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Jeff Greason, a senior manager at Intel, started XCOR Aerospace (in which I’m an investor).
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In 2005, the last year I held my PC Forum conference for IT entrepreneurs, I started a conference called Flight School for entrepreneurs in space and private aviation.
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Meanwhile, in about 2005, I was in South Africa with a small group advising former President Thabo Mbeki and his government about its IT policy.
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One of the group was Mark Shuttleworth, founder of Thawte (sold to VeriSign), who had recently come back from a trip to the space station as the second “space tourist.”
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One evening, the group sat around a campfire as the sun set, and around 50 African schoolchildren were bussed in.
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Altogether, there were about 100 of us, President Mbeki included, around a roaring fire.
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Once it was dark, a screen was set up and Mark showed home videos from space.
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He gave a fascinating talk about his adventures, complete with clips of him floating around, catching bubbles in his mouth, and so on.
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The kids loved it, and I'm sure some of them decided then and there to study math and science.
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Eventually, I invested in Space Adventures, the company that organized Shuttleworth’s trip into space.
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Later, I went on a tour that they organized to watch the launch of Charles Simonyi, the fifth (and soon seventh) space tourist, from Baikonur in Kazakhstan.
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(Simonyi wrote the Microsoft Word program, and now has another start-up, Intentional Software, and a foundation, as well as a Web site, CharlesinSpace.org.)
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Soon after, I started casually discussing the notion of becoming a backup cosmonaut with the Space Adventures team.
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Yes, I would love to actually go, but the trip to space costs $35 to $40 million, whereas backup training costs “only” $3 million.
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So I had vague thoughts that I might go into space sometime in 2011 - the year that Google co-founder Sergey Brin is (very) tentatively slated to go.
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Space Adventures was pushing for 2009, but I was pretty busy.
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Then something happened last spring: my sister Emily discovered that she had cancer and had a double mastectomy.
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(She is doing well now and, in fact, just won a mini-marathon.)
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A couple of weeks later, I was faced with one of those conflicts: a board meeting here, a conference there, another opportunity at the same time somewhere else.
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“Aaagh,” I thought, “if only I had a double mastectomy: I could cancel all these things and no one would complain!”
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Good grief! I realized my priorities were all out of whack. So in some odd way, this sabbatical in Russia is my alternative to a double mastectomy – a positive one, to be sure, but the same kind of reset-button experience.
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It is also the answer to another question I hear a lot because of my work on human genetics through 23andMe (www.23andme.com) and the Personal Genome Project (www.personalgenome.org): If you learned you had a high chance of developing Alzheimer’s in a few years, what would you do?
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Why, I’d go train to be a cosmonaut, of course! And why wait to find out I may get Alzheimer’s? Next month, I will write about what training to go into space actually involves.
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9/11 and the New Authoritarianism
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Five years after the attacks on the Twin Towers in New York and the Pentagon in Washington, “9/11” is no longer a mere date.
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It has entered the history books as the beginning of something new, a new era perhaps, but in any case a time of change.
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The terrorist bombings in Madrid and London and elsewhere will also be remembered; but it is “9/11” that has become the catchphrase, almost like “August 1914.”
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But was it really a war that started on September 11, 2001?
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Not all are happy about this American notion.
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During the heyday of Irish terrorism in the UK, successive British governments went out of their way not to concede to the IRA the notion that a war was being waged.
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“War” would have meant acceptance of the terrorists as legitimate enemies, in a sense as equals in a bloody contest for which there are accepted rules of engagement.
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This is neither a correct description nor a useful terminology for terrorist acts, which are more correctly described as criminal.
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By calling them war – and naming an opponent, usually al-Qaeda and its leader, Osama bin Laden – the United States government has justified domestic changes that, before the 9/11 attacks, would have been unacceptable in any free country.
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Most of these changes were embodied in the so-called “USA Patriot Act.”
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Though some of the changes simply involved administrative regulations, the Patriot Act’s overall effect was to erode the great pillars of liberty, such as habeas corpus , the right to recourse to an independent court whenever the state deprives an individual of his freedom.
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From an early date, the prison camp at Guantánamo Bay in Cuba became the symbol of something unheard of: the arrest without trial of “illegal combatants” who are deprived of all human rights.
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The world now wonders how many more of these non-human humans are there in how many places.
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For everyone else, a kind of state of emergency was proclaimed that has allowed state interference in essential civil rights.
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Controls at borders have become an ordeal for many, and police persecution now burdens quite a few.
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A climate of fear has made life hard for anyone who looks suspicious or acts suspiciously, notably for Muslims.
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Such restrictions on freedom did not meet with much public opposition when they were adopted.
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On the contrary, by and large it was the critics, not the supporters, of these measures who found themselves in trouble.
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In Britain, where Prime Minister Tony Blair supported the US attitude entirely, the government introduced similar measures and even offered a new theory.
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Blair was the first to argue that security is the first freedom.
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In other words, liberty is not the right of individuals to define their own lives, but the right of the state to restrict individual freedom in the name of a security that only the state can define.
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This is the beginning of a new authoritarianism.
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The problem exists in all countries affected by the threat of terrorism, though in many it has not become quite as specific.
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In most countries of continental Europe, “9/11” has remained an American date.
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There is even a debate – and indeed some evidence – concerning the question of whether involvement in the “war against terrorism” has actually increased the threat of terrorist acts.
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Germans certainly use this argument to stay out of the action wherever possible.
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This stance, however, has not prevented the spread of something for which a German word is used in other languages, too: Angst .
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A diffuse anxiety is gaining ground.
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People feel uneasy and worried, especially when traveling.
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Any train accident or airplane crash is now at first suspected of being an act of terrorism.
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Thus, 9/11 has meant, directly or indirectly, a great shock, both psychologically and to our political systems.
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While terrorism is fought in the name of democracy, the fight has in fact led to a distinct weakening of democracy, owing to official legislation and popular angst.
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One of the worrying features of the 9/11 attacks is that it is hard to see their purpose beyond the perpetrators’ resentment of the West and its ways.
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But the West’s key features, democracy and the rule of law, have taken a far more severe battering at the hands of their defenders than by their attackers.
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Two steps, above all, are needed to restore confidence in liberty within the democracies affected by the legacy of 9/11.
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First, we must make certain that the relevant legislation to meet the challenge of terrorism is strictly temporary.
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Some of today’s restrictions on habeas corpus and civil liberties have sunset clauses restricting their validity; all such rules should be re-examined by parliaments regularly.
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Second, and more importantly, our leaders must seek to calm, rather than exploit, public anxiety.
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The terrorists with whom we are currently at “war” cannot win, because their dark vision will never gain broad popular legitimacy.
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That is all the more reason for democrats to stand tall in defending our values – first and foremost by acting in accordance with them.
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9/11 in Perspective
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NEW YORK – It was a decade ago that 19 terrorists took control of four planes, flew two into the twin towers of the World Trade Center, hit the Pentagon with a third, and crashed the fourth in a field in Pennsylvania after passengers resisted and made it impossible for the terrorists to complete their malevolent mission.
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In a matter of hours, more than 3,000 innocent people, mostly Americans, but also people from 115 other countries, had their lives suddenly and violently taken from them.
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September 11, 2001, was a terrible tragedy by any measure, but it was not a historical turning point.
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It did not herald a new era of international relations in which terrorists with a global agenda prevailed, or in which such spectacular terrorist attacks became commonplace.
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On the contrary, 9/11 has not been replicated.
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Despite the attention devoted to the “Global War on Terrorism,” the most important developments of the last ten years have been the introduction and spread of innovative information technologies, globalization, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the political upheavals in the Middle East.
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As for the future, it is much more likely to be defined by the United States’ need to put its economic house in order; China’s trajectory within and beyond its borders; and the ability of the world’s governments to cooperate on restoring economic growth, stemming the spread of nuclear weapons, and meeting energy and environmental challenges.
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It is and would be wrong to make opposition to terrorism the centerpiece of what responsible governments do in the world.
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Terrorists continue to be outliers with limited appeal at best.
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They can destroy but not create.
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It is worth noting that the people who went into the streets of Cairo and Damascus calling for change were not shouting the slogans of Al Qaeda or supporting its agenda.
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Moreover, measures have been implemented to push back, successfully, against terrorists.
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Intelligence assets have been redirected.
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Borders have been made more secure and societies more resilient.
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International cooperation has increased markedly, in part because governments that cannot agree on many things can agree on the need to cooperate in this area.
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Military force has played a role as well.
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Al Qaeda lost its base in Afghanistan when the Taliban government that had provided it sanctuary was ousted from power.
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Osama bin-Laden was finally found and killed by US Special Forces in the suburbs of Islamabad.
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Drones – unmanned aircraft that are remotely steered – have proven to be effective in killing a significant number of terrorists, including many of the most important leaders.
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Weak governments can be made stronger; governments that tolerate or support terrorism must be held accountable.
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But progress is not to be confused with victory.
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Terrorists and terrorism cannot be eliminated any more than we can rid the world of disease.
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There will always be those who will resort to force against innocent men, women, and children in pursuit of political goals.
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Indeed, terrorists are advancing in some areas.
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Pakistan remains a sanctuary for Al Qaeda and some of the world’s other most dangerous terrorists.
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A mixture of instability, government weakness, and ideology in countries such as Yemen, Libya, Somalia, and Nigeria are providing fertile territory for terrorists to organize, train, and mount operations – much as they did in Afghanistan did a decade ago.
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New groups constantly emerge from the ruins of old ones.
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There is also a growing danger of homegrown terrorism.
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We have seen it in Great Britain and the US.
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The Internet, one of the great inventions of the modern Western world, has shown itself to be a weapon that can be used to incite and train those who wish to cause harm to that world.
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The question raised in October 2003 by then US Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld is no less relevant today: “Are we capturing, killing, or deterring and dissuading more terrorists every day than the madrassas and the radical clerics are recruiting, training, and deploying against us?”
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All things being equal, we probably are.
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But even small terrorist successes are costly in terms of lives, money, and making open societies less so.
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What is to be done?
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Alas, there is no single or silver bullet.
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