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The dataset generation failed
Error code: DatasetGenerationError
Exception: ArrowInvalid
Message: JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 65
Traceback: Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 153, in _generate_tables
df = pd.read_json(f, dtype_backend="pyarrow")
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 815, in read_json
return json_reader.read()
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1025, in read
obj = self._get_object_parser(self.data)
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1051, in _get_object_parser
obj = FrameParser(json, **kwargs).parse()
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1187, in parse
self._parse()
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/pandas/io/json/_json.py", line 1403, in _parse
ujson_loads(json, precise_float=self.precise_float), dtype=None
ValueError: Trailing data
During handling of the above exception, another exception occurred:
Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1997, in _prepare_split_single
for _, table in generator:
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 156, in _generate_tables
raise e
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/packaged_modules/json/json.py", line 130, in _generate_tables
pa_table = paj.read_json(
File "pyarrow/_json.pyx", line 308, in pyarrow._json.read_json
File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 154, in pyarrow.lib.pyarrow_internal_check_status
File "pyarrow/error.pxi", line 91, in pyarrow.lib.check_status
pyarrow.lib.ArrowInvalid: JSON parse error: Missing a closing quotation mark in string. in row 65
The above exception was the direct cause of the following exception:
Traceback (most recent call last):
File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 1529, in compute_config_parquet_and_info_response
parquet_operations = convert_to_parquet(builder)
File "/src/services/worker/src/worker/job_runners/config/parquet_and_info.py", line 1154, in convert_to_parquet
builder.download_and_prepare(
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1029, in download_and_prepare
self._download_and_prepare(
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1124, in _download_and_prepare
self._prepare_split(split_generator, **prepare_split_kwargs)
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 1884, in _prepare_split
for job_id, done, content in self._prepare_split_single(
File "/src/services/worker/.venv/lib/python3.9/site-packages/datasets/builder.py", line 2040, in _prepare_split_single
raise DatasetGenerationError("An error occurred while generating the dataset") from e
datasets.exceptions.DatasetGenerationError: An error occurred while generating the datasetNeed help to make the dataset viewer work? Make sure to review how to configure the dataset viewer, and open a discussion for direct support.
pred_label
string | pred_label_prob
float64 | wiki_prob
float64 | text
string | source
string |
|---|---|---|---|---|
__label__wiki
| 0.578829
| 0.578829
|
Official Website of Governor's Secretariat, Raj Bhavan Lucknow Uttar Pradesh, India. / The Governor / Constitutional Role of Governor
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Constitutional Role of the Governor
Powers & Functions of the Governor
Under Constitution of India
Article 151. Audit reports : (2) The reports of the Comptroller and Auditor-General of India relating to the accounts of a State shall be submitted to the Governor of the State, who shall cause them to be laid before the Legislature of the State.
Article 153. The Governor : There shall be a Governor for each State. Provided that nothing in this Article shall preventthe appointment of the same person as Governor for twoor more States.
Article 154. Executive power of State : (1) The executive power of the State shall be
vested in the Governor and shall be exercised by him either directly or through officers subordinate to him in accordance with this Constitution.
(2) Nothing in this Article shall—
(a) be deemed to transfer to the Governor any functions conferred by any existing law on any other authority; or
(b) prevent Parliament or the Legislature of the State from conferring by law functions on any authority subordinate to the Governor.
Article 155. Appointment of Governor : The Governor of a State shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal.
Article 156. Term of office of Governor : (1) The Governor shall hold office during the pleasure of the President.
(2) The Governor may, by writing under his hand addressed to the President, resign his office.
(3) Subject to the foregoing provisions of this Article, a Governor shall hold office for a term of five years from the date on which he enters upon his office. Provided that a Governor shall, notwithstanding the
expiration of his term, continue to hold office until his successor enters upon his office.
Article 157. Qualifications for appointment as Governor : No person shall be eligible for appointment as Governor unless he is a citizen of India and has completed the age of thirty-five years.
Article 158. Conditions of Governor's office. (1) The Governor shall not be a member of either House of Parliament or of a House of the Legislature of
any State specified in the First Schedule, and if a member of either House of Parliament or of a House of the Legislature of any such State be appointed Governor, he shall be deemed to have vacated his seat in that House on the date on which he enters upon his office as Governor.
(2) The Governor shall not hold any other office of profit.
(3) The Governor shall be entitled without payment of rent to the use of his official residences and shall be also entitled to such emoluments, allowances and privileges as may be determined by Parliament by law
and, until provision in that behalf is so made, such emoluments, allowances and privileges as are specified in the Second Schedule.
(3A) Where the same person is appointed as Governor of two or more States, the emoluments and allowances payable to the Governor shall be allocated among the States in such proportion as the President may by order determine.
(4) The emoluments and allowances of the Governor shall not be diminished during his term of office.
Article 159. Oath or affirmation by the Governor : Every Governor and every person discharging the functions of the Governor shall, before entering upon his office, make and subscribe in the presence of the Chief Justice of the High Court exercising jurisdiction in relation to the State, or, in his absence, the seniormost Judge of that Court available, an oath or affirmation in the following form, that is to say :
"I, A.B., do swear in the name of God / solemnly affirm that I will faithfully execute the office of Governor (or discharge the functions of the Governor) of ......... (name of State) and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution and the law and that I will devote myself to the service and well-being of the people of .......... (name of the State)."
Article 160. Discharge of the functions of the Governor in certain contingencies : The President may make such provision as he thinks fit for the discharge of the functions of the Governor of a State in any contingency not provided for in this Chapter.
Article 161. Power of Governor to grant pardons, etc., and to suspend, remit or commute sentences in certain cases : The Governor of a State shall have the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute the sentence of any person convicted of any offence against any law relating to a matter to which the executive power of the State extends.
Article 163. Council of Ministers to aid and advise Governor: (1) There shall be a Council of Ministers with the Chief Minister at the head to aid and advise the Governor in the exercise of his functions, except in so far as he is by or under this Constitution required to exercise his functions or any of them in his discretion.
(2) If any question arises whether any matter is or is not a matter as respects which the Governor is by or under this Constitution required to act in his discretion, the decision of the Governor in his discretion shall be
final, and the validity of anything done by the Governor shall not be called in question on the ground that he ought or ought not to have acted in his discretion.
(3) The question whether any, and if so what, advice was tendered by Ministers to the Governor shall not be inquired into in any court.
Article 164. Other provisions as to Ministers : (1) The Chief Minister shall be appointed by the Governor and the other Ministers shall be appointed by
the Governor on the advice of the Chief Minister, and the Ministers shall hold office during the pleasure of the Governor. Provided that in the States of [Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand], Madhya Pradesh and [Odisha] there shall be a Minister in charge of tribal welfare who may in addition be in charge of the welfare of the Scheduled Castes and backward classes or any other work.
(1A) The total number of Ministers, including the Chief Minister, in the Council of Ministers in a State shall not exceed fifteen percent of the total number of members of the Legislative Assembly of that State. Provided that the number of Ministers, including the Chief Minister in a State shall not be less than twelve. Provided further that where the total number of Ministers including the Chief Minister in the Council of Ministers in any State at the commencement of the Constitution (Ninety-first Amendment) Act, 2003 exceeds the said fifteen percent or the number specified in the first proviso, as the case may be, then the total number of Ministers in that State shall be brought in conformity with the provisions of this clause within six months from such date as the President may by public notification appoint.
(1B) A member of the Legislative Assembly of a State or either House of the Legislature of a State having Legislative Council belonging to any political party who is disqualified for being a member of that House under paragraph 2 of the Tenth Schedule shall also be disqualified to be appointed as a Minister under clause (1) for duration of the period commencing from the date of his disqualification till the date on which the term of his office as such member would expire or where he contests any election to the Legislative Assembly of a State or either House of the Legislature of a State having Legislative Council, as the case may be, before the expiry of such period, till the date on which he is declared elected, whichever is earlier.
(2) The Council of Ministers shall be collectively responsible to the Legislative Assembly of the State.
(3) Before a Minister enters upon his office, the Governor shall administer to him the oaths of office and of secrecy according to the forms set out for the purpose in the Third Schedule.
(4) A Minister who for any period of six consecutive months is not a member of the Legislature of the State shall at the expiration of that period cease to be a Minister.
(5) The salaries and allowances of Ministers shall be such as the Legislature of the State may from time to time by law determine and, until the Legislature of the State so determines, shall be as specified in the Second Schedule.
Article 165. The Advocate-General for the State : (1) The Governor of each State shall appoint a person who is qualified to be appointed a Judge of a High Court to be Advocate-General for the State.
(2) It shall be the duty of the Advocate-General to give advice to the Government of the State upon such legal matters, and to perform such other duties of a legal character, as may from time to time be referred or assigned to him by the Governor, and to discharge the functions conferred on him by or under this Constitution or any other law for the time being in force.
(3) The Advocate-General shall hold office during the pleasure of the Governor, and shall receive such remuneration as the Governor may determine.
Article 166. Conduct of Business of the Government of a State : (1) All executive action of the Government of a State shall be expressed to be taken in the name of the Governor.
(2) Orders and other instruments made and executed in the name of the Governor shall be authenticated in such manner as may be specified in rules to be made by the Governor, and the validity of an order or instrument which is so authenticated shall not be called in question on the ground that it is not an order or instrument made or executed by the Governor.
(3) The Governor shall make rules for the more convenient transaction of the business of the Government of the State, and for the allocation among Ministers of the said business in so far as it is not business with respect to which the Governor is by or under this Constitution required to act in his discretion.
Article 167. Duties of Chief Minister as respects the furnishing of information to Governor etc. : .It shall be the duty of the Chief Minister of each State—
(a) to communicate to the Governor of the State all decisions of the Council of Ministers relating to the administration of the affairs of the State and proposals for legislation;
(b) to furnish such information relating to the administration of the affairs of the State and proposals for legislation as the Governor may call
for; and
(c) if the Governor so requires, to submit for the consideration of the Council of Ministers any matter on which a decision has been taken by a Minister but which has not been considered by the Council.
Article 168. Constitution of Legislatures in States : (1) For every State there shall be a Legislature which shall consist of the Governor, and :
(a) in the States of Bihar, Maharashtra, Karnataka and Uttar Pradesh two Houses;
(b) in other States, one House.
(2) Where there are two Houses of the Legislature of a State, one shall be known as the Legislative Council and the other as the Legislative Assembly, and where there is only one House, it shall be known as the Legislative Assembly.
Article 171. Composition of the Legislative Councils : (1) .. , (2) .. , (3) Of the total number of members of the Legislative Council of a State—
(a) as nearly as may be, one-third shall be elected by electorates consisting of members of municipalities, district boards and such other local authorities in the State as Parliament may by law specify;
(b) as nearly as may be, one-twelfth shall be elected by electorates consisting of persons residing in the State who have been for at least three years graduates of any university in the territory of India or have been for at least three years in possession of qualifications prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament as equivalent to that of a graduate of any such university;
(c) as nearly as may be, one-twelfth shall be elected by electorates consisting of persons who have been for at least three years engaged in teaching in such educational institutions within the State, not lower in standard than that of a secondary school, as may
be prescribed by or under any law made by Parliament;
(d) as nearly as may be, one-third shall be elected by the members of the Legislative Assembly of the State from amongst persons who are not members of the Assembly;
(e) the remainder shall be nominated by the Governor in accordance with the provisions of clause (5).
(4) ..
(5) The members to be nominated by the Governor under sub-clause (e) of clause (3) shall consist of persons having special knowledge or practical experience in respect of such matters as the following, namely ; Literature, science, art, co-operative movement and social service.
Article 174. Sessions of the State Legislature, prorogation and dissolution : (1) The Governor shall from time to time summon the House or each House of the Legislature of the State to meet at such time and place as he thinks fit, but six months shall not intervene between its last sitting in one session and the date appointed for its first sitting in the next session.
(2) The Governor may from time to time—
(a) prorogue the House or either House;
(b) dissolve the Legislative Assembly.
Article 175. Right of Governor to address and send messages to the House or Houses. (1) The Governor may address the Legislative Assembly or, in the case of a State having a Legislative Council, either House of the Legislature of the State, or both Houses assembled together, and may for that purpose require the attendance of members.
(2) The Governor may send messages to the House or Houses of the Legislature of the State, whether with respect to a Bill then pending in the Legislature or otherwise, and a House to which any message is so sent shall with all convenient despatch consider any matter required by the message to be taken into consideration.
Article 176. Special address by the Governor : (1) At the commencement of the first session after each general election to the Legislative Assembly and at the commencement of the first session of each year, the Governor shall address the Legislative Assembly or, in the case of a State having a Legislative Council, both Houses assembled together and inform the Legislature of the causes of its summons.
(2) Provision shall be made by the rules regulating the procedure of the House or either House for the allotment of time for discussion of the matters referred to in such address.
Article 180. Power of the Deputy Speaker or other person to perform the duties of the office of, or to act as, Speaker : (1) While the office of Speaker is vacant, the duties of the office shall be performed by the Deputy Speaker or, if the office of Deputy Speaker is also vacant, by such member of the Assembly as the Governor may appoint for the purpose.
(2) During the absence of the Speaker from any sitting of the Assembly the Deputy Speaker or, if he is also absent, such person as may be determined by the rules of procedure of the Assembly, or, if no such person is present, such other person as may be determined by the Assembly, shall act as Speaker.
Article 184. Power of the Deputy Chairman or other person to perform the duties of the office of, or to act as, Chairman : (1) While the office of Chairman is vacant, the duties of the office shall be performed by the Deputy Chairman or, if the office of Deputy Chairman is also vacant, by such member of the Council as the Governor may appoint for the purpose.
Article 187. Secretariat of State Legislature : (1) The House or each House of the Legislature of a State shall have a separate secretarial staff. Provided that nothing in this clause shall, in the case of the Legislature of a State having a Legislative Council, be construed as preventing the creation of posts common to both Houses of such Legislature.
(2) The Legislature of a State may by law regulate the recruitment, and the conditions of service of persons appointed, to the secretarial staff of the House or Houses of the Legislature of the State.
(3) Until provision is made by the Legislature of the State under clause (2), the Governor may, after consultation with the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly or the Chairman of the Legislative Council, as the case may be, make rules regulating the recruitment, and the conditions of service of persons appointed, to the secretarial staff of the Assembly or the Council, and any rules so made shall have effect subject to the provisions of any law made under the said clause.
Article 188. Oath or affirmation by members : Every member of the Legislative Assembly or the Legislative Council of a State shall, before taking his seat, make and subscribe before the Governor, or some person appointed in that behalf by him, an oath or affirmation according to the form set out for the purpose in the Third Schedule.
Article 192. Decision on questions as to disqualifications of members : (1) If any question arises as to whether a member of a House of the Legislature of a State has become subject to any of the disqualifications mentioned in clause (1) of article 191, the question shall be referred for the decision of the Governor and his decision shall be final.
(2) Before giving any decision on any such question, the Governor shall obtain the opinion of the Election Commission and shall act according to such opinion.
Article 199. Definition of "Money Bills" : (1) For the purposes of this Chapter, a Bill shall be deemed to be a Money Bill if it contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following matters, namely:—
(a) the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax;
(b) the regulation of the borrowing of money or the giving of any guarantee by the State, or the amendment of the law with respect to any financial obligations undertaken or to be undertaken by the
State;
(c) the custody of the Consolidated Fund or the Contingency Fund of the State, the payment of moneys into or the withdrawal of moneys from any such Fund;
(d) the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of the State;
(e) the declaring of any expenditure to be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of the State, or the increasing of the amount of any such expenditure;
(f) the receipt of money on account of the Consolidated Fund of the State or the public account of the State or the custody or issue of such money; or
(g) any matter incidental to any of the matters specified in sub-clauses (a) to (f).
Article 200. Assent to Bills : When a Bill has been passed by the Legislative Assembly of a State or, in the case of a State having a Legislative Council, has been passed by both Houses of the Legislature of the State, it shall be presented to the Governor and the Governor shall declare either that he assents to the Bill or that he withholds assent therefrom or that he reserves the Bill for the consideration of the President. Provided that the Governor may, as soon as possible after the presentation to him of the Bill for assent, return the Bill if it is not a Money Bill together with a message requesting that the House or Houses will reconsider the Bill or any specified provisions thereof and, in particular, will consider the desirability of introducing any such amendments as he may recommend in his message and, when a Bill is so returned, the House or Houses shall reconsider the Bill accordingly, and if the Bill is passed again by the House or Houses with or without amendment and presented to the Governor for assent, the Governor shall not withhold assent therefrom. Provided further that the Governor shall not assent to, but shall reserve for the consideration of the President, any Bill which in the opinion of the Governor would, if it became law, so derogate from the powers of the High Court as to endanger the position which that Court is by this Constitution designed to fill.
Article 201. Bills reserved for consideration : When a Bill is reserved by a Governor for the consideration of the President, the President shall declare either that he assents to the Bill or that he withholds assent therefrom. Provided that, where the Bill is not a Money Bill, the President may direct the Governor to return the Bill to the House or, as the case may be, the Houses of the Legislature of the State together with such a message as is mentioned in the first proviso to Article 200 and, when a Bill is so returned, the House or Houses shall reconsider it accordingly within a period of six months from the date of receipt of such message and, if it is again passed by the House or Houses with or without amendment, it shall be presented again to the President for his consideration.
Article 202. Annual financial statement : (1) The Governor shall in respect of every financial year cause to be laid before the House or Houses of the Legislature of the State a statement of the estimated receipts and expenditure of the State for that year, in this Part referred to as the "annual financial statement".
(2) The estimates of expenditure embodied in the annual financial statement shall show separately :
(a) the sums required to meet expenditure described by this Constitution as expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of the State; and
(b) the sums required to meet other expenditure proposed to be made from the Consolidated Fund of the State, and shall distinguish expenditure on revenue account from other expenditure.
(3) The following expenditure shall be expenditure charged on the Consolidated Fund of each State—
(a) the emoluments and allowances of the Governor and other expenditure relating to his office; (b) the salaries and allowances of the Speaker and
the Deputy Speaker of the Legislative Assembly and, in the case of a State having a Legislative Council, also of the Chairman and the Deputy Chairman of the Legislative Council; (c) debt charges for which the State is liable including interest, sinking fund charges and redemption charges, and other expenditure relating to the raising of loans and the service and redemption of debt, (d) expenditure in respect of the salaries and allowances of Judges of any High Court; (e) any sums required to satisfy any judgment, decree or award of any court or arbitral tribunal, (f) any other expenditure declared by this Constitution, or by the Legislature of the State by law, to be so charged.
Article 203. Procedure in Legislature with respect to estimates : (1) So much of the estimates as relates to expenditure charged upon the Consolidated Fund of a State shall not be submitted to the vote of the Legislative Assembly, but nothing in this clause shall be construed as preventing the discussion in the Legislature of any of those estimates.
(2) So much of the said estimates as relates to other expenditure shall be submitted in the form of demands for grants to the Legislative Assembly, and the Legislative Assembly shall have power to assent, or to refuse to assent, to any demand, or to assent to any demand subject to a reduction of the amount specified therein.
(3) No demand for a grant shall be made except on the recommendation of the Governor.
Article 205. Supplementary, additional or excess grants : (1) The Governor shall—
(a) if the amount authorised by any law made in accordance with the provisions of Article 204 to be expended for a particular service for the current financial year is found to be insufficient for the purposes of that year or when a need has arisen during the current financial year for supplementary or additional expenditure upon some new service
not contemplated in the annual financial statement for that year, or
(b) if any money has been spent on any service during a financial year in excess of the amount granted for that service and for that year, cause to be laid before the House or the Houses of the Legislature of the State another statement showing the estimated amount of that expenditure or cause to be presented to the Legislative Assembly of the State a demand for such excess, as the case may be.
(2) The provisions of Articles 202, 203 and 204 shall have effect in relation to any such statement and expenditure or demand and also to any law to be made authorising the appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of the State to meet such expenditure or the grant in respect of such demand as they have effect in relation to the annual financial statement and the expenditure mentioned therein or to a demand for a grant and the law to be made for the authorisation of appropriation of moneys out of the Consolidated Fund of the State to meet such expenditure or grant.
Article 207. Special provisions as to financial Bills (1) A Bill or amendment making provision for any of the matters specified in sub-clauses (a) to (f) of clause (1) of Article 199 shall not be introduced or moved except on the recommendation of the Governor, and a Bill making such provision shall not be introduced in a Legislative Council. Provided that no recommendation shall be required under this clause for the moving of an amendment making provision for the reduction or abolition of any tax.
(2) A Bill or amendment shall not be deemed to make provision for any of the matters aforesaid by reason only that it provides for the imposition of fines or other pecuniary penalties, or for the demand or payment of fees for licences or fees for services rendered, or by reason that it provides for the imposition, abolition, remission, alteration or regulation of any tax by any local authority or body for local purposes.
(3) A Bill which, if enacted and brought into operation, would involve expenditure from the Consolidated Fund of a State shall not be passed by a House of the Legislature of the State unless the Governor has recommended to that House the consideration of the Bill.
Article 208. Rules of Procedure : (3) In a State having a Legislative Council the Governor, after consultation with the Speaker of the Legislative Assembly and the Chairman of the Legislative Council, may make rules as to the procedure with respect to communications between the two Houses.
Article 213. Power of Governor to promulgate Ordinances during recess of Legislature. (1) If at any time, except when the Legislative Assembly of a State is in session, or where there is a Legislative Council in a State, except when both Houses of the Legislature are in session, the Governor is satisfied that circumstances exist which render it necessary for him to take immediate action, he may promulgate such Ordinances as the circumstances appear to him to require. Provided that the Governor shall not, without instructions from the President, promulgate any such Ordinance if :
(a) a Bill containing the same provisions would under this Constitution have required the previous sanction of the President for the introduction thereof into the Legislature; or
(b) he would have deemed it necessary to reserve a Bill containing the same provisions for the consideration of the President; or
(c) an Act of the Legislature of the State containing the same provisions would under this Constitution have been invalid unless, having been reserved for the consideration of the President, it had received
the assent of the President.
(2) An Ordinance promulgated under this Article shall have the same force and effect as an Act of the Legislature of the State assented to by the Governor, but every such Ordinance—
(a) shall be laid before the Legislative Assembly of the State, or where there is a Legislative Council in the State, before both the Houses, and shall cease to operate at the expiration of six weeks from the reassembly of the Legislature, or if before the expiration of that period a resolution disapproving it is passed by the Legislative Assembly and agreed to by the Legislative Council, if any, upon the passing of the resolution or, as the case may be, on the resolution being agreed to by the Council; and
(b) may be withdrawn at any time by the Governor.
Explanation : Where the Houses of the Legislature of a State having a Legislative Council are summoned to reassemble on different dates, the period of six weeks shall be reckoned from the later of those dates for the
purposes of this clause.
(3) If and so far as an Ordinance under this Article makes any provision which would not be valid if enacted in an Act of the Legislature of the State assented to by the Governor, it shall be void. Provided that, for the purposes of the provisions of this Constitution relating to the effect of an Act of the Legislature of a State which is repugnant to an Act of Parliament or an existing law with respect to a matter enumerated in the Concurrent List, an Ordinance promulgated under this Article in pursuance of instructions from the President shall be deemed to be an Act of the Legislature of the State which has been reserved for the consideration of the President and assented to by him.
Article 217. Appointment and conditions of the office of a Judge of a High Court :(1) Every Judge of a High Court shall be appointed by the President by warrant under his hand and seal on the recommendation of the National Judicial Appointments Commission referred in Article 124A and shall hold office, in the case of an additional or acting Judge, as provided in Article 224, and in any other case, until he attains the age of sixty two
years. Provided that—
(a) a Judge may, by writing under his hand addressed to the President, resign his office, (b) a Judge may be removed from his office by the President in the manner provided in clause (4) of Article 124 for the removal of a Judge of the Supreme Court;
(c) the office of a Judge shall be vacated by his being appointed by the President to be a Judge of the Supreme Court or by his being transferred by the President to any other High Court within the territory of India.
(2) A person shall not be qualified for appointment as a Judge of a High Court unless he is a citizen of India and—
(a) has for at least ten years held a judicial office in the territory of India; or (b) has for at least ten years been an advocate of a High Court or of two or more such Courts in succession.
Article 219. Oath or affirmation by Judges of High Courts : Every person appointed to be a Judge of a High Court shall, before he enters upon his office, make and subscribe before the Governor of the State, or some person appointed in that behalf by him, an oath or affirmation according to the form set out for the purpose in the Third Schedule.
Article 227. Power of superintendence over all courts by the High Court : (1) Every High Court shall have superintendence over all courts and tribunals throughout the territories in relation to which it exercises jurisdiction.
(2) Without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing provision, the High Court may—
(a) call for returns from such courts;
(b) make and issue general rules and prescribe forms for regulating the practice and proceedings of such courts; and
(c) prescribe forms in which books, entries and accounts shall be kept by the officers of any such courts.
(3) The High Court may also settle tables of fees to be allowed to the sheriff and all clerks and officers of such courts and to attorneys, advocates and pleaders practising therein. Provided that any rules made, forms prescribed or tables settled under clause (2) or clause (3) shall not be inconsistent with the provision of any law for the time being in force, and shall require the previous approval of the Governor.
Article 229. Officers and servants and the expenses of High Courts : (2) Subject to the provisions of any law made by the Legislature of the State, the conditions of service of officers and servants of a High Court shall be such as may be prescribed by rules made by the Chief Justice of the Court or by some other Judge or officer of the Court authorised by the Chief Justice to make rules for the purpose. Provided that the rules made under this clause shall, so far as they relate to salaries, allowances, leave or pensions, require the approval of the Governor of the State.
Article 230. Extension of jurisdiction of High Courts to Union territories :
(2) Where the High Court of a State exercises jurisdiction in relation to a Union territory,
(a) nothing in this Constitution shall be construed as empowering the Legislature of the State to increase, restrict or abolish that jurisdiction; and (b) the reference in article 227 to the Governor shall, in relation to any rules, forms or tables for subordinate courts in that territory, be construed as a reference to the President.
Article 231. Establishment of a common High Court for two or more States : (2) In relation to any such High Court: (b) the reference in article 227 to the Governor shall, in relation to any rules, forms or tables for subordinate courts, be construed as a reference to the Governor of the State in which the subordinate courts are situate; and
(c) the references in articles 219 and 229 to the State shall be construed as a reference to the State in which the High Court has its principal seat. Provided that if such principal seat is in a Union territory, the references in articles 219 and 229 to the Governor, Public Service Commission, Legislature and Consolidated Fund of the State shall be construed respectively as references to the President, Union Public Service Commission, Parliament and Consolidated Fund of India.
Article 233. Appointment of district judges : (1) Appointments of persons to be, and the posting and promotion of, district judges in any State shall be made by the Governor of the State in consultation with the High Court exercising jurisdiction in relation to such State.
(2) A person not already in the service of the Union or of the State shall only be eligible to be appointed a district judge if he has been for not less than seven years an advocate or a pleader and is recommended by the High Court for appointment.
Article 234. Recruitment of persons other than district judges to the judicial service : Appointments of persons other than district judges to the judicial service of a State shall be made by the Governor of the State in accordance with rules made by him in that behalf after consultation with the State Public Service Commission and with the High Court exercising jurisdiction in relation to such State.
Article 237. Application of the provisions of this Chapter to certain class or classes of magistrates : The Governor may by public notification direct that the foregoing provisions of this Chapter and any rules made thereunder shall with effect from such date as may be fixed by him in that behalf apply in relation to any class or classes of magistrates in the State as they apply in relation to persons appointed to the judicial service of the State subject to such exceptions and modifications as may be specified in the notification.
Article 243(g). Definition : "village" means a village specified by the Governor by public notification to be a village for the purposes of this Part and includes a group of villages so specified.
Article 243(I). Constitution of Finance Commission to review financial position : (1) The Governor of a State shall, as soon as may be within one year from the commencement of the Constitution (Seventy-third Amendment) Act, 1992, and thereafter at the expiration of every fifth year, constitute a Finance Commission to review the financial position of the Panchayats and to make recommendations to the Governor as to—(c) any other matter referred to the Finance Commission by the Governor in the interests of
sound finance of the Panchayats. (2)...(3).
(4) The Governor shall cause every recommendation made by the Commission under this article together with an explanatory memorandum as to the action taken thereon to be laid before the Legislature of the State.
Article 243K. Elections to the Panchayats : (1) The superintendence, direction and control of the preparation of electoral rolls for, and the conduct of, all elections to the Panchayats shall be vested in a State Election Commission consisting of a State Election Commissioner to be appointed by the Governor.
(2) Subject to the provisions of any law made by the Legislature of a State, the conditions of service and tenure of office of the State Election Commissioner shall be such as the Governor may by rule determine.
Article 243L. Application to Union territories : The provisions of this Part shall apply to the Union territories and shall, in their application to a Union territory, have effect as if the references to the Governor of a State were references to the Administrator of the Union territory appointed under article 239 and references to the Legislature or the Legislative Assembly of a State were references, in relation to a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, to that Legislative Assembly.
Article 243P(c). Definition : "Metropolitan area" means an area having a population of ten lakhs or more, comprised in one or more districts and consisting of two or more Municipalities or Panchayats or other contiguous areas, specified by the Governor by public notification to be a Metropolitan area for the purposes of this Part;
Article 243P(d) Definition : "Municipal area" means the territorial area of a Municipality as is notified by the Governor;
Article 243Q. Constitution of Municipalities : (1) There shall be constituted in every State :
(a) a Nagar Panchayat (by whatever name called) for a transitional area, that is to say, an area in transition from a rural area to an urban area;
(b) a Municipal Council for a smaller urban area; and
(c) a Municipal Corporation for a larger urban area, in accordance with the provisions of this Part. Provided that a Municipality under this clause may not be constituted in such urban area or part thereof as the Governor may, having regard to the size of the area and the municipal services being provided or proposed to be provided by an industrial establishment in that area and such other factors as he may deem fit, by public notification, specify to be an industrial township.
(2) In this article, "a transitional area", "a smaller urban area" or "a larger urban area" means such area as the Governor may, having regard to the population of the area, the density of the population therein, the revenue
generated for local administration, the percentage of employment in non- agricultural activities, the economic importance or such other factors as he may deem fit, specify by public notification for the purposes of this
Article 243-Y. Finance Commission : (1) The Finance Commission constituted under article 243-I shall also review the financial position of the Municipalities and make recommendations to the Governor ......
Article 243ZB. Application to Union Territories : The provisions of this Part shall apply to the Union territories and shall, in their application to a Union territory, have effect as if the references to the Governor of a State were references to the Administrator of the Union territory appointed under article 239 and references to the Legislature or the Legislative Assembly of a State were references in relation to a Union territory having a Legislative Assembly, to that Legislative Assembly:
Article 243ZD. Committee for district planning : (3) Every District Planning Committee shall, in preparing the draft development plan,—
(a) have regard to—
(i) matters of common interest between the Panchayats and the Municipalities including spatial planning, sharing of water and other physical and natural resources, the integrated development of infrastructure and environmental conservation;
(ii) the extent and type of available resources whether financial or otherwise;
(b) consult such institutions and organisations as the Governor may, by order, specify.
Article 255. Requirements as to recommendations and previous sanctions to be regarded as matters of procedure only : No Act of Parliament or of the Legislature of a State, and no provision in any such Act, shall be invalid by reason only that some recommendation or previous sanction required by this Constitution was not given, if assent to that Act was given—
(a) where the recommendation required was that of the Governor, either by the Governor or by the President;
(b) where the recommendation required was that of the Rajpramukh, either by the Rajpramukh or by the President;
(c) where the recommendation or previous sanction required was that of the President, by the President.
Article 258A.Power of the States to entrust functions to the Union : Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the Governor of a State may, with the consent of the Government of India, entrust either conditionally or unconditionally to that Government or to its officers functions in relation to any matter to which the exclusive power of the State extends.
Article 267. Contingency Fund : (2) The Legislature of a State may by law establish a Contingency Fund in the nature of an impress to be entitled "the Contingency Fund of the State" into which shall be paid from time to time such sums as may be determined by such law, and the said Fund shall be placed at the disposal of the Governor of the State to enable advances to be made by him out of such Fund for the purposes of meeting unforeseen expenditure pending authorisation of such expenditure by the Legislature of the State by law under article 205 or article 206.
Article 294. Succession to property, assets, rights, liabilities and obligations in certain cases : As from the commencement of this Constitution—
(a) all property and assets which immediately before such commencement were vested in His Majesty for the purposes of the Government of the Dominion of India and all property and assets which immediately before such commencement were vested in His Majesty for the purposes of the Government of each Governor's Province shall vest respectively in the Union and the corresponding State, and
(b) all rights, liabilities and obligations of the Government of the Dominion of India and of the Government of each Governor's Province, whether arising out of any contract or otherwise, shall be the rights, liabilities and obligations respectively of the Government of India and the Government of each corresponding State, subject to any adjustment made or to be made by reason of the creation before the commencement of this Constitution of the Dominion of Pakistan or of the Provinces of West Bengal, East Bengal, West Punjab and East Punjab.
Article 299. Contracts : (1) All contracts made in the exercise of the executive power of the Union or of a State shall be expressed to be made by the President, or by the Governor of the State, as the case may be, and all such contracts and all assurances of property made in the exercise of that power shall be executed on behalf of the President or the Governor by such persons and in such manner as he may direct or authorise.
(2) Neither the President nor the Governor shall be personally liable in respect of any contract or assurance made or executed for the purposes of this Constitution, or for the purposes of any enactment relating to the
Government of India heretofore in force, nor shall any person making or executing any such contract or assurance on behalf of any of them be personally liable in respect thereof.
Article 309. Recruitment and conditions of service of persons serving the Union or a State : Subject to the provisions of this Constitution, Acts of the appropriate Legislature may regulate the recruitment, and conditions of service of persons appointed, to public services and posts in connection
with the affairs of the Union or of any State. Provided that it shall be competent for the President or such person as he may direct in the case of services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union, and for the Governor of a State or such person as he may direct in the case of services and posts in connection with the affairs of the State, to make rules regulating the recruitment, and the conditions of service of persons appointed, to such services and posts until provision in that behalf is made by or under an Act of the appropriate Legislature under this article, and any rules so made shall have effect subject to the provisions of any such
Article 310. Tenure of office of persons serving the Union or a State : (1) Except as expressly provided by this Constitution, every person who is a member of a defence service or of a civil service of the Union or of an all-India service or holds any post connected with defence or any civil post under the Union holds office during the pleasure of the President, and every person who is a member of a civil service of a State or holds any civil post under a State holds office during the pleasure of the Governor of the State.
(2) Notwithstanding that a person holding a civil post under the Union or a State holds office during the pleasure of the President or, as the case may be, of the Governor of the State, any contract under which a person, not being a member of a defence service or of an all-India service or of a civil service of the Union or a State, is appointed under this Constitution to hold such a post may, if the President or the Governor, as the case may be, deems it necessary in order to secure the services of a person having special qualifications, provide for the payment to him of compensation, if before the expiration of an agreed period that post is abolished or he is, for reasons not connected with any misconduct on his part, required to vacate that post.
Article 311.Dismissal, removal or reduction in rank of persons employed in civil capacities under the Union or a State : (1).. (2) No such person as aforesaid shall be dismissed or removed or reduced in rank except after an inquiry in which he has been informed of the charges against him and given a reasonable opportunity of being heard in respect of those charges. (a) (b)
(c) where the President or the Governor, as the case may be, is satisfied that in the interest of the security of the State it is not expedient to hold such inquiry.
Article 315. Public Service Commissions for the Union and for the States : (4) The Public Service Commission for the Union, if requested so to do by the Governor of a State, may, with the approval of the President, agree to serve all or any of the needs of the State.
Article 316. Appointment and term of office of members : (1) The Chairman and other members of a Public Service Commission shall be appointed, in the case of the Union Commission or a Joint Commission, by the President, and in the case of a State Commission, by the Governor of the State. Provided...
(1A.) If the office of the Chairman of the Commission becomes vacant or if any such Chairman is by reason of absence or for any other reason unable to perform the duties of his office, those duties shall, until some person appointed under clause (1) to the vacant office has entered on the duties thereof or, as the case may be, until the Chairman has resumed his duties, be performed by such one of the other members of the Commission as the President, in the case of the Union Commission or a Joint Commission, and the Governor of the State in the case of a State Commission, may appoint for the purpose.
(2) A member of a Public Service Commission shall hold office for a term of six years from the date on which he enters upon his office or until he attains, in the case of the Union Commission, the age of sixty-five years,
and in the case of a State Commission or a Joint Commission, the age of sixty-two years, whichever is earlier. Provided that—
(a) a member of a Public Service Commission may, by writing under his hand addressed, in the case of the Union Commission or a Joint Commission, to the President, and in the case of a State Commission, to the Governor of the State, resign his office.
Article 317. Removal and suspension of a member of a Public Service Commission : (2) The President, in the case of the Union Commission or a Joint Commission, and the Governor in the case of a State Commission, may suspend from office the Chairman or any other member of the Commission in respect of whom a reference has been made to the Supreme Court under clause (1) until the President has passed orders on receipt of the report of the Supreme Court on such reference.
Article 318. Power to make regulations as to conditions of service of members and staff of the Commission : In the case of the Union Commission or a Joint
Commission, the President and, in the case of a State Commission, the Governor of the State may by regulations—
(a) determine the number of members of the Commission and their conditions of service; and
(b) make provision with respect to the number of members of the staff of the Commission and their conditions of service. Provided that the conditions of service of a member of a Public Service Commission shall not be varied to his disadvantage after his appointment.
Article 320. Function of Public Service Commission : (3) The Union Public Service Commission or the State Public Service Commission, as the case may be, shall be consulted—
(a) on all matters relating to methods of recruitment to civil services and for civil posts;
(b) on the principles to be followed in making appointments to civil services and posts and in making promotions and transfers from one service to another and on the suitability of candidates for such appointments, promotions or transfers;
(c) on all disciplinary matters affecting a person serving under the Government of India or the Government of a State in a civil capacity, including memorials or petitions relating to such matters;
(d) on any claim by or in respect of a person who is serving or has served under the Government of India or the Government of a State or under the Crown in India or under the Government of an Indian State, in a civil capacity, that any costs incurred by him in defending legal proceedings instituted against him in respect of acts done or purporting to be done in the execution of his duty should be paid out of the Consolidated Fund of India, or, as the case may be, out of the Consolidated Fund of the State;
(e) on any claim for the award of a pension in respect of injuries sustained by a person while serving under the Government of India or the Government of a State or under the Crown in India or under the Government of an Indian State, in a civil capacity, and any question as to the amount of any such award,
and it shall be the duty of a Public Service Commission to advise on any matter so referred to them and on any other matter which the President, or, as the case may be, the Governor of the State, may refer to them.
Provided that the President as respects the all India services and also as respects other services and posts in connection with the affairs of the Union, and the Governor, as respects other services and posts in connection with the affairs of a State, may make regulations specifying the matters in which either generally, or in any particular class of case or in any particular circumstances, it shall not be necessary for a Public Service Commission to be consulted.
(5) All regulations made under the proviso to clause (3) by the President or the Governor of a State shall be laid for not less than fourteen days before each House of Parliament or the House or each House of the Legislature of the State, as the case may be, as soon as possible after they are made, and shall be subject to such modifications, whether by way of repeal or amendment, as both Houses of Parliament or the House or both Houses of the Legislature of the State may make during the session in which they are so laid.
Article 323. Reports of Public Service Commissions : (2) It shall be the duty of a State Commission to present annually to the Governor of the State a report as to the work done by the Commission, and it shall be the duty of a Joint Commission to present annually to the Governor of each of the States the needs of which are served by the Joint Commission a report as to the work done by the Commission in relation to that State, and in either case the Governor, shall, on receipt of such report, cause a copy thereof together with a memorandum explaining, as respects the cases, if any, where the advice of the Commission was not accepted, the reasons for such non-acceptance to be laid before the Legislature of the State.
Article 324. Superintendence, direction and control of elections to be vested in an Election Commission : (6) The President, or the Governor of a State, shall, when so requested by the Election Commission, make available to the Election Commission or to a Regional Commissioner such staff as may be necessary for the discharge of the functions conferred on the Election Commission by clause (1).
Article 333. Representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the Legislative Assemblies of the States : Notwithstanding anything in article 170, the Governor of a State may, if he is of opinion that the Anglo-Indian community needs representation in the Legislative Assembly of the State and is not adequately represented therein, nominate one member of that community to the Assembly
Article 338. National Commission for Scheduled Castes : (7) Where any such report, or any part thereof, relates to any matter with which any State Government is concerned, a copy of such reports shall be forwarded to the Governor of the State who shall cause it to be laid before the Legislature of the State along with a memorandum explaining the action taken or proposed to be taken on the recommendations relating to the State and the reasons for the non-acceptance, if any, of any of such recommendations.
Article 338A. National Commission for Scheduled Tribes : (7) Where any such report, or any part thereof, relates to any matter with which any State Government is concerned, a copy of such report shall be forwarded to the Governor of the State who shall cause it to be laid before the Legislature of the State along with a memorandum explaining the action taken or proposed to be taken on the recommendations relating to the State and the reasons for the non-acceptance, if any, of any of such recommendations.
Article 341. Scheduled Castes : (1) The President may with respect to any State or Union territory and where it is a State, after consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification, specify the castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Castes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case may be.
Article 342. Scheduled Tribes : (1) The President may with respect to any State or Union territory, and where it is a State, after consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification, specify the tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be deemed to be Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union territory, as the case may be.
Article 348. Language to be used in the Supreme Court and in the High Courts and for Acts, Bills, etc. : (1) Notwithstanding anything in the foregoing provisions of this Part, until Parliament by law otherwise provides :
(b) the authoritative texts—
(i) of all Bills to be introduced or amendments thereto to be moved in either House of Parliament or in the House or either House of the Legislature of a State,
(ii) of all Acts passed by Parliament or the Legislature of a State and of all Ordinances promulgated by the President or the Governor of a State, and
(iii) of all orders, rules, regulations and bye-laws issued under this Constitution or under any law made by Parliament or the Legislature of a
State, shall be in the English language
(2) Notwithstanding anything in sub-clause (a) of clause (1), the Governor of a State may, with the previous consent of the President, authorise the use of the Hindi language, or any other language used for any official purposes of the State, in proceedings in the High Court having its principal seat in that State. Provided that nothing in this clause shall apply to any judgment, decree or order passed or made by such High Court.
(3) Notwithstanding anything in sub-clause (b) of clause (1), where the Legislature of a State has prescribed any language other than the English language for use in Bills introduced in, or Acts passed by, the Legislature of the State or in Ordinances promulgated by the Governor of the State or in any order, rule, regulation or bye-law referred to in paragraph (iii) of that sub-clause, a translation of the same in the English language published under the authority of the Governor of the State in the Official Gazette of that State shall be deemed to be the authoritative text thereof in the English language under this article.
Article 356. Provisions in case of failure of constitutional machinery in States : (1) If the President, on receipt of a report from the Governor of a State or otherwise, is satisfied that a situation has arisen in which the Government of the State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of this Constitution, the President may by Proclamation—
(a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State and all or any of the powers vested in or exercisable by the Governor or anybody or authority in the State other than the Legislature of the State;
(b) declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or under the authority of Parliament;
(c) make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President to be necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the Proclamation, including provisions for suspending in whole or in part the operation of any provisions of this Constitution relating to anybody or authority in the State.
Provided that nothing in this clause shall authorise the President to assume to himself any of the powers vested in or exercisable by a High Court, or to suspend in whole or in part the operation of any provision of this Constitution relating to High Courts. (2) to (5).
Article 361. Protection of President and Governors and Rajpramukhs : (1) The President, or the Governor or Rajpramukh of a State, shall not be answerable to any court for the exercise and performance of the powers and duties of his office or for any act done or purporting to be done by him in the exercise and performance of those powers and duties. Provided that the conduct of the President may be brought under review by any court, tribunal or body appointed or designated by either House of Parliament for the investigation of a charge under article 61. Provided further that nothing in this clause shall be construed as restricting the right of any person to bring appropriate proceedings against the Government of India or the Government of a State.
(2) No criminal proceedings whatsoever shall be instituted or continued against the President, or the Governor of a State, in any court during his term of office.
(3) No process for the arrest or imprisonment of the President, or the Governor of a State, shall issue from any court during his term of office.
(4) No civil proceedings in which relief is claimed against the President, or the Governor of a State, shall be instituted during his term of office in any court in respect of any act done or purporting to be done by him in his personal capacity, whether before or after he entered upon his office as President, or as Governor of such State, until the expiration of two months next after notice in writing has been delivered to the President or the Governor, as the case may be, or left at his office stating the nature of the proceedings, the cause of action therefor, the name, description and place of residence of the party by whom such proceedings are to be instituted and the relief which he claims.
Article 367. Interpretation : (2) Any reference in this Constitution to Acts or laws of, or made by, Parliament, or to Acts or laws of, or made by, the Legislature of a State, shall be construed as including a reference to an Ordinance made by the President or, to an Ordinance made by a Governor, as the case may be.
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Green Political Strategy
Tag Archives: earth
Rethinking Green Politics
Posted on by francoise
40Forward was formed in 2013 to look at the strategic issues facing the wider green movement in the face of climate chaos and mass extinction.
Some of the key organisations that make up the green movement – Greenpeace, the Green Party, Friends of the Earth, the Ecologist, among others – were born in 1972/73, forty years ago. Despite many single issue successes it is notable that the challenges facing our planet are worse now than they were then.
The economic system is even less sustainable now than it was then. The challenges facing our planet have multiplied. ‘Politics As Usual’ is failing the planet disastrously. And green politics has not made the impact it needs to have done. It needs re-evaluating.
40Forward has been set up to look at the way green politics works in the UK – inside mainstream parties, through the Green Party, through NGOs, and through direct action, community action and lifestyle groups – to see what ways can be found to make the greens more politically effective.
We are doing this by promoting discussion and by developing ways of getting greens to work together, across party barriers and across the divide between those who engage in party politics and those who don’t. We are looking for strategic political opportunities that enable us, as a movement, to shape the direction this country is taking in response to the ecological crisis.
An Introduction to 40Forward
Interesting Articles:
Ignoring the Experts
We welcome discussion and comment on the following article:-
Re-thinking Green Politics
and the 40th anniversary of the Green Party
The Green Party –How far have we got?
After forty years the Green Party of England and Wales has 141 Principal Authority councillors, one MP, two MEPs and a couple of London Assembly members. For its size it punches well above its weight, but its size is very small, and hence those punches amount to little in the overall scheme of things.
Each year the party grows a little more, adding a few extra councillors. Meanwhile the health and well-being of the planet and all its inhabitants continue to deteriorate at an alarming rate.
Massively funded vested interests have successfully downgraded the ecological imperative amongst policy makers and the public. A once promising agenda for effective global action against climate change has stalled. The atmospheric level of CO2 has hit 400ppm – the highest in human history (the highest in 3.6 millions years!) with barely a murmur of concern from mainstream politicians.
Sad as it is to admit, the Green Party (and the wider green movement) is failing; failing in a battle which, ironically, no-one can afford to lose, because to lose means losing everything. To continue along our present trajectory is clearly not enough. We must turn the tide within the next ten years and achieve what we’ve failed to do in the last forty – and make the 50th anniversary of the Green Party a celebration of real success.
So what is to be done?
Where are we going wrong? What can we do to help mobilise the enormous, but fragmented, green movement into a truly effective force for change? How can we awaken the public, and even our opponents, to the inevitable calamities impending from current practices, and most importantly, convince them that a sustainable green alternative, that offers a decent quality of life for all, is absolutely possible?
At the Green Party’s 40th anniversary conference a new group, 40 Forward, was set up to seek answers to these questions and to ask what more could be done to increase green political leverage, and what the Green Party could do to facilitate this. We welcome comments, ideas and participation from any interested parties (which should be every person on planet Earth, and visiting aliens!).
Interestingly, clues to some of the answers to these questions might be found by looking at the origins of what is now the Green Party – what motivated and inspired the founding members.
Party Origins
In the beginning the party referred to itself as a political ‘movement’ rather than a ‘party’, and its identity was shaped by the merging of two organisations.
The first of these was PEOPLE, assembled in late 1972 and officially launched in February 1973. Founding members Lesley and Tony Whittaker, Michael Benfield and Freda Sanders, known as the Gang of Four, took their inspiration from a report entitled The Limits to Growth, (1972) commissioned by the Club of Rome (a thinktank of scientists, economists, industry and politicians). This document explored various growth scenarios which mostly ended in economic and societal collapse during the 21st century. (Interestingly a 2008 study into the report by the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, incorporating actual data of changes to the world since 1972, came to the same conclusions).
The second organisation, the Movement for Survival, was set up by Teddy Goldsmith to campaign on the issues raised in A Blueprint for Survival, a special edition of the Ecologist magazine (Vol.1 No.2 January 1972). Endorsed by top scientists of the time, it sold three quarters of a million copies worldwide. It also pointed out the unsustainable nature of indefinite economic growth and argued for de-industrialisation and decentralisation. Movement merged with PEOPLE in late 1973.
During 1973 PEOPLE circulated the magazine Towards Survival, edited by Keith Hudson, to all its members. Its first manifesto, in 1974, was called the Manifesto for Survival.. The survival imperative dominated thinking during those early days, as the movement grappled with the global predictions outlined in ‘Limits’ and ‘Blueprint’.
Forty year on, how much more urgent is survival? During that time the world has seen over half its forests destroyed, half its wetlands drained or filled, species vanishing at a rate not seen in 65m years, human population doubled (3.8b to 7b), a vanishing Arctic ice-cap, 45% of agricultural land degraded, seas ravaged by pollution and industrial fishing and rising greenhouse gas emissions – to name a few, and most of these critical problems are not just continuing but accelerating –as we know.
It seems incredible that with issues like these, the UK media and politicians obsess over comparatively trivial issues like immigration and EU membership, giving rise to the overtly anti-ecological UKIP! This says a lot about the ability of politics itself, as it stands at present, to respond to the scale of the crisis. And that is where the Green Party can bring some new thinking.
The Survival Imperative
Back in the seventies our agenda was centred on ecology. Policies that stemmed from this were redistributive, peace-orientated and decentralist, but that was not the primary concern. Survival was.
Some years later Germany’s Die Grunen shifted the focus and proclaimed four basic pillars of green politics: ecology, social justice, nonviolence and democracy. In 1982 the Green Collective in the UK (organisers of the still extant green gatherings and the Greenfield at Glastonbury Festival) went further and identified seven principles: ecology, anti-sexism, nonviolence, liberty (including animal liberation) and direct democracy, justice, co-operation and personal development. These successful attempts to define and broaden green politics provided a wider, more positive appeal, but they had a downside. They softened the focus on survival.
Given today’s dramatically worsened situation, should we now re-establish the primacy of survival and allow that to shape our thinking, strategies and organisation?
Back in the seventies many were put off the politics of survival by what they saw as alarmism and negativity. The challenge now is to present the survival message in hopeful and positive ways, knowing that despair is not the most motivating of emotions. Many campaigners like to make sure they spend twice as much energy on positive messages, as on negative.
Inclusivity and flexibility
PEOPLE’s founders were not looking to create a conventional political party, but they understood that the hegemony of the mainstream parties had to be challenged, and that to gain leverage a new electoral force was needed. The idea was to create a much wider ranging, more inclusive movement, in which participation in the electoral process would be an essential element.
Once you lose the conventional ‘party’ identity a whole new range of more flexible, inclusive structures and strategies arise, which is why PEOPLE was not called a ‘party’. The expectations of how a ‘party’ should behave are limiting. PEOPLE sought to become a participative movement that put its emphasis on coalition building and on creating an honest politics.
PEOPLE didn’t believe in whips. It didn’t have a single ‘leader’ and terms of office were fixed to discourage careerism. Membership was open to organisations as well as individuals, including members of other parties. The objective was to make change happen. It was considered equally important to get other parties to adopt green policies as it was to get its own members elected.
PEOPLE was not positioned on the horizontal left-right spectrum. It introduced a whole new vertical dark green/light green dimension that cut across the old left-right paradigm. It had the potential to appeal to the whole country, enabling people from all backgrounds to engage in a new way of thinking about politics, one which is fundamentally inclusive, because our core issues affect everybody.
Two further things illustrate the radical breadth of the founders’ vision. The symbol of the movement was the world with the two waves of Aquarius across its front, to symbolise the dawning of a new age for all humanity. Its colours were coral, white and turquoise; natural colours that represented water, air and earth.
The Ecology Party
The kind of radical thinking evident in the early seventies began to change in 1975 when any ambiguity about whether it was a party or a movement was eliminated. PEOPLE changed its name to The Ecology Party.
The choice of the word ‘ecology’ was, with hindsight, not so very astute. At that time ecology was a relatively obscure subject – the scientific study of relationships that living organisms have with their biotic environment. People found it an odd name for a political party. For many who thought they got it, ‘ecology’ was synonymous with ‘environment’. They didn’t fully understand that when applied to politics it is an approach based on systems and holism, where all policies have to be rooted, primarily, in the understanding that human beings are one part of an inter-related and interdependent web of life.
In contrast the word ‘environment’, meaning our human surroundings – whether built, natural or social – is inherently anthropocentric, concerned with what appears best for our own species. ‘Ecology’ was the positive counterpoint to ‘survival’, and a unifying philosophy for those who accepted the primacy of ‘survival’, but found it too negative a message.
Lesley Whittaker says PEOPLE spent roughly half its time attempting to build relationships with the wider movement, as a necessary first step towards the political mobilisation of that movement.
Their first journal, edited by Michael Benfield, was called ‘Alliance’ and listed some 46 national organisations PEOPLE were developing links with. The objective was to get members of appropriate organisations to recognise their common interests and causes, and to support PEOPLE as the electoral arm of the wider movement.
In 1973 PEOPLE attempted to host a large coalition building ‘Jigsaw’ conference in Coventry, which aimed to pull together the wider movement and build a more politically coherent whole. Sadly it was cancelled, but the idea was valid, as demonstrated later by Green Party members in two examples detailed below.
As the party’s founders stepped back from their national roles, the main coalition-building agenda was dropped. The dominant view of the new leadership in 1978/9 was that a strong Ecology Party, with good organisation and policies, would provide a ‘vanguard’ for the wider movement who would then follow the party’s lead. Pro-active coalition building was deemed unnecessary.
The party still operates in the same way today, pursuing few coalition building initiatives, and then being disappointed when many greens support other parties or abstain from the process altogether.
However, there are two examples of successful broad based coalition building, initiated by party members, which occurred in the eighties and nineties: the Green Collective and the Real World Coalition.
The Green Collective, which began life in 1980 as the Ecology Party Summer Gathering, organised green gatherings – festival-style camps attracting up to 20,000 people. They hosted numerous groups from the ecology, anti-sexist, peace, anarchist, animal rights, social justice and alternative technology movements who ran stalls, events and workshops. Their motto ‘The Greens Are Gathering’ was used to signal the coming together of a broader, more politicised grassroots movement which in 1982 published the Green Declaration spelling out the philosophical and political links that underpinned that coming together.
In 1993/4 the Real World Coalition was also started by Green Party members. It brought together the chief executives and officers of prominent national campaigning organisations and charities, such as Oxfam and Friends of the Earth, to agree a common manifesto for change. After three years of negotiation they published ‘The Politics of the Real World’ in time for the 1997 general election. It was remarkably similar to a Green Party manifesto and was endorsed by over 30 of the UK’s leading ecology, social justice and development NGOs –an impressive achievement.
In both cases no way was found of taking the initiative further and translating it into real political leverage, but they showed what is possible in terms of wider movement coalition building.
Although coalition building has been lacking on the Green agenda as whole, there have been, and are, many initiatives around single issues and agendas. The party has joined many campaigns started by pressure groups. Caroline Lucas recently played a prominent role in the launch of The People’s Assembly Against Austerity. We have successfully co-authored parliamentary bills with NGOs, and party members are active in various red-green initiatives, such as Compass.
Could the Green Party of today, with its elected members at various levels, growing membership and long distinguished track record, have the credibility and ability to pull off a grand coalition building initiative similar to PEOPLE’s attempt of 1973?
A new kind of politics?
Many would argue that there’s a contradiction, or at least a dynamic tension, between the inclusive vision of the Green Party’s founders and a party political system. Parties and factions (parties within parties) are by their very nature divisive. They create a political culture and discourse that generate conflict. Despite wanting to engage people, ‘parties’ more often put them off.
It’s important that we remember that there is a more ‘green’, co-operative and inclusive way of doing politics. Petra Kelly had a good phrase for the inherent contradiction between the words ‘green’ and ‘party’. She called Die Grunen ‘the anti-party party’..
Reasoned debate is healthy, but institutionalised division creates opposition for opposition’s sake and limits opportunities for co-operation and conflict resolution. This is reflected in the design of the House of Commons’ debating chamber and in political commentary in the media, which thrives on and encourages conflict. All this alienates people from the political process.
Overly constitutionalised parties ossify and become resistant to change. Organisational complexity can discourage and reduce democratic participation. Pressure to follow a party line suppresses free speech and creates an impression of lying. People invariably know when a politician is speaking a line rather than their truth.
Is there another way of conducting politics? One which slices through the barriers of party lines and creates spaces for people to find common ground; to build agreements for effective action to address the urgent challenges facing us all, whilst maintaining elected accountability?
In creating a non-conventional and inclusive approach to politics the Green Party’s founders had this in mind. The big question today is ‘what can we do to create an inclusive vehicle that has the ability to seriously challenge the mainstream agenda and focus minds on the imperative of survival?’ After all, when it comes to survival, that terribly misused and hackneyed slogan “We’re all in this together” is for once entirely appropriate.
Tagged 40Forward, building, change, climate, coalition, earth, ecology, environmental, friends, global, green, greenpeace, movement, of, party, politics, the, warming | 163 Comments
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Anthony Edwards short quotes
Anthony Edwards - Quotes
There are 21 quotes by Anthony Edwards at 95quotes.com. Find your favorite quotations and top quotes by Anthony Edwards from this hand-picked collection . Feel free to share these quotes and sayings on Facebook, Pinterest, Tumblr & Twitter or any of your favorite social networking sites.
There's really no point in having children if you're not going to be home enough to father them.
Flying back from New York, the flight attendant said 'God, I wished you were here yesterday, we had a stroke on the plane. I said, if I have a stroke on a plane, I hope the pretend doctor isn't the one on the plane. I want a real doctor.
My family had all kinds of complications in relationships. I would like to meet the person who did not. Since when is being absolutely perfect what being a human is? What do we gain from that? ---->>>
It's difficult to keep that perspective, I think, as a parent: to know your boundaries as to what's good parenting or just projecting your own expectations on your kids. That's the hardest. ---->>>
I'm the youngest of five kids, and I wanted attention. And in Santa Barbara, there was lots of theater going on, so for that area, it was a little bit like playing Little League baseball. There were dance classes, theater classes, and I just loved it. ---->>>
Why is there such vanity about hair? I make a point to bathe. I worry about boogers in my nose, and I ask the makeup artist to cover up my pimples, but beyond that, I try not to be too vain. ---->>>
'ER' was so huge that whatever I did coming back to television, I'd have to feel as strongly about. ---->>>
I didn't start jogging or running until I was 37 years old. It was something that really helped me change my life. ---->>>
I love being a part of something that is grassroots, and you can see the actual changes, the effect of what people do. ---->>>
You know, you never say never because before I did 'ER,' I always said 'I'll never do a TV series,' so that's what I said. ---->>>
I did tons of theater in school, and then when I was 16 and got my driver's license, I started driving to Los Angeles, along with my friend Eric Stoltz, who was a year ahead of me and was doing the same thing. So we had the same manager, and we started auditioning for things and doing commercials when we were 16. ---->>>
There are definitely roles within this industry that are industry-related, but to be a good actor, you really have to want to act first. At the same time, my goal was never to go to Hollywood to make movies. I think if you come here with that attitude, then you've missed a few steps. ---->>>
To think one film makes a career is ridiculous. It's important to keep perspective and do things other than for money. ---->>>
So I was hugely thrilled that my first scene ever on camera was with Hal Holbrook. ---->>>
David Fincher is a longtime friend. As a director, my wife had worked with him as a makeup artist when he would do Madonna videos years before, and his child and my oldest child were in preschool together, so we're kind of dad-friends through that, too. ---->>>
I had this thing about hanging out in dark theaters. My family thought I grew out of a rock. ---->>>
I was spoiled by theater, where there is no editor. ---->>>
Knock wood, but I started acting professionally when I was 16, and I've always been able to support myself since then. ---->>>
I just spent a lot of time on 'ER' for that eight years. I also started working when I was 16, so by the time I left 'ER,' I was 40 years old, I had this incredible experience, my wife had this great company, we had four kids, it was like, 'Let's go to New York and live for a while and make that the priority.' ---->>>
I was always enjoying the moment. Acting, writing, looking for roles and getting involved with people and trying to create something that would be entertaining to people. With 'E.R.,' we were all very lucky to get this combination of people together in the right story in the right way to take it to the level it has reached. ---->>>
People relate to things that feel real to them. All the good, happy, over-sexed and moneyed endings on TV are not the way most of us feel in our lives. The success of 'E.R.,' I think, is not relying on overly sentimental stories that are solved where people's lives wrap up nicely with happy endings. ---->>>
Name: Anthony Edwards
Born: 07-19, 1962
Birthplace: Santa Barbara, California, U.S.
Die:
Occupation: Actor
Anthony Charles Edwards (born July 19, 1962) is an American actor and director. He is best known for his role as Dr. Mark Greene on the first eight seasons of ER, for which he received a Golden Globe award and six Screen Actors Guild Awards, and was nominated for four consecutive Primetime Emmy Awards (wikipedia)
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Human face of war
TSUJI Masanobu
Lieutenant Colonel TSUJI Masanobu arrived in Rabaul from the Philippines on 24 July 1942 along with the staff of 17th Army Headquarters. He had been sent as a representative of Imperial Headquarters to direct operations in Papua. He was originally intended to make a judgement about the overland offensive on Port Moresby based on the report of the Advance Party. TSUJI, however, acting on his own authority, ordered the overland offensive to be conducted without waiting for the feasibility study report. Staff of the 17th Army were advised on 15 July after TSUJI’s arrival in the Philippines.
In order to effectively carry out an air war of attrition against eastern New Guinea, it is imperative that Port Moresby be attacked as soon as possible. Even the Emperor is particularly concerned about this issue. Therefore, without waiting for the results of the Ri-gô study, Imperial GHQ has ordered the 17th Army, by this Great Order, to attack Port Moresby. It is expected that central Army and Navy agreements concerning this will be telegraphed to Rabaul and Davao no later than 24 July. The Ri-gô Operation must now be executed without the feasibility study. I would like the 17th Army to proceed with local agreements with the Navy and begin the offensive against Port Moresby. I would like this achieved at all haste and with firm resolve.
TSUJI’s initiative was not challenged at the time, as many in Imperial Headquarters were leaning towards the idea of the overland offensive, despite the logistical difficulties. Consequently, TSUJI began mobilising for the campaign, specifically by procuring additional supply and engineering units. In order to assess the situation first-hand, and to encourage the commander of the Advance Party whom he had known from Malaya, TSUJI headed for Buna by Navy patrol vessel on 25 July.
Unfortunately, TSUJI was seriously wounded when his vessel came under Allied air attack near the Buna coast several days later, and he was subsequently repatriated to Tokyo.
A career soldier of undoubted ability, TSUJI attracted as many critics as admirers with his fanaticism and zeal. Acclaimed for his role in the brilliant strategies of the Malaya campaigns, he was influential on strategic decisions of the Japanese Army at one time or another in most theatres of war in Asia and the Pacific. TSUJI was implicated in several atrocities against Chinese civilians in Malaya and Singapore, and against Allied POWs in the Philippines and Burma, but escaped from Bangkok at the end of the war, thus denying the Allies the opportunity to prosecute him as a war criminal.
He was elected to the Japanese parliament in 1952 on the popularity of his best-selling accounts of his escape from the Allies and his role in the Malaya campaigns. Always controversial, he disappeared, presumed dead, from Laos in 1961 after a turbulent political career from which the shadow of his military past was never fully erased. He was pronounced dead in 1968.
Contributed by Steven Bullard (AJRP)
Bôeichô Bôei Kenshûjo Senshishitu (ed.), Senshi sôsho Minami Taiheiyô rikugun sakusen 1: Pôto Morusubii-Gashima shoki sakusen (Official war history South Pacific Area army operations, vol.1: Port Moresby-Guadalcanal first campaigns), Tokyo: Asagumo Shinbunsha, 1968, p.180 and p.195.
Campaign text
Supply plan
KANEMOTO
TSUJI
SSF order of battle
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TUESDAY NIGHT M-NET SERIES (article first published : 2003-07-16)
Wire is a 13 episode drama series which starts on July 7 (after the 20h00 premiere movie) and deals with a war between drug lords. The streets of West Baltimore, Maryland, are deadly, drug-infested with drug ring's leader's using intimidation to clear one of his young dealers of a murder charge.
Dedicated homicide detective Jimmy McNulty (Dominic West-Rock Star), a member of a joint homicide and narcotics unit is investigating the drug operations. He believes that the gangs are responsible for as many as 10 unsolved murders. With his partner, narcotics detective Shakima Greggs (Sonja Sohn-Shaft), McNulty commits himself to use any means necessary, including heightened surveillance and sophisticated wiretaps, to bust the gang and its elusive leader in this gritty police drama.
Smallville – Season 2 starts on July 1 at 19h30. Christopher Reeve rejoins the superman legend when the respected actor and activist will make a special guest appearance opposite series star Tom Welling, who portrays the modern version of Clark Kent. Reeve plays Dr. Virgil Swann, a wealthy and brilliant scientist who has been using his fortune to personally fund research about the planet Krypton- where Clark Kent (Tom Welling) comes from.
CSI: Miami starting on July 1 at 20h30 (following Smallville) is a fast paced drama series and follows a South Florida team of forensic investigators who use both cutting-edge scientific methods and old-fashioned police work to solve crimes.
Horatio Caine, a former homicide detective, heads a group of investigators who work crimes amid the steamy tropical surroundings and cultural crossroads of Miami. His team includes Calleigh Duquesne, a specialist in ballistics; Tim Speedle, an arrogant but disarming investigator who is well connected on the street and Eric Delko, an underwater recovery expert who knows all the twists and turns of the Florida waterways.
Rounding out the team is Alexx Woods, the no-nonsense know-it-all detective. Kim Delaney joins the cast as a DNA specialist whose trust in science creates conflict with the team that rely more on gut instinct. Together, these investigators collect and analyse the evidence to solve the crimes.
24- season 2, starting July 1 and following Cst Miami at 21h30 is one of the most innovative and thrilling drama seen on M-Net, now back for its second season.
In the finale of season one, Jack Bauer (Sutherland), who heads up the Los Angeles branch of the Counter-Terrorist Unit (CTU), thwarted an assassination attempt on the life of Senator David Palmer (Dennis Haysbert). However, in the process, Jack's wife Teri (Leslie Hope) was killed.
In season two, Jack and his daughter Kim (Elisha Cuthbert) are dealing with the trauma of the loss and its effect on their relationship. Kate Warner (Sarah Wynter, Lost Souls), a woman of wealth and beauty, comes into Jack's life as a potential love interest. In addition Jack, who has been inactive since Teri's death, is called upon by now-President Palmer- to stop another terrorist plot with global implications.
Last year the 24 was nominated for 10 Emmy Awards, and won Outstanding Writing for a Drama Series and Outstanding Single-Camera Picture Editing for a Series. The series also received two Golden Globe nominations (Best Television Series - Drama and Best Performance by an Actor in a Television Drama, which Sutherland took home). 24 was also nominated for five Television Critics Association Awards and received two awards for Outstanding New Program of the Year and Program of the Year.
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ELECTORS AND ELECTIONS Chapter 101
VOTING METHODS AND PROCEDURE View Entire Chapter
Section 101.657, Florida Statutes 2006
101.657 Early voting.--
(1)(a) As a convenience to the voter, the supervisor of elections shall allow an elector to vote early in the main or branch office of the supervisor. The supervisor shall mark, code, indicate on, or otherwise track the voter's precinct for each early voted ballot. In order for a branch office to be used for early voting, it shall be a permanent facility of the supervisor and shall have been designated and used as such for at least 1 year prior to the election. The supervisor may also designate any city hall or permanent public library facility as early voting sites; however, if so designated, the sites must be geographically located so as to provide all voters in the county an equal opportunity to cast a ballot, insofar as is practicable. The results or tabulation of votes cast during early voting may not be made before the close of the polls on election day. Results shall be reported by precinct.
(b) The supervisor shall designate each early voting site by no later than the 30th day prior to an election and shall designate an early voting area, as defined in s. 97.021, at each early voting site.
(c) All early voting sites in a county shall be open on the same days for the same amount of time and shall allow any person in line at the closing of an early voting site to vote.
(d) Early voting shall begin on the 15th day before an election and end on the 2nd day before an election. For purposes of a special election held pursuant to s. 100.101, early voting shall begin on the 8th day before an election and end on the 2nd day before an election. Early voting shall be provided for 8 hours per weekday and 8 hours in the aggregate each weekend at each site during the applicable periods. Early voting sites shall open no sooner than 7 a.m. and close no later than 7 p.m. on each applicable day.
(e) Notwithstanding the requirements of s. 100.3605, municipalities may provide early voting in municipal elections that are not held in conjunction with county or state elections. If a municipality provides early voting, it may designate as many sites as necessary and shall conduct its activities in accordance with the provisions of paragraphs (a)-(c). The supervisor is not required to conduct early voting if it is provided pursuant to this subsection.
(f) Notwithstanding the requirements of s. 189.405, special districts may provide early voting in any district election not held in conjunction with county or state elections. If a special district provides early voting, it may designate as many sites as necessary and shall conduct its activities in accordance with the provisions of paragraphs (a)-(c). The supervisor is not required to conduct early voting if it is provided pursuant to this subsection.
(2) During any early voting period, each supervisor of elections shall make available the total number of voters casting a ballot at each early voting location during the previous day. Each supervisor shall prepare an electronic data file listing the individual voters who cast a ballot during the early voting period. This information shall be provided in electronic format as provided by rule adopted by the division. The information shall be updated and made available no later than noon of each day and shall be contemporaneously provided to the division.
(3) The ballot of each elector voting early shall be counted even if the elector dies on or before election day.
(4)(a) The elector must provide identification and must complete an Early Voting Voter Certificate in substantially the following form:
EARLY VOTING VOTER CERTIFICATE
I, _____, am a qualified elector in this election and registered voter of _____ County, Florida. I do solemnly swear or affirm that I am the person so listed on the voter registration rolls of _____ County and that I reside at the listed address. I understand that if I commit or attempt to commit fraud in connection with voting, vote a fraudulent ballot, or vote more than once in an election I could be convicted of a felony of the third degree and both fined up to $5,000 and imprisoned for up to 5 years. I understand that my failure to sign this certificate invalidates my ballot.
(Voter's Signature)
(Address)
(City/State)
(b) Any elector may challenge an elector seeking to vote early under the provisions of s. 101.111. Any challenged voter must vote a provisional ballot. The canvassing board shall review the ballot and decide the validity of the ballot by majority vote.
(c) The canvass of returns for ballots cast under this subsection shall be substantially the same as votes cast by electors in precincts, as provided in s. 101.5614.
History.--s. 17, ch. 98-129; s. 2, ch. 2000-249; s. 55, ch. 2001-40; s. 21, ch. 2003-415; s. 7, ch. 2004-232; s. 13, ch. 2004-252; s. 45, ch. 2005-277; s. 39, ch. 2005-278.
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THE FIGHT OF THEIR LIVES
THE FIGHT OF THEIR LIVES February 6 2006
He had been working toward this job for nearly 30 years, and now they were making him fight for it once again.
Nov. 29,2005, dawned in Ottawa the way November days usually do in the capital: grey, gloomy, not too cold but hardly promising. In the semicircle driveway at 24 Sussex Drive, a familiar line of dark sedans formed the traditional prime ministerial motorcade: RCMP in front and rear, a couple of cars for staffers, and one for the Prime Minister. Paul Martin sat in his familiar seat, his wife, Sheila, by his side.
They weren’t going far. Rideau Hall is only about a five-minute walk up Sussex Drive from the prime minister’s residence. Their proximity dates from the days when a governor general really was a prime minister’s boss, confidant, mentor and imperial chaperone. In fact, the last time Paul Martin had gone to Rideau Hall to ask its occupant to dissolve Parliament—only 18 months earlier, in May 2004—he had done it on foot. Like just about everything else in the rookie Martin government, that 2004 trip hadn’t gone quite according to plan.
Martin had gone strolling up Sussex Drive, Sheila at his side, aides and bodyguards around them, with the usual clot of network camera crews just ahead, walking backwards to send the moment live to a waiting nation. The little gaggle promptly barrelled straight into a knot of tourists who’d hurried to the GG’s house to watch the historic moment. PM, factotums, gendarmes, cameras and tourists made the most ungainly procession imaginable. Martin slowed to a snail’s pace to ensure nobody got trampled. It took forever to get to the door of Rideau Hall. The TV pictures were horrible.
So much for that. This time, Martin’s tidy little motorcade closed the distance between his front door and Michaëlle Jean’s in three minutes. The newly appointed viceroy consulted in private with her Prime Minister for a little less than a half hour. Then Martin emerged back into the gloomy morning to meet the waiting reporters.
In a brief prepared statement and his answers to questions from reporters, Martin sketched the themes of the campaign as he saw them: regret that it even had to happen; pride in a strong economy; and a clear warning that the only possible way to screw it up was to vote for the parties that had recklessly forced this election in the first place. It was a profoundly stay-the-course message.
“A minority Parliament means the opposition can force an election whenever it chooses,” he told the cameras, scowling faintly. “In this case, I believe ambition has overwhelmed common sense.” He listed two bounties of good government that his scheming opponents had kept from Canadians’ grasp by defeating the Liberals: “establishing benchmarks to reduce wait times in health care” and “making sure Canadians receive the full benefits of the tax cuts announced by the finance minister.”
It was an odd choice of examples. Two weeks later, the provinces would announce their wait-time benchmarks, entirely unperturbed by the unfolding campaign. As for the tax cuts, Finance Minister Ralph Goodale had back-loaded most of his tax relief until 2010. So the “full benefit” would have had to await an election in any case, maybe two, even if the opposition parties behaved.
No matter. This wasn’t a logic class, it was a campaign. Martin put an end to the morning’s only remaining suspense by naming the date of the vote. “A general election, one forced over the holidays by the three opposition parties, will be held on Monday, Jan. 23.”
Eight weeks. It would be the longest election campaign since Brian Mulroney won in the landslide of 1984. Since then, to reflect the tempos of a nation made smaller by television and communications satellites, a new minimum length for campaigns had been set at five weeks. Every subsequent prime minister had stuck to that minimum. Until this one.
At the Conservative party campaign headquarters in a consummately nondescript office tower on Ottawa’s Albert Street, organizers for Stephen Harper set aside one set of briefing binders and planning books and opened a second. The Conservatives had planned their entire campaign, down to the day, in two versions. One for a five-week campaign ending in the first week of January; the other for a full eight weeks. “If it’s five weeks, we have a busy schedule,” one of Harper’s most influential advisers told Maclean’s the night before Martin’s trip to Rideau Hall, as parliamentarians were gathering in a packed House of Commons for the confidence vote that would bring the Martin government down. “If it’s eight weeks, we have...less. Money is the limiting factor.”
What was holding the Conservatives back wasn’t how much money they had. It was how much they were allowed to spend. One of Jean Chrétien’s last acts as prime minister had been to severely restrict corporate and union donations to political parties. The limits severely cramped the style of the Liberal party, which was used to depending on a fairly small number of well-heeled donors. The Conservatives, on the other hand, were heirs to the Reform party’s extraordinary success at getting smaller donations from a much larger base of donors.
“We have so much money,” another top Harper aide would admit at the end of the campaign’s first week, shaking his head in amazement. “We have shitloads of money. Way more than we can spend in a campaign. In a way we wouldn’t have minded Martin’s preferred schedule, which was to go in February, because we could have run this huge pre-writ campaign”—a blitz of television, radio and newspaper ads and direct mail, all of it unregulated by Elections Canada spending limits.
Then why pull the plug ahead of that schedule? “Because you have to strike while the iron is hot. We’re happy to do that. But now we’re capped at $18.3 million for the whole eightweek period. We don’t get any more money just because it’s a longer campaign. So we have to be careful how we spend it.”
The Prime Minister took five questions before leaving Rideau Hall to begin his marathon campaign. The first was from Peter Chura of Toronto’s Citytv. “Prime Minister, many are predicting a negative campaign,” he said. “Will your party use negative campaign ads?”
“I’m going to very much campaign on our record and where we want to take the country,” Martin replied gamely, “and I believe in this country so much. And I am so optimistic about where we’re going and what kind of a nation we can build. And I’m going to be talking about that record. I’m going to be talking about our promise and how we can achieve it.”
So: nothing but bright sunshiny days. Right?
“And of course in the course of that campaign I am going to be pointing out the differences between Stephen Harper and myself, the differences between the other leaders and myself,” Martin continued. “And I will be pointing out where our values are, where their values differ. I’ll be pointing out our record and the kinds of things that we support. Fundamentally, I believe in this country and I’m going to be talking about the kind of nation that we can build.”
The reporters listening to the Liberal leader’s exquisitely couched reply chuckled to themselves. “Pointing out where our values differ?” Translation: you bet your life he was going to use negative ads.
If there is a constant in this fickle and flighty nation, it is the political ambition of guys named Paul Martin. There has been a Paul Martin running for the job of prime minister since before we had medicare or the Parti Québécois—indeed, since before Newfoundland joined Confederation. Old habits do die hard.
Over the course of his 40-year career in politics, Paul Martin Sr. became a candidate for the leadership of
the Liberal Party of Canada every time the job came open.
The vintage Ontario constituency MP and social reformer, born to francophone parents in 1903, had no chance to mount a serious candidacy in 1948, when William Lyon Mackenzie King
finally gave up his seemingly endless reign as Liberal leader. There were few things in Liberal Ottawa that King didn’t control, including the elevation of his successor, the courtly Quebec City lawyer Louis St. Laurent.
But Paul Martin Sr. couldn’t simply let another man walk into the job. In this magazine in 1948, Blair Fraser described a bizarre scene at the Ottawa convention that crowned St. Laurent as leader. A “draft Paul Martin” movement, of unverifiable spontaneity, sprung up across Ottawa in the middle of St. Laurent’s coronation. It reached its zenith and its nadir simultaneously, when hundreds of boisterous Martin supporters trailed a bagpiper into the hall—and barged right in on King’s farewell speech. Martin protested that he had done nothing to encourage these rebels. Fraser wrote that, while that may be true, Martin’s colleagues wished he had done more to discourage them. “They think he stood too long under the mistletoe, for a girl who was supposed to be engaged.”
When all of this happened, Paul Martin Jr. was 10 years old.
THERE HAS BEEN A PAUL MARTIN RUNNING FOR PM SINCE BEFORE WE HAD MEDICARE— INDEED, SINCE BEFORE NEWFOUNDLAND JOINED CONFEDERATION
By 1958, Paul Martin Sr. had hit his prime. He had been a health minister with a decade of reforms under his belt. He was as experienced and wily a man as any the Liberals had. But three months before the Liberals chose St. Laurent’s successor, Lester B. Pearson won the Nobel Peace Prize for his work defusing the Suez crisis. There would be no arguing with a Swedish jury. Martin’s time had gone again.
He served Pearson as a loyal lieutenant, and in 1968, the leadership once again came open. This time it was Trudeaumania that put paid to the Martin family ambitions. The elder Martin accepted a Senate seat from his glamorous new leader and limped into the history books.
Yet before too many years had gone by, a new generation had risen to carry the torch. In 1977, the elder Martin wrote in a diary about a conversation with his son Paul, who had made a pretty good go of things in business in Montreal. Paul Jr. was thinking of running for Parliament. After all, he’d likely get into cabinet if he won. “He has the bug, I’m afraid,” the father wrote about his son.
Indeed. Early in 1979, the subject rose again. “Last night he
said, ‘Dad, I want to have a talk with you soon. Now is the time to get my feet wet,’ ” Martin Sr. wrote. “He even went further and said, ‘Now is the time for me to begin to become a candidate for the prime ministership.’ Shades of the father!”
Paul Martin Jr. has never been hesitant about citing his father as an influence for the politics he practises and the policy he preaches. But it would be too simple to say the younger Martin imitated the elder. Like George W. Bush, a very different political heir, Paul Martin Jr. sought also to learn from his father’s mistakes. Where the father had lacked caucus support, the son would become every Liberal MP’s friend and confidant. Where the father had accepted the label of oldfashioned machine politico, the son would work hard to distance himself from that image.
There is one more thing. Christina McCall, the pre-eminent historian of Grit court in-
trigues, once wrote that naked ambition had helped sink the father in 1958, when he missed his best shot: “He wanted power, curious creature, and he let people see this base desire.” Lesson learned. Paul Martin Jr. would do everything he could to hide the desire that drove him. Which is not quite the same as saying it wasn’t there.
And then, after all that, Paul Martin Jr. finally gets the job he and his father wanted for half a century... and it’s barely worth having.
The public release of Sheila Fraser’s audit into sponsorship and advertising programs came on Feb. 10,2004. Paul Martin had been prime minister for two months. He knew what was coming, and his staff, whom he often calls the best campaign team in history—Martin is not a particularly meticulous student of history—had come up with a plan. Rather than sweeping the abuses Fraser chronicled under the rug, they would insist the mess was at least as bad as it looked. But Paul Martin had known nothing about them. Indeed, he was the providential man who had come to effect repairs. He would sic a commission of inquiry onto his own party, cashier a few relics of the old regime, tour the country rending his garments, and become the change his pollsters told him Canadians wanted.
It didn’t work very well. Almost overnight, the Liberal brand sank from the reliable majority territory it had commanded for a decade after 1993 toward more precarious realms. Jean Chrétien had fought the Bloc Québécois onto the ropes in Quebec, routinely polling well ahead of the separatist party through 2003; when word of his Quebec operatives’ shadier techniques got out, the Liberals’ Quebec vote collapsed to the low 20s. The effect was less pronounced, but similar, across the country. Martin had always planned to call an election as soon as he could after taking power, so he could get his own mandate for his own program. What he got instead was the first minority Parliament in 25 years.
In the 17 months his government survived, Martin did manage to deliver on two major policy planks. He convened the premiers and, after days of arduous negotiation, got them to accept yet another massive injection of federal cash for health care. And for an exgoalie, his rookie social development minister, Ken Dryden, showed early promise on offence, getting signatures on 10 federalprovincial child care agreements.
But mostly the first Martin mandate was fought in the corners with elbows up. Stephen Harper and his deputy leader Peter MacKay hammered the Liberals day after day on the (often wildly contradictory) allegations arising from public testimony at Justice John Gomery’s sponsorship inquiry. When the Gomery hearings got particularly juicy in April, Harper said it was time to pull the plug. He would seek any opportunity to bring the Liberals down in a confidence vote. The Liberals gained a little breathing room when Jack Layton, the NDP leader, decided he’d rather show his party could get some of its policies implemented in a minority Parliament than help sack the Grits. They got a bit more when Martin’s staff orchestrated the stunning defection of Belinda Stronach from the Conservative benches to the Liberal cabinet.
But Martin’s luck started running out for good when Gomery released the first volume of his report on Nov. 1. The judge found “a depressing tale of greed, venality and misconduct” and described “an elaborate kickback scheme” designed to benefit the federal Liberals’ Quebec wing. Within days, Layton said he too was ready to express non-confidence in the Liberals. With no other party on their side, the Liberals had no hope of surviving. The stage was finally set on Nov. 24. Harper moved —seconded by Layton—“That this House has lost confidence in the government.”
The lead story in that morning’s Globe and Mail carried the headline, “PM plans negative campaign.” The meat of the piece was a briefing Charles Bird, a senior Liberal organizer for Ontario, had given his troops a few days earlier. Bird had said that the opposition parties, especially the Tories, would run a relentlessly negative campaign. As for the Liberals, “We will give as good as we get.”
If Harper’s speech on the non-confidence motion could be seen as foreshadowing the Conservative campaign line, the Tory broadsides would be harsh indeed. Twice the Conservative leader told the Commons the Liberals had carried out their foul deeds “with the help of organized crime.” He rattled off the same depressing list of Liberal misdeeds that had fuelled his Question Period attacks for more than a year.
“We have seen one minister of immigration have to resign over favouritism in giving out visas, while the next one billed taxpayers $138 for pizza, all defended by the Prime Minister,” Harper said. “We have seen Art Eggleton, a man that Jean Chrétien fired from the cabinet for giving an untendered contract to a former girlfriend, get rewarded with a seat in the Senate.”
On and on Harper went. He paused briefly to list Liberal failings on criminal justice, national unity and budget-making. But once again, there was no hint about what a Conservative government would do differently. For all the world it looked as though Harper planned to try to prosecute his way to victory.
And while all this was happening inside the Commons, something else was happening outside, across the nation.
It started raining money.
Newsrooms on Parliament Hill tend to be spartan affairs. Reporters, as a breed, are not accomplished decorators. The typical Hill bureau comes decked out with only a few staple items: parliamentary phone directories, fax machines, piles of news releases, televisions eternally tuned to CBC Newsworld or CTV Newsnet—and ancient wall-mounted speakers.
The speakers bring reporters news releases read aloud by the staff of the Parliamentary Press Gallery, in the gallery’s offices on the sixth
floor of the National Press Building. Every once in a while, typically three times an hour or so, the speakers crackle to life: “Your attention please. We have three decisions from the CRTC.” “Your attention please. This is to remind you of a news conference by Jason Kenney...” Or whatever.
In the third week of November, the speakers started squawking more frequently. And on Nov. 24, the day of Harper’s confidencemotion stemwinder, the number of announcements skyrocketed. Across Canada, Liberal ministers, ex-ministers and hopeful future ministers had fanned out to announce stunning amounts of new spending. On the first day of that week there had been 11 such announcements. Today there would be 30.
Wayne Easter announced $483,900 for a theme park in Cavendish, P.E.I., Robert Thibault announced $2.6 million for a conference centre in Cornwallis, N.S., then delivered $201,500 for art gallery renovations in Yarmouth.
Aileen Carroll delivered $64 million for various international development-assistance projects. Her colleague Belinda Stronach announced $1.1 million for police training. And $882,000 for “skills development in the international trade sector.” And almost $8 million for “skills development in the technology and software sector.” And $78,700 to integrate immigrants into the workforce.
For any minister in ordinary times, it would have been a banner day. But given the scale of this money blizzard, Stronach might as well have slept in. David Emerson announced $1.4 billion to prop up the nation’s besieged forestry industry. Joe Volpe announced $700 million to modernize the immigration system. Scott Simms and Geoff Regan announced two different infrastructure deals, the first for $28 million in St.John’s, the second for $37 million in Upper Tantallon, N.S. And on and on it went.
Later, when the unprecedented blizzard of Liberal expenditure was over, the Canadian Taxpayers’ Federation toted up the costs. In the first three weeks of November, the Martin government had announced $24.5 billion in new spending. That figure represented about 15 per cent of total federal program spending for a year.
Of course, most of the ministers insisted, none of it had anything to do with the election. “This didn’t happen overnight,” Stronach told reporters. From Emerson, much the same tune. “Are we trying to do what the public would like us to do?” he asked. “Yeah, that’s what we’re here for and if people in an election say, ‘We like what you’re doing,’ that’s good,” he said. “[But] what we’re doing are initiatives and policies that are built on a solid public policy foundation.”
Of all the ministers who had fanned out to put some yummy spending in the pre-election wind-down, only Reg Alcock came close to admitting as much. Alcock was the Treasury Board president. His job was to survey the mechanics of government spending.
Perhaps professional pride goaded him to a higher level of frankness. “This is all within the fiscal plan of the government,” Alcock told reporters.
“But we are now moving harder and we are moving faster to get as many of the programs out the door. It was not planned this way. But we are not operating on our schedule.”
When the schedule finally caught up with the Liberals, on Nov. 28, it could hardly have been more anticlimactic. Members spent half an hour filing in. For a long time they flooded the normally empty centre aisle, chatting, shaking hands and gossiping across party lines. Jacques Saada, the Liberal minister for La Francophonie, spotted Don Boudria and hugged him hard. Boudria had been Chrétien’s house leader, relegated to the back benches by Martin. He was retiring—this would be his last night in the Commons. Saada’s political future was also on the line: against a resurgent Bloc, he faced a tough fight in his Brossard-La Prairie riding south of Montreal (he’d end up losing).
In the Senate gallery, looking down across the House at the Liberal benches, Senator Jim Munson watched the bustle below. Munson was a veteran CTV reporter who’d become Jean Chrétien’s communications director in 2002 and had been appointed to the Senate as one of Chrétien’s last public acts. He shouted across to his former colleagues, packed three deep in the press gallery: “Start the wave! Start the wave! Come on!” Munson tossed his arms skyward in an attempt to get the old football cheer going. He found no takers.
'WE HAVE SO MUCH MONEY/ ONE HARPER AIDE ADMITTED AFTER WEEK ONE.'WE HAVE SHITLOADS OF MONEY. WAY MORE THAN WE CAN SPEND IN A CAMPAIGN/
As the members stood to vote, those who would not run again received raucous applause from their colleagues: Conservatives Darrel Stinson and Dave Chatters, both fighting cancer, first and loudest of all. Then Ed Broadbent from the NDP, Claudette Bradshaw and Marlene Catterall for the Liberals.
When it was over, Peter Milliken, the jolly little Commons Speaker, read the results: Yeas 171, Nays 133. The first Martin government was dead.
There’s some old video footage of the defeat of Joe Clark’s government in 1979. It ends with MPs and observers throwing a shower of loose-leaf and shredded paper into the air, celebrating the giddy uncertainty of an election many hadn’t expected. Now a half-dozen Liberal MPs tried to recreate the moment, tossing skyward some sheets of paper they had taken pains to pre-shred. The effort seemed more pathetic than festive. There wasn’t enough paper and, more to the point, there wasn’t nearly enough surprise. You really can’t recreate past glories. The chamber emptied within minutes.
Day 1 of the campaign of his life, and here comes Stephen Harper, barrelling toward glory as if shot from a cannon. Or, more accurately, not.
At his opening news conference, in the lobby of the House of Commons, the Conservative leader rang all the classic challenger bells: time for a change, an end to corruption,
a brighter future. The reporters who would spend the first week travelling with him asked him a few questions. One was about same-sex marriage. Another, asked at the same time, was about some less thorny topic. Harper took the easy question. Nobody would have been surprised if that was that, at least for the first day. But at the end of his remarks, Harper made a point of coming back to the same-sex question.
“We were committed at the time of the [party policy] convention and through the last debate to put a free vote to the next Parliament on this issue,” he said. “If that motion is defeated, we won’t proceed. If it is passed, we will proceed.”
Across Canada, Conservative supporters watching on television must have felt a brief moment of panic. Was it happening again? Already? The campaign had barely begun and Harper seemed to be getting caught up in controversy over divisive social issues. Near the end of the week, a Liberal war room insider would point to this moment and predict that antics like the same-sex marriage outburst would seal Harper’s fate. “At the end of the day, people don’t like him,” the senior Liberal said. “You can shine him up but he’s still the same.”
Harper’s next 36 hours wouldn’t go much smoother. At a rally in west-end Ottawa for John Baird, a former Ontario cabinet minister now running for the federal Conservatives, Harper seemed unsure of himself. He introduced MPs who’d shown up for the rally.
“And there’s one more—I haven’t seen him but I’m sure he’s here—our defence critic, Gordon O’Connor!” Harper said.
The crowd roared.
O’Connor was standing on the podium with Harper, not seven feet to the leader’s left. He waved sheepishly.
But soon Harper gave his first hint that this campaign might go differently from the endless prosecutorial harangue the Liberals were expecting. “Now, this election will not only be about Gomery,” he said. “Judge Gomery looked at the past. We are looking toward the future now.”
Easier said than done. The next morning in Quebec City, Harper stood in front of eight candidates and announced the first new plank of a Conservative platform. A new “office of the director of public prosecutions.” A full-time prosecutor to decide whether and how to proceed with federal prosecutions. Why? To “decide on prosecutions arising from the sponsorship scandal.”
Right away, Harper ran into two problems. First, he couldn’t name any of the candidates standing behind him—even though he had begun his campaign in Quebec City because he claimed the Conservatives had a shot at a breakthrough there. Hours later, in Halifax, Harper’s own deputy leader, Peter MacKay, cheerfully disagreed with his claim that a federal prosecutor would prosecute sponsorship malfeasance. “There’s no way,” MacKay said. “This office wouldn’t deal with Criminal Code offences.” Whoops. Reporters traded knowing glances. There’s nothing more fun to cover than a disaster.
And then, on the second full day of the campaign, Harper pulled out of his nosedive. He strolled into 2001 Audio Video in Mississauga, Ont., slapped a “GST/TPS 5%” sign onto the cash register, and announced a twostage reduction of the hated tax. The day after that, in Winnipeg, he promised, in effect, to implement the Kirby Senate report on health care wait times, paying to fly patients to other jurisdictions if they couldn’t get timely care at home. Finally, on Saturday in Burnaby, B.C., Harper promised tougher penalties for drug crimes.
In a truncated first week, the Conservative had made his way from Nova Scotia to British Columbia, releasing a policy plank a day and working far more diligently to define himself than to attack Paul Martin. The Liberal, meanwhile, had shuttled between Montreal and Toronto giving rousing speeches to campaign rallies and rebutting Harper’s announcements one by one.
It was an oddly minimalist way to begin what could be Paul Martin’s last campaign. Privately, Liberals admitted they were saving their ammunition for after Christmas. And they were surprised that Harper hadn’t made the same decision.
Why hadn’t he come out on ethics, corruption and the Gomery report? “We fully expected to get absolutely hammered in the first couple of weeks,” the Liberal war room strategist said. “The Tories are saving the hard negatives for later in the campaign.” Still, if all Harper was talking about was how he’d govern, the Liberals were relieved. “We’re happier having the debate on policy than corruption.”
John Reynolds was the veteran Conservative MP, a former Social Credit speaker of the British Columbia legislature, who served as Harper’s House leader and national campaign co-chairman. Tall and silver-haired, a man who enjoys a steak dinner and some good wine, Reynolds wasn’t running for re-election, but he was near the centre of Harper’s drive for power.
REYNOLDS KNEW WORSE WOULD COME. THE LIBERALS WERE COMPILING FOOTAGE OF TORIES, HOPING SOMEONE WOULD SAY SOMETHING EXTREME.
Why had Harper started the campaign by reopening the same-sex marriage debate? “Why save that for the last week?” Reynolds replied. “It’s out now. Anybody asks him that question between now and election day, he’ll be able to say, T’ve already discussed that issue.’ So it’s gone.”
Betraying a hint of self-satisfaction, Reynolds said the Liberals seemed a little disoriented by the rest of the week. “I think they really expected that we would come out hammering on the Gomery stuff the first week, see how alive we could keep that,” he said. “We came out with positive issues, platform items. So I think that’s thrown them off their game a little.”
But Reynolds knew worse would come. Privately, Liberals said they were compiling video footage of Conservative candidates and party officials, hoping one or more of them would say something that would sound extremist. It hadn’t gone unnoticed by the Conservatives. “We’ve seen people at meetings—and we’ve been told of people at meetings—taping people,” Reynolds said. Was he worried? He said not. “Those things are available against them, too.” The Conservatives were stockpiling their own list of incriminating quotations by senior Liberals. “I mean, they really think we’re stupid if we don’t.” When the campaign turned dark, Reynolds said, the Conservatives would be ready.
As for Martin, his first week ended with two moments that showed his greatest strength, and his most enduring weakness. His greatest strength was his tremendously appealing personality. It had allowed him to recruit support from far outside the old Liberal family: Scott Brison and Belinda Stronach, both lured to the Liberals from the Conservatives; Ujjal Dosanjh, the former
NDP premier of British Columbia; even Bono, the crusading rock star who spoke at Martin’s coronation as Liberal leader. On Dec. 2, Martin visited a Canadian Auto Workers event in Toronto and basked in the lavish praise of the mighty union’s president, Buzz Hargrove, who was supposed to be an NDP supporter. Hargrove hugged the Prime Minister, gave him a union jacket, and said the Liberals had delivered so much in 17 months that they deserved a stronger minority this time. “I could listen to you all day,” Martin said.
And maybe he should have. Because when he left the CAW event to speak to reporters, Martin stopped listening and opened his mouth, revealing one of his most surprising but intractable failings: a tin ear for the politics of his adopted home province, Quebec. A reporter for La Presse asked whether the coming election would be an élection référendaire—literally, an election that would act as a referendum on Quebecers’ desire to stay in Canada or leave it. “I think it really is an élection référendaire,” Martin said, “certainly according to the Boisclair-Duceppe duo.” He was referring to Gilles Duceppe and the young new Parti Québécois leader, André Boisclair. “There’s now a pact between them. The first step is the election ofjan. 23.”
It was an extraordinarily reckless position for a Canadian prime minister to take, especially with the Bloc hovering over 50 per cent in the polls. In the four decades since the Parti Québécois had been founded, no sovereigntist party had ever broken the psychological barrier of 50 per cent in the popular vote. Now Martin was giving the Bloc a licence to claim that, if it broke through the 50 per cent barrier, no less an authority than the Prime Minister had recognized the political impact of such an outcome. And for Paul Martin, it was only the beginning of his Quebec troubles.
BEATING UP, AND THEN MOVING ON
A MATTER OF INCOME TRUSTS
ZOË, DOUGIE & THE MOLE
ELECTION SPECIAL 2006
STEPHEN HARPER, BORN-AGAIN CANADIAN
February 2006 By Peter C. Newman
February 2006 By SHANDA DEZIEL
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Pope Francis impressed with Filipino reception – Vatican spokesperson
By Ferdinand G. Patino
MANILA, Jan. 15 (PNA) — Pope Francis was impressed and very happy with the warm reception of Filipinos after arriving at the Villamor Airbase in Pasay City late Thursday afternoon.
According to Fr. Federico Lombardi, director of the Vatican press office, the Holy Father was pleased on how the Filipino people warmly welcomed him.
“He is happy to be here finally in the Philippines. First encounter with the Filipino people was very impressive, touching. Important, the pope has received a very strong impression, spiritual experience with your people,” he said during the press briefing at the Diamond Hotel in Manila.
The pope was likewise overwhelmed with the mammoth crowd who patiently waited for more than three hours and cheered him as his motorcade passed the streets towards his Apostolic Nunciature residence in Taft Avenue, Manila.
“The pope was very impressed. The Holy Spirit has to work to touch the hearts of the people that we see. The Holy Spirit has to work during these days of grace of mercy and compassion,” the Vatican official said.
A fiesta-like atmosphere greeted Pope Francis upon his arrival in the country late Thursday afternoon for his five-day state and apostolic visit.
The plane carrying the 78-year-old Holy Father landed at the Villamor Air Base at 5:30 p.m.
Lombardi noted that the pontiff did not give his arrival message since he will give a number of speeches, messages and homilies during his stay in the country.
“The pope would have a number of public speeches and homilies and this evening no public speech of pope,” he explained.
The Vatican spokesperson added that Pope is excited on his scheduled activities in the coming days.
“Yes, obviously, but he loves people and he knows Filipino people in Europe and Argentina and Filipino people are everywhere and he understands very well the enthusiasm that he will experience here is something particular and the entire action would be around him waiting for word of consolation of love, hope. And he said the Holy Spirit would have to work, and he hopes that the Holy Spirit would find prepared heart to receive more grace in these days,” Lombardi said.
Asked if the Pope is in good shape, the Vatican official noted that even if the Pope is tired, the people or big crowd encourages or energizes him.
“The pope has a charisma that if he is with the people, he gets energy from the people around him. The audience, the big celebration, he feels encouraged, inspired by the people present and he feels energized even if he is already tired before,” he said.
He added that Pope Francis scheduled meeting with President Benigno Aquino III on Friday will be personal and short.
“This visit normally these meetings are not meeting with the long and profound discussion. More friendly, courtesy meeting. Normally, there is discussion of concrete points, but on this occasion the President and Pope would have short time,” he said.
On Friday, the pontiff will meet the country’s Chief Executive in Malacanang as well as the members of the diplomatic corps.
After the meeting with Aquino, Pope Francis will proceed to the Manila Cathedral, where he will lead the Eucharistic Celebration for bishops, priests, men and women religious to be followed by the meeting with the families at SM Mall of Asia Arena. (PNA)
LAM/FGP/RSM
Filed Under: National
Tagged: Benigno Aquino, Holy Father, Holy Spirit, Pope Francis
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