the proposals are opposed by Democrats and could stall a last-minute effort to stabilize health insurance marketplaces.
Rand Paul Objects Cassidy-Graham Healthcare Proposal
Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) opposed the new Republican effort to replace Obamacare on Monday. Paul does not think the bill goes far enough to repeal the law. “I don’t think it’s going anywhere. I haven’t heard anybody talking about it,” Paul said.
The bill, authored by Senators Bill Cassidy (R-LA) and Lindsey Graham (R-SC) is expected to fund key Obamacare payments known as cost-sharing reductions (CSR).
Senate Committee to Review ACA’s Innovation Waivers
The Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee’s push to stabilize the Affordable Care Act exchanges could include changes that make it easier for states to obtain innovation waivers, such as letting states essentially copy each other’s applications and letting governors submit applications without approval from the state legislature.
The committee scheduled 2 more hearings for this week—one on state flexibility and another with healthcare stakeholders.
Conservative Leader Offers Support for New ACA Repeal Bill
Representative Mark Meadows (R-NC), who leads the conservative Freedom Caucus of lawmakers, said the ACA bill being promoted by Senators Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Bill Cassidy (R-LA) is the “most promising” option for replacing the federal healthcare law.
But the effort faces uphill odds. On Friday, President Donald Trump expressed doubt through a tweet: “Republicans, sorry, but I’ve been hearing about Repeal & Replace for 7 years, didn’t happen!”
Bernie Sanders to Release his ‘Medicare for all’ Bill
Senator Bernie Sanders (I-VT) will reveal his single-payer healthcare bill on Wednesday. He will be joined by cosponsors, medical professionals, business leaders, and patients.
Healthcare Reform News Update for September 8, 2017
Five Governors Urge Congress to Aid Markets for 2018
In the second day of bipartisan ACA hearings with the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, five governors agreed that guaranteeing payments to ACA insurers to help defray certain coverage expenses for consumers ranks as the most urgent step Congress should take.
Republican and Democratic governors from Colorado, Massachusetts, Montana, Tennessee, and Utah endorsed proposals to stabilize health insurance markets by providing federal money for continued payment of subsidies to insurance companies, offsetting the cost of discounts provided to low-income consumers.
The governors urged the committee to extend these payments for longer than the 1-year window favored by Chairman Lamar Alexander (R-TN). Utah Governor Gary R. Herbert (R) said: “It would be irresponsible to allow these markets to collapse simply because of [federal] inaction.”
The group also requested simplification of the ACA federal waiver process and more flexibility over the benefits ACA health plans must cover.
Senate GOP Accepts Defeat on ACA Repeal
Senior Senate Republicans have given up on trying to repeal and replace the Affordable Care Act. The Trump administration and Senators Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Bill Cassidy (R-LA) tried to muster support for a plan to keep most Obamacare taxes and convert federal funding into block grants to the states.
“We’ve seen that we don’t have 51 votes to do it, so we’re going to have to do it bipartisan,” said Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn of Texas.
Optima Cuts Virginia Coverage in Half
Optima Health Plan announced its plans to exit about half the Virginia counties it served in 2017. The company will enter only the Charlottesville area, Halifax County, and Mecklenburg County, leaving 63 counties without a coverage option.
Anthem Reduces ACA Offerings in Kentucky
Healthcare insurer Anthem will now offer individual market plans in only 59 of the 120 counties in Kentucky. Initially, the company had planned to cover every county in the state. However, Anthem cited mounting policy uncertainty and a deteriorating market as its reason for the decision.
Senate Committee Holds First ACA Hearing
The Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee held the first of 4 bipartisan hearings on ways to stabilize the Affordable Care Act’s exchanges. Five state insurance regulators were questioned on a variety of ACA topics, including:
Reinsurance programs,
Cost-sharing subsidies,
Expanded regulatory waivers for states, and
Allowing people younger than 30 to buy only catastrophic care (also known as copper plans).
Trump’s $15 Billion Cut to HHS Rejected
A Senate appropriations subcommittee rejected a proposed multibillion-dollar cut to Health and Human Services (HHS) funding over concerns that it could hinder medical innovation.
In the president’s 2018 budget proposal, HHS received a $15.1 billion cut, a 17.9 percent decrease from the 2017 budget. The group released a summary of a forthcoming appropriations bill, recommending that HHS receive $79.4 billion in discretionary funding in 2018. This is an increase of $1.7 billion from what HHS received in 2017.
Impending Renewal of Children’s Health Plan Causes Concern
The Senate Finance Committee will hold a hearing on reauthorizing the Children’s Health Insurance Program (CHIP), which covers millions of children from lower- and middle-income families. The program is up for renewal Sept. 30. CHIP advocates are concerned that the busy legislative agenda facing Congress could complicate the reauthorization. Bruce Lesley, president of the advocacy group First Focus, voiced his concern: “With all that is on Congress’ plate, I am very worried that a strong, wildly successful program with strong public support will get lost in the shuffle and force states to begin the process of winding down CHIP.”
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line996
|
__label__cc
| 0.71312
| 0.28688
|
“Poll” Suggests White Coat Waste Respects Supporters Even Less Than It Respects Science
If you’re subscribed to the White Coat Waste Project’s social media feeds (and we assume you aren’t) you would have just witnessed several weeks of celebration. The anti-animal research group has been tweeting, posting and taking credit on a near-daily basis for the USDA’s decision to close down a key research unit studying one of the most common and dangerous food parasites in the world. That research core – an international leader in combating Toxoplasmosis – was recently described as “an incredible resource” by one Johns Hopkins infectious disease expert. Another scientist theorized that closing down the lab may actually increase the number of felines involved in this important research area. This could become the case because the USDA’s lab supported several other research efforts worldwide, preventing the need for duplicative efforts. With that very real possibility in mind, it’s hard to understand why White Coat Waste (WCW) is so pleased.
Some may also wonder what the anti-animal research group has planned next. They dropped a pretty big clue this week when they decided to “poll” their supporters. Those quotation marks are pretty well deserved. Why? Because anyone who knows anything about surveys can spot WCW’s push poll a mile away.
What’s a push poll?
A few definitions we found online:
push poll (From Google’s dictionary)
an ostensible opinion poll in which the true objective is to sway voters using loaded or manipulative questions.
Another from Wikipedia:
A push poll is an interactive marketing technique, most commonly employed during political campaigning, in which an individual or organization attempts to manipulate or alter prospective voters’ views/beliefs under the guise of conducting an opinion poll. In a push poll, large numbers of voters are contacted with little effort made to actually collect and analyze voters’ response data. Instead, the push poll is a form of telemarketing-based propaganda and rumor mongering, masquerading as an opinion poll.
And from the New York Times:
“Push polls” — which are not really polls at all — are often criticized as a particularly sleazy form of negative political campaigning….
…The questions are skewed to one side of an issue or candidate, the goal being to sway large numbers of voters under the guise of survey.”
Because push polling is so dishonest and manipulative, it’s been pretty widely condemned. The American Association for Public Opinion Research, the American Association of Political Consultants, the Council for Marketing and Opinion Research and the National Council on Public Polls have all denounced the practice.
Before we look more closely at the WCW survey, here are some of the specific characteristics of a push poll. According to the Poynter Institute they:
Often ask very few questions.
Tend to focus on a single candidate or issue.
Usually pose questions that are strongly negative (or sometimes uniformly positive).
Do not ask for demographic information.
Usually [poll] very large numbers of people.
Do not use random samples.
Rarely, if ever, report results.
White Coat Waste Project’s “Poll”
With that in mind, here are WCW’s “poll” questions:
Following WCW’s campaign (opposing all VA canine studies), the VA says adoption is an “ethical obligation.” However, the VA refuses to retire the “Cleveland 3” (three dogs) from its painful puppy labs. Should the VA allow taxpayers to adopt dog lab survivors?
WCW recently defeated USDA’s kitten slaughterhouse. For 50 years, USDA slaughtered and incinerated healthy kittens like trash. Should all government cat labs follow USDA’s lead and retire cat survivors?
The FDA locked 10-month-old monkeys in restraint chairs and forcibly addicted them to nicotine. We ended these experiments and retired the survivors to a sanctuary. Should the FDA’s remaining primate labs do the same?
The federal government usually kills lab survivors instead of retiring them. Bureaucrats just simply can’t be bothered to adopt them out. As a taxpayer, you paid for these tests. So WCW launched the first-ever campaign to give all government lab survivors a second chance. How would you intensify WCW’s campaign to #GiveThemBack?
Will you rush a one-time donation to help us adopt out even more survivors from government animal labs?
So when you consider Poyntner’s description of a push poll, WCW pretty much checks all the boxes:
Few questions? Yes, four plus a fundraising plea.
Single issue? Yup.
Strongly negative? ”Painful,” “kitten slaughterhouse,” “incineration,” “like trash,” need we go on?
No interest in demographic information? It’s a poll posted on Facebook, enough said.
Very large numbers of respondents? Again, posted on Facebook. They don’t seem to care how many responses they get.
Not a random sample? Polling your own supporters? Definitely not.
They rarely, if ever, report results? We will have to wait and see.
WCW’s “Taxpayer Opinion Survey” of Facebook followers is about as pushy as it gets. This means that either A) White Coat Waste doesn’t respect its supporters very much or B) they feel that manipulative polls are ethical and acceptable.
One Small Side Note
Earlier, we listed several organizations that have thoroughly condemned surveys like this. One of those organizations is the American Association of Political Consultants (AAPC). The AAPC calls the practice of push polls “a clear violation of the AAPC’s Code of Ethics and a degradation of the political process.”
AAPC’s name sounded familiar to us. Here’s why. Anthony Bellotti, the president and founder of White Coat Waste, is one of AAPC’s stars. He was honored in 2017 by the organization as being one of their 40 under 40 winners. According to his LinkedIn page, he also previously served as AAPC’s Executive Director. Apparently, Bellotti believes that AAPC’s position on polling that violates their ethics standards and “degrades the political process” does not apply to his organization.
Source: LinkedIn
A Little More Balance
There is at least a partial solution to this problem. Someone could make WCW’s poll questions a little less leading and a lot more balanced.
Here’s what we think they should ask the American taxpayers they claim to care so much about:
Do you understand how medical advancements occur and the role that animal research plays in this process?
Do you agree that major decisions about health research should be based on scientific evidence and as free from personal ideologies and agendas as possible?
Do you support the use of American tax dollars in the development of health innovations that reduce suffering?
The United States is currently one of the world leaders in biotechnology and health research. Moving forward, should America greatly diminish its leadership role and become reliant on China and other nations that are increasing their own investments in animal research for medical developments and safety testing?
Should animal research conducted in other countries, and whose findings inform health consequences in the US (drugs, interventions etc.), be used only if the original research conforms to similar or better ethical standards to those found in the US? If so, would you support the creation of an oversight committee which guarantees this and is paid for by American tax dollars? How would such a system be different from the current standards for funding and oversight in the US?
Should the US limit its involvement to testing new drugs and therapies on nonhuman animals and instead test on American citizens prior to approval for use in the general public?
An anti-animal research group is currently celebrating the closure of a worldwide-respected lab that studies one of the most common and dangerous food parasites. The research required the study of cats and their involvement was necessary for studies to continue. In addition, an expert panel decided that the animals involved in this research cannot be adopted out due to public health concerns. Are you familiar with this issue and did you feel fully informed when the decision to close the lab was made? Do you feel the decision was based on all the necessary facts or was this complex health issue overly influenced by special interest groups?
Would you support increased communications and transparency from federal agencies when their research efforts are called into question so that members of the public and lawmakers can be more fully informed when forming and voicing their opinions?
Lung cancer caused by smoking remains a major worldwide health threat. According to the World Health Organization, more than 2 million people died from the disease last year alone. Compounding the issue even further is the expanding use of e-cigarettes, especially by teenagers. The use of these devices pose additional health risks and data suggests they often lead to tobacco addiction. Given that nicotine is the addictive ingredient in both of these products, do you agree that studies in animals – including nonhuman primates – must continue to help provide better solutions for combatting this health crisis?
While very rare (less than .05 percent of research in animals), studies using dogs have resulted in several critical research advancements that benefit humans and animals alike. These include the development of treatments to reduce the health impact of spinal cord injury, advances in cancer treatment, insulin for diabetes and hip replacements. And while moral considerations and the greater good require the continuation of these studies, research organizations are increasingly committed to adopting out dogs previously involved in research when possible. Do you support the use of federal funds for these adoptions?
Are you familiar with the U.S. government’s efforts to retire chimpanzees formerly involved in health research? Do you support an estimated cost of $60 to $100 million or more over the chimpanzees’ lifetime? Would you support a much larger expenditure to retire many more animals involved in federally funded health research or should those funds instead be used to provide health care to Americans who are unable to afford it?
Posted on May 16, 2019 May 16, 2019 by EditorPosted in #ARnonsense, Animal Rights News, NewsTagged white coat waste.
Previous Previous post: Celebrating #WorldImmunizationWeek – Reversing the damage
Next Next post: Monkeys, research, retirement, and public interests: Fact and relevant considerations
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1001
|
__label__cc
| 0.659991
| 0.340009
|
« The Eyes! The Eyes!
Speciation »
Artificial DNA
Naturally, in a game like Species, the genetic code and the format of the genetic code is going to come up. Of course the player is going to want to see and manipulate the genetic code directly. But that means giving the creatures a genetic code to manipulate in the first place. That’s… well, it’s a bit harder than it sounds…
Here in reality, DNA strings are made out of four molecules: A, T, G and C.
[/pedant: technically DNA strings are made out of pairs of these molecules (AT, TA, GC and CG), which form the double-helix ‘ladder’ shape we’re all familiar with, but it’s easier to represent the code by just reading the molecules up one side of the ladder]
Now here’s the first place people get caught up: DNA isn’t a “code”. It doesn’t really abstract or represent anything: it’s just a long string of molecules, one after the other. When a transcription molecule runs along the edge of the string, it transcribes each set of 3 molecules (codon) it comes to into basic amino acids through molecular processes, and those acids later go on to form proteins.
We often use human terms like “code” and “compile”, “instruct” and “transcribe”, a lot when we’re talking about DNA, and those terms are often misused by anti-evolutionists to imply that these structures had to have been designed. This is purely a semantic argument, but it can be a convincing one: these terms all imply slightly more than what they refer to. The thing to remember is that they’re analogies. The transcription molecule isn’t reading a codon into memory and outputting an acid based on that code: it’s simply reacting to the molecules it comes across, and that reaction happens to result in a specific amino acid.
As one example of a difference, genetic code is a remarkably poor and inefficient way to store amino-acid information, even before we hit the whole “junk dna” issue. Codons have 3 characters, so there are 64 codons. But there’s only 20 amino acids. This means that there are multiple codons for every amino acid. Then, just to make it even more confusing, some amino acids can be created by as many as 6 different codons, while others can only be created by two.
From a purely design perspective, especially a design perspective motivated by a belief in an omnipotent creator of the universe and all associated laws (they know who they are), this is stupid. It’s like inventing the decimal numeric system and then deciding to have 4 symbols for “7”, or making a binary system with 12 symbols for 0 and 8 symbols for 1. It makes no sense.
But from a biological and molecular standpoint, this redundancy is probably responsible for life’s ability to develop into so many and varied forms. Any codon will create an amino acid: returning to the programming analogies, there are no exception-inducing combinations that will make the code crash or stop responding. The molecular compiler is infinitely robust.
And an infinitely robust compiler might be significantly less efficient, but it’s also far more versatile.
I’ve gone rather significantly off-topic, haven’t I? One moment…
[Drags post back to topic by its neck…]
The genetics in Species differ from real life DNA in that they aren’t stored as a series of characters. This is another case where I had to balance the limitations of a computer simulation with sticking strictly to reality. An accurate simulation of genetic code and amino acid generation, while interesting from an academic standpoint, wasn’t the game I had in mind. In addition, computers have all sorts of problems with string manipulation and memory management. It’s not impossible, but representing a creature’s genetic values as a string would mean far less CPU for other aspects of the game (like simulating and drawing more creatures)
So instead, the internal “genetic code” of creatures in Species is actually a list of numbers.
But that doesn’t mean I don’t have a genetic code in the game. In this case though, and unlike real life, the genetic code is quite literally a “code”: it is generated from the original number list using a fairly simple cryptographic key. It can be used to reconstruct the original numbers and thus clone the creature.
So the genetic code you see in game is not the actual genetic values used to simulate the creatures, but it does represent them. So what are the practical effects of this?
Mainly, they make direct genetic manipulation highly inadvisable for a variety of reasons, which I’m about to go list. But first, I’ll say this: I want direct genetic manipulation in Species. Maybe not immediately, but definitely within a few versions of the alpha. So these problems are all things I need to sort out. Now, on with the show…
1. Crashing.
The most obvious problem is that the compiler is not completely robust. With the right sequence of characters, it can be made to crash: for example, a number with two decimal points, or none. This is something I’m going to have to invest time in. Making the compiler robust enough to compile a gene list from any sequence of characters would be a great advantage for the game, because it would pave the way towards direct genetic manipulation.
2. Sensitivity.
A less-obvious result of this system is that making small, direct changes to the genetic code could have ridiculous effects on creature physiology. For instance, moving the decimal place could instantly make a Godzilla-like creature. Since mutations are normally applied to the numbers, and not the code, this doesn’t happen in the games ecosystem: but editing the code directly? Anything goes.
There are several artificial solutions to this problem. I could restrict what codons can be changed: make it so the player can only move decimal places by small amounts. Or I could give artificial ranges to genetic values, so if they go outside the arbitrary ranges the creature dies when it’s born. A third way would be to make the direct manipulation work on the numbers the code represents, rather than the code itself.
I don’t really like any of these options: they restrict the player’s freedom to type whatever they want into the genetic field. The option also exists to make the compiler itself make changes in the background before generating the creature from them, to give the illusion of freedom but make sure ridiculous numbers don’t get out of hand (indeed, this is what will happen to the aforementioned numbers with two decimal points), but I’m not too fond of that idea either: it feels like cheating because no matter what I do the min-max ranges are going to be arbitrary.
There is a third option, though I’m not sure whether it will help: encode the numbers differently. Currently the cryptogram is simple: assign a different codon to each possible number and symbol and write the code out directly. It’s possible that a different means of encoding (for instance, prefixing the number with it’s exponent?) would be less sensitive to direct manipulation.
I’d love to hear anyone’s idea’s for this by the way: in fact, all of these are problems I haven’t definitively solved yet.
3. Order
The genetic code is just a list of numbers: it’s the order of the numbers that decides which gene they affect. This makes the entire system extremely sensitive to insertion and deletion mutations: a “9” won’t affect much at the very end of a 7-decimal number, but an insertion mutation could easily push it into the front of the next gene’s number with obvious consequences. Even worse, inserting or deleting a single character rather than two would completely change the meaning of the codons after it, and probably result in some sort of missingno equivalent.
Thankfully, this is something I have already taken a few steps to alleviate. I have stop codons in place: an insertion mutation early in the torso segment, although it will (probably dramatically) affect the entirety of torso, will have no effect on any feature after that because there is a stop codon at the end of the torso segment.
I’m considering even taking this a step further and including stop codons between many genes, to further reduce the impact of insertion mutations.
4. Mutation
As I mentioned in point 2, mutations in Species act on the numbers behind the genetic code, not the letters in front of it. This isn’t really a problem, but it can look strange when you’re examining the genetic code. I’ll show you what I mean with a quick diagram:
Parent: Gene 1: 1.0000000 AGTATGTGTGTGTGTGTG
Child : Gene 1: 1.0128639 AGTATGAAAGCAGGACCG
With a tiny change (~0.01) the entire genetic string now looks completely different. This is especially noticeable in game, when you’re looking at the “species average”.
Fixing this is actually a very interesting task, from a mathematical perspective. Currently, the mutation amount of each gene is determined by a simple random number generator, giving a nice even probability distribution. My initial thoughts were to simply round to the highest significant digit, so 0.465… would come out as 0.5, while 0.007324… would come out as 0.007. Mathematically inclined readers may have already worked out the problem with this, but if not why not see if you can work it out before moving on…
Worked it out? What this does is gives a 90% probability that a specific codon/digit will be the one modified, and a 99% probability that it will be one of the first two. You’d likely never see some of the later digits mutated, and that’s not the way mutation works.
My second idea was to take a ‘per codon’ approach to mutation: each mutation randomly picks and affects a single digit of the number.
Child : Gene 1: 1.0080000 AGTATGTGCATGTGTGTG
From a genetic perspective, this looks pretty good. Genetic differences between parents and children are much smaller and more logical. But from a numbers standpoint… can you work out the unintended consequences in this case? It’s a bit more complicated than the last one.
Here’s my problem: ~86% of mutations are now going to have an effect of less than 0.1: 71% will have less than 0.01 effect. All I’ve really done is replaced the constant probability curve of the random number generator with an exponential one, so the majority of mutations are now ridiculously small.
This is an interesting situation: in some ways it’s actually a good thing. It means that creatures can have higher mutation tolerances and rates, because the majority of mutations are going to be tiny with the occasional large ones mixed in. On the other hand, it may slow down evolution. Based on what I’ve seen in Species (and what I’ve read in reality), I believe “lucky mutants” have a far lower influence on population change than the slow-but-constant adaptation of the entire population.
I’m currently considering a mix-and-match approach: apply both of these methods and hope that the individual digit changes mask the fact that certain codons are far more susceptible to mutation than others. But I’m also open to suggestions: if you’ve got any other ideas, I’d love to hear them!
“Molecular Genetics doesn’t lend itself particularly well to comedy, does it?”
This entry was posted on March 13, 2012, 1:39 pm and is filed under Evolution, Game Development, Science. You can follow any responses to this entry through RSS 2.0. You can leave a response, or trackback from your own site.
#1 by BaldySlaphead on March 14, 2012 - 12:05 am
I’m certainly in no position to give you any answers to your queries, but I wanted to say how much I enjoyed this post. It was genuinely informative both about genetics and what you’re trying to achieve.
#2 by ququasar on March 14, 2012 - 8:55 am
Thanks! Glad at least one person is interested in my technical/bio-geek posts. 😀
Actually, I was thinking today about what I wrote about DNA being an inefficient code, and thought, “how would I/a designer do it better?”
My answer to that is simple: 2 character codons. 4×4 characters gives you 16 combinations. Add 2 prefix codons, (for instance, when the transcription molecule reads AA or AT it immediately reads a third molecule and compiles an amino acid from that) and we’ve got 24 combinations, enough for the 20 amino acids and 2 regulator codons, plus 2 left over. And just like that our DNA now takes up 30% less space to stores the exact same information.
But a code like that requires the transcription molecule to be a much more complex machine than it is. It can no longer just react naturally to different codons: it needs to read, compile, and build the correct amino acids.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1002
|
__label__cc
| 0.531154
| 0.468846
|
District 6-6A Football
Carrollton, TX (75010)
Large poles fell onto an apartment complex in June during a storm, causing damage to a couple buildings and several vehicles.
Courtesy of Carrollton Fire Rescue
Metrocrest Services, Carrollton to host first Disaster Recovery Fair
Victoria Atterberry, vatterberry@starlocalmedia.com
Metrocrest Services is partnering with the city of Carrollton, the city of Farmers Branch and the town of Addison to host its first Disaster Recovery Fair.
The fair will be held July 24 at the Carrollton Senior Center and will provide information on several topics including what to do if your home is destroyed, how to protect against scams, debris sorting, how to volunteer and make donations after a disaster and more.
“The goal of the fair is to educate the public on what resources are available during a crisis,” said Nicole Binkley, chief operations officer for Metrocrest Services. “Metrocrest Services is usually the first agency to respond, but there are a lot of different resources that the community can use during a disaster, and it’s really just to educate the public on what those are.”
Agencies such as the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), the American Red Cross, Oncor and Atmos will share information on anything that could happen during a disaster. Binkley said there are going to be different booths around the room where people can ask specific questions. In addition, the public will have the opportunity to hear a short presentation about what each agency does.
If the fair goes well, Binkley said the hope is to host it yearly.
“This is something the public can hear every year,” she said. “As you talk about your emergency plans, you need to talk about it on a regular basis so you’re up to date on it.”
The event is open to the public and no registration is required.
Nicole Binkley
Metrocrest Services
ELMCROFT SENIOR LIVING
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1004
|
__label__cc
| 0.506255
| 0.493745
|
More drivers texting while driving
By Sara Gaiser :: Bay City News July 15, 2015
In a worrying trend, more California drivers are using their cell phones while driving this year than last, according to a study released by state officials Tuesday.
The study, conducted by the state Office of Traffic Safety and the University of California at Berkeley Safe Transportation Research and Education Center, centers on observations of driver behavior.
Researchers this year observed 9.2 percent of drivers using their cell phone. That marks a 39 percent increase from 2014, when 6.6 percent of drivers were seen using their cell phones, but remains lower than the all-time high of 10.8 percent recorded in 2012, officials said.
Law enforcement agencies ticketed more than 46,000 drivers in California for driving while using a cell phone in April during Distracted Driving Awareness Month. That amount is around twice the number ticketed in an average month.
Fewer tickets were issued this year for talking on the phone using a hand-held device, but tickets for the even-more-dangerous practice of texting while driving increased 35 percent, officials said. Texting can take a driver’s eyes off the road for an average of five seconds, long enough to travel the length of a football field, officials said.
Office of Traffic Safety Director Ronda Craft said today in a statement:
“It’s shocking that nearly 10 percent of motorists were observed using their cell phones while driving a motor vehicle, a potentially-lethal combination. … We will continue our aggressive public outreach campaign and our partnership with law enforcement to educate the public about the dangers of those who drive distracted and put the lives of others at risk.”
Distracted Driving Awareness Month
Bar owner accused of running fake pot dispensary
Uber settles lawsuit after driver kills 6-year-old
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1007
|
__label__wiki
| 0.907691
| 0.907691
|
Andrew Ireland
CEO @ Sydney Swans
Andrew Ireland is a highly successful football administrator who has been involved with a number of premierships throughout his career. Ireland was appointed as CEO of the Sydney Swans in 2010 after joining the Club in 2002 to head up the Football Operations.
He previously held the role of CEO at the Brisbane Bears and Brisbane Lions between 1990-2001. Ireland recently signed a new deal to become Chief Executive Officer and Managing Director of the Sydney Swans until the end of 2018.
Ireland has overseen a strong and successful football program during his time at the Swans along with outstanding growth in commercial areas of the Club.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1015
|
__label__wiki
| 0.577693
| 0.577693
|
Welcoming. Entertaining. Inspiring. Three Years and Counting! #SIFF15
By: Spritz | April 6, 2015 |
The 18th Annual Sonoma International Film Festival (SIFF) kicked off spring from Mar. 25-29, 2015. Featuring more than 100 selected films from 25 countries, SIFF brought five days of fun, food, and unforgettable world cinema to the heart of wine country.
As SIFF’s proud marketing and creative agency for three consecutive years, Spritz has not only witnessed the the tremendous growth of the festival throughout the years, but also increased our own involvement in supporting and spearheading the event. This year, we invited and hosted more sponsors, partners, media, key influencers and special guests than ever before!
The Opening Night films featured Alan Rickman’s directorial debut film A Little Chaos (starring Rickman himself and Kate Winslet), which was preceded by the Academy Award winning short “Feast,” as well as American independent feature The Week, which was preceded by the Susan Atherton sponsored short, “Artoo in Love.” Although neither Rickman nor Winslet were able to attend SIFF this year, Spritz facilitated a partnership with Madame Tussaud’s San Francisco, who brought Kate Winslet’s detailed figure to the Opening Night Reception. A hit at the festival, the lifelike wax version of Kate stood at the entrance of the Backlot Tent VIP Lounge, and was the star of many star-struck fans and their photoshoots.
Spritz was also proud to invite renowned media guests and fashionistas to the Celebrity Cruises sponsored film screenings of Dior and I. Guests who were lucky enough to gain access to the sold-out film screenings were able to experience a taste of Celebrity Cruises’ signature modern luxury lifestyle with complimentary glasses of Breathless sparkling wine.
We also were delighted to have many returning sponsors, and had the pleasure of introducing a number of new sponsors such as: Emirates Airlines, Where magazine, 7×7, KCBS, Alice Radio, SF Travel, USTA NorCal, and philanthropist Susan Atherton.
To top off the incredible five day event, the entire Spritz team had the pleasure of attending the screening of Dukhtar, a groundbreaking Pakistani movie directed by Afia Nathaniel, which was presented by none other than our own CEO and Co-founder, Raghu Shivaram. We couldn’t have been happier to discover that the film won the Best World Movie Award at the Sunday night Awards Ceremony!
As always, we are extremely honored and proud to support SIFF and we look forward to continue our partnership through the upcoming year-round events, in addition to the 19th Annual Sonoma International Film Festival!
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1016
|
__label__cc
| 0.542103
| 0.457897
|
The Essence of Style
A Fashion & Glamour Exclusive
St. Regis is a place where exquisite style and design reside. Our exclusive partnerships with world-class couture designers, as well as our extraordinary designer suites expresses a lifestyle of luxury like no other.
The Queen of New York’s Gilded Age
Caroline Astor was highly regarded as the Queen of New York high society during the Gilded Age. As a doyenne of glamour, Mrs. Astor’s rich legacy lives on today through many of our St. Regis exclusive partnerships with world-class couture designers and global tastemakers.
Designing Moments
Jason Wu is a notable American designer with a true appreciation for tradition and glamour. A St. Regis Connoisseur, Jason’s visionary style is a tribute to the Gilded Age and designed for today’s modern luminary.
Delfina Delettrez is an Italian born designer and jeweler based in Rome, Italy. Beginning with her debut in 2007, she has developed a signature style unique in marrying goldsmith techniques with innovative and contemporary materials, resulting in future focused pieces in the spirit of true Italian craftsmanship. St. Regis is proud to introduce an exclusive capsule collection inspired by The St. Regis Rome and Ms. Delettrez’s beloved Eternal City.
Inspired by the timeless elegance, St. Regis Connoisseurs and Marchesa co-founders Georgina Chapman and Keren Craig have created a collection of couture wedding gowns designed exclusively for St. Regis.
Style, Travel & More
Beyond, The St. Regis Magazine
Our signature St. Regis publication reflects the interests, values and passions of the modern luminary.
LEARN MORE New Window Icon Opens in a new browser window
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1018
|
__label__wiki
| 0.508226
| 0.508226
|
Adam Prince is Angry and Determined
Adam Prince, the 2010 Wabash Fiction Prize winner, has been on quite a roll recently. Besides winning the 2010 Wabash Prize for his story “Island of the Lost Boys” which Peter Ho Davies noted for its “acute observations, wry wit, and delicate characterization.…The result is a quietly, almost furtively, heartbreaking story.” Beyond winning the Wabash Prize, Prince also won the 2010 Narrative Magazine Winter Contest, and his stories have appeared in many journals including The Southern Review, The Missouri Review, Black Warrior Review, Mid-American Review and LIT among others. Sycamore Review’s Fiction Editor Conor Broughan wanted to check in with Adam to find out the secret of his recent success and to ask a few questions about “Island of the Lost Boys,” a story that we here at Sycamore Review are proud to have published. Find an excerpt of the story here.
Sycamore: For many writers, a story starts with an image, an article in the newspaper, or a phrase overheard at a bar or coffee shop. Can you tell us where the idea for “Island of the Lost Boys” came from and how you went about turning that germ of an idea into a fully realized story?
Prince: I grew up on Newport Island, where the story is set. And there was this older guy who was always inviting the kids over to his house to use his computer (this was back when very few people had computers). Anyway, he eventually moved out, and my best friend and I sort of co-opted the vacant house. One day, rummaging around in the attic, we found this photography book with a bunch of naked boys in it. It was all artfully done, but we knew what it probably meant about him. For years, there had been rumors. It was a small neighborhood, and we knew how rumors could go. He’d never crossed any lines with us and actually treated us sort of like peers, like fellow-adults. So we’d been inclined to ignore the rumors up to that point. And the mix of feelings we had looking at that book was really complicated. I still wanted to defend the guy. I reasoned that if he was attracted to us, he’d done what he could to fight it. I thought there was something heroic about that, and I still think so. But, at the same time, as we flipped through the pages, we were looking at ourselves as he probably saw us. And that was disturbing.
So this started as being about the time my best friend and I discovered that book. But it just didn’t work as a story. I’ve often found that autobiographical projects are easy at the stage of the rough draft, because the people and details are so vividly present. But then during revision, I inevitably run into this hitch of never being able to get enough perspective on the real-life people to make them into well-rounded fictional characters. So I had to yank the whole thing out of reality, scramble all the characters around. The result is something that, aside from setting and mood, doesn’t at all resemble its earliest drafts. I’d just grabbed onto the story from the wrong place entirely, so the revision took a massive amount of time—about five years from start to finish.
Sycamore: Peter Ho Davies, the judge for this 2010 Wabash Prize in fiction, noted that “Island of the Lost Boys” has a “complex central character, a risky choice of protagonist who could so easily collapse into sordid stereotype, but who is here delineated with an exacting and surprising sensitivity.” First of all, I want to mention how impressed I was with the subtle complexity of Ted Asmund, the protagonist of the story. When you were writing this story, did you ever consider how risks that a character like Ted could create, and was there ever a moment that you were nervous about drifting towards the “sordid stereotype” mentioned above? If so, how did you overcome this and manage to keep Ted complex without becoming a stereotype?
Prince: I’m just now finishing my first collection, The Beautiful Wishes of Ugly Men. The stories are all about men trying to negotiate this very primal, very elemental thing on the one hand with the expectations of everyday decency in the contemporary world on the other. At the time I wrote most of these stories, I had what in many respects was a really solid, wonderful relationship, but I couldn’t seem to make it work because I was always panting after waitresses and actresses and women pushing their carts in the supermarket. It was a quality I disliked in myself, a destructive force I couldn’t seem reason with. So, odd as it sounds, there were elements of Ted I could related to, though, of course, the specific nature of Ted’s lust and situation was distant enough that I could write about him with perspective and a sense of discovery. So I think that’s one reason why Ted isn’t a stereotype. Another reason is that the nascent idea of the character came from a real person I was trying to understand, although, again, Ted didn’t end up being very much like him.
And still another reason is that I worked on the damn story for so long. A lot of revision is just getting to know your characters the way you get to know someone in real life, and that’s often what you’re doing even when you think you’re working on story structure or on the syntax of a particular sentence.
I was definitely worried about the way the story would be received. But there’s always something to worry about when you’re writing a story, and increasingly I’ve found that it’s just wasted energy. You get caught up in whether a story is good, whether you’re going to be able to pull it off, whether people will like it and so on, and eventually you’re so worried that you’re not writing anymore. So it’s starting to seem to me that when it comes to questions about subject matter, the only one worth asking yourself is whether you’re interested in it. And if you’re interested, really interested, then you’ll find a way to make it work.
Sycamore: The title of the story is very evocative in its nostalgia for the Peter Pan myth of a never-ending childhood. Ted pines for his childhood friend and the simpler life they lived on the manmade island of Newport Beach, CA. This title was so perfect on many levels and I wondered if the title existed before you wrote the story and, if so, how much it informed the story?
Prince: I’m glad you like the title. I wasn’t so sure about it. I love the thematic resonances you mention, but it’s been pointed out that the title doesn’t quite seem to fit tonally—or that it leads the reader to expect a very different kind of story—an adventure story like Peter Pan. But I like that quality. I like that the title is so whimsical and then the first line of the story sounds like a word problem from a math class. There’s something satisfying about undercutting a reader’s expectations, keeping a reader a bit off-balance. And really there are two competing tones in the story. There’s the repressed, clinical tone of Ted’s real life, and then there’s the whimsical tone he associates with his childhood. Ted idealizes that childhood, and that’s the story he wants to be true, the story he’d like to tell you. But then reality comes in, undercuts it.
Anyway, I didn’t name the story first. It came out of the scene when Ted is very young and his mom tells him she’s going to marry a man who will take them to an island. So then he starts dreaming about all these islands he’s read about or seen on TV. I wrote that scene and then I later saw that it would make a good a title. A lot of writing works like this. It’s accident or it’s your subconscious. Revision often means discovering those accidents and then developing them.
Sycamore: Can you talk about how important place and setting is to this story? Newport Beach is described in the story as “a small cluster of wealthy, suburban blocks surrounded by a channel—a beautiful place certainly, but quite developed, and whatever resemblance it came to have to those islands that so captured Teddy’s imagination, whatever magic, had far less to do with its physical characteristics than with the friend he met there.” The setting is an island, but not quite an island. What role does artifice play in the setting and the story at large? Ted’s mother comes to mind with her constant remodeling and remarrying.
Prince: This is another one of those things that started either as an accident or else with my subconscious mind being smarter than my conscious one. Basically, since the story I thought I wanted to tell had actually happened on Newport Island, I set it there. And when I figured out that I wanted to tell a completely different story, the setting stuck around, because it worked. It worked because Ted himself is so isolated and because the island’s being paved over speaks to this theme of artifice and what’s underneath it. Now, Ted’s mother is interested in artifice to such an extent that, for her, it may not even be artifice anymore. In some sense she is her beauty, the dresses, the house, because the surface is her territory. I think Ted has picked up on that quality of hers, but in him, it manifests very differently. He seems to believe that if he can just maintain the outer appearance of calm and goodness, just be polite, wear professional-looking clothes, and so on, then he can successfully make himself into the man he appears to be. And, of course, that doesn’t work. Two of those great illustrations from Amber Albrecht evoke that particular theme really well, but I don’t want to reduce their effect by trying to describe them here. Anyone who’s interested should look at the journal.
Sycamore: Many of the readers of Sycamore Review are writers themselves, so I wanted to ask a question about your process. Where and when do you prefer to write? Do you write with music on or do you need complete silence? Do you have any rituals that you need to perform before you can sit in front of the keyboard be productive?
Prince: My writing process aims toward all practicality and no superstition. I write in the morning because my brain is at its freshest and most active then, and because people don’t tend to come by or call. Also I figured out at some point that I can stay heavily focused for about forty minutes at a time. So in the morning I get to writing as soon as I can. I write for forty minutes, take a twenty minute break to clean up around the house or take a shower, then another forty minutes of writing and so on. I try for three of these forty-minute increments in a day, followed by another one of reading something that pertains directly to what I’m writing. And I try to take one day off from the writing schedule so that I can attend to other things and actually kind of have a life.
I avoid writing rituals because I think they lend credence to this belief that there’s something magical about writing. But writing isn’t magic; it’s a magic trick. That vicious Bible salesman and Peter Walsh fooling with his pocket knife and the entire town of Mocando often seem like they were conjured out of nowhere or like they emerged complete from the mouth of a muse. But, really, that’s the effect, and not the cause. In reality, they were built. They came from memory, maybe or the subconscious, but mostly they came from a lot of patience and sharp-minded hard work. I think that if, as a writer of fiction, you believe too much in the muse, then you’re going to be spending a whole lot of time just waiting for her to appear. And all the while, there’s work to be done.
Sycamore: I am sure that you have too many favorite writers to list, but can you talk about some of the writers that have influenced you throughout your writing career? More specifically, are there any writers that directly influenced “Island of the Lost Boys”?
Prince: One of my biggest influences is James Salter. Partially that’s because his themes and mine are similar. And then I’m always a sucker for any writer whose craft I can’t quite figure out. He works almost entirely with these short declarative sentences that say so much more than they seem to. It’s Hemingway’s technique, but polished up into something brighter and more cutting. For instance, he really uses the spaces between his sentences. By leaving out certain transitions and letting the sentences to sort of bump into each other, he manages to really evoke what’s not being said. That’s a trick I picked up from him, but my version isn’t nearly as good.
Alice Munro is another one I can’t figure out. She introduces so many different narrative strains into a single story, so many points of entry, that it almost seems random. But then every different strain is actually adding another dimension to the characters and events, so by the end of the story, it all fits, thought I’m often at a loss to explain quite how. I try to do something like that with my story, though, again, it isn’t even close to what she can do. “Island of the Lost Boys” has three different time lines, three different chains of events. They each come in at different points along the way, and they each impact the way we understand Ted and his situation.
Then there’s John Cheever. He influenced the physical descriptions of the places and the creation of Ted’s mother, too. He was the master at portraying upper class life, partially because he had such mixed feelings about it and was smart enough to learn how to use those feelings to create tension in the work. So even while he seems to be criticizing these upper class people, his work simultaneously makes this implicit argument for how appealing a nice house, a quiet neighborhood, and cocktail hour can be.
Also, all these writers offer work that’s somewhat unsettling, and that’s very important to me. I think that one of the main differences between a literary genre and a popular one is that the first reveals what the world is and the second what we wish it to be. Historically, then, literary fiction has been unsettling because the real world can be that way. But it seems to me that over the past ten years or so, much of contemporary literature has moved away from an attempt to confront the world in an honest way and into something far more airy, something that never really makes the reader squirm or reveals much about who we are. A novel like the The Lovely Bones only pretends to confront real world issues, but ultimately it’s built to offer some false, Hollywood-style comfort. I mean, even the title does that. So, in this one sense at least, the book doesn’t offer up a literary experience.
Sycamore: You attended the MFA program at the University of Arkansas and are now a PhD candidate in English and Creative Writing at the University of Tennessee. You have had a lot of great writing instructors, including, I presume, Michael Knight—one of my favorite short story writers and one of America’s most underrated writers. What is the best piece of writing advice you have received and if you can give one piece of advice to a beginning writer, what would it be?
Prince: It’s hard to give advice about writing if I’m not looking at a particular piece to give advice about, because the lessons one learns are very provisional and case specific. So, for instance, that whole “show, don’t tell” bit is sort of like a high school teacher telling students to write a conclusion to an essay that just repeats what they’ve already said. High school teachers say that because writing an effective conclusion is incredibly hard to learn, so even though the repetition ends up limiting their essays and making them sound a little dim, this provisional lesson stands in place of something they will hopefully learn later. At a certain point, “Show, don’t tell,” is good advice for a writer, because a writer needs to really understand the power of specific detail to make a story feel real, and also because “telling” is a far more nuanced skill to learn, a skill they’ll start to pick when they’re ready. So maybe what I’m saying is that it’s far better to learn techniques than rules.
I learned the most about writing when I was doing my MFA at the University of Arkansas. Partially, that was because I just had a whole lot more to learn at that point and partially it was because of Skip Hays. He writes under the name Donald Hays, but everyone calls him Skip. Anyway, he’s an incredible writing teacher, because his feedback is very case specific. He meets a story exactly where it is; he references all these other examples of how past writers have negotiated the same aesthetic difficulties that this particular story is up against and then he offers actual, workable suggestions that somehow never seem to co-opt the story into something else. So even when he would reveal what an utter mess a story of mine was, I’d always leave that workshop jittery with excitement about how great this mess of a story would eventually be.
Michael Knight is a great teacher, too. It took me awhile to figure out just how great, because he’s so understated, so self-effacing. He really allows room for students to voice their opinions, and he’s encouraging in a way that’s very real. Oftentimes in workshop, he’ll preface a point with something like, “Now, I don’t know what the hell I’m talking about here . . . “ or “Obviously you all are a lot smarter than I am . . .” and then he’ll come in with some massively insightful point. If you spend enough time in Michael’s classes, he can teach you almost everything you need to know about writing and he’ll still manage to preserve the illusion that you somehow discovered it all yourself.
In a lot of ways, I think the best advice about writing has more to do with mental toughness than with writing itself, more to do with sticking around long enough to learn what you need to and with figuring out how to take good advice when you hear it while still retaining your own vision. So maybe the best advice I ever got in writing came when I was undergrad at Vassar. The professor had brought in some agent or other—I can’t remember his name—and the agent said, “Writing is hard. It’s incredibly hard. So the best advice I have for all of you is to quit.” That advice really bothered me. It made me angry and very determined.
Posted in: Contest, Interview, Wabash Prize | Tagged: Adam Prince, Conor Broughan, Interview
“Birth Act” Selected as Distinguished Story in Best American Short Stories
Antonya Nelson to Judge 2011 Wabash Prize for Fiction
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1019
|
__label__wiki
| 0.715726
| 0.715726
|
Tag: Sherman Alexie
Comprehensive List of Contributors Now Available!
January 4, 2011 November 30, 2014
BY ANTHONY COOK, Editor-in-Chief Sycamore Review has a rich history of discovering talented writers and publishing new work by established writers. In 1990, we published a chapter of Derek Walcott‘s Omeros, which helped him win the Nobel Prize for Literature two years later. We’ve published Pulitzer Prize winners (John Updike, Paul Muldoon, and Mary Oliver), U.S. Poet Laureates (Billy Collins and Donald Hall), and … Continue reading Comprehensive List of Contributors Now Available!
Sherman Alexie Wins 2010 PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction
BY ANTHONY COOK, Editor-in-Chief We’d like to congratulate Sherman Alexie. The PEN/Faulkner Foundation announced today that it has selected his story collection War Dances as the winner of its 2010 award for fiction. Finalists included Barbara Kingsolver for The Lacuna, Lorraine M. Lopez for Homicide Survivors Picnic and Other Stories, Lorrie Moore for A Gate … Continue reading Sherman Alexie Wins 2010 PEN/Faulkner Award for Fiction
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1020
|
__label__cc
| 0.618384
| 0.381616
|
They’re Back! ‘The Boondocks’ Is Getting Rebooted
Giving Back! Pharrell Internships An Entire Graduating Class!
Look! ‘Stranger Things 3’ & Coca-Cola Announce A London-based Pop-Up Arcade
Photo provided by Adult Swim
Well, The Boondocks are coming back. Today the word on the interwebs is that Adult Swim’s breakthrough animated series The Boondocks is set to make a comeback. Huey, Riley and the gang will not return as a comic, but rather as a reboot to the original show. Sony has given the okay for a “complete re-imagining” of the series “for the modern era.”
The best news of all is that its currently in development alongside its creator, Aaron McGruder. The comic strip launched in 1996 and was then brought to life on Adult Swim in 2005. Earlier this year John Witherspoon revealed that the show would be making a return, with Witherspoon himself reprising the role of Granddad. He stated: “I’m on the cartoon. What is it? The Boondocks? I didn’t change my voice for The Boondocks,” adding, “And they coming back.”
Earlier this year a new comic strip based on The Boondocks was released and posted on Charlamagne Tha God’s Instagram account, written by McGruder and illustrated by artist Seung eun Kim. There is no word as to when the show will be arriving, though we’ll certainly keep you in the know. Give us your thoughts in the comments below and keep it locked for much more on The Boondocks coming very soon.
Related Topics:adult swim, entertainment, news, Rebooted, the boondocks
Singer, songwriter, producer, and multi-hyphenate Pharrell Williams keeps busy at all times. Whether feature, or main...
By Staff June 26, 2019
We are just days away from season three of ‘Stranger Things.’ The hit Netflix Original series...
Look! The 2019 Rolling Loud Bay Area Lineup Revealed
After a rather successful fifth annual showcase in South Florida, Rolling Loud is head west once...
Look! Masters From Tupac, Nirvana & More Destroyed In A 2008 Warehouse Fire
Gaming In The Upside Down! ‘Stranger Things’ To Release A Mobile Game
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1025
|
__label__cc
| 0.552109
| 0.447891
|
Chloe Kim Just Shredded the Women's Halfpipe. The Internet Is Calling Her the Greatest of All Time
By Aric Jenkins
Chloe Kim, the 17-year-old American snowboarding prodigy, was the favorite to take home gold in the women’s halfpipe final at 2018 Winter Olympics, and she just showed her fans on the internet exactly why.
On her first run in the event, Kim nailed a number of exquisite tricks including a 1080 spin and inverted 540. She followed that up with a near-perfect score of 98.25, earning her the precious gold at her first-ever Olympics. Her performance led many Internet observers dub her the G.O.A.T. — also known as the greatest of all time — before she even completed both runs.
Kim’s gold was her first medal in the competition, period. Needless to say, the Internet had a lot of praise to shower on the young snowboarder.
Kim’s work is already done in South Korea. She can enjoy the rest of competition relaxing and reading tweets about how great she is.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1031
|
__label__wiki
| 0.595408
| 0.595408
|
Destination: Portugal
Portugal Highlights
Your comprehensive travel guide to Portugal - All in one place!
Portugal is a small country that faces the Atlantic coast of the Iberian Peninsula. Because of its beautiful coastline and historical heritage, it is one of the most visited countries in Europe. Its smaller size makes it easier to get around and see more places. The temperate climate makes it a year-round vacation destination, where travelers can see Roman and Moorish ruins among other tourist attractions in Portugal.
Portugal occupies the western part of the Iberian Peninsula and is slightly smaller than Indiana. The country is crossed by three large rivers that rise in Spain, flow into the Atlantic, and divide the country into three geographic areas. The Minho River, part of the northern boundary, cuts through a mountainous area that extends south to the vicinity of the Douro River, south of the Douro, the mountain's slope to the plains around the Tejo River. The remaining division is the southern one of Alentejo. The Azores stretch over 547 sq km in the Atlantic and consist of nine islands with a total area of 2,335 sq km. Madeira, consisting of two inhabited islands, Madeira and Porto Santo, and two groups of uninhabited islands, lie in the Atlantic about 861 km southwest of Lisbon.
Portuguese culture is diverse and finds expression in ways that give Portugal its unique personality; like the history, local traditions, the cuisine, the people’s love for performing art. During the summer there are many local festivals where the Portuguese celebrate their culture and enjoy activities such as traditional dance, music concerts and the theatre amongst many other things. The Portuguese have a great tradition of art, music, dance and drama.
One of the oldest independent countries on earth, Portugal is known as a popular destination for migrants from many countries across the world. Based on the current UN estimates, the 2019 population of Portugal is 10.23 million, which ranks it 88th in the world. Portugal is a relatively small country and its population density figures are consistent with its overall size. It has a surface area of 92,090 square kilometers which converts to 35,645 square miles and makes it the 111th largest country in terms of landmass alone. For every square mile of Portuguese territory, there is an average of 111 people here.
8 Days Europe
Lisbon-Porto-Guimaraes-Braga-Fatima-Coimbra–Monsanto-Villa Visoza-Evora-Obidos-Batalha-Tomar-Sintra Portugal is a fascinating and varied country, with breathtaking scenery, compelling history and a glorious climate. Portugal is a wonderful holiday destination and if you want to visit this fascinating country, you should join us. Along the coast, traditional fishing...
$1,000 View More
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1033
|
__label__wiki
| 0.746017
| 0.746017
|
National Industrial Recovery Act (1933)
in: Eras in Social Welfare History, Federal Laws and Actions, New Deal, Programs
[View Image]
President Franklin D. Roosevelt NRA Poster
NRA Poster
NRA Poster The Blue Eagle
The National Industrial Recovery Act (NIRA) was enacted by Congress in June 1933 and was one of the measures by which President Franklin D. Roosevelt sought to assist the nation’s economic recovery during the Great Depression. The passage of NIRA ushered in a unique experiment in U.S. economic history—the NIRA sanctioned, supported, and in some cases, enforced an alliance of industries. Antitrust laws were suspended, and companies were required to write industry-wide “codes of fair competition” that effectively fixed prices and wages, established production quotas, and imposed restrictions on entry of other companies into the alliances. The act further called for industrial self-regulation and declared that codes of fair competition—for the protection of consumers, competitors, and employers—were to be drafted for the various industries of the country and were to be subject to public hearings. Employees were given the right to organize and bargain collectively and could not be required, as a condition of employment, to join or refrain from joining a labor organization.
The National Recovery Administration (NRA), created by a separate executive order, was put into operation soon after the final approval of the act. President Roosevelt appointed Hugh S. Johnson as administrator for industrial recovery. The administration was empowered to make voluntary agreements dealing with hours of work, rates of pay, and the fixing of prices. Until March 1934, the NRA was engaged chiefly in drawing up these industrial codes for all industries to adopt. More than 500 codes of fair practice were adopted for the various industries. Patriotic appeals were made to the public, and firms were asked to display the Blue Eagle, an emblem signifying NRA participation.
From the beginning, the NRA reflected divergent goals and suffered from widespread criticism. The businessmen who dominated the code drafting wanted guaranteed profits and insisted on security for their renewed investment and future production. Congressional critics insisted on continued open pricing and saw the NRA codes as a necessary means of making it fair and orderly. A few intellectuals wanted an even more extensive government role in the form of central economic planning. Finally, unhappy labor union representatives fought with little success for the collective bargaining promised by the NIRA. The codes did little to help recovery, and by raising prices, they actually made the economic situation worse.
Though under criticism from all sides, NRA did not last long enough to fully implement its policies. In May 1935, in the case of the Schechter Poultry Corp. v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated the compulsory-code system on the grounds that the NIRA improperly delegated legislative powers to the executive and that the provisions of the poultry code (in the case in question) did not constitute a regulation of interstate commerce. In a lengthy and unanimous opinion, the Court seemed to demonstrate a complete unwillingness to endorse Roosevelt’s argument that the national crisis of economic depression demanded radical innovation. Later, FDR would use this Court opinion as evidence that the Court was living in the “horse and buggy” era and needed to be reformed.
Source: U.S. National Archives & Records Administration: ttp://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=66
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1037
|
__label__wiki
| 0.941867
| 0.941867
|
Since its original printing in 1952, the publication of the Handbook of Texas has been made possible through the support of its users. As an independent nonprofit, TSHA relies on your contributions to close the funding gap for the online Handbook and keep it a freely accessible resource for users worldwide. Please make a donation today to preserve the most comprehensive encyclopedic resource on Texas history. Donate Today »
ZAMBRANO, JUAN JOSE MANUEL VICENTE
Ray Zirkel
Plaque commemorating Juan Manuel Zambrano. Image available on the Internet and included in accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. Section 107.
ZAMBRANO, JUAN JOSÉ MANUEL VICENTE (1772–1824). Juan José Manuel Vicente Zambrano, lieutenant colonel and subdeacon of San Fernando de Béxar, was born on April 4, 1772, in San Fernando de Béxar to Joseph Macario Zambrano and Juana de Oconitrillo. In September 1793 he received his minor orders and the title of subdeacon by the bishop of Monterrey. By 1803 he was the subdeacon in San Fernando; that year he requested the governor to grant him property along the irrigation ditch belonging to Mission Concepción to establish a flour mill. In 1807 Zambrano was ordered to leave San Fernando by Com. Gen. Nemesio Salcedo for licentious behavior. The order was suspended, and Zambrano was still there in December 1809, when he granted power of attorney to his brother, José María Zambrano. He later left Béxar but was back from Guadalajara before the end of 1810. During the Casas Revolt, Zambrano retired to his ranch some miles out of San Fernando, where he kept himself informed on events in the villa. On the evening of March 1, 1811, ten men gathered in Zambrano's home and proceeded to town where they captured the garrison by convincing the military to support their cause. Early on March 2 the group elected a twelve-member governing junta, which represented both the military and the general populace. Zambrano was elected president. Each member of the junta took an oath to religion, the king, and the country. At dawn Casas surrendered to 400 troops. He was sent to Monclova for trial, convicted, and executed.
Zambrano's government established funds to build a school house. In late March he led 500 troops to Laredo to patrol the region. In July Simón de Herrera returned to San Fernando as governor ad interim. In May 1816 Zambrano submitted a petition to the king to grant him the position of Canon of the Cathedral in Mexico City, which he apparently obtained. By 1818 he had been appointed as the commander at La Bahía, where he established a non-mission school for soldiers and their families under the supervision of José Galán. A major confrontation erupted between Zambrano and the chaplain of La Bahía; both men claimed that they had been publicly insulted and that the other should be removed from the villa. In 1819 Zambrano placed an assistant inspector in solitary confinement. He was recalled to San Fernando and arrested. After an investigation he was to be sent to Monclova, but he was still in San Fernando under arrest in June 1820, when he was accused of violating his arrest. In 1820 he was elected as the Texas representative to a Monterrey convention where delegates for the Spanish Cortes were to be chosen; perhaps the election was a means of getting him out of San Fernando. He was back in San Fernando by June 1823, and in November 1823 he left his house and land to María Guadalupe de la Garza and her two sons, whom he identified as his own. He may have also adopted a Comanche Indian girl who died in 1815. Zambrano died on November 7, 1824, in Mier, Tamaulipas.
Carlos E. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas (7 vols., Austin: Von Boeckmann-Jones, 1936–58; rpt., New York: Arno, 1976). Frederick Charles Chabot, ed., Texas in 1811: The Las Casas and Sambrano Revolutions (San Antonio: Yanaguana Society, 1941). Julia Kathryn Garrett, Green Flag Over Texas: A Story of the Last Years of Spain in Texas (Austin: Pemberton Press, 1939). Nacogdoches Archives, Steen Library, Stephen F. Austin State University; Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin; Texas State Archives, Austin. William H. Oberste, History of Refugio Mission (Refugio, Texas: Refugio Timely Remarks, 1942). Virginia H. Taylor, trans. and ed., The Letters of Antonio Martínez, Last Spanish Governor of Texas, 1817–1822 (Austin: Texas State Library, 1957).
Handbook of Texas Online, Ray Zirkel, "ZAMBRANO, JUAN JOSE MANUEL VICENTE," accessed July 17, 2019, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online/articles/fza02.
Uploaded on June 15, 2010. Modified on March 9, 2016. Published by the Texas State Historical Association.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1038
|
__label__cc
| 0.511671
| 0.488329
|
Archive for December, 2015|Monthly archive page
AAC, ACC, Arkansas, Auburn, Big Ten, Big XII, Bowling Green, BYU, Clemson, College Football, Conferences, CUSA, Houston, Louisville, MAC, Memphis, Michigan St., Missouri, MWC, Navy, North Carolina, Notre Dame, Oklahoma, Ole Miss, Oregon, Pac-12, SEC, South Carolina, Sun Belt, Temple, Tennessee, Texas Tech, Toledo
2015 Pre-Bowl Conference Report
In College Football, Conference Reports on December 18, 2015 at 6:21 PM
1. SEC
2. Pac-12
3. Big Ten
4. Big XII
5. AAC
6. ACC
7. MAC
8. MWC
9. CUSA
10. Sun Belt
If anyone is interested in my blogger top 10 poll on MacApp, click here.
Before I begin, I just wanted to reiterate that I believe the correct way to evaluate conferences is to look at the games between conferences. I don’t think any result within a conference weakens it. So when I talk about wins, assume I mean non-conference.
Also, I will refer a lot to P5 and G5. P5 are the traditional Power 5 conferences: ACC, Big Ten, Big XII, Pac-12, and SEC. Notre Dame is included in this group since it primarily plays a major-conference schedule and is given special privileges in bowl consideration.
G5 are the other conferences: AAC (American), CUSA, MAC, MWC (Mountain West), and SBC (Sun Belt). Discussion of these will include BYU and Army.
WHY THE SEC REMAINS THE TOP CONFERENCE
I opted just to do one for the season overall rather than trying to evaluate everything that happened since the last conference report separately.
ACC-SEC Rivalry games
The ACC won three games against the SEC on the final week of the regular season; but with the relative weakness of the SEC East in recent years, this wasn’t that surprising. Any negative implications were overcome by earlier games between the two conferences.
South Carolina kept North Carolina’s offense wrapped up to open the season, although the two teams went in drastically different directions since.
In hindsight, one of the best non-conference wins was by an SEC team that didn’t even make a bowl game when South Carolina beat eventual ACC Coastal champions North Carolina in the opening week. I don’t hold it against the Gamecocks that they later (in the final week of the regular season) lost to eventual ACC Champions Clemson by 5. The Gamecocks also suffered the worst loss of an SEC team by losing to the Citadel in controversial fashion, but you expect non-bowl teams to lose such games from time to time.
The two bowl teams who were playing non-bowl teams, Louisville and Georgia, both won their rivalry games. Louisville only went 1-1 against the bottom half of the SEC though, as the Cardinals had lost to Auburn early in the season. On the other hand, Georgia had no non-conference losses.
The only game that on paper should have been competitive—Florida St.’s win over Florida—is a credit to the ACC, although the Gators were showing major signs of weakness against such opponents as Vanderbilt (won by 2) and Florida Atlantic (won by 6 in overtime) in prior weeks. The Gators would have likely finished much worse in conference than 7-1 had they not played 6 SEC games by the end of October and had the remaining two games not come against two of the worst SEC teams.
Why the SEC Led before Rivalry Week
To talk a little more about why the SEC had a significant enough lead to remain #1 despite the final week, we can look at another of the worst SEC teams, Missouri. The Tigers beat Connecticut, not a good opponent by any means; but the Huskies were the only team to beat Houston, so they certainly had the talent to beat Mizzou. The Tigers also had a really quality non-conference win over BYU.
I do give credit to the fact that teams like South Carolina and Missouri were even able to compete and in some cases win against good competition out of conference.
Vanderbilt only went 1-2 against FBS opponents out of conference, but they got a road win over a Middle Tennessee team that will finish with a winning record. They also were a late two-point attempt away from tying Western Kentucky in regulation.
This is why SEC teams have such good schedules in my formula. They are guaranteed eight games against tough teams at a minimum. It happens there were three teams in the SEC who went 2-6 in conference and one that went 1-7, but I think the results I discussed indicate they might beat some of the best teams in other conferences and would have a shot at some of the mediocre teams.
If before the season you took the top 14 teams in the preseason poll and had them play 8 games against one another, there may well have been some that finished 2-6 or 1-7. As you might remember, Auburn was in the top 10 in most preseason projections and was actually #3 according to the ESPN power rankings.
You can accuse me of trying to spin the results in these arguments, but I really don’t need to.
By my calculations, the SEC won 81.5% of its games out of conference. That’s 3.1% better than the Pac-12, which is second. To show how big of a gap that is, the Pac-12 was only 2.0% better than the #4 Big Ten.
Yet you can turn on ESPN any day of the week and probably listen to someone tell you it’s a down year for the SEC because it didn’t place a bunch of teams in the top 10.
To be fair, all but a couple of the SEC teams played an FCS opponent whereas in the Big Ten (for instance) only half of the teams did.
I would point out though that Big Ten teams played an average of exactly two games per team against either the bottom four conferences (being the MAC, CUSA, Sun Belt, or MWC) or 2-10 independent Army. The SEC played six fewer games against that latter group.
Regardless, the SEC was similarly better than the other conferences when you subtract out FCS opponents. SEC 78.6%, Pac-12 75.9%, Big Ten 72.9%, Big XII 72.7%.
You might also quibble about FBS strength of schedule, but further analysis only strengthens these numbers.
Other than the SEC, the only conference to win a majority of its games against the P5 (adding in Notre Dame) is the Big Ten. I think the SEC wins out in FBS strength of schedule because it played five games against the AAC while the Big Ten only played one, which it lost.
I believe Houston, Memphis, Temple, and Navy were the best four teams in the G5 conferences as a whole, so that’s why I treat that conference a little bit differently. The four teams I mentioned only lost two conference games that weren’t against one another (unfortunately for Memphis, they played and lost to all three of the others). Apart from those two, the only non-conference game any of that group lost were Notre Dame’s wins over Navy and Temple.
In that context, I think it’s understandable that Ole Miss and Vanderbilt both lost to teams from that group. Clearly, Ole Miss’s loss to Memphis was a negative for the SEC. It’s a negative for any conference to have one of its top teams lose a non-conference game, but that sure is better than a team like North Carolina losing to South Carolina or even a team like Stanford losing to Northwestern.
The only non-AAC team with a strong argument for being among the top four G5 teams was Bowling Green, which lost to Tennessee, the same Tennessee team that lost late (in overtime actually) to eventual playoff team Oklahoma. Yet the Vols only finished in a four-way tie for fourth in the SEC if you combine the two divisions (so actually a two-way tie for sixth if you give LSU and Arkansas credit for being in the better division).
Speaking of the MAC, I think that Tennessee win helps to balance out Arkansas’s loss to Toledo. The Rockets did not play in the MAC title game, but they were in a four-way tie for the MAC West title and went undefeated against a good non-conference slate.
So losing to Toledo was not as bad as it was made out to be when it happened. I also mentioned here how Arkansas was better statistically in the game. It’s pretty clear that they learned as the season went on to better translate yards into points as Brandon Allen’s passing improved.
I mentioned the other conferences a bit above, but I’ll mention some things I left out below.
OTHER P5 CONFERENCES
The best Big Ten win was when Michigan St. beat Oregon, but to be fair, Michigan St. won its conference and Oregon didn’t win theirs. So that’s much less of a boost in my view than Northwestern’s win over Pac-12 champions Stanford.
Utah’s win over Michigan was the best non-conference win by a Pac-12 team, followed closely by Stanford’s win over Notre Dame, but neither one was a lower-ranked team beating a top team of another conference. I think if Notre Dame had played a full ACC schedule, it would have finished second or third, so Stanford should have won that game. The Big Ten East was a good bit better than the Pac-12 South (don’t get me started on why they put Utah in the South), but I don’t know that third in the Big Ten East is much better than tied for first in the Pac-12 South.
I haven’t talked much about the Big XII because it didn’t do much. Another part of Arkansas’s early-season struggles was a loss to Texas Tech. That seems to be the best non-conference win for the Big XII. The champion of the conference was supposed to beat Tennessee, so that’s not it. Minnesota is 5-7, and that was the best opponent that Baylor, TCU, or Oklahoma St. played out of conference. There were no good wins by the lower half of the conference, although West Virginia had a couple of borderline-decent wins over Maryland (which was had some bad luck in going 3-9 this year but made a bowl last year and is still a major-conference opponent) and Georgia Southern.
Other than Clemson’s win over Notre Dame and the SEC wins mentioned, I didn’t go into details about the ACC’s other three wins. They were Purdue twice and Illinois. So I that FSU win over Florida was actually the conference’s best win.
G5 DISCUSSION AND BEST WINS
I mentioned the best wins by the MAC, CUSA, and AAC because they came against the SEC. That’s right, the best CUSA win was over Vandy.
The Sun Belt’s best win was San Diego St., which went undefeated in conference after losing to South Alabama.
The MWC’s best win was Boise St. over Washington. The Broncos finished in a four-way tie for second in the Mountain division. The Huskies finished with a losing record in conference, but you still don’t expect a loss in hindsight to a team like Boise.
The winning percentages tell you pretty well who belongs where.
One exception of sorts: I give the MWC the nod over the CUSA even though the CUSA had a slightly better FBS record because MWC teams also beat Virginia and Colorado. I know three wins, none of which were won by the conference champion or runner-up, weren’t against great teams. Colorado might not even qualify as mediocre. But I don’t think Vanderbilt by itself is really a comparison. I certainly can’t put Purdue or Central Florida ahead of any of those.
The AAC had a better FBS record than the ACC but not a better overall record. I sided with the AAC because it played only one fewer P5 opponent despite having two fewer teams, and it won more games against P5 opponents. It was very close though. Had Georgia Tech upset Georgia or had Army beaten Navy, for instance, that would have made the difference. This was the only change from the prior Conference Report.
Alabama, Clemson, Florida, Houston, Iowa, LSU, Michigan St., Northwestern, Notre Dame, Ohio St., Oklahoma, Oklahoma St., Ole Miss, Stanford, Western Kentucky
2015 Pre-Bowl Rankings
In Bowls, College Football, Preview, Rankings, Rankings Commentary on December 13, 2015 at 6:46 PM
Rank Team Previous
8 Houston 11
13 Ole Miss 13
19 Oregon 18
22 Florida St. 24
24 Memphis —
25 Temple 20
Full list of 128 teams
Out of rankings: (22) Baylor
RANK CFP 2014 KNT 2014 CFP 2015 KNT 2015
#1 Alabama Florida St. Clemson Alabama
#2 Oregon Alabama Alabama Clemson
#3 Florida St. Ohio St. Michigan St. Michigan St.
#4 Ohio St. Oregon Oklahoma Oklahoma
I’m 2/2 in agreeing with the CFP committee on the top 4 even though I disagreed with the order again. Even though I didn’t do a rankings blog last week, the top 4 wasn’t changed by Army/Navy. I agree with Michigan St. being ahead of Oklahoma, but I don’t agree with Clemson being ahead of Alabama. I think the Tide just played too many top-40 teams not to be ahead.
Last January, my #3 (also of the Big Ten) beat my #4 for the CFP national championship.
Last blog I mentioned how I felt about Florida, but not surprisingly, they ended the season too badly for an “NY6” bowl (meaning one of the bowls that the committee selects even though the semifinal bowls are actually on New Year’s Eve).
I can’t hate on the committee too much though, because they’re not that far away from me. The rules forced them to put Houston in one of the NY6 bowls, but still, my first 9 teams all made the major bowls.
Florida St. made it in (I guess) because they lost to the committee-s #1 and only one other. Two of the top 4 also have losses to losing teams, so I guess they thought it made sense not to penalize that. The difference is Florida St. only had one good win, which was Florida at the end of the year. The whole reason Florida isn’t in an NY6 bowl is that “Florida at the end of the year” hasn’t been very good, but you can’t expect every team to make perfect sense.
LSU, another team that didn’t finish well, ends up behind two teams it beat, but Western Kentucky won three more games than LSU did despite only one fewer loss. Florida also played a couple more games. LSU’s average score per playing week is still better than both Western Kentucky and Florida.
Ole Miss and Oklahoma St. were mostly deserving even though they finished behind Florida and Northwestern. I would have liked to have seen Florida play Northwestern, but that would have made the Citrus Bowl less money. To be fair, Michigan did beat Northwestern fairly easily and also had the freak loss to Michigan St. The Wolverines probably did play better overall than the Wildcats did. With my system, if the rules say you won, you won. Apart from one minor situation (home team winning by a field goal or less or in overtime), there isn’t even a slight change to the point value you gain or lose.
The main difficulty I had in producing the formula I use was balancing record with strength of schedule. I could value strength of schedule higher, and then teams like Houston and Western Kentucky would be lower. The reason I haven’t changed it is it should be very difficult for someone to be ranked ahead of a team like Clemson, an undefeated major-conference team. They’re only 0.01 ahead of Michigan St. So if I valued record just a little bit less, Western Kentucky or Houston might fall a spot, but so would Clemson.
I’d rather focus on getting the right teams at the top than giving three- and four-loss teams more representation in the top 10 or top 25 even though they would likely beat some of the teams with one or two losses.
Alabama, Baylor, Clemson, Houston, Iowa, LSU, Michigan St., Notre Dame, Ohio St., Oklahoma, Oklahoma St., Ole Miss, Stanford, TCU
What Should Happen in the Major Bowls
In Bowls, College Football on December 6, 2015 at 12:06 AM
Here are my full ratings after the games on Saturday.
I want to get this out there, so I may add pictures later. I’m not going to guess what the committee is going to do. I’ll just start with my top four and why it’s correct. Then I’ll talk about the other major bowls.
1. Alabama
2. Clemson
3. Michigan St.
4. Oklahoma
According to my 100% objective ratings, Alabama has beaten 11, 16, 28, 31, 32, 34, 35, and 39. Their loss was to 13.
It’s extremely difficult to have that many top 40 opponents and only lose to one of them. The only team I can think of that went undefeated before the bowls against such a list was LSU in 2011.
You might say top 40 isn’t that good, but teams like Washington St. (a late field goal from beating Stanford), Pittsburgh, and Wisconsin (the last two barely lost to Iowa) are in that #30-40 group that you can’t afford not to play well when they’re you’re opponent. Even if a top 10 team should have an 80% chance against a team in that range, Alabama played 5 teams in that range and by that logic should have lost to one of them and didn’t.
The Tide going 3-1 against the top 30 is also very respectable. So the only team that beat them is in the top 20 and it was a close game despite 5 Alabama turnovers. Also, since it was so long ago, the chance of a repeat performance by Alabama is almost 0.
Clemson beat 9, 20, 22, and 38. They blew out #38, but they barely survived the other three games. They didn’t happen to lose any, but I believe that had the Tigers played 9 top 40 opponents instead of four their luck would have failed in one of those games.
I do think Clemson will look better than last year’s undefeated ACC champion Florida St. looked in the playoff, but I sincerely believe they are not the best team in the country.
Doesn’t Michigan St. have better wins too? Yes, but I think losing to a team like Nebraska toward the end of the season is much more concerning than the loss to Ole Miss. Ohio St. lost to a mediocre team last year, but (1) it was the first game of the season, and (2) at least that team went on to qualify for a bowl game with six wins. Also, just because a team ended up winning doesn’t mean that being seeded low was unjustified. I thought it was completely justified that the Buckeyes had to overcome being the #4 team last time.
Just for the sake of comparison, I’ll give the other losses and top 40 wins.
Michigan St. beat 5, 6, 17, and 18. They lost to 80. I think that just further bolsters my argument that a team does prove something by playing a series of top 40 teams if even a team nowhere near the top 40 can play well enough to beat a team like the Spartans. So they also suffer a bit for the lack of quantity of top-40 opponents.
Oklahoma beat 12, 14, 30, and 34. They lost to 75. I don’t think I need to further explain why I think they should be fourth in the playoff.
So I would have Alabama against Oklahoma in the Cotton and Clemson against Michigan St. in the Orange. It might happen anyway, but I doubt the committee agrees with my order.
Other “New Years Six” (NY6) Bowls
The first step is to replace any “displaced” champions. This would be the Big Ten champion, the SEC champion, and the Big XII champion. The ACC champion isn’t really displaced because the Orange Bowl is one of the semifinal bowls, so there is no special consideration for a secondary ACC team. The Pac-12 champion goes to its natural spot of the Rose Bowl.
If it were up to me, Ohio St. would play in the Rose Bowl ahead of Iowa. Both lost to Michigan St., but the Buckeyes played in a division that included Michigan, Penn St., and Indiana along with the Spartans and Buckeyes. Apart from Iowa, there were only two teams who finished at .500 or better overall in the Big Ten West.
I think Florida should play Oklahoma St. in the Sugar Bowl. I don’t think it’s right to penalize a team for having to play Alabama at the end of the season. I don’t rely on head to head, but it’s not a bad way to consider comparable teams.
I’ll go over why they’re comparable, and if anything Florida would have a slight edge even without looking at head to head. Both Florida and Ole Miss lost a game out of conference, but Florida St. is a more understandable loss than Memphis. Florida played two of the best three teams in the SEC West looking at their overall records, but of course they lost to LSU. Ole Miss’ only win against the SEC East was over Vanderbilt.
Oklahoma St. and TCU had almost identical schedules (they each had one OK bowl-eligible out of conference opponent apiece {although Minnesota is eligible as a 5-win team} and the nine-game conference schedule), so I’ll once again defer to head to head there. Both teams played three of their best opponents in the last four games, losing two. TCU won in overtime against Baylor, and Oklahoma St. beat TCU by 20.
I know in both cases, the team I’m arguing for has lost two in a row, but I think “body of work” as they call it should beat last impressions as a general rule.
The next step is to locate the Group of Five team that automatically makes an NY6. I don’t think anyone would argue that should be the AAC Champion Houston Cougars, who finish with only one loss. The Cougars won what was clearly the best conference that isn’t a traditional “Power 5” conference. So now we just need three more teams.
I have Iowa, Notre Dame, and Ole Miss. Notre Dame has only lost to Stanford and Clemson.
Northwestern has a good argument, but I don’t think a fourth Big Ten team should be in one of the major bowls. Stanford was a good win, but a distant second in the weaker of the two Big Ten divisions is pretty questionable.
Ole Miss has lost three games, to (11) Florida, (24) Memphis, and (39) Arkansas. Arkansas beat the Rebels by 1 in overtime after converting a freak fourth and 25 with an over-the-back lateral. Ole Miss is also the only team to beat Alabama, as mentioned. To give their win list (because I think some would be skeptical of this selection), it is: 1, 16, 28, 35.
I’ll take 4-3 against the top 40 over TCU’s 1-2 or Northwestern’s . That would be an easy choice in basketball, so it should be an easy choice here.
So for the two remaining bowls, the committee is instructed to:
• Create competitive matchups.
• Attempt to avoid rematches of regular-season games and repeat appearances in specific bowls.
• Consider geography.
Ole Miss went to the Peach Bowl last year (which I’m sure their fans would like to forget) and were also in Atlanta last year to play Boise St. So it would seem they should be sent to the Fiesta Bowl even though that isn’t particularly close. The Rebels make more geographic sense than Notre Dame or Northwestern though. Houston makes even more sense geographically.
The committee also wants to create competitive matchups. I think Ole Miss and Houston would be interesting. The Rebels would have a chance to redeem their earlier loss to an AAC opponent, and I think it would be an entertaining game.
Notre Dame and Iowa should be a good game, and I see no reason that wouldn’t be a competitive (though probably a more defensive) game. They should play in Chicago or Indianapolis or somewhere like that, but their fans might like to get out of the cold. Atlanta can be cool in January but is usually much more moderate than the Midwest. It will be nice and warm inside regardless.
This isn’t part of what the committee looks at, but I think it’s also good for the teams playing each other to be from similar areas, provided that the teams don’t normally play one another.
I’m not even going to try to address all the other bowls, although I did mention the SEC bowl affiliations briefly here.
Alabama, Arkansas, Auburn, Clemson, College Football, College Football Playoff, Florida, Florida St., Georgia, Georgia Tech, Iowa, Kentucky, Louisville, LSU, Michigan St., Mississippi St., Missouri, North Carolina, Notre Dame, Ohio St., Oklahoma, Ole Miss, SEC, South Carolina, Stanford, Tennessee, Texas A&M, Vanderbilt
SEC Final Comments and Championship Week
In Blogger Poll, Bowls, College Football, Post-game, Preview, SEC Wednesdays on December 4, 2015 at 10:10 PM
Obviously I missed Wednesday for SEC Wednesdays, but it’s not a full week coming up anyway. I thought I should give people something to read for the morning even if you don’t stay up this late wherever you are.
There are no moral victories, or so we’re told. But I’m going to claim some anyway.
I have no idea why in the world Alabama couldn’t run out the clock instead of scoring an extra touchdown with 26 seconds left against Auburn. Saban, Kiffin, Malzahn, and Muschamp have got to be making enough money that they don’t need to be shaving points. It was a nine-point game or less almost the entire night apart from a 47-second period in the third quarter. It’s just so bizarre how the universe keeps conspiring to make me look bad whatever I pick Auburn to do or not do.
I read some commentary later that maybe it was to build the Heisman resume, but that’s still cheap in my book.
Including the point spread, Kentucky led 28-7 at the half, well beyond my wildest expectations for the team; but the Wildcats were outscored 31-0 in the second half. And I thought LSU had some bad halves this month.
LSU was only beating the spread by half a point until their late touchdown.
I was only far off in two of them.
I really got Tennessee/Vandy wrong. I’m really surprised the Vols managed 53 points against such a good defense. The Vols had averaged just 23 points per game over the last three games against powerhouses South Carolina, Missouri, and North Texas.
Florida/Florida St. was pretty far off. The Gators usually play better for that game even in a mediocre season, but maybe they’re just no good at this point.
I made the correct against the spread picks with South Carolina (who was pretty good against the spread this season despite all the losses), Arkansas, Ole Miss, and Georgia. Georgia was only correct by a couple of points, so I’m grateful not to lose all the close ones.
I finish 28-43 against the spread. It was generally positive the last few weeks, but the 1-7 mark two weeks ago killed me. If it weren’t for that, I would have finished a respectable 43%. That erased all my gains over the last month, so I basically stayed at 40%.
I improved to 55-22 in picking winners. The only one I got wrong was Florida. I guess I should have known, but Florida St. wasn’t inspiring confidence either.
Hard to believe, but it’s actually been 6 years since Alabama last played Florida for the SEC Championship. The #2 Tide beat the #1 Gators 32-13 to get revenge for losing in the reverse situation in 2008.
Tomorrow, Alabama is favored by 17.5. The Tide beat a similar team by 29 when it beat Missouri to win the SEC last year. Picking the Gators hasn’t been a good bet in a while, so I’ll pick Alabama minus the points.
Alabama likes to score points that don’t matter too. In addition to the end of the Auburn game I mentioned above, they also poured it on in the championship last year, winning the fourth quarter 21-0.
I decided against picking the bowl games. I like to judge teams on what they’ve done and what kind of seasons they’re having, but a lot of times that goes out the window for bowls. Some very good teams have the ball bounce the wrong way a couple of times, and then they don’t care when it’s time for bowl prep because they’re not playing for a championship. Whereas other teams who aren’t very good are thrilled to be in a given bowl (or any bowl) and anxious to prove themselves. I’ve had good seasons picking bowl teams in the past, but I just don’t think it’s in keeping with this series.
I’m not sure what exact format this will take next year. I might just concentrate on games within the conference and keep it going the whole season.
Just to comment on the playoff briefly, if there is an upset of either Clemson or Alabama, I’ll be very interested to see whether Stanford (assuming they win) or Ohio St. finishes higher. It seems like the winner of the Big Ten and Oklahoma have their spots already.
I also did a top 10 poll on another site with some other bloggers. You can check that out here.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1042
|
__label__wiki
| 0.741445
| 0.741445
|
Motherless in Brooklyn
C. Max Magee September 16, 2003 | 2 books mentioned 2 min read
Jonathan Lethem’s new book The Fortress of Solitude comes out today. Here is my review:
Now it is Jonathan Lethem’s turn to write a “big book.” The breakout success of his last novel, Motherless Brooklyn, set the stage for an eagerly anticipated follow-up. As if borrowing from the title of his previous book, Lethem’s two protagonists grow up motherless in Brooklyn. One is Dylan Ebdus, whose father is a morose and cloistered artist and whose mother is a frenetic but flaky hippy, who, before she is distracted away from their rugged corner of Brooklyn, is determined to blend her white family seamlessly into the black neighborhood. For Rachel Ebdus, gentrification is a dirty word. Next door lives young Mingus Rude, son of soul superstar Barrett Rude, Jr, a brooding musical genius who permits himself to slide into a sort of secluded decay. The two boys are ostensibly best friends, but as is perhaps more true to life, their adolescent lives intertwine, split apart, and become intimately joined as they make their way warily through a minefield of street-borne dangers. The dangers are different for each boy, more often than not according to skin color, but to say that this is a novel about race would be to simplify in a way that Lethem does not.
In the second part of the novel, Dylan is all grown up, and still sorting things out. He doesn’t know what it means to have had such a peculiar upbringing, but he knows that if he weren’t white, he would probably be in prison like Mingus. His black girlfriend accuses him of collecting poor black people as she looks at his obsessive music collection and mementos from his youth.
There is to this book, as there has been to Lethem’s others, a supernatural element, a fantastical token that lifts the story from the realm of reality. With the chaos that surrounds them, it comes as no surprise that young Dylan might see a homeless man named Aaron X. Doily fall from the sky, or that, having found Doily’s secret, Dylan and Mingus might become a couple of low rent super heroes. This fantasy realm never becomes the point of the story; if anything, it underscores the insurmountable mania of the world around them. Lethem’s insistent devotion to music is perhaps a more dominant trope, and the timeframe of the novel allows him to delve into soul and rap and punk in an enjoyably voyeuristic sort of way.
It is exciting to watch an author like Lethem put together a largely successful, career-changing type novel. This is a deserving book that a lot of people will read. Look for Lethem to join Jonathan Franzen and Michael Chabon at the top of the youngish American writers heap.
C. Max Magee created The Millions and is its publisher. He and his family live in New Jersey.
Why Isn’t Our Children Learning?
Michael Bourne March 10, 2011 | 2 books mentioned 11 5 min read
The Life that Develops In-Between: On Elizabeth Graver’s The End of the Point
Matt Hanson October 3, 2013 | 2 books mentioned 7 6 min read
Unless you’re kicking it with the Compsons or Buendias, say, it usually takes a little bit of readerly patience to get through a multigenerational family story. One has to be on one’s game, in terms of care and attention. Nobody wants to spend several hundred pages with a bunch of allegorical figures sitting around the dinner table and passing each other the salt.
Matt Hanson | 2 books mentioned 7 6 min read
Garth Risk Hallberg November 13, 2006 | 2 books mentioned 3 5 min read
A Review of Dave Eggers’ What is the WhatOn paper, Edward P. Jones and Dave Eggers seem to have little in common. The former grew up poor in predominantly African-American Northeast D.C., made his critical reputation with a collection of deceptively understated short stories, and even after a National Book Award nomination, continued to labor in relative penury and obscurity. The latter grew up in an affluent Chicago suburb and found commercial success early, with a memoir that placed the Dave Eggers voice – inventive, flashy, ironic – front and center. And yet this literary season has found the two stars aligning in the literary firmament. First, in August, Eggers penned an appreciative and thoughtful Sunday Times review of Jones’ new collection All Aunt Hagar’s Children – a book which, at least superficially, could not be more different than Eggers’ recent collection How We Are Hungry. Then, two weeks ago, Eggers published a novel embodying the very qualities he praised to in Jones’ work: “its sweep, its humanity, the unvarnished perfection of its prose and [a] steady and unerring” narrative force. And though it may surprise critics of McSweeney’s to hear it, What is the What is the finest American novel I have read since The Known World.The novel is a gently fictionalized autobiography of Valentino Achak Deng, a living casualty of the ongoing Sudanese civil war. Having fled from his ruined boyhood village on foot, Deng grew up in U.N.-run camps in Ethiopia and Kenya. He settled in Atlanta in 2001, and after a series of setbacks began looking for a writer who might help him tell his story. As stories go, this one is dramatic and wrenching prima facie, and in a two-part article for The Believer, Eggers gave it respectful, even tentative journalistic treatment. But, sensing that this approach placed barriers of “objectivity” between the audience from the material, he decided, boldly and correctly (with apologies to La Kakutani) to recast Deng’s story as first-person fiction.The urgency and earnestness of Deng’s voice seem to have provided the necessary pressure to render Eggers’ prose crystalline:The moon was high when the movement in the grass began and the moon had begun to fall and dim when the shuffling finally stopped. The lion was a simple black silhouette, broad shoulders, its thick legs outstretched, its mouth open. It jumped from the grass, knocked a boy from his feet. I could not see this part, my vision obscured by the line of boys in front of me. I heard a brief wail. Then I saw the lion clearly again as it trotted to the other side of the path, the boy neatly in its jaws. The animal and its prey disappeared into the high grass and the wailing stopped in a moment. The first boy’s name was Ariath.This paragraph alone would be an extraordinary act of self-effacement for a writer given to flourishes, and an extraordinary act of trust on the part of Deng. That they sustain this voice for 475 pages is something like a miracle. The writer speaks from inside his narrator – from his heart, from his gut, from his intellect. And the distance between audience and subject narrows until we feel that we, too, are Valentino Achak Deng, in all of his complexity and contradiction.Because imperfect as a human being, he makes a perfect protagonist. He is whip-smart yet perpetually naive, generous and selfish, strong and weak, courageous and timid, full of both faith and doubt. In other words, he is a lot like the Dave Eggers of that other fictionalized autobiography, A Heartbreaking Work of Staggering Genius… not because Eggers has played ventriloquist, but because he has tapped into something universal. In the course of the novel, Achak becomes as real to us as we are to ourselves, and we feel his every loss and triumph as though they were our own.The first half of the book concerns the destruction of the tranquil Dinka homeland in Southern Sudan by agents of the Islamic government in Khartoum and his harrowing walk across the country in the company of thousands of other “Lost Boys.” The novel grounds every historical exigency in the dramatic interactions of rounded characters. If the expectation of a simple story of good vs. evil (and some of the political nuances) gets confounded in the process, we can appreciate more fully the quiet heroism of children who talk each other out of suicide, of young teachers who lead groups of boys through minefields and crocodile-infested rivers, of villagers who risk the disapproval of their elders by sharing their food with these unwanted boys. And though it feels inappropriate to render an aesthetic judgment on Deng’s experience, his quest for safety generates a narrative force to rival anything in Lord of the Rings. The difference is that there are no invisibility cloaks or magic breads here.Things get quieter in the second half, as Deng finds some measure of safety in the refugee camps. But his earlier struggles resonate poignantly in his attempts to contact the father he hasn’t heard from in a decade, and especially in a visit to the relatively prosperous and stable capital city of Kenya. Without ever editorializing, What is the What reminds us of the brutality the world’s millions of impoverished children face daily; how decadent something as simple as a grocery store can look to those who are living on U.N. rice. And calamity continues to bedevil Deng as he waits to be relocated to the U.S. – which will prove to be no promised land.In a rare instance of overt artistic license, Eggers uses the invasion and robbery of Deng’s apartment in Atlanta as a frame for his novel. We return periodically to scenes of Deng being assaulted in his apartment, or filing a police report, or waiting to be treated for his injuries in the ER. His internal monologues – his memories of Africa – are directed at the various characters he meets along the way. For the most part, this device works just fine. We are deprived of the solace of seeing Deng as exotic, someone “over there”; rather, his struggles are ours… and the injustices he faces in America are the ones we perpetrate every day with our impatience, our pettiness, our indifference. And Deng himself is guilty of these human failings. Occasionally, though, Eggers seems to overreach in his transitions between the fictional present and the fictional past, and to milk the robbery too aggressively for suspense. In almost every other particular, however, What is the What‘s formal features merge perfectly with its moral authority, until it is impossible to speak of artistic “choices.” It is equally difficult to analyze the rich relationship the reader develops with Mr. Deng. Like The Known World, and like Deng’s life, the book just is. And that’s about the highest praise I can think of.Eggers has been a fixture on the American literary scene for long enough that it’s easy to forget he’s in his mid-thirties. Like his near-contemporaries Zadie Smith and David Foster Wallace, he has occasionally suffered in his writing from a kind of IQ overload, an analysis-paralysis. His second book (and first novel), You Shall Know Our Velocity was not an unqualified success, and some readers have been rubbed the wrong way by the antic quality of his fiction. They may be tempted to write off What is the What, rather than read it. But its large-heartedness is an antidote to such small-mindedness. It takes us deep inside a person we will never forget and heralds the arrival of a writer who has found himself by looking beyond himself, and who has learned the difference between intelligence and wisdom.(All proceeds from What is the What go to aiding the Sudanese in Sudan and America.)
Garth Risk Hallberg | 2 books mentioned 3 5 min read
The Post-Apocalyptic Present: On Quan Barry’s ‘She Weeps Each Time You’re Born’
Ellen Akins February 24, 2015 | 2 books mentioned 4 min read
The literary landscape, high and low, is awash in post-apocalyptic stories these days, particularly stories of a more ambitious sort (take Cormac McCarthy’s The Road, Colson Whitehead’s Zone One, Emily St. John Mandel’s Station Eleven, Edan Lepucki’s California, or Sandra Newman’s new weird and wonderful The Country of Ice Cream Star), a trend that’s easy to attribute to a pervasive sense of dread about the planet’s future among thinking people. Or, in the case of Whitehead’s zombie tale, a dread of the unthinking present. For a smart writer, a ravaged future world also offers something like a perfect literary playground, a cleared field where everything from language to human psychology to social convention can be reconsidered and reframed, critiqued or reimagined.
Poet Quan Barry’s debut novel would not seem to fit into this category, yet it inhabits an eerily similar ruined landscape, which happens to be the history of Vietnam. And if that field of history, viewed from a certain angle, resembles much of the rest of the world and time, Barry might be said to have created a post-apocalyptic present, a fictional world in which it’s possible to see how we always and everywhere are living among humanity’s ruins.
Barry seems especially well suited to the undertaking. Though born in Ho Chi Minh City, she was adopted as an infant and raised in the U.S. (on Boston’s north shore, her biographical materials specify). She is thus both of Vietnam and not, and traveling there as she has done a number of times could be a matter of finding a life that might have been, looking for a haunted past and listening to its ghosts, much as her fey character Rabbit does. On one of her trips, in 2010, Barry first heard the story of a woman named Phan Thi Bich Hang, who is the “official psychic” of Vietnam: “She was bitten by a rabid dog when she was 5 years old. And when she came out of her coma, she could hear the voices of the dead. And the government actually uses her to help them find the remains of soldiers and other people who are historically prominent in Vietnam.”
Hearing this, Barry, who’d been working for a few years on a book about an American nurse during the Vietnam War, thought, “that’s what this novel is supposed to be about,” and started writing She Weeps Each Time You’re Born, which begins with an American woman in present-day Vietnam seeking the mysterious Rabbit, who has lost her official status to a new psychic and is now kept under house arrest. “For Vietnam she gives up everything,” the woman’s guide whispers to her. “She will stay until every little one is heard. The northern and southern dead.”
The war is well underway when we first meet Rabbit, and the world is a dark, dangerous, and chaotic place. “[T]he air hangs fetid with the wet heat that follows the southwest monsoon.” The bridge across the Song Ma River is destroyed. The charred remains of huts dot the shoreline. “The patriarch had gone running back into one of the burning huts to find his granddaughter, the thatched roof like a woman with her hair on fire.” The faraway mountains are hazy with ash, and the night sky rumbles with distant planes. In the confusion of bombings and burning and death, people appear and disappear and nowhere is safe. And this is the shadowy, blasted countryside — often lit only by the flickering blue flames of the spirits of the dead — that Barry’s characters wander.
This, you might say, is a familiar wartime setting — but what makes it something more is the presence of those flickering spirits, the dead whose voices Rabbit hears, whose stories take us far and wide, in time and space, and make of all of Vietnam’s history a vast and troubled grave. And just as Rabbit is lifted, a newborn, out of her mother’s grave (apparently the source of her gift), humanity keeps rising from its own ruins and remains. What’s funny is Barry, in talking about her book, says she wanted to show more of the history and richness of Vietnam. “[W]hen we think of Vietnam here in the United States,” she says, “we think of it as a metaphor. You know, it’s synonymous with the idea of a quagmire.” The history of Vietnam is another quagmire. And upon this sucking, unholy ground a novel is built.
Upon her chthonic emergence, Rabbit becomes part of a makeshift family that roams Vietnam’s countryside during the war and “reunification,” staging an escape by boat that goes spectacularly wrong (even the water is a place of darkness and peril, afloat with human detritus), changing their human and geographic coordinates, giving us the intimate outlines of the view from above: “The population realigning itself because somewhere far away somebody had drawn a line on a map.”
In the death of an old woman along their way, Rabbit is able to hear of the awful French rubber plantations where the woman worked as a girl. In a trip to the forbidden purple city of Hue, the ancient capital, she hears of the horrors of imperial times. In Laos the voices of the Cambodian dead, the northern martyrs, the southern soldiers, the ethnic tribes, and the children overwhelm her. When walking one deathly landscape, Rabbit, we learn, has not thought of “the politics. Which stories the world is eager to bring into the light. Which stories it doesn’t want told.”
It’s probably not surprising that Barry’s first book of poetry, published in 2001, is called Asylum. And it’s probably even less surprising that Asylum harbors so many of humanity’s mistakes and sufferers and sins — the Salem Witch Trials, the Tuskegee syphilis experiments, Agent Orange’s deformities, the radioactive Bikini Atolls. Her next book, published in 2004, is called Controvertibles. In an interview about She Weeps Each Time You’re Born, Barry said, “I think the thing I’m most interested in is the idea of possibility.” That, to my mind, is the idea that her novel embodies. On this fictional landscape that I’m calling the post-apocalyptic present, where all the depredations of the past spread out like a broken boneyard, the blue lights of the spirit still flicker, and the dead still speak. And most important, someone hears.
Ellen Akins | 2 books mentioned 4 min read
Play It Again: Neal Stephenson’s Reamde
Janet Potter September 27, 2011 | 2 books mentioned 4 4 min read
Neal Stephenson by Bill Morris. email Bill.
In his book, Extra Lives: Why Video Games Matter, Tom Bissell writes, “More than any other form of entertainment, video games tend to divide rooms into Us and Them. We are, in effect, admitting that we like to spend our time shooting monsters, and They are, not unreasonably, failing to find the value in that.” Bissell is an avid gamer whose collection of essays on the industry attempts to illuminate — and partially, he admits, to justify — the vast amounts of time he and his peers spend shooting monsters and saving the pixelated world.
Bissell wrote an engaging, beginner-friendly book that I turned to with unanswered questions — questions that had been raised, and then ignored, by Neal Stephenson. Stephenson’s latest novel, Reamde, centers around T’Rain, a massively multi-player online role-playing game (MMORPG) that has (fictionally) surpassed World of Warcraft in innovation and popularity.
MMORPGs differ from other video games in that thousands of players all exist in the same virtual world. If you’re playing Grand Theft Auto, you’re up against the game as it was designed. But in a MMORPG like T’Rain, the details of the world you’re playing in are being determined by the other players online. It’s easy to see why this kind of game is even more addicting than its more confined peers. Grand Theft Auto lies dormant without you when turned off, but T’Rain is always changing. Richard Forthrast, the founder of T’Rain, describes it thus:
This was part of Corporation 9592’s strategy; they had hired psychologists, invested millions in a project to sabotage movies, yes, the entire medium of cinema—to get their customers/players/addicts into a state of mind where they simply could not focus on a two-hour-long chunk of filmed entertainment without alarm bells going off in their medullas telling them that they needed to log on to T’Rain and see what they were missing.
The main objective of T’Rain players is wealth, both virtual and actual. T’Rain characters can earn money in the game’s feudal system or steal it from those they vanquish. It’s designed to appeal both to casual players who want to log on and battle something periodically and to Chinese teenagers who make a living from playing it incessantly.
Forthrast was a big gamer before he founded T’Rain, and from the beginning the game was designed with massive worldwide popularity in mind. He hired a geology expert to create the planet T’Rain’s geography and climate. He hired two science-fiction writers—one a Cantabridgian Tolkien-like figure and the other a prolific producer of pulp—to write the history of T’Rain—it’s species, nations, ancient feuds, and continuing mythology. They spent years creating T’Rain, so that it was a complete universe and set of cultures before they invited the players in. Fast forward a few years, T’Rain is ubiquitous and Richard Forthrast is a multi-millionaire.
I liked Reamde right away. It begins at the Forthrast family reunion in Iowa, where we learn Richard’s backstory, how he came up with the idea for T’Rain and assembled its hodge-podge team of designers and writers. He talks about MMORPGs, their particularly enticing qualities and how the game company continues to shape the world the players play in without exerting obvious influence. Bissell writes that every video game has a guiding story. “PLUMBER’S GIRLFRIEND CAPTURED BY APE!”, as he says, was the original game story, and they have evolved from that into worlds of moral quandary.
In T’Rain, characters are either good or evil. T’Rains writers created a history of wars between the two, which new players take up as they join the game. However, as the players become more personally invested in the game’s world, the battle lines started to shift. T’Rain’s two writers — the Tolkien guy and the pulp guy — are public rivals, and the game’s players start taking sides, in what Richard calls the War of Realignmnet (Wor).
“So the Wor is our customers calling bullshit on our ‘Good/Evil’ branding strategy,” Richard says to one of his writers, who replies, “Not so much that as finding something that feels more real to them, more visceral.”
T’Rain’s players are so plugged in that they’re taking over the story. Meanwhile, a Chinese hacker creates a T’Rain virus, Reamde, that encrypts the infected computer’s files and holds the encryption key ransom. The ransom, of course, is to be paid within T’Rain. As Stephenson describes it, the world of T’Rain and the real world stop feeling distinct. T’Rain isn’t so much a hobby to its players, as a second way to live out their life. That distinction between the Us and Them that Bissell describes, and what makes the Us so crazy about gaming, is one I thought Stephenson was going to keep exploring.
And then, how do I say this, enter a pack of jihadists. Richard’s niece and her boyfriend, helping to track down the Chinese hacker, literally stumble upon an Islamic terrorist’s bomb factory. For the rest of the book, there are many many gunfights.
Stephenson, known for his supernatural themes, says he wanted to try something different by writing a thriller. This he did, and the final two-thirds of the book is a lively thriller, with Richard’s niece assigned the Kim Bauer role of the constantly handcuffed and espionage agents from Russia, England, and the U.S. all getting involved as the action hops from continent to continent. The problem is, Stephenson showed his hand too much at the beginning. He teased me with a thriller that took place within T’Rain, among its players and runners, visited upon by the limitations and consequences of two simultaneous worlds—real and virtual. I so wanted to read that book. But it was pushed to the background to make way for a shoot-em-up.
This is the first Stephenson I’ve read, and I now gather it was a bad place to start. From Reamde, I know him to be a thoughtful, meticulous, and very funny writer (of an MI6 agent going dark in British Columbia, “How could your cover be blown in Canada? Why even bother going dark there? How could you tell?”), but his talents were misplaced here. He continued to bring T’Rain into the plot. The characters use it to communicate with each other, and the Reamde virus scenario still plays out, although with nothing like the significance the title suggests. The T’Rain novel and the thriller feel like two separate books, the lesser of which gets more attention, sending me running for Tom Bissell to satisfy my new-found interest in gaming. If Stephenson ever decides to finish the T’Rain novel, I’m interested.
Janet Potter | 2 books mentioned 4 4 min read
An Education in Economics and Love: A. Igoni Barrett’s Love Is Power, Or Something Like That
Hannah Gersen May 14, 2013 | 2 books mentioned 1 3 min read
Betrayals drive many of Barrett’s stories, but he takes pains to illuminate the love beneath them.
Hannah Gersen | 2 books mentioned 1 3 min read
The Stories of James McBride
Matthew Pincus January 19, 2018 | 2 books mentioned 3 min read
McBride’s fantastical surrealism expands the possibility for readers to consider the meaning of freedom in a mess of complex capitalist, racial, and religious dynamics.
Matthew Pincus | 2 books mentioned 3 min read
It’s Not You, It’s Me: Thoughts on Lorrie Moore’s A Gate at the Stairs
Edan Lepucki September 3, 2009 | 2 books mentioned 24 5 min read
We all came out of Lorrie Moore’s overcoat–or her frog hospital, her bonehead Halloween costume. If you’re a young woman writer with a comic tendency, and you like similes and wordplay, and you traffic in the human wilderness of misunderstanding and alienation, then you most certainly participate in the Moore tradition. I recognize her influence in the work of my peers, and in my own. She is one of my favorite writers, and I can still remember how I felt reading her first collection, Self-Help: delighted, stunned, moved, humbled, and most of all, grateful. By now I’ve read all of her books; I kept Anagrams at a distance for as long as I could, until I really needed a literary jump start. And, waiting for me were terrific passages like this one:
The problem with a beautiful woman is that she makes everyone around her feel hopelessly masculine, which if you’re already male to begin with poses no particular problem. But if you’re anyone else, your whole sexual identity gets dragged into the principal’s office: “So what’s this I hear about you prancing around, masquerading as a woman?” You are answerless. You are sitting on your hands. You are praying for your breasts to grow, your hair to perk up.
Wowza, right?
You can imagine how excited I was to read her new novel, A Gate at the Stairs, which has just been released. I remember taking it to the tub (where I do all my best reading), and emerging wide-eyed. “Oh that Lorrie!” I might have exclaimed to my husband. It started out so well. And then…And then. Oh, reader, I was disappointed by this novel! Deeply disappointed. Once my father failed to call me on my birthday. It felt sort of like that.
I decided I wasn’t going to write about A Gate at the Stairs because I love Lorrie Moore too much to criticize her first book in ten years. And, besides, I figured other reviewers would succinctly articulate my disappointment for me. But then, last week, Michiko Kakutani’s review came out:
Ms. Moore has written her most powerful book yet, a book that gives us an indelible portrait of a young woman coming of age in the Midwest in the year after 9/11 and her initiation into the adult world of loss and grief.
Jonathan Lethem, also for the New York Times, liked it as well:
Great writers usually present us with mysteries, but the mystery Lorrie Moore presents consists of appearing genial, joshing and earnest at once — unmysterious, in other words, yet still great. She’s a discomfiting, sometimes even rageful writer, lurking in the disguise of an endearing one. On finishing A Gate at the Stairs I turned to the reader nearest to me and made her swear to read it immediately…
Upon reading these reviews, I was dumbfounded, and also, oddly, relieved (I feel protective of Ms. Moore–so what if she’s not my real-life pal?) But now that a praise-fest has begun, I must voice a dissenting opinion. Whereas Kakutani is willing to overlook what she calls the book’s “narrative stumbles,” I cannot.
Like the novel’s narrator Tassie Keltjin, I was twenty years old in 2001, and like Tassie, I attended college in the midwest, and I was at that college on September 11th–and after. Certain passages at the opening of the book captured perfectly my own experience, for although I wasn’t raised on a small potato farm, I too felt as if “someone had led me out of the cave” and into a “life of books and films and witty friends.” That is not to say that I only liked the book when it reflected my own life. Here Moore writes deftly Tassie’s experience:
My brain was on fire with Chaucer, Sylvia Plath, Simone de Beauvoir. Twice a week a young professor named Thad, dressed in jeans and a tie, stood before a lecture hall of stunned farm kids like me and spoke thrillingly of Henry James’s masturbation of the comma. I was riveted. I had never before seen a man wear jeans with a tie.
The above passage differs from my own experience in important ways, and it’s still believable and comic. I was not “a stunned farm kid,” and although I knew nothing of Henry James, I knew something about the sartorial possibilities for men. (I am from Los Angeles, after all. ) Without the jeans-and-ties line, this description wouldn’t be as funny, just as the farm kid line juxtaposes wonderfully with Henry James line. Overall, and most importantly, I believe in Tassie’s reaction to Thad, just as I believe in the uncertainty and discomfort she feels around Sarah Brink, the woman who hires Tassie to babysit her adopted daughter (before she’s even been adopted). This material in the novel was successful and meaningful to me.
Throughout, Tassie’s ruminations on the differences between young and middle-aged women rocked me in the way that only a character’s specific vision can: “These middle-aged women seemed very tired to me, as if hope had been wrung out of them and replaced with a deathly sort of sleep.” And, right on the third page: “Then we fell into a kind of hysteria–frightened, guilty, hopeless laughter I have never actually witnessed in a woman over thirty.” Likewise, certain material about people’s complicated relationship with race also struck me as right-on, and surprising: “When I was a freshman there was a girl in my dorm named Rachel. Because her dad was black and her mom was white, her friends called her Inter-Rachel. She would always laugh.” In these moments, Tassie felt complex and real, and for a novel that asks me to have an emotional reaction to its narrator’s isolation, to the secrets kept from her, to the injustices of a country, of a town, of one family–I need to believe the narrator and regard her as multidimensional.
Unfortunately, as the novel continued, Tassie’s perspective felt less and less true to me. This is a retrospective account of Tassie at twenty, which means she is under thirty when she tells the story, perhaps still capable of that laughter referred to at the opening. And, yet, this narrator did not feel like a twenty-eight year old woman. It’s difficult to figure out why exactly. It wasn’t so much that her cultural references were before-her-time (they were, although one could classify this as one of Tassie’s distinctive characteristics), but that Moore failed to fully inhabit her first-person narrator. This wasn’t Tassie’s vision of the world, but the author’s–or some version of Lorrie Moore that I’ve known and loved in previous books. Either I’ve fallen out of love, or this book and its deeply complicated and ambitious subject matter requires more, or something different, than what my favorite author has previously offered.
In A Gate at the Stairs, Lorrie Moore’s beloved and well-known authorial perspective comes at a cost: the narrator is subsumed by it, and, unfortunately, so is the plot. As Tassie became less of a character, more of a simile- and observation-generator, I felt less connected to the events occurring. But, at the same time, I was also frustrated when the story stalled to describe things, like the speech patterns of Midwesterners; no matter how funny or sharply observed, these passages felt off the spine of the story. I had the distinct sense while reading this novel, that it would have made a wonderful short story. A Gate at the Stairs feels stretched out, thinned, with uneven pacing, slow sections and redundant scenes. I hate to say this, but I was often bored by A Gate at the Stairs. My mother always said, “If you’re bored, read a book.” But what do you do when the book you’re reading bores you? And what do you do when the book that’s boring you is by your favorite author, and you’ve been waiting for it for so long? Even now, I don’t know if my problems with the novel stem from the novel itself, or are my own. It may be that I’m simply being too hard on it, or that my needs as a reader have changed. Do we need to go to couple’s therapy, Lorrie?
In Lethem’s review, he considers giving A Gate at the Stairs to a friend of his who finds Moore “too punny.” I don’t think that’s such a good idea, for in this new novel, Moore’s gifts become the book’s greatest burdens. If you’re a fan of Lorrie Moore, you must read this novel (and I sincerely hope you like it), but if you aren’t, or if you haven’t read her before, I suggest exploring the rest of her dazzling oeuvre first–you won’t be disappointed.
Edan Lepucki | 2 books mentioned 24 5 min read
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1043
|
__label__cc
| 0.614827
| 0.385173
|
activism, civil rights, news, u.s department of education
July 17 — 4:33 pm
Local advocates brace for changes in federal education civil rights policy
Local advocates and civil rights leaders are preparing to be more watchful in response to the decision under the Trump administration to
betsy devos, latest news, u.s department of education
February 7 — 2:20 pm
DeVos confirmed as U.S. secretary of education: Here’s what she can and can’t do
Despite robust opposition, Betsy DeVos became U.S. Secretary of Education Tuesday, thanks to a tie-breaking vote from Vice President Mike
Avi Wolfman-Arent
February 7 — 12:50 pm
Despite weeks of opposition, DeVos is confirmed – barely
The Senate confirmed Betsy DeVos as U.S. secretary of education Tuesday. The vote was tied, 50-50, and Vice President Mike
betsy devos, charter schools, news, u.s department of education
January 23 — 6:23 pm
Prominent Philadelphia charter players have varying opinions of DeVos
Some of the most prominent charter proponents in Philadelphia don’t have an opinion they are willing to share about Betsy
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1045
|
__label__wiki
| 0.567836
| 0.567836
|
Orlando Airport Will Scan the Faces of All International Travelers — Including US Citizens
by Caroline Schagrin
Orlando International Airport (MCO) is becoming the first in the United States to require a face scan of passengers on all arriving and departing international flights, including US citizens, as enforced by the US Customs and Border Protections and Greater Orlando Aviation Authority. Orlando is Florida’s busiest airport and received roughly six million international travelers within the past year.
Airports in Atlanta (ATL), Chicago (ORD), Houston (HOU and IAH), Las Vegas (LAS), Miami (MIA), New York (JFK), San Diego (SAN) and Washington (IAD) already have Customs and Border Protection face scan systems in place, but only for some departing international flights, whereas Orlando’s program will involve every international traveler. To verify the traveler’s identity, the images from the face scan are compared to a Department of Homeland Security biometric database that has images of people who should be on the flight.
US Customs and Border Protection chose to introduce a facial biometric entry-exit system to maximize safety and security so passengers can move quickly and efficiently through the airport. This program comes as CBP celebrates 10 years with the Global Entry program, which expedites clearance for pre-approved, low-risk travelers arriving in the United States. The program is available in 61 US international airports and 13 Preclearance airports in Aruba, the Bahamas, Canada, Ireland, and United Arab Emirates.
CBP said no new data is required with the facial recognition process; they compare the photographs of travelers with those that are already on file in DHS holdings. The process takes less than 2 seconds, with a 99% matching rate.
The announcement brought on concerns from privacy advocates who say there are no formal rules that handle data extracted from the scans, nor formal guidelines on what should happen if a passenger is wrongly prevented from boarding, the AP reports.
Harrison Rudolph, an associate at the Center on Privacy & Technology at the Georgetown University Law Center, told the AP of his concerns about the face scans’ accuracy because research shows these scans are less accurate with racial minorities, women and children.
A US Customs and Border Protection spokeswoman explained to the AP that US citizens will be able to opt out of the face scan if they do not want to provide their photograph, but these rules could change because the new program at Orlando requires people provide photographs when they are entering or leaving the US.
Massachusetts Senator Ed Markey and Utah Senator Mike Lee urged the Department of Homeland Security in a letter last month to implement formal rules before the program officially begins.
“It will also ensure a full vetting of this potentially sweeping program that could impact every American leaving the country by airport,” their letter stated.
Caroline Schagrin is the assistant producer for TPG's podcasts.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1046
|
__label__cc
| 0.641213
| 0.358787
|
Tag Archives: Damascus
The Syrian Conflict Must Be Resolved by the Syrian People Themselves!
Posted by Rick Gunderman on August 24, 2012
Statement of the Central Executive Committee, Communist Party of Canada, August, 2012
The crisis in Syria continues to deepen with every passing day. Thousands have been killed or injured, including countless civilians caught in the crossfire between armed opposition groups and government forces. Thousands more have been displaced from their towns and villages and forced into internal or foreign exile by the fighting. In this very real sense, the situation has become a human and social tragedy of the first order.
But what is actually taking place in Syria? Who is really provoking the violence and prolonging the agony of the Syrian people?
The Western corporate‑controlled media would have us believe that the root cause of the conflict is the “tyrannical” government of President Bashar El‑Assad which clings to power at any price, willing to sacrifice the health and security of its own people. This “big lie” is central to the intensifying propaganda campaign to vilify El‑Assad in order to conceal the role of reactionary and clerical forces bent on destabilizing and ultimately overthrowing the current government and seizing power for themselves. And if necessary, this demonization campaign will be used as a pretext for imperialist military intervention and occupation to directly impose “regime change”, as was done in Iraq and most recently in Libya. Continue reading →
Leave a comment Posted in Communist Parties, International Politics, Middle East, National Self-Determination, Propaganda Model, Solidarity, State and Revolution, War and Imperialism Tagged aggression, agony, al-Assad, Arab, Army, Assad, Bashar, Canada, ceasefire, China, civil war, civilians, clerical, communist, conflict, Conservative, corporate, crisis, crossfire, Damascus, economic, forces, free, FSA, geopolitical, global, government, Harper, hegemony, human, humanitarian, imperialism, imperialist, Independence, intervention, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Kofi Annan, Liberal, Libya, media, Middle East, national, NATO, natural resources, NDP, neoliberal, offensive, Opposition, Palestine, Palestinian, party, people, petroleum, power, production, progressive, Qatar, R2P, reactionary, reforms, regime change, regimes, Russia, sanctions, Saudi Arabia, secular, Security Council, social, solidarity, sovereignty, state, Stephen Harper, Struggle, Syria, Syrian, tragedy, Turkey, tyrannical, tyranny, UN, unemployment, violence, war, working, Zionism, Zionist
Terrorists Suffer Heavy Losses in Aleppo and Homs, 9 Citizens Released in Damascus Countryside
English Bulletin from the Syrian Arab News Agency
Image provided by the Syrian Arab News Agency
PROVINCES, (SANA) – The security authorities on Thursday repelled an armed terrorist group which tried to enter al-Sabaa Bahrat area from al-Atmeh Souq in the city of Aleppo.
The authorities clashed with the group leaving its members dead or injured.
Armed Forces Destroy 11 Pick-up Vehicles Equipped with DShK Machineguns in Aleppo, Carry out Qualitative Operations in Bab al-Neirab
Armed forces destroyed 11 pick-up vehicles equipped with DShK machineguns and arrested 3 terrorists near al-Jandoul Roundabout and Castillo crossroad in Aleppo.
Units from the armed forces carried out an operation in al-Marjeh neighborhood in the area of Bab al-Neirab in the city. Continue reading →
Leave a comment Posted in International Politics, Middle East, Propaganda Model, War and Imperialism Tagged Agency, al-Atmeh Souq, al-Jandoul, al-Marjeh, al-Nizariyeh, al-Qseir, al-Sabaa Bahrat, al-Tal, al-Zalt, al-Zeraa, Aleppo, Amer Sarmini, Arab, armed, armed forces, Bab al-Neirab, bombs, Catillo, citizens, cocktails, countryside, Damascus, Deir Baalbeh, devices, DShK, engineering, explosive, Homs, hostages, Idleb, Kefr Delbeh, kidnapped, Latakia, materials, Meridian, Molotov, News, Saeed Taleb, Saif al-Dawleh, SANA, School, Syria, Syrian, terrorism
Syria: Heralding a Change in the International Strategic Situation?
Posted by Rick Gunderman on March 31, 2012
Granma International English Edition
by Ernesto Gomez Abascal
Evidently the Cold War ended in the final decade of the 20th century with the disappearance of the Soviet Union and the European socialist countries, but the U.S. plan of domination enshrined in the Project for the New American Century, drawn up by a group of neoconservative and Zionist strategists, remains in the minds of Washington politicians.
However, Democrat and Republican priorities on the imperial agenda remain. These are: control of the Near East given its energy resources and strategic position, the elimination of governments who stand up to or interfere with its interests, and to exclude the emergence of new rival powers.
While it is a fact that things have not been going well for the U.S. government in Afghanistan and Iraq, this has not resulted in a change of plans, but merely adjustments to the new conditions. Imperialism has many years of experience in methods of regime change, as we in Latin America know very well.
In Libya, included for years on the list of seven countries whose governments had to be changed, the United States was initially successful, having taken advantage of some inconsistencies on the part of Muammar Gaddafi, and certain lack of popularity for the leader. Then came an intensive media campaign, Arab League cover and backing, which facilitated a UN Security Council resolution, and subsequently, a large part of the country’s infrastructure was bombed by NATO aircraft, thousands of Libyans were killed, and a government subordinated to its interests was installed in Tripoli. Libya’s large oil reserves are now more accessible to U.S. and European corporations, although the chaos created in the country has created an uncertain future.
While this was taking place in Libya, the CIA and its allies in the NATO special services were working on the next country listed, Syria. It has been acknowledged that hundreds of Syrians were trained and armed in Turkey and other countries ill disposed toward the Damascus government, especially those of the Gulf Cooperation Council, and in areas of the Lebanon under the control the March 14 alliance (directed by the Hariri clan, pro‑Saudi and linked to the French government). These Syrians are predominantly Sunnis and members of the illegal and extremist Muslim Brotherhood, but include mercenaries from other Arab countries, and commandos trained for special operations. These have received a large supply of modern armaments, sophisticated communications equipment and information via NATO satellite networks.
The predominantly Alawite Damascus government, a strong ally of Iran and a supporter of the Lebanese patriotic forces headed by Hezbollah, which controls power in Beirut, had genuine problems – as do all countries in the region and a large part of the world, including the most developed countries. These include repression, lack of democracy, and corruption, and this has provoked malaise within the population, leading to demonstrations initially encouraged by those in other countries of the region, and which were repressed particularly where they originated, in the southern city of Daraa, right on the border with Jordan.
The media war machine was immediately activated against Syria, as was the case with Libya. In Cuba, Venezuela and other Latin America countries we have become experts on how this operates, having suffered it for many years, and we also know how to combat it, despite disadvantageous material conditions given the enormous propaganda resources possessed by the enemy. Even with the abovementioned defects, the Syrian government was practising a non-sectarian policy in the religious context and one of relative social justice, anti‑imperialist and anti‑Zionist. It has been an ally of progressive causes in the South and an obstacle to U.S. and Israeli plans in the region. Allegations intended to discredit it, to the effect that its policy of peace serves Israeli interests, have no serious foundation.
Installing a pro‑Western government in Damascus would propitiate a change of government in Lebanon and possibly another war there to eliminate the power of Hezbollah, an ally of Iran together with Syria, and viewed as enemies by the Sunni Gulf monarchies, who submit to Western policy in return for protection from an alleged Iranian threat, even though no war has been initiated by that country for centuries.
If the plan concerning Syria is consummated, the Western powers would move against Tehran and, along the way, crush the resistance of Palestine, obliging it to accept crumbs of territory and the minimum rights which Israeli Zionists would be disposed to concede to the people. The U.S. “Grand Middle East” would be completed with its extension to Central Asia, and the siege of Russia and China would be laid.
However, Syria is not Libya. Although its leaders have made undeniable errors and have acted slowly in response to the conspiracy and plans of its powerful enemies, thus losing a lot of time and ground, it would seem to have sufficient internal support and resources to stand up to its enemies and defeat them, albeit at a heavy price in terms of death and destruction.
Apparently, a clear perception of this reality prompted Russian and Chinese representatives to use their veto in the February 4 Security Council vote on a resolution which – regardless of its text, as was the case with Libya – would open the gates to foreign intervention in order to destroy the country and impose a regime change. The highest authorities in both countries have clearly declared a red line and they are not prepared to allow a military intervention in Syria.
The firm stand of Moscow and Beijing and the cooperation they are giving the Syrian government, appears to be starting to change the situation on the ground. The Lebanese army has been mobilized to the border in an attempt to prevent the entry of mercenaries and military supplies into the neighbouring area of Homs, center of the anti‑government uprising and whose capital city was intended to become the Benghazi of Syria. Syrian government forces have recently moved onto the offensive there.
The Baghdad government, now closer to Iran’s influence than to that of the United States, is also trying to prevent Sunni Islamic extremists – possibly linked to Al Qaeda and receiving funds from Saudi Arabia and Qatar – from continuing to infiltrate into Syrian territory. Recent terrorist attacks on the Shiite population in various parts of Iraq would seem to be a message of protest from Saudi Arabia and the United States given the change in position in favour of Syria adopted by the Iraqi government.
Turkey and Jordan, two other countries to have adopted belligerent positions against the Damascus government, are beginning to make more moderate statements. There are even signs of concern in Western capitals at the possibility of extremist Islamic forces linked to Al Qaeda coming to power in Syria in the case of the current executive being defeated.
The situation is highly fluid and extremely complex, but if Syria succeeds in resisting this imperialist, and Zionist counterrevolutionary aggression, and if Russia and China remain firm, there could be a defeat of strategic magnitude. Iran would emerge strengthened and new alliances could be established to oppose imperialist plans of domination. The countries of the BRICS group, the newly independent countries of Latin America, especially the strong core members of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA), are in agreement with the principals of a foreign policy opposed to aggression, and would favour the negotiated solution to conflicts. They also defend justice, sovereignty and non‑intervention, all of which could initiate the beginnings of a newmultipolar balance in the world.
The grave economic crisis affecting the major capitalist powers and the debilitation this implies, in conjunction with the indignados movement, could significantly contribute to this potential panorama.
(Ernesto Abascal was the Cuban ambassador to Iraq.)
*note: Granma is the official newspaper of the Communist Party of Cuba. You can visit their International English website here. The original article is here.
Leave a comment Posted in International Politics, Middle East, Propaganda Model, War and Imperialism Tagged Abascal, aircraft, Al Qaeda, Alawite, ALBA, alliance, allies, America, American, anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, Arab, Arab League, armaments, armed, Baghdad, Beijing, Beirut, Benghazi, Bolivarian, Bolivarian Alliance, BRICS, Brotherhood, campaign, capital, capitalism, capitalist, capitals, Central Asia, Central Asia and Afghanistan, Century, chaos, China, CIA, civilians, Cold War, commando, commandos, communications, conspiracy, context, Cooperation, corporation, corporations, corruption, Council, counterrevolution, counterrevolutionary, countries, country, Cuba, Damascus, Daraa, death, democracy, Democrat, demonstration, demonstrations, destruction, domination, East, enemy, equipment, Ernesto, European, France, French, future, Gaddafi, GCC, government, Grand Middle East, Granma, Gulf, Gulf Cooperation Council, Gulf monarchies, Hariri, Hezbollah, Homs, imperialism, imperialist, inconsistency, information, infrastructure, intensive, interests, intervention, Iran, Iranian, Iraq, Iraqi, Islamic, Islamist, Israel, Israeli, Jordan, lack of democracy, Latin, Latin America, leader, League, Lebanese, Lebanon, Libya, Libyan, Libyans, machine, malaise, March 14, March 14 alliance, material, MB, media, Middle East, military, military intervention, modern, monarchies, monarchy, Moscow, Muammar, Muammar Gaddafi, Muslim, Muslim Brotherhood, NATO, Near East, neoconservative, networks, New, non-sectarian, oil, operations, Our America, Palestine, patriotic, People's, PNAC, policy, popularity, population, power, powers, pro-Saudi, Project, Project for the New American Century, propaganda, Qaddafi, Qatar, religion, religious, repression, Republican, reserves, resolution, resources, rival, Russia, satellite, Saudi, Saudi Arabia, Security, Security Council, services, Shiite, social justice, socialist, South, Soviet, Soviet Union, special, States, strategist, strategists, subordinated, subordination, Sunni, Sunnis, Syria, Syrians, territory, threat, trained, Tripoli, Turkey, UN, UN Security Council, uncertain, union, United, United States, UNSC, US, Venezuela, war, war machine, Western, Zionism, Zionist
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1047
|
__label__cc
| 0.661106
| 0.338894
|
Posts Tagged ‘Silicon Valley’
Is Virtual busy-ness genuinely beneficial?
Posted by Warm Southern Breeze on Saturday, August 4, 2012
It’s the human condition.
Even the Christ withdrew for a period of time.
Everything old is new again.
Refugee from Facebook questions the social media life
By Craig Timberg, Published: August 3
MARFA, Tex. — Not long after Katherine Losse left her Silicon Valley career and moved to this West Texas town for its artsy vibe and crisp desert air, she decided to make friends the old-fashioned way, in person. So she went to her Facebook page and, with a series of keystrokes, shut it off.
Katherine Losse, former Facebook employee, and author of new book. Photo by Erin Trieb.
The move carried extra import because Losse had been the social network’s 51st employee and rose to become founder Mark Zuckerberg’s personal ghostwriter. But Losse gradually soured on the revolution in human relations she witnessed from within.
The explosion of social media, she believed, left hundreds of millions of users with connections that were more plentiful but also narrower and less satisfying, with intimacy losing out to efficiency. It was time, Losse thought, for people to renegotiate their relationships with technology.
“It’s okay to feel weird about this because I feel weird about this, and I was in the center of it,” said Losse, 36, who has long, dark hair and sky-blue eyes. “We all know there is an anxiety, there’s an unease, there’s a worry that our lives are changing.”
Her response was to quit her job — something made easier by the vested stock she cashed in — and to embrace the ancient toil of writing something in her own words, at book length, about her experiences and the philosophical questions they inspired.
That brought her to Read the rest of this entry »
Posted in - Did they REALLY say that?, - Faith, Religion, Goodness - What is the Soul of a man? | Tagged: Carnegie Mellon University, Donald E. Graham, FaceBook, Johns Hopkins University, Mark Zuckerberg, news, Northern California, Silicon Valley, Social media, social network, SoMe, Texas, TX, West Texas | Leave a Comment »
Yahoo! Marissa Mayer, employee #20 at Google, to be new Yahoo! CEO
Congratulations to both!
Now, perhaps Yahoo! can move ahead.
Here’s hoping!
Google’s Marissa Mayer Tapped as Yahoo’s Chief
By ANDREW ROSS SORKIN and EVELYN M. RUSLI
Marissa Mayer, New CEO of Yahoo!
Marissa Mayer, one of the top executives at Google, will be the next C.E.O. of Yahoo, making her one of the most prominent women in Silicon Valley and corporate America.
The appointment of Ms. Mayer, who was employee No. 20 at Google and was one of the few public faces of the company, is considered a surprising coup for Yahoo, which has struggled in recent years to attract top flight talent in its battle with competitors like Google and Facebook.
Ms. Mayer, 37, had for years been responsible for the look and feel of Google’s most popular products: the famously unadorned white search homepage, Gmail, Google News and Google Images. More recently, Ms. Mayer, an engineer by training whose first job at Google included computer programming, was put in charge of the company’s location and local services, including Google Maps, overseeing more than 1,000 product managers. She also sat on Google’s operating committee, part of a small circle of senior executives who had the ear of Google’s co-founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin.
With her appointment as the president and chief executive of Yahoo, Ms. Mayer joins a short list of women in Silicon Valley to hold the top spot. The elite club includes Read the rest of this entry »
Posted in - Even MORE Uncategorized!, - Read 'em and weep: The Daily News | Tagged: engineer, FaceBook, Google, IBM, Internet, Marissa Mayer, Mayer, Meg Whitman, news, Scott Thompson, Sheryl Sandberg, Silicon Valley, tech, Thompson, woman, women, Yahoo | Leave a Comment »
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1056
|
__label__wiki
| 0.787157
| 0.787157
|
People: Central Garden & Pet Co (CENT.OQ)
CENT.OQ on NASDAQ Stock Exchange Global Select Market
Balousek, John
Mr. John B. Balousek is an Lead Independent Director of the Company. Mr. Balousek was Interim Chairman of the Company from July 2015 until October 2016. From 1991 to 1996, Mr. Balousek served as President, Chief Operating Officer and a director of Foote, Cone & Belding Communications, one of the largest global advertising and communications networks, and also in 1996 as Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of True North Technologies, a digital and interactive services company affiliated with True North Communications. Mr. Balousek was also a founding shareholder and strategic contributor to Lenscrafters one-hour optical in the United States, Vision Express in Europe, and a founder of Eyemasters one-hour optical in Canada. Prior to 1991, Mr. Balousek held various management positions with Foote, Cone & Belding Communications and in brand management with the Procter & Gamble Company. Mr. Balousek has also served as a director on multiple boards, including Inuvo, Inc., an online analytics, data and media company, from June 2008 to March 2012, Rabobank NA, a California community bank, and VIB Corp., a bank holding company. As a former President and Chief Operating Officer of a global advertising network, executive in brand management at one of the world’s leading consumer packaged goods organizations, and an experienced director with deep boardroom experience across a range of businesses, Mr. Balousek brings valuable skills and insights to the Company.
Total Annual Compensation, USD 157,000
Restricted Stock Award, USD 20,000
Long-Term Incentive Plans, USD --
All Other, USD 44,470
Fiscal Year Total, USD 221,470
Brooks Pennington
George Roeth
Nicholas Lahanas
Kay Schwichtenberg
William Lynch
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1062
|
__label__cc
| 0.638812
| 0.361188
|
Maine Chapter of the UNA-USA
— Main Menu —Home About - Board Members - UN Day - - UN Day 2017 - - UN Day 2015 - 61st Session of the Commission on the Status of Women Support Us Join Contact Archived Newsletters
UN Day 2017
61st Session of the Commission on the Status of Women
U.N. International School students at Kofi Annan’s farewell luncheon, U.N. Photo/Mark Garten.
The United Nations provides tools that national governments can use to deal collectively with a wide range of challenges, like disease, environmental degradation, resource shortages, mass violence and human rights abuses.
We invite you to learn more about the U.N.’s role in global affairs; uses of the U.N. in U.S. foreign policy; and the ways the U.N. needs to improve to be most effective in fostering safety and security for all.
The United Nations Association of Maine is your gateway to the U.N. here in Maine. We invite you to join us.
Membership is available at a variety of levels. People 25 years and younger may join for free here!
People 26 years and over may join by visiting the national UNA-USA.
Be sure to choose “ME – Maine” as your Chapter Selection.
United Nations Association of Maine is a nonpartisan nonprofit that engages Maine people in U.N. efforts toward building global peace. UNA-Maine is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization under the Better World Fund.
UNA-Maine
UNA-Maine is a chapter of UNA-USA, which is dedicated to informing, inspiring and mobilizing the American people to support the ideals and vital work of the U.N., and to strengthen the U.N. system.
UNA-Maine on Twitter
RT @CamdenConf: Join us for a free event with @SenAngusKing on Friday, July 6th (7pm) at the @CamdenOpera: https://t.co/IWQ28TmqoU over a year ago
UNA-Maine • PO Box 262 • Brunswick, ME 04011-0262
© 2014-2019 United Nations Association of Maine
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1063
|
__label__wiki
| 0.76711
| 0.76711
|
Graduate Council
Teaching, Research & Graduate Assistants
Why Choose UNCW Graduate School?
When choosing a graduate school, prospective students consider many factors including:
Faculty reputations and availability
Mentoring and support of students' academic achievement
Proactive efforts to build a diverse university community
Safe and attractive campus
The University of North Carolina Wilmington scores high marks in all of these criteria, making it a popular choice among serious students in a broad range of disciplines. The University's graduate programs embody the values of scholarly learning, diversity, global citizenship, and community engagement. UNCW offers the advantages of a research university combined with the sense of community often found in smaller colleges. The Graduate School at UNCW provides students numerous opportunities for advanced research and one-on-one interaction with professors. Students also enjoy a supportive environment that encourages them to pursue academic, professional, and personal accomplishment and excellence.
The Watson College of Education is accredited by the National Council for Accreditation of Teacher Education (NCATE).
The Cameron School of Business is accredited by the Association to Advance Collegiate Schools of Business (AACSB) and is designated Top of National List of Affordable MBA Programs by U.S. News
College of Health and Human Services
The master's degree program in nursing at the UNCW School of Nursing is accredited by the Commission on Collegiate Nursing Education, 655 K Street, NW, Suite 750, Washington, DC 20001, 202-887-6791 and approved by the North Carolina Board of Nursing (NCBN).
The Master of Social Work (MSW) program is accredited by the Council on Social Work Education Commission on Accreditation (CSWE COA).
Department of Public and International Affairs
The Master of Public Administration (MPA) program is accredited by the National Association of Schools of Public Affairs and Administration (NASPAA).
Research At UNCW
Research and Accomplishments
Facilities, Centers and Institutes
Online & Distance Education Opportunities
Extension Sites
UNC ONLINE
UNC Multi-campus Online Course Portal
Campus and Safety
UNC Wilmington | 601 S. College Road, Wilmington NC 28403 | 910.962.3000 | About this Site | Copyright Notice | Feedback | Page maintained by D. Childers
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1064
|
__label__cc
| 0.574539
| 0.425461
|
“It’s too early to say what precisely the government intends to do with these units. But it’s not too early to say that it appears to be constructing a parallel army outside of established military structures.”
The Polish parliament on Wednesday approved the creation of a new territorial defense force aimed at deterring a possible Russian attack that critics say could end up serving as the armed wing of the ruling right-wing Law and Justice party.
The force would be made up of 53,000 part-time soldiers stationed throughout the country by 2019. That would constitute a third of all Polish military personnel.
According to the government’s plans, in addition to their military duties the units will have responsibility for “anti-crisis measures, anti-subversion, anti-terrorism and anti-disinformation in defense of civil security and the cultural heritage of the Polish nation.”
You can read the article here.
The expertise of one member of the commission was revealed to have been based upon experience of constructing model aircraft, sitting in a fighter jet’s cockpit during an air show, and observing plane wings while looking out of a passenger window.
The remains of the former Polish president Lech Kaczyński and his wife Maria were removed from the crypt at Wawel Castle in Kraków on Monday evening and re-examined by state prosecutors.
The move is the latest step in the ruling Law and Justice party’s efforts to demonstrate that the Smolensk air disaster in April 2010, which killed the pair and 94 others, was engineered by Russia and covered up by domestic political opponents.
You can read the article here. For a much longer analysis of the poisonous legacy of Smolensk in Polish politics, my essay for Foreign Policy can be found here.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1065
|
__label__wiki
| 0.920298
| 0.920298
|
New State Law Increases Abortion Delays and Risk
Law passed last year restricts the use of drugs to end pregnancies, forcing more women to have surgery.
By Rory Linnane, Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism - Feb 1st, 2013 11:25 am
Samantha, who wanted to have a medication abortion in Milwaukee, changed her plans when she learned it could be difficult to obtain follow-up care. The state’s new abortion law took effect in April. Photo taken Jan. 18 at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee campus by John O’Hara.
Abortion pill restrictions part of nationwide push
Medication abortions have become more prevalent nationally in the past few years, and laws targeting them are sweeping state legislatures across the country. Read more here.
Chart:
Click the chart below to track abortions by Wisconsin women over the past decade.
The two pregnancy tests she took early last year had come up negative, but this time a faint plus sign surfaced in the plastic window. Samantha, 21, knew immediately what she wanted to do.
Within five minutes, she said, she called Affiliated Medical Services, a clinic in Milwaukee that provides abortion services.
“I was sort of hysterical when I called them,” said Samantha, who spoke to the Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism on condition that her last name not be used to protect her privacy.
One week later, in a 30-minute session with a counselor at Affiliated Medical Services, Samantha and her partner listened to their options. She determined she would prefer a medication abortion to a surgical abortion. This would allow her to terminate the pregnancy earlier by taking one pill at the clinic, and a second pill at home to complete the abortion.
Samantha was carrying a 21-credit load at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee and working 40 hours a week at a coffee shop. Overwhelmed, she hoped to obtain the abortion as quickly as possible before winter break ended.
But then the counselor raised a caveat.
“After she finished explaining the procedure, she hinted to us that it might be a difficult time to procure a medication abortion,” Samantha said.
Samantha later learned that state lawmakers were planning to change the rules for medication abortions, which could make it more difficult to obtain follow-up care.
“That was really scary,” said Samantha, who decided to wait several weeks to have a surgical abortion as she juggled work and school. She was fatigued and depressed.
“I was feeling stupid and bad about myself for it happening, and just the physical state of being pregnant,” said Samantha, who became pregnant because of a medical condition that rendered her birth control pills ineffective. “It was just terrible.”
The state’s new abortion law, Act 217, went into effect last April. It prompted the state’s two leading abortion providers, Affiliated Medical Services and Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin, to stop providing medication abortions that month.
Affiliated Medical Services resumed offering medication abortions in May, after a legal review. Planned Parenthood, which has filed a federal lawsuit against the law, is still not offering this option.
Billed as a way to make abortion safer for women, the law had the consequence of limiting access to medication-induced abortions, leading more women to have more invasive surgical abortions and putting some women at greater risk by increasing the wait-time for appointments.
Dr. Doug Laube, a University of Wisconsin-Madison professor and former president of the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, has condemned the new law.
“I believe that this law is legislated medicine generated by political ideology and it is a dangerous barrier to women seeking safe and legal nonsurgical abortion,” Laube said in a conference call with reporters, organized by Planned Parenthood in December. “This is an intrusion into the doctor-patient relationship and sound evidence-based medical practice.”
Dr. Fredrik Broekhuizen, medical director for Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin, said surgical abortions require more time with physicians. This causes scheduling delays and increases the risk of complications.
Planned Parenthood and Affiliated Medical Services have reported delays ranging from a few days to more than two weeks. This sometimes means that medication abortions can no longer be done.
“While legal abortion is one of the safest procedures in the contemporary practice of medicine, a delay in performing a termination of the pregnancy may increase the risks to the patient’s health and life in some circumstances,” Broekhuizen wrote in a court filing.
According to Kelly Cleland, a researcher with the Office of Population Research at Princeton University, the earliest abortion is the safest abortion.
“Every week that goes by, it introduces more risk,” Cleland said. “So any argument that they’re trying to make it safer is a completely disingenuous argument.”
A new study published in the journal Obstetrics & Gynecology found that less than 1 percent of the more than 200,000 medication abortions Planned Parenthood provided nationwide in 2009 and 2010 resulted in significant adverse events or outcomes. The most common of these was continued pregnancy.
A surgical abortion brings risks associated with any surgery, according to the National Institutes of Health, including internal damage, infection and excessive bleeding. Cleland said such events are rare, but there have not been recent studies in the United States that directly assess the risk of complications from surgical abortions.
Nicole Safar of Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin said the number of surgical abortions has risen at the group’s clinics following its decision to suspend medication abortions. Photo courtesy of Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin.
Nicole Safar, public policy director for Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin, stressed that both methods are “exceedingly safe,” but said some women have medical conditions that make the surgical abortion too difficult. Others prefer medication abortions for the privacy they offer.
“More than the physical piece, for many women medication abortion is the right choice for her entire self — emotionally, psychologically,” Safar said. “Many women would prefer to go through the process at home, with their family. That’s a huge piece of it you can’t really quantify.”
Since the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved mifepristone and misoprostol for abortions in 2000, Wisconsin women have increasingly relied on this option. In 2001, the state health department reported that about 5 percent of the more than 10,000 Wisconsin women who had abortions in the state chose the medication option.
In 2011, the state reported, 24 percent of the roughly 7,000 Wisconsin women who had abortions in the state chose the medication option. According to Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin, nearly half of the women eligible for medication abortions at the group’s clinics that year chose this option.
Women can only receive medication abortions in the first nine weeks of pregnancy, while surgical abortions are available up to 19 weeks of pregnancy at Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin.
Since April, however, the number of medication abortions performed at Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin clinics has dropped to zero. Though Safar said the number of surgical abortions for 2012 will not be available until March, she said doctors have noted an increase.
“The overall number (of abortions) is continuing to drop, but since we don’t offer another option, women who probably would have chosen medical abortions have had surgical abortions,” Safar said. “Women are opting to have surgical abortions, or they’re going somewhere else.”
Safar said doctors inform their patients of other places they can have a medication abortion, including clinics in Illinois, Minnesota and Iowa.
“Women shouldn’t have to drive anywhere,” Safar said. “Women deserve to have all safe and legal options available to them.”
Doctors at Affiliated Medical Services also provided more surgical abortions due to their roughly three-week suspension of medication abortions, according to Wendie Ashlock, the clinic’s director. In 2012, Ashlock said, they provided 1,925 surgical abortions, 68 more than the previous year. They also provided 523 medication abortions, 73 fewer than the previous year.
Telemedicine concern spurred law
In December, Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin filed a lawsuit in federal court seeking to get Act 217 either clarified or struck down. The group said it had to completely suspend nonsurgical abortions at its clinics due to the law’s “unconstitutionally vague” requirements for medication abortions and criminal penalties for doctors who don’t meet them.
Proponents of the change say it is needed to stop doctors from prescribing abortion medication over a webcam. That’s what has happened in Planned Parenthood clinics in Iowa, where a technician performs an ultrasound and a physician visits by webcam to review the woman’s records and prescribe the medication. The patient takes the first pill at the clinic, and the second later at home.
Officials at Planned Parenthood say they had no plans to use teleconferences for medication abortions in Wisconsin.
But Susan Armacost, legislative director of Right to Life Wisconsin, said she and other pro-life advocates feared this practice would spread to Wisconsin, putting women at risk.
“That drug (mifepristone) has resulted in the deaths of some women,” Armacost said, citing FDA reports. “We thought the doctor should at least see her and give her a physical exam.”
About 1.5 million U.S. women have used mifepristone between 2000 and 2011, the FDA reported. The agency said 14 women died after taking the drug, adding that it did not have enough information to attribute the deaths to the medication.
Similar “telemedicine”-targeted laws have been passed in eight other states, but Wisconsin is the first in which Planned Parenthood has responded by suspending medication abortions.
Previously, Planned Parenthood and Affiliated Medical Services already required medication abortion patients to come to a clinic for a physical exam and counseling 24 hours before an appointment to receive the pills. The patient was able to take the second pill from home, but both providers also scheduled a third visit to confirm the termination of the pregnancy.
This practice is out of step with FDA protocol, which recommends a patient take both pills at a medical clinic.
“Planned Parenthood is putting the health and safety of women in danger by not administering abortion drugs as advised by FDA regulations,” said state Sen. Mary Lazich, R-New Berlin, who sponsored the bill that became Act 217.
However, Planned Parenthood officials said the law goes beyond enforcing FDA protocol by requiring that the same physician be present for the first two appointments, and by leaving other standards unclear. The group’s lawsuit challenges two provisions of the law.
First, Act 217 requires the physical presence of a doctor when the medication is “given.” Broekhuizen, a plaintiff in the lawsuit, said it’s unclear whether the physician must be with the patient when she takes the second pill, traditionally at home. Violating this part of the law is a Class I felony, punishable by up to three and a half years in prison and a $10,000 fine.
Second, the law requires that the physician, under the threat of civil liability and a fine of up to $10,000, determine that the patient is not being coerced. But Broekhuizen said the law does not provide clear enough guidelines for doing so.
“I do not understand what is permitted and what is illegal,” Broekhuizen, a plaintiff in the lawsuit, wrote in a court document. “It is unclear to me what a physician must do to ensure compliance.”
Planned Parenthood already has a consent process in place, as mandated by Wisconsin law. It includes counseling about options for continuing or terminating a pregnancy and a 24-hour waiting period between this appointment and an abortion.
Samantha said that in addition to a medication abortion being available earlier, the procedure would have afforded more privacy. During her surgical abortion, she said, there were “six other people in the room,” including medical students.
“It was really overwhelming and obviously painful, too,” she said. “I really wish I could have had the privacy of being in my own room and dealing with just the people affected, just me and my partner.”
Abortions harder to obtain
Matt Sande of Pro-Life Wisconsin said the new law could help women come forward about being coerced into abortion. Photo courtesy of Matt Sande.
According to the state Government Accountability Board, the bill that led to Act 217 was opposed by groups including Planned Parenthood Advocates of Wisconsin, the Wisconsin Medical Society, the Wisconsin Academy of Family Physicians, and the Wisconsin Association of Local Health Departments and Boards.
Supporting the legislation were Wisconsin Right to Life, Pro-Life Wisconsin, Wisconsin Family Action Inc., and the Wisconsin Catholic Conference.
Matt Sande, director of legislative affairs for Pro-Life Wisconsin, said his group is pleased with the new law and not upset that providers in Wisconsin stopped offering medication abortions.
“We applauded that, naturally,” Sande said. “If Planned Parenthood and Affiliated Medical Services were to permanently suspend medication abortions, it would reduce the induced abortions in Wisconsin by approximately one-fourth.”
Sande said he hopes the law’s counseling requirements increase the chance that a woman will change her mind or reveal that she is being coerced if that is the case.
Providers say they already have a functional counseling and consent process, and that the law simply makes it harder for women to exercise reproductive choice, due in part to scheduling backups.
Vicki Saporta, president of the National Abortion Federation, of which Affiliated Medical Services is a member provider, said the burden is greater on women in rural areas, who have farther to travel to meet the requirements of the law. She added that this may result in some women not having abortions, and instead going through with pregnancies that place physical and mental health risks on the mothers.
“Sometimes, it could be the one more hoop they’re not able to go through,” Saporta said. “Most women are able to find a way, but some are not.”
A decade of abortions in the state:
Hover over the lines to see exact values.
The nonprofit Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism (www.WisconsinWatch.org) collaborates with Wisconsin Public Radio, Wisconsin Public Television, other news media and the UW-Madison School of Journalism and Mass Communication. This story was a produced in collaboration with Wisconsin Public Television.
All works created, published, posted or disseminated by the Center do not necessarily reflect the views or opinions of UW-Madison or any of its affiliates.
Pot Arrests 4 Times Higher for Blacks
Jul 15th, 2019 by Izabela Zaluska
Rules Violations Cause 40% of Prison Admissions
Jul 3rd, 2019 by Izabela Zaluska
Evers Faces Hurdles to Cutting Prisons
Jul 1st, 2019 by Izabela Zaluska
Categories: Wisconsin Center for Investigative Journalism
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1066
|
__label__wiki
| 0.875834
| 0.875834
|
Governor Walker Appoints Charles Feltes to Trempealeau County Circuit Court
"I am excited to appoint Charles Feltes as a judge in the Trempealeau County."
By Gov. Scott Walker - Jul 11th, 2016 11:04 am
Madison – Today, Governor Walker appointed Attorney Charles V. Feltes to serve as a judge on the Trempealeau County Circuit Court, replacing retiring Judge John A. Damon.
“I am excited to appoint Charles Feltes as a judge in the Trempealeau County,” Governor Walker said. “Charles is a distinguished practitioner of law with a long and reputable career serving the people in the community. His temperament and unwavering commitment to the rule of law will allow him to continue this service honorably and impartially as a member of the Trempealeau County bench.”
Feltes has practiced law as a sole practitioner in Osseo since 1995. His broad legal practice includes real estate, family law, business law, estate planning, probate, and general ligation. He also serves as a Trempealeau County Court Commissioner, beginning in 2009. Before starting his own practice, Feltes was a partner at the law firm Kostner, Ward & Koslo.
Attorney William Koslo recommends the appointment of Feltes to the bench. “Chuck is an extremely qualified lawyer,” says Koslo. “His research and analytical skills are superb. These skills, along with personal honesty and a reputation of timely producing legal work, are qualities making him the most qualified for this position.”
Retired Polk County Circuit Court Judge Robert H. Rasmussen also encouraged Feltes’ appointment while noting the essential values and qualities of character a good Circuit Judge. “Passion to do justice, compassion, respect for people regardless of their social or economic standing, a good knowledge of the law, a strong work ethic, and, most importantly, common sense. Charles Feltes possesses, demonstrates, and applies all of these values and qualities of character in abundance.”
Feltes received his undergraduate degree from Wisconsin State University-River Falls (now UW-River Falls) and Juris Doctor degree from the University of Illinois College of Law. He resides in Osseo with his wife of 40 years, Susan.
Office of the Governor Scott Walker
People: John A. Damon, Robert H. Rasmussen, William Koslo
Government: Polk County
Recent Press Releases by Gov. Scott Walker
Governor Walker Orders Flags to Half-Staff as a Mark of Respect for Captain Christopher Truman of the Lake Mills Fire Department
Jan 3rd, 2019 by Gov. Scott Walker
Captain Truman died on December 31, 2018, while selflessly assisting a driver of a crashed vehicle on Highway 12 near the Yahara River Bridge in Monona, Wisconsin.
Governor Walker Appoints St. Croix County Judge and Ashland County District Attorney
Jan 2nd, 2019 by Gov. Scott Walker
Governor Scott Walker today appointed Attorney Scott J. Nordstrand to serve as a judge on the St. Croix County Circuit Court and Attorney David Meany to the position of Ashland County District Attorney.
Governor Walker Orders Flags to Half-Staff as a Mark of Respect
Dec 31st, 2018 by Gov. Scott Walker
Chilsen represented the 29th Senate District for six terms from 1967-1990
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1067
|
__label__wiki
| 0.550713
| 0.550713
|
global view
Visit the archives to re-read and share
A Return to Tiananmen, Part II:
The Ending of Hong Kong
by Peter Zeihan on July 4, 2019
Hong Kong has been one of the most important economic locations on the planet for over a century.
China has always had problems holding together, but it has also always been a land of opportunity for outsiders who held a logistical and technological edge. Few powers in history have held a sharper edge than the British Empire. Hong Kong sits at the mouth of the Pearl River Delta, and in dominating HK the Brits were able to exploit the cheap labor of the lower basin, while also controlling any exports from the broader Pearl. It was a strategy the Brits had used to great success in locations as diverse as Suez, Calais, the Gambia, Durban, Charleston, and New York City.
As Mao’s de facto alliance with the Americans took form in the 1970s, British Hong Kong became internationalized. The Hong Kongers would use foreign tech and capital – repeating a pattern that stretched back literally a millennium – to create products for export.
In the late 1980s then-British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher negotiated the transfer of Hong Kong to the Chinese mainland and a new chapter began. Hong Kong shifted from being a manufacturing base to being a financial and logistical hub. The same foreign tech and cash came in, but HK used its already-sophisticated managerial skills to funnel it into the lower Pearl.
That’s the economics. Here’s the politics:
It is not an oversimplification to say the Chinese Communist Party is obsessed with national unity. The “country” of China has historically not held together well, and Hong Kong was no expectation. For most of Chinese history, the southern coastal cities from Shanghai south to Hong Kong were integrated more with the wider world than with their own countrymen. But with the Order’s advance in the late 1940s, the imperial age ended and Maoist China was able to establish control over the entire coast… aside from Hong Kong. The handover from London to Beijing in the 1990s brought Hong Kong into the fold as well.
But there was a poison pill.
The British ran Hong Kong like the imperial territory it was. While the Americans forced the Brits to divest nearly all their empire, the Americans made an exception when it came to Hong Kong. It would have been ludicrous to squander the intelligence opportunities of having British control of such a rich and strategically located bit of allied territory. But when it became obvious to Thatcher that handover was inevitable, the Brits started democratizing Hong Kong. In the aftermath of the June 1989 Tiananmen massacre, the effort intensified. When the handover finally occurred in July 1997, Hong Kong was a full-fledged democracy (albeit one who obviously had no say as to which country it would be associated with).
Thatcher hardwired into the handover treaty a looooong political transition period. While Hong Kong would immediately and officially become “Chinese” territory in 1997, its political system would remain largely self-governing for another half-century. An island of democracy in a sea of authoritarianism. The Chinese call it One Nation, Two Systems.
Say what you will about Thatcher, she was very good at monkeywrenches.
So long as the Chinese economy performed well, Two Systems was an annoyance Beijing was willing to tolerate. But things have changed:
First, the Chinese export-led system has peaked. Global demographics have turned negative and global consumption can no longer absorb exports on the scale China can churn out.
Second, the Chinese financial system is in dire straits. Lending in China isn’t like lending in most places where you… well… have to pay back the loan. In China the government banks funnel cheap credit to firms who guarantee high employment, and to hell with profitability. The goal is to keep everyone in a job so they don’t protest. A side effect of this policy generates scads of subpar quality products that no one needs. China then dumps those products on the international market. Not only can the global market no longer absorb all the Chinese stuff, the financial model has pushed to the point that there are so many debt bombs on the foundations of so many sub-sectors that it would make the bad actors of the US financial crisis blush.
Third, Chinese demographics have peaked. Replacing global demand with Chinese demand was never really an option, and in 2019 it became obvious that Chinese demand was plateauing. Automotive sales – typically the purest indicator of customer demand – have dropped more than most countries do during heavy recessions. Blame the One Child policy – China is running out of twentysomethings. That’s driving labor costs up at the same time it is driving consumption down.
Fourth, the friendly geopolitical environment that China has thrived under – that all-important American-led Order – is in its final days. Much of what has brought China rapid economic development – foreign technology and capital, bottomless global markets, endless raw material imports – is ending. With local markets insufficient to replace global markets, the Chinese hold an economy designed for the 1990s that has no place in today’s world.
Fifth, the Americans are formally and directly targeting Chinese industrial and trade policy. U.S. Trade Representative Robert Lighthizer has already dusted off plans to triple the total American tariff load on China as soon as he gets the go-ahead from his boss. There may be a bit of an American-Chinese trade truce in place, but I doubt it will last much longer than the last two (which each lasted about 75 days).
Sixth, an oil crisis is brewing in the Persian Gulf. Should the Americans do anything to impinge upon Persian Gulf oil flows – and “anything” includes leaving – China faces an energy crisis far worse than what the Americans struggled through in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Some two-thirds of China’s oil is imported, with over half of that coming from the Gulf. China’s navy is utterly incapable of convoying what it needs should convoys become necessary.
The Chinese leadership is fully aware of all these concerns and is fully aware that the Chinese ship of state can no longer sail in its current direction. President Xi Jinping – rightly – fears for the future of the unified Chinese state. To that end Xi spent the bulk of his six years in office to date eliminating anyone in the Communist Party who was willing to defy him under the guise of an anti-corruption purge. The effort was done with more than a bit of side-eye to smashing any sort of regional autonomy. Now’s he’s working on new tech-heavy programs designed to purge dissent throughout wider society. The jury is still out on how successful that will be, but it points to the it's-not-paranoia-if-they’re-really-out-to-get-you feel of the Party at the moment.
Enter the Hong Kong protests of recent weeks.
Part and parcel to Xi’s efforts to preserve national unity is to lock down Hong Kong. In partial violation of the Two Systems policy, Xi pushed an “extradition law” on the Hong Kong government which would enable any mainland Chinese judicial entity – all of which are arms of the Chinese Communist Party – to issue arrest warrants for any Hong Kong citizen. China’s security services already kidnap Hong Kongers and smuggle them back to the mainland as they need to, but with the new law any local magistrate could force the abduction of anyone in broad daylight. (Such legal authority already exists within mainland China for everyone else.)
The Hong Kongers, realizing the extradition law’s adoption would mean the end of their special status some three decades early, have resisted. And protested.
The timing is far from coincidental. Beijing is ratcheting down on Hong Kong because it fears for the unity of the Chinese state as a whole. Hong Kong is resisting because it doesn’t want to be part of the Chinese state. The primary rationale for Xi’s new law is to keep the country together. The Hong Kongers’ rebellion is largely because of the new law. And now the phrase “Hong Kong is not China” keeps popping up in the protests.
Something’s gotta give, and it isn’t going to be Beijing.
The question, as it seems to be with everything, is timing. Much of the Chinese government’s actions these days – as regards Trump and trade talks, or Japan and territorial disputes, or Iran and oil – seems to be about buying time, but that time may be running out. On July 1, a group of Hong Kong protestors stormed the local legislative assembly with a degree of intensity that was new for the protests. This was less families-with-children-in-strollers and more clubs-and-pipes-of-the-Antifa-type. In the aftermath some of the graffiti caught my attention: “It was you who told me peaceful marches did not work.”
I don’t have the insight to know who spawned this particular action of vandalism.
Was it the leaders of what have so far been a hyper-organized protest movement? Are they testing the waters for a new push?
Was it some imported anarchists who just love a good riot?
Was it a false flag operation launched from the mainland to justify a crackdown?
Was Beijing aware the storming was imminent, and yet did nothing so that the radicals would provide a justification for their own destruction?
I don’t know. And unfortunately, it doesn’t really matter. Whoever thought that ransacking the assembly building was a good idea has crossed the Rubicon. Whether you view the true power in China as President Xi, the government in Beijing, or the Chinese Communist Party, it cannot tolerate this sort of action in Hong Kong – especially at this time. No matter what your view of Chinese history is, no matter what your view on Xi’s personal vindictiveness might be, the Hong Kong protests have become a threat to national unity. A new crackdown is imminent.
The scale of what’s about to happen is difficult to grasp:
At their peak, the Tiananmen protests involved 300,000 people, mostly students. The Chinese government sent in nearly as many troops to crush the movement. Fatality reports varied wildly from zero (the number Beijing proffered) to 10,000 (the estimate of the British embassy).
In Hong Kong, the protestors have regularly managed to get a million people out in the streets, a figure that has swelled to two million on several occasions. They aren’t just young people. They are families. Retirees. Bankers. Lots of people who normally never protest. I’ve not seen anything like this since the broad-spectrum Iranian protests that dislodged the Shah back in 1979. It is a huge proportion of Hong Kong’s total population (less than 7.5 million).
Ending the protests means nothing less than a full military invasion and occupation of the island. And unlike the Tiananmen massacre where reports of the military operation made it out piecemeal, in today’s social media age Hong Kong’s fall will be broadcast live for the world to see. It will be like Japan’s 2001 Sendai earthquake, but with a wall of tanks instead of a wall of water.
This all feels… momentous but I can’t quite put my finger on the implications. I’m a context guy and for this I just don’t have any. I cannot think of a military crackdown in a first-world economy in modern times. In the United States the last one was the Kent State shooting in 1970, but that was only a few hundred students and 67 bullets. Paris in 1968 got pretty messy, but the violence there was…what, three orders of magnitude less than what’s imminent in Hong Kong. I’ve got to go back to the riots in Europe in the 1930s at the height of the Depression. The norms of our age are breaking apart and we’ve not yet developed the frames of reference to process what’s coming.
For the immediate future, the bottom line is that while Hong Kong lacks the size and reach and means to export its protest movement to the mainland, the CCP certainly has the size and reach and means to export its forces to Hong Kong. China’s information control systems are sufficient – and the grip of the CCP strong enough – to prevent meaningful contamination of the mainland political system. The protests will not only fail, they signal the end of Hong Kong.
Hong Kong is about to become an absolutely horrible place to be. The degree of Chinese… reconstruction of the island will be on par with the cultural genocide already being imposed upon the Uyghurs of China’s western Xinjiang region. It won’t last a week or a month or a year. We’re looking at something that will last at least a decade.
That will have deep implications for anyone doing business in the country.
At a minimum every ongoing reservation about operating in China is about to get a hard underline. Foreign business magnates like Tim Cook have so far been able to ignore the ethical implications of their firms’ China dependency. It is difficult to see that continuing in light of what’s about to occur.
And it isn’t simply about ethics. Many of the financiers that make Hong Kong work are Chinese citizens. Whether Bank of America or whoever is willing to stay in a place where their workers disappear is… questionable. But it doesn’t end there. It’s not just Chinese citizens; the extradition law also applies to foreigners. These companies are used to working in China, so it’s not that the Chinese system is so scary that they can’t stomach the country. It’s that none of these companies have tried to operate in China during an active crackdown.
The coming violence and occupation will utterly remove Hong Kong from the global network of logistical and financial hubs. Hong Kong has been China’s primary entry point, China’s primary export point, and most capable financial center. Its end takes the gem out of the Chinese crown, as it were. For the past thirty years, China has provided foreign investors with scale, cheap labor, security and local expertise. The ending of Hong Kong damages all that and more.
BOOK PETER FOR YOUR NEXT EVENT
BUY A SIGNED COPY OF THE ABSENT SUPERPOWER
Copyright © 2019 Zeihan on Geopolitics, All rights reserved.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1068
|
__label__wiki
| 0.931344
| 0.931344
|
Mancos tracks strong tradition
By Bobby Abplanalp Sports Editor
Thursday, March 10, 2011 7:01 AM
The Mancos track and field team looks to defend its 2A San Juan Basin League title on the boys side and contend on the girls side.
Thirty-seven athletes are on the team, and many new faces have been welcomed into the Mancos program. Head coach Alan Matthews has set the bar high for his team.
In track and field, they are always high, Matthews said about expectations. Last year our boys team won the league championship, and we return a lot of those same boys.
The Bluejays finished 10th at state overall last year.
Senior distance runner Eric Lewis will run the one-mile, 800 meter and 4 x 400 meter relay events this year. Lewis broke his high school record in the half-mile as a junior. Lewis comes into this season ranked No. 1 in 2A in the half and one-mile events. A state championship is the goal for Lewis this season.
Im really excited, since its my last year, he said. I just want to go out on a good note. In the 800 (meter), I really want to be a state champion; hopefully in the mile, too.
The Lady Bluejays have a lot of youth and good new talent.
We got a good group and our numbers are up, so thats good, Matthews said about the Lady Bluejays.
Senior distance runner Kelsey Corbin etched her name in the Mancos High School record books as a junior with her top times in the one- and two-mile events.
I didnt train a lot with the track team last year, so it should be easier to break it again, Corbin said about breaking her records.
Both Lewis and Corbin were cross country standouts at Mancos, too.
Youre looking at two of the best distance runners in the entire area, Matthews said about Lewis and Corbin.
Matthews is looking to build the team back into a top-five program in the state like it was in the late 1990s and early 2000s.
We used to place teams in the top five every year, so thats where were trying to get back to, Matthews said. The biggest goal for our staff is to help the kids achieve their goals, whether that be prepping for another sport theyre more serious about or prepping to be a state champion, and everything that falls in between that. Thats what we try to accomplish as a staff.
Mancos cross country coach Brady Archer is coaching the distance runners on both sides.
The first meet of the season is Saturday in Farmington, N.M., beginning at 9 a.m. The meet is hosted by Piedra Vista High School.
We like to start off in New Mexico because of the weather, Matthews said. We get to see the big 4A schools from down there and get a good look at good competition early.
Mancos will compete in Southwest Colorado for the most part this season, which is something Matthews is pleased about.
There are so many track meets that are ran well and there are so many good programs, Matthews said. Were fortunate that we dont have to travel a long ways to be at a good track meet.
Reach Bobby Abplanalp at bobbya@cortezjournal.com.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1070
|
__label__wiki
| 0.843802
| 0.843802
|
Add a new text
Real time help
Recompiling the formats
The Torrent: 2019, winter
Bookshelf (wiki)
Anarchistische Bibliothek
Bibliothèque Anarchiste
Анархистичка библиотека
Det Anarkistiska Biblioteket
Anarhistička biblioteka
Biblioteca anarchica
Biblioteca anarquista
Anarkistinen kirjasto
Библиотека Анархизма
Det Anarkistiske Bibliotek
De Anarchistische Bibliotheek
Title: Cuban Anarchism: The History of A Movement
Author: Frank Fernández
Topics: Cuba, history, marxism
Source: Retrieved on March 19th, 2009 from illvox.org
View history Edit this text Add this text to the bookbuilder Select individual parts for the bookbuilder
Frank Fernández
Cuban Anarchism: The History of A Movement
A Note on Terminology
Chapter 1: Colonialism and Separatism (1865–1898)
Chapter 2: Intervention and the Republic (1899–1933)
Chapter 3: Constitution and Revolution (1934–1958)
Chapter 4: Castroism and Confrontation (1959–1961)
Chapter 5: Exile and Shadows (1961–2001)
Chapter 6: Reality and Reflection
Appendix A: Acronyms
Appendix B: Bibliography
This is not a conventional history. Rather, it’s a tribute, an homage to the thousands of Cuban anarchists who worked over the course of more than a century to build a freer, juster world, and who, but for this book, would remain almost entirely forgotten. That would be a tragedy, as virtually all of them were idealistic, admirable human beings, and many were truly heroic. All are more deserving of historical remembrance than such power-hungry dictators as Gerardo Machado, Fulgencio Batista, and Fidel Castro.
The author of this work, Frank Fernández, has been a member of the Movimiento Libertario Cubano en Exilio (MLCE) for decades, and was the editor of its long-running periodical, Guángara Libertaria, for which he wrote easily half a million, and perhaps a million, words on Cuban history and politics. He is also the author of the book, La sangre de Santa Águeda, which deals with a pivotal event in Spanish and Cuban history, the assassination of the Spanish premier Cánovas del Castillo in 1897.
Like the other members of the MLCE and their predecessors in Cuba, Frank has done his political work in his “spare” time — after his day job as a mechanical engineer — and has never received a dime for his countless hours of work on behalf of Cuban freedom. He writes here from deep conviction and also from a deep knowledge of the history of Cuba and its anarchist movement. That knowledge includes personal acquaintance with most of the Cuban anarchists mentioned in chapters 4 and 5, whose testimony and remembrances form the backbone of those chapters.
In reading this history of Cuban anarchism, one is struck both by the immense courage and dedication of the Cuban anarchists, and by the lessons to be learned from their struggles. A particularly poignant lesson is that concerning so-called wars of national liberation. In the 1890s, Cuba’s large and powerful anarchist movement split over the question of whether or not to participate in the national independence struggle. A great many anarchists defected to the independence movement, but that movement proved to be a disaster both for the anarchists, who were seriously weakened, and for Cuba’s people as a whole, hundreds of thousands of whom died in the conflict. In the end, nothing worthwhile was achieved — Spanish colonialism was replaced, but by a republic in the hands of the sugar barons and beholden to foreign financial interests. At least some Cuban anarchists evidently learned from this fiasco — that it’s always a mistake for anarchists to put aside their principles and support would-be governors, no matter how “nationalist” or “progressive” — but a great many other anarchists evidently didn’t.
Twenty years after this Cuban disaster, large numbers of the world’s anarchists (including many Cubans) threw their support to the Bolshevik government after the 1917 Russian revolution. Despite growing evidence of the brutal, totalitarian nature of the Communist regime, many anarchists continued to support it until well into the 1920s, when two well known and respected anarchists, Alexander Berkman (in The Russian Tragedy and The Bolshevik Myth) and Emma Goldman (in My Disillusionment in Russia and My Further Disillusionment in Russia) revealed the truth. Even then, some anarchists refused to surrender their illusions about the nature of the “workers’ state.”
This situation repeated itself with Castro’s rise to power in 1959. A great many anarchists, especially in Europe, were so desperate to see positive social change that they saw it where there was none — in Cuba, thanks in part to a skilled disinformation campaign by Castro’s propaganda apparatus. Despite suppression of civil liberties, the prohibition of independent political activity, the government takeover of the unions, the militarization of the economy, the gradual impoverishment of the country (despite massive Soviet economic aid), the reemergence of a class system, the institution of a network of political spies in every neighborhood (the so-called Committees for the Defense of the Revolution), and the government-fostered personality cults which grew up around Fidel Castro and Ernesto (“Che”) Guevara, large and important sections of the world’s anarchist movement supported Castro until well into the 1970s.
That situation began to change in 1976 with publication of the respected American anarchist Sam Dolgoff’s The Cuban Revolution: A Critical Perspective. But even today some anarchists continue to be hoodwinked by the Castro regime’s “revolutionary” rhetoric and the veneer of social welfare measures with which it covers its ruthless determination to cling to power at any price.
The Cuban experience provides us with valuable lessons. Two of the most important are that anarchists should never support marxist regimes, and that they should be extremely wary about supporting, let alone participating in, so-called wars of national liberation. These are the negative lessons to be learned from the history of Cuba’s anarchists. The positive lesson is that it is possible to build a large, powerful revolutionary movement, despite lack of physical resources, through dedication and hard work.
Before going on to the body of this book, it’s necessary to consider the ideology of Cuba’s anarchists. Because there are so many popular misconceptions about anarchism, it’s imperative to clarify what anarchism is and what it isn’t. First, what it isn’t:
Anarchism is not terrorism. An overwhelming majority of anarchists have always rejected terrorism, because they’ve been intelligent enough to realize that means determine ends, that terrorism is inherently vanguardist, and that even when “successful” it almost always leads to bad results. The anonymous authors of You Can’t Blow Up a Social Relationship: The Anarchist Case Against Terrorism put it like this:
The total collapse of this society would provide no guarantee about what replaced it. Unless a majority of people had the ideas and organization sufficient for the creation of an alternative society, we would see the old world reassert itself because it is what people would be used to, what they believed in, what existed unchallenged in their own personalities.
Proponents of terrorism and guerrillaism are to be opposed because their actions are vanguardist and authoritarian, because their ideas, to the extent that they are substantial, are wrong or unrelated to the results of their actions (especially when they call themselves libertarians or anarchists), because their killing cannot be justified, and finally because their actions produce either repression with nothing in return, or an authoritarian regime.
Decades of government and corporate slander cannot alter this reality: the overwhelming majority of anarchists reject terrorism for both practical and ethical reasons. Time magazine recently called Ted Kaczynski “the king of the anarchists,” but that doesn’t make it so; Time’s words are just another typical, perhaps deliberately dishonest, attempt to tar all anarchists with the terrorist brush.
This is not to say that armed resistance is never appropriate. Clearly there are situations in which one has little choice, as when facing a dictatorship that suppresses civil liberties and prevents one from acting openly — which has happened repeatedly in Cuba. Even then, armed resistance should be undertaken reluctantly and as a last resort, because violence is inherently undesirable due to the suffering it causes; because it provides repressive regimes excuses for further repression; because it provides them with the opportunity to commit atrocities against civilians and to blame those atrocities on their “terrorist” opponents (as has happened recently in Algeria); and because, as history has shown, the chances of even limited success are quite low.
Even though armed resistance may sometimes be called for in repressive situations, it’s a far different matter to succumb to the romance of the gun and to engage in urban guerrilla warfare in relatively open societies in which civil liberties are largely intact and in which one does not have mass popular support at the start of one’s violent campaign. Violence in such situations does little but drive the public into the “protective” arms of the government; it narrows political dialogue (tending to polarize the populace into pro- and anti-guerrilla factions); it turn politics into a spectator sport for the vast majority of people; it provides the government with a handy excuse to suppress civil liberties; and it induces the onset of repressive regimes, “better” able to handle the “terrorist” problem than their more tolerant predecessors. It’s also worth mentioning that the chances of success of such violent, vanguardist campaigns are microscopic. They are simply arrogant, ill-thoughtout roads to disaster.
Anarchism is not primitivism. In recent decades, groups of quasi-religious mystics have begun equating the primitivism they advocate (rejection of “technology,” whatever that might mean) with anarchism. In reality, the two have nothing to do with each other, as we’ll see when we consider what anarchism actually is — a set of philosophical/ethical precepts and organizational principles designed to maximize human freedom.
For now, suffice it to say that the elimination of technology advocated by primitivist groups would inevitably entail the deaths of literally billions of human beings in a world utterly dependent upon interlocking technologies for everything from food production and delivery to communications to medical treatment. This fervently desired outcome, the elimination of technology, could only occur through means which are the absolute antithesis of anarchism: the use of coercion and violence on a mass scale.
Anarchism is not chaos; Anarchism is not rejection of organization. This is another popular misconception, repeated ad nauseam by the media and by anarchism’s political foes, especially marxists (who sometimes know better). Even a brief look at the works of anarchism’s leading theoreticians and writers confirms that this belief is in error. Over and over in the writings of Proudhon, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Rocker, Ward, Bookchin, et al., one finds not a rejection of organization, but rather a preoccupation with how society should be organized in accord with the anarchist principles of individual freedom and social justice. For a century and a half now, anarchists have been arguing that coercive, hierarchical organization (as embodied in government) is not equivalent to organization per se (which they regard as necessary), and that coercive organization should be replaced by decentralized, non-hierarchical organization based on voluntary cooperation and mutual aid. This is hardly a rejection of organization.
Anarchism is not amoral egotism. As does any avant garde social movement, anarchism attracts more than its share of flakes, parasites, and sociopaths, persons simply looking for a glamorous label to cover their often-pathological selfishness, their disregard for the rights and dignity of others, and their pathetic desire to be the center of attention. These individuals tend to give anarchism a bad name, because even though they have very little in common with actual anarchists — that is, persons concerned with ethical behavior, social justice, and the rights of both themselves and others — they’re often quite exhibitionistic, and their disreputable actions sometimes come into the public eye. To make matters worse, these exhibitionists sometimes publish their self-glorifying views and deliberately misidentify those views as “anarchist.” To cite an example, the publisher of a pretentiously (sub)titled American “anarchist” journal recently published a book by a fellow egotist consisting largely of ad hominem attacks on actual anarchists — knowing full well that the “anarchist” author of the book was a notorious police narcotics informant. Such individuals may (mis)use the label, but they’re anarchists only in the sense that the now-defunct German Democratic Republic (East Germany) was democratic and a republic.
This is what anarchism isn’t. This is what it is:
In its narrowest sense, anarchism is simply the rejection of the state, the rejection of coercive government. Under this extremely narrow definition, even such apparent absurdities as “anarcho-capitalism” and religious anarchism are possible. To the best of my knowledge, there have been no such shining examples of anarcho-capitalists.
But most anarchists use the term “anarchism” in a much broader sense, defining it as the rejection of coercion and domination in all forms. So, most anarchists reject not only coercive government, but also religion and capitalism, which they see as other forms of the twin evils, domination and coercion. They reject religion because they see it as the ultimate form of domination, in which a supposedly all-powerful god hands down “thou shalts” and “thou shalt nots” to its “flock.” They likewise reject capitalism because it’s designed to produce rich and poor, because it inevitably produces a system of domination in which some give orders and others have little choice but to take them. For similar reasons, on a personal level almost all anarchists reject sexism, racism, and homophobia — all of which produce artificial inequality, and thus domination.
To put this another way, anarchists believe in freedom in both its negative and positive senses. In this country, freedom is routinely presented only in its negative sense, that of being free from restraint. Hence most people equate freedom only with such things as freedom of speech, freedom of association, and freedom of (or from) religion. But there’s also a positive aspect of freedom, an aspect which anarchists almost alone insist on.
That positive aspect is what Emma Goldman called the freedom to. And that freedom, the freedom of action, the freedom to enjoy or use, is highly dependent upon access to the world’s resources. Because of this the rich are, in a very real sense, free to a much greater degree than the rest of us. To cite an example in the area of free speech, Donald Trump could easily buy dozens of daily newspapers or television stations to propagate his views and influence public opinion. How many working people could do the same? How many working people could afford to buy a single daily newspaper or a single television station? The answer is obvious. Working people cannot do such things; instead, they’re reduced to producing ‘zines with a readership of a few hundred persons or putting up pages on the Internet in their relatively few hours of free time.
Examples of the greater freedom of the rich abound in daily life. To put this in general terms, because they do not have to work, the rich not only have far more money (that is, more access to resources) but also far more time to pursue their interests, pleasures, and desires than do the rest of us. To cite a concrete example, the rich are free to send their children to the best colleges employing the best instructors, while the rest of us, if we can afford college at all, make do with community and state colleges employing slave-labor “adjunct faculty” and overworked, underpaid graduate-student teaching assistants. Once in college, the children of the rich are entirely free to pursue their studies, while most other students must work at least part time to support themselves, which deprives them of many hours which could be devoted to study. If you think about it, you can easily find additional examples of the greater freedom of the rich in the areas of medical care, housing, nutrition, travel, etc., etc. — in fact, in virtually every area of life.
This greater freedom of action of the rich comes at the expense of everyone else, through the diminishment of everyone else’s freedom of action. There is no way around this, given that freedom of action is to a great extent determined by access to finite resources. Anatole France well illustrated the differences between the restrictions placed upon the rich and the poor when he wrote, “The law, in its majestic equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges, to beg in the streets, and to steal bread.”
Because the primary goal of anarchism is the greatest possible amount of freedom for all, anarchists insist on equal freedom in both its negative and positive senses — that, in the negative sense, individuals be free to do whatever they wish as long as they do not harm or directly intrude on others; and, in the positive sense, that all individuals have equal freedom to act, that they have equal access to the world’s resources.
Anarchists recognize that absolute freedom is an impossibility. What they argue for is that everyone have equal freedom from restraint (limited only by respect for the rights of others) and that everyone have as nearly as possible equal access to resources, thus ensuring equal (or near-equal) freedom to act.
This is anarchism in its theoretical sense.
In Cuba, as in Spain and a few other countries, there have been serious attempts to make this theory reality through the movement known as anarchosyndicalism. The primary purpose of anarchosyndicalism is the replacement of coercive government by voluntary cooperation in the form of worker-controlled unions coordinating the entire economy. This would not only eliminate the main restraint on the negative freedoms (government), but would also be a huge step toward achieving positive freedom (the freedom to). The nearest this vision has ever come to fruition was in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939, when large areas of Spain, including its most heavily industrialized region, Catalonia, came under the control of the anarchosyndicalist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. George Orwell describes this achievement in Homage to Catalonia:
The Anarchists were still in virtual control of Catalonia and the revolution was in full swing... the aspect of Barcelona was something startling and overwhelming. It was the first time that I had ever been in a town where the working class was in the saddle. Practically every building of any size had been seized by the workers and was draped with red flags or with the red and black flag of the anarchists; ... Every shop and café had an inscription saying it had been collectivized; even the bootblacks had been collectivized and their boxes painted red and black. Waiters and shopworkers looked you in the face and treated you as an equal. Servile and even ceremonial forms of speech had temporarily disappeared... The revolutionary posters were everywhere, flaming from the walls in clean reds and blues that made the few remaining advertisements look like daubs of mud... All this was queer and moving. There was much in it that I did not understand, in some ways I did not even like it, but I recognized it immediately as a state of affairs worth fighting for.
This is what the Cuban anarchists were fighting for. While they did not achieve what their Spanish comrades did, they built one of the largest anarchosyndicalist movements the world has ever seen, which at its height in the 1920s included 80,000 to 100,000 workers in unions operated on anarchist principles.
This achievement did not come without cost: countless Cuban anarchists paid for it with their lives, imprisonment, or exile.
This is their story.
— Chaz Bufe, Tucson, Arizona
Throughout the text the author uses the term “libertarian” in its original sense: as a synonym for “anarchist.” Indeed, it was used almost exclusively in this sense until the 1970s when, in the United States, it was appropriated by the grossly misnamed Libertarian Party. This party has almost nothing to do with anarchist concepts of liberty, especially the concepts of equal freedom and positive freedom — the access to resources necessary to the freedom to act. Instead, this “Libertarian” party concerns itself exclusively with the negative freedoms, pretending that liberty exists only in the negative sense, while it simultaneously revels in the denial of equal positive freedom to the vast majority of the world’s people. These “Libertarians” not only glorify capitalism, the mechanism that denies both equal freedom and positive freedom to the vast majority, but they also wish to retain the coercive apparatus of the state while eliminating its social welfare functions — hence widening the rift between rich and poor, and increasing the freedom of the rich by diminishing that of the poor (while keeping the boot of the state on their necks).
Thus, in the United States, the once exceedingly useful term “libertarian” has been hijacked by egotists who are in fact enemies of liberty in the full sense of the word. Fortunately, in the rest of the world, especially in the Spanish-speaking countries, “libertarian” (“libertario”) remains a synonym for “anarchist.” It is used in that sense in this book.
“This work is a brief overview of the influence that libertarian ideas have had upon the Cuban people. We believe that we have the duty to faithfully report the annals of the Cuban anarchists, who for more than a century have struggled and sacrificed in defense of liberty and for the interests of the most downtrodden classes in our society. We will briefly review the actions of a group of men and women who, totally without resources, without aid or protection, and who were forgotten and persecuted, not only influenced the history of the working class and campesinos, but also the history of the entire Cuban people.”
These are the opening words in my pamphlet, Cuba, The Anarchists & Liberty, which was first published in English in 1987 by Monty Miller Press, and which has been reprinted since then by various groups, most recently appearing in electronic form on the Internet. It provides the basis of this small book. The emphasis in the present work lies in the final chapters, in which I deal with the last years of organized anarchism in Cuba, covering a series of incidents and events which were not included in the pamphlet.
As was to be expected, given its wide distribution, marxist and pro-Castro critics attempted to discredit my pamphlet. The least cynical accused me of producing an apologetic “panegyric” whose purpose was propagandistic. This is untrue. While I am an anarchist and the pamphlet certainly was pro-anarchist, it’s right and proper that every social group promulgate its own “historical truth,” as long as that interpretation is based in verifiable facts. That was my purpose and method in Cuba, the Anarchists & Liberty, and it continues to be so in the present work.
I would like to thank the last survivors of the Cuban anarchist movement — now spread across the diaspora — who have helped to make this project possible. Suria Liunsaín, Claudio Martínez, León G. Montelongo, and Helio Nardo collaborated on the final chapters. I also received assistance from several persons no longer on the scene: Marcelo Salinas, Casto Moscú, Manuel Ferro, Manuel González, Agustín Castro, Abelardo Iglesias, and Santiago Cobo. All of them contributed their memories to this work.
Finally, this book is dedicated in its entirety to all those anonymous militants whose names do not appear here, but whose selfless example made an ineradicable impression on our national destiny. Without them this history could never have been written.
— Frank Fernández, Miami, Florida
Nineteenth-century Cuban society possessed a set of characteristics unique in the western hemisphere. From the beginning of the century, exploitation of Cuba’s economic wealth had been the work of the white ruling class, who bore titles of Spanish nobility. This creole aristocracy had enough power and resources to influence Spanish policy during the colonial epoch. While the rest of Latin America was violently freeing itself of Spanish colonialism, Cuba’s creole plutocracy considered itself more Spanish than Fernando VII, the king of Spain, and very deliberately opposed any type of reformism, no matter how modest.
The cultivation of sugar cane, tobacco, and coffee was the basis of Cuba’s agricultural abundance, and in order to compete in international markets Cuba’s elite needed cheap labor. So, in open collusion with the Spanish crown and the colonial authorities, Cuba’s plutocrats engaged in the massive importation of African slaves, in the process establishing an abusive, slavery-based society. By the middle of the 19th century, Cuba’s aristocracy had become powerful sugar barons and Cuba’s economy was abnormally dependent — by Latin American standards — on the slave trade and the institution of slavery.
The class structure of Cuban society was pyramidal in these years: on the top, the sugar barons and the Spanish colonial officials; in the middle, artisans, industrial, sugar and tobacco workers, including free blacks and campesinos; and on the bottom, black slaves. The division between the bottom two classes was not always clear cut despite the many racial and social divisions in Cuban society: campesinos and poor Spanish immigrants could suffer almost the same discrimination and exploitation as black slaves. It is well to keep in mind that these divisions in Cuban society were imposed by the dominant class and not by the people at the base of the social pyramid.
In this society, there was no social, racial, political, or economic integration. This was principally because Cuba was a Spanish colony and that the primary interest of the Spanish government was in holding its power through maintaining the polarized situation on the island; the more divided that Cuba was, the easier it was for the Spaniards to exploit its economic resources and to preserve their political power. For more than three centuries the Spanish authorities — in the same manner as the other European colonial powers in other lands — maintained this deplorable situation.
But despite the crushing influence of Spanish colonialism, new ideas found their way to Cuba. By the middle of the 19th century there were political tendencies in the following directions: national independence; reformism (with Cuba remaining a Spanish colony); integration into the United States; and integration into Spain. None of these currents was indigenous; they all came from abroad, because the creole intelligentsia was weak and saw itself and its country’s situation as it was seen from abroad, be it in France, Spain, or the U.S.
At this time, the revolutionary independence tendency, even though it had taken root among the creoles, was still in an intellectual phase; it had not yet entered its conspiratorial stage. Cuban reformism was aimed at obtaining small economic and political changes in return for maintaining the status quo. This tendency had gained some influence among the sugar barons and the large and small creole bourgeois classes, in large part due to the obvious failure of integrationist efforts (in regard to the U.S.). For their part, those Cuban creoles living in the United States were largely in favor of Cuba’s joining the U.S. (or at least its southern states) in the period before the U.S. Civil War. But the failure of two exile invasions of Cuba at the beginning of the 1850s (mounted with the help of southern secessionist elements) and the defeat of the South in the Civil War dampened, but did not extinguish, the hopes of Cuba’s annexation by the United States.
Ultimately, the most influential tendency in the mid 19th century was that of integration with Spain. This was natural given that the most powerful classes in Cuba depended upon Spanish colonial power — both political and economic — to maintain their privileged positions. Their slogan made their position extremely clear: “Cuba española.” At the same time, those Cubans outside of the favored social classes either didn’t have — or didn’t dare to express — social or political opinions.
Nonetheless, in the 1850s new social concepts began to spread among Cuban and Spanish workers at the bottom of the social pyramid. The massive Spanish emigration to Cuba around 1850, inspired by the fear of the creole ruling class and the Spanish crown of an “Africanized” Cuba, brought with it a series of totally new social concepts, to which the Spanish/Cuban proletariat was receptive. This isn’t surprising given the miserable conditions of Cuba’s workers at the time. Spanish immigrants were treated as virtual slaves by their own countrymen, and 16- or 18-hour work days, seven days a week, were typical. One important industry in which such conditions were common was tobacco, in which not only was the work unhealthy and the pay low, but the long work hours were filled with monotony in unsafe working conditions. So, the ideas that the newly arrived Spanish workers brought with them interacted with the misery of Cuban workers, slaves, and campesinos to produce a new Cuban social movement.
It was at this time that the social ideas of the French typographer, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, one of the most original socialist thinkers of the 19th century, became influential in Cuba. Proudhon’s economic theories and social ideas — often lumped together under the title “mutualism” — had a great impact in Europe, and decisively influenced the origins of Cuban anarchism. The French thinker had disciples among the progressive workers and artisans on the island, and especially among those in the tobacco industry — the first in which some sort of class consciousness developed among Cuban workers.
In 1857, the first Proudhonian mutualist society was founded in Cuba, with the intention of creating a workers’ organization free of state and dominator-class influence. This was the first step toward the creation of a civil society within the Cuban proletariat, even though, unfortunately, as the Spanish historian Casanovas Codina notes, the artisans associations founded at this time were “racially segregated and restricted to artisans from the same neighborhood. But they laid the foundation from which Cuban organized labor would grow and evolve in the future.”
In 1865, the first strike threat occurred in Cuba. It took place on August 14 at the Hija de Cabañas y Carbajal and El Fígaro tobacco works in Havana. The 400 workers taking part were demanding an increase in their daily wages, and the owners of both factories acceded to their demands.
At about this time the young Asturian, Saturnino Martínez, arrived in Cuba and went to work in the tobacco industry. He quickly became involved in the tobacco workers’ associations and by the end of 1865 had founded the first workers’ weekly paper in Havana, La Aurora, in which he outlined some of Proudhon’s ideas, which the mechanical engineer, José de Jésus Márquez, had introduced to him. It was in La Aurora, not coincidentally, that Márquez proposed for the first time in Cuba the idea of cooperative societies.
Martínez, although influenced by Proudhon’s ideas of federation and mutual aid, was not an anarchist, and his proposals regarding the organization of work in the tobacco industry, which he purported to represent, were not really revolutionary. His paper, La Aurora, even though in favor of workers’ associations, saw its primary mission as that of education, that of helping the Cuban/Spanish workers develop intellectually. La Aurora defended the right of workers to free association, but this was the same position as that of the Partido Reformista, which indeed owned the press on which La Aurora was printed. Nonetheless, La Aurora was Cuba’s first workers’ newspaper, and Martínez took the first step toward the protection of workers’ associations. He also initiated the practice of reading aloud in tobacco workshops, a practice which would have great utility in propagating anarchist ideas among tobacco workers in years to come.
Let there be no doubt about it: in the period before the Ten Years War for independence from Spain (1868–1878), the foundation of the first free societies and associations of tobacco workers, typographers, carpenters, day laborers and artisans lay in Proudhon’s ideas and their influence in Cuba. The country and its workers’ movement owe the creation of the first regional centers, secular schools, clinics, and workers’ mutual aid associations — at the very least — to the French anarchist. The Ten Years War would halt this impulse toward social emancipation of the most oppressed classes, while at the same time it would ruin the creole sugar barons; and eventually this war would end in the enslavement of Cuba.
Those who participated in the Ten Years War — the first Cuban insurrection for independence — included tobacco workers and survivors of the Paris Commune who had escaped France, bringing with them more of Proudhon’s influence. Among the leaders of the Cuban insurgents at this time, one finds Salvador Cisneros Betancourt and Vicente García, who embraced the Proudhonian concepts of federalism and decentralization.
But the first openly anarchist presence in Cuba cannot be discerned until the 1880s, when J.C. Campos, a Cuban typographer who had taken refuge in New York during the Ten Years War, initiated contact between Cuban and Spanish anarchists upon his return to Havana. The profusion of libertarian propaganda in the form of pamphlets and newspapers that arrived regularly and clandestinely from Barcelona, along with the migration of Spanish workers to Cuba, reinforced the transmission of these new ideas. As a result, a new wave of revolutionary, socialist Cuban workers proceeded to involve themselves in the Alianza Revolucionaria Socialista (ARS).
It was in these years, the 1880s, that anarchist thought acquired an unprecedented influence among workers and peasants in France, Italy, Russia, and, above all, Spain. Its principal proponent was the notable figure Mikhail Bakunin, the Russian writer and revolutionary who elaborated on Proudhon’s ideas. The divisions between absolutist marxist socialism and revolutionary anarchist socialism had already been demonstrated in the congresses of The Hague and St. Imier, as well as with the founding of the ARS in 1873, and the establishment of the International Social Democratic Alliance in the same year. Ideologically, the well known Declaration of Principles of the Social Democratic Alliance, edited by Bakunin himself, had established the differences between the authoritarian socialism espoused by Marx, and the libertarian socialism espoused by the anarchists.
The revolutionary concepts of Bakunin were adopted by the Federación Regional Española (FRE) in the Congress of Barcelona in 1881, and they had a definite impact on militant revolutionary workers in Cuba, supplanting the more gradualist ideas of Proudhon in the syndicalist (union) field. It was at this time that the Cuban working class began to achieve class consciousness in regard to ruling class abuses and began to clamor for social renovation and redistribution of wealth and power.
In 1882, Cuban anarchists began to struggle against the reformism preached within workers’ associations by Saturnino Martínez, now in another phase of his long life; and this time his was a reformism more favorable to ruling class interests than to those of the working class. He basically advocated collaboration with capitalist interests to obtain mild reforms in exchange for labor peace, an approach which was forcefully rejected by Cuba’s anarchists. Their combative approach resonated with Cuba’s working class, and it was at this time that Cuban anarchism began to distinguish itself and to gain adherents. One of its leading proponents, Enrique Roig San Martín, advocated that no guild or other working class organization should be tied to the “feet of capital.” Under these watchwords, the Junta Central de Artesanos was founded in 1885 with the idea of organizing and uniting Cuba’s workers in federations.
Roig San Martín (1843–1889) was born in Havana and was without doubt not only the most persuasive and dedicated anarchist of his time, but probably the most influential and respected anarchist in Cuban history. This charismatic personality was a thinker and author whose writings first appeared in 1883 in El Obrero (“The Worker”), the first Cuban paper to espouse a specifically anarchist position to the Cuban working class. He next wrote for El Boletín del Gremio de Obreros (“Workers’ Guild Bulletin”) in 1884–1885, which was directed toward tobacco workers. And in 1887 he founded the influential Havana paper, El Productor (“The Producer”), whose first issue appeared on July 12.
El Productor quickly became “must reading” among the working class in Havana, and by 1888 was publishing twice per week. In addition to San Martín, other prominent Cuban anarchists worked on the paper; these included Enrique Messonier, Manuel Fuentes, and Enrique Creci. El Productor had influence beyond the tobacco industry, and in fact represented the aspirations of the Cuban working class as a whole; it was the first Cuban paper to outline the idea of class struggle, and it offered Cuba’s workers anarchism as a clear alternative to Spanish colonialism and capitalism.
Alhough based in Havana, the paper had correspondents in Santiago de las Vegas, Guanabacoa, Tampa, and Key West. The material it published included locally written pieces, letters to the editor, and translations of articles from European anarchist papers, such as Le Revolté, edited by the anarchist writer/geographer Elisée Reclús in Paris, and La Acracia (somewhat loosely, “The Place Without Rule[rs]”) in Barcelona. El Productor was financed at least in part by the baker Rafael García, whom the Cuban historian Rivero Muñiz calls “a fervent partisan of the anarchist ideal.” The paper was circulated within tobacco factories, in other industrial work places by the workers in those industries, and by those who produced it.
The strikes that shook the Cuban tobacco industry at the end of the decade were all organized by anarchists, and were inspired by El Productor, “the weekly consecrated to the defense of working class socioeconomic interests.” The strike actions and the production of El Productor were backed by a committee in which many workers influenced by the ideas of the ARS participated. These included Pedro Merino, Francisco Domenech, Gervasio García Purón, Eduardo González Boves, Enrique Messonier and Enrique Creci. All of these were tobacco workers from various labor associations based in Havana.
In order to facilitate and coordinate the efforts of the various workers’ groups and El Productor, a revolutionary organization with anarchist roots was created — the Alianza Obrera (Workers’ Alliance). This Alliance, composed largely of the above-mentioned workers, provided the first test of the advocacy of an explicitly anarchist program among the Cuban working class. On October 1, 1887, following the foundation of the Alliance, and with the support of Roig San Martín in El Productor, the first Congreso Obrero de Cuba was celebrated in Havana, sponsored by another recently created workers’ organization, La Federación de Trabajadores de Cuba (FTC — Federation of Cuban Workers), which shared the revolutionary socialist orientation of the Alliance. This was the first assembly of workers in Cuba in a form designed to enduringly pursue their social aspirations. A majority of the members of the FTC were tobacco workers (that is workers in Cuba’s second largest industry), although members of many other trades participated — tailors, drivers, bakers, barrel makers, and stevedores among them.
The Congress issued a six-point “dictum”:
opposition to “all vestiges of authority” in workers’ organizations;
unity among workers’ organizations through a “federative pact” along the lines of the FRE;
complete freedom of action among all cooperating groups;
mutual cooperation;
solidarity among all groups; and
the prohibition within the federation of all political and religious doctrines (which in the coming years would be the most-discussed point).
The “dictum” ended by expressing “the principles of emancipation ... [and] confraternity ... of all producers who people the Earth.”
Now more certain of an organization that would back them, the tobacco guild workers called more strikes in Havana. In October 1887, under the protective umbrella of the Federation, the Alliance, and El Productor, they called three strikes as a result of labor grievances. The first strike was called at the La Belinda factory; the second was called at the H. Hupmann factory, as a result of a worker being discharged without good reason and placed on an employers’ blacklist; and the third was called at the La Intimidad (The Intimacy) factory. This last strike lasted through most of November, and according to Roig in a November 24 article in El Productor titled “We Will Rectify [Things],” the issues were “apparently” resolved.
In July 1888, the tobacco workers called another strike at the Henry Clay tobacco factory in Havana. The strike had been provoked by the factory’s owner, Francisco González, who was president of the powerful Unión de Fabricantes (Manufacturers’ Union), which was an association of tobacco industry owners. Roig San Martín was personally involved in this strike, and it quickly spread to other Havana tobacco factories. When it became apparent that the tobacco workers were in solidarity with the strikers, the owners resorted to an industry-wide lockout.
In these circumstances, Roig San Martín stated in an editorial on September 13 that rather than abandon the strike, out-of-work strikers should emigrate to Tampa, Key West, or Mérida (on the Yucatan Peninsula). This was a dangerous course, but with it Roig indicated that the Cuban working class could now defy both the Cuban capitalists and the Spanish colonial authorities.
The members of the Círculo de Trabajadores — another anarchist-oriented workers’ organization, founded in Havana in 1885 and with a large headquarters that contained the offices of many workers’ associations as well as a secular school for 500 poor children — met on September 26 and agreed to begin collecting donations to support the workers out in the streets because of the strikes/lockout. According to the American historian Gerald A. Poyo, they also sent three of their comrades, Fernando Royo, Eduardo González Boves, and Isidro Grau to Key West to solicit aid from the tobacco workers there.
Finally, in the October 18 issue of El Productor, Roig San Martín announced that “the [Manufacturers’ Union] ... has decided to enter into negotiations with the factory [workers’] commissions ... [and that in this manner things will be] resolved in more than 100 factories.” These negotiations resulted in an agreement that was a victory for the tobacco workers.
The organizing efforts among tobacco workers were not, however, confined to Havana. The Alianza Obrera was also well received in the U.S. centers of the tobacco industry, Key West and Tampa. In 1887, workers in Key West organized the Federación Local de Tabaqueros, which replaced a previous reformist association known as the Unión, and which embraced almost all of the tobacco workers of the city. The organizers were two outstanding anarchists, Enrique Messonier and Enrique Creci, who together with Enrique Roig San Martín constituted the anarchist trio called “the three Enriques.” Roig San Martín was widely read among Cuban workers, and his writings had a major impact on the so-called Cuban social question; Messonier was an outstanding orator and organizer; and Creci was a man of action in addition to being a writer of some talent who grappled with the problems of labor and organization.
In Tampa as in Key West, the most important industry was the production of tobacco and cigarettes, and the labor organization remained in the hands of anarchists who had arrived from Cuba, or who traveled back and forth between the two lands. Some of the outstanding militant workers of this period were Carlos Baliño, Segura, Leal, Palomino and Ramón Rivero y Rivero, all of whom held anarchist beliefs.
In 1889, the workers called a general strike in Key West, this time with the support of Havana’s workers. The emigration of workers from Havana during the previous year’s strike, the voyages between Cuba and the U.S. by anarchist organizers such as Creci, Messonier, and Gonzalez Boves, the presence of anarchist workers such as Palomino and Guillermo Sorondo in Key West and Tampa, and the reading of El Productor in the tobacco workshops had created among the tobacco workers a consciousness favorable to the ideas advanced by Roig San Martín.
During all of 1889 minor strikes had broken out in various tobacco workplaces in the U.S., owing to abuses by the owners and salary demands by the workers. This labor unrest was appreciated in the Havana tobacco factories, and there was a feeling of solidarity on both sides of the Straits of Florida, thanks at least in part to La Alianza. By the middle of the year, tension was noticeable in worker-owner relations in Florida, and strikes had broken out in Tampa and Ybor City. These presaged the general strike in Key West.
The workers there had already founded the Federación Local de Tabaqueros de Cayo Hueso, and Rivero y Rivero journeyed to Havana to inform La Alianza about the possibility of a strike in Key West. So, when the general strike broke out there in October 1889, the tobacco workers were well prepared. The causes of the strike were working conditions, salary demands, and, in general, the enormous differences in living conditions between those who owned the factories and those who worked in them. Key West was entirely dependent upon the tobacco industry, and the strike called by the Federación Local with the support of La Alianza paralyzed the city.
The Cuban separatists (that is, those favoring national independence) exiled in Key West understood the danger to their cause posed by the anarchists and their strike, and came out on the side of the owners. This did nothing to add to their popularity. They falsely accused the anarchist organizers of the strike of being in the service of Spain, and they unleashed violent strike-breakers against the striking workers. Creci and Messonier were threatened, detained, and finally expelled from Key West by the local authorities, who were at the service of the factory owners.
For their part, a number of out-of-work strikers asked for transport to Havana, thus employing the mirror image of the tactic employed in the previous year’s strike. The Spanish colonial authorities very opportunistically decided to “protect the interest of [their] subjects” and facilitated the exodus of workers from Key West to Havana. (This was opportunistic in that the independence movement was financed largely by Cuban business owners in Florida, and by helping the strikers the colonial authorities were dealing an economic blow to the “separatistas.”)
Finally, at the beginning of 1890, despite the owners’ use of strike-breakers and violence, and the expulsion of strike leaders, the strike ended with a triumph for Florida’s tobacco workers. The owners came to an accord with the strike committee and acceded to demands for a pay increase.
In the midst of all this, the premature death of Roig San Martín on August 29, 1889 at age 46 from a diabetic coma a few days after being freed from jail by the Spanish colonial government, was a hard blow to Cuba’s anarchists. He was mourned by workers throughout Cuba as well as those in Tampa, Key West, Mérida, and New Orleans, and according to the daily paper La Lucha (“The Struggle”) more than 10,000 people attended his funeral rites. Thousands of floral wreaths were placed upon his tomb, and El Productor dedicated an extraordinary issue to him on September 5th, in which Roig’s closest comrades and collaborators paid tribute to him. In his own words, Roig had always considered himself “a precursor” who knew that he would never receive “material recompense for [his] labors,” but who was confident that his successors would achieve his goals “through the uninterrupted transmission of our [anarchist] doctrines.”
Roig had little peace during his few years of notoriety. His defense of the workers, his social opinions, and his economic concepts caused him to come into conflict with almost everyone. El Partido Liberal Autonomista (PLA), which attempted to gain recruits in Cuba’s labor movement, suffered the attacks of Roig; and his stinging denunciations of creole autonomism were famous. At the same time, according to Roig, Spanish colonialism was the principal cause of the abuse and ignorance of the Cuban people, and he refused to stifle his attacks on the colonial government, an activity for which he ended up in jail. The specific cause was an incendiary article in El Productor titled “O pan o plomo” (“Either Bread or Lead”).
As regards national separatism, with which one would logically think that he had an affinity — at least in the political if not the social sphere — Roig was bitterly opposed to it, and had little regard for the republican ideal. He declared that it would not be desirable if a Cuban workers’ society were to follow the example of the Latin American republics and the United States, which he sarcastically termed “the model republic”; he believed that establishment of a Cuban republic would only continue the persecution of the working class begun under Spanish rule.
The clash between Roig’s anarchist ideas and his opposition to separatism on the one hand, and the separatist ideas and antagonism toward anarchism of many separatist leaders on the other, divided Cuba into two sociopolitico spheres and weakened both in relation to Spain.
The marxist writers of our day attribute to Roig the crime of lacking sympathy for the separatist cause, and at the same time attempt to locate him in their ideological entourage, declaring in all seriousness that he was “in transition toward marxism.” We can understand what this “transition” was when we realize that it consisted only of Roig’s having read and cited Marx; like any other anarchist of his time (Bakunin, Reclus, Cafiero, et al.), he would have felt obligated to be informed about everything relating to socialism.
Roig is also accused by marxist sectarians of “national nihilism” and “apoliticism” among other heresies, ignoring the many contributions he made: tirelessly organizing and advocating workers’ struggles, general strikes, boycotts, etc., in both Havana and the United States, in defense of the most humble sectors of the working class at the close of the 19th century. This is an outright defamation, and is a good example of the marxist tendency to rewrite history under the cover of nationalism.
The actions of other Cuban anarchists of the time were also consistent with the ideas they held: they advocated and practiced keeping the Cuban labor movement uninvolved in electoral politics and government pacts, because they understood that the labor movement had nothing to gain from representatives of the state, whatever their political stripe.
During this stage of organization and struggle, the relations between the Cuban anarchists and the colonial authorities steadily worsened. The Spanish government tolerated union activities to a certain point, and as the anarchists had decided not to intervene in the island’s politics and to stay on the margins of the separatist-colonial-autonomy debate, the authorities established a system of “vigilant tolerance.” The anarchists took advantage of this, and also of the changing of military governors and their interpretation of the laws concerning workers’ associations and the press. Captains general such as Manuel Salamanca were patient with the anarchists’ activities, at least in the interregnums between the seizure of power by military governors. This was the situation on April 20, 1890.
On that night, over a dozen workers assembled in Havana in a hall of the Círculo de Trabajadores (Circle of Workers) and decided to hold a demonstration on May Day, in accord with the decision of the Second International in Paris to mark the day honoring the Haymarket martyrs. This proposed workers’ commemoration would consist of “a public and peaceful demonstration,” the purpose of which was that “the government, the upper classes, and the public in general ... should know the aspirations of the working people.” They then produced a manifesto making public this decision.
On May 1, 1890, more than 3000 workers marched through the streets of Havana to the stanzas of The Marsellaise, celebrating May Day for the first time in Cuba. Following the march, the anarchists held a meeting where 23 orators spoke at the “filled to overflowing” Skating Ring hall, attacking the social, moral and economic conditions in Cuba, and demonstrating that there was now an active anarchist presence within the Cuban proletariat.
Following this public success, the members of the Círculo de Trabajadores inspired several strikes, and the social environment began to heat up rapidly. The Círculo began to include not only tobacco workers, but also workers from other trades such as firemen, carpenters, typographers, hotel and restaurant workers, etc. This is to say that for the first time almost all of the workers of Havana as well as workers from some interior parts of the island were organized on a federative basis. Of course it would be an exaggeration to claim that all of these workers’ associations were composed of anarchists, but it’s beyond doubt that their leading members and the agreements they made adhered to anarchist ideals.
Because of its worker orientation, we’re also dealing here with the first steps toward what in the years to come would be known as anarchosyndicalism. Havana at this time had a workers’ organization of the first rank, clearly the equal of the Federación Regional Española. According to the well known Cuban historian, Moreno Fraginals, “The workers’ movement in Havana was the most developed and the most class conscious in all of Latin America.”
At this time, after the mysterious deaths of the Spanish commander, General Salamanca, and of a transitional colonial governor, another officer, Captain-General Camilo García Polavieja — known for his arbitrariness and despotic methods — took command of Cuba’s colonial administration. At the same time, a wave of strikes persisted, social well-being continued to deteriorate, and a director of the tobacco section of the reformist Unión Obrera, Menéndez Areces, was stabbed to death. He had insulted and made charges against Roig San Martín, resulting in Roig’s arrest and imprisonment. Menéndez Areces was also thought to be a police informer.
The colonial authorities evidently thought that the only beneficiaries of Menéndez’ death were the Círculo anarchists — or at least they used his death as a convenient pretext — and they detained 11 workers who belonged to the Círculo, accusing them of Menéndez’ murder. At the subsequent trial, the workers proved their innocence and were absolved of the crime. Not satisfied with this verdict, García Polavieja, in December 1890, ordered the shutdown of El Productor, bringing an end to the second stage of this Havana anarchist periodical. The repression from the “Christian General” intensified, and shortly after the closing of El Productor, he also ordered the shutdown of the Alianza Obrera, and prohibited its activities.
These persecutions on the part of the Captain-General, perhaps made because he had little sympathy for anarchists, perhaps because of orders from the Overseas Ministry in Madrid, didn’t intimidate Cuba’s anarchists, who quickly submerged themselves in clandestine activities. For their part, Cuban and Spanish capitalists — manufacturers, industrialists, and merchants — were enriched more and more every day by the sweat of Cuban workers, who were treated almost as badly as the black slaves of old. These creole and Spanish capitalists feared workers’ organizations such as the Alianza Obrera, and hated Cuba’s anarchists with a passion. They used their influence to create reformist workers’ organizations, and to pressure the government in Madrid to repress the activities of revolutionary workers’ organizations in Cuba, the same as in Spain.
Under these conditions, and with a good dose of secrecy during the celebration of May Day in 1891, Cuba’s anarchists agreed to convene a congress in early 1892, which met in January after García Polavieja was no longer Captain-General, and the authorities were showing a more tolerant attitude toward the anarchists.
The Congreso Regional Cubano met from January 15 to January 19, 1892, and was met with jubilation. It didn’t use the word “national,” not only because Cuba was still considered a region of Spain, but also because anarchists had by this time repudiated the concept of nationalism. Seventy-four workers met in this assembly; it included delegates from all of the workers’ associations and trades that existed in Cuba. The Congress’s accords — after passionate discussion — included the words, “the working class will not emancipate itself until it embraces the ideas of revolutionary socialism,” which in these years meant the ideas of anarchism. The Congress also declared that its members felt themselves “tied to all the oppressed of the Earth” and in “sympathy ... with every step toward liberty.”
Finally, in reference to the latent political problem existing among the island’s advocates of integration with Spain, autonomy, or independence, the second clause of the Congress’s manifesto states: The working masses of Cuba will not and can not come to be an obstacle to the triumph of the people’s aspirations for emancipation, because it would be absurd that a person who aspires to individual liberty would oppose the collective liberty of a people, even though the collective liberty desired is that of emancipation from the tutelage of another people.
It’s necessary to note that in this paragraph, which is without doubt the key to the future relationship between Cuba’s anarchists and separatists, the anarchists established the difference between social liberty and political emancipation. Liberation from foreign rule had been contemplated by the independence movements since the first days of the 19th century, and would still be some decades in coming. Independence advocates had made what was effectively the unilateral decision to put breaking with Spain above all else, putting into the enterprise their will, power, riches, families, and even life itself in order to create a Cuban republic. The Cuban anarchists, for their part, understood that social liberty was more important than the republic proposed by the independence movement, and that a republic would bring little or no benefit to the workers, as Roig had argued. Nevertheless, in the 1892 Congress the anarchists declared that they couldn’t oppose the independence aspirations of so many Cubans.
The independence temptation had gained many recruits among Cuban workers on the island, and above all in the emigrant enclaves of Key West and Tampa. The social conflicts and the strikes which had taken place in the previous decade had created a crisis between the tobacco-industry anarchists on the one hand, and the factory owners, bosses, and various capitalists on the other. The most notorious independence advocates had made common cause with the capitalists for simple economic reasons — their ability to contribute economically to the independence movement. In this manner, the ground shifted. Now there was a dangerous split between worker-oriented anarchists and independence advocates taking money from tobacco capitalism. The social question (i.e., workers’ rights, welfare, and control of work) had been dramatically displaced by the political question (i.e., the matter of who controls the state apparatus).
The situation, however, began to change rapidly in the first years of the 1890s. The manifesto of the Congress of 1892 is evidence that Cuba’s anarchists were inclined to reach an accord with the separatists, and thus cease being used by the Spaniards as a divisive element in combat against the separatists. This shift in position did not, of course, imply the renunciation of the anarchists’ revolutionary cause. Nonetheless, the second clause of the manifesto unleashed a bitter polemic among the anarchists that would endure for years, between those who favored first achieving independence and then pursuing anarchist goals, and those who looked upon the independence movement as a worse-than-useless waste of time for working people
The response of the Spanish authorities to the Congress of 1892 was the prohibition of free assembly, the seizure and temporary closing of El Productor, the prohibition of workers’ meetings, and the persecution of the Círculo de Trabajadores and the Junta Central de Trabajadores (formerly the Junta Central de Artesanos). Almost all of the organizers of the Congress were jailed and some were exiled, obliging the anarchists to return to clandestine activities. In the words of the orthodox marxist writer, Aleida Plasencia: “At the beginning of 1892, the workers were persecuted, more for their class-conscious activities than for their independence activities.” This statement reflects the true nature of things at the time, and also underlines the surprise and violent reaction of the colonial authorities when they realized the contents of the Manifiesto del Congreso de ’92.
The Cubans preparing for the independence struggle operated primarily from the coast of Florida, mainly from Tampa and Key West-working class focal points, which for years housed the highest numbers of Cubans in exile. These Cubans organized themselves into unions, and these cities were enclaves of patriots, anarchists, separatists, and enemies of Spain in general. It was precisely in these years of the early 1890s that Jose Martí, the most notable Cuban patriot of the time, recruited adherents to the idea of creating unified primary principles first, and armed struggle later, among the different separatist groups exiled in the United States.
At the same time, the Cuban and Spanish workers in the different branches of the tobacco industry contemplated the Cuban question from a social or internationalist point of view. Martí, with his eloquent speech, directed his words toward these workers with the idea of making them see the social advantages that would come with his dreamed-of republic. In contrast to Roig San Martín’s fears of a republic full of bloodshed and hate, Martí promised them a republic filled with the sense of liberty and social justice, “with everyone included, and for the good of everyone.”
Influenced by the persuasive oratory of Martí, the majority of exiled anarchists began to support the independence cause. This was affirmed years later by the anarchist Pedro Esteve in his Memoria de la Conferencia Anarquista Internacional: “Our ideals were accepted” by the anarchists who publicly backed the independence movement, but unfortunately they were not realized in this particular area. “In these anarchists one discovered that the patriotic fire was not extinguished. Below the ashes there were hot coals ... and blowing on the ashes revived the coals, turning them into a devastating flame.” These words of Esteve couldn’t have been more correct; and it was precisely the oratory of Martí that blew on the ashes and produced the separatist conflagration.
Martí managed to decisively influence many notable anarchists, such as Creci, Messonier, Rivero y Rivero, and Baliño, all of whom came to accept his revolutionary theses. The majority of them, however, continued to hold to the ideas of political liberty and revolutionary anarchism, with the exceptions of Rivero y Rivero and Baliño, who fully crossed over to the simple independence camp. The support of these anarchist elements within the tobacco industry for the independence movement was immense, as much in the moral as the politico-economic sphere. Martí jubilantly received the Manifiesto del Congreso de ’92, and at almost the same time decided to found a “revolutionary” separatist party, composed primarily of tobacco workers inside and outside of Cuba, who were now able to reconcile their anarchist and separatist sentiments.
At its founding in the first months of 1892, the Partido Revolucionario Cubano (PRC), in which Martí served as a delegate, was composed of autonomous, decentralized, revolutionary clubs, with statutes and structures embodying direct democracy. (The PRC was similar in many ways to the later Partido Liberal Mexicano, founded by the Mexican anarchist and revolutionary, Ricardo Flores Magón.) This is to say that the PRC was not a typical electoral political party, but rather an overall revolutionary movement, a way to independence. The anarchists who grouped together under the separatist banner were mainly in two organizations, the first titled — with a certain amount of irony — Club Roig San Martín, and the second titled Fermín Salvochea, in honor of an Andalusian anarchist who was admired by Martí, and who was a great defender, from prison, of the Cuban cause.
In regard to the tactical alliance between anarchists and separatists during the war of 1895, it’s necessary to clarify one point: Martí had some idiosyncratic ideas about anarchism. In regard to labor matters, he considered anarchist precepts appropriate and just, but at the same time he abhorred the violence created by the class struggle between workers and the propertied class, and he tended as well to mistakenly differentiate between European and Cuban anarchism. Martí possessed, in contrast to most of his separatist contemporaries, a strong social conscience. He deplored class disparities and was convinced that the future republic would be the impartial solution to social problems, “for the equitable benefit of all classes,” without violent impositions from any party.
For their part, the anarchists in Cuba and in exile, allied or not allied to political separatism, had a social agenda different from that of Martí. With Roig San Martín’s example before them, they aspired to operate more freely than under the Spanish straitjacket; and a republic would give them that space. In reality, neither separatism, nor the democratic virtues of Martí, nor the ideal of a just republican government, were in those years the focus of the anarchists’ revolutionary agenda. What they aspired to and obstinately fought for inside a republican regime was the good of the Cuban proletariat. “More freedom of action and movement” in pursuit of workers’ rights was the goal, and what good would a republic be if it didn’t serve the interests of the workers? Thus Martí dreamed of a republic as an end in itself; the anarchists regarded it only as a means.
In 1893, according to Pedro Esteve, a “tame tyranny” existed in Cuba, that is to say, another period of calm, colonial government readjustment. The Havana anarchists evidently took advantage of this to regroup and to reopen, in mid May, the Círculo de Trabajadores in another location, changing its name to the Sociedad General de Trabajadores (SGT). That year, according to the Spanish historian, Casanovas Codina, the May Day commemoration took place “in exceptional conditions ... It was celebrated with meetings in several cities and towns in the western part of the island.”
During the depression of 1893, the actions of the industry owners in Key West provoked a very critical situation in which both the authorities and thugs in the pay of the owners carried out violent acts. The tobacco bosses, allied with the local authorities, formed an armed vigilante group, the Key West Rifles, for the purpose of intimidating the tobacco workers and forcing them to “obey the law.” In this conflict, the anarchists and strikers had the support of the separatists, who delivered that support after observing the position of their enemy, the Spanish government.
The Spanish authorities in Cuba took advantage of this tense situation in Key West to weaken the nascent separatist movement in that city. With the idea of excising the anarchists from the separatist movement, the interim Captain-General, José Arderiuis, attempted to win the support of the Havana anarchists through bribes. This maneuver failed, and both Cuban and Spanish libertarian-oriented workers in Key West continued, at least for the time being, to be allied with José Martí’s already-founded Partido Revolucionario Cubano (PRC), which took the side of the workers.
But the unemployed Cuban workers in Key West were in a lamentable state of misery, and many of them returned to Cuba. The conditions in Havana were no better than those in Key West, and the workers continued to live under horrible conditions despite their move to Cuba. The separatist movement had received monies collected from these workers, and with their return to Cuba and with the economic crash, its financial power waned considerably.
The massive unemployment in the tobacco industry didn’t help the anarchists of the SGT (formerly the Círculo de Trabajadores), who were unable to devise a solution to the dilemma, and the SGT itself suffered under the terrible situation. However, in the words of Casanovas Codina, “The arrival in Cuba of the workers ... doubtless contributed ... to consciousness of the PRC campaign ... to unchain the war [of independence].”
This economic destabilization had as a consequence the weakening of the social process in which the Cuban anarchists worked. Nevertheless, at the end of 1893 a strike at the La Rosa Española tobacco factory broke out in Key West over the contracting of workers brought from Cuba. The owners’ response left little hope — they ordered the importation from Havana of 300 Spaniards to replace those workers who had called the strike.
A commission of owners was formed to journey to Havana to speak with Lieutenant-General Callejas, and also with “two young leaders of the SGT, ... Sabino Muñiz and José González Aguirre,” with the idea that they would recruit strikebreakers to work in Key West. Of course Muñiz and González refused this proposal. Eventually, though, strike-breakers were recruited; but the solidarity shown by the anarchists toward the strikers in Key West was manifest. Politically, the plan of the Spanish authorities, in collusion with the tobacco bosses, was to fractionalize the continuing debate between anarchists and separatists by adding the nationalist ingredient, Cubans vs. Spaniards.
The anarchists, who maintained their principles during this time by not accepting a pact with the owners’ commission and the Spanish authorities, were the losers in this affair. The separatists, however, who favored drawing a line between Cubans and Spaniards, fared well. In Key West, while all of this was going on, the strike ended with a pay increase for the workers. The strikebreakers received a hostile reception from club — bearing separatists and anarchists — united for the first time in a social struggle for workers’ rights.
The disturbances in Key West had repercussions in Washington through the efforts of Horatio Rubens, the PRC attorney following instructions from José Martí, who persuaded the American authorities to prohibit the contracting of foreign workers via Cuba. So while the anarchists in Havana suffered a temporary setback, those in Key West benefitted from this situation.
Given the weakness of the SGT, it was easy for the authorities to prohibit the commemoration of May Day in 1894. Pedro Esteve relates that at about this time he visited Havana for three months, during which time he published a weekly of short duration titled Archivo Social, and that he also interviewed Creci, before returning to Paterson, New Jersey to work at El Despertar (“The Awakening”). Esteve, who saw war coming to Cuba, felt no sympathy for the independence movement, despite his friendship with Creci; he thought, like Roig San Martín, that a separatist war would benefit no one, and he would oppose the participation of anarchists in the coming independence battle on either side-separatist or colonial. Esteve favored, rather, an attitude of apolitical neutrality.
In February 1895 the Cuban war of independence instigated by Martí broke out, and the anarchists who had rallied to his cause found themselves converted to combatants. Among these, Enrique Creci, who was living at the time in Tampa, stands out. In 1895 he founded the paper El Esclavo (“The Slave”), advocating the independence of Cuba from Spain, and debating the matter with Esteve in Paterson and with Cristóbal Fuente in Havana. Creci returned to Cuba in 1896, and died in a field hospital in Matanzas from machete wounds suffered in combat with Spanish troops.
Messonier, for his part, was finally expelled from Cuba in 1893 after making a speech in the Payret Theater in favor of independence. After his expulsion, he played the double role of anarchoseparatist, and debated the matter of independence with the rest of the anarchist world.
To the misfortune of all, the social changes promised by Martí died with him when he met a premature death at the hands of Spanish troops on May 19, 1895, only 44 days after the war began.
Throughout this war period (1895–1898), Cuban anarchists both at home and abroad tended to act more in accord with their principles than with their nationality. While in Tampa and Key West anarchists such as Creci, Messonier, and Miranda were in favor of the insurrection, in Havana one heard opinions now in favor of independence, now in favor of anti-war neutrality. While Cuban anarchists in the United States tended to rally to the separatist flag, or at least to contribute economically to it, in Havana many anarchists were of the opinion that the calamity of a civil war should be opposed on principle, and that such a war would make their task no easier.
At the same time, the differences that existed in the anarchist camp during the war were not totally divisive, especially in Cuba where, despite their opinions about the war, many anarchists actively cooperated with the separatists. For example, the arrival of Valeriano Weyler — the new captain-general of the island, and a man noted for his lack of scruples and abundant cruelty — was met with an unfortunately unsuccessful dynamite attack on his life at his headquarters. The attack was carried out by three anarchists and one separatist who came from Key West.
In Havana, leaflets circulated urging Spanish troops posted to Cuba and Cuban colonial volunteers to desert their posts and cross over to the insurrectionary side. There were also dynamite attacks “in various places in Havana ... such as bridges and gas lines,” according to Casanovas, who imputed such acts to the anarchists. Retribution was not long in coming. Weyler “sternly repressed the labor movement; he prohibited readings in tobacco workshops, closed the SGT, and deported many anarchists.”
Even though, according to Casanovas, “The contribution of the workers’ movement to the separatists cause was enormous,” it wasn’t universal. Many anarchists opposed the war on principle, and believed that in no way would it ease the way to their goal of social liberty. They thought, as did Roig San Martín, that having a republic in Cuba would not change the social situation, holding up as examples the other republics in the Americas.
From Alaska to Patagonia anarchists were pursued with the same zeal as they were in Spain. So, as was to be expected, anti-separatist-war sentiments aroused bitter discussions among anarchists of the time; and despite accusations, the anti-war anarchists felt themselves in no way to be allies of Spain.
To the violence unleashed by the separatist rebellion, the Spanish government of Cánovas del Castillo responded with its customary violence without quarter, violence so criminal and repressive that it had little parallel in the Americas. Weyler had been sent with the categorical order to end the rebellion using any means necessary. A part of those means, the “Reconcentration Decree,” caused more casualties among Cuban campesinos than did Spanish bullets. Hunger and disease liquidated in less than three years almost an entire generation of Cubans, claiming more than 300,000 victims.
This atrocity was intellectually authored in 1896 by the Catholic curate Juan Bautista Casas, the Governor of the Diocese of Havana. In the summer of that year, and under official ecclesiastical approval, his work, La guerra separatista en Cuba, sus causas, medios de terminarla y evitar otras (“The Separatist War in Cuba, Its Causes, Means of Ending It and Avoiding Others”), was published in Madrid. In his essay, Bautista advocated a strategy similar to the American “strategic hamlet” program in Viet Nam — “the concentration of campesinos” in order that they be unable to aid the rebels. Bautista proposed that “our forces destroy and obliterate all of the hovels.”
Following Bautista’s proposal, Captain-General Weyler, under the direct orders of the Spanish premier, Cánovas, ordered that all of Cuba’s campesinos concentrate themselves in the nearest towns and cities, under pain of being shot, and a portion of the Spanish colonial army dedicated itself to dislodging Cuba’s peasants from their homes. As was to be expected, all of Cuba’s towns and cities were inundated by hungry campesinos with no means of earning a living. Neither Weyler nor the Spanish government had made any plans whatsoever to deal with this contingency, and multitudes died — not only among the campesinos, but also among the residents of the inundated urban areas.
Mortality reached figures unknown in Cuba for hundreds of years. The Spaniards had taken the war to Cuba’s civilians. They ended their imperial rule in the same manner they had commenced it 400 years earlier, when they exterminated all of the island’s indigenous people. The magnitude of the “Reconcentration Decree” genocide is aptly described by the British historian Hugh Thomas: “[Proportionally] it compares to Russia’s losses in World War II, Serbia’s in World War I, and [is] probably double the proportions in the Spanish or American civil wars.”
The armed separatist movement responded to the Spanish-created horror with terror. By August 1897, there was a stalemate — the Cuban separatists had made no substantial progress, and Weyler had not pacified Cuba.
While the war lashed the Cuban countryside and the Spanish government was committing unprecedented genocide, the debate among Cuba’s anarchists was coming to its end. Adrian del Valle (Palmiro de Lidia), a Catalonian anarchist who had known Pedro Esteve well in Barcelona, had moved to Cuba in 1895, from which he was promptly expelled to the United States. Reflecting upon this useless dispute, del Valle proposed a way out of the labyrinth of pro- and anti-insurrection disputes among the anarchists.
This was the first time that the matter had been discussed at an international level, and it wouldn’t be the last time that anarchists debated whether or not to support “wars of national liberation.” Del Valle reasoned that it was better not to acrimoniously oppose those compañeros who believed in the advantages of independence, deducing that the only beneficiaries of this polemic would be the Spanish authorities who had done so much damage to both Spanish and Cuban anarchists. In the end, del Valle successfully recommended a moratorium in the debate.
The cruelty of the war and its enormous consequences created great social tension in Spain, which in turn generated acid criticism of the Cánovas government by the Spanish anarchists. These sentiments were shared by those anarchists favoring Cuban independence such as Salvochea, Pedro Vallina, and the periodical El Corsario (“The Corsair”), published in La Coruña, Spain. From Paris, for his part, PRC representative Dr. Ramón Emeterio Betances helped to foment strikes and protests within Spain against the war in Cuba. For its part the Spanish federalism of Pi y Margall and Salmerón also advanced independence as the solution to the conflict.
As an example of the divided feelings of anarchists about the Cuban separatist war, in January 1896 the French Committee for a Free Cuba formed in Paris under the direction of Betances, and with the support of Charles Malato. This committee was composed principally of French anarchists such as Archille Steens, Eliseé Reclús, Eli Reclús, Louise Michelle, Léopold Lacour, Jean Grave, Sébastien Fauré, Paul Adam, and Malato. In contrast, Peter Kropotkin in London and Emma Goldman in the United States maintained attitudes of neutrality.
All of this was soon made academic by events in Spain and by the U.S. entry into the conflict. The principal and first cause of what came to be called “The Disaster” was the assassination of the Spanish chief of state, Antonio Cánovas, in Santa Águeda, Spain in August 1897 in response to the torture and murder of Spanish anarchists in the Montjuïch prison, and in response to the colonialist horrors being perpetrated in Cuba and in the Philippines. The disappearance of the principal author of Spanish foreign policy over the previous 20 years was the final blow to the already decadent Spanish empire. The execution of Cánovas, committed by Miguel Angiolillo in cooperation with Betances, changed the destiny of five countries. The elderly, incompetent successor to Cánovas, Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, advanced an equivocal politic toward Cuba, decreeing an autonomy that satisfied no one; it was too little and too late-demonstrating only the weakness of Spanish colonialism.
The U.S. government took advantage of this situation by launching a war against Spain in April 1898 and by almost immediately invading Cuba, the Philippines, and Puerto Rico; and almost as quickly the U.S. forced what had been imperial Spain to sign a peace accord in August of the same year. The war formally ended in the humiliation of the Spanish government with the signing of the Treaty of Paris in December 1898, which decreed the loss of all Spanish overseas territories. This was an unparalleled and well-deserved debacle.
The Treaty of Paris, under which Spain delivered its colonies to the mercies of the U.S. government and U.S. capitalism, at the same time guaranteed the protection of the properties, industries, banks, businesses and lands possessed by Spanish citizens in Cuba. Ironically, the Cuban independence movement, allied with the Yankees, had won the war, but had lost the peace. After 30 years of struggle for independence, Cuba shifted from the yoke of Spanish colonialism to that of Yankee imperialism.
After the cessation of hostilities with Spain, the United States found itself as the undisputed dominant power in the Americas. Having concluded its expansion to the Pacific at the beginning of the 1890s, the eyes of the eagle, with its political and economic ambitions, turned to the Caribbean. Cuba represented, from the days of Columbus, the strategic keystone of the region, not only in North-South communications, but also as the doorway to the planned Panama Canal. The idea of possessing Cuba, be it through violent takeover or through purchase from Spain, had been contemplated for decades by the rulers on the Potomac. So, it wasn’t strange that any excuse would do as justification for intervening in Cuba, and the inept Spanish government conveniently provided one.
There was, however, sympathy for Cuban independence among the American people. The segment of public opinion that opposed annexation of Cuba first caused vacillation, and later reflection, in the imperialist sector controlling U.S. foreign policy. This sector sought a solution that would be palatable to all parties involved in the Spanish-American War, and they managed to find one that appeared satisfactory.
The U.S. occupation of Cuba began on January 1, 1899. The military governor, John Brooke, complying with orders from President McKinley, and in line with the Treaty of Paris, pacified those who wanted integration with Spain — Weyler’s former fanatics — with promises of an iron fist. He also offered posts in the new civil administration to both those who sought autonomy from Spain, but not formal independence, and those who had sought formal independence. He disarmed the army of Máximo Gomez in the same manner as the U.S. disarmed the Apaches — by paying for rifles. And he promised Cuba’s businessmen and industrialists economic growth and “social peace.”
The pro-independence patriots, who appeared to have lost the political battle — be it through political ineptitude or rapacity for power — had to content themselves with the promise of future independence. This promised independence was conditional upon their talent for governing, good conduct, and honest intentions during this period when they were put to the test. Of course, given that the government in Washington was ceding them the right to independence, it expected these domesticated separatists to play by its rules of the game.
Thus was the stage set during the first U.S. occupation of Cuba; and several things happened during it worthy of mention. The first symptom of social unrest occurred with the exhumation of the remains of Enrique Creci from an unmarked grave in Matanzas. Upon the transport of his body to Havana, a group of war-of-independence officers and veterans in the funeral cortege clashed with the newly created Cuban police after the police prohibited a worker armed with a red banner from marching in the procession. A melee broke out between the anarchists and veterans on one side, and the police on the other. As Antonio Penichet put it, “And so the blood flowed.” The separatist leaders in the funeral procession included Salvador Cisneros Betancourt and Juan Gualberto Gómez. Dr. Francisco Federico Falco was stopped by police before he could speak, thus preventing the anarchist orator from presenting his eulogy to Creci.
Dr. Falco had arrived in Cuba from Italy at the end of the war. He followed in the steps of his compatriot, Orestes Ferrara, who, despite his initial affiliation with anarchism, had allied himself to the Cuban independence movement. Ferrara, who reached the rank of colonel, had been named interim civil governor of the province of Las Villas. He relates in his memoirs that a strike broke out against merchants, Spanish industrialists and the British-owned railroad company in Sagua la Grande. Ferrara sided with the workers. He states, “It was necessary to rescue Cuba through raising wages [because] the income of the capitalists had increased by 200%.” Siding with the workers created problems for him with the occupying authorities, and he was forced to resign his post and leave Cuba temporarily. Dr. Falco followed him.
During this same year, 1899, a new stage of social struggle began in Cuba. Its first manifestation was the “Masons’ Strike,” which began on August 20. It later extended to the entire construction trade, and was organized and backed by Cuba’s anarchists, who had regrouped into a new organization under the name Alianza de Trabajadores. In September, after a public meeting and publication of a manifesto in which the anarchists alluded to the “international struggle for the eight-hour day, the red flag of the workers, the Chicago martyrs,” the police arrested the Alianza’s principal organizers, Francisco de Armas, Serafin Busto, Juan Aller, Francisco Carballeda and Evaristo Estenoz (who was murdered in 1912 during the race war that broke out in Oriente province). The governor of Havana, William Lodlow, promised an adequate punishment for “the enemies of society who wave the red flag of anarchy.” These “enemies” apparently included two new anarchist publications which backed the strike, ¡Tierra!, under the direction of Abelardo Saavedra, and the short-lived El Nuevo Ideal (1899–1901), under the direction of Adrián del Valle, who had returned from New York along with Luis Barcia and other compañeros with the idea of founding this new publication.
The strike ended with an apparent proletarian failure. The workers had never received the full backing of the public who, intimidated and coerced, had turned pessimistic. Strikes, they were assured by the authorities, endangered the future republic. Despite this reverse, two weeks after having ended the strike, the bricklayers received a raise and a promise to “study” their demand for an eight-hour day — a demand that was finally realized 34 years later.
In September 1899, a new, more moderate — but under notable libertarian influence — labor organization appeared, the Liga General de Trabajadores. Its organizers were Enrique Messonier, Ramón Rivero y Rivero, Ambrosio Borges and José Rivas. The League backed a new periodical directed by Messonier, ¡Alerta! This group of anarchists had returned from Tampa and Key West under the independence banner, and still had reservations about their old compañeros in Havana. It was for this reason that they decided to set up shop separately from the Alianza de Trabajadores.
Despite failures over the previous decades, the annexationist temptation reared its head again with the U.S. intervention in and occupation of Cuba. McKinley’s idea of buying Cuba from Spain in 1898, before the Spanish-American War, as well as the outcome of that war and the attitude of some separatist leaders, gave the annexationists reason to return to Cuba, and gave the anarchists reason to worry. The occupation of Cuba by foreign troops, especially U.S. troops, would not facilitate the libertarians’ plans for social change.
According to the American historian Kirwin R. Shaffer, El Nuevo Ideal published an article signed by Luis Barcia in which “Barcia attacked what appeared to be U.S. designs for annexing the island, urging readers to fight against such designs.” Later, Barcia reminded the U.S. authorities of the crisis they had provoked in the Philippines by forgetting their promises of independence for that land, and by not recognizing the republic led by Emilio Aguinaldo. Barcia also reminded the Cuban separatists of their duty to struggle for total independence, and, according to Shaffer, “led the anarchist critique of the meaning of independence, challenging the elite’s abandonment of the popular sentiment for broad social change.”
In the same publication, Barcia insisted on concrete aid to the campesinos who still suffered in the cities as a result of the Reconcentration Decree. Shaffer notes: “Barcia claimed that 400,000 reconcentrados were slowly dying in the cities from starvation ... Families should have been able to return to their lands ... but the rich and the government appeared unconcerned.” This demonstrated not only humanitarian concerns, but that Cuba’s anarchists desired to build solidarity between urban workers and their rural cousins.
Meanwhile, Adrian del Valle opposed the creation of a workers party as proposed by Messonier, Rivero y Rivero, and even the Memorándum Tipográfico (organ of the typographical workers), reminding them of the agreements at the workers’ congress of 1887 and the lessons learned from the independence struggle against Spain, in which neither the anarchists nor the separatists had taken part in colonial electoral politics.
In December, McKinley replaced John Brooke as military governor with Leonard Wood — who was hardline and more authoritarian. And at the beginning of Wood’s rule, Errico Malatesta arrived in Havana.
The Italian anarchist writer and thinker was one of the most advanced anarchist theoreticians of his time. As a resident of Paterson, New Jersey, Malatesta was also well known to the occupying authorities. His numerous talks in the Círculo de Trabajadores and also in the neighboring (to Havana) town of Regla were received by a wide audience that filled the halls. He was interviewed in several periodicals, where he advanced “the Idea,” but he also suffered delays and temporary prohibitions of various speeches until the provincial government decided to suspend his right to address meetings, even though he had already been prohibited from mentioning the word “anarchy” in his discourses.
There was a final, definitive prohibition of Malatesta’s talks and, on Malatesta’s initiative, Adrián del Valle requested a meeting including Malatesta with the civil governor, Emilio Nuñez, who had mounted pro-independence military expeditions from the United States. Nuñez was well known to Cuban anarchists living in the U.S. He was also responsible for denying Malatesta the right to speak in public. In their meeting, Nuñez declared that, “a law exists from the time of Spanish rule that prohibits anarchist propaganda.” According to del Valle, Malatesta responded, “With all due respect, one observes that when General Nuñez fought the Spanish government, it didn’t bother him to disobey the Spanish laws that he’s now so committed to upholding.”
Even though Nuñez perceived the irony, he didn’t appreciate it, and Malatesta left Cuba, still barred from speaking in public. Manuel M. Miranda, who, according to del Valle, had been “deported to Chafarinas [during the war], not for being an insurrectionist, but for being an anarchist,” wrote several articles in the liberal periodical La Discusión “attacking the governor and those nationalist political elements” who had pressured Nuñez to make the arbitrary decision banning Malatesta’s speeches. This was despite Malatesta’s having favored Cuban independence. During the war of independence, del Valle recalls that Malatesta had maintained a constant, pro-independence attitude, and that he had stated, an “individual who struggles against tyranny of any type cannot help but struggle for the independence of Cuba.” (This put Malatesta more in the camp of Messonier, Creci, and Miranda than that of Roig San Martín.)
Before returning to the United States, Malatesta wrote an article for La Discusión. In it, he expressed a “potent sympathy” for “these valiant Cuban workers, both black and white ... who have welcomed me so cordially.” He went on to say that he was sure that Cuba’s anarchists would “take their place among the most advanced elements ... struggling for the total emancipation of all humanity.” Malatesta lamented the imposition “upon the Cuban people of the same Spanish laws” against which they had struggled, and that in that struggle “thousands of Cubans had died, including Martí, Maceo and Creci.” Malatesta stated that the class struggle would not cease because of the declaration of a republic, and he reminded his compañeros that the social question continued to be as pertinent in the present as in Spanish colonial times, because the laws had not changed. The future republic, Malatesta hoped, would give the anarchists more room in which to act, but at the same time he predicted that the social panorama would continue to deteriorate.
As could be seen, the situation of Cuba’s anarchists under the Yankee occupation government was the same that existed when Spain ruled the island, with the aggravating factors that the remnants of the pro-independence movement still appeared not to understand libertarian ideas and that the progressive ideology of the PRC had died with Martí. Cuba’s anarchists faced a difficult task.
At the turn of the century, Cuba was still divided into a deeply polarized class system. On the one hand, there was a powerful minority that represented capital and foreign interests. This class was legitimized by the Constitution of 1901, and was supported by the government of the day; it was comprised of Cubans as much as Spaniards, and it included entrepreneurs, merchants, and industrialists. On the other hand, there was the great majority of the population — workers and campesinos submerged in poverty, attempting to escape hunger and to recover from the misery left in the wake of the war of extermination between Spain and the pro-independence movement.
The island was in a state of total prostration, and therefore it was very difficult — given their almost total lack of resources — for Cuba’s anarchists to mount a social struggle under such deplorable conditions. But even under these conditions, the anarchists helped to organize many strikes, some of which were won, some of which were lost.
Before the inauguration of the dreamed-of republic, nascent U.S. imperialism imposed the Platt Amendment to the Cuban Constitution. Under it, as a complement to the Treaty of Paris, the U.S. government abrogated to itself the right to intervene in Cuba and the other former Spanish colonies any time its political or economic interests were threatened. The Platt Amendment was not only insulting but also onerous to the people of Cuba, because under it they would have to pay not only for U.S. military expeditions, but also for occupations and their concomitant bureaucracy.
The reason for the imposition of the Platt Amendment was, of course, to protect the already huge U.S. economic interests in the island; and if the Cuban republic failed or went in a direction not to the liking of U.S. interests, the Amendment would provide a convenient pretext for intervention in or annexation of the island. But despite the odious nature of the Platt Amendment, opposition to it was weak in the early years of the 20th century.
The anarchists were among the few to attack this abuse. Both ¡Tierra! and El Nuevo Ideal published energetic protests against the Amendment. The reasons for this were clear. According to Shaffer, “From an anarchist perspective, it was obvious that Platt negated Cuba’s independence.” Later, del Valle would remind the Cubans of their spirit of rebellion by invoking the memory of Antonio Maceo, the most famous black general in Cuban history, who was one of the heroes of the war of independence and who, like Martí, died in battle. Del Valle declared that if Maceo could rise from the dead and see what was happening in Cuba, shame and indignation would kill him. It’s rather ironic that this appeal came from an anarchist, who was by nature anti-nationalist. Yet this anarchist appealed to the memory of a Cuban hero to make this political point — a point which in reality should have been made by the former separatist leaders and their followers. But they were intent on “independence,” whatever the price and however illusionary.
The people of Cuba received the advent of the First Republic, on May 20, 1902, with genuine jubilation — despite the insertion of the Platt Amendment into their constitution the previous year. The new president, Tomás Estrada Palma, had served as the PRC representative in New York, and was now an old man of 70. He felt little sympathy for the anarchists, despite the support they had given to the independence cause. The second man of importance in Cuban politics at this time was General Máximo Gómez, an elderly authoritarian who resisted any and all types of social reforms, and who, like Estrada, had little understanding of anarchist ideas.
On November 4, 1902, a work stoppage, which became known as the “Apprentice Strike,” occurred in the tobacco industry. This strike resulted from discrimination in hiring in favor of Spaniards over Cubans, and was backed by the anarchists in the unions and in their periodicals. The strike extended to towns neighboring Havana, and involved clashes with police. The strike then spread to other industries and the violence escalated. Despite the sympathies of many patriots with ties to the anarchists, the government of Estrada Palma refused to negotiate, which resulted in violent clashes with the new repressive government force, the Rural Guard. Finally, when the hoped — for popular backing didn’t materialize, the strike’s leaders ended it. The Cuban spirit of liberty had converted itself into pessimism and conformity, into a fear that any type of social disturbance would cause the failure of the first attempt of the Cubans to govern themselves.
The failure of the Apprentice Strike was more a blow to the Liga General de Trabajadores, than to the more radical anarchists of the Círculo de Trabajadores. The Liga was more involved in the strike, and its leaders had tried to come to an accommodation with Estrada, expecting some backing from their old pro-independence allies. As we’ve seen, no accommodation was reached.
The fiasco of the Apprentice Strike forced the Liga’s two principal leaders, Messonier and Rivero y Rivero, to retire from the field of labor struggles. Rivero y Rivero ended his days in the shadow of poverty, and Messonier threw himself into the political camp, in the Partido Nacional Cubano first, and later in the Partido Liberal, without ever renouncing the ideas of his youth, even though he had put aside the proletarian cause.
In the campesino sector, the anarchists commenced at about this time to organize in the sugar industry. This was the first time in Cuba that such an effort had been made in the island’s largest and richest industry. The response of the owners, in the Cruces area in the center of Cuba, was violent. Two leading workers, Casañas and Montero, were murdered, which provoked, of course, protests by ¡Tierra! and ¡Alerta! The crime remained unpunished. In 1903, there was an unsuccessful strike on May Day protesting these murders.
In the same year El Nuevo Ideal disappeared; but ¡Tierra! founded and directed in 1899 by Abelardo Saavedra, with Francisco González Sola as principal collaborator-remained. Of all the anarchist papers, magazines, bulletins, etc. that appeared in Cuba, ¡Tierra! was outstanding for two reasons: it was a weekly paper which survived the ups and downs of Cuban anarchism at the beginning of the century, and it published an extraordinary number of issues; between 1899 and 1915 over 600 issues appeared. This happened despite severe repression. Saavedra was fined, jailed, and was finally deported to Spain in 1911. But despite all this, ¡Tierra! continued to appear regularly, under the direction of Francisco González Sola and Antonio Ojeda, until 1915.
(¡Tierra! entered its second stage in 1924 under the direction of Jesús Iglesias, and published 42 issues in that year. It published the same number the following year, until it was shut down by the government. It appeared yet again under difficult circumstances and under the direction of Manuel Ferro in the summer of 1933, and over the next few months eight issues appeared. This notable newspaper focused on agrarian problems such as the establishment of agricultural cooperatives, the living conditions of the campesinos, and the organization of workers in the sugar industry.)
The second U.S. intervention in Cuba took place in 1906, owing to a political crisis sparked by Estrada Palma’s desire to be reelected, and the consequent near outbreak of civil war between the government and the Partido Liberal. At the end of Estrada Palma’s time in office, strikes broke out in Havana, Ciego de Ávila, and Santiago de Cuba involving railroad workers, tobacco workers, brick layers, and urban transport workers. The government found a solution favorable to the workers, who had demanded — in the “Money Strike” — pay in U.S. rather than Spanish currency in the absence of Cuban currency. Still, the social situation continued to deteriorate.
As was reported many years later, in 1956, by the anarchist periodical Solidaridad Gastronómica, “In 1907, the first national speaking tour [of anarchist orators] took place; it included the fiery speakers González Solá, Abelardo Saavedra, Vicente López, and Domingo Germinal. Marcelo Salinas recalls that the orators included Pedro Irazozqui and Isidoro Ruiz. He also recalls that, “When [the libertarian educator and founder of the ‘free school’] Francisco Ferrer Guardia was tried and executed [on trumped-up charges] in Barcelona in 1909, the crime had repercussions in Cuba, and resulted in numerous public acts,” which, as one would expect, were violently suppressed. These “public acts” consisted of street protests carried out by the anarchists involved in the non-religious schools in Cuba, which were operated along the principles outlined by Ferrer.
All in all, the social panorama in Cuba in the first decade of the 20th century couldn’t have been more frustrating. The new president, José Miguel Gómez of the Partido Liberal, who had succeeded Estrada Palma, had been a general during the war with Spain. Under Gómez’ rule, the situation of the workers and campesinos didn’t change much despite the improving economic condition of the island and its sugar industry.
Politically, Cuba was divided into two camps at this time, liberals and conservatives, as Spain had been under Cánovas. Not that it made much difference who was in power. As in other countries, whichever side gained power — the “generals and doctors,” as it was put during that epoch — lacked even the most minimal social conscience. The problems of the workers and campesinos were as remote from these politicians as was Siberia. They simply divided their countrymen into two groups: those who supported them and those who opposed them. Both considered the anarchists — anti-statists by principle — to be their sworn enemies. The only difference between the liberals and the conservatives was that when the liberals were in the opposition, their more progressive elements attempted to attract the support of the anarchists through small favors, such as help with legal defense or through the reduction of prison time, more with the aim of manipulating them and creating social problems for the government than through any genuine sympathy. For their part, the conservatives dedicated themselves to the simple persecution of anarchists.
The outbreak of the Mexican Revolution in 1910 had a serious impact on Cuba’s workers and campesinos. The words of Ricardo Flores Magón and Práxedis Guerrero in the pages of the revolutionary newspaper, Regeneración, and the guns of Emiliano Zapata served as spurs to the consciences of Cuba’s sugar workers. This was in part because Flores Magón had a standing relationship with the Cuban paper ¡Tierra!, which had attacked the Mexican dictator Porfirio Diaz ceaselessly; this had won ¡Tierra’s editor, Abelardo Saavedra, criminal charges and a fine from the Cuban government.
On July 14, 1911, the liberal government of Gómez was faced with strikes by tobacco workers, teamsters, and bakers, with the open backing of ¡Tierra! All of these strikes, despite having just demands, roundly failed. The new Governmental Secretary, Gerardo Machado, instituted repressive policies and deported many Spanish anarchists (including ¡Tierra’s longtime editor, Abelardo Saavedra, and strike organizers Antonio F. Vieytes and Francisco Peréz) as “undesirable foreigners,” and at the same time jailed many Cuban anarchists. This government policy of deportation, consecrated in the “Decree Laws,” would continue for more than 20 years. This was protested to little avail by the working public and its organizations. The government’s accompanying propaganda campaign consisted of calumny for the anarchists and an attempt to divide Cuba’s workers into two groups: “pernicious foreign workers” and “submissive native workers.”
In this same year, there was unrest in the sugar cane cultivation are centered around Manzanillo, in Oriente province. In February 1911, ¡Tierra! denounced the abuses, including shootings, that the sugar workers were suffering, and a sugar workers strike broke out that continued into 1912.
In that year, the Cruces Congress, the first conference of Cuban rural workers and campesinos, took place. Kirwin Shaffer relates, “Since before the anarchist-led 1912 Cruces Congress, the central town of Cruces had been a center of anarchist activity.” He continues, citing the marxist historian Olga Cabrera:
By 1912 Cruces had become a center for sugar production. From 1910 until his expulsion in 1911, Abelardo Saavedra had been publishing his anarchist ¡Rebelión! from Cruces. Saavedra organized a Workers’ Center in Cruces in July 1911 in an attempt to disseminate propaganda and to strengthen the coalition between rural and urban areas. To this end the Cruces Congress opened in February 1912, seeking to create an island-wide labor federation, establish rationalist [non-religious] schools, push for a workplace accident law, push for an eight-hour day, abolish piecework and establish a minimum wage. [These were] clearly more than just “anarchist” goals, but broader working class concerns. While Saavedra was expelled in 1911, other anarchists, including Enriqueta Saavedra de Fernández and the well known female anarchist Emilia Rodriguez de Lipiz, helped with the conference’s organization.
In 1913, General Mario García Menocal, who was even more authoritarian than Gómez, assumed the presidency and became Cuba’s first dictator. In that same year, the organizing campaign among the campesinos in Cruces was renewed with the backing of the Federación Local de Villaclara, which covered the campesinos in that part of the island, including Sagua la Grande, Cienfuegos, and Caibarién. The Asociación de Tipógrafos (Typographers Association) also reinvigorated itself that year and continued publishing the organ of that old anarchist trade, Memorándum Tipográfico. This was not surprising. From the middle of the 19th century, Cuba’s publication workers had had one of the most combative unions on the island. The typographers had given Cuba Enrique Creci and J.C. Campos. In this new epoch, some of the most outstanding figures from this trade were Alfredo López, Antonio Penichet, and Pablo Guerra. They led strikes in Santa Clara, and participated in violent acts in Camagüey (in which the government accused the editors of ¡Tierra! of complicity). There’s no doubt that the anarchists responded in kind to the violence visited upon them by the government. Their response included street disorders and armed attacks upon the police in urban areas and upon the Guardia Rural in the countryside, in addition to some bombings.
At the beginning of 1915, the government deported to Spain, in accord with the new, anti-anarchist laws, Juan Tenorio, Vicente Lípiz, and Román Delgado, all of whom were accused of promoting sugar worker strikes in Camagüey and Guantánamo, and of supporting demonstrations in Havana. ¡Tierra! was seized and its publication suspended. The government seized its last issue, went through its offices, and suspended its publication indefinitely. This left the anarchists without a publication of their own, but their views continued to be published in like-minded periodicals, with the anarchists themselves doing the typography and printing.
For their part, the anarchists involved in the campesino campaign in Cruces published a document known as the Manifiesto de Cruces, which for its literary quality had considerable impact and served as an ode to anarchist combativity. It stated, “We sustain our cry with the force of our arms,” and “to remain silent is to accept.”
Fernando Iglesias signed the Manifiesto, which circulated widely among Cuba’s sugar workers, and which outlined the right to rebel against the exploitation and abuse of landowners and capitalists — including the norteamericanos and Spaniards who controlled the greater part of Cuba’s sugar industry. Iglesias was arrested a few days after the Manifiesto was issued. Other signers of this document included Laureano Otero, Manuel López, José Lage, Benjamín Janeiros, Luis Meneses, Santos Garós, Miguel Ripoll, Francisco Baragoitia, Andrés Fuentes, Tomás Rayón and Francisco Ramos. Concretely, the Manifiesto demanded the eight-hour work day and a 25% wage increase.
The sugar industry could have easily afforded this, given that sugar prices on the world market rose during World War I above the level of the previous century. Instead, it chose repression. The government of García Menocal violently repressed all protests, using the Ejército Pretoriano (Pretorian Army) and the Guardia Rural to persecute, deport and murder anarchists. In Santiago de Cuba, the young anarchist Adolfo Pérez Rizo was murdered for simply challenging García Menocal verbally in the pages of ¡Tierra!
In April 1917, one day after the United States, Cuba declared war on the Central Powers, a move which — given its domination by the U.S. — favorably affected sugar prices and the Cuban economy. The following period came to be known as the “Time of the Fat Cows.” Having perhaps learned from Cuba’s independence debacle, the Cuban anarchists decided to remain neutral, despite the urging of the influential anarchist, Peter Kropotkin, from London, to take the side of the allies. (This was in contrast to the “neutrality” he had urged upon Cuba’s anarchists in 1897.) As a consequence of refusing to take sides, the Cuban anarchists were accused of being “Germanophiles.”
In 1917, García Menocal, the conservative candidate, decided to take the presidential election through force of arms, and the liberals rose in armed revolt, initiating a dictatorial period in Cuba, with García at the helm the first few years. In this same year, the Centro Obrero (Workers’ Center) was established in Havana at 2 Egido Street. It consisted of a meeting hall and offices in a poor barrio near the center of the city. The Centro Obrero quickly became the most notable anarchist center of its time, and strikes, boycotts, and many other activities throughout the country were planned within its walls. The anarchists did all this under the watchful eyes of the Cuban government and U.S. and Spanish economic interests, which considered protests of any type forerunners of civil war.
In 1918 and 1919 four general strikes broke out in Havana alone, and the repressive state was the target of several bombings. In response, the state jailed and condemned to death the leading anarchist organizers of the time, Marcelo Salinas, Antonio Penichet, Alfredo López, Alejandro Barreiro, and Pablo Guerra. The first death in the dispute was that of the anarchist tailor, Robustiano Fernández, who died in a confrontation with the police in front of the Centro Obrero. Later, the police killed another anarchist, Luis Díaz Blanco, on the street. Blanco’s killing detonated a series of violent acts that culminated at his funeral in a massive demonstration against the government.
The U.S.A., now involved in World War I, couldn’t permit this type of disorder so near to its coasts. At the request of the U.S. embassy, Washington sent a flotilla including three cruisers to Havana in a show of force. According to the Cuban historian José Duarte Oropesa, the Cuban Secret Service also supplied Washington with a list of all of the unions on the island, as well as a list of their leaders.
Finally, the government suspended constitutional guarantees with the object of creating a climate of terror; it deported to Spain approximately 77 workers it characterized as an “anarchosyndicalist mob”; it prohibited anarchist publications; and it closed the Centro Obrero. In this regard, little had changed since the times of Cánovas and Weyler.
A temporary calm settled over the country in 1920 owing to the stabilization of the price of sugar; this became known as the “Time of the Skinny Cows,” because of the low price of sugar. Cuba’s anarchists took advantage of this lull to stage a workers’ congress that attacked the high cost of living and proposed a series of “immediate and transitory” economic measures to resolve the situation. The delegates agreed to the formation of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo. They also proposed to form an organizing committee which would “study the opinions of all collectives.” Finally, they sent a “fraternal salute to the brothers who in Russia have established the USSR.”
Cuba’s anarchists appeared to have no doubts that the October Revolution — in which Russia’s anarchists had played a very visible part — was good news for Cuba’s workers. With the taking of power by the Soviets, it appeared that the dream of three generations of struggles against the injustices of capitalism and the state had reached its conclusion. The Cuban anarchists showed jubilation in their own actions during this period, in which a few social-democratic and marxist elements participated, following the anarchist banners. But in this early period, little news had arrived from Barcelona or New York about the persecution of Russia’s anarchists under Lenin. So, it wasn’t strange that the Cuban anarchist congress of 1920 in Havana responded favorably to the Bolshevik government of Lenin and Trotsky — a response that was echoed throughout almost the entire proletarian world. This attitude would change very shortly.
After the congress of 1920, Cuba’s workers pressed their demands with renewed force; this provoked the inevitable repressive response from the government. Bombings shook Havana, and May Day saw another general strike. Penichet and Salinas were again jailed, and in protest a bomb was set off in the Teatro Nacional during Enrico Caruso’s performance of Aida. For this single appearance, the Italian tenor received $10,000 — a huge sum equivalent to the annual wages of 15 or 20 Cuban workers. Penichet and Salinas were condemned to death, but were pardoned and released at the beginning of 1921 with the fall from power of the García Menocal government.
With the new “moderate” government of Alfredo Zayas in 1921, the most constructive phase of Cuban anarchism began. The seed planted by the anarchists at the end of the 1880s had blossomed into Roig San Martín’s “tree of liberty” and began to bear fruit.
Anarchist periodicals proliferated. ¡Tierra! entered a new phase and its editors began publishing books and pamphlets. Other periodicals began to appear regularly: La Batalla (“The Battle”), Nuevos Rumbos (“New Paths”), Vía Libre (“The Free Way”), El Memorándum Tipográfico, Espártaco (“Spartacus”) and Nuevo Luz (“New Light”). Almost all of these periodicals were published in Havana, although there were also sporadic anarchist publications in Matanzas, Cienfuegos, Camagüey, and Santiago de Cuba. They were distributed by individuals in workplaces, shops, tobacco factories, etc. They were also distributed by mail, when their issues weren’t seized by the government. There’s no data on the press runs of these periodicals, though it seems likely that Nueva Luz and El Memorándum Tipográfico had circulations of several thousand.
Clearly a proletarian cultural renaissance was taking place, in which even the most humble trades had information sheets. Libertarian literary and scientific associations were founded, as were workers’ centers and naturalists’ clubs. Anarchist literature circulated throughout the entire island, and the work of anarchist organizers, writers, orators, unionists, and cultural workers was characterized by exuberance. The anarchists — with few economic means and without any outside aid — organized Cuba’s workers, both in town and country, into a force without parallel in Cuban history, a force numbering 80,000 to 100,000 workers (out of a total population of about 2.9 million at this time).
A new generation of Cubans emerged in these years, in the midst of a society filled with colonial baggage, class and racial separations, authoritarian governments, and U.S. interference. This new generation promoted radical changes in the social and political structure, and commenced a struggle against both native and foreign injustices. In their work for social justice for the most downtrodden, they succeeded in making anarchosyndicalist ideals those of most Cuban workers.
The man who carried upon his shoulders great responsibility for this achievement was Alfredo López. He was an anarchist — despite the marxist rewriting of Cuba’s history — and was introduced to libertarian ideas by Pablo Guerra, a black worker in the same typographic trade as López and Antonio Penichet. An outstanding militant in his trade, López emerged as a prominent figure in the congress of 1920, and his unifying work within Cuba’s workers’ movement didn’t end until his assassination in 1926. Like a great many other Cuban workers of his generation, López was profoundly anarchosyndicalist. Through his writings, his concise oratory, his union actions, his pragmatic attitude, and the accords for which he was responsible, it’s very difficult to situate him in any camp other than the anarchist. Lacking in sectarianism, his acts were intensely unifying, and he knew how to win over the marxist elements in Cuba’s workers’ struggle. He also integrated reformist elements into the proletarian struggle, a positive action for which he has received little credit.
The founding of the Federación Obrera de La Habana (FOH — Workers’ Federation of Havana) in 1921, in which López was the glue that held it together, initiated an anarchosyndicalist campaign in the workers’ movement. The FOH was not formed exclusively of anarchist unions, even though they were the most numerous and libertarian ideas were the most popular in the organization. Pragmatism was the order of the day, with the idea being to unite all worker and campesino factions in a single organization, although this was opposed by some anarchists who wanted a purely anarchosyndicalist organization modeled on the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo in Spain. But in the end, the unifying approach of Alfredo López was accepted. (This dispute has been seized upon by marxist commentators, who have fallaciously used it to claim that López wasn’t an anarchist.)
In 1923, a reformist movement gained influence in the University of Havana. One of its leaders was Julio Antonio Mella. Alfredo López offered his aid, and managed to persuade Mella to work with other students in the recently founded Escuela Racionalista Nocturna (Rationalist Night School), which served Cuba’s workers in the tradition of the murdered Spanish libertarian educator, Francisco Ferrer. And at the end of this same year, the Universidad Popular José Martí was founded, with the aim of teaching current political and social ideas. The direct relation between the future founder of the Partido Comunista Cubano — Mella — and Alfredo López has given rise to a number of hypotheses about the influence of Mella upon López, when the influence was actually the opposite, as Mella would declare years later, when he called López “my teacher.”
In 1924, and with the undeniable tolerance of President Alfredo Zayas, a number of strike movements appeared among railway workers and sugar workers. At this time, another anarchosyndicalist of the first order began to distinguish himself — Enrique Varona, of Camagüey, who was active in the railway and sugar trades.
In February 1925, the second Congreso Nacional Obrero was celebrated in Cienfuegos, with over 100 delegates, representing 75 workers’ organizations, in attendance. The principal agreement reached was to hold a third congress in the city of Camagüey for the purpose of founding a national workers’ confederation modeled on the FOH.
That third congress was held in August in that city, with 160 delegates in attendance. It created the Confederación Nacional Obrera de Cuba (CNOC), which united all of the unions, brotherhoods, guilds, and proletarian associations in Cuba — in all, 128 organizations with a membership of more than 200,000 workers. This congress, in its structure, its accords, and its principles, was strongly influenced by anarchosyndicalist ideas — ideas which predominated among its delegates.
In the Acts of the Congress creating the CNOC, the most important accords were “the total and collective refusal of electoral politics,” the demand for the eight-hour day, the demand for the right to strike, and the unanimous desire not to bureaucratize the newly created organization. Juana María Acosta, of the Unión de Obreros de la Industria de Cigarrería (“Cigar Industry Workers Union”), was elected provisional president of the CNOC — the first time in Cuban history that a woman was named to such a position — and she made the demand, “equal pay for equal work.”
A few days after the conclusion of the congress, the Partido Comunista Cubano (PCC) was founded in Havana by militant marxists such as Julio Antonio Mella and ex-anarchists such as Carlos Baliño and Alejandro Barreiro, with the aid of the Third International, represented by Enrique Flores Magón — brother of the well known anarchist, Ricardo Flores Magón — who had come to Cuba from Mexico.
The PCC’s members became a disciplined, selfless minority who, even if they had originally followed anarchist banners, would in the future — obeying orders from the Comintern relayed through Mexico — undertake to first supplant and later to liquidate all vestiges of anarchosyndicalism in Cuba, the ideology that for decades had been the driving force of the Cuban working class.
The electoral triumph in August 1925 of the Partido Liberal, whose líder máximo was Gerardo Machado, provoked a sudden crisis in the ranks of Cuban anarchosyndicalism. The new president, Machado, quickly realized that the recently organized CNOC could either be a political collaborator or a political enemy. He had reason to hope for collaboration. Inside the CNOC, a reformist element existed, which acted in accord with the American Federation of Labor, the reactionary American labor federation presided over by Samuel Gompers. Machado managed to attract this reformist element within the CNOC with government posts, while the allies that the anarchists counted upon within the Partido Liberal made themselves invisible. For their part, the marxists — after a period of blatant political activity, in direct contradiction of the CNOC accords — laid low waiting for better times.
Commencing with repressive precepts, Machado’s government arbitrarily closed the Sindicato de la Industria Fabril Industrial (Manufacturing Union), because it had struck, arrested its black anarchist leader, Margarito Iglesias, and deported several striking workers. In September there was another strike among sugar workers in Camagüey, and anarchosyndicalist leader Enrique Varona was first jailed and later murdered. (Varona represented the Unión de Ferrocarriles del Norte [Northern Railway Union], which at the time represented sugar workers.) These repressive acts provoked strong protests, which, however, came to nothing.
Because of the persecution, the political situation had become more difficult for the anarchists. The government unleashed even more repression, focusing on the anarchosyndicalists, because they were the best organized sector of the working class, and because they had leaders of the stature of López, Iglesias, et al. Under Machado, protests which other governments had tolerated or had repressed to some extent, became the pretext for murderous repression. After the murder of Varona, López publicly denounced the act as a government crime, and these denunciations were sent abroad. But there was no violence on the part of the unions. Strikes were prohibited under pain of jail or “disappearance,” and a time of state terrorism began in Cuba.
In October 1925, Alfredo López was taken prisoner after a series of bombings in Havana undertaken by government agents provocateur. By December, the most active anarchists in Cuba were either in prison or had fled to Florida or the Yucatan. In sum, intimidation, provocation, and murder were the political weapons of Machado at the end of the year.
López and some other anarchists were released from prison in January 1926 and were “counseled” to put themselves at the service of the government. At a meeting, Machado’s messenger boy, his Government Secretary, Rogerio Zayas Bazán, offered López a paid post in exchange for his cooperation. López refused, and continued his anarchist activities. He was detained again by the police, and this time threatened with death. He again refused to back down.
On May Day, a secret commemoration was held in the Centro Obrero in Havana, at which López denounced Machado’s repressive acts, and urged Cuba’s workers to resist. Finally, on July 20, 1926, López was kidnapped and “disappeared.” (His remains were found seven years later, a few days after the fall of Machado.) With the deaths of Varona and López, Cuba’s anarchosyndicalists and workers had lost, at a crucial moment, their two most valiant leaders.
The repressive politics of Machado against the unions had no parallel in the history of the island. Never in colonial times, nor under the republic — including the reign of García Menocal — had Cuba’s anarchists suffered such violent blows. While Machado was celebrated by the privileged classes as a “nationalist” in a society suffering considerable U.S. interference, his persecution of Cuba’s anarchists was unremitting. In 1927, the CNOC suffered another crisis with the “disappearance” of Margarito Iglesias, the anarchosyndicalist grandson of black slaves, and a leading member of the Sindicato Fabril. The marxists within the CNOC took advantage of this situation, and began to appropriate, on orders of the PCC, the positions formerly held by the deported, exiled, and murdered anarchists.
The response of radical anarchist elements to this violent repression was quick in coming. They founded militant groups such as Espártaco (Spartacus) and Los Solidarios (Those in Solidarity), and later the Federación de Grupos Anarquistas de Cuba (FGAC), and began, in alliance with university students and some politicians, a violent campaign against Machado, who had been “constitutionally” reelected to another six-year term. They engaged in street fighting against the government and also in several failed assassination attempts against Machado. Of course, they weren’t the only ones doing such things. There were other armed opposition groups, such as the Directorio Estudiantil Revolucionario (Revolutionary Student Directorate) and the secret organization, ABC.
In 1930, a streetcar strike broke out that was backed by almost all of the unions. This strike became a general strike within 24 hours, and was the first of its kind in Cuba under a dictatorial regime. The anarchists actively backed this strike, while the anti-Machado capitalist press heaped praise on the PCC and interviewed its leaders. This may seem strange, but during the Great Depression not only the working class but also the bourgeois class opposed the dictatorship, given that they were being ruined economically. The price of sugar had fallen to practically nothing, and social and political ruin was coupled with economic disaster.
But the strike itself was a complete failure due to its poor planning by the CNOC, now in the hands of the PCC. The oral testimony of Casto Moscú, Manuel González, and Agustín Castro, who participated in the FGAC’s clandestine struggle against Machado, and that of Eusebio Mujal, whose father was an anarchist baker in Guantanamo, are in agreement. Hugh Thomas quotes Mujal:
The Communists were ...preoccupied with the anarchists as much as with Machado... Party policy was to destroy all members of CNOC who were not Communist, even by betraying them to Machado’s police. Several Spanish anarchist leaders were murdered by Machado.
Despite the persecution by Machado’s regime and the backstabbing by the PCC, the anarchists, even though underground, did not give up. Contrary to what has been stated by both the PCC and by right-wing reactionary historians, the surviving anarchists didn’t flee to Spain; they didn’t abandon their positions in the unions; they didn’t go over to the Machado government; and they didn’t betray the working class.
On July 28, 1933, another transportation strike broke out in Havana, and the city was paralyzed when the streetcar workers joined the strike. The crisis deepened when the anarchists in the FOH rallied to the transit workers’ strike, and it became a general strike. The U.S. embassy sought a political solution to the crisis, but Machado clung desperately to power.
His dictatorship ended in August, when a number of political factions — including, prominently, the PCC, following orders from the Comintern — conspired with the U.S. embassy (the primary source of power in Cuba) to liquidate their old ally. On August 7, a rumor ran through Havana that Machado had resigned, and the people took to the streets to celebrate — where they were machine-gunned by Machado’s thugs.
In a political maneuver that can only be categorized as insolent, the PCC, in the name of the remains of the CNOC, made a deal with Machado to end the general strike (as if they were the ones who had called it). The PCC thus fell into the trap of believing its own lies. The payoff for its perfidious act would be the recognition of the PCC and the CNOC by Machado’s government. The ambition for power had totally blinded the PCC. (It had also participated in the electoral farce in 1932, which seated the representatives of the coalition that backed Machado.) Present day marxist writers attempt to excuse these acts as “the August error.” In reality, it was more than an “error”; it was a betrayal of the working class and the people of Cuba.
The PCC then gave the order that the striking workers return to their jobs, and tried to enforce this decree with the help of Machado’s secret police, the sinister “porra” (“bludgeon” or “club”), which was guilty of the murder of a number of workers. The PCC’s maneuver didn’t work, however, owing to the enraged response of the FOH anarchists and the rest of the opposition to the “strikebreakers.” The situation remained fluid and volatile for several more days, and finally reached into the ranks of the armed forces, who had no desire to intervene in this revolutionary situation. Finally, on August 12, Machado was forced to flee because of a military coup backed by the U.S. embassy.
On August 28, the remains of López and Iglesias were exhumed from a shallow grave and reburied after being rendered homage by a vast throng. On that same day, the FGAC published a manifesto to the Cuban people denouncing the traitorous actions of the PCC and the armed attack the PCC had launched against the anarchists’ offices on the previous day. The only remaining offices of the Cuban anarchists in 1933 were those of the FOH, from which the Spartacus group had operated clandestinely. The FGAC’s actions became known to the Communists following the triumph of the strike they had tried to break. In the confusion of the first moments following the revolutionary triumph over Machado, the Communists had decided to deal with the most militant anarchist elements, and, accusing them of being “collaborators,” attacked the anarchosyndicalists at the FOH with gunfire. A battle ensued between the Communists and anarchosyndicalists, in which one anarchist was killed, and several people were wounded on both sides. Finally, the army intervened to stop the bloodshed.
The manifesto denouncing this traitorous, murderous act, signed by the FGAC Comité de Relaciones, gave detailed information about the anti-worker activities of the PCC and how it had tried to cover itself legally in the shadow of the CNOC in its zeal for power. The precarious cooperative relationship between Cuba’s anarchists and Communists, which had deteriorated with the disquieting news of the persecution of anarchists in the USSR, first under Lenin and then under Stalin, came to an end in the bloody summer of 1933.
Despite the triumph represented by Machado’s overthrow, the situation after his fall was unfavorable to Cuba’s anarchists. Their most dedicated leaders and activists had been victims of governmental murder or had been deported. As a result, when there was a coup d’etat on September 4, 1933 against the provisional government backed by the U.S. embassy, the anarchists were surprised and unprepared — in what could be called a “preorganized” state.
The new “authentic” revolutionary government, as it called itself, was leftist with nationalist overtones. Its principal figures were Ramón Grau San Martín and Antonio Guiteras. It was tied to the military men who had carried out the coup — privates, corporals and sergeants from humble backgrounds, and with all manner of social ideas — whose leading figure was Fulgencio Batista. This new government, the first of its kind on the island, defied the U.S. embassy and enacted laws benefitting the public; it also removed the Platt Amendment from the Cuban Constitution.
As could have been expected, the provisional government lasted only about 100 days. Given its “nationalism without a nation,” its removal of the Platt Amendment from the Cuban Constitution, its decree mandating state intervention in the yankee-owned electrical and telephone utilities, and its passage of an eight-hour workday law, its downfall was no surprise. Nonetheless, it managed to damage Cuba’s anarchists by passing the “50% law,” which forced owners to reserve at least half their jobs for Cubans. This forced many Spanish anarchists to leave the island and return to their homeland, where a tragic civil war would shortly take place.
Thus, Cuba’s anarchists found themselves gravely weakened at a pivotal point in history, while at the same time the Communists manipulated the cause of the working class with success, despite the setback of the August “error.” They violently attacked the anarchists physically, while at the same time attacking them verbally with gross calumnies. These tactics would bear fruit in the following year; and the Communists would repeat them with even greater success in 1960.
The Communists accused Cuba’s libertarians of being “yankee agents,” as well as “associating and allying with ex-Machadistas, bosses, and even fascist elements,” which at the time found some sympathy in Cuba. But despite the great damage caused by Machado, the losses under the “50% law,” and the incessant Communist attacks, Cuba’s anarchists entered this new stage with a vigor and resistance that was astonishing. They increased their propaganda work among Cuba’s youth, and a second generation of Cubans rallied to anarchist banners in the unions and other labor organizations.
At the end of 1933, with the aid of the U.S. embassy and the support of Cuba’s bourgeoisie, the by-then colonel Batista became the “strong man” of Cuba. Searching for allies among the revolutionary opposition, some young anarchists affiliated themselves with the socialist organization Joven Cuba (Young Cuba), led by the revolutionary and archenemy of the Communists, Antonio Guiteras, who had now fallen from power.
Again, Cuba’s anarchists and the Cuban working class faced repression. In March 1935, Batista defeated a general strike called and later aborted by the PCC. And soon the PCC would adopt Moscow’s “popular front” line, ally itself with the government, and follow “the democratic paces of Colonel Batista.”
Batista attempted to legitimize his dictatorship through the electoral process. He had no political backing beyond the police and armed forces, and this wasn’t sufficient for political credibility. The PCC came to his rescue. It offered him a deal putting all of the machinery of Cuban and international Communism at his service, and it promised to deliver votes in the coming elections. Batista badly needed this electoral support.
For the anarchists, the political situation hadn’t changed much. Since the fall of Machado the authorities had exercised an iron control over the labor activities of the anarchosyndicalists. They vigorously censored the anarchosyndicalist press, and destroyed materials coming from the exterior, with the curious exception of the magazine Cultura Proletaria — founded in the 1920s by the already elderly Pedro Esteve, and published in New York by a group of Spanish anarchist exiles including Frank González and Marcelino García — which at times published news of the persecution of Cuba’s anarchists. According to Helio Nardo, a witness to the events of these years, “After the failure of the general strike of March 1935, we found ourselves under brutal repression ... Thousands of opponents [of the Batista government] found themselves in jail. All of the towns ... came to be under military control.”
At the same time, according to Nardo, difficulties were arising between the previous generation and the younger generation of anarchists. He recalls, “... the impossibility of reaching an understanding with the older militants entrenched in ‘grupismo’ (FGAC)” — here Nardo refers to those anarchists who had survived Machado’s repression, the “50% law,” and the military authoritarianism of Batista’s early days. This “led to the founding in Havana of the Juventud Libertaria de Cuba” (Libertarian Youth of Cuba). Nardo recalls that its founders included Gustavo López, Floreal Barreras, Luis Dulzaides, Miguel Rivas, Julio Ayón Morgan, Teodoro Fabel, Abelardo Barroso, Modesto Barbeito, José Fernández Martí, and one young anarchist with the curious name Gerardo Machado. He also recalls that the meetings of this group were “rigorously clandestine.”
For his part, Luis Dulzaides recorded his youthful impressions decades later. He stated that he joined Juventud Libertaria through Fernández Martí, and that he came to know “the highest figures of militant Cuban anarchism.” Domingo Díaz, a pharmacist from Arroyo Arenas, near Havana, recalls that he came to know Venancio Turón, an old railway worker and a founder of the CNOC, as well as “Rafael Serra, a black tobacco worker who remained as a relic of the heroic times of the libertarian proletariat,” and finally, Marcelo Salinas, one of the most prominent Cuban intellectuals of his generation.
At the outbreak of the Spanish revolution and civil war in July 1936, Cuba’s anarchists rallied to the defense of the Spanish revolutionaries, and to further their aims founded the Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista (SIA) in Havana, whose members worked zealously to send money and arms to their Spanish comrades in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo/Federación Anarquista Ibérica (CNT/FAI). Considering the depressed economic situation in Cuba, the aid they sent to their Spanish comrades was considerable. It’s also fitting to mention the direct participation of Cuba’s anarchists in the military struggle against Spanish fascism. With some of their members forced to leave Cuba by the “50% law,” entire mixed families of Cuban/Spanish anarchists fought in the ranks of the CNT/FAI, among them Abelardo Iglesias, Manuel de la Mata, and Cosme Paules. A number of Cuban anarchists also went directly to Spain to fight. These included Adolfo Camiño, Gustavo Malagamba, José Pendás, Humberto Monteagudo, Pedro Fajardo Boheras, Julio Constantino Cavarrocas, and many others.
With the defeat of the Spanish Republic in 1939, many of the surviving Cuban anarchists returned to Cuba, as did many Spanish anarchists who sailed from France and Spain with Cuban passports obtained with the help of libertarian elements with friends in the Cuban Ministry of State. At this time, Cuba’s anarchists began to collect funds to aid ex-combatants in need; when these people arrived in Cuba, they received a generous welcome from their Cuban comrades. There were cases of arriving anarchists being detained by the immigration authorities, who were then released after Cuban anarchists intervened on their behalf. As Paulino Diez notes in his memoirs, Cuba served as a trampoline for Spanish anarchists in the diaspora — it was a jumping off point for them on their journeys to cities throughout the Americas, from Chicago to Buenos Aires.
At the end of the 1930s, Batista was a military man lacking a popular base. So he decided to create a political coalition with the help of the Partido Comunista Cubano. And the PCC entered into a pact with Batista. In exchange for its services and its support in the next presidential election, the PCC was handed the recently created Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC — Cuban Confederation of Workers), which had been created by the government and by its electoral allies in the Comisiones Obreras (CO — Laborers’ [or Workers’] Commissions). The CTC was designed to be the largest, most centralized labor organization in Cuba, one that would combine all existing social factions, including a dues-paying anarchist minority. One major difference between the CTC and the previous umbrella labor organization, the CNOC, was that the CNOC had been designed to be nonsectarian and non- (or anti-) political, while the CTC was designed from the start to be a tool in sectarian politics, and had been placed under the control of the PCC by Batista. Thus, for the first time in Cuba, there was a marriage of unionism and the state.
But there was at least one favorable development under Batista. The Constitution of 1940 marked the birth of a new republic. For the first time in Cuban history, a constitutional document considered the social problem, and its authors tried to correct the errors and omissions of the constitution of the First Republic. Notably, it rescinded the Platt Amendment, though U.S. political, social, economic, and cultural influence over Cuba would continue until 1960.
Modern and progressive, this Cuban Magna Carta was the work of two generations of Cubans. Members of all social classes and all spheres of life had contributed to it. It considered in minute detail all of the problems that had come and all that its authors thought would come — social, political, agrarian, and labor problems from the previous convulsive decades of Cuban history. The 1940 Constitution was intended as an instrument of social-democratic reform, and all that remained was to put it to the test by putting it into practice.
The surviving sectors of the revolutionary anarchist movement of the 1920–1940 period, now working in the SIA and the FGAC, reinforced by those Cuban militants and Spanish anarchists fleeing now-fascist Spain, agreed at the beginning of the decade to hold an assembly with the purpose of regrouping the libertarian forces inside a single organization. The guarantees of the 1940 Constitution permitted them to legally create an organization of this type, and it was thus that they agreed to dissolve the two principal Cuban anarchist organizations, the SIA and FGAC, and create a new, unified group, the Asociación Libertaria de Cuba (ALC), a sizable organization with a membership in the thousands.
Over 100 delegates — both Cubans and Spanish exiles — met at the small Mordazo ranch, home of Juan Nápoles and his compañera Maria, in the Palatino barrio on the outskirts of Havana. They chose Domingo Díaz as Secretary General and Abelardo Barroso as Organizational Secretary of the new group. They also agreed to aid the Spanish exiles who were constantly arriving on the island; to take responsibility for the continuation of the libertarian publication Rumbos (“Paths”), which had appeared sporadically during the final years of the 1930s; and to call the “Primer Congreso Nacional Libertario” in 1944.
The large number of cenetistas (members of the Spanish anarchosyndicalist CNT) who arrived in Havana in the years following the Spanish civil war were attended to as well as was possible by their Cuban comrades. However, the generalized unemployment in Cuba in the early 1940s obliged the great majority of these compañeros to emigrate to countries such as Panama, Mexico, and Venezuela, which, of course, weakened the ALC. Nonetheless, the ALC published for some time a new propaganda organ called Rumbos Nuevos (“New Paths”) under the editorship of Marcelo Salinas. Contributors included Domingo Alonso and Claudio Martínez. As well, the ALC did carry out its plan for the Primer Congreso Nacional Libertario in 1944. It was held at the Plasterers Union hall in Havana, was facilitated by Manuel Pis, of that union, and elected as Secretary General Gerardo Machado and as Organizational Secretary, once again, Abelardo Barroso.
During the early years of the 1940s, the ALC libertarians dedicated themselves to organizing in the labor field. Given their history of work in the Cuban labor movement — and their primary role in it until the middle of the 1920s — Cuba’s anarchists still had a lot of popular backing, as well as a reputation for honor, combativeness, and sacrifice, all based on a long and clean revolutionary history. The ALC began creating teams of militants from the recently formed Juventudes Libertarias (JL), with the goal of regaining the ground lost to the Communists and reformists. They founded “action groups” among both students and workers through the JL. These were propaganda groups of high school students and young anarchist workers who dedicated themselves to distributing anarchist books, pamphlets, papers and magazines in schools and workplaces.
Meanwhile, the Constitution of 1940 had enshrined the eight-hour day, which had been decreed in 1933 — thus one of the utopian visions from the pages of El Productor in 1888 was finally fulfilled. At the same time, the Constitution regulated the right to strike, but still recognized it as a right. This situation, and the political infiltration inside the CTC, obliged the anarchosyndicalists within the CTC to create pressure groups, with the object of challenging the inertia, bureaucracy, and the frank collaboration of the PCC and CO with the Cuban government.
Batista had been elected president with the aid and backing of the PCC. For this the PCC received ministerial posts, money, means of propaganda, and state protection. In return, the PCC conferred upon Batista pompous titles such as “the messenger of prosperity,” and put at his service not only the propagandistic services of the party, but also the CTC, controlled from the heights by PCC elements. They had in effect converted the CTC into a political work force while thriving in the shadow of state power — thus once again betraying the true origins and principles of syndicalism in Cuba. For this, the Cuban anarchists conferred upon them the title, “frente crapular” (“debauched front” or “evil front” — a reference to the Communist “popular front” [“frente popular”] strategy of the 1930s).
Ramón Grau San Martín, the candidate of the so-called Partido Revolucionario Cubano Auténtico (PRCA) which had arisen in 1933, won the election and assumed power in 1944. The people expected substantial change from the new, freely elected, social democratic government. However, Grau San Martín allowed the Communists to remain in their posts.
The only important change in the Cuban workers’ situation occurred on May Day in 1947, at the start of the Cold War, when the Cuban government, under noticeable U.S. pressure, expelled the Communists from their posts in the CTC. This decision served as proof that despite the deletion of the Platt Amendment from the Cuban Constitution, those who had removed it still folded under pressure from the U.S. State Department.
There was a libertarian renewal in these years. A number of small anarchist information and propaganda bulletins appeared in Havana under the auspices of the Federación de Juventudes Libertarias de Cuba (FJLC — Federation of Libertarian Youths of Cuba), and a monthly “bulletin of the subdelegation of the CNT of Spain,” under the direction of V. Velasco and C. Trigo also appeared. Both the FJLC and CNT publications listed their address as that of the ALC at Calle Jesús María 310, Havana. As well, the government decision to purge the stalinist representatives inside the CTC left the door wide open for the anarchosyndicalists. They took advantage of the free elections in the various trades that made up the CTC, and managed to elect several responsible compañeros to posts in prominent unions.
The prestige and well-earned reputation for honesty of Cuba’s anarchosyndicalists gave them effective control of several important unions, such as the transport workers, culinary workers, construction workers, and electric utility workers, and allowed them to form pressure groups inside almost all of the other unions that composed the CTC at the time. Cuban anarchists in the interior of the island also created the Asociaciones Campesinas at this time, for the purpose of organizing the poorest, landless campesinos. These efforts bore their greatest fruits in the province of Camagüey, the old libertarian bastion, and in the port of Nuevitas and the southern coffee zone in the province of Oriente in the Baracoa-Guantanamo mountain range, where for many years anarchists had founded and maintained free agricultural collectives.
In 1948, the Cuban anarchists held another national congress. It was well attended, with 155 delegates present. The pamphlet Memorias del II Congreso Libertario records that on, “February 21, at 9 p.m., and with a great crowd filling ... the halls of the Federación Nacional de Plantas Eléctricas ... at Paseo de Martí 615 ... the Second National Libertarian Congress, convoked by the Libertarian Association of Cuba, commenced.” The congress was opened by the words of the old friend of the Cuban libertarians, Agustín Souchy, who in those years represented the AIT (Asociación Internacional de Trabajadores/ International Workers Association, the anarchosyndicalist international federation). Marcelo Salinas, Modesto Barbeito and Helio Nardo also spoke. The Congress held a plenary session the following day, with Rafael Sierra presiding, and with Vicente Alea acting as provisional secretary. It created four Work Commissions: Organization, under the leadership of Modesto Barbeito and Helio Nardo; Propaganda, under N. Suárez and Manuel González; Finance, under Manuel Castillo and Vicente Alea; and Other Matters, under Antonio Landrián and Suria Linsuaín.
The Second Congress closed on February 24 with a series of dictums, which were published later in the year as a pamphlet. The pamphlet contemplated the creation of a libertarian society in Cuba, and appealed to all economic, industrial, union and agricultural levels on the island. The passage of the years has shown how important to Cuban anarchism this document was. It sketched the situation in those uncertain years of Constitution and Republic with a sure hand; it attacked Cuban anarchism’s perpetual enemy, the stalinist PCC; it outlined the danger of the Catholic Church’s influence; it declared itself anticapitalist and, above all, anti-imperialist, attacking both the U.S. and the USSR as “foreign powers,” thus appealing a bit to then-fashionable Cuban nationalism.
Among the ambitious points on which the delegates had reached agreement, and which covered almost all aspects of social and economic life in Cuba, was one that stated the necessity of having an effective and regularly appearing propaganda organ. They chose the gastronomic workers’ monthly publication Solidaridad Gastronómica, which already existed, and the Congress agreed to make it the official organ of the ALC. It would have a long life in Cuban proletarian culture.
Solidaridad Gastronómica’s first issue appeared on December 22, 1949, as a four-page newspaper printed on newsprint and priced at five centavos. It was billed as “the organ of orientation and combat.” Its staff included José M. Fuentes Candón as director, Domingo Alonso and Jorge Jorge as administrators, and Claudio Martínez, Casto Moscú, Juan R. Alvarez, José Rodriguez and Roberto Cabanellas as editors. It appeared monthly in this format until February 1951, when its size increased to six pages; in December 1954 its size increased again to eight pages, and it began to be printed on better paper. In July 1956 its size increased again to 12 pages — the size at which it would remain until its final issue in December 1960. One hundred twenty-five issues were printed in all, and its circulation was in the 1000–1500 copy range. Even though it was published by gastronomical workers and was the organ of their federation, it reached a broader audience and its writers included the most outstanding Cuban exponents of anarchist ideas. In addition to news and analysis, it contained a book section edited by Domingo Alonso, which dealt with books on various libertarian topics. Solidaridad Gastronómica was one of the last independent publications shut down by the Castro government.
Carlos Prío Socarrás assumed the Cuban presidency in 1948, and followed the same tolerant path as Grau in the social and labor fields. So, the anarchists were still free to organize and to propagate libertarian ideas. In 1949 the anarchists within the CTC, along with other sympathetic elements, tried and failed to create a new labor central, the Confederación General de Trabajadores (CGT). The idea was to create a workers’ organization independent of the CTC and its political influence and electoral participation; this was very much in line with the traditional anarchosyndicalist position (such as that of the CNOC) which totally rejects unions functioning as political instruments of the state. According to Helio Nardo, one of the survivors of the attempt to untie labor from the CTC, “The idea of creating a second labor central was the result of belief in a non-political/non-electoral syndicalism, [a project] on which I worked intensely along with Abelardo Iglesias and Modesto Barbeito.” With the support of Ángel Cofiño, a representative of the electrical workers, and Vicente Rubiera from the telephone workers, the Comité Obrero Nacional Independiente (CONI) was formed. Nardo notes that it “... had a daily radio program on RHC Blue Chain,” and that “for the broadcast we would write daily in the hall of the ALC.” Despite all of the opposition to this new step toward syndicalism free of political pressure, “it came into being ... with the name Confederación General de Trabajadores (CGT) ... with its offices in the Calle Águila.”
The Tercer (Third) Congreso Nacional Libertario was held on the 11th and 12th of March 1950. It’s object was reorganization, to take orienting positions within Cuban unionism, and to attempt to point the Cuban workers’ movement in a healthier direction. The Congress agreed “to struggle against the control of the workers movement by bureaucrats ... politicians, cults, religionists, etc... and to expound the true significance of syndicalism, which must be apolitical, revolutionary and federalist,” in this manner combating the existing syndicalism which was “tyrannical, converted in fact into an agency of the state.”
The Third Congress ended by calling upon workers to repudiate the CTC as an organization “supported by the stalinist and false workers’ allies faction, without a trace of revolutionary ideas, spirit, or practice ... [and] dominated by dictatorial political parties and a corrupt leadership.” The Congress also dedicated itself “to actively working with the workers of the CGT, the only legitimate workers organization with syndicalist tendencies and the one most sensitive to the true needs of the workers.”
It was unfortunate that the attempt to create another union central would fail totally. The idea of creating the CGT independent of the CTC — and therefore independent of government influence — ran into formidable obstacles thanks to reformist elements, Communists, and the government. President Prio was well aware of the dangers posed by a new workers confederation under strong anarchist influence, which could not be manipulated by his political party (PRCA), and as was to be expected, he unleashed a propaganda campaign against the CGT in both the Cuban communications media and in the officially approved unions with the aim of derailing the CGT initiative. Prío’s excuse was opposition to “divisiveness” or “factionalism.”
In these years, as a product of the Cold War, Prío, motivated by U.S. “suggestions” and by members of his own party, also acted against the Communists. He declared the Partido Socialista Popular (PSP — the Communists’ electoral front) illegal, and closed its communications media. This caused the Cuban stalinists to search for a new alliance with their old friend, Fulgencio Batista.
The Cuban government’s fear of Cuba’s anarchists at this time was not totally unfounded. Already by the end of the 1940s, the anarchists had regained considerable influence within the Cuban labor movement at the grassroots level. There were anarchist militants scattered across almost the entire island in small groups, functioning at the local level. Anarchist propagandists were also present in every provincial capital in Cuba. Sam Dolgoff, in his book, The Cuban Revolution: A Critical Appraisal, notes: “their sympathizers and their influence was out of all proportion to the number of their members. Anarchosyndicalist groups usually consisted of a few individuals, but larger numbers existed in many local and regional unions, as in other organizations.” Some influential anarchists included Casto Moscú, Juan R. Álvarez, and Bartolo García in the Federación de Trabajadores Gastronómicos; Francisco Bretau and his brother Roberto in the Federación de Plantas Eléctricas; Santiago Cobo, as Organizational Secretary in the Federación Nacional Obrera de Transporte; and Abelardo Iglesias, the General Secretary of Havana Province in the Federación Nacional de los Trabajadores de la Construcción.
One should also note the appearance of a new anarchist-oriented periodical in April 1950 in Havana titled Estudios: Mensuario de Cultura (“Studies: Cultural Monthly”). This new periodical reached beyond the sloganeering style that had characterized many previous anarchist publications; Estudios had a modern look as well as modern content — its socio-cultural text was complemented by numerous photos and drawings and excellent typography. Those responsible for Estudios included its board of directors, Marcelo Salinas, Abelardo Iglesias, and Luis Dulzaides, its administrator, Santiago Velasco, and its publicity director, Roberto Bretau. It had a circulation of 1000 and was financed by the various unions. This large magazine of 52 pages derived much of its modern look from the drawings of the painter José Maria Mijares, which appeared in every issue, and its use of photography (including nudes — a true novelty at the time).
One other monthly anarchist periodical was also published in Cuba at this time, El Libertario, the organ of the ALC. This periodical had appeared sporadically in newspaper format since the 1940s, and was under the direction of Marcelo Salinas. Its irregular appearance was dictated by finances, and it, along with Solidaridad Gastronómica, was one of the last independent publications shut down by the Castro regime. It was a four-page newspaper priced at five centavos, and its contributors and collaborators included Rolando Piñera (its administrator), Manuel Gaona Sousa, Casto Moscú, Abelardo Iglesias, and from México, Silvia Mistral, and from Sweden, Agustín Souchy.
In March 1952, Batista carried out a coup d’etat. The Cuban people received the news with utter indifference, given the moral and administrative corruption of the Prío government. A call for a general strike failed totally, and the CTC, under Eusebio Mujal (general secretary of the CTC, and an ex-Communist and ex-Trotskyist who had belonged to the Comisiones Obreras) quickly came to terms with Batista, despite the opposition of the anarchists in the CTC to the imposition of military rule. As an excuse for his conduct, Mujal told union leaders that opposing Batista’s coup would have meant the ousting of those who resisted it and their substitution by members of the PCC, backed by Batista’s military. For their part, the Communists took advantage of the circumstances to penetrate the CTC bureaucracy, but were unable to regain their once-preponderant influence in the organization. For his part, Batista embraced the Communists as allies, but this time in silence. The Cold War was in full swing and he had to be careful about his stalinist political associates.
Another significant figure appeared in this period: Fidel Castro, a young, Jesuit-educated politician from a bourgeois background, who sought to fill the vacuum of oppositional power created by Batista’s coup. On July 26, 1953, Castro and a group of revolutionaries carried out an attack on the Moncada Barracks in Santiago de Cuba, which ended in bloodshed and with many victims on both sides. Castro was taken prisoner and at his trial, in his defense plea, he outlined a “revolutionary” program that was anything but — it was simply reformist and basically social democratic. His primary object was to reestablish the Constitution of 1940, which Batista had violated by overthrowing Prío. The trial concluded at the end of 1953 with Castro being condemned to 15 years in prison, along with a number of his comrades. He took advantage of the occasion by founding the 26th of July Movement (M26J). After being imprisoned for a few months, Castro was released because of a governmental amnesty, and he left for Mexico.
By this time the opposition to Batista had turned violent, and Batista, as was to be expected, responded brutally to provocations. The political climate was heating up, and the opposition, which embraced non-Castro as well as pro-Castro factions, grew rapidly. Preoccupied by the political situation, in March 1955 the recently named ALC National Council called for a National Libertarian Conference, which was held on April 24th of the same year at an ecological preserve in the town Campo Florido, on the outskirts of Havana. The conference had an agenda of 10 points, the most important of which was National Affairs.
Its report evaluated all of anarchist activities carried out since the Third Congress. It noted that one event was the closing of El Libertario in April 1952 by the Batista regime. It also commented on the current political situation in Cuba, decrying “the restriction of liberty in all its aspects, the surveillance and persecutions ... the determination demonstrated by the government in going against anything that would significantly better the working class ... [and] the taxes that increase daily.” The report ended by noting that events “force us libertarians ... to confront the regime with all our forces; we will cooperate with initiatives that tend to return to the country the liberty it is currently denied.”
In 1956 Cuba became totally polarized between Batista and his political enemies, including the electoral political parties. This was largely a result of his suspension of the 1940 constitution. The anarchists maintained their anti-dictatorial positions and denounced the disastrous politics of Batista. In this crucial year, the ALC published a pamphlet written by Marcelo Salinas and Casto Moscú titled Proyecciones Libertarias (“Libertarian Projections”), which denounced “the evil politics of Batista” while at the same time predicting what would emanate from the Sierras Orientales and Fidel Castro.
Already in 1957 at the 24th National Council of the CTC, Casto Moscú denounced the official report of the secretary general of that organization, Eusebio Mujal, which advocated that — in violation of the accords of the CTC — the organization undertake electoral party politicking inside the unions. As a result of the change in direction of the CTC, and in compliance with the “accords of our organization,” two prominent anarchists resigned their positions in the CTC: Modesto Barbeito (Organizational Secretary) and Abelardo Iglesias (Cultural Secretary).
Despite the difficulties of these dark times, Solidaridad Gastronómica continued publishing monthly. That this periodical appeared in times of censorship and suspension of constitutional rights is a testament to the determination of the Cuban anarchists. Solidaridad Gastronómica could be characterized as both viscerally anti-communist and anti-fascist, and it zealously defended “libertarian socialism.” Its directors were Juan R. Álvarez, Domingo Alonso, and Manuel González, and its offices remained at the end of the decade at Jesús María 310, the offices of the ALC.
On April 14, 1957, the Conferencia Anarquista de las Américas was celebrated in Montevideo, Uruguay. The ALC sent Casto Moscú and José A. Álvarez as its representatives. Among other things, this conference denounced all of the dictatorships plaguing Latin America, including the one in Cuba.
At about the same time another revolutionary stage opened at the headquarters of the ALC, a place which was often the site of clandestine meetings. Among those conspiring were openly insurrectionary groups such as the Directorio Revolucionario (Revolutionary Directorate, a social-democratic group) and M26J. The ALC headquarters was raided on a number of occasions by Batista’s police, though without much success for their repressive purposes.
Anarchists involved in insurrectional activities included Gilberto Lima and Luis Linsuaín, who were part of M26J. The underground movement was divided into zones, and Lima participated in the urban armed struggle in the Havana-Matanzas area, and Linsuaín took part in guerrilla activity in the northern part of Oriente Province. Another anarchist, Plácido Méndez, was active in the Segundo Frente (Second Front) guerrilla campaign in the Escambray Mountains. These were but a few of the many anarchists participating in armed actions at this time.
The anarchists were, of course, persecuted for their part in the armed struggle. Gilberto Lima was jailed and tortured on several occasions, and Isidro Moscú was viciously tortured, almost to death. According to Casto Moscú, Isidro was taken prisoner and tortured along with a number of other compañeros who had been preparing an armed uprising in Pinar del Rio Province. Juan R. Álvarez, Roberto Bretau, Luis Linsuaín, Plácido Méndez, Claudio Martínez, and Modesto Barbeito were also arrested, along with many other anarchists. Álvarez, Barbeito, and Aquiles Iglesias went into exile after they were released from prison.
By the middle of 1958, the Cuban capitalist elite began to comprehend that Batista and his repressive apparatus were at the point of losing power. This privileged group, along with U.S. interests, felt threatened and no longer considered Batista an ally. So, they decided to support the opposition to Batista. Castro obtained several million dollars from them to buy arms. This money came from big industrialists and big businesses, such as Hermanos Babun Ship Builders, and Bacardi Rum, as a reward for Castro’s having resisted Batista in the mountains of Oriente Province for two years. (Batista had ordered a well-calculated “persecution” of Castro, designed not to extinguish the rebellion, but rather to evade its political ends.) At this time, the highest Cuban economic spheres considered Castro as the solution to the then-current crisis, and as a potential ally. He certainly appeared so. His armed uprising, known as “the struggle against the dictatorship” (despite later propaganda), never had a solid campesino base, let alone a proletarian base. It was, rather, in good part the work of capitalism and the Cuban bourgeoisie.
In 1957 and 1958 there were several armed actions: a naval uprising at Cienfuegos, an attack on the Goicuría Barracks in Matanzas, a landing on the north coast of Oriente Province, and an attempted assassination of Batista in the so-called “Palace Attack.” All of these failed miserably, costing many lives. At the same time, an independent guerrilla uprising occurred in the mountains of Escambray in the central part of Cuba. A number of armed groups were active in the province of Las Villas, especially in the mountainous part of the province. These included the Directorio Revolucionario (Revolutionary Directorate) and the Segundo Frente del Escambray (Second Front of Escambray). Many of those participating were veterans of urban combat seeking refuge in the mountains; there were also many campesinos disaffected from the government, who didn’t do much in the way of armed actions, but who kept the government’s troops tied up for months. For its part, M26J had nothing to do with these events, and they were publicly and openly repudiated by Fidel Castro.
By the middle of 1958, Batista had lost the political battle and could no longer militarily contain the rebels. Washington turned its back on him and would no longer sell him arms. At the same time, members of the Cuban Communist Party traveled to Castro’s camp in the Sierra Maestra and began making deals with like-minded rebels, and later with Castro personally. The bearded leader grew politically stronger every day, and signed a pact in Caracas, Venezuela with all opposition elements, all of whom evidently admired him. Castro’s economic, social, and political program continued being the same — at least he declared it so — as in 1953: social justice, electoral-political reform, and the re-implementation of the well-respected Constitution of 1940.
Finally, Batista fled Cuba on December 31, 1958. Another historical cycle had begun for Cuba’s libertarians.
Cuba’s anarchists had actively participated in the struggle against the Batista dictatorship. Some had fought as guerrillas in the eastern mountains and in those of Escambray in the center of the island; others had taken part in the urban struggle. Their purposes were the same as those of the majority of the Cuban people: to oust the military dictatorship and to end political corruption. In addition to considering these ends desirable in and of themselves, the anarchists believed they would provide a wider space in which to work in the ideological, social, and labor fields. No one expected a radical change in the socioeconomic structure of the country.
The previously mentioned 1956 pamphlet, Proyecciones Libertarias, which attacked Batista, also characterized Castro as someone who merited “no confidence whatsoever,” because “he [didn’t] respect promises and only fought for power.” It was for this reason that the anarchists established frequent clandestine contacts with other revolutionary groups, especially the Directorio Revolucionario, although there were also contacts with libertarian elements such as Gilberto Lima within M26J. Many of these meetings were held secretly at the ALC offices at Calle Jesús María 103 for the purposes of coordination of sabotage activities and of facilitating the distribution of opposition propaganda.
Upon the triumph of the revolution, Castro had become the indisputable leader of the revolutionary process, largely as a result of an incorrect evaluation by Batista’s political opposition, which regarded Castro as a necessary, temporary, and controllable evil.
If the libertarians were uneasy about Castro, the rest of the political opposition, the Cuban capitalist elite, and the U.S. embassy expected to manipulate him. For their part, the majority of the Cuban people supported Castro without reserve in the midst of unprecedented jubilation. It appeared to them that they were at the portal of paradise, when in reality it was the antechamber of the inferno.
Due to the apparent refusal of Castro to lead, a “revolutionary government” was created with his support, the purpose of which was to “settle accounts” with the criminals of the former government. “Revolutionary Tribunals” were established which issued summary judgments in response to “popular demand.” These tribunals handed down lengthy prison terms and death sentences, thus reestablishing the death penalty (which had been abolished by the Constitution of 1940), but this time for political crimes.
The leaders of the new revolutionary government understood the importance of the Cuban working class, which was simultaneously organized under and made superfluous by the political groups and reformists who controlled the CTC. They had learned this lesson through one notable failure. In April 1958, M26J had ordered a general strike in Havana, but it was badly organized, and the coordination with other revolutionary groups was also bad. As a result, the strike roundly failed, which served to demonstrate that M26J had essentially no base in the unions or among the working class.
Given this experience, upon taking power one of the first goals of Castro’s “revolutionary” government was taking control of the CTC (which they quickly renamed the CTCR — CTC Revolucionaria).
In the first days of January 1959 — using the excuse of purging the CTC of collaborators with the old regime — the new government arbitrarily expelled all of the leading anarchosyndicalists from the gastronomic, transport, construction, electrical utility, and other unions of the confederation. Some of these individuals had actively opposed the dictatorship, and others had suffered prison and exile. Three outstanding libertarian militants who fell victim to this purge were Santiago Cobo, from the transport workers’ union, Casto Moscú, from the gastronomic workers’ union, and Abelardo Iglesias, from the construction workers’ union. In all three cases rank-and-file fellow workers came forward to defend them; if they hadn’t done this, Cobo, Moscú, and Iglesias would have ended up in prison. This purge gravely affected the already weakened libertarians, even though the anarchosyndicalist movement retained its prestige among the Cuban proletariat.
But the purge was not comprehensive. The new regime couldn’t eliminate wholesale the many union leaders who had remained neutral in the conflict between Castro and Batista. There still remained within the CTCR leaders who had the backing of Cuba’s workers, and others who had been forced to go into exile under Batista’s dictatorship.
Despite the purge, the libertarian publications Solidaridad Gastronómica and El Libertario initially adopted a favorable, but cautious and expectant, attitude toward the new revolutionary government. However, the national council of the ALC issued a manifesto in which it “expounded on ... and passed judgment on the triumphant Cuban revolution.” After explaining the libertarian opposition to the past dictatorship, the manifesto analyzed the present and near future, declaring that the “revolutionary” institutional changes did not merit enthusiasm, and that one should have no illusions about them. It stated, with a certain irony, that its authors were “sure that for some time at least we’ll enjoy public liberties sufficient to guarantee the opportunity of publishing propaganda.” It went on with a well-aimed attack against “state centralism,” saying that it would lead to an “authoritarian order,” and it then made reference to the penetration of the Catholic Church and the Communist Party in the “revolutionary” process. It concluded with a reference to the workers’ movement, where it noted the emphasis of the PCC on “reclaiming the hegemony which ... it enjoyed during the other era of Batista’s domination,” even though it predicted that this would not occur. The manifesto ended on a note of optimism: “The panorama, despite all, is encouraging.”
For its part, and taking a similar tack, Solidaridad Gastronómica on February 15, 1959 published another manifesto to Cuba’s workers and the people in general in which it warned that a revolutionary government was an impossibility, and that “[in order] that rights and liberties are respected and exercised ... it’s necessary that union elections be called ... and that [workers’] assemblies begin to function.” It later noted that the decision of relieving past officers of their duties “must absolutely be that of the workers themselves ... since to do this in any other way would be to fall into the procedures of the past ... We’ll combat this.” Unfortunately, this manifesto didn’t resonate in the Cuban working class.
In its March 15, 1959 issue, Solidaridad Gastronómica bitterly condemned “the dictatorial proceedings [of the CTCR] ... agreements and mandates handed down from the top that impose measures, dismiss and install [union] directors.” The paper also accused “elements ... in the assemblies who are not members of the unions” of “raising their arms in favor of orders of the [new] directors.” Among other abnormalities it cited the following: “On occasions the assembly halls have been filled with armed militia men, which constitutes a blatant form of coercion and lack of respect for regulatory precepts,” and which shows that the marxists “will resort to any type of proceeding to maintain their control of the unions.” As is obvious in hindsight, the battle to liberate the unions was lost despite the denunciations of the anarchosyndicalists.
The opposition to anarchosyndicalism emanated directly from M26J and was instigated by the PCC elements which had infiltrated it and had in an almost military manner quickly taken control of all of the unions on the island. They said that they had done this as a temporary measure in order to purge the corrupt elements left in the unions from the Batista dictatorship, and that their domination would last only until there were new union elections. But as has so often been the case in Cuba, the “temporary” became permanent.
But where did the M26J elements who took over the unions come from? It was well known that M26J had never had a real base in the unions, had not had even the general sympathy of the workers, and didn’t have working class leadership.
The “revolutionary” union directors came in a majority of cases from two antagonistic camps. One camp was the syndicalist Comisiones Obreras (the reformist Workers’ Commissions), which tied itself to electoral politics and whose members had been enemies of the Batista regime; the Comisiones Obreras belonged to the Partido del Pueblo Ortodoxo and to the Partido Revolucionario Cubano Auténtico. The Comisiones had been founded in the late 1940s, and both parties had been well known from the founding of the CTC in 1939. They shared a visceral and profound anti-Communism. The other camp was the PCC. The former engaged in cynical opportunism and lent itself to any type of state manipulation. The latter was extremely dangerous, and despite its muddy past received even in the very early stages official support from the highest levels of government. Both sides hated the other, and they were preparing for an open struggle for hegemony in the proletarian sector; but instead, as we’ll see later, this whole affair ended in an amalgamation disastrous to the Cuban workers’ movement.
By July 1959, the Cuban state was totally in the hands of Castro and his close advisers, almost all of whom had come directly from the armed struggle against Batista. The presence of the PCC was already notable among the leading government figures, notably in Fidel’s brother Raúl and in Ernesto Guevara, both of whom were openly marxist-leninist. Such a glaring fact provoked a reaction in Cuba’s political climate, which had been characterized by anti-Communism. The anarchists had noted the influence of the PCC and were greatly alarmed, because they understood that the PCC’s influence in the governmental and union spheres would lead to a mortal blow to both anarchism and workers’ autonomy sooner or later. Their nightmares would shortly become reality. For his part, Castro publicly declared that he had no relationship with the PCC, but that he had Communists in his government, just as he had anti-Communists in it.
The situation of these last turned critical in the final days of 1959. Halfway through the year the political adversaries of Castro had already begun to take note of the growing PCC influence, and began a timid opposition campaign — which they understood as their right and duty — against what they called “the Communist infiltration of the government.” The response was draconian. They were labeled seditious “enemies of the revolution” and “agents of Yankee imperialism.” Treated as such, they were jailed or forced into exile.
The first victim of this Machiavellian maneuvering was Manuel Urrutía. Urrutía, a former judge in Santiago de Cuba, and an M26J sympathizer and anti-Communist, was named by M26J as de facto president of the revolutionary government following Batista’s overthrow. Pressed by the ministers in his own government (including Fidel Castro) to name Castro as “máximo lider de la Revolución” (“maximum leader of the revolution”), Urrutía refused. He was then forced to resign and seek asylum in a foreign embassy following false accusations of corruption.
A worse fate awaited one of his closest political allies and a member of his cabinet. Humberto Sorí Marín, the former commander of the rebel army, the author of the agrarian reform law, and an anti-Communist, was jailed under the accusation of “conspiring against the revolution” and was executed in April 1961. Another ex-rebel commander also met an unkind fate. Hubert Matos, former military chief of the Camagüey district, complained to Castro himself about “Communist infiltration” in the ranks of the armed forces. He was then accused of sedition and later of treason for the crime of having resigned his rank and his post. He was sentenced to 20 years in prison, and served 16.
Then there was the case of Pedro Luis Díaz Lanz, head of the rebel air force. Preoccupied with the evident Communist influence within the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias, Díaz Lanz discovered a marxist indoctrination center at a ranch near Havana called “El Cortijo” (“The Farmhouse”). He complained about this to Castro. In response, Castro forbade him from making this news public. Díaz Lanz became ever more disturbed by the increasing power of the PCC in both the armed forces and government, and resigned his post. He managed to escape to Miami before meeting a fate similar to those of Sorí Marín and Matos.
The reaction of parts of the opposition to this governmental repression was violent — sabotage and a few bombings. These clandestine actions were carried out by various political organizations, which at first were anti-Communist and in the end were anti-Castro. Almost all of these groups had been involved in the armed struggle against Batista and had been affiliated with M26J; they chose direct action because of the undeniable and growing marxist influence at the highest levels of the government. They sabotaged electric utilities, burned several shops and department stores, set off bombs in public places, and collected arms and explosives to send to guerrillas operating in the Escambray Mountains and also in the Sierra de los Órganos (despite there being as yet no united guerrilla front).
Castro’s response to all this was predictable: he reestablished the “Revolutionary Tribunals” which handed down sentences of death by firing squad to anyone accused of “subversive acts.” Thus commenced a long period of terror and counter-terror.
Meanwhile the international anarchist community was mourning the loss of Camilo Cienfuegos, the valiant veteran of the armed struggle, whose disappearance remained shrouded in mystery. Camilo was one of the children of Ramón Cienfuegos, a Cuban worker who had participated in the anarchist movement during the 1920s. He worked with the SIA and participated in the founding of the ALC, but according to Casto Moscú, “We never saw him again until Camilo became a national hero.” The disappearance of Camilo was lamented by nearly the entire Cuban people, and also abroad by many libertarians who considered him an anarchist (though the truth is that he was never a member of the Cuban anarchist movement). Nonetheless, half the anarchist world cried over the loss of this revolutionary hero as if he had been another Durruti. This is hardly surprising given that the Cuban government occupied itself (principally in Europe) with repeating to the point of fatigue that Comandante Camilo Cienfuegos was a libertarian militant, for the purpose of gaining support for the Castro regime within the international anarchist movement. The myth has persisted among libertarians to this day: Saint Camilo, the Anarchist.
At the end of 1959, the Tenth National Congress of the Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba Revolucionaria (CTCR, the renamed CTC) was convened. A majority of the delegates accepted the goal of “Humanism,” a type of philosophy which had been outlined at the beginning of the year as a means of distancing the CTCR from the traditional capitalist and Communist Cold War camps. The slogans of this Cuban Humanism were “Bread with Liberty” and “Liberty without Terror.” The Cubans, with typical creativity, had invented a new socio-political system in order to give some type of ideological explanation for the new regime. David Salvador, leader of the M26J faction, feigned and functioned as the most daring champion of this new Cuban “Humanism.” For its part, the PCC, which was well represented in this Congress, though in the minority, called up the musty slogan, “Unity.”
On November 23, the Congress found itself totally divided over the matters of making agreements and of electing representatives. Confusion reigned, owing to the inability of the various opposing sectors to reach agreements. There were 2854 delegates at the Congress, of which the Communists only influenced 265. With that few delegates, it was impossible for them to control the Congress. But they had the backing of the revolutionary government and its new Minister of Labor, Augusto Martínez Sánchez, commander of the army and an intimate of Raúl Castro, the number two man in the new Cuban hierarchy (and just incidentally the number one man’s brother).
The marxists then proposed the creation of a single list of candidates that would assume direction of the CTCR. That is to say, they proposed that control of the CTCR be put in the hands of a committee in which they (the PCC) would have equal representation with M26J and the anti-Communist unionists. Given their small representation within the union movement, this maneuver couldn’t have been more cynical. Much to the surprise of Martínez Sánchez and Raúl Castro, both the independent unionists and the M26J faction rejected this proposal, with the M26J delegates whistling and shouting down their own leaders.
In light of the obvious paralysis created by the divisions in the Congress, Castro himself showed up and explained the importance of “defending the revolution,” for which it was necessary that there be “truly revolutionary directors” supported by all the delegates of the Congress. He proposed that the CTCR leader be David Salvador, leader of the M26J contingent. The only faction that should prevail is “the party of the fatherland,” said Castro. And effectively, as in the “good times” of the Cuban republic, as much as many wanted to forget them, the government of the day nominated the Secretary General of the CTCR. Salvador was then elected and given the task of designating a new “national directorate.” Castro’s nomination of Salvador in effect made him a governmental appendage, if not a government minister. On November 25, the Congress ended. The CTCR was now in the hands of the “independent” unionists who followed the government line.
It was logical that the syndicalist representatives of the M26J who opposed PCC control of the Congress and the CTCR, after listening to the instructions from their maximum leader, Fidel, about control of the organization, would mutely accept the government imposition of Salvador. This was for the simple reason that the orders coming from above indicated that they either comply or end up in jail. As the slogan of the day put it, “Fatherland or Death! We Will Win!” In this manner, a century of struggle by Cuban workers against the abuses of the bosses ended with the “Congress of the melons” (olive-green on the outside, the color of M26J’s army uniforms, and red on the inside, the color of the PCC). The struggle against the individual bosses had ended, and in a few months the Cuban state would be the one and only boss — and a boss which controlled (and castrated) the only organization capable of defending workers’ rights against it.
The 10th Congress marked the end of a nearly century-long history of workers’ struggles, of strikes, of work stoppages that had begun with the first workers’ associations in 1865. Twenty years later these associations became militant unions in the incipient Cuban anarchosyndicalist movement, with their tobacco strikes, demonstrations, congresses, free schools, newspapers, and other activities. Until a few months after the founding of the CNOC (at the time, frankly anarchosyndicalist) in 1925, the Cuban workers’ movement aimed toward apoliticism and against the participation of the movement’s leaders in elections or political office.
The arrival of the PCC and its opportunistic assault aimed at taking over the CNOC, in order to put it at the disposition of Machado in 1933 and Batista in 1939, is a bench mark in the lethal fossilization of the Cuban workers’ movement.
The control of the CTC by elements affiliated with Eusebio Mujal during the entire decade of the 1950s was another backward step for workers’ emancipation. But the 10th Congress of the CTCR was the crushing blow. After it, the Cuban proletariat would be firmly harnessed to the government cart.
At the end of that 10th Congress, Solidaridad Gastronómica commented in a December 15, 1960 editorial titled “Considerations Concerning the 10th Congress of the CTCR” that, “It was demonstrated at the Congress that the marxist señores not only do not represent a force inside the Cuban workers’ movement, but that the repulsion they inspire in the proletariat of our country is well known.” Later, the editorial continued: “This underlines once more the inclination toward total control of the workers’ movement by the political current that rules the nation.” It ended on a totally unfounded optimistic note: “The 10th Cuban Workers’ Congress didn’t deliver leadership of the organization to the Communists, an indisputable proof that the proletariat can’t be easily fooled.”
The new directorate named by Salvador dedicated itself to “purifying” the unions and federation of all of the anti-Communist elements who had resisted the marxists at the Congress. Already by April 1960 this “purification” had achieved results as satisfactory to the government as to the PCC.
One result was the militarization of the labor force. The CTCR pressured the unions and federations to create militias. Because union membership was obligatory in all workplaces, this in effect forced Cuba’s workers to “voluntarily” militarize themselves.
While this was occurring, David Salvador, pressured by both the “directorate” he had named and by the Secretary of Labor, Martínez Sánchez, resigned his post. (Ironically, the English translation of “Salvador” is “Savior.”) A few weeks later it was filled by PCC member Lázaro Peña. A little after this, Salvador, the man who had delivered the Cuban working class to Fidel Castro, was detained on suspicion of “counterrevolutionary activities.” Shortly after he was released, he went into exile, where he continues to live in obscurity.
These were difficult times, as in any revolutionary process in which the people debate among themselves amidst fear, hope, and uncertainty. Matters were worse for the anarchists than for most other Cubans, as at the start of the year the official Castro organ, Revolución, had begun a campaign of anti-anarchist provocation, making accusations that were as veiled as they were false. The PCC had not only seized control of the unions, but the government was vilifying the strongest defenders of workers’ rights.
On January 25, 1960, the ALC held a national assembly. Its accords included a call to “support the Cuban Revolution” because of “its indisputable benefit to the people,” its delivery of “more social justice and enjoyment of liberty.” Nonetheless, in the same paragraph it expressed the ALC’s “total rejection of all types of imperialism, totalitarianism, and dictatorships, the world over.” The accords also included a call for support of and solidarity with “el compañero Casto Moscú ... [in the face of ] sectarian attacks and calumnies.” The ALC delegates also elected a new national council, with José Rodriguez González as Secretary General. Others named to positions of responsibility included Rolando Piñera Pardo, Bernardo Moreno, Manuel Gaona, Marcelo Álvarez, and Omar Dieguez.
Later that year, just before falling victim to “revolutionary” censorship, Solidaridad Gastronómica, the ALC journal, published its final issue. That issue, of December 15, 1960, contained a front page article commemorating Durruti’s death during the defense of Madrid. In it, Solidaridad noted, “A dictatorship can originate in the politics of class domination.” An editorial in the same issue stated:
A collective dictatorship ... of the working class, or to use the terminology of the day, a people’s dictatorship, would be a contradiction in terms, given that the characteristic of all dictatorships, including “peoples” or “proletarian,” is the placing of power in the hands of a few persons — not its sharing by the populace. Dictators have absolute dominion not only over the oppressed political and social classes, but above all over the members of the supposed dominant class. The day will never come when there is a dictatorship of workers or proletarians, campesinos and students ... or whatever you want to call it ... The power of dictators falls upon all ... not only upon industrialists, landowners, and plantation owners ... but also upon the proletariat and the people in general — and also upon those “revolutionaries” who do not directly participate in the exercise of power.
As for non-Cuban anarchist analyses of the situation, the German libertarian Agustín Souchy journeyed to Havana in the summer of 1960. Souchy had been invited by the government to study the situation of Cuban agriculture and to issue his opinions on it, and many anarchists were enthusiastic about his visit. The German writer was warmly greeted by Cuba’s anarchists on August 15, 1960.
Souchy was a student of agriculture and had written a widely known (in Europe) pamphlet, The Israeli Cooperatives, about the organization of the kibbutzim. This was the reason that the Cuban government had invited him to visit Cuba — it expected something similar from him; it hoped that he would write an endorsement of its gigantic agrarian program which would, among other things, be useful as propaganda in the anarchist media and among libertarian Cubans.
This didn’t happen. Souchy traveled the island with his eyes wide open, and his analysis of the situation couldn’t have been more pessimistic. He concluded that Cuba was going too near the Soviet model, and that the lack of individual freedom and individual initiative could lead to nothing but centralism in the agricultural sector, as was already notable in the rest of the economy. His analysis was issued in a pamphlet titled Testimonios sobre la Revolución Cubana, which was published without going through official censorship. Three days after Souchy left the island, the entire print run of the pamphlet was seized and destroyed by the Castro government, on the suggestion of the PCC leadership. Fortunately, this attempt at suppression was only partially successful, as the anarchist publisher Editorial Reconstruir in Buenos Aires issued a new printing of the work in December 1960, with a new prologue by Jacobo Prince.
In this same summer of 1960, convinced that Castro inclined more each day toward a marxist-leninist government which would asphyxiate freedom of expression, communication, association, and even movement, the majority in the ALC agreed to issue its Declaración de Principios under another name. This document was signed by the Grupo de Sindicalistas Libertarios and was endorsed by the Agrupación Sindicalista Libertaria in June. The reason for using this name was to avoid reprisals against members of the ALC. This document is vital in understanding the situation of the Cuban anarchists at this time. Its objectives included informing the Cuban people of the political and social situation, accusing the government of fomenting disaster, and engaging the PCC — many of whose members were already occupying important positions in the government — in debate.
The eight points of the Declaración attacked “the state in all its forms”:
it defined, in accord with libertarian ideas, the functions of unions and federations in regard to their true economic roles;
it declared that the land should belong “to those who work it”;
it backed “cooperative and collective work” in contrast to the agricultural centralism of the government’s Agrarian Reform law;
it called for the free and collective education of children;
it inveighed against “noxious” nationalism, militarism, and imperialism, opposing fully the militarization of the people;
it attacked “bureaucratic centralism” and weighed forth in favor of federalism;
it proposed individual liberty as a means of obtaining collective liberty; and
it declared that the Cuban Revolution was, like the sea, “for everyone,” and energetically denounced “the authoritarian tendencies that surge in the breast of the revolution.”
This was one of the first direct attacks against the regime’s ideological viewpoint. The response wasn’t long in coming. In August 1960, the organ of the PCC, Hoy (“Today”), under the signature of Secretary General Blas Roca, the most prominent leader in the Communist camp, responded to the Declaración in ad hominem manner, repeating the same libels as the PCC had used in 1934, and adding the dangerous accusation that the authors of the Declaración were “agents of the Yankee State Department.” According to one of the authors of the Declaración, Abelardo Iglesias, “in the end, the ex-friend of Batista, Blas Roca, answered us in [Hoy’s] Sunday supplement, showering us with insults.”
It’s most significant that an attack on the Castro government was answered by one of the highest leaders in the PCC rather than by a government official. In the summer of 1960, any doubts that existed about the government’s direction began to fade. From this moment, anarchists who were enemies of the regime had to engage in clandestine operations. They attempted to have a 50-page pamphlet printed in reply to the PCC and Blas Roca, but, according to Iglesias, “we couldn’t get our printers — already terrorized by the dictatorship — to print it. Neither could we manage a clandestine edition.”
The most combative elements among the Cuban anarchists had few options left at their disposal. After the response to the Declaración, they knew that they would be harried by the government, as would be any other Cubans opposed to the “revolutionary” process. In those days an accusation of being “counterrevolutionary” meant a trip to jail or to the firing squad. So, with other means cut off, they went underground and resorted to clandestine direct action.
Their reasons are as valid today as they were then. As we have seen, anarchosyndicalism within the Cuban unions and federations had been suppressed. Freedom of the press had been suspended, and it was dangerous to have opinions contrary to those of the government. To attack the government verbally was an attack against the homeland. And the regime’s politico-economic policies were quickly leading to the Sovietization of Cuba, with all its negative consequences.
The regime was conducting this economic campaign with rigor, and had gone after all of the big businesses, ranches, sugar mills, tobacco fields, etc. In other words, it was confiscating all of the national wealth that until this time had been in the hands of the big bourgeoisie, national capitalism, and U.S./Cuban banking. The anarchists didn’t criticize these “nationalization” measures. What they opposed was state ownership/dictatorship over all of Cuba’s wealth.
What was left for Cuba’s anarchists was to choose either the hard path of exile or that of clandestine struggle. As Casto Moscú would explain, “We were convinced that all of our efforts and those of our people had gone for nothing, and that we had arrived at a worse, more menacing situation than all of the ills we had already combatted.” Facing this totalitarian situation, the great majority of Cuba’s anarchists decided to rebel. They initiated an armed struggle that was condemned from the start to failure.
Among nonviolent anarchist opposition activities at this time was the clandestine bulletin, MAS (Movimiento de Acción Sindical), which circulated throughout the island and overseas. MAS featured in its few monthly editions (August — December 1960) attack without quarter against the PCC and its followers in general and against Castro in particular. As for the situation in Cuba at this time, Casto Moscú states: “An infinity of manifestos were written denouncing the false postulates of the Castro revolution and calling the populace to oppose it. Many meetings were held to debate matters and to raise awareness,” and “plans were put into effect to sabotage the basic things sustaining the state.”
The methods included armed struggle. Moscú relates: “I participated in efforts to support guerrilla insurgencies in different parts of the country.” In particular, two important operations took place in the same zone, the Sierra Occidental, in which operations were difficult because the mountains aren’t very high, they’re narrow, and they’re near Havana: “There was direct contact with the guerrilla band commanded by Captain Pedro Sánchez in San Cristobal; since some of our compañeros participated actively in this band ... they were supplied with arms ... We also did everything we could to support the guerrilla band commanded by Francisco Robaina (known as ‘Machete’) that operated in the same range.” At least one anarchist fighter in these bands, Augusto Sánchez, was executed by the government without trial after being taken prisoner. The government considered the guerrillas “bandits” and had very little respect for the lives of those who surrendered.
According to Moscú, in addition to Augusto Sánchez, the following “compañeros combatientes” were murdered by the Castro government: Rolando Tamargo, Sebastián Aguilar, Jr. and Ventura Suárez were shot; Eusebio Otero was found dead in his cell; Raúl Negrin, harassed beyond endurance, set himself on fire. Many others were arrested and sent to prison, among them Modesto Piñeiro, Floreal Barrera, Suria Linsuaín, Manuel González, José Aceña, Isidro Moscú, Norberto Torres, Sicinio Torres, José Mandado Marcos, Plácido Méndez, and Luis Linsuaín, these last two being officials in the Rebel Army. Francisco Aguirre died in prison; Victoriano Hernández, sick and blind because of prison tortures, killed himself; and José Álvarez Micheltorena died a few weeks after getting out of prison.
The situation of Cuba’s libertarians grew more tense with each passing day. The failed Bay of Pigs invasion, in Playa Giron, south of Matanzas Province, on the 17th of April 1961 — an adventure as well financed as it was badly planned by the CIA — gave the government the excuse it needed to totally liquidate the internal opposition, which of course included the anarchists, and to consolidate its power.
On May Day, 1961, Castro declared his government “socialist” — in practice, stalinist. This presented the libertarians both inside and outside of Cuba with an ethical dilemma: the regime demanded the most decided allegiance of its sympathizers and militants, and didn’t recognize abstention or a neutral position. This meant that one either slept with criminals or died of insomnia, that is, one either supported the regime, went into exile, or went into the cemetery.
In previous epochs, there were other routes. In the 19th century, one could either opt for the separatist forces or keep out of the independence question. When Machado or Batista were in power, the libertarians could declare themselves anti-political or pass over to the opposition groups with the most affinity for anarchist ideals — left revolutionaries or liberal or social-democratic political groups. But the Third Republic, presided over by a budding dictator, offered only four alternatives: placing oneself under the dictator’s control; prison; the firing squad; or exile.
A few months after Fidel Castro declared himself a marxist-leninist, an event without parallel in the history of Cuban anarchism occurred. Manuel Gaona Sousa, an old railroad worker from the times of Enrique Varona and the CNOC, a libertarian militant his entire life and a founder of the ALC, and in the first years of Castroism the ALC’s Secretary of Relations — and hence the person dealing with overseas anarchist media and organizations — betrayed both his ideals and his comrades. In a document titled A Clarification and a Declaration of the Cuban Libertarians, dated and signed in Marianao on November 24, 1961, Gaona denounced the Cuban anarchists who didn’t share his enthusiasm for the Castro revolution.
After the first confrontations with the most stalinist sectors of the PCC, it was understood in the ALC that the regime, on its way to totalitarianism, would not permit the existence of an anarchist organization, or even the propagation of anarchist ideas. The PCC wanted to settle accounts with the anarchists. For his part, Gaona preferred to save his own skin by settling in the enemy camp, leaving his former comrades to fend for themselves.
In all lands and all latitudes there have always been those who have embraced and then rejected libertarian ideas. In this, Gaona was not unusual. The renunciation of anarchism by prominent anarchists was nothing new; persons with equal or more responsibility than Gaona in Cuban anarchist organizations had done it, exchanging their social opinions for Cuban electoral politics. For example, Enrique Messonier crossed over to the Partido Liberal in 1901; Antonio Penichet to the Partido Auténtico at the beginning of the 1930s; and Helio Nardo to the Partido Ortodoxo at the end of the 1940s. These acts were never considered traitorous by the majority of libertarian militants. They simply believed that these ex-compañeros had the right to choose their own political destiny, and those who switched allegiances were never anathematized. Besides, they hadn’t drastically changed their basic positions, and they hadn’t associated themselves with parties of the extreme right or with other totalitarian or religious parties. This wasn’t the case with Gaona. He not only allied himself with the reactionary forces governing Cuba, but he also threatened to denounce as “agents of imperialism” former comrades who didn’t share his pseudo-revolutionary posture to the recently formed Committees for the Defense of the Revolution — which, of course, would have meant prison or the firing squad for anyone he denounced.
Gaona went further and coerced several elderly anarchists, such as Rafael Serra and Francisco Bretau, into being accomplices in his betrayal through a document in which he attempted to “clarify” for overseas anarchists “an insidious campaign being waged in the libertarian press of your country ... against the Cuban Revolution” with the purpose of “collecting money for the Cuban libertarian prisoners ... to deliver them and their families out of the country.” The document railed against what Gaona labeled “a hoax, irresponsibility, and bad faith” on the part of his ex-comrades now in exile or taking refuge in some embassy. He then guaranteed in the first paragraph that there did not exist on the entire island “a single libertarian comrade who has been detained or persecuted for his ideas.” And this when Gaona had expelled all the anarchists from the ALC and dissolved the organization!
The second paragraph of Gaona’s document declared that there didn’t exist any type of political or religious persecution in Cuba, and then attempted to identify the Bay of Pigs prisoners with all of the opposition forces in Cuba, including, of course, the anarchists. To combat this threat, there existed an “extreme vigilance in the people through the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution — one on every block — against the terrorists.” Gaona thus justified the terrorism of the state against the people through committees of informers that answered to the feared state security agency. He also implied that any citizen that didn’t back this “revolutionary” process, these intrusive committees, was a traitor who deserved to be denounced.
Gaona then lied outright when he declared that “almost the totality of libertarian militants in Cuba find themselves integrated into the distinct ‘Organisms of the Cuban Revolution’,” all of which he labeled “mass organizations.” He then boasted that the “integration” of these militants was the “consequence of the molding [into reality] ... of all of the immediate objectives of our program ... and the reason for being of the international anarchist movement and the international workers’ movement.” Here one can grasp fully the intention and direction of this document. According to Gaona, the anarchists “integrated” themselves spontaneously into Castro’s despotism because it embodied the objective of all of their social struggles over more than a century. He even goes beyond this and says that Castro’s despotism embodies the true agenda and purpose of all of the world’s anarchists.
Gaona ends with an exhortation to non-Cuban anarchists “to not be surprised by the bad intentions and false information that you’ll receive from those ... at the service, conscious or unconscious, of the Cuban counter-revolution, who undertake to remain deaf and blind before the realities ... of the most progressive, democratic, and humanist Revolution of our continent.” Finally, he states that it’s necessary to support Castroism and “to take up arms” in its defense, declaring “traitors and cowards” those who “under the pretext of differences or sectarian rancor” oppose this beautiful dream.
This document is treated here at length because it will help the reader better understand its sinister consequences in coming years. Gaona, at the end of his life, had betrayed his comrades, but even worse, he coerced five elderly members of the Cuban anarchist movement — some already infirm octogenerians — into endorsing this monstrous declaration that precisely negated all libertarian principles, both inside and outside Cuba. Vicente Alea, Rafael Serra, Francisco Bretau, Andrés Pardo, and Francisco Calle (“Mata”) signed this document along with 16 others who had little or nothing to do with Cuban anarchism.
Many libertarians still on the island rejected this bit of infamy and were thus considered enemies of the revolution; they were sooner or later forced to abandon their homeland. Among these was one of the most outstanding Cuban intellectuals, Marcelo Salinas, who, had he put himself at the service of the dictatorship by signing the Gaona document, would have received all of the honors and prestige that tyrants can deliver to their lackeys.
While Gaona was betraying his former comrades, two Cuban anarchists, Manuel González and Casto Moscú, who were involved in the transportation of arms and propaganda, were detained in Havana. Taken to a jail of the state security service and fearing that they would be shot — a common fate for “counterrevolutionaries” — they were put at liberty on the orders of the department commander, who was familiar with the work of the libertarians in the labor movement, and who mentioned with pride knowing Serra and Salinas in times past. González and Moscú wasted little time going directly from the jail to the Mexican embassy, where they were received almost without formalities. Both would march into exile via Mexico and would later reunite with their comrades in Miami.
Even though some anarchists — whether or not involved in the violent opposition — had gone into exile as early as mid 1960, it wasn’t until the summer of 1961 that a collective exodus began to the U.S. This wasn’t the first time that Cuba’s anarchists had found refuge in that country. Since the late 19th century, Key West, Tampa, and New York had been the places chosen by persecuted Cuban libertarians, because they offered the best opportunities of earning a living, and because the Florida cities were near enough to Cuba to continue the political struggle. During the Machado and Batista dictatorships, exiled anarchists had gone to these cities; and the Cuban anarchists had contacts with anarchist groups in other U.S. cities.
The U.S. immigration laws had stiffened against anarchists in the 1920s, and these laws were still in force in the early 1960s — as many would-be political refugees unjustly denied entrance will remember. But the Immigration and Naturalization Service made an exception for the Cuban anarchists fleeing the Castro dictatorship, evidently believing that “the enemy of my enemy is my friend,” and that the Cuban anarchists were therefore potential allies. What is certain is that the U.S. authorities asked almost all of the new refugees about their political affiliations, that the Cuban libertarians were truthful about the matter, and that they were permitted entrance to and residency in the United States. It’s also true that, as in other times, it was unusual to encounter a Cuban exile who thought of remaining in the U.S. for very long. All of the recently arrived, including the libertarians, were convinced that the return to Cuba was near and they planned their anti-Castro strategy accordingly.
In the summer of 1961, the Movimiento Libertario Cubano en el Exilio (MCLE) was formally constituted in New York by the not very numerous exiles in that city. At the same time, another libertarian group was organizing itself in Miami; this group included Claudio Martínez, Abelardo Iglesias, and Rolando Piñera, and was known as the Delegación General (of the MLCE). The New York section (of the MLCE) was composed almost entirely of members of the Sindicato Gastronómico, including Juan R. Álvarez, Floreal and Omar Diéguez, Bartolo García, Fernando Gómez, Manuel Rodríguez, and Juan Fidalgo. Fidalgo established, through Gómez, the first contacts with the exiled Spanish anarchists of the Club Aurora in Boston. At the time, another group of Spanish libertarian exiles in New York existed, centering around the long-running anarchist magazine, Cultura Proletaria; the Cubans also established good relations with this group.
But without doubt, the primary source of solidarity and cooperation for the newly arrived Cubans was the New York-based anarchist Libertarian League, led by Sam Dolgoff and Russell Blackwell. Blackwell had been a combatant in the Spanish Civil War and held notable responsibility in the American anarchist movement despite, or perhaps because of, his Trotskyist past. Sam Dolgoff in those years was one of the most respected figures in North American anarchism, and after a long revolutionary career also had considerable influence in the American left. Always at his side — and at times in front — was his compañera, Esther Dolgoff, who had also been involved in class-based anarchist politics since her youth. Another notable member of this group was Abe Bluestein, who also maintained close relations with the Cubans. In 1954, this group had founded the Libertarian League, which had as its organ the newsletter titled Views & Comments. (Dick Ellington, mentioned in the footnote below, was a member of the group that produced this newsletter.) Without the collaboration of the members of the Libertarian League, the task of the Cuban anarchist exiles would have been much harder.
Already in this period collections were being taken among anarchists in the U.S., Mexico, Chile, Argentina, and almost all of Europe for the purpose of helping endangered Cuban anarchists and/or their families obtain visas and passage out of the country. The conditions of life in these years for the enemies of the regime were indescribable; they were suffering in the worst political prisons ever known in Cuba. They had to adapt themselves to inhuman conditions and suffered torment on a daily basis at the hands of their jailers — Cubans like themselves, who were engaging in cruelty in the name of “socialism.” The desire to escape from this great dungeon that Cuba had become was an obsession for almost all Cubans.
The donations in August 1961 totaled $2088 (equivalent to about $11,600 today), and provoked the Gaona explosion (the DDG [Documento de Gaona], which denounced the exiled anarchists) in November. These funds, according to the bookkeeping records of Claudio Martínez, treasurer of the MLCE, came from many different places. For example, the comrades at Freie Arbeiter Stimme, the Yiddish anarchist paper in New York, contributed $425. Six hundred one dollars came from the SIA in Argentina. And many individuals also contributed, including Agustín Souchy and one Dutch anarchist, who stated that his donation was made for humanitarian reasons and that his sympathies remained with the Cuban Revolution. (This was typical of European anarchist confusion in regard to the Cuban anarchists and the Castro government.)
This collection brought more than 66 compañeros and family members to the U.S. at the same time as the Cuban anarchists in exile began a campaign to unmask the marxist-leninist regime afflicting Cuba. But to the astonishment of the Cuban anarchists, after initial success the financial appeal, which should have been further supported by those familiar with the Cuban problem, encountered difficulties. There were two principle reasons for the diminishing contributions: 1) the unexpected damage that the DDG document was doing in countries such as México, Venezuela, and Argentina; and 2) not all of the recently arrived Cubans in the U.S. responded to the appeals. In the face of this, by mid 1962 the MLCE had established a system of dues of $2 per month per member, which covered the most pressing costs, among them aid to recently arrived comrades and the campaign for Cuban political prisoners. And there were a number of these.
Cuba’s anarchists suffered the same punishment as other Cubans accused of “counter-revolutionary” crimes. The abuse, maltreatment, and even torture of Cuba’s political prisoners over the last four decades is well documented by Amnesty International and other human rights groups. In quality, this abuse was worse than that meted out to political prisoners in most other countries, as is indicated by the testimony of Marcelo Salinas (imprisoned in 1917–1918 in the U.S., Spain, and Cuba), Abelardo Iglesias (imprisoned in France in 1939), and Casto Moscú (imprisoned in Cuba in 1933). In such cases, if the accused accepted his sentence without too much protest and didn’t make trouble in prison, the authorities generally freed the prisoner in the end, without abusing him too much physically.
But that wasn’t the case in Castro’s Cuba. One major difference between the Castro regime and its predecessors was the sheer number of political prisoners. The Cuban writer Juan Clark notes: “According to a number of estimates, the highest number of political prisoners was 60,000 during the 1960s. Amnesty International estimates that by the mid 1970s the total number released was approximately 20,000.” Of course, at the beginning of the Castro regime, there weren’t enough prisons to house these huge numbers of political prisoners, so Castro embarked on a prison-construction campaign.
Curiously, according to political prisoners freed in the decade 1970–1980, the population of political prisoners in the “socialist” Cuban gulags came overwhelmingly from working class and campesino backgrounds. There should be no dispute about this, given the mass of evidence: the Castro regime persecuted its proletarian and campesino enemies far more vigorously than its capitalist enemies. Many anarchists suffered greatly under this policy.
The testimony of the anarchist former political prisoners Luis Linsuaín (originally condemned to death for attempting to assassinate Raúl Castro), Placido Méndez, and Isidro Moscú, all of whom served between 15 and 20 years imprisonment, outlines the abuses suffered by Castro’s political foes. In the first years after the revolution, when the number of political prisoners far outstripped available prison space, prisoners lived in very cramped conditions. The treatment in Castro’s prisons was (and apparently still is) brutal. Those slow to respond to orders were impelled to do so by being beaten with clubs or jabbed with bayonets. Prisoners were also forced to work in quarries or sugar cane fields, or to do other hard physical labor. The authorities also instituted a system imported from the USSR, under which prisoners who studied and attended classes on marxism-leninism received better treatment than those who resisted this carrot-and-stick system.
Those who refused to participate in this were labeled as dangerous “intransigents” by the authorities. These prisoners were so harassed that many resorted to hunger strikes and ended up in prison hospitals. Many of these, as well as other political prisoners — basically anyone accused of “antisocial conduct” — ended up buried in what in the U.S. would be called “the hole”: extremely small cells, little bigger than a coffin, in which prisoners were held for days or even weeks.
On an individual note, we should mention the cases of Suria Linsuaín (sister of Luis, mentioned above) and Carmelina Casanova. The first of these was condemned for “counterrevolutionary” crimes to 30 years in the Guanajay and América Libre prisons. She completed five years imprisonment between 1964 and 1969, and was released from the prison hospital only when she was on the brink of death. Carmelina Casanova was also sentenced to 30 years imprisonment. Her crime was hiding anti-Castro militants. She completed eight years of her sentence before being released, and then fled to Miami, her health broken. She died shortly after her arrival. These are but two examples; at the minimum, hundreds of other anarchists suffered political imprisonment and mistreatment.
While aiding other libertarian political prisoners, the MLCE agitated to mobilize international anarchist opinion in order to save the life of Luis Linsuaín. But, almost unbelievably, certain sectors of international anarchism refused to accept that the “Cuban Revolution” (that is, the Cuban government) had become a totalitarian system that persecuted, imprisoned, and shot their Cuban comrades. The Cuban libertarians restated the anarchist ethical reasons for opposing the regime that persecuted them, and also supplied proof of the persecution.
But Gaona’s disinformation “Clarification” document had begun to circulate in almost all of the anarchist milieus to which its authors had access, and was also being touted by agencies at the service of international marxism from Moscow to Sydney. In reply, in 1962 members of the MLCE initiated a propaganda campaign with the publication of the Boletín de Información Libertaria (BIL), receiving support from Views & Comments in New York and the Federación Libertaria Argentina’s organ, Acción Libertaria. The Argentine anarchists, like those in the U.S., responded from the first to the calls of the Cuban anarchists, and never deserted them in the difficult years to come.
The confusion in the anarchist camp regarding the Cuban situation was fomented by the Castro government’s propaganda apparatus, which had enormous resources, talent, imagination, and great political ability. It replied to the exiled anarchists’ attacks precisely in that ideological territory which marxism had manipulated so successfully during the Spanish Civil War. The international left consisted of a number of political, social, and even religious groups that constantly attacked capitalism, militarism, the ruling class, and organized religion. The entrance of the “socialist” Castro regime into this political war zone was a very effective tactic in maintaining international sympathy for the regime and for keeping it in power. This was an especially powerful tactic in combination with the Castro regime’s extremely sophisticated methods of repression; and these two factors are the principal reasons for that regime’s durability.
In this propaganda war, the Castro regime of course used Gaona’s “Clarification” document to the fullest, even in the remotest parts of the planet, to “prove” that the anarchists’ charges — which they deceitfully labeled “anti-Cuban,” deliberately confusing the country with the political system — were in fact the product of ex-anarchists in the pay of the worst capitalist elements. They called the Cuban anarchists “CIA agents, go-betweens, drug traffickers, Batista supporters,” and many other epithets common to marxist propaganda. But above all they circulated the DDG in all of the libertarian milieus to which they had access, in this manner creating confusion first and doubt later in regard to the MLCE.
Of course, one would have expected this maneuver. What really surprised the Cuban anarchists was the reaction to it in the anarchist world. From the beginning the Cubans had believed in the justness of their cause. After supplying proof of their persecution in Cuba and receiving the solidarity of the American and Argentinian anarchists, they assumed — erroneously as it turned out — that, given the justness of their charges against Castroism, the rest of the world’s anarchists would naturally and spontaneously rally to their aid, as they had to the Spanish anarchist victims of Franco. But this didn’t happen. Doubts were raised in anarchist groups in Mexico, Venezuela, Uruguay, France, and Italy. Initially, these doubts were comprehensible in relation to the revolutionary process that was coming to a head in Cuba — especially so given that the same Cuban anarchists who were now in exile and attacking Castro had initially supported the revolutionary system.
At this time, in the mid and late 1960s, there’s no doubt that the DDG was doing its damage. The MLCE knew of it, but did little to combat it, assuming that no one would pay attention to such calumnies and fallacies. The MLCE strategy was to attack Castroism as the only political enemy. In hindsight, this was an error in judgment. In these years, there was a convergence in the charges made by the MLCE against Castroism and the charges made by the U.S. State Department against it. This was taken advantage of by the Castroites who charged that the Cuban libertarians were “following the imperialist political line.”
No one has ever denied the coincidence of the charges made; this was, and to a point still is, a fact. But anyone familiar with the history of anarchism and its partisans will recognize that at different times and places anarchists have made charges against governments similar to those made by the capitalist class, the Communist Party, and even the Vatican. When there’s a common enemy, one makes common cause with others, no matter how little one’s ideas coincide with theirs. But it’s one thing to make charges similar to those of non-anarchist forces and entirely another to place oneself under their command. In the Cuban case, the Cuban anarchists always maintained their independence. As well, one should ask who opposed Castro first? It’s undeniable that the Cuban anarchists opposed Castro before the U.S. government did.
While the Cuban regime’s calumnies proliferated, confusion spread and the polemic escalated. Agustín Souchy’s Testimonios sobre la Revolución Cubana and the anti-Castro Manifiesto de los Anarquistas de Chile circulated slowly in Latin America, and there were some defenders of the Cuban libertarian cause, including Edgar Rodrigues in Brazil and Ricardo Mestre in Mexico. Still, the Boletin de Información Libertaria (BIL) expressed surprise at the small amount of solidarity expressed by some anarchist sectors, and attributed it to “lack of true and exact information” about the Cuban situation. Already by 1962 the BIL reported a certain “declared hostility” in some anarchist media and an “incomprehension” in others.
At this time, the polemic concerning the Cuban Revolution intensified alarmingly. Writing about this useless rhetorical dispute 20 years later, Alfredo Gómez quotes Jacobo Prince (who wrote the introduction to Souchy’s Testimonios pamphlet): “Jacobo Prince ... in a letter of December 5, 1961 emphasized that ‘the fact that the most violent attacks against the Castro regime come from reactionary sectors augments the confusion and makes necessary considerable civil courage to attack the myth of this revolution.’” It’s understandable that the anarchist media suspected the enemies of Castroism, among whom one found the Cuban compañeros, but it’s difficult to understand why they doubted the word of their exiled Cuban comrades, given that there was no evidence against them save the DDG, which should have been obvious to anyone reading it as a lying, malignant piece of disinformation.
The care with which anarchists had to treat the Cuban matter was well demonstrated in Venezuela and Mexico. According to Alfredo Gómez, the Grupo Malatesta in Venezuela “in the course of a campaign for the liberation of L.M. Linsuaín [condemned to death for his attempt on Raúl Castro] ... had to be very careful to ‘clarify’ and to explain exactly what the anarchists wanted ... and to demonstrate that they weren’t reactionaries.” Later, in regard to Tierra y Libertad, the anarchist organ in Mexico, Gòmez relates that this publication “had to explain that its criticism of the Castro regime did not imply the acceptance of the pre-revolutionary structures.” In both these cases, we can see that doubts and confusion prevailed in both Caracas and Mexico City. But in the end the campaign to save Linsuaín’s life was successful, though he was still sentenced to 30 years imprisonment.
In Havana, in late 1961, Castro declared that he had been “a marxist-leninist [his] entire life.” And other compañeros who had escaped the emerging tyranny began to arrive in Miami. Santiago Cobo César, who had occupied positions of responsibility in the Secretaría de la Federación Nacional de Transporte, one of the largest and most important unions on the island, arrived in Miami via Venezuela, where he had been given political asylum. Once in Miami, he plunged into working with the MLCE with the energy that had characterized him since his youth.
Another exile, Manuel Ferro, already of retirement age, recommenced his libertarian activism which had begun in the 1920s. Ferro was a lucid anarchist writer who had numerous international contacts, and he didn’t delay in undertaking the long task, as difficult as it was fruitful, of attempting to shed some light within the shadows of incomprehension that were engulfing the libertarian world at this time in regard to Cuba.
In the company of his old Italian friend Enrico Arrigoni, and urged on by him, Ferro commenced “to write several articles about the Cuban reality” which, with the help of Arrigoni’s translations, were published in the anarchist press of France, Italy, Mexico, and Argentina. According to Ferro, “In the majority of our milieus [these articles] were received with displeasure,” owing to the “enthusiasm” with which the Cuban Revolution had been received in them. But in other cases anarchists rallied to the Cuban libertarian cause. Reconstruir (“To Reconstruct”) in Buenos Aires, whose publishing house, Colectivo, fully identified with the Cuban anarchists, published all of Ferro’s works.
In regard to Europe, Ferro (who signed his articles “Justo Muriel”), regularly sent his pieces to the exiled Spanish anarchist leadership, which at this time resided in Toulouse, France. His friend Federica Montseny only published three. She explained, with the cynical sincerity born of long political experience, “It’s not popular to attack Castro in Europe.” In reply, Ferro noted that “Neither is it popular to attack Franco in Miami.”
The intellectual activity of Ferro and of Abelardo Iglesias, among other Cuban anarchists, was unceasing in the early and mid 1960s. For example, in 30 short dictums, such as the following, published in Acción Libertaria in Buenos Aires as “Revolución y Contrarevolución,” Iglesias clarified the abysmal differences between the marxist and anarchist conceptions of revolution :
To expropriate capitalist enterprises, handing them over to the workers and technicians, THIS IS REVOLUTION. But to convert them into state monopolies in which the only right of the producer is to obey, THIS IS COUNTERREVOLUTION.
Also in these years the exiled Cubans made their first contacts with the long-established Italian-American anarchists, almost all of whom were already retired in Tampa and Miami. These elderly militants sustained a publication in New York called L’Adunata dei Refrattari (“The Reunion of the Refractory”) which in these years dedicated itself to defending Castroism or the Cuban Revolution, since to its editors, the same as to the government in Havana, the two were identical. This confusion persisted, and a debate ensued not only with the MLCE but also with the Libertarian League.
Ferro and Arrigoni began a campaign in Italy itself, with the idea of taking the bull by the horns. They turned to the most important Italian anarchist periodical, Umanita Nova (“New Humanity”), the official publication of the Federazione Anarchica Italiana, with the idea of counterbalancing the undeniable influence of L’Adunata in the Italian-American anarchist community, and more especially of responding to a series of pro-Cuban Revolution articles published in that weekly by Armando Borghi. Umanita Nova refused to publish Ferro’s articles (translated by Arrigoni), saying that they didn’t want to create a polemic. At that point Arrigoni accused them of being in the pay of the Communists, and they eventually published Ferro’s responses to Borghi. A few months later, Borghi — ignoring the points raised by Ferro — published a new defense of Castroism in L’Adunata, but Umanita Nova refused to publish Ferro’s response to it.
In Cuba at this time there were still a few anarchists suffering in silence the despotism of the Castro regime. Guerra, Sierra, and Salinas, who were all elderly veterans of the struggles of the 1920s and 1930s, were abandoned to their fate despite the efforts of their compañeros in exile to aid them in obtaining the necessities of life. The first two of these had signed Gaona’s “Clarification” document against their will, as they admitted in private. Salinas, who had refused to be an accomplice to this crime, was forced by the government to go into a type of internal exile in Santiago de las Vegas, from which place he would later go into actual exile in Miami. Another veteran anarchist, Modesto Barbeito, would die shortly, a victim of frustration and ill health.
During these years there were many anarchists imprisoned for “counterrevolutionary activities,” such as Antonio Dagas, a Spaniard who belonged to the CNT delegation in Cuba, who was imprisoned in the sinister La Cabaña prison in Havana. Alberto García, the Secretary of the Federación de Trabajadores Médicos, was condemned to 30 years imprisonment. Sandalio Torres, accused of “conspiracy against the powers of the state,” was sentenced to 10 years in prison for refusing to make false conspiracy charges against other anarchists.
Another member of the CNT delegation among the anarchists in Cuba was Salvador García, who eventually obtained asylum in Mexico. Upon his arrival, he made contact with other exiled Spaniards, such as Ricardo Mestre, Fidel Miró, Domingo Rojas, Ismael Viadu, and Marcos Alcón, all of whom sympathized with the MLCE. After his arrival, Tierra y Libertad published the testimony of García, which not only affirmed that persecution of libertarians was taking place in Cuba, but also endorsed the opinions of the MLCE. Later, in 1962, the always-supportive Reconstruir would publish García’s account in Argentina.
At about the same time, the Comité Pro-Libertarios Presos (Committee for Libertarian Prisoners) was created in Miami to collect funds to help alleviate the hardships of the compañeros suffering in Castro’s prisons.
In the middle of 1963, Abelardo Iglesias finished writing a booklet of nearly 100 pages titled Revolución y dictadura en Cuba (“Revolution and Dictatorship in Cuba”), which with a prologue by Jacobo Prince was published in Buenos Aires in October. Iglesias, as Prince noted, had written with characteristic sincerity a document “with the authority of exemplary militance over a period of 30 years, and which sees [the Cuban] people subjected to a new dictatorship.” Revolución y dictadura, a calm denunciation of Castro, offered a description of Cuban society beneath the “revolutionary” regime. It ended with some conclusions about the subordination of Cuban foreign policy to the Kremlin, and about what the author considered “the correct tactic” against the new dictatorship: “revolutionary war.”
Meanwhile in New York in 1964, the Libertarian League under Sam Dolgoff’s leadership was continuing its propaganda campaign against the Castro government, and also organizing public demonstrations against it. At this time, a controversy arose between Dolgoff and Dave Dellinger, the pacifist writer, upon Dellinger’s return from Cuba after the May Day celebrations in Havana (the trip being paid for by the Castro regime) — with, of course, the obligatory military parades, Soviet slogans, and The International as background music.
Following his return, Dellinger wrote a pro-Castro piece which was published in the “anarcho-pacifist” magazine, Liberation, edited by David Wieck. Members of the Libertarian League and some Cuban anarchists publicly protested in front of Liberation’s editorial offices, accusing Dellinger and Wieck of being “apologists for the Castro regime.” Long-time American anarchist Mike Hargis recalls, “While most of the left in the U.S., including some erstwhile anarchists, like the pacifists David Thoreau Wieck and David Dellinger, joined in denunciation of the MLCE (Cuban Libertarian Movement in Exile) as CIA stooges, the Libertarian League and the IWW came to their defense publishing the statements and manifestos of the MLCE in Views & Comments and publicly challenging Castro’s leftist apologists for their willful blindness.”
That blindness allowed Castro’s persecution of Cuba’s anarchists to go unchallenged by foreign leftists, including anarchists. The persecution of the anarchists was intense in the 1961–1972 period. It’s difficult to know exactly how many libertarians were jailed, for as little as a few days or over 20 years, as in the case of Cuco Sánchez, a baker from the city of Holguin in Oriente Province, who was imprisoned for many long years in the Cárcel de Boniato in Santiago de Cuba. Another who suffered was the already elderly Jesús Iglesias (no relation to Abelardo) who was sentenced to 20 years and served time on the Isle of Pines and in the Combinado del Este prison near Havana. When he was released he had no family and no place to live. He eventually moved to Guanabacoa, where he died in poverty. At present — because the anarchist movement was relatively weak when Castro came to power, and because a great many Cuban anarchists fled into exile — there are no more than 400 anarchists left in Cuba, of whom perhaps 100 were political prisoners at one time or another.
At any rate, at the beginning of 1965 at a congress of the Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) celebrated in Montevideo, the growing fractionalization of the Southern Cone anarchists in regard to Cuba became clear. A majority of the members of the FAU, with some exceptions such as Luce Fabbri, didn’t hide their sympathies for the Castro regime. For their part the Argentine delegation, invited to represent the Federación Libertaria Argentina, opposed this position. This polemic ended by splitting the FAU into pro- and anti-Castro factions, with the pro-Castro majority — according to the article “Living My Life,” by Luce Fabbri, published years later in the Italian anarchist review, Rivista Anarchica — ending up either in exile in Sweden or in the ranks of the urban guerrilla group, the Tupamaros. This group achieved nothing positive. It provoked the downfall of Uruguay’s democratic government and its replacement by a military regime, while at the same time providing that regime with the perfect pretext for the institution of massive repression, extrajudicial executions, and routine torture of political prisoners.
In view of the confusion surrounding the Cuban situation among the world’s anarchists, the Federazione Anarchica Italiana organized a conference in Bologna to clarify things; this conference was held from March 27 through March 29, 1965, and a delegate from the MLCE was invited to present the position of the Cuban libertarians. The Cubans collected funds and sent Abelardo Iglesias as their representative, because Iglesias had experience with this type of discussion and was well able to express the MLCE’s viewpoint.
After visiting in Toulouse and Paris with other veterans of the Spanish Revolution, Iglesias traveled to Bologna where he successfully presented the MLCE’s arguments against Castro. The Federazione Anarchica Italiana (FAIT) energetically condemned Castroism — noting that Castro had substituted vassalage to the Soviet Union in place of vassalage to the United States — and offered the MLCE its full support in the struggle against Castro-Communism. It also pledged to support the campaign against the political executions taking place in Cuba. The congress ended by calling for all of the Italian anarchist periodicals — Umanita Nova, L’Agitazione del Sud, Semo Anarchico, Volanta, and others — to publish its accords. In addition to the FAIT, the Federación Libertaria Argentina, the Federación Libertaria Mexicana, the Libertarian League (U.S.), the Anarchist Federation of London, the Sveriges Arbetares Central-Organisation (Swedish Central Workers’ Organization — SAC), and the Movimiento Libertario Español signed the accords.
After the Bologna congress, Iglesias returned to Toulouse where he presented the MLCE position at the congress of the French Anarchist Federation. That congress condemned the “marxist-leninist counterrevolution” that had subverted the Cuban Revolution, denouncing the Castro regime as being as bad as a fascist dictatorship or one in the pay of the U.S. The French federation promised support for the anarchists in Cuban jails and to let French working people know about the fate of their Cuban brothers in the pages of the most important French anarchist paper, Le Monde Libertaire.
Upon returning to the U.S., it appeared that Iglesias had not only won the long and vitriolic debate with Castro’s sympathizers, but had also managed to prod almost all of the federations and libertarian groups in Europe and Latin America into condemning the system imposed by Castro — a double victory. This wasn’t the case. The Castroite penetration of anarchist milieus — or better, the self-deception of a great many in those milieus — had established the idea of the necessity of a “permanent revolution” in Latin America and Africa. Any criticism of the Castro regime was seen as a criticism of this new political adventure emanating from Havana, which was bringing to a head the world socialist revolution. To this totalitarian mindset, anyone who wasn’t behind Castroism and third-worldism was an enemy of the people and of humanity. Sadly, the majority of anarchist groups in Europe and in Latin America (as in Uruguay, Peru, Chile, and Venezuela) passed over into the camp of the Cuban Revolution — now always capitalized — and forgot about the MLCE and the Cuban anarchists.
The factionalism the marxists hoped to foment (through the DDG document and other pieces of disinformation) had come to pass. According to Alfredo Gómez, “The Cuban anarchists ... have lived in impressive solitude, abandoned ... by the anarchists of the rest of the world who identify themselves with the Cuban Communist Party.” But despite all, the Cuban anarchists in the MLCE continued their campaigns for the political prisoners in Cuban jails and against the Castro regime.
In 1967, Marcelo Salinas, already in his late 70s and fatigued by his sufferings on the island, arrived in Miami. Salinas could have signed the DDG and thus ensured himself an honored place as a leading intellectual in Castro’s Cuba. But he refused to sign, and instead chose at his advanced age to go into exile, an exile among rightist and conservative elements who had no appreciation of him or his works. But once in exile he continued his libertarian efforts by writing articles for the anarchist press and by speaking at conferences.
He was already known abroad through his extensive personal correspondence of 50 years, and through writing for Reconstruir in Buenos Aires. Once in exile, his activities complemented those of Ferro and Iglesias. He continued his work until his death in 1976 at the age of 87. With the passing of Marcelo Salinas, the MLCE not only lost a dedicated comrade who had been active in the anarchist movement for 70 years, but Cuba lost in this thin figure one of the most well-rounded intellectuals of his generation. He was a dramatist, poet, novelist, essayist, and story teller; in sum, he was an enlightened autodidact who was an intellectual force of the first order both inside and outside of Cuba.
The chaotic decade of the 1960s was coming to its close. In 1968, Herbert Marcuse in Berkeley preached a marxism close to anarchism, and in Boston Noam Chomsky criticized all the horrors of the North American state; in Paris, the new French philosophers attacked Marx, and in the same city in May of that year a general strike broke out in which students, using anarchist slogans and the black flag, took part; American youths at this time dedicated themselves to stopping the Vietnam War, avoiding the draft (not necessarily in that order), and opening themselves to government repression through the use of illegal drugs; the U.S. was caught up in internal strife, both racial and political; the USSR invaded Czechoslovakia to avoid the kind of marxism Marcuse was preaching in Berkeley; simultaneously in Havana Castro applauded this tragic, totalitarian maneuver; and in China, Mao instituted the violent and despotic “cultural revolution.” It was in the latter part of this year that the Federazione Anarchica Italiana called an International Congress of Anarchist Federations.
Known as the Congress of Carrara, it was held from August 30 to September 8, and was widely covered not only by the anarchist media but by the world media. This conference included representatives from virtually all of the Western European countries as well as delegations of Mexicans and exiled Bulgarians. The Swedish SAC, the Centre Internationale pour Recherches sur L’Anarchisme (a Swiss anarchist research group) and the Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (the anarchosyndicalist international) participated as observers. This was one of the largest anarchist conferences held in over half a century.
Due to lack of funds, the MLCE was unable to send a delegate, and therefore asked Domingo Rojas, from Mexico, to represent the Cuban anarchists at the conference. The congress hammered out eight points of agreement, and the most discussed was point 3, on the relationship of anarchism and marxism in the Russian, Spanish, and Cuban revolutions.
The conferees didn’t have doubts about the sinister actions of the marxists in Russia and Spain, but Cuba was a different matter. With the backdrop of the libertarian disasters in Russia and Spain, the conferees declared that the Castro system was indeed “a dictatorship ... a satellite of the USSR,” etc. But they then concluded with a paragraph that was as out of place as it was contradictory: “Cuba is a more permeable country to the theories ... of a type of libertarian communism unlike that of the USSR and its satellite countries.” In other words, Cuban “scientific socialism” was a different case — though they didn’t explain why — and there was therefore hope of penetrating the Castro regime in order to get it to modify its statist, totalitarian policies, and to adopt in their place anarchist principles in accord with liberty and justice.
Analyzing this accord 30 years later, it seems pathetic, even considering the time in which it was written. The world’s anarchists had lost their perspective on Cuba. The words of this document are an indication of how the Castro regime was winning the propaganda battle on the left with its false “revolutionary” postulates and slogans; it also clearly demonstrates the penetration of Castroite propaganda in the anarchist world in regard to the MLCE. The anarchist media in Europe and Latin America supported the Cuban regime more each day as they abandoned their Cuban compañeros, the victims of that regime. To this day, with almost no exceptions, they have never publicly admitted this mistake.
It’s true that many anarchists in Europe and Latin America were aware of the nature of Castro’s dictatorship over the Cuban people and of Castro’s persecution of Cuba’s anarchists. But it’s also true that, with the sole exception of Umanita Nova’s publication of Ferro’s response to Borghi (and that only under pressure), not a single anarchist periodical in Europe, and very few in Latin America, published a single article acknowledging — much less condemning — Castro’s dictatorship and political persecutions.
By 1970 the MLCE knew that it had lost the battle. Even though the Cuban anarchists kept up the propaganda fight, they knew they were speaking to the deaf. The bitter words of Abelardo Iglesias in BIL in 1970 are explicit: “those who pick up the Communist accusations don’t hesitate in accusing us of being in the service of reaction. [These include] Adunata de Refrattari ... F[ederación] A[narquista] U[ruguaya] ... Federazione Anarchica Italiana and its periodical, Umanita Nova ... Daniel Cohn-Bendit, etc.” Iglesias recounted that at Carrara Cohn-Bendit “accused the MLCE of being ‘financed by the CIA.’” In another article published later, Alfredo Gómez mentioned that Le Monde Libertaire, the publication of the Federacion Anarchiste Francaise, had published a piece mentioning all current dictatorships — except that of Cuba. This was “as if the French comrades” considered Cuba an exception and also “considered the Cuban anarchists second-class anarchists, undeserving of their solidarity.”
Even in 1975 there still remained much mistrust of Cuba’s libertarians in the anarchist world. At the end of that year, the well-designed anarchist magazine Comunidad (“Community”), published in Stockholm by refugees (primarily Uruguayans) from the dictatorships in South America’s Southern Cone, printed an article titled, “Libertarian Presence in Latin America,” which was later republished in the Spanish anarchist magazine, Bicicleta (“Bicycle”) in a special edition dedicated to “Anarchism Throughout the World.” In reference to the Cuban anarchists, the article’s authors stated that the MLCE was composed of “mere anti-Communists,” and that its positions were “clearly regressive.” This charge was so ridiculous that the MLCE sent Bicicleta a reply to it partially in jest. This response was originally published in BIL and stated, in part: “In regard to our ‘clearly regressive positions,’ these have always consisted of opposition to the tyrant of the day, be they in Cuba or anywhere else, no matter what their stripe ... [no matter] what religion they profess or what political dogma they follow.” Curiously, Bicliceta never published the MLCE reply despite the fact that its special edition was headed by the statement that it was intended to “stir up debate ... to open up debate.”
The accusations in the Comunidad/Bicicleta article were typical. The charge in those days was that the MLCE was a reactionary organization with no program beyond anti-Communism. No mention was ever made about why Cuba’s anarchists were in exile, and this charge fit neatly with Castro’s propaganda which ceaselessly repeated that all of the “counterrevolutionary sectors in Miami” were owned by the capitalists and were engaging in such things as drug trafficking and white slavery. Anyone familiar with the situation would have known that these were outrageous slanders against the MLCE, but anyone depending upon the world’s anarchist press for information about Cuba wouldn’t have known it.
It wasn’t until 1976 that the atmosphere of suspicion and distrust of the MLCE began to dissipate, with the publication of The Cuban Revolution: A Critical Perspective, by Sam Dolgoff. This book was well distributed in the English-speaking world, from London to Sydney, and had a demolishing impact among the left in general and anarchists in particular. It was the must cutting critique Castroism had received in these years of “revolutionary” adventurism in Latin America, and was the decisive factor in the change in attitude toward the MLCE within world anarchism. The book succeeded beyond the hopes of its author, and was translated into Spanish and later into Swedish. Dolgoff subsequently declared, “I never received a cent for these printings, but I felt happy to be able to propagate my opinions about the MLCE and its struggle against Castro in this book.”
At the end of 1979, in the first post-Franco years in Spain, when the anarchist Confederación Nacional del Trabajo/Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores (CNT/AIT) could again begin to operate without being persecuted by the government, a celebratory congress was called in Madrid. An MLCE delegate was invited to participate, and he was recognized by a majority of those present, including almost all of the foreign representatives. At this point the MLCE, which at the time was primarily concerned with bettering relations with other sectors of international anarchism, renewed its fraternal ties with the AIT.
A few months later, the Spanish periodical Bicicleta, which in those years was printing anarchist materials, published part of the previously quoted piece by Alfredo Gómez, “The Cuban Anarchists, or the Bad Conscience of Anarchism.” This piece was later reprinted by the exiled Bulgarian anarchists in their organ, IZTOK, in Paris, and was still later reprinted by the new magazine of the MLCE in Miami, Guángara Libertaria, in the summer 1981 issue. (See below.) Iglesias followed with an explicatory article in the autumn issue, which further delineated the position of the MLCE in regard to Castro, and above all addressed the anarchist world of the period. He quoted Progreso Alfarache Arrabal (a Spanish anarchist member of the CNT who had fled to Mexico and was member of the editorial group producing Tierra y Libertad). Alfarache commented on the actions and attitudes of many anarchists: “In the Cuban case, the keen instinct for liberty, which is the essence of anarchism, has failed lamentably.” One can well regard this article by Iglesias as the termination of this long and damaging affair.
But there were also changes in the world which were affecting the anarchists. A new antiauthoritarian world view had begun to take hold in the 1970s, and in the 1980s Castroism came to be seen by anarchists as it really was (and is) — a self-aggrandizing dictatorship that didn’t represent its people. Although a long but sure repudiation of the Castro regime had begun among the world’s anarchists, it was already very late. The Cuban anarchists had been the victims of prejudice and defamation in the anarchist world, in addition to being exiled, thrown in jail, and being consigned to a shadowy solitude.
Despite everything, the Cuban anarchists launched their new quarterly magazine, Guángara Libertaria, in November 1979. It was published in Miami, and its first issue appeared in January 1980. An average issue consisted of 32 8.5″X11″ pages printed in black ink on newsprint. Guángara superseded the two existing Cuban anarchist publications, the BIL and El Gastronómico, which were modest bulletins with limited circulation. Guángara was designed to have broader appeal to and wider circulation among the Cuban exile community. This new publication was financed by its staff, subscribers, and members of the MLCE.
The name had been suggested by Abelardo Iglesias, who noted that “for Cubans, it means noise, disorder, and a rough joke. Definitively, bronca (a coarse joke), bulla (a loud argument), and guángara can be taken as synonyms for chaos and disorder.” In keeping with this anarchistic spirit, the position of “director” (in effect, managing editor) was abolished and Guángara was collectively managed and edited. The editorial collective included Santiago Cobo, Omar Dieguez, Luis Dulzaides, Frank Fernández, and Casto Moscú. The administrative aspects were handled by a collective including José R. Álvarez, Agustín Castro, Manuel Gonzalez, and Aristides Vazquez.
The content at this time consisted of articles written by the editorial staff as well as those submitted by readers (primarily Cuban and Spanish anarchists) spread throughout the anarchist diaspora in the Americas. Translations from English-language anarchist periodicals also appeared. Guángara included a book review section (edited by Manuel Ferro), portraits of historical anarchist figures, and news and opinion about events in Cuba and in the exile community. During these first years of its existence, Guángara had a press run of 1000 copies and was distributed only in Miami, though it had about 100 subscribers scattered around the globe.
Given the place where the magazine was published, Miami — home base of the extreme right-wing Cuban exile community — Guángara’s editors knew from the start that they’d have to be careful about how the magazine presented itself. There was a very real danger of physical violence from right-wing elements, and both local and federal authorities were, of course, keeping them under observation. So, for the first few years Guángara was fairly muted in its advocacy of anarchism, billing itself in its subtitle as “The Review of Eclectic Libertarian Thought.” It also ran articles by nonanarchists, including social democrats, though of course all such articles still fell in the broad “progressive” vein. All of this led some purist types to charge that Guángara was more “literary” than libertarian.
At about the time of Guángara’s appearance in early 1980, Miami was shaken by demonstrations following the occupation of the Peruvian embassy in Havana by Cubans seeking asylum. The MLCE anarchists in Miami participated actively in these demonstrations, while showing their colors, and they organized some of these demonstrations against the Castro dictatorship.
The first signs of an explosion occurred in the early morning hours of April 4, 1980, when a small group of Cubans entered the Peruvian embassy in Havana in search of political asylum. The Peruvian government refused to hand the asylum seekers over to the Cuban government, and in response the Cuban regime recalled the guards watching over the embassy. Then, with the guards withdrawn, a multitude of more than 10,000 people tried to seek asylum at that same embassy.
Comprehending the danger involved in this type of protest, and that it could quickly spread, the authorities decided, after a speech by the maximum leader, to permit anyone who wanted to exit the island to do so. Despite the oppressive omnipresence of the government and the willingness of many government supporters to resort to violence, in a few weeks an exodus of gigantic proportions took form. More than a quarter of a million Cubans left their homeland on boats supplied by Cuban exiles in Miami. This spectacle would have international repercussions.
The communications media of the entire world witnessed the largest human stampede in the history of the Americas, a stampede of political (and economic) refugees. This spectacle was a public relations disaster for the Castro regime, despite its skillful disinformation efforts.
Following the Mariel “boatlift,” Guángara was reinforced by a number of intellectuals who escaped Cuba via Mariel, among them writers such as Benjamín Ferrera, Enrique G. Morató, Miguel A. Sánchez, and the Afro-Cuban poet, Esteban Luis Cárdenas. This helped to create what was in effect a new Guángara collective, which included writers, essayists, historians, and poets, individuals such as Pedro Leyva, Angel Aparicio Laurencio, Benito García, Ricardo Pareja, and Sergio Magarolas, among others.
At about the same time, and at Sam Dolgoff’s suggestion, Guángara incorporated as a nonprofit under the name International Society for Historical & Social Studies (ISHSS). Various members of the MLCE served on the Society’s board. The advantages of this set up were that it allowed Guángara to receive tax-deductible donations and also allowed it to mail its issues at minimal cost within the U.S. Following the ISHSS incorporation, Guángara increased its press run to 3000 copies. This made it one of the largest-circulation anarchist periodicals — perhaps the largest — in the U.S.; and it was the only one published in Spanish. During this period of growth, Guángara began to publish translations from French and Italian anarchist publications, and also began to be better received in Miami.
Feeling more confident, Guángara’s collective started publishing more explicitly anarchist materials, and moved beyond attacking Castro; Guángara began to also publish attacks on the reactionary exile community and upon the U.S. government. The attacks on the far-right exile leadership focused upon its lack of political imagination, its religious and/or pseudo-democratic orientation, and its very mistaken political and social positions, often based on disinformation planted by Castro’s propaganda apparatus. (The purpose of this disinformation was to help ensure that no viable — that is, democratic and antiauthoritarian — opposition would emerge in Miami, and so that Castro could thus continue to present the Cuban people with the false choice of his regime or the extremely reactionary Cuban exile leadership.)
By the autumn of 1985, Guángara had a number of new international correspondents: Stephan Baciu in Hawaii, Ricardo Mestre in Mexico, Cosme Paules in Chile, Abraham Guillén in Spain, M.A. Sánchez in New York, and Victor García in Caracas. Both García and Guillén were well known among the Spanish anarchists, and their collaboration gave Guángara the international dimension that the MLCE had always sought.
In 1986 the collective produced a large special edition, and by 1987 Guángara’s circulation had increased to 5000 copies, making it the largest-circulation anarchist periodical in the U.S. The quality of both its writing and its graphic presentation had improved; and two new writers, Maria Teresa Fernández and Lucy Ibrahim, contributed both translations and poems. Guángara changed its subtitle that year to “A Cry of Liberty in Black & White”; in 1990, it changed it again to “From Liberty, for Liberty”
The downfall of the USSR and its long-overdue relegation to the “dustbin of history” was received with jubilation by Guángara’s collective and the rest of the MLCE, and Guángara published an editorial predicting the swift downfall of Castro. (Of course, Guángara was mistaken about this, but it was hardly alone; such predictions were common in the days following the fall of Castro’s patron, the USSR.)
In 1992, Guángara published its 50th edition. It included an inventory in which it noted that Guángara had published over 225,000 copies. But by this time Guángara’s all-volunteer, entirely unpaid staff was growing weary, and the fall 1992 issue was Guángara’s final edition.
It would be an exaggeration to say that Guángara convinced half the world of the evil of Castro’s regime. It would equally be an exaggeration to say that it destroyed the ideological base of Castroism. But it would be fair to say that Guángara breached the bulwarks of paid anti-Communism in the exile community, and that it reclaimed the right to disagree. It would also be fair to say that it opened the eyes of many who labored under the burden of pro-Castro, stalinist suppositions.
In the end, one of the most telling indications of the success of Guángara was that it published 54 issues over 13 years, without ever having a cover price or being sold on the newsstand. It was always free to anyone who asked for it, and it was supported solely by the contributions of its collective, its subscribers, and its MLCE supporters. Those who worked on Guángara continue to pursue other projects, such as writing books and contributing to other anarchist publications.
As one can appreciate, Cuba’s anarchists have survived all types of persecutions from the state, instigated by the monied classes and the Cuban Communist Party. It should be equally clear that their ideas were for many years the majority viewpoint within the Cuban workers’ movement; they resisted Spanish colonialism, U.S. intervention, the sugar and tobacco magnates, the hacendados and plantation owners, capitalist industrialists, and the first and second republics — and finally the most despotic, totalitarian regime Cuba has ever known.
In their long history spanning more than a century, Cuba’s anarchists — those who had carried the banners, the writers, the theoreticians, the orators, the union activists, the propagandists, and even the last of the militants — made blunders and errors, which we must admit and accept. But we can be sure that they maintained the spirit of disinterested struggle for the good of Cuba and its people. Those who survive today are the inheritors of a long tradition of liberty and justice, united by the confidence that this new century will bring the dawn of a better world, a world in which their ideas will finally be put into practice.
The now obvious socioeconomic failure of the Cuban revolution could not have been appreciated before the mid 1970s. During the 1960s, Cuba had sufficient monetary reserves to hide this failure: international credits, cash on hand, foreign currency, and exportable agricultural production (primarily sugar and tobacco). These economic riches, inherited from the now-defunct capitalist system, maintained the Castro regime during the first “socialist” decade, the start of which had been officially announced in 1961.
The projects and policies instituted in these first years of economic adventurism, “revolutionary” inefficiency, and failed social attempts were all based in “scientific socialism,” political, social, and economic centralism, and state control of all of the island’s economic activities, including all but the smallest agricultural, industrial, service, and distribution businesses. The revolutionary course in these days was based in — or at least was said to be based in — the leninist concept of “democratic centralism,” in which the entire socioeconomic life of Cuba was in the hands of the Partido Comunista Cubano; and, as was the custom in the European marxist models, the direction and supervision of all of the powers emanating from the state were made the responsibility of the Political Bureau and Executive Committee of the PCC, and Fidel Castro as First Secretary of the Party.
The first and most essential project chosen by the new socialist state was the rapid substitution of a gigantic project of industrial growth and agricultural diversification to replace the cultivation of sugarcane as Cuba’s economic mainstay — a monoculture which had sustained the Cuban economy since the beginning of the 19th century. With diplomatic and commercial relations with the U.S. broken, and with the U.S. economic blockade in place, this new economic direction would make it very difficult to return to the old politico-economic system. Preventing this return was precisely the aim of the Castro regime.
While this change in the economic system was taking place, the Castro government moved to establish closer ties with the Soviet Union, a country with which Cuba had maintained diplomatic and commercial relations since 1933. So, Cuba not only made a 180 degree turn economically, it made a similar turn politically, with the USSR assuming the dominating role formerly played by the USA for almost seven decades.
Cuba’s workers and campesinos didn’t benefit much from this transition from capitalism to leninism, nor from the substitution of the USSR for the USA as political master. In fact, this transition brought with it some of the worst labor abuses since the darkest days of Spanish colonialism.
The regime instituted “voluntary” hours of additional work, with the stated purpose of building “socialism,” a system which no one appeared to understand. To these extra hours, “Red Sundays” were added — “voluntary” days of (of course) unpaid work by students. At this time, one of the most popular slogans, repeated daily, was that of “making unemployment disappear”; and with all of these “voluntary” days and hours of unpaid work, the regime certainly succeeded in achieving that goal. But, curiously, this isn’t one of the achievements touted as a triumph of Castro’s first few years in power.
At the same time that these economic plans were being implemented, shortages began to appear in the necessities of daily life, and the government instituted rationing. Each citizen had a monthly allotment of food and clothing — an allotment the government couldn’t always supply. This rapidly led to protests, but these protests were quashed by the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution and by the state security apparatus. The protests, however, were clearly an alarm bell, and the government fast realized that its new economic measures, planned and instituted so quickly, had become a social and economic disaster. So, it changed course again in an even more marxist direction.
The government then implemented Ernesto Guevara’s old proposals to complete the “collectivization of the means of production” and to create a system which at all costs would avoid material incentives, a system that would obligate the Cubans to become “new human beings” — honest, egalitarian, nonegotistical, and above all in possession of a “superior revolutionary consciousness” and thus willing to sacrifice everything for the construction of a socialist society. So, in 1968, the government, as part of a “revolutionary offensive,” seized all the remaining small businesses in Cuba for the purpose of liquidating forever the hated “petit bourgeoisie” who still stubbornly persisted in creating personal wealth. Despite these measures which not only didn’t improve things, but made them worse, the Castro regime and its policies could still count on the backing of many of those at the bottom of the social pyramid.
Things began to change dramatically after the failure of the touted “10 million ton sugar crop” campaign in 1970. This agro-industrial operation involved the unprecedented militarization of the labor force for the sowing, cutting, and milling of sugar, and also the slashing and burning of woods and other unspoiled natural areas in order to increase the area for the planting of sugarcane. This process, which involved cutting down large number of trees and the diversion of farm fields and pasture land to sugar production, caused long-lasting and perhaps irreparable damage to Cuba’s natural environment. This process was so gigantic that it even affected rainfall and drainage patterns. Perhaps the most notable effect of this was the siltation and salinization of Cuba’s rivers and reservoirs. (Unfortunately, this lack of concern for Cuba’s natural environment persists to this day.) But despite these draconian and environmentally disastrous measures, the goal of a 10 million ton sugar harvest wasn’t even approached.
After this dramatic failure, the USSR began to realize that the attempted rapid industrialization of the island and the reorganization of agriculture had been monumental errors. As Cuba’s primary outlet for its products, the USSR “suggested” that the Castro regime return to the old methods of planting, harvesting, and milling sugar. But the damage was done. Future sugar harvest yields were all below what had been projected, and the island atrophied economically for almost a decade — as was predictable, given that Cuba’s workers had wasted almost a full year on Castro’s impossible “10 million ton” project. Everyone could see that this scheme was both an economic and an ecological disaster, and the Cuban people began to distance themselves from the government.
Of course the Soviet bureaucracy in Moscow understood that the Cuban agricultural project wasn’t producing adequate dividends, and as is natural in these sorts of affairs, it decided to up the ante. It drastically increased aid to the Cuban government beginning in 1971. This aid didn’t consist of ICBMs or nuclear weapons; it consisted of massive amounts of development aid and commercial subsidies. The annual subsidy in the years 1961–1970 averaged $327 million (over $1.5 billion yearly in 2001 dollars), and in the decade 1971–1980 averaged $1.573 billion per year (over $5 billion today).
But despite this massive aid from the Soviet Union, popular discontent grew in Cuba in a manner unexpected by the guardians of the system. Public disillusionment with the false promises of the revolution’s leaders grew rapidly during the 1970s, resulting in increased repression, jailings, and exiles.
To get a better idea of the extent of the repression in these years, one should note that new penal facilities were built in every single province throughout the length of the island. These consisted of prisons, jails, forced labor (one could fairly call them “concentration”) camps, and prison farms. Prisoners were used to construct all of these. In 1984 there were 144 jails and prisons throughout the island holding tens of thousands of inmates, both common and political prisoners. The last data available indicate that there were 168 Cuban prisons in 1988 holding common prisoners (including those caught attempting currency transactions involving U.S. dollars), political prisoners, and those who had attempted to escape the island. In those years, the number of prisons and the number of prisoners in Cuba increased in an almost Malthusian manner.
The Cuban people weren’t the only ones suffering from Castro’s policies at this time; the people of Latin America and Africa were, too. In accord with the policy of “national liberation,” the Castro regime supported guerrilla movements — both urban and rural — in almost all of the countries south of the Rio Grande. These movements ran head on into an iron determination by the U.S. government to keep control of the countries in its sphere of influence. This resulted in short order in the Castro-backed insurgents provoking the creation of military dictatorships (backed, of course, by the CIA), a gang of uniformed gorillas who dedicated themselves to kidnappings, “disappearances,” rape, robbery, torture, and murder — directed as much against innocent civilians as against their guerrilla enemies. Literally hundreds of thousands of people died as a result in countries such as Guatemala, El Salvador, Argentina, and Colombia.
In Africa, the Cuban regime intervened militarily in several countries, most notably Ethiopia (on the side of the murderously repressive, marxist-leninist Dergue government, in its attempts to suppress the independence movements in Tigre and Eritrea) and Angola. Over a period of more than a decade, Cuba sent hundreds of thousands of soldiers to fight in African campaigns, in the abovementioned countries and also in others, such as Algeria, the Congo, and Sudan; the Cuban troops found themselves involved in uprisings, coups d’etat, civil wars, tribal conflicts, and undeclared wars. The same Cuban troops who fought against South Africa for the independence of Namibia exterminated entire villages in Angola and Ethiopia. All of this cost Cuba many millions of dollars as well as tens of thousands of military casualties.
This long history of disasters and injustice, both inside and outside of Cuba, led even those Cubans who still support the government first to doubts, then to apathy, and finally to a frustration which they themselves don’t understand. All of this has led to a mass desire to escape the country. But that’s a bit difficult, given that the Constitution of 1976 denies Cuba’s citizens the right to freely travel abroad — or, more accurately, to flee the regime that oppresses them. This constitutional prohibition was, however, a formality, as measures denying the Cuban people that freedom had already been in force for years.
After the 1980 Mariel “boatlift,” Castro’s Cuba appeared to have stabilized itself at least economically, even though social tension continued. Soviet economic aid contributed notably to this economic stabilization; it increased further in the 1981–1985 period to a total of $22.658 billion, an average of $4.5 billion a year (roughly $8 billion today). This was by far the most aid Cuba had ever received throughout its history, and these huge figures graphically demonstrate the heavy involvement of Moscow in the remote Caribbean island.
Despite this massive aid, the results of the first 25 years of Castroism couldn’t have been more negative. Cuba’s economy was directly and massively dependent on the USSR, and its government was a dictatorship that permitted no criticism — despite the empty words of the 1976 Constitution. The working people realized that the state had broken the social contract, and dedicated themselves to passively sabotaging that state. Those who couldn’t escape attempted to survive by working as little as possible. From the construction sector to the massive state bureaucracy, and even in agriculture, production fell alarmingly.
This was well known when the state-controlled labor union central, the Confederación de Trabajadores Cubanos Revolucionaria, met in its 39th conference in October 1979. The leaders of the Castroite workers’ organization noted “a series of grave alterations in Cuban labor life.” The hierarchs of the CTCR accused Cuba’s workers of “lack of discipline, thefts, and negligence.” They ended their analysis of the Cuban labor situation with some truly astonishing statistics. They stated that, “[Of] 1,600,000 persons in the active population (labor force), only half a million produce anything.” That is to say, if we can trust these statistics, that less than a third of Cuba’s labor force was participating usefully in the economy.
This data, obtained from a “Report of the Conference,” couldn’t be more revealing. It indicates that a majority of Cuba’s workers, because of lack of motivation or some other reason, were refusing to work for “the construction of socialism” — a slogan that emanated constantly from the highest places in the dictatorship, and was repeated ad nauseam in every communications medium imaginable. The Cubans had lost faith in their government and would soon lose it in their country.
In 1982, the Cuban state put in place a law that permitted foreign companies, for the first time in over two decades, to invest in Cuba. This in large part corresponded to the Soviet New Economic Policy of the 1920s which, like the Cuban measure, was instituted for the purpose of avoiding “state decomposition.” This policy of capitalist investment would, ironically, have a bright future in “socialist” Cuba.
The smaller scale agricultural reform of allowing “farmers’ free markets” had a much darker future. Under this reform, the state allowed campesinos to sell some of their farm products directly to consumers outside of the state rationing system. It was motivated to permit this largely because of its own inability to reliably supply rationed products. This small-scale experiment was rapidly shut down by the government, which reasoned in the admirable style of scientific socialism — at the same time that it was encouraging investments by multinational corporations — that farmers’ markets would create a dangerous petit bourgeoisie, in contradiction to the principles of revolutionary socialism.
The sociopolitical crisis of the USSR at the end of the 1980s, and the sad ending in 1991 of the system imposed on the Russian people by Lenin, had deplorable consequences for the Cuban economy. During the last five years of Soviet assistance, 1986–1990, economic aid averaged over $5 billion per year, a figure which was impossible to maintain by a disintegrating political system. The Castro regime decided to survive the socialist camp disaster by changing its political economy and entering into a “Special Period,” which would lead to a social situation worse than anything that had gone before, and to a quality of life worse than that in Third World countries. (The “Special Period” is still in effect.)
To avoid anything similar to the “Bucharest Syndrome” (the shooting of the dictator by his own forces), the regime instituted even more repressive measures, increased the severity of the political laws, and targeted its own military. General Arnaldo Ochoa, a national hero of the African campaigns decorated as a “Hero of the Republic of Cuba,” was, because of suspicion of disloyalty, condemned to death; he was shot by a firing squad on July 13, 1989. Colonel Antonio de la Guardia was shot on the same day, as were two other military officers, Amado Padrón and Jorge Martínez. Patricio de la Guardia, Antonio’s brother, and a general with the elite Special Troops (Tropas Especiales), was condemned to 30 years in prison. This purge of high-ranking military men ended in September 1989 with the arrest and sentencing of José Abrantes, a Ministry of the Interior (secret police) general. Abrantes died soon thereafter under mysterious circumstances while in prison.
At the same time that it was purging its military and secret police, the Castro regime initiated an opening in the direction of the so-called Cuban community in exile, particularly in the United States. This opening including permission for exiles to visit Cuba and to send money directly to their family members in Cuba. (Of course, money spent on travel and money sent to Cuban citizens would prop up the Cuban economy, and thus help prop up the Castro regime.) The Castro government also opened a strong diplomatic campaign to increase economic ties with all of the capitalist countries in Europe and Asia, as well as, surprisingly enough, the U.S., the Vatican, and Israel.
At the same time, and marking the definitive economic failure of Castro’s “socialism,” the farmers’ markets were permitted to reopen; some establishment of privately owned small businesses was tolerated; and, most significantly, the “dollarization” of the Cuban economy took place. This last meant that the U.S. dollar could circulate just as freely in Cuba as it did in the U.S. — while up till this point trafficking in dollars meant going to jail in Cuba. The purpose of this measure was to expedite the sending of money by exiles to Cuba. This amount quickly reached $800 million per year, an amount higher than that produced by the most recent sugar crops (sugar being a badly decayed industry in Cuba).
Meanwhile the slogans about the “gains” realized in health and education were repeated, for external consumption, while class differences sharpened between those employed in Castro’s apparatus, those receiving money from relatives abroad, and those relying on salaries paid in devalued pesos. Once again hopelessness spread like a cancer among the least favored and, as in not so remote times, the most daring Cubans decided to illegally abandon the island on flimsy rafts via the Straits of Florida — a very dangerous journey that has claimed thousands of victims over the years. In a very real sense this is a form of suicide induced by desperation, and a form in which Cuba leads the world. The Elian González affair is a good illustration of this tragedy.
Perhaps the worst incident in this ongoing sad situation was that involving the tugboat “13 de marzo” (“March 13th”). On July 13, 1994, more than 70 persons crowded this tug as it set sail from Havana toward Florida. It was intercepted outside Havana Bay by the Cuban coast guard, which ordered it to return to Havana. The tug refused and continued heading toward Florida. At that point the Cuban coast guard vessel attacked the “13 de marzo” with high pressure water hoses, sinking it. Forty-one persons died when it went down, including many women and children. The survivors were taken prisoner. This sordid attack on unarmed civilians was supposedly ordered directly by Fidel Castro.
While all this has been going on, Castro has definitively ended his “socialist” experiment, with the sole purpose of maintaining his hold on power. He has instituted a form of state capitalism, similar to that of neo-fascist “Red” China, in which foreign investors in direct partnership with the Cuban state dominate the production of goods and services. As an example, the workers in the Cuban tourism industry, an industry entirely in the hands of the Cuban state and Spanish investors, receive their salaries in Cuban pesos (the exchange rate being about 20 pesos to one dollar), which effectively excludes them from the world of “dollarization.” As well, the Cuban people in general are barred from entering the hotels and beaches reserved for foreign tourists, thus creating a type of apartheid — imposed by their “socialist” government.
This is a pathetic conclusion to a revolution that began amidst jubilation and great hopes. After 40 years the Cuban revolution has ended in economic deprivation, desperation, sharp class divisions, massive emigration, and a criminal tyranny that suppresses all dissent. How did this come to pass? How did this project that promised civil liberties, political and social reforms, just and honest government, and an equitable redistribution of the country’s riches come to such a bad end? How did a revolution — and a “revolutionary” government — with great popular backing end up like this?
There are many reasons for this failure, but in our view there are two primary ones: the socioeconomic course and the speed with which it was adopted by Cuba’s ruling elite; and the continual, massive repression of individual liberties.
In regard to the first of these, the transition from the capitalism that existed in Cuba prior to the revolution to the authoritarian pseudo-socialism substituted for it never yielded the expected results. This was largely due to the idiotic and ego-driven speed with which changes were implemented. The bearded ones were in too much of a hurry to impose their system, and never seriously planned the transition from one system to the other. But it was also due to the very nature of the “socialism” they attempted to impose. Instead of handing over the fields, factories, and workshops directly to the workers after expropriating them from their owners — a measure with which Cuba’s anarchists would, of course, have been in accord — the Cuban government placed all of the great businesses, industries, banks, transportation networks, etc. under the control of the state. And they put elements loyal to the government, but without the foggiest idea of how to make these enterprises function, at the head of them all. It’s not surprising that those without expertise in the fields they controlled made a hash of things, especially in that they were attempting to implement rapid structural change.
The second reason, perhaps more important than the first, was the creation of a military dictatorship worse than that which preceded it, a massive repressive system reaching into every neighborhood (via the CDRs), capable of violence and murder to maintain itself in power, and that mistreated, harried, and tortured political prisoners more savagely than its predecessors. Castro’s and the PCC’s destruction of individual liberties was a crime against the Cuban people, a people whose chronicle is that of love of liberty and fighting for freedom.
This destruction of personal freedom was the principal reason for the Communist disaster on the island. A shocked, enslaved people on their knees cannot effectively collaborate in social and political reconstruction. This is precisely why the many marxist attempts to create free, peaceful, egalitarian societies through the systematic use of coercion, violence, and terror by small elites have failed so abysmally the world over.
For their part, the Cuban anarchists have fought against tyranny throughout Cuban history, from the struggle against the repressive capitalism of the sugar barons to the pseudo-socialism of Castro. The anarchists were the first to understand and denounce the Castro regime. The anarchists’ struggle for freedom and their understanding of what Castroism meant for Cuba can be seen as early as 1960 in Agustín Souchy’s Testimonios sobre la Revolución Cubana and the public denunciation of Castro in the same year by the Asociación Libertaria de Cuba. The correctness of these early appraisals can be fully appreciated now that end of Castroism finally appears to be drawing near.
With Castro’s death, there will be a new dawning of liberty in Cuba. That dawn will allow Cuba’s anarchists to once again propagate anarchist ideas and to organize on the island. The solidarity of overseas anarchist groups will be an important help in those efforts, but it won’t be indispensable. It will be Cuba’s workers themselves who will organize to achieve freedom in its concrete sense of control over their own lives, control over the wealth they create, and control of the work that produces that wealth. As the old Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores saying goes, “The emancipation of the workers must be the task of the workers themselves.”
But Cuba’s anarchists have pointed the way to that emancipation. Since the 19th century, they have fought a dual fight: against tyranny and for workers’ control of the economy. In regard to Castro, Cuba’s anarchists have consistently opposed his counterrevolution (suppression of individual freedom and the institution of state control rather than workers’ control) since its early dark days. Remarkably early on Cuba’s anarchists expressed their opposition to centralization, violence, coercion, and the remarkable militarization of Cuba (a matter on which many U.S. and European anti-militarists have been notably silent), and their support of worker-controlled unions, free municipalities, agricultural cooperatives, and collective workplaces. To put this another way, Cuba’s anarchists have consistently supported a real revolution rather than the phony one which has mesmerized so many leftists (including many anarchists).
Anarchism and its ideas are not dead in Cuba, as many who wish to erase these concepts of social redemption from the Cuban agenda wish us to believe. Marxism, as a utopia, as a vision of a better world, and as a practical means to get to that world, died when its ideas were put into practice by Lenin, Trotsky, Stalin, Mao, Kim Il Sung, Pol Pot, and Castro. The ideas of anarchism are, in contrast, quite alive — and they showed their vitality in the one major test to which they were ever put: the Spanish Revolution of 1936–1939. It is clearly premature to bury libertarian ideas.
Anselmo Lorenzo once said, “The first thing necessary to being an anarchist is a sense of justice.” We would add that it’s also necessary to be an optimist. The new generation of Cubans, who have suffered the terrors of Castroism for decades, will find libertarian ideas to be the best, and probably the only, means of achieving a world free of intolerance, domination, hate, greed, and vengeance.
Optimism is a key factor in understanding the task of reconstructing anarchism in Cuba, in part because it’s a key to Cuban psychology. But there are other psychological factors that must also be taken into account. One is the rampant ideological confusion and disillusionment on the island.
Marxists have always insisted that the correct path to socialism is the creation of an elite, a “revolutionary vanguard,” that after taking power will lead the people to a socialist utopia by instituting “scientific” political and social principles. Of course, this approach has led to failure in virtually every land where the principles of Marx and Lenin have been put into practice. In Cuba, this attempt to produce a “new man” has led to disaster; the old revolutionaries were unable to force-produce a “revolutionary” youth.
The Cuban people have for nearly two centuries held in common a love of freedom. This first manifested itself in the struggle for independence from Spain, where some took the path of violent insurrection, others demanded reforms, and the majority simply wanted a better system of government that Spanish colonialism. Later, in the twentieth century, the failure of two republics semi-independent of the U.S., and the rise of two outright murderous regimes, those of Machado and Batista, didn’t prevent the generation that came of age in mid-century from continuing the fight for Cuban freedom. But the defeat and humiliation of this idealistic, revolutionary generation by the at first authoritarian and later despotic figure of Fidel Castro placed a major roadblock in this centuries-old quest for liberty. If there’s any positive aspect to the Castro dictatorship, it’s that it has served as an object lesson to many Cubans to never support strongmen or “maximum leaders,” no matter what “revolutionary” slogans they mouth.
But the Castro detour will be just that — a detour. There are many other social, moral, and psychological characteristics of the Cuban people that incline them instinctively, as it were, toward anarchism: their disrespect or indifference toward the state; their permanent rebellion against authority and its representatives, be they political or religious; and their systematic opposition to laws, rules, and regulations that attempt to restrict their freedom.
At the same time, it’s necessary to point out that even though the Cuban character has an affinity for anarchism, being anarchic and being an anarchist are not the same thing. Still, Cubans are inclined to defy authority and to defy the laws of both church and state.
The Castro government was well aware of this Cuban tendency, and it took pains to suppress it from the start through the massive use of terror and coercion. The fear unleashed by Castro has temporarily dried up the love of liberty and the disdain for tyrants and their orders. The Cuba of today, with its multitude of prisons, secret police, and government informers on every block (the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution — more accurately, the Committees for the Defense of the Regime), is a society based on mere survival. Only through the use of near-infinite repression has Castro maintained his grip on power; and not only has he retained that, he’s temporarily created a different Cuban attitude (at least as publicly expressed) — one that disdains “bourgeois civil liberties” and that respects repressive laws. In short, Castro’s is a remarkable achievement: replacement of the traditional Cuban love of freedom by its opposite, cringing submission.
At the same time, while the present regime bears great responsibility for this “achievement,” there were tendencies in this direction prior to the rise of Castro; and Cuba’s anarchists, from the time of El Productor, have attacked these tendencies. First and foremost has been the matter of racism. Cuba (at the same time as Brazil) was the last country in the Western Hemisphere to abolish black slavery; and the racism and economic disparities left in slavery’s wake were a severe hindrance to social emancipation in Cuba throughout the twentieth century.
The Castro regime has made much of its supposed elimination of racism in Cuban society, but in recent years racism has resurfaced, for economic reasons. Since the Castro regime reversed itself and allowed the free circulation of U.S. dollars on the island, and the sending of dollars from exiles (predominantly white Cubans) to those still in Cuba, a great many white Cuban families have been able to survive while doing very little or no work and, of course, while producing no useful goods or services. This has led to considerable resentment on the part of those not receiving money from abroad (primarily blacks), and it has also resulted in the introduction of a de facto class system with heavy racial overtones.
This class system has led to widespread indifference and indolence in agriculture and the sugar industry. Workers and campesinos refuse to work more than the absolute minimum necessary in a society where tourist dollars mean more than those produced by any type of production for export.
As for the means — other than coercion, violence, and surveillance — employed by the Castro government to keep itself in power, one must cite its propaganda apparatus. The Cuban government controls every radio station, TV station, and publication on the island. From these, the Cuban people receive a daily dose of marxist-leninist “scientific socialism,” a doctrine with which they dare not publicly disagree. They also receive daily reports about how happy they are because of the revolutionary “gains” of the Castro regime, and because of their supposed “equality.” Hearing such claims repeated day after day, year after year, without public contradiction, some come to believe them. And others — primarily those in the government/Communist Party apparatus, the top tier in Cuba’s class-based society — want to believe those claims, because they help justify their privileged positions.
Cuba’s educational system also serves as an indoctrination factory. Students receive daily doses of marxism as revealed truth, and they are not free to criticize it, just as they are not free to criticize the educational system imposed on them by the state. They also are not free to choose their own paths in life. As in Plato’s republic, if the state decides that they have, for example, an aptitude for veterinary medicine, they must serve the state as veterinarians. In education, as in virtually every other aspect of Cuban life, freedom is absent.
Since remote times, human beings have evaluated, criticized, and altered the society that surrounds them. Anarchism is a recent development in this noble and humane undertaking, which has run as a thread through human history from the Athens of Socrates, to the Stoic philosophers, to the Renaissance, and to the philosophers and encyclopedists of the Enlightenment. William Godwin in England and P.J. Proudhon in France are but two early examples of those who took this tradition and built upon it to produce anarchism. If I read them correctly, their purpose, like that of later anarchists such as Errico Malatesta and Peter Kropotkin, was not only to eliminate the state, but to create a freer, more just human society. This intention — whether or not its bearers use the label “anarchist” — will, I am convinced, never die. It will continue to survive generation after generation, despite temporary setbacks, in Cuba as everywhere else.
As for Cuba, enchained and on its knees, I cannot help but think of the reference of Enrique Roig San Martín to the “tree of liberty.” In Cuba, it put down roots and sprouted branches until, in the 1960s, it was burned and cut to the ground. But it didn’t die. There will be those in the generations that succeed us who will take up the altruistic legacy of their forbears, so that the roots of anarchism, the roots of freedom, now buried in the fertile Cuban soil, will once again spring to life and will bear the fruits of liberty and social justice.
Asociación Internacional de los Trabajadores
Asociación Libertaria de Cuba
Alianza Revolucionaria Socialista
Boletín de Información Libertaria
Comités en Defensa de la Revolución
Confederación General de Trabajadores
CNOC
Confederación Nacional Obrera de Cuba
Confederación Nacional del Trabajo
Comisiones Obreras
Comité Obrero Nacional Independiente
Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba
CTCR
Confederación de Trabajadores de Cuba Revolucionaria
Documento de Gaona
Federación Anarquista Ibérica
Federazione Anarchica Italiana
FGAC
Federación de Grupos Anarquistas de Cuba
FJLC
Federación de Juventudes Libertarias de Cuba
Federación Obrera de La Habana
Federación Regional Española
Federación de Trabajadores de Cuba
ISHSS
International Society for Historical and Social Studies
International Workingmen’s Association
Movimiento de Acción Sindical
MLCE
Movimiento Libertario Cubano en el Exilio
Movimiento 26 de Julio
Partido Comunista Cubano
Partido Liberal Autonomista
Partido Revolucionario Cubano
Partido Revolucionario Cubano Auténtico
Partido Socialista Popular
Sociedad General de Trabajadores
Solidaridad Internacional Antifascista
Agrupación Sindicalista Libertaria. Declaración de Principios. Editores Luz-Hilo: La Habana, 1960.
Aguirre, Sergio. “Algunas Luchas Sociales en Cuba Republicana.” Cuba Socialista, 1965.
Asociación Libertaria de Cuba. Memoria del II Congreso Nacional Libertario. Editores Solidaridad: La Habana, 1948.
Avrich, Paul. The Haymarket Tragedy. Princeton University Press: Princeton, NJ, 1984.
Bakunin, Michael. God and the State. New York: Dover, 1970.
Bakunin, Michael. Marxism, Freedom and the State. London: Freedom Press, 1984.
Berkman, Alexander. The Bolshevik Myth. London: Pluto Press, 1984.
Berkman, Alexander. The Russian Tragedy. London: Phoenix Press, 1986.
Berkman, Alexander. What Is Communist Anarchism? New York: Dover, 1972.
Bookchin, Murray. Post-Scarcity Anarchism. San Francisco: Ramparts Press, 1971.
Bookchin, Murray. Remaking Society. Montreal: Black Rose, 1989.
Brinton, Maurice. The Bolsheviks & Workers’ Control. London: Solidarity, 1970.
Buenacasa, Manuel. El Movimiento Oberero Español. Paris: 1966.
Bufe, Chaz. ¡Escucha Anarquista! Mexico, DF: Ediciones Antorcha, 1987.
Bufe, Chaz. A Future Worth Living. Tucson, AZ: See Sharp Press, 1998.
Bufe, Chaz. Listen Anarchist! Tucson, AZ: See Sharp Press, 1998.
Bujarin, Nicolai y Fabbri, Luigi. Anarquismo y Comunismo Científico. Barcelona: Ediciones Sintesis, 1977.
Cabrera, Olga. Alfredo López, Maestro del Proletariado Cubano. La Habana: Editores Ciencias Sociales, 1985.
Cappelletti, Angel. El Anarquismo en America Latina. Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1990.
Carrilo, Justo. Cuba 1933: Estudiantes, Yanquis y Soldados. Miami: Instituto de Estudios Interamericanos, University of Miami, 1985.
Casanovas Codina, Joan. Bread or Bullets: Urban Labor and Spanish Colonialism in Cuba, 1850–1898. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1998.
Casanovas Codina, Joan. “El Movimiento Obrero y la Política Colonial Española en la Cuba de Finales del XIX.” La Nación Soñada:Cuba, Puerto Rico y Filipinas ante el 98. Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles, 1996.
Casanovas Codina, Joan. “El Movimiento Obrero Cubano, del Reformismo al Anarquismo.” Historia y Sociedad. San Juan, PR: Departamento de Historia y Humanidades, Universidad del Puerto Rico, 1987.
Clark, Juan. Cuba: Mito y Realidad. Miami/Caracas: Saeta Ediciones, 1990.
Congreso Internacional de Federaciones Anarquistas. Informe Carrara 1968. Paris: Libraire Publico, 1968.
Dolgoff, Sam (ed.). The Anarchist Collectives: Workers’ Self-Management in the Spanish Revolution, 1936–1939. New York: Free Life Editions, 1974.
Dolgoff, Sam (ed.). Bakunin on Anarchy. New York: Knopf, 1971.
Dolgoff, Sam. The Cuban Revolution: A Critical Perspective. Montreal: Black Rose, 1976.
Dolgoff, Sam. Fragments: A Memoir. London: Refract Publications, 1986.
Eichenbaum, V.M. (“Voline”). The Unknown Revolution. Detroit: Black & Red, 1974.
El Movimiento Obrero Cubano: Documentos y Artículos. Tomo I. La Habana, 1975.
El Movimiento Obrero Cubano: Documentos y Artículos. Tomo II. La Habana, 1977.
Esteve, Pedro. Los Anarquistas de España y Cuba: Memorial de la Conferencia Anarquista de Chicago en 1893. Paterson, NJ: El Despertar, 1900.
Fabbri, Luigi. Bourgeois Influences on Anarchism. San Francisco: See Sharp Press, 1987.
Fabbri, Luigi. Influencias Burguesas sobre el Anarquismo. Mexico, DF: Ediciones Antorcha, 1980.
Fernández, Frank. Cuba, the Anarchists & Liberty. Sydney: Monty Miller Press, 1987.
Fernández, Frank. La Sangre de Santa Águeda: Angiolillo, Betances y Cánovas. Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1994.
Ferrara, Orestes. Una Mirada de Tres Siglos: Memorias. Madrid: Playor, 1976.
Gambone, Larry. Proudhon and Anarchism. Montreal: Red Lion Press, 1996.
Goldman, Emma. Anarchism and Other Essays. New York: Dover, 1969.
Goldman, Emma. Living My Life. New York: Dover, 1970.
Goldman, Emma. My Disillusionment in Russia. New York: Apollo Editions, 1970.
Grobar, Fabio. “El Movimiento Obrero Cubano de 1925 a 1933.” Cuba Socialista, 1966.
Guerra, Ramiro. Manual de la Historia de Cuba. Madrid: Ediciones R, 1975.
Guillame, James. La Internacional de los Trabajadores. La Habana: Ediciones de la Asociación Libertaria de Cuba, 1946.
Hidalgo, Ariel. “El Movimiento Obrero Cubano y el Primer Partido Anti-imperialista de la Historia.” El Caiman Barbudo. La Habana: Segunda Etapa, 1974.
Iglesias, Abelardo. Revolución y Dictadura en Cuba. Buenos Aires: Editorial Reconstruir, 1963.
Kropotkin, Peter. Anarchism and Anarchist Communism. London: Freedom Press, 1987.
Kropotkin, Peter. Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow. New York: Harper & Row, 1974.
Kropotkin, Peter. Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution. Boston: Porter Sargent, n.d.
Kropotkin, Peter. The State: Its Historic Role. London: Freedom Press, 1987.
La Enciclopedia de Cuba, Historia. Tomo IV. Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1974.
Launed, Carlos. Definición del Sindicalismo: Sobre el Origen, la Conducta y la Misión del Militante Obrero. Madrid: Fichas de Formación Libertaria, 1977.
Launed, Carlos. El Anarcosindicalismo en el Siglo XX. Madrid: Fichas de Formación Libertaria, 1978.
Le Riverend, Julio. “Raices del 24 de Febrero: La Economía y la Sociedad Cubana de 1878 a 1895.” Cuba Socialista, 1965.
Leval, Gaston. Collectives in the Spanish Revolution. London: Freedom Press, 1975.
Leval, Gaston, Souchy, Agustín y Cano Ruiz, Benjamin. La Obra Constructiva de la Revolución Española. Mexico, DF: Editorial Ideas, 1982.
Litvak, Lily. Musa Libertaria. Barcelona: Antonio Bosch, 1981.
Malatesta, Errico. Anarchy. London: Freedom Press, 1984.
Martí, José. Obras Completas. La Habana: Editorial Nacional de Cuba, 1964.
Marrero, Leví. Cuba: Economia y Sociedad. Madrid: Editorial Playor, 1987.
Martinez Ortiz, Rafael. Cuba: Los Primeros Años de Independencia. Paris: Editores Le Livre Libre, 1964.
Maximoff, Gregory Petrovich. The Guillotine at Work: The Leninist Counter-Revolution. Sanday, Orkney: Cienfuegos Press, 1977.
Meltzer, Albert (ed.). A New World in our Hearts: The Faces of Spanish Anarchism. Sydney: Jura Press, 1977.
Miró, Fidel. Anarquismo y Anarquistas. Mexico, DF: Editores Mexicanos Unidos, 1979.
Molina, Juan M. El Comunismo Totalitario. Mexico, DF: Editores Mexicanos Unidos, 1982.
Moreno Fraginals, Manuel. Cuba/España, España/Cuba. Barcelona: Grijalbo-Mondadori, 1995.
Movimiento Libertario Cubano en Exilio. Declaración de Principios. Miami: 1965.
Olaya Morales, Francisco. Historia del Movimiento Obrero Español. Madrid: Madre Tierra, 1994
Ortiz, Fernando. Contrapunteo Cubano del Tabaco y el Azucar. Barcelona: Ediciones Ariel, 1973.
Peirats, José. Anarchists in the Spanish Revolution. London: Freedom Press, 1990.
Plasencia Moro, Aleida. “Historia del Movimiento Obrero en Cuba.” Historia del Movimiento Obrero en America Latina. Mexico, DF: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1984.
Poyo, Gerald E. José Martí: Architect of Social Unity. 1887–1895. Gainesville, FL: University of Florida, Center for Latin American Studies, 1984.
Poyo, Gerald E. “The Impact of Cuban and Spanish Workers on Labor Organizing in Florida, 1870–1900.” Journal of American Ethnic History, Vol.5, No.2, 1986.
Poyo, Gerald E. The Anarchist Challenge to the Cuban Independence Movement, 1885–1890. Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh, 1985.
Rivero Muñiz, José. “La Lectura en las Tabaquerias.” Revista de la Biblioteca Nacional, Oct.-Dic. 1951.
Rivero Muñiz, José. El Movimiento Obrero durante la Primera Intervención. Las Villas, Cuba: Universidad de Las Villas, 1961.
Rivero Muñiz, José. “Los Orígenes de la Prensa Obrera en Cuba.” 1962.
Rivero Muñiz, José. The Ibor City Story, 1885–1964. Tampa, FL: 1976.
Rocker, Rudolf. Anarchism and Anarcho-Syndicalism. London: Freedom Press, 1988.
Rocker, Rudolf. Anarcho-Syndicalism. London: Phoenix Press, n.d.
Rocker, Rudolf. Anarquismo y Organización. Mexico, DF: Ediciones Antorcha, 1981.
Rocker, Rudolf. En la Borrasca: Memorias. Puebla, Mexico: Ediciones Cajica, 1962.
Rocker, Rudolf. Nacionalismo y Cultura. Puebla, Mexico: Ediciones Cajica, 1967.
Roig San Martín, Enrique. El Productor. La Habana: Consejo Nacional de la Cultura, 1967.
Serrano, Carlos. Anarchisme et Independence á Cuba á la Fin du XIX Siecle. Paris: Universite de Paris, 1986.
Shaffer, Kirwin R. Cuba para todos: Anarchist Internationalism and the Cultural Politics of Cuban Independence, 1898–1925. (forthcoming)
Souchy, Agustín. Testimonios sobre la Revolución Cubana. Buenos Aires: Editorial Reconstruir, 1960.
Thomas, Hugh. Cuba or the Pursuit of Freedom. London: Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1971.
Ward, Colin. Anarchy in Action. New York: Harper & Row, 1973.
Westfall, Glenn L. Key West: Cigar City USA. Key West, FL: Historical Key West Preservation Board, 1987.
Wexler, Alice. Emma Goldman in Exile. Boston: Beacon Press, 1989.
Zinn, Howard. A People’s History of the United States. New York: Harper & Row, 1980.
Random | RSS feed | Titles | Authors | Topics | Latest entries | Mobile | Add a new text
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1071
|
__label__wiki
| 0.55653
| 0.55653
|
BungalowFest is a Community Working Together
Posted by: Helen J. Simon in Community November 3, 2015
Erma Hannah’s home at 2925 2nd Ave. N., one of the properties that will be featured in this year’s BungalowFest. The exterior of Hannah’s house was recently restored by members of the Historic Kenwood Partnership.
Among the 13 buildings that will be on view during this weekend’s Historic Kenwood BungalowFest, one stands out for a very special reason: It’s a private home that was returned to its original beauty through the hard work of city workers and community volunteers.
The stately home at 2925 2nd Ave. N. belongs to Erma Hannah, who has lived there almost 25 years.
“The first thing I saw was the two columns,” Hannah recalled of her first view of the 1926 Craftsman Bungalow. “I said ‘Oh my God. This is my house.’”
Recently, the property needed repairs that were beyond Hannah’s budget. When it was cited for ordinance violations, the Historic Kenwood Partnership sprang into action, said program chair La Auna Lewis. The partnership includes local volunteers, the City of St. Petersburg’s N-Team, the Foundry and First United Methodist Churches, Tampa Bay YouthBuild, the Historic Kenwood Garden Workshop, and a number of businesses.
Together, they completely overhauled the exterior of the property. Partnership members scraped the chipping white paint off the 1,640-sq.-ft. house and back yard apartment, and replaced it with a rich green Hannah picked out, along with a maroon trim.
They re-screened the expansive front porch, removed broken entryway tiles that had caused Hannah to fall, repaired concrete steps, and fixed rotten soffits and sagging gutters. A team from Tampa Bay YouthBuild, which works with at-risk young people, removed a broken concrete landing on the side of the house and replaced it with a new deck.
Other volunteers removed large evergreens that hid the house from the street, enriched the soil in the yard, installed new edging and planted low-maintenance landscape plants.
Susan Heyen, vice president of the Historic Kenwood Neighborhood Association and chair of BungalowFest, estimated the value of the labor and materials at around $8,000.
Erma Hannah sits in the entryway to her Historic Kenwood home at 2925 2nd Ave. N., one of the properties that will be featured in this year’s BungalowFest.
“I feel really good about it. I love it,” Hannah said of the partnership’s accomplishments. “I appreciate and enjoyed that they did it. It was a blessing to me.”
BungalowFest, now in its 17th year, is just one of several manifestations of Historic Kenwood’s commitment to improving the community, Heyen said.
It all started a number of years ago when Kenwood residents, encouraged by the city of St. Petersburg, took it upon themselves to start fixing up abandoned houses and getting rid of neighborhood drug dealers. The idea was “you live here so take responsibility for where you live,” Heyen said.
“It all grew from a desire to make our neighborhood better. A better place to live and a better place to work,” she said.
A group of residents dreamed up BungalowFest as way to “showcase the neighborhood and houses, and show people what can be done with a lot of work and luck,” Heyen said.
The community also began having porch parties, the Pinot in the Park wine-tasting event, and other activities that bring residents together and help them get acquainted.
Once residents began to see things improving, explains Lewis, they started fixing up their own properties.
“I’ve seen it with my own eyes,” said Lewis. “That’s happened on several blocks.”
A year ago, the Historic Kenwood Partnership was formed to help those with limited resources fix up the exterior of their homes. Since then, the partnership has worked on seven properties in Kenwood, including Hannah’s. They’ve also begun helping other communities get their own partnerships going, including North Kenwood and Palmetto Park, said Lewis.
“In the older days, this is the way neighborhoods used to be,” she said, adding that residents knew and helped one another. “It’s bringing that old concept back.”
Added Heyen, “We don’t just invest in our own home. We invest in our neighborhood and in our city.”
This year’s BungalowFest tour takes place this Saturday, November 7, from 10 a.m. to 4 p.m. It includes nine houses, three separate at-home art studios and one historic building. For more information visit historickenwood.org/bungalowfest-2015.
bungalowfest 2015-11-03
Helen J. Simon
Tagged with: bungalowfest
Previous: A Whole Lotta Challah
Next: Around Town
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1078
|
__label__cc
| 0.622997
| 0.377003
|
Tag: the television tag
The Television Tag
November 22, 2017 November 22, 2017 Nicole & Isis
I saw ProblemsofaBookNerd do this tag and it looked fun, so Nicole and I decided to do it!
1. Favorite shows?
Nicole: Stranger Things, Charmed, Gilmore Girls, 12 Monkeys, 3%, The Challenge, Chopped, Cupcake Wars, Cutthroat Kitchen, Project Runway, Love and Hip Hop: Atlanta
Isis: Are you ready? This list will be LONG because I adore TV shows: The Office, Parks & Recreation, Friends, New Girl, Lucifer, Crazy Ex-Girlfriend, Preacher, Stranger Things, Gilmore Girls, The Great British Baking Show, Crazyhead, About a Boy, Breaking Bad, That 70’s Show, Scrubs, Shameless, Master of None, Santa Clarita Diet, Bates Motel, The Good Doctor, This Is Us, In the Flesh, Atypical, The Twilight Zone, Jane the Virgin, The Good Place, Superstore, The Mindy Project, The Nanny, Brooklyn Nine-Nine, and The X-Files.
2. Favorite genre?
Nicole: I like a lot of reality television obviously. I don’t know if there is a genre for all the scripted shows I watch, but they all have a magical element or something to it. Not necessarily magical but it’s never like just regular life like a sitcom. Also crime shows. I always get caught up in those.
Isis: Sitcoms have a large piece of my heart. The majority of the shows I watch are sitcoms, often with a twist. I do enjoy supernatural shows, especially if they involve angels and/or demons. I don’t really like dramas, unless they have some sort of supernatural or comedy aspect.
3. Least favorite show?
Nicole: The OA, Glow, Being Human, Lost, Spongebob, Clarence
Isis: Family Guy, The Big Bang Theory, It’s Always Sunny in Philadelphia. If I don’t like a show, I just don’t watch it. These are just some that annoy me without having really watched them.
4. Most rewatched show/favorite show to binge watch?
Nicole: I’ve watched the Roseanne, Gilmore Girls, 16 and Pregnant, and the Teen Moms ones so many times. Law and Order the original and SVU too. Cold Case and a few others like it I can’t remember the names to right now. I love binging The Challenge, The Real World, shows like that.
Isis: I’ve lost track of the times I’ve rewatched The Office, but my guess is at least 10 times, seasons 1 thru 7. I don’t care about the last two seasons. I’ve rewatched Friends a bunch of times too, but not as many. And Gilmore Girls and Parks & Recreation a few times. And I’d recommend binge watching Breaking Bad cause that show is a masterpiece from start to finish. I have that show up on a pedestal.
5. Do you prefer watching things week-by-week or binge-watching?
Nicole: Binge watching mostly because I don’t have cable so I can’t watch things week by week. But I’m bad at TV shows in general. Even if I like them I don’t usually continue them.
Isis: Definitely binge watching, though there’s something very exciting about waiting for new episodes to come out.
6. Favorite television characters?
Nicole: Garth and Gabriel from Supernatural. Rose, the ninth and tenth doctors from Doctor Who. The main cast from Stranger Things. Prue and Chris Halliwell from Charmed. Rafael from 3%. Olivia Benson and Elliot Stabler from SVU. I’m sure there is more, but I also can’t put people from reality TV cause that’s weird.
Isis: Castiel from Supernatural, Lorelai Gilmore from Gilmore Girls, Lucifer from Lucifer, Jesse Custer from Preacher, Leslie Knope from Parks & Recreation, Ann Perkins from Parks & Recreation, Literally everyone from Stranger Things, Dana Scully from The X-Files, Lip Gallagher from Shameless, Michael Scott from The Office, Jane from Jane the Virgin, and Monica from Friends.
7. Favorite television ships?
Nicole: Um Rose and the Doctor. I really liked Piper and that ghost from that one episode in Charmed haha. Mike and Eleven from Stranger Things. I can’t think of anything else, but I don’t ship people that often anyway.
Isis: I’m aware they aren’t technically canon, but Dean and Castiel from Supernatural are THE ship, and no other ship will ever top them for me. Jim and Pam from The Office, Leslie and Ben from Parks & Recreation, Lito and Hernando from Sense8, Amy and Jake from Brooklyn Nine-Nine, Lucifer and Chloe from Lucifer, Monica and Chandler from Friends, Michael and Holly from The Office, Scully and Mulder from The X-Files, Jack and Rebecca from This Is Us, and Fran and Maxwell from The Nanny. That is way too many m/f couples.
8. Show you could never get into?
Nicole: All of my least favorite shows obviously. I never got into Sense8 but since it’s cancelled already I’m glad. Same for In the Flesh. I could say this for most shows honestly. I watch the first episode, and never feel the need to continue. Like with Preacher. I also couldn’t get into Shadowhunters.
Isis: 12 Monkeys, Supergirl, Merlin, Doctor Who, Chewing Gum, Better Call Saul, Sherlock, Buffy the Vampire Slayer (Don’t kill me), 13 Reasons Why, and Lost.
9. Show you fell out of love with?
Nicole: Face Off, Orange is the New Black, Doctor Who, Supernatural, Sherlock, The Walking Dead, Supergirl, Survivor, Are You the One?
Isis: Supernatural – it hurts to talk about how bad this show got in the later seasons, especially cause it was such a huge part of my life. The Walking Dead, Last Man on Earth, Shadowhunters, Sense8, How to Get Away With Murder, Glee, Constantine, Twin Peaks, Melissa & Joey, Orange is the New Black (but I’m gonna keep watching).
10. Cancelled too soon?
Nicole: I usually think something is dragging on too long than cancelled too soon.
Isis: In the Flesh!!!!!! WHY. Just why. Also, About a Boy was the purest show on TV and I am so so upset it got cancelled. It deserved so many seasons.
11. Guilty pleasure show?
Nicole: I guess all the reality TV I watch but also I don’t feel guilty about it.
Isis: Orange is the New Black is a guilty pleasure. I never feel good about myself watching it, but it’s addictive.
12. What are you currently watching?
Nicole: The Challenge. There’s always a season of that on it feels like. I finished Stranger Things a little bit ago. I’m interested in looking up The Worst Witch I think it is on Netflix. I’ve recently seen things about a show called The Exorcist that I might try watching too. That’s about it.
Isis: I’m watching and loving Lucifer, The Good Doctor, Superstore, The Good Place, This Is Us, Catfish, Brooklyn Nine-Nine, just recently finished The Mindy Project (and it was amazing), and The Great British Baking Show which never fails to make me smile.
Tagged Isis, the television tag, tv tagLeave a comment
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1085
|
__label__wiki
| 0.507172
| 0.507172
|
Canada, Campaign, Heritage, Prime Minister
On This day 90 Years Ago RB Bennett Became Leader of the Conservative Party of Canada - October 11, 1927
At the first Conservative Party Convention
The Conservative Party of Canada decided to hold a national party convention on October 11, 1927, to choose a new leader and set a new party platform. This would be the first time the Conservatives would hold such a convention.
The Conservative convention was held in Winnipeg, Manitoba, and there were six candidates at the start. R.B. was one of them. It took two ballots to declare a winner, who needed to receive a majority of the votes. R.B. was that winner. After the results of the second ballot were read, each of the other candidates made their way to the microphone to officially withdraw from the race in the old tradition of making the vote unanimous. Besides selecting a leader, the party also reshaped the planks of its platform and adopted twenty-two resolutions marking the change perceived in the political landscape.
As the leader of the federal Conservative party, R.B. was also now the leader of His Majesty's Loyal Opposition in the House of Commons. He had a huge job ahead of him. He set out to rebuild the party into an efficient political machine that could lead the country.
Tagged: Bennett, Conservative Party, Convention, Election
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1094
|
__label__wiki
| 0.964544
| 0.964544
|
Home » News » Class aims to bridge political divide between Hindi and Urdu languages
Click here to see the article on the Daily Bruin
A UCLA professor aims to bridge the political and cultural divides between students of Indian and Pakistani heritage by bringing them together in a Hindi-Urdu language class.
Gyanam Mahajan, an Asian languages and cultures professor, has been teaching the class at UCLA for over a decade. She said she hopes teaching both Hindi and Urdu as one language in her lectures can help students reconcile their differing views regarding controversial South Asian geopolitics.
India and Pakistan have had a long history of military conflict over territorial disputes and have fought four wars since they gained independence from the British Empire in 1947. In February 2018, Jaish-e-Muhammad, a Pakistan-based extremist group, launched a surprise attack on an Indian military base, according to the New York Times. The Council on Foreign Relations, a U.S.-based think tank, warned in a report updated Friday that attacks like this could trigger a severe military confrontation between these two nuclear-armed nations.
Decades of hostility between the two countries have driven a wedge into a historically shared cultural identity and language, Mahajan said.
Hindi and Urdu were considered synonymous terms for a common language spoken across Northern India and Pakistan before and shortly after the partition of India. Today, however, Hindi is popularly considered an exclusively Indian language and Urdu exclusively Pakistani, Mahajan said.
Mahajan said the only difference between the two languages is the scripts they are written in. Hindi uses a Devanagari script while Urdu uses a Nastaliq script, but both convey an otherwise identical Hindi-Urdu language, historically known as Hindustani.
“There is no way that Hindi-Urdu can be two separate languages. All the function words are identical,” Mahajan said. “The grammar is completely identical.”
In fact, Hindi-Urdu continues to be spoken in Northern India and Pakistan, by South Asians abroad and in Bollywood movies. For Mahajan, this forced separation of a once-unified language can be attributed to the formation of separate national identities and the adversarial perception of the “other.”
“I think it is very convenient for politicians to distract attention away from their own inadequacies … by instilling this concept of the other,” she said. “The moment you have this other, you have someone you can vilify and blame.”
Despite widespread nationalist propaganda from both countries, Indians and Pakistanis are not so different, she said. She saw this for herself when she first left her native India to attend an academic conference in France.
“I spotted someone wearing a salwar kameez and felt a natural affinity with her,” Mahajan said. “She was from Pakistan. I couldn’t even tell the difference in what she looked like, what she spoke, what she wore, what she ate. … I mean, where is the problem, where is the difference?”
Mahajan said she believes her Hindi-Urdu class rejects the metaphorical wall between Indians and Pakistanis that she thinks was constructed for political reasons.
“In one way, it was simply a question of teaching a practical language to a set of people to remove biases,” she said. “Why, on purpose, bring about an unnecessary, artificial split that leads to reinforcing stereotypes that go well beyond language?”
Students in Mahajan’s class said they think her message of tolerance is noble.
Sanjay Kumar, a third-year biology student of Indian heritage, said this class has encouraged him to interact with students of Pakistani heritage.
“It was interesting to understand that borders don’t really make actual differences, that we’re more similar than we think,” he said.
Simrandeep Shergill, a third-year political science student of Indian heritage, said she had never regularly interacted with Pakistanis before she took the class.
“Meeting students from the other country makes us feel that we’re not really that different,” she said. “We have the same origins, language and a lot of other similarities.”
Shergill added that she thinks peace talks between India and Pakistan are not likely to result in substantive reconciliation between the countries, despite it being a desirable goal for both countries’ citizens.
The Indian and Pakistani governments have often demonstrated this apathy toward long-term peace, frequently engaging in diplomatic disputes, according to the Times of India. As recently as Feb. 1, the Times of India reported that Pakistan summoned India’s high commissioner to Islamabad to protest the summoning of a Pakistani top diplomat to New Delhi.
Shergill added that conflicts can only be resolved as long as both sides wish to resolve them.
“Language could break down the barriers between the people of the two nations, but (cannot resolve) the politics,” she said.
Mahajan begins all classes with greetings in English, Hindi-Urdu, Punjabi and Gujarati to demonstrate the cultural solidarity she says South Asians aspire to.
She said she also teaches her students to effectively combat any ignorance they may encounter.
“Even around campus today there are other students who come from India who will say, ‘Urdu is a different language from Hindi.’ My students are equipped with enough solid arguments to prove to them that it is obviously not true,” she said.
Mahajan said she thinks students who are aware of the superficiality of the differences between Hindi and Urdu and of the perceived differences between Indians and Pakistanis will be better able to combat intolerance and conflict.
“I have a great hope that my students … will have a more tolerant attitude,” she said. “Right now, each one of my students is an ambassador for peace.”
Professor Min Li Releases New Book
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1095
|
__label__wiki
| 0.949876
| 0.949876
|
Photo by: SIMON KRAWCZYK/AFP/Getty Images
Mayor of Gdansk Pawel Adamowicz flashes the sign of victory as he gives a speech in front of people taking part in an antifascist demonstration on April 21, 2018 in Gdansk, Poland.
Polish mayor dies after being stabbed in heart at age 53
A convicted criminal with a knife rushed on to a charity event stage and stabbed a Polish mayor in the heart.
Author: VANESSA GERA , Associated Press
Updated: 7:25 AM MST January 14, 2019
WARSAW, Poland — The popular liberal mayor of the Polish port city of Gdansk died on Monday after he was stabbed during a charity event the evening before by an ex-convict who stormed onstage and said it was revenge against a political party the politician once belonged to.
Pawel Adamowicz, 53, died as a result of wounds to the heart and abdomen in spite of efforts to save him that involved a five-hour operation and blood transfusions, Health Minister Lukasz Szumowski said.
"The fight for his life has been lost," Szumowski said.
The assassination of Adamowicz, a six-term mayor who often mingled freely with citizens of his city, sent Poland into shock.
Even before his death was announced, rallies against violence were being planned to take place across Poland in the evening. In Gdansk, the city flag was lowered to half-staff and a Mass was planned for later in the day.
The right-wing ruling Law and Justice party faced accusations from its critics that an atmosphere of hatred against Adamowicz and others liberal political opponents helped instigate the attack.
Government officials appeared to be pushing back against that accusation, strongly denouncing the attack and stressing that the 27-year-old perpetrator had a history of violent bank robberies and possible mental illness.
The ex-convict who rushed onto the stage with a knife Sunday and stabbed Adamowicz shouted that it was revenge against Civic Platform, which Adamowicz belonged to for many years.
The assailant shouted from the stage that he had been wrongly imprisoned under a previous government led by Civic Platform. He said his name was Stefan and that "I was jailed but innocent. ... Civic Platform tortured me. That's why Adamowicz just died."
A man is held on the ground by security personnel after he attacked the mayor of Gdansk during a charity event in Gdansk on January 13, 2019.
PIOTR HUKALO/AFP/Getty Images
Deputy Chief Prosecutor Krzysztof Sierak said there are "doubts" as to the mental state of the attacker, who used a 14.5-centimeter (5.5-inch) knife on Adamowicz, and that two psychiatrists will examine him. He had served 5 ½ years in prison and was released toward the end of last year.
Adamowicz, who has been the city's mayor for more than 20 years, grabbed his belly and collapsed in front of the audience during the "Lights to Heaven" fundraiser organized by the Great Orchestra of Christmas Charity.
The attack triggered an outpouring of solidarity, with many people donating blood in Gdansk on Monday. Some said they were given time off work to help save Adamowicz.
The spokeswoman for the ruling Law and Justice party Beata Mazurek said the attack should be "absolutely condemned by all, regardless of what side of the political spectrum they are on."
She insisted politicians in Poland need "greater responsibility for words, for deeds" because "there is no shortage of madmen on both sides" of the political scale.
Ruling authorities also sent a government plane to transport the mayor's wife, who had been traveling, from London back to Gdansk.
The government's critics, however, said that they believed that animosity voiced against Adamowicz by ruling party officials, sometimes carried on state television, as well as by extremists, played a role.
Adamowicz was part of the democratic opposition formed in Gdansk under the leadership of Lech Walesa during the 1980s. After leaving Civic Platform, he was re-elected to a sixth term as an independent candidate in the fall.
As mayor, he was a progressive voice, supporting sex education in schools, LGBT rights and tolerance for minorities. He showed solidarity with the Jewish community when Gdansk synagogue had its windows broken last year, strongly denouncing the vandalism.
Adamowicz also advocated bringing wounded Syrian children to Gdansk for medical treatment, a plan, however, blocked by the Law and Justice government. After he took that stand, a far-right group, the All-Polish Youth, issued what they called a "political death notice" for Adamowicz.
The last politically motivated attack in Poland was in 2010 in Lodz when a man shouting that he wanted to kill Law and Justice party leader Jaroslaw Kaczynski fatally shot an aide to one of the party's European Parliament lawmakers.
Kaczynski, at the time an opposition leader, blamed the attack on an "atmosphere of hate" under Civic Platform.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1096
|
__label__wiki
| 0.596182
| 0.596182
|
TERESA E. CHRISTY
The ashes of Teresa E. Christy
are buried in Thorn Rose Cemetery in Staunton, VA
Teresa Elizabeth Christy was born March 31, 1927 in Brooklyn New York to James P. and Charlotte (Pardy) Christy. Her father was an Irish Catholic firemen for the city of New York. As a child she struggled for recognition from her father beginning a lifelong drive for achievement and recognition.
She was a Nurse Cadet at Manhattanville College of Sacred Heart, completing her BSN in 1949. She worked for two years and then entered the order of Nursing Sisters of the Sick Poor of the Child Jesus, but left after three months.
She began a career as an educator as an Instructor of Nursing Arts at St. Joseph's Hospital in Joliet Illinois from 1950-60, and during this time completed her MSN from DePaul University. In 1960 she assumed position of Assistant Professor at Molloy College, NY, became chair of the Department of Nursing in 1963. In 1964 she began working on her doctorate at Teachers College and became interested in nursing history. Her dissertation was on the history of the influential Division of Nursing at Teachers College.
With her new Ed.D. she joined the faculty at Teachers College and taught there from 1968-70. In 1970 she then joined the faculty at Adelphi University and was director of the program from 1970-72. She moved to Iowa in 1974 and taught at the University of Iowa with a visiting professorship at University of Illinois in Chicago
Throughout her professional career Terry Christy was active in professional and civic organizations. A pioneer in the struggle to gain acceptance of historical research as a research methodology, her presence on the ANA Commission on Nursing Research brought recognition for historical research.
It was this work in historical research which has endeared Dr. Christy to nursing historians. Her "Portrait of a Leader" series for Nursing Outlook in 1969-70 were characteristic of her excellent documentation and ability to bring subjects to life. She advocated fostering critical thinking as well as independent thinking as a research methodology.
She was a founder and first president of the International History of Nursing Society, which was later named the American Association for the History of Nursing. Dr. Christy inspired many of the leading nursing historians today.
In honor of her excellence as a teacher, AAHN annually awards the Teresa E. Christy Award for excellence of historical research and writing done while the researcher was in a student status. The award features a seagull because Dr. Christy always wore a medallion with a seagull on one side and on the obverse this inscription:
You have the freedom to be yourself, now and forever.
Terry was my colleague and she was passionate in her love of nursing's early leaders and their influence on nursing's development. She approached her work with much excitement and energy. When I last saw her, she was very ill but was still concerned about nursing and its heritage. I'm not sure she realized that she was part of the legacy.
Dean M. Louise Fitzpatrick
Villanova University College of Nursing
Donahue, M.P. (1988). Teresa E. Christy. In: Bullough, V.L., Church, O.M., & Stein, A.P. (Eds.). American nursing: A biographical dictionary. New York: Garland.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1097
|
__label__wiki
| 0.818901
| 0.818901
|
Tim Baysinger
Why You Likely Won’t See Too Much Political Advertising During the Olympics
With the torch about to be lit at the 2016 Summer Olympics in Rio de Janeiro, all eyes are on NBC. And with the TV-friendly time zone—Rio is only an hour ahead of the East Coast—NBC is looking to set records for viewership and advertising dollars.
By Tim Baysinger
With Verizon Deal, Yahoo and AOL Are Finally Together
Yahoo's long, winding and rocky road has finally come to its conclusion.
The ACC Finally Lands Its Own TV Network Through a Partnership With ESPN
Following years of speculation, ESPN and the Atlantic Coast Conference finally came to an agreement this morning to partner on a TV network dedicated to the ACC's member schools.
Why Are So Many Major Studios Sitting Out Comic-Con This Year?
Over the years, San Diego Comic-Con, which kicks off its 46th year today, has become one of the premiere events on the entertainment calendar, as major film studios and TV networks have used it as an opportunity to plug their upcoming fare. But that tide is turning as more and more major film studios opt out of the four-day gathering of comic-book and pop-culture aficionados.
Despite Streaming Options, Millennial Women Plan to Watch the Olympics on TV
The 2016 Summer Olympics are just a few weeks away, and it looks like the TV-friendly time zone of the host city, Rio de Janeiro, will pay big dividends for NBC.
Netflix’s Making a Murderer Is Returning With New Episodes
Viewers were instantly enthralled with Netflix's 10-hour true-crime documentary, Making a Murderer, when it came out late last year.
Q&A: Laila Ali on Sports Humanitarians and How Much Her Father Cared About People
Ahead of the ESPY Awards Wednesday night on ABC, ESPN will hold its second annual Sports Humanitarian Awards tonight. The event at the Conga Room at L.A. Live will air as a half-hour special Friday night on ESPN. Proceeds will benefit the Stuart Scott Memorial Cancer Research Fund at The V Foundation.
How Time Inc.’s New Video-Only Platform Hopes to Unearth the Next Big Digital Star
As the digital video ecosystem has exploded over the past five years, it's given rise to a new kind of celebrity: Those who are able to amass large swaths of fans without having to be on a traditional media platform.
Why AOL’s Brand Studio Is Focusing on 360 Video More Than Virtual Reality
This month marks one year since AOL launched Partner Studio, joining a growing list of publishers like BuzzFeed, Vox, The New York Times and Vice, who have created their own branded content shops.
From Boxer to Businessman: Oscar De La Hoya on Creating the Golden Boy Brand
There are many different roads professional athletes can take when their playing days are done.
|
cc/2019-30/en_head_0016.json.gz/line1101
|
Subsets and Splits
No community queries yet
The top public SQL queries from the community will appear here once available.