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Updated April 18, 2022 at 1:06 PM ET
What do ordinary Russians think about President Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine, and how much are they feeling the effect of Western sanctions?
Denis Volkov has been working to find out. He's the director of the Levada Center, an independent polling firm in Russia.
As Morning Edition's Steve Inskeep notes, doing anything independently in Russia is tricky (the government has branded the firm a foreign agent), as is conducting polls on this topic — since the government prohibits calling the invasion a war, and dissenters are arrested.
The Levada Center stays within those parameters by asking whether people support the actions of the Russian military.
Volkov found that some 80% of respondents do support the military, but that group is by no means a monolith. He says about 50% have "definite support" without any qualms, but the other 30% have support with reservations. And he sees shock and anxiety across the entire group.
Volkov told Inskeep that he's aware of the pitfalls with these polls, but they may still have valuable information to teach us.
"We must understand that polls show us not what people really think or really believe, but what they want to share," he says.
Volkov says these polls are conducted face-to-face, and people are assured of anonymity. Still, he notes, the survey results reveal at least as much about what people are willing to say in public than about how they truly feel.
"We are measuring public attitudes that, more or less, coincide with how people will behave in public," he adds.
He says the firm asks about peoples' feelings, and is seeing that both groups — those who support and oppose the military's actions — are anxious and afraid. He contrasts this to public opinion surrounding the annexation of Crimea in 2014, recalling that there were positive feelings and even "euphoria" at the time.
"This time, you do not see this euphoria," Volkov says. "It's rather that people understand that this is serious, that there is fighting. But at the same time, many say that they're supporting and some people even say that they should support, because it's international conflict and they have to support their government."
Volkov adds that public opinion matters, even though the Russian government isn't taking the public's pulse in order to plan its next moves. He says officials are instead monitoring the situation to make sure that it's "under control."
And as Russia's war in Ukraine continues, the U.S. and other Western allies are hitting it with more economic sanctions.
One-quarter of respondents say they already feel the effect of those sanctions, according to Volkov. People who are from disadvantaged groups are suffering the most, he adds, because they don't have the resources to adapt.
On the other hand, Volkov says that people in big cities who are well-off and well-connected do have the resources, but are suffering "morally."
By that, he means that those who were most connected to the outside world might have been less inclined to support Putin's military operation, but now find themselves cut off from the West. That means they're on conflicting sides — and feel the shunning of Russia most of all.
The digital version of this story originally appeared on the Morning Edition live blog.
This interview was produced by David West and Sean Saldana, and edited by Taylor Haney.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-18/what-russians-think-of-the-war-in-ukraine-according-to-an-independent-pollster | 2022-05-12T14:55:54Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Did you think mask mandates were a thing of the past? Well, they're not. Beginning today, Philadelphia will be the first major U.S. city to return to requiring a mask at all restaurants, shops, schools, offices and other indoor public spaces. Some business owners and residents have filed suit to end the requirement, but the city says it needs to take steps now to respond to a sharp rise in new COVID cases and the omicron variant BA.2. Dr. Leana Wen, the former health commissioner of Baltimore, is among the critics who say Philadelphia's latest move is unnecessary and confusing. And she joins us now via Skype. Good morning.
LEANA WEN: Good morning.
FADEL: So, Doctor, when you've been critical of Philadelphia's decision, why?
WEN: Well, I certainly understand if individuals want to choose to mask. And if they do, they should be wearing an N95 or equivalent, a high-quality mask, to protect themselves. I also think it makes sense for institutions like in universities or workplaces to want to institute additional protections. It's very different, though, if we're talking about a government-imposed mandate. Those types of mandates should really be a last resort. That's always been the understanding from the beginning of the pandemic, that these measures are implemented when there is no other choice. And right now, it's not that. I mean, in the future, there may be a new variant that evades prior immunity. Hospitals might actually be at capacity. And my fear is that it's crying wolf, that if you tell people all the time it's a crisis but it's actually not a crisis, that people are not going to listen.
FADEL: So then are we, in your view, at a moment in the pandemic with vaccines where people will just have to learn to live with COVID and make their own decisions about what protective measures they want to take?
WEN: This is not 2020 or 2021. The tools that were used at that time were a lot more limited. Back in 2020, all we had were masks and distancing. Now we have vaccines and boosters that protect you very well against severe disease. We have tests. I mean, people can also choose to test, for example, before getting together, especially if there are vulnerable individuals there. And we have all kinds of treatments that need to be scaled up. There needs to be a lot more done to make them available to individuals or more readily available to individuals. But I think we need to acknowledge that COVID is here for the foreseeable future. We are going to see surges like this, and we have to figure out how we're going to live with this and not upend our lives all the time.
FADEL: Now, you wrote in The Washington Post that other cities should not follow Philadelphia's lead. So how do you draw the line between being overly protective and being proactive?
WEN: It's really difficult. And look, I don't want to second-guess Philadelphia officials' decision because they're already under attack from so many different places. But I don't think that other cities should follow. I think cities have so many more tools at their disposal, too. For example, if they see that there is an increase in cases, they could ramp up testing, they could scale up treatment and make treatment options more readily available. They can also hand out free N95s or KN95s and the equivalent masks because these high-quality masks - if you're going to wear a mask, wear a high-quality mask. People should not be wearing a cloth mask thinking that they're well protected. There's a lot more that we can do that don't have to get into the category of mandating masks, which, at the end of the day, may not actually do that much in terms of reducing transmission on a population level.
FADEL: During the pandemic, the U.S. has typically followed the U.K. by a few weeks. And the U.K. has seen a significant increase in COVID from the BA.2 subvariant. What can we learn from health officials there?
WEN: Well, we've seen in the U.K. that indeed there has been a rise in cases due to BA.2, which is a lot more transmissible than even the original omicron variant. However, here in the U.S. thus far, and also what we saw in the U.K., too, is that there has been a decoupling between infections and hospitalizations. Here in the U.S., about 50% of the country contracted omicron during this last surge. And I certainly hope that that gives protection in addition to people who are vaccinated and boosted and therefore that can help to prevent our hospitals from once again becoming overwhelmed.
FADEL: Dr. Leana Wen is the former health commissioner of Baltimore. Thank you, Dr. Wen.
WEN: Thank you, Leila. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-18/why-philadelphia-is-bringing-back-its-mask-mandate | 2022-05-12T14:56:00Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
The city of Shanghai in China remains under strict lockdown because of COVID, and it's not the only one. Forty-five Chinese cities have some sort of lockdown measure in place as the country struggles to contain the highly infectious omicron variant. NPR's Emily Feng reports on the costs these measures are having.
EMILY FENG, BYLINE: A blood-red sun is setting in Beijing over thousands of workers walking through checkpoints. They're headed back home to the city's satellite suburbs in Hubei, the province next door. Qi Ling, a tech worker, is among those who live in cheaper housing across the border than travels to Beijing each day for work. When lockdowns happened this year...
QI LING: (Through interpreter) The impact was huge. I was locked down in my home in the suburbs for 20 days. If I had stayed in Beijing, I would be required to quarantine for two weeks.
FENG: Now the border is technically open, but only people with special permits can walk across to get to work each day. Qi Ling, clad in leather, opts to ride his motorcycle.
QI: (Through interpreter) I'm trying to get around the traffic congestion, and Beijing blocks out city cars from driving in.
FENG: Cars like certain trucks, for example. That means trucking logistics could be blocked with no warning in China, shutting down critical regional transport hubs. And this is happening all across the country. One tally from Beijing research firm Gavekal Dragonomics calculates cities accounting for about 50% of China's total economic output have some sort of lockdown measure in place. Now, let's zoom out because this congestion is happening on a global scale, too, with China at the center of it.
EYTAN BUCHMAN: It's like super chaos theory. If you shut down, you know, one ship in one place, what happens three months later?
FENG: Eytan Buchman is chief marketing officer for the platform Freightos, which helps small businesses book shipping freight for their goods. The problem is major ports, like the one in Shanghai, are also snarled up due to Chinese lockdowns.
BUCHMAN: Then you also start to get the cascading dominos falling, and you see more congestion at their surrounding ports because now ships might not call at the Port of Shanghai. And you have 3 to 6 months of echoes in the system that just don't go away.
FENG: Ninety percent of their clients say they've been impacted by delays and higher shipping costs, even if their factories or logistics are not even directly in Shanghai - clients like Dan Otto, vice president at Code and Quill, a high-end stationery e-commerce company.
DAN OTTO: The Port of Shanghai is currently going through some pretty extreme congestion. Goods that would have otherwise gone out of Shanghai are now going through Ningbo. So even the ports that may be less affected by lockdowns are still seeing the spillover effects.
FENG: Including the Port of Ningbo, where he ships his custom notebooks and planners from.
For the last two years, China's zero tolerance approach to COVID-19 meant a relatively stable operating environment - long periods of normalcy punctuated by occasional mass testing or lockdowns across only a handful of cities. Michael Hart is president of the American Chamber of Commerce in China.
MICHAEL HART: When we did a survey at the end of last year, a lot of people admitted that COVID zero had been successful to that point.
FENG: But China is now at the point where the time in between lockdowns could be getting shorter than the lockdowns themselves.
HART: The situation has now changed. This is different because, finally, China is having to deal with COVID.
FENG: In that, more infectious variants are challenging this lockdown model, but the greatest cost is being borne by the most vulnerable in China. For them, the cost is not just financial - it's emotional and physical. One public health expert estimates about 2,000 excess diabetes deaths alone in Shanghai. In Wuhan, China's CDC estimated excess deaths from chronic disease were up more than 20% during its lockdown. China's zero tolerance COVID policy likely saved lives, even at great economic cost at first. But now, it could start to cost more than it saves.
Emily Feng, NPR News, Beijing. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/45-cities-in-china-are-in-some-sort-of-covid-lockdown-heres-the-toll-thats-taking | 2022-05-12T14:56:06Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Three blasts rocked the Afghan capital, Kabul, on Tuesday. They appeared to target schools, and six people were killed. ISIS and other militants have struck schools and students in the past, but this was the first time since the Taliban swept to power in August. NPR's Diaa Hadid reports from Islamabad.
DIAA HADID, BYLINE: Mohammed Rizayee, a 21-year-old physics teacher, told NPR from the hospital that he was wounded by the blast that struck near his institution, the Mumtaz Educational Centre.
MOHAMMED REZAIE: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: He says many of his students had head and back injuries. At least one other blast struck near the Abdul Raheem Shaheed school as students were leaving their classes. The next few minutes and hours were crushingly familiar to Afghans. Twitter users shared images of bloodied schoolbooks and cleaners hosing down sidewalks. An aid group, Emergency, that runs free hospitals said they received 10 wounded teenagers and one victim dead on arrival. The United Nations condemned the attack, as did neighboring Pakistan and the large aid group Save the Children. The schools are in a Kabul area dominated by ethnic Hazaras, who are mainly Shiites. Militants have frequently targeted them in the past. Last year, in April, attackers killed more than 85 girls who were leaving a secondary school in the same area. It was one of the worst attacks in Kabul in decades of conflict.
REZAIE: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: Rizayee, the physics teacher, says this attack should not have happened. The Taliban boast of how they've secured Afghanistan. And certainly, militant attacks are far less frequent now. But it's no consolation for parents who again will be wondering if it's safe to send their children to school. They're boys, at least. The Taliban have not allowed girls to return to secondary school since they swept to power eight months ago. Diaa Hadid, NPR News, Islamabad. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/6-dead-from-bombing-attack-that-hit-a-boys-school-in-kabul | 2022-05-12T14:56:12Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Our next guest spent three years as the prime minister of Israel. Later, he went to prison. Former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert was convicted of corruption. Olmert has always said he's innocent, but he's still had to serve 16 months in jail. And that's where he wrote most of his book "Searching For Peace: A Memoir Of Israel." It recently came out in English, and in it, he reflects on his long political career, which took him to the White House, the Kremlin. He tried to negotiate peace between Israelis and Palestinians, all of that relevant to the news of today. I spoke with Olmert last week before the recent clashes at the Al-Aqsa mosque compound in Jerusalem. He was at home in Tel Aviv. We began by talking about his time in jail.
EHUD OLMERT: It's not the best possible way to spend your time, if that's what you need to know. Well, the bottom line - you may be president and prime minister or an ordinary citizen. When the court decides that you're guilty, you're guilty. And you have to bow your head and accept the judgment and behave accordingly, which I did.
ESTRIN: You were washing the floors just like any other prisoner.
OLMERT: Absolutely. I can't complain about the circumstances, conditions. I had the premises there that allowed me to just sit in a room where I could concentrate and write my book. And that's what I did.
ESTRIN: You reflect in the book on your long career. There were many formative events...
OLMERT: Yeah.
ESTRIN: ...Including your decade as mayor of Jerusalem. And this was during a period of intense violence and suffering for both Israelis and Palestinians in the early 2000s. You personally went to the aftermath of many Palestinian bombings in your city. You witnessed horrific scenes, but then you eventually came to change your views. You came to believe in compromise with the Palestinians. So I want to ask, how did you come to hold such different views from the right-wing political establishment that you were a part of?
OLMERT: So when I became mayor of Jerusalem, I found out while I was mayor of Jerusalem - maybe because of the experience that I had in Jerusalem - that the dream of controlling millions of Palestinians within the state of Israel without giving them the equal rights and that somehow we could make an arrangement that will be seen like we are treating them on a reasonable, honest basis while we don't, that somehow, this built-in contradiction can't hold and that the sooner we separate from the Palestinians, the better we are - this is not an outcome of the pain and suffering from terror. This is because I thought that, from a fundamental moral basis, it's either you are integrating all of the Palestinians into the state of Israel and giving them full political rights and civil rights...
ESTRIN: Which I don't think you or any Israeli leader would be trying to do.
OLMERT: Which we don't want to do.
ESTRIN: Right.
OLMERT: We don't want to do because this will change completely the nature of the state of Israel from a Jewish state into something - a binational state, something entirely different. So the alternative is not to occupy the territories and deny the Palestinians of these rights but to - just to separate, which is to pull out for most of the territories.
ESTRIN: Let's talk about that alternative. At the very end of your tenure as prime minister, after you had already announced you would resign because of the corruption allegations, you made a peace offer to the Palestinian leadership. This was 2008.
OLMERT: The fundamental details was known a year before I retired, which is a long time. We could have concluded everything.
ESTRIN: You presented some of your final...
OLMERT: Unfortunately, the Palestinians didn't respond.
ESTRIN: You presented some of your final offers months after you had announced your future resignation. But I want to talk about that peace offer because, as you mentioned, Israel has been controlling millions of Palestinians in the occupied territories. They want independence. You proposed leaving most of the occupied West Bank, even dividing Jerusalem between the sides. My question is, can you imagine an Israeli leader willing to go that far ever again?
OLMERT: I'm not sure because I don't know if, in the next 50 years, you'll have an Israeli leader who will have the guts to do what I did. So I don't know.
ESTRIN: I mean, beyond leadership, Mr. Olmert, I mean, let's look at the facts on the ground. How do you even disentangle Israeli settlements and Palestinian areas anymore? Is this not impossible?
OLMERT: It's not as bad as it appears sometimes to be or is understood to be by the rhetoric that everyone uses each for his own needs. If we withdraw from 95.6% of the territories, we can relocate and settle all of the Jews that live in the West Bank today and empty all the rest of the territory for the Palestinians to live there and to build their country. It needs courage. It needs imagination. It needs determination, you know, of someone holding that position of leadership, of prime ministership to really want to do it.
ESTRIN: Mr. Olmert, let's turn to another conflict that the current Israeli prime minister is trying to mediate, the war in Ukraine. You yourself have been to the Kremlin. You've met President Putin. You've worked with him. What was your interaction like?
OLMERT: My interaction with Putin was very good. Last time I saw him was actually after I retired already. He invited me to have dinner with him in his home, in his private home. But I have to say two things. No. 1, I entirely disagree and criticize what he did. And I think this is horrible, and there's no question about it. The other thing I have to say is that, from time immemorial, the East will not tolerate the positioning of American missiles on the border of Russia in the countries which were part of the Warsaw Pact in the past.
The question, of course, is that, No. 1 was there a real, immediate, tangible threat to the security of Russia? And the other thing is that - was this the only way to deal with what appeared to him to be a threat? Or there could have been other ways of dealing other than brutal, violent invasion that bring about the death of innocent civilians. And it appears that he chose the wrong way.
ESTRIN: But what advice would you give Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is serving as an intermediator between Russia and Ukraine?
OLMERT: I don't think that he really is an intermediator of - between Russia and Ukraine, but he has been helpful in passing communication between Russia and Ukraine as the Turks did providing the premises for a couple of meetings of representatives of both sides. But I'll tell you something. If he feels that he has a chance of making a difference, then he should try to make it. How exactly to do it? That's something that, when and if he will ask me, I will tell him.
ESTRIN: That is former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert speaking to us from Tel Aviv. His book - "Searching For Peace: A Memoir Of Israel." Thank you.
OLMERT: Thank you.
(SOUNDBITE OF EMANCIPATOR AND 9 THEORY SONG, "CHAMELEON") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/a-former-israeli-prime-minister-went-to-jail-where-he-wrote-a-memoir | 2022-05-12T14:56:19Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
There are now more than 6 million people who have been displaced from their homes inside Ukraine. And as Russian forces prepare for another massive front in the east, that number is expected to grow. NPR's Elissa Nadworny has been in Ukraine talking with families who had to flee and are struggling to adjust, even in safer parts of the country.
ELISSA NADWORNY, BYLINE: I first met the Lysenko family a day after they'd fled Chernihiv, a northern city in Ukraine that at the beginning of the war was under constant bombardment. Here's what they told me four weeks ago of their escape.
OLHA LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
IHOR LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: Sometimes Russians along the roads with weapons. At times, they'd have to abandon the cars and run into nearby fields.
I LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: Or get down in the car and try to hide. I've kept in touch with the family of four - Olha, a psychologist, her husband Ihor, who works in IT, and their two kids, Varya and Yegor. They made it to Lviv, a major western city packed with other internally displaced people. But it was overcrowded, so they headed an hour and a half north to a city called Chervonohrad, a mining town much smaller than where they're from.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: We're meeting for lunch a few minutes from their new apartment.
Are you hungry at all?
VARYA LYSENKO: Yeah.
O LYSENKO: Varya, you're always hungry.
V LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
I LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian) - water.
O LYSENKO: Here's water.
NADWORNY: They're staying in a distant relative's empty apartment. And after all, they've been through, a quiet apartment with heat, electricity and hot water is incredible.
YEGOR LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: "Yesterday I took a hot shower," says Yegor, who's 9, "and it was awesome." Their house back in Chernihiv actually survived the bombardment. They're still in touch with their relatives who stayed. But their city is heavily damaged - without working infrastructure, heat, electricity, schools and hospitals.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: It's in no shape to actually live right now with kids. They will go back someday, they tell me, but they're focused right now on healing. Ihor tells me, with each day that passes, his heart gets a little colder.
I LYSENKO: Every day of war makes you harder, less emotional. I feel less human-like.
NADWORNY: There are still some moments where he feels emotion, though.
I LYSENKO: Then I see some destroyed village on the road to my village and cry some in some silent corner.
NADWORNY: And he's been spending time back at work recently. There's not much to do because so many people are without steady internet or electricity. Many stayed in Chernihiv. But it's something. Olha, a psychologist, has started to offer sessions online, but she's taking it slow. She still has days where she's overcome with grief.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: She knows they were lucky. They're still alive. So are their relatives. But it's still a big trauma, she says. The place she went on a first date, her favorite park, all her memories are destroyed. There's a heaviness to that, she says.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: We'll never have the life we had before.
O LYSENKO: (Sighing, speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: At the beginning of the war, Olha remembers thinking about things she'd wished she'd done more of in her life.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: Painting and drawing were at the top of that list.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: As soon as they moved into this apartment and she felt like things were settled, she ordered pastels and paper. She shows us some of her artwork she's made over the past week.
O LYSENKO: It's not so good.
NADWORNY: She's modest. It's actually really good. She's focused mostly on fruit.
O LYSENKO: An apple - it's faster.
NADWORNY: A cluster of grapes, a pear. She says when she's drawing, she feels a sense of safety.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: The war, the trauma all floats away. She's been trying to get the kids to do some art, too, but it's been hard to get them to focus.
Y LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: I am painting very, very, very rarely, Yegor says, smiling. Instead, he's been playing video games, watching TV. He's acting pretty normal, Olha says. But there are cracks, like when the waitress asks how old he is, and he replies, I am 9, but I'm a big boy because my school was bombed.
NADWORNY: Varya...
V LYSENKO: Mom.
NADWORNY: ...Who is 6, is extremely outgoing, and she's having a much harder time. She's had no one to play with here, her mom says, so she's constantly approaching strangers in hopes of playing. Even while we're eating, Varya disappears for about 20 minutes. Turns out, she went to sit with another family with two kids a few booths down. I ask Olha if she's allowed herself to think about the future, and she shakes her head no.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: There is no stability for us at all, she says.
O LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: What way is life going to go? - she asks, staring off into the distance. But as we leave the restaurant, Ihor tells me he's finding comfort in things in the here and now. Chervonohrad, the city where they're staying, sounds similar to Chernihiv.
Do you find yourselves kind of, like, looking for signs like that, like the name is similar?
I LYSENKO: Yes. Yes.
NADWORNY: He tells me about the two cities' colors - red and black.
I LYSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
NADWORNY: They remind him of a Ukrainian folk song. The song's words are about destiny. The lyrics say red color is love; black color is something that must be overcome. He says this means something, and it tells him they are exactly where they need to be.
Elissa Nadworny, NPR News, Chervonohrad, Ukraine.
(SOUNDBITE OF ZOE KEATING'S "TETRISHEAD") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/after-fleeing-northern-ukraine-a-family-works-to-start-a-new-life | 2022-05-12T14:56:25Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
The far-right conspiracy broadcaster Alex Jones is seeking bankruptcy protection for three of his companies. Jones lied about the Sandy Hook school shooting, an attack in which 20 children and six school employees were killed in Newtown, Conn. He is the target of several defamation lawsuits from victims' families who say his hoaxes endangered them. NPR's John Burnett reports.
JOHN BURNETT, BYLINE: The embattled conspiracy-monger is trying to save his broadcast and online business, InfoWars, as more courts find him liable for defaming the families of dead schoolchildren. Jones' latest move seeks to suspend civil lawsuits while he reorganizes his debts. In a bankruptcy filing, Jones indicated that InfoWars' liabilities could be as much as $10 million, far outstripping assets of no more than $50,000. The 49 creditors listed are the parents who are suing him. Their children were among 26 victims massacred by a deranged gunman who burst into an elementary school in Newtown, Conn., nearly a decade ago. Jones falsely claimed on air that it never happened, that the federal government staged the mass shooting, though he later recanted.
Plaintiffs' attorney Mark Bankston.
MARK BANKSTON: None of Mr. Jones' ridiculous tricks have worked in the past. This one will fare no better.
BURNETT: The pugnacious radio personality has been booted off Twitter, Facebook, YouTube and other mainstream platforms for promoting hate speech and lies, but InfoWars is still broadcast on a hundred radio stations, as well as his website. A new book about Sandy Hook from New York Times journalist Elizabeth Williamson states that the InfoWars online store brought in $50 million in revenue in a single year in its heyday during the administration of Donald Trump, who is a fan. The store's extensive offerings include expensive alternative medicines, freeze-dried food and survivalist gear. Says Williamson...
ELIZABETH WILLIAMSON: These traditionally have all been his kinds of products that cater to this distrust of the federal government and established science.
BURNETT: For his part, Jones contends the defamation lawsuits are violating his First Amendment rights. Here he is on a broadcast earlier this month.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
ALEX JONES: ...The attacks. And we're still there because of you keeping us on the air. And they want to bully all of us. They want to control all of us. As we warned you, first it's Alex Jones, then it's everybody else. Well, now...
BURNETT: Jury selection was supposed to begin next Monday in Austin, where InfoWars is based, in the first case to come to trial. A state judge issued a default judgment against Jones for ignoring the court's orders. And if the trial goes forward, a jury will determine monetary damages for two Sandy Hook families. It's unclear whether the bankruptcy filings will delay this and other civil lawsuits against Alex Jones.
John Burnett, NPR News, Austin. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/amid-lawsuits-over-sandy-hook-shooting-denial-infowars-files-for-bankruptcy | 2022-05-12T14:56:31Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
China is trying to stick with its zero-tolerance COVID policy. That requires hiring tens of thousands of workers to test, isolate and lock down entire cities of millions of people. So where are all those workers coming from, and what are they going through? NPR's Emily Feng reports on China's new COVID caste.
EMILY FENG, BYLINE: Like millions of migrant workers before him, 20-year-old Chen Haonan decided the southern city of Shenzhen was where he would make his fortune. He moved down there hoping to cash in on a decades-long real estate boom by becoming a property salesman. But an economic downturn and strict controls on the property sector put him out of that job last year.
CHEN HAONAN: (Through interpreter) Then the pandemic came, and all our real estate projects were stopped.
FENG: So, jobless, Chen found work through a temp hiring agency in the only sector really growing these days in China - COVID control, enforcing the latest lockdowns, manning dozens of state isolation wards and running mass testing campaigns. His last job was a months-long stint testing residents during Shenzhen's lockdown late last year. Now Shanghai is in total lockdown, so he was sent to staff Shanghai's National Exhibition and Convention Center. It's been turned into a state isolation ward for 15,000 feverish people, and he's shocked by the conditions there.
CHEN: (Through interpreter) I am most worried that I cannot guarantee my own health. There are other workers who are COVID-positive, but we sleep next to them in a trailer. They've simply been reassigned to work as guards or trash pickers for the expo center rather than tending to people inside.
FENG: There's also no running water or drinking water in his dorm. His manager told him to drink from a nearby river when Chen asked for bottled water. Last week, his self-test showed he was positive for COVID. He has a scratchy throat, but instead of resting, he's had to keep on working because he's not allowed to leave the center.
CHEN: (Through interpreter) The leaders are not very responsible. They react very slowly to our needs.
FENG: For decades, China's economy has relied on an itinerant class of what Chinese policymakers call its floating population - some 300 million migrant workers who drift from city to city doing construction work, service jobs and factory assembly, often in poor conditions. An economic slowdown and more regulations means many of those sectors are shrinking. So labor agencies have been heavily recruiting now-underemployed migrant workers to fill a new niche for cheap labor - COVID prevention. Worker Lu Weishuai says it's thankless work done by non-locals.
LU WEISHUAI: (Through interpreter) All cities are the same - Shanghai, Wuhan. The vast majority look down on outsiders, migrant workers like me.
FENG: Lu calls himself a professional COVID worker. He lost his job at a metal supply shop during the pandemic, so he turned to COVID prevention in Shenzhen. He gets paid about a hundred dollars a day, working six-hour shifts twice a day.
LU: (Through interpreter) The outbreak in Shenzhen is mostly controlled, so they'll start firing workers. I got a group of buddies together, and we'll look for the next lockdown for more work.
FENG: When Shanghai got locked down, Lu said he'd go help scan buildings, or saolou (ph) - slang for going door to door, convincing unwilling residents to take a PCR test. Except this time, Lu didn't make it to Shanghai. He got off the bus halfway, after the temp agency tried to claim most of his salary as a finder's fee.
LU: (Through interpreter) We were tricked by a corrupt labor agent. I managed to get on another bus headed to a nearby city where there's been an outbreak linked to Shanghai's. So now I'm going house to house, knocking on doors and doing PCR tests there.
FENG: The same thing happened to Huang Bowen. He lost his job as an e-commerce marketer when tough new rules came into effect last year on online marketing. He agreed to a job administering PCR tests in Shanghai this month, taking a 20-hour bus ride to the city under lockdown.
HUANG BOWEN: (Through interpreter) Except the bus brought us straight to a quarantine center for symptomatic patients. That's not the kind of work we'd been promised. All of us workers did not dare enter without proper health training. But since we'd been in Shanghai, we couldn't just get on a bus back home. We'd been quarantined as soon as we got back.
FENG: After calling the police, Huang did make it home. He's in quarantine now, and he's now planning to live with his parents after, until he can find better work.
Migrant Li Ke was already living in Shanghai when the city shut down. He's now wrapped up in PPE and working in a school turned into a makeshift quarantine facility, sleeping 10 to a room with other workers. But that's better than what his fellow migrant workers are going through.
LI KE: (Through interpreter) I consider myself lucky. I got out of my workers dormitory in Shanghai before lockdown, so at least I can earn some money and pay the rent.
FENG: Li Ke may feel lucky, but the work he's doing carries extreme stigma. Because of China's ongoing strict pandemic controls, anyone associated with COVID prevention work literally becomes untouchable. After weeks on the job, they need to be kept apart and quarantined from the rest of the population for at least two weeks.
SHI WANTIAN: (Through interpreter) Even though national policy is only two weeks, authorities insist in keeping me in here for four weeks of quarantine.
FENG: This is Shi Wantian, who volunteered to work in a state quarantine center during an outbreak this year in the northern city of Langfang, not far from Beijing. Except, he contracted COVID in the first week. He was not allowed to isolate in the very ward he was working in. Instead, he's being held in an off-the-grid facility, little more than a metal box with windows.
SHI: (Through interpreter) I used to work at a factory for car parts, but during the lockdown, my work stopped. So I volunteered to staff at the isolation facility. Now the lockdown is over, but here I am in this state.
FENG: Fifteen years ago, these were the workers assembling phones in Chinese factories, building skyscrapers and fixing cars. Today, they're among the ranks of the dabai (ph), or big whites, as China calls them - the ubiquitous COVID workers clothed in white protective gear - anonymous, yet essential.
Emily Feng, NPR News, Beijing.
(SOUNDBITE OF RRAREBEAR'S "BACKPACK") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/chinas-temp-agencies-recruit-underemployed-migrants-to-enforce-lockdown-restrictions | 2022-05-12T14:56:37Z |
Tim McGraw has been one of the biggest stars in country music for years, but lately it's an acting role that's getting a lot of attention. He's currently starring with his wife, singer Faith Hill, in the Paramount+ Western TV series 1883.
The show tells the story of a group of Eastern European immigrants trying to make their way in covered wagons from Texas to Oregon. It's the first time McGraw and Hill have acted together, and he says they knew it would be a big challenge.
"I remember we were sitting on our patio and I looked at Faith and I told her, 'Once we sign [the contract], we are no longer the boss anymore. We're hired help,' " McGraw says. "'It's going to be really hard work.' And it was: It was 14-hour days, six days a week, and we probably got three hours of sleep a night."
They also spent about three weeks in "cowboy camp," where they learned the basics of pioneer living — some of which McGraw was already familiar with.
"I grew up in Louisiana and my step dad was a cowboy, so I could ride before I could walk," he says. "But the wagon driving was something completely different. I'd never done that before, and Faith had to do that the most."
McGraw says one scene stands out in his memory: "[Faith] was driving that wagon across the river and it was probably 36 degrees out, freezing cold. I was up to ... my waist and on the horse in water. And it was probably 3:30 in the morning and it was our 25th wedding anniversary when we did that scene."
Interview highlights
On acting opposite his real wife, Faith Hill, for the first time
"We'd lay in bed and ... she would read the entire script out loud. And then I would read episode two out loud. But we never sat down and we never rehearsed our lines together. We never rehearsed scenes together because we didn't want to bring so much of Tim and Faith into our characters. We wanted it to remain Margaret and James. "
On finding out, when he was 11, that his biological father was Major League Baseball pitcher Tug McGraw
"It was totally by accident. My step dad and my mom divorced and we had just moved. ... We'd moved in with my grandparents for a little while and we finally moved into a house in rural Louisiana. And I was going through a closet for some reason when I found a box and when I opened the box, my birth certificate was in the box. ... It said my dad's full name and it said his occupation was professional baseball player. And it was pretty much a shock. ... I thought there had been some sort of mistake.
"And oddly enough, I had three baseball cards on my wall. I can't remember the first one, one was César Cedeño and the third one was Tug, [who] I had up on my wall because he was one of my favorite players, believe it or not."
On trying to have a relationship with his birth father, Tug McGraw, and initially being rejected
"[My mom] didn't tell him that she was pregnant. She moved to Louisiana. On the day I was born, my grandmother called and actually ... got him in the Mets dugout just to tell him I was born — and that was it. ... So when I found the birth certificate, I just told mom that I wanted to meet him, as any kid would. And she got in touch with his lawyer, I believe, and ... mom borrowed a car — because she didn't have a car that could make it — and we drove to Houston and he left us a couple of tickets. And we got to go into the game before and watch batting practice. And I remember tossing a ball with him a little bit watching batting practice, and I remember he gave up a grand slam when we came in. ... We had a lunch and he goes, 'We can be friends, but I don't know if I'm your dad or not.' ...
"The next year, I wanted to go back and see him and, of course, mom being a great mom, she arranged to get tickets and we drove to Houston again and she had got me a McGraw shirt with Phillies colors and had the name on the back and his number and everything. So I was wearing that and he was in the bullpen and back then at the Astrodome ... you go right up next to [the bullpen]. ... And I remember going over and walking and standing right in front him and yelling "Hey Tug!" ... and he ignored me the whole time, and that was the last time I saw him [until I was 18]."
On dropping out of college and moving to Nashville to pursue music
"I had a repertoire of about 50 songs. So I started playing for tips at a local restaurant and then I put a band together. And then there was less and less of going to class and more and more going out and playing music at night until it became unsustainable on the class level. And I remember I sold everything I had. I sold my car. I sold my shotguns. Everything that I had, I sold. And I was going to buy a bus ticket to Nashville and have enough money to be in a hotel for a couple weeks if I needed to. Before that, I had to call my mom and let her know that I was dropping out of school, which scared me to death, because I knew she didn't graduate high school because of me. She didn't get the opportunities in life that she wanted because of me, because I was born and she had that responsibility and she was in an abusive relationship, probably because she thought she needed help and needed the support. So for all of these reasons, she wanted me to succeed and I wanted to succeed for her.
"And so I was scared to death to call her and tell her I was going to drop out of college. And when I finally got the nerve to do that, I called her and said, 'Mom, I'm just letting you know that I'm dropping out of college and I'm moving to Nashville to play music.' And there was silence on the line. And of course, I expected, 'Hell, no, you're not!' but what I got back from my mom was, 'Well, I'm surprised you haven't done that already.' And she said, 'You need to go do it, otherwise you'll always wonder if you could have made it.' "
On falling in love with Faith Hill
I knew the first time I saw a picture of her that I was in love.
"I knew instantly. I knew the first time I saw a picture of her that I was in love. It was my first headlining tour, and my management asked her management if she would open the tour and she agreed — and it was called the Spontaneous Combustion Tour, believe it or not. Before our tour started, we did a festival together, which was the first time we'd ever spent any time around each other.
"The Joker by the Steve Miller Band was our encore song, and we used to do this thing where we'd all get at the front of the stage and we'd do a sort of slide guitar kind of thing. And we're doing that and I feel some presence behind me and I turn around and it's Faith and she's doing the slide with us. And I turn around to look at her and I said, 'OK, boy, something's up here.' She was in a relationship. I was just getting out of my relationship. We started our tour and then we went about a little over a month, two months, and I finally just I walked into her dressing one room one day and just kissed her. ... And by the end of the tour, we were married."
On proposing
"I tried to propose a couple of times, but she didn't take me seriously. But I remember when she said yes ... I want to say we were in Montana, but we were at a big outdoor country music festival, and they had set up these trailer houses that were our dressing rooms. And she wasn't playing. She was just there with me, riding along with me. And I had a road case that had a mirror and some clothes hanging in it, and we're standing there and I'm just about to go on stage, in this little trailer house with 50,000 people out there at this festival. And I probably had a beer in my hand, and I stop right before I got to the door and I looked at her and says, 'I am as serious as I could ever be in my life. I want you to marry me and I want us to get married as soon as possible.' And she goes, 'What? You're crazy. I can't believe you're asking me to marry you at a country music festival in a trailer house.' And I just laughed and walked out the door and did my show. And when I walked back into my dressing room on my mirror, she had written in lipstick. 'Yes!!' with big exclamation marks. ... And I still have that mirror too, by the way."
On how Faith Hill has changed him as a musician
"I certainly got better. I mean, I became a better musician, singer, performer, because she's fantastic at all those things. I mean, especially when we have to sing together, when we do tours together. I don't want to get the evil eye from her when I'm off-key trying to do harmonies, so it makes me stay on my toes. ... I've gotten a look every now and then when I haven't been keeping up. But it makes me step up pretty quick. But I'm in awe of watching her on stage every time. I always say that she's like Aretha Franklin, Brigitte Bardot and Janis Joplin all rolled into one when she's on stage and performing the way she sings."
Lauren Krenzel and Thea Chaloner produced and edited this interview for broadcast. Bridget Bentz and Molly Seavy-Nesper adapted it for the web.
Copyright 2022 Fresh Air. To see more, visit Fresh Air. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/country-star-tim-mcgraw-travels-back-in-time-to-1883-with-wife-faith-hill | 2022-05-12T14:56:43Z |
In a surprise move, Florida Republican Gov. Ron DeSantis has expanded a special session of the legislature this week to target the state's premier attraction, Disney World.
Lawmakers will consider a bill that would end all "independent special districts" in the state formed before 1968.
In 1967, Disney got the support of Florida's then-Republican governor, Claude Kirk, and the legislature to establish the Reedy Creek Improvement District. It gave Disney near-total control of nearly 40 square miles as it built and then operated its theme park. It exempts the park and its environs from nearly all state regulations. Property taxes and elevator inspections are exceptions.
DeSantis announced the move to try to dissolve the district at a press conference Tuesday with Republican leaders in Florida's House and Senate. Disney has long been one of the leading businesses in Florida with one of the most powerful voices in the state capitol. DeSantis has criticized the entertainment giant in recent months for what he has called its "woke" policies, including requiring its employees to wear facemasks in the park during the COVID-19 pandemic.
In recent weeks, the tensions heightened when Disney CEO Bob Chapek said he'd support the repeal of Florida's Parental Rights in Education Act, a measure critics call "Don't Say Gay." At the time, DeSantis said he believed Disney had "crossed the line."
Things had been different between Disney and DeSantis. Politico reported that the company donated $50,000 directly to Desantis during the 2020 election cycle. Last year, the governor's staff worked with Disney to give it an exemption from a law designed to crack down on big tech companies. DeSantis now says that was a mistake. And Disney says it has halted all political contributions in Florida.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/desantis-wants-to-end-disney-worlds-special-status-in-florida | 2022-05-12T14:56:49Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
With an added effect of concussions. You know that that kind of head injury brings pain, nausea, dizziness and confusion. It's something to take seriously. Researchers say it can also cause trouble with how someone responds to sound. Here's NPR's Jon Hamilton.
JON HAMILTON, BYLINE: Tiny nerve cells in the inner ear allow us to detect sounds, but it takes a lot of brainpower to process the signals coming from those cells. Nina Kraus is a neuroscientist at Northwestern University.
NINA KRAUS: Making sense of sound is one of the hardest jobs that we ask our brain to do. So you can imagine that a concussion, getting hit in the head, really does disrupt sound-processing.
HAMILTON: Kraus' lab, called Brainvolts, is studying this problem in hundreds of elite college athletes, including football players. And she devotes an entire chapter to concussion in her book "Of Sound Mind: How Our Brain Constructs A Meaningful Sonic World." Kraus says athletes who sustain a concussion usually have normal hearing when it comes to detecting faint sounds, yet they often fail something called the speech-in-noise test.
KRAUS: You have the athlete listen to a sentence that is embedded in increasingly loud noise.
HAMILTON: A sentence like this.
(CROSSTALK)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Sugar is very sweet.
(CROSSTALK)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Sugar is very sweet.
(CROSSTALK)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Sugar is very sweet.
HAMILTON: Kraus says a concussion may also leave athletes hypersensitive to sounds. To learn more, her lab has been analyzing the electrical signals in areas of the brain that process auditory information.
KRAUS: You just need to put on a couple of scalp electrodes and stick some earbuds in a person's ear and play some sounds.
HAMILTON: That reveals which sound-processing areas in the brain have been affected by a head injury. But researchers are only beginning to understand the problem. Kraus says most athletes recover from a concussion in a week or two. For those with lingering symptoms, she's experimenting with something called rhythm therapy.
KRAUS: The athlete needs to listen to sounds and kind of move their whole body so that they can align their movement with what they're hearing.
HAMILTON: A lot like dancing. The idea is to strengthen the pathways that process sound.
The military is also studying the link between head injury and sound processing. Melissa Papesh is a research investigator at the Veterans Affairs National Center for Rehabilitative Auditory Research. She says that during the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the VA began to see something odd in military personnel.
MELISSA PAPESH: We have, all of a sudden, this large influx of relatively young and middle-aged people. They're coming into our audiology clinics and saying, hey, I'm having problems hearing. We test their hearing, and their hearing essentially looks normal.
HAMILTON: Their ears are fine, but their brains can't process what they're hearing. Papesh says that like athletes with concussions, they have trouble separating speech from background noise. And she says they often have another symptom.
PAPESH: They have problems processing rapidly spoken speech. Even the rate that I'm speaking right now might be too rapid for some of these folks to actually process the information.
HAMILTON: The scientists knew that the blast wave from a roadside bomb could cause a concussion, so Papesh says they took a closer look at the patients who had trouble processing sounds.
PAPESH: And when we started looking into some of those cases, it definitely seemed like brain injury and, in particular, blast exposure was really the main thing that was linking those things together.
HAMILTON: Some veterans still have symptoms more than a decade after being exposed to a bomb blast, and Papesh says researchers are trying to figure out whether exposure to lots of smaller blast waves can also affect certain military personnel.
PAPESH: So these are folks who fire shoulder-mounted weapons, or they are folks who are using explosive munitions to try to break through doors.
HAMILTON: This sort of exposure is especially troubling because it can occur during training, as well as in combat.
Jon Hamilton, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/encore-concussions-dont-necessarily-hurt-your-ears-but-they-can-hurt-your-hearing | 2022-05-12T14:56:55Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Viola Davis, Michelle Pfeiffer and Gillian Anderson play three of America's most distinctive presidential spouses in the limited series "The First Lady." NPR TV critic Eric Deggans had a look, and he says the program, which debuted on Showtime, works best when dramatizing events out of public view.
ERIC DEGGANS, BYLINE: "The First Lady" soars highest when it's focused on its murderers' row of actresses in its lead roles. Consider this moment, when Pfeiffer's Betty Ford explains in a speech why her husband Gerald avoided telling senators about his meeting with a psychiatrist during confirmation hearings for the vice presidency...
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE FIRST LADY")
MICHELLE PFEIFFER: (As Betty Ford) It was my psychiatrist Gerry met with twice - you heard discussed in his confirmation hearings this morning. He met with my psychiatrist to support me, and I love him for that.
DEGGANS: ...Or Anderson's poise as Eleanor Roosevelt giving a radio address...
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE FIRST LADY")
GILLIAN ANDERSON: (As Eleanor Roosevelt) People say no woman could stand the physical strain a man endures - nonsense. A woman is like a teabag. You never know how strong it is until it's in hot water.
DEGGANS: ...And this conversation, when "The Handmaid's Tale" alum O-T Fagbenle, playing Barack Obama, tries to calm the anger of Davis' Michelle Obama over Donald Trump's election as president.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE FIRST LADY")
VIOLA DAVIS: (As Michelle Obama) A Black man can rise to the highest office in the land built on the backs of slaves, and it tears them up so much that they elect something like that?
O-T FAGBENLE: (As Barack Obama) Yo, Mich (ph)...
DAVIS: (As Michelle Obama) I want to beat every single person who voted for him - all of them. I hope they get exactly what they deserve.
FAGBENLE: (As Barack Obama) This is not America.
DAVIS: (As Michelle Obama) It is.
DEGGANS: This is when "The First Lady" is most compelling - dramatizing scenes that likely happened but we rarely saw in public. In examining the unique roles of three different presidential spouses from three very different time periods, the series gives us a detailed look at one of the most powerful unelected positions in American government.
Here, Anderson's Eleanor Roosevelt pushes back against an aide, played by Jackie Earle Haley, who criticizes her for speaking up in a news article.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE FIRST LADY")
JACKIE EARLE HALEY: (As Louis Howe) There is a way that things are done here.
ANDERSON: (As Eleanor Roosevelt) You know, a great political adviser once told me that I should lower the pitch of my voice so that men would not dismiss me as a frivolous woman. Now everyone is telling me to be quiet.
HALEY: (As Louis Howe) The president's advisers think his [expletive] wife should stay in the background.
DEGGANS: But such scenes also hint at "The First Lady's" biggest weakness - a tendency to hammer home points with a heavy hand. The series can feel both overlong and superficial, spending too much time on the character's early history while blazing past important later moments. And although the men playing the presidents try hard, Aaron Eckhart is seriously miscast as Gerald Ford, Kiefer Sutherland flounders as Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Fagbenle seems to be doing an Obama impression imported straight from "Saturday Night Live," especially in this argument from the Obamas' early days in Chicago.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE FIRST LADY")
FAGBENLE: (As Barack Obama) Do you want me to resign and...
DAVIS: (As Michelle Obama) Forget it.
FAGBENLE: (As Barack Obama) ...Take up some - what? - some [expletive] corporate lawyer job like you? Because I'm pretty sure you're miserable...
DAVIS: (As Michelle Obama) At least my job pays the bills - our bills. We actually get something out of it instead of banging my head against the wall, telling myself that I'm making a difference when I'm really not.
DEGGANS: Sometimes in watching "The First Lady," I wish they'd made three separate and better-focused movies on each of these amazing women. Still, the series offers a lot of compelling, electric moments. You just have to wade through some distractions to get there.
I'm Eric Deggans.
(SOUNDBITE OF LESTER NOWHERE'S "HERONS AND SEAGULLS") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/encore-first-lady-series-is-compelling-when-it-dramatizes-the-unseen-moments | 2022-05-12T14:57:01Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Federal authorities in Chicago say an ex-police officer who was convicted and served time for killing a Black teenager in 2014 will not face federal charges. The former officer, who is white, spent about three years in prison after a jury in state court found him guilty of second-degree murder and other charges. NPR's Cheryl Corley reports.
CHERYL CORLEY, BYLINE: Jason Van Dyke shot 17-year-old Laquan McDonald 16 times as the teenager, who had a knife, was walking away from police. A year later, the release of a graphic dashcam video that captured the shooting sparked massive protests. It also led to a guilty verdict for Van Dyke on charges of second-degree murder and 16 counts of aggravated battery. In a statement, U.S. Attorney John Lausch said his office would not file charges. He said the federal government would have a high bar to clear and a second trial could diminish the important results already achieved. The decision was expected, says Ron Safer, a former federal prosecutor.
RON SAFER: They looked into whether or not to bring charges many years ago before the state court charges were brought.
CORLEY: The U.S. attorney's office said the decision not to pursue federal charges came after consulting with the family. Marvin Hunter, Laquan McDonald's great-uncle, a spokesperson for the family, says he opposed a federal trial. He insisted to NPR after Van Dyke's early release that the former police officer's conviction was a major victory.
MARVIN HUNTER: We were trying to reset the vow of justice in America with this case and set a precedent, of which we truly did because before Jason Van Dyke, families across this country were not getting justice in any kind of way, shape, form or fashion.
CORLEY: Van Dyke was the first Chicago officer to be convicted for an on-duty police shooting in a half-century. The case led to a consent decree, which requires Chicago police to make reforms.
Cheryl Corley, NPR News, Chicago. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/ex-chicago-police-officer-avoids-federal-charges-in-laquan-mcdonalds-death | 2022-05-12T14:57:07Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Travelers in the U.S. no longer have to mask up while in airports and on airplanes. A federal judge in Florida called the Biden administration's requirement for mask-wearing on public transportation unlawful and struck it down. The ruling also applies to buses, trains and other public transportation, and it puts the decision in the hands of individual businesses. NPR's David Schaper is in Chicago, and he spoke with us earlier about the ruling.
DAVID SCHAPER, BYLINE: Well, you know, the judge in this case vacated the mandate, saying it exceeds the CDC's statutory authority. It violates the procedures required for agency rulemaking under the law. The judge also says the CDC had not adequately explained its reasoning for the mandate. You know, just last week, the CDC had extended this transportation mask mandate, which had been in place since February of last year, and it was extended into May. But now the TSA is saying that it will no longer enforce it in public transportation and transportation hubs or at airports or on airlines. All of the major airlines, including American, Delta, Southwest and United, along with Amtrak, say they won't require passengers and employees to wear masks. But many transit agencies around the country, including those in New York and Chicago, say they will still require masks. So, you know, it might be a little confusing out there.
FADEL: You know, for some, I imagine it's terrifying to be on a long flight with other maskless passengers. For others, maybe it's a relief not to have to wear it on a long flight. How are airline passengers responding?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, there were celebrations mid-flight by some travelers when they first heard the news.
FADEL: Right.
SCHAPER: At Chicago's O'Hare Airport last night, most passengers were still wearing their masks while checking in and going through security or waiting for luggage. But after a long flight from Puerto Rico, 35-year-old Miechie Williams of Chicago was ready to ditch his mask.
MIECHIE WILLIAMS: We've been ready to ditch them.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Yeah.
(LAUGHTER)
WILLIAMS: We was ready to ditch them when they first made us wear them.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Yes.
WILLIAMS: I can understand if you want to be more precautious. There's nothing wrong with that. But to say that everybody needs to wear it - no, I don't agree with that.
SCHAPER: On the other hand, Renee and Robert Messick of suburban Palatine, who had just returned from a cruise in the Caribbean, say they felt safer traveling when everyone was required to wear masks.
RENEE MESSICK: For me, it's a matter of respect for myself and for other people.
ROBERT MESSICK: I'd rather see us be safe than sorry. I'm grateful to Biden for, you know, trying to protect us as best they could.
FADEL: So how are our public health official experts reacting? Do they think it's safe for people in these confined spaces on planes, trains and buses to be maskless?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, many of the infectious disease experts and public health officials remain concerned about these increasing numbers of the BA.2 variant COVID cases. They say this public health crisis just isn't over yet.
Julia Raifman is a professor at the Boston University School of Public Health. She says masks are proven to reduce the spread of COVID-19, especially when everyone is wearing them. She says even though the air filtration systems on airplanes are very good, they're not foolproof when you're sitting shoulder to shoulder next to a stranger for hours at a time.
JULIA RAIFMAN: You know, you can imagine if somebody right next to you is sneezing or coughing, you really are in better shape if you're wearing a mask, and especially if both of you are wearing a mask.
SCHAPER: She also worries about the exposure some people may have on public transit, especially among people who may not have any other options for getting to work.
FADEL: Could the Biden administration appeal?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki yesterday called the judge's ruling disappointing and says the administration is considering its legal options and may, in fact, go ahead and appeal. There are those experts out there who say this ruling could be overturned.
FADEL: NPR's David Schaper. Thank you, David.
SCHAPER: Thank you, Leila. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/federal-judge-strikes-down-travel-mask-mandate-whats-this-mean-for-air-travelers | 2022-05-12T14:57:14Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Good morning. I'm Steve Inskeep. Yesterday's Boston Marathon hosted 25,000 competitors, and one was a 20-year-old first-time runner who was just a kid when his 8-year-old brother, Martin Richard, became the youngest victim of the 2013 Boston Marathon bombings. Henry Richard said he's been at the finish line every year since, and this year he wanted to cross on behalf of his brother and his whole family; says he felt his late brother's presence all the way. It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/finishing-the-boston-marathon-had-special-significance-for-henry-richard | 2022-05-12T14:57:20Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Florida lawmakers are giving in to Governor Ron DeSantis on new congressional maps. Redistricting is usually conducted by the lawmakers. But the governor stepped in earlier this year. And in a special session beginning today, the Republican-dominated legislature is expected to vote on a map submitted by the governor. It eliminates two congressional districts that had significant Black populations. And it gives Republicans a good chance to pick up four more seats in Congress. NPR's Greg Allen is covering this story from Miami. Hey there, Greg.
GREG ALLEN, BYLINE: Hi, Steve.
INSKEEP: Is it unusual that lawmakers are yielding to the governor in this way?
ALLEN: Well, it certainly is. It's never happened here in Florida. You know, Republican leaders in Florida's House and Senate did draw their own maps. But because Florida's population has risen quite a bit, the state is gaining a seat in Congress. Leaders in the House and Senate wanted to avoid potential lawsuits that they saw a decade ago by drawing maps that mostly complied with federal and state law and also passed court decisions. The maps they came up with, Governor DeSantis didn't like them, especially two districts drawn to protect the voting power of African Americans. He says court decisions over the last decade have weakened the Federal Voting Rights Act. And discrimination against Black voters at the polls, he says, is no longer a problem that requires protected districts.
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RON DESANTIS: You would have parts of the country where the African American turnout was, like, 8%. I mean, obviously, they were not being allowed to vote. Now you have turnout rates that are much higher across the board. So I think it'd be very, very difficult to show that.
ALLEN: You know, using that reasoning, DeSantis vetoed the legislature's maps, saying he believes they violate the equal protection clause of the U.S. Constitution in the special session. Then he brought forward his own maps that they'll then take up and vote on at some point.
INSKEEP: Oh, he is saying that it violates the equal protection clause of the Constitution, essentially turning that clause back around to the other race. So what does DeSantis' map look like?
ALLEN: Well, Florida has picked up a seat, so it has 28 congressional seats now. His map redraws districts in a way that likely gives Republicans 20 of those seats, leaving Democrats with just eight. You have to remember that Florida is a state almost evenly divided between Republicans and Democrats. So that's an increase of four seats for Republicans, which has led voting rights advocates to call it a blatant partisan gerrymandering. If DeSantis' map is approved by the legislature, it will certainly be challenged in court. Florida's constitution expressly prohibits districts from being drawn in a way that benefits an incumbent or a political party. It stops this kind of political gerrymandering. DeSantis will have to show to a court that politics didn't play a role in the map that gives Republicans a 12-seat edge over Democrats in Congress.
INSKEEP: Florida is one of the many states where Democrats have done terribly in state and local elections. Do they have any power to stop the governor?
ALLEN: No. Either - in part because of past gerrymandering, Democrats are in a minority in the House and Senate. One Democratic senator says she may even boycott the session beginning today rather than be a party to what she calls a takeover of the process by the governor. But there's mounting outrage about the governor's maps, especially in the Black community. Here's state Senator Shevrin Jones.
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SHEVRIN JONES: In the state of Florida, the Black community will not allow the governor to hijack this process or our back.
ALLEN: You know, Jones spoke yesterday at a news conference in Miami with more than a dozen Black elected officials and activists. The governor's map eliminates two of Florida's current four protected Black voting districts, redrawing them in a way that they'll be more likely now to elect Republicans. Voting rights groups and Democrats say that will violate federal law and Florida's constitution, which prohibits drawing district lines in a way that diminishes the voting power of minorities. DeSantis says he's expecting a court battle. He says he wants the courts to overturn that provision in the state constitution. Dwight Bullard, a voting rights activist with Florida Rising, said he believes all this has to do with DeSantis' possible 2024 presidential bid.
DWIGHT BULLARD: I understand that the governor wants to put himself in the history books next to names like Bush or Reagan. But unfortunately, he finds himself in the history books next to names like Barnett, Faubus and George Wallace.
ALLEN: That's Mississippi Governor Ross Barnett, Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus and Alabama Governor George Wallace, names I know you remember, Steve. These were all former segregationist Southern governors, part of U.S. history. DeSantis' opponents say they'll fight him in the courts and at the ballot box. And, of course, he's up for reelection in November.
INSKEEP: NPR's Greg Allen is in Miami. Greg, thanks so much.
ALLEN: You're welcome. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/floridas-legislature-meets-in-a-special-session-to-adopt-new-congressional-maps | 2022-05-12T14:57:26Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
In Florida, there's new legislation before Governor Ron DeSantis that would be a major blow to the Sunshine State's rooftop solar industry. Utilities defend the measure, saying that now nonsolar customers are subsidizing solar ones. Amy Green of WMFE has the story.
AMY GREEN, BYLINE: On a sunny afternoon at an Orlando neighborhood center, children run and play on a playground and shoot hoops on a basketball court. High above the children's heads on the neighborhood center's roof, 260 solar panels are turning the sunshine into energy. The neighborhood center offers after-school childcare and other services for residents of this diverse, working-class neighborhood. A local company called 15 Lightyears installed the panels. Lisa Pearcy is the founder and owner of the business.
LISA PEARCY: It's a pretty great thing to be able to harness the power of the sun, to bring it into a community where maybe they're on a scale where they can't do it in their apartments or they're in a scale where they can't bring it into their homes because they're renters, but they still have access to clean, renewable energy.
GREEN: But now Pearcy is concerned for her business' future. The legislation before DeSantis involves net metering, a billing arrangement aimed at compensating rooftop solar customers for excess energy they send back to the grid. Utilities say the arrangement means that nonsolar customers pay more for electricity. They are backing the measure, which would phase in new net metering rates beginning in 2024. Here's Chris McGrath of Florida Power and Light Company.
CHRIS MCGRATH: If you don't have solar panels on your roof, which is the vast majority of electric customers, you're paying extra to support somebody else who has made a private purchase.
GREEN: But clean energy advocates say the measure would reduce financial incentives for rooftop solar, discouraging new customers and decimating the $18.3 billion solar industry in the state. They want DeSantis to veto the legislation. Here's how Justin Vandenbroeck of the Florida Solar Energy Industries Association says the measure would work.
JUSTIN VANDENBROECK: Think of rollover minutes where, you know, if you had an extra 100 minutes left over at the end of the month, instead of getting those full 100 minutes, you get - starting in 2024, you're going to get 70 minutes (laughter). And then a couple of years later, you get 50 minutes and then potentially less.
GREEN: Solar customers represent less than 1% of all energy consumers in Florida, but the industry is growing fast here. Solar is projected to meet up to 30% of the state's energy needs in the next 10 years, according to advocates. The legislation comes as Florida lacks any real plan for reducing its reliance on fossil fuels and transitioning toward cleaner energy sources. Jonathan Webber of Florida Conservation Voters points out that's even as the state is uniquely vulnerable to climate change.
JONATHAN WEBBER: On the House floor, we've heard members deny that climate change is a human-caused problem, which is shocking considering it's 2022.
GREEN: When it comes to climate change, DeSantis doesn't talk about it much, focusing instead on reliance and adaptation. Back at the Orlando neighborhood center, Lisa Pearcy of 15 Lightyears thinks that if DeSantis signs the legislation, that could lead to a boom-and-bust scenario for rooftop solar as energy consumers rush to purchase panels ahead of the new net metering rates. She worries most about lost jobs.
PEARCY: It's a really new industry, and so there's a lot of heartbeat to it. And I think taking that away is going to not only affect my business, of course - it will, but it will also affect, really, the opportunities that we can't even see yet.
GREEN: DeSantis' office had no comment on how the governor might act on the legislation. If he signs it, the measure would take effect July 1.
For NPR News, I'm Amy Green in Orlando. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/floridas-rooftop-solar-industry-is-in-danger-with-new-legislation-before-desantis | 2022-05-12T14:57:32Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
What do Russians know about their government's war with Ukraine? What do they think about it? And how are they affected by it? Those simple questions are difficult to answer. Russia has limited communications and punished those who speak frankly. But a woman in Moscow has agreed to talk with us about her experience. Her first name is Anastasia. We're not using her last name because she's concerned about potential consequences of speaking out. She has a friend who learned the risks firsthand.
ANASTASIA: One of my friends, she'd just throw something in social media. And she has her, like, image in that media. And then she was found by that image in metro because there are cameras there. So basically, they found her, and she got arrested for a few days.
SHAPIRO: And was she ultimately released or charged with a crime? What happened?
ANASTASIA: Oh, she was charged with some sum of money, but it was not a pleasant experience at all, and...
SHAPIRO: Of course. How has your daily life changed since the war began?
ANASTASIA: There are so many feelings every day. You feel angry. You feel frustrated. You can't work or you can't focus on anything. Especially in the very beginning, it was just frustration and not knowing what has just happened and what will be next. And apart from that, I mean, my routine didn't change much, but I have some issues with my work, with my flat, big stuff in my life that was a fundamental one.
SHAPIRO: What has the war meant for your job? I understand you work for an international company.
ANASTASIA: Yeah. And we produce some, like, essential goods, I would say. But currently it's just all under question because our company have recently announced that they want to sell their business in Russia.
SHAPIRO: Wow. What would that mean for you?
ANASTASIA: We still have, like, our salaries until the end of the year. So, I mean, by the end of the year it will somehow change. And probably like the new owner or good, like - I forget the word - like...
SHAPIRO: Like lay people off, you mean?
ANASTASIA: Yes. Yes. That - exactly.
SHAPIRO: Would you ever consider leaving Russia?
ANASTASIA: Yes. I mean, I thought about it before. But when it started, it was like my first thought that I need to leave right now. And I was pretty worried that the borders will be closed, and I still worry about it.
SHAPIRO: And was your thought I need to leave because of financial consequences of sanctions or the risk of being locked up if you criticize the war or just a moral position? Like, where did that come from?
ANASTASIA: I mean, it was all this sorts because honestly, in the past two days, it was mostly because of my moral position, I guess, because of you feel like trapped in Russia. You see all these policemen. You see all these new laws and how they try to tell you how to live, how to breathe, what to say. They closed all, like, media. They closed Instagram, Facebook. And you just started to feel like you are removed from all the world.
SHAPIRO: You remind me of some analysis I saw early in the war that said Vladimir Putin is destroying two countries, Ukraine and Russia. Does it feel that extreme?
ANASTASIA: In my opinion, no one can get anything from the war because it's like just - what can you get as a person from it? You can only get hurt and get worse because of it. So, yes, our ordinary life is changed dramatically. And also the perspective living in Russia, even like from an ordinary person standpoint, is not a good one because, yeah, all this economical consequences. They will be drastic. I am sure about it.
SHAPIRO: Is there anything you would like Americans to know about what it's like to be in Russia right now?
ANASTASIA: It's really essential to understand that a lot of people that do not support our government, they also feel trapped from both sides, I guess, because here you just in a constant fear, because if you say something or do something, you can be harassed or, like, your family could be hurt. So it's really sad. And Ukrainian people is - they are a lot of our friends or relatives somehow. So it's not like they're total strangers. And there are so much hate, and it's dreadful.
SHAPIRO: Anastasia, thank you for speaking with us about your experience.
ANASTASIA: You're welcome.
SHAPIRO: She lives and works in Moscow. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/how-daily-life-in-russia-has-changed-since-the-country-invaded-ukraine | 2022-05-12T14:57:33Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Every night in Pakistan, men congregate in what are referred to as dirty theaters, places where women in tight clothes dance suggestively to blaring music. That might seem out of sync with Pakistan's identity as an overwhelmingly Muslim, conservative country. But as NPR's Diaa Hadid reports from the city of Lahore, the places where these theaters are concentrated are thriving.
DIAA HADID, BYLINE: There's nothing subtle about dirty theater. Consider where we stand on the side of a four-lane highway that slices through Lahore. This is what motorists can see.
There's billboards the length of two stories of a building with the pictures of the actresses who will be performing tonight alongside a male comedian.
Tonight's show is called "Things Are Out Of Control." Men arrive at a steady clip in gleaming cars, scooters, one guy on a bike. Then we see a rarity - a couple - Afsha and Aslam Ali Shah. He's holding their sleeping toddler, Sabz-Ali. They couldn't find a babysitter.
So what's your favorite thing about the theater? Like, is it the jokes? Is it the dancing?
My NPR colleague Abdul Sattar translates.
ASLAM ALI SHAH: Entertainment or (non-English language spoken).
ABDUL SATTAR, BYLINE: Whatever can make us laugh or smile.
HADID: So the comedy.
SATTAR: The comedy.
ALI SHAH: Exactly.
(LAUGHTER)
HADID: There's a few skits. In one, the headline star, Khushboo Khan, teaches a bumbling comedian how to walk like a model. She jiggles her chest up and down - tam tam. She sticks her bottom out - tam tam. Mostly, the show is racy female dance performances.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
HADID: Khushboo Khan, that headline star, gets the most cheers. She's got long, blond hair and the proportions of Jessica Rabbit. She lies on the floor and gyrates.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
HADID: She wiggles her backside to the crowd...
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
HADID: ...Then her chest.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
HADID: Then Khushboo Khan squats and a fake fire seems to erupt from her crotch.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
HADID: These performances are what elites refer to as dirty or obscene theater. But in a show about sex, the word is never mentioned. I go backstage to ask Khushboo Khan about this. She's playful.
It's quite sexy, and it's out there and very witty.
KHUSHBOO KHAN: I, sexy (laughter)? Big compliment is me.
HADID: Then she says, yeah, dirty theatre is carefully done because Pakistan's censor board has to approve these shows - the dialogues, the dancing, the clothes. That's why she says even though she wears skintight outfits, you can't see an inch of her skin from her neck to her ankles.
KHAN: We have no permission. It's not allowed, wearing sleeveless, shorts.
HADID: They try to get away with as much as possible without getting shut down. They have to. Theater workers tell us audiences only want dance routines and bawdy comedy, but so-called dirty theater, with its blaring music, sequins and seduction, isn't new. It has historical roots in Lahore. The slapstick comedy has long been traditional entertainment in this area. The dancing can be traced back to when the Mughal Empire was situated in the city. Elites used to engage tawaifs, beautiful women who would sing and dance before a crowd.
SUNDUS RASHEED: These were almost like the geishas, very classy women who sort of dictated the culture of the time.
HADID: Sundus Rasheed is a broadcaster and pop culture writer. The status of these women declined as the empire unraveled and the British took over. By the time Pakistan was formed more than seven decades ago, many flocked to the new cinema industry.
RASHEED: But not everybody became a heroine in cinemas, and they started sort of devolving into dancers.
HADID: Others became prostitutes. And the presence of these performances in Pakistan today seems jarring because conservatives have been angered by so much less, like the uproar over a biscuit advertisement two years back. It featured an actress jauntily dancing in traditional, flowy dresses.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED SINGER: (Singing in non-English language).
HADID: It was briefly banned after a newspaper editor compared the woman's performance to that of the women in dirty theatre. And the religious right wing has been firing up their base by raging against what they call obscenity, like feminists marching on International Women's Day.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #1: (Chanting in non-English language).
UNIDENTIFIED GROUP: (Chanting in non-English language).
HADID: One year, religious extremists hurled rocks at the women. This year, one group threatened to beat them with sticks. We asked a leader of that group - it's called JUI-F - why dirty theater didn't make them as angry as feminists.
HAFIZ FAHEEM UDDIN: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: Hafiz Faheem Uddin says women who march with their faces uncovered are unacceptable. As for dirty theater, he says...
UDDIN: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: You can only convince people through preaching and an invitation to virtue. But maybe the reason why conservatives and culture warriors turn a blind eye to so-called dirty theater is about something else - the men who come and see it. At another theater in Lahore, men eagerly cluster around a ticket window. They're here to watch "Kacha Badam." The name is from a viral Indian song. One of the guys sings it.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #2: (Singing) Kacha badam, kacha, kacha badam.
HADID: The theater is tucked into an alleyway right beside a mosque. So over the call to prayer, Shah Nawaz Ahmed tells us they drove for 6 hours from their hometown for a boys night at the theater.
SHAH NAWAZ AHMED: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: He says we wanted the front row, but we could only get the 12th.
AHMED: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: He says the shows refresh their minds when so much of life is frustrating. But no, Ahmed says, they didn't tell their wives where they were going.
AHMED: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: He says, they'll find out when we update our status on social media. Another man in line, Asfandyar, says, yeah, there's a double standard.
ASFANDYAR: You will see those people sitting in the hall who will criticize their women and their family to not go outside. But they will be sitting here watching other sisters, other women, doing vulgar dance, doing vulgar jokes.
HADID: It's not OK for the wives and sisters of these men to be dance performers, but it's OK for the men to watch. Backstage after the theatre show, Khushboo Khan laughs.
KHAN: (Laughter).
HADID: She thinks the reason why conservatives and clerics don't protest is because they and their followers are in the audience.
Diaa Hadid, NPR News, Lahore.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
UNIDENTIFIED MUSICAL ARTIST: (Singing in non-English language). Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/in-muslim-pakistan-theaters-that-have-racy-shows-for-men-are-thriving | 2022-05-12T14:57:39Z |
The Justice Department is moving to reduce racial disparities in a tool it uses to assess a prisoner's risk of a return to crime, after scholars and justice advocates pressed for change.
Among other steps, it plans to make tweaks that would significantly increase the number of Black and Hispanic men in prison who are eligible to take educational classes or work-life programs that could lead to an earlier release.
But the tool, known as Pattern, continues to overestimate the number of Black women who will engage in recidivism, compared to white women in prison. And in its latest effort to overhaul the troubled risk assessment algorithm, the Justice Department said it is still unable to resolve other racial disparities.
The department outlined the new developments in a report sent to Congress on Tuesday and obtained by NPR, pledging that it would continue to work "to ensure that racial disparities are reduced to the greatest extent possible."
"When using factors with criminal history, prison discipline, and education, the tool is almost inevitably going to have disparities — unless they correct for systemic biases in policing, prosecution, corrections, and education," said Melissa Hamilton, a law professor at the University of Surrey who has closely followed the process.
NPR dissected problems with Pattern in a report earlier this year. It uncovered sloppy math mistakes and other flaws that put thousands of prisoners in the wrong risk category and treated them differently in part because of their ethnic backgrounds.
The Justice Department will roll out the new version of Pattern early next month, which it said "will neither exacerbate nor solve these racial bias issues." But the department said it was making other adjustments that could translate into a real difference for people of color in prison.
A law called the First Step Act that passed with bipartisan majorities during the Trump administration offers people in prison a path to early release, by earning time credits for performing work and taking educational classes behind bars.
Only low and minimum risk prisoners are eligible for those programs, so how the Bureau of Prisons assesses risk has major consequences for their lives and their release plans.
In its new report, DOJ said it would make no changes to how it evaluates violent recidivism risks, saying that measure provided an essential check for "public safety." Instead, the department shifted the boundaries between other risk levels for its general recidivism algorithm.
DOJ estimated that 36 percent more Black men and 26 percent more Hispanic men might now qualify as minimum or low risk, with smaller increases for Black and Hispanic women in prison.
"Females will be less able to take advantage of the FSA despite having a lesser recidivism risk than males," Hamilton said.
Patricia Richman, national sentencing and resource counsel for the Federal Public and Community Defenders, said the Justice Department had taken "an important step toward rectifying the unfairness of the tool" but added that more "aggressive and significant" changes are required.
"Stakeholders have been warning for years about problems in the tool that require immediate action," Richman said.
In the new report to Congress, the Justice Department once again expressed support for the Senate to advance the Equal Act, legislation that would equalize criminal penalties for crack cocaine compared to powder cocaine. For now, the punishment is 18 times greater for people caught with the rock form of that drug, which has disproportionately sent Black people to prison for much longer than whites.
Richman pointed out that federal prosecutors around the nation continue to file charges that trigger these mandatory minimum sentences, despite the DOJ rhetoric.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/justice-department-works-to-curb-racial-bias-in-deciding-whos-released-from-prison | 2022-05-12T14:57:45Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Our former colleague Louisa Lim has been exploring a world that's fading. Louisa is NPR's former Beijing correspondent, and she grew up in Hong Kong. In those days, Hong Kong was a British colony separated by a border from mainland China.
LOUISA LIM: I went to school at an English-language school. We never learned any history of Hong Kong or of China. You know, we learned about the British prime ministers and the kings and queens. We did Victorian musicals and wore crinolines and, you know, did "Oliver Twist" and things like that. We could have been in the U.K. But, you know, the world outside, of course, was a Chinese world.
INSKEEP: Louisa Lim set out to write the history of Hong Kong in a book called "Indelible City." She writes of the British trading port seized from China in the 1800s. The U.K. eventually returned it in exchange for a promise to preserve British-style freedoms. China largely erased those freedoms after democratic protests in recent years, which caused Lim to research the U.K.'s handover of power back in 1997.
LIM: Hong Kong has had no place at the table. They were not part of the negotiations. There was no referendum. They were never allowed to even vote whether they wanted to be handed over or not. And as part of that kind of archive of interviews that I found, there were some incredible interviews with the most senior Hong Kong advisers to the British, and they really kind of unleashed the way that they felt about this agreement. And, you know, it was always clear that the Hong Kongers were not going to be considered. It was a colony. It was treated as a colonial possession and handed back with the people.
INSKEEP: Weren't they supposed to get 50 years' worth of freedom and civil rights out of it, though?
LIM: That's right. So the original agreement that was signed, the joint declaration, in it China agreed to allow Hong Kong's way of life to be preserved for 50 years, and Hong Kong was supposed to have a high degree of autonomy and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong. And now this year, we're heading to the 25th year - so the halfway point. And in the last couple of years, all of those things have been lost with the national security legislation that we saw passed in 2020. That has completely changed Hong Kong's way of life and the freedoms that Hong Kong had allowed. It's not they've been eroded; they've been completely dismantled and destroyed. Civil society organizations have been forced to disband. The Legislature has been reconstituted. The electoral system - everything has been changed.
And because of the way the British negotiated the agreement, the Hong Kongers had always wanted some kind of monitoring mechanism that there would be some kind of redress if there was a violation of the agreement, but because they weren't listened to and maybe 'cause the British thought that would be too tricky, that never happened. Of course, it's too late now.
INSKEEP: How do the people you talk with in Hong Kong think about the different ways that you could tell the story of Hong Kong? You can tell the story the way that communist China does, that it's a story of racism and colonialism, or you can tell it the way that a lot of people in the West would, as a place of freedom that is now losing its freedoms. How do people there wrestle with that contradiction?
LIM: Yeah, it's a really interesting question, and that's something that I tried to explore partly because the history that we grew up with as children was so different from the history that is now taught in schools. There's almost, you know, no points of reference. And what I had wanted to do was really center the voices of Hong Kong people to ask how they tell their own history. And that's actually really a tricky question in a place which has basically been a colony twice over. And it's a place, as one of my interviewees, a playwright, said, you know, because of the colonial history, there are no war heroes. There are no statesmen. There are no myths and legends. He said, metaphorically, it's a barren rock. So the thing that I was interested in is the way in which certain local heroes and icons were made and who was chosen.
INSKEEP: Who's an icon of Hong Kong, then?
LIM: Well, the person that I write about is a man who is known throughout Hong Kong as the King of Kowloon, and he was this extraordinary character. He died in 2007, but he was an elderly, disabled trash collector of quite questionable mental competence. But he believed the peninsula of Kowloon had been stolen from his family all the way back in 1860, when it was given to the British. And he spent half a century writing on the city's walls and the postboxes and the flyovers and the letterboxes and the lampposts, and he was writing his family tree and their claims on the land. His writing was really ugly. It's quite sort of unsightly calligraphy. It's not balanced. It's like, you know, the writing of a 6- or 7-year-old but very, very distinctive. And he became over the years this kind of cultural icon.
So, you know, lounge singers and rap groups sang songs to him. Poets wrote poems to him. He starred in TV adverts. He played cameos in films. And he became Hong Kong's most valuable artist. He even represented Hong Kong at the Venice Biennale. I was fascinated by him because the themes that he was thinking about, these ideas of dispossession and territory and sovereignty and loss, they're themes that really have been at the heart of Hong Kong's struggles and particularly the movement of 2019, and yet he was thinking about them so long before.
INSKEEP: Is it possible that 50 years from now that it will just be some of the same buildings but effectively a different city, and there's nobody really around anymore who remembers how things used to be?
LIM: So during the movement of 2019, there was this phrase going around that Beijing, the mainlanders, they wanted to keep the fishbowl and change the fish. They were not happy with this very demanding population that was always pushing for more. They wanted a more compliant population. And so I think, you know, Beijing's plans for Hong Kong are that it should be part of the Greater Bay Area, just one of a city - of a number of cities along China's south coast. And, you know, the exodus that we see today might move Hong Kong faster towards that. But I think we're also seeing - because this exodus is quite large, we're also seeing these new communities of Hong Kongers that are growing in various places around the world. And Hong Kong has excellent migrants. They're very, very motivated. And I think they will make their mark in other places.
INSKEEP: Louisa Lim is the author of "Indelible City." Thanks so much.
LIM: Thank you, Steve. It's always such a pleasure to talk to you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/louisa-lims-indelible-city-examines-the-u-k-s-handover-of-hong-kong-to-china | 2022-05-12T14:57:51Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Now to Ohio and what could be a historic military trial. Opening arguments began today in the case of Major General William Cooley. The two-star general is charged with abusive sexual contact. And the trial comes as the military faces increased scrutiny over how it handles sexual misconduct. From member station WYSO, Leila Goldstein reports. And this story contains descriptions of sexual assault.
LEILA GOLDSTEIN, BYLINE: This morning in a small courtroom at Wright-Patterson Air Force Base outside Dayton, prosecutors, military defense counsel and the accused gathered. All were in uniform. Major General Cooley is accused of kissing and inappropriately touching the victim without her consent. He pleaded not guilty. On the stand today the alleged victim, a civilian, said she was terrified when Cooley pinned her in the car. But no matter the outcome of the case, the trial itself is remarkable.
An Air Force general has never made it this far in court martial proceedings. It's a reflection of the phrase different spanks for different ranks, a sense that higher-up officials are held to a different standard than the enlisted. Rachel VanLandingham Ham is a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel who teaches at Southwestern Law School. She argues that structural issues undermine the integrity of the military justice system. For instance, it's commanders, not prosecutors, who decide who will be charged.
RACHEL VANLANDINGHAM: Military commanders are not going to charge other commanders with anything. They take care of each other. And so there's really - the system is biased at its core. I think it's still very much an older white male club.
GOLDSTEIN: She also points to the dearth of women and people of color in leadership, and says that contributes to a culture where senior leaders are not held accountable, particularly when it comes to sexual misconduct. Retired Air Force Colonel Don Christiansen heads the nonprofit group Protect Our Defenders.
DON CHRISTENSEN: It's like having your friend decide whether or not you're prosecuted. And, you know, no shock - your friend decides not to prosecute you.
GOLDSTEIN: He says the military culture can have an effect on all these officers involved in the trial.
CHRISTENSEN: Brought up in the military where generals are gods, and now you have a god on trial, there's going to be an inclination, I think, to give this general more deference than you would give an airman basic.
GOLDSTEIN: Rachel VanLandingham says Congress has been pushing for reforms. Legislation in the National Defense Authorization Act changes who gets to decide whether someone is prosecuted for crimes related to sexual misconduct.
VANLANDINGHAM: So for the first time, Congress has rested, has plucked away prosecutorial discretion for 11 discrete offenses from these commanders and given them - given these offenses to independent - supposedly military lawyers that are independent from the chain of command.
GOLDSTEIN: Defense attorney Daniel Conway says that congressional pressure for reform has an impact on this case. He says it's part of why the defense decided not to go with a jury trial, where jurors would have to be senior members of the military.
DANIEL CONWAY: It's difficult to pick a jury from a pool of officers whose career progression depends on the approval of a senate that expends significant energy excoriating them about sexual assaults on an annual basis.
GOLDSTEIN: Joshua Kastenberg is a retired Air Force judge advocate and teaches at the University of New Mexico School of Law. He says this case will be closely watched by the younger generation of military officers.
JOSHUA KASTENBERG: I don't think the change will be overnight - it never is - but it's a step in the right direction.
GOLDSTEIN: If convicted, Cooley could face dismissal from the military and considerable prison time. For NPR News, I'm Leila Goldstein in Dayton. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/mg-cooleys-case-could-mark-a-change-in-how-the-air-force-handles-sexual-misconduct | 2022-05-12T14:57:53Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Gas prices are now about $1.50 a gallon higher than they were last year at this time. That has business owners in places like Montana worried because nearly 90% of last year's visitors to the state came by car. Montana Public Radio's Freddy Monares has more.
(SOUNDBITE OF CAR ENGINE TURNING OVER)
FREDDY MONARES, BYLINE: It's still a few weeks to peak tourist season in Montana, but a few cars with out-of-state license plates are filling up at this gas station just outside of Missoula.
(SOUNDBITE OF GAS PUMP)
MONARES: Colleen Billman says high gas prices didn't affect her decision to drive her Dodge pickup over from eastern Washington state to visit friends. She says she tries to stay away from gas stations near tourist attractions but sometimes can't help it.
COLLEEN BILLMAN: I have a feeling that's where we got yesterday when we had the national debt (laughter), when we fueled the tank on this beast.
MONARES: Billman says she spent $250 to fill up.
BILLMAN: And it's the most I've ever spent on fueling the tank.
MONARES: Nearby, at Blackfoot River Outfitters, owner John Herzer is feeling the high prices, too.
JOHN HERZER: I have to fill my truck every two or three days, and it's $70 a pop or whatever it is.
MONARES: Herzer guides clients on fly-fishing trips, which means hauling boats to area rivers, feeding his clients lunch and then paying a shuttle service to drive them back to where they started.
HERZER: It starts to hurt. And then you're buying food every day. I mean, all those things just add up to where your bottom line isn't quite what it once was.
MONARES: Herzer says he's had to raise prices 5% from last year to $625 to take two people down the river. At some point, he expects higher prices could impact people's willingness to book fishing trips.
HERZER: The jury's still out. But this year, I still feel like we're solid. But going into 2023, we're going to have to revisit all that stuff.
MONARES: Economist Jeremy Sage tracks tourist spending at the University of Montana. He says high gas prices are only one factor in whether people cancel vacations or spend less when they travel. They can almost ignore them if they're feeling economically stable in general.
JEREMY SAGE: They're not coming to Montana to spend money on gas. They're coming to Montana to have their glacier experience, to have their Yellowstone experience, to have that fishing experience.
MONARES: With many Americans sitting on money they didn't spend during the pandemic, Sage expects tourists to either scale their trips back or inflate their vacation budget and spend more.
SAGE: I think gas prices will dampen it a little bit, but I don't think it's going to create some devastating impact of reduction in travel and expenditures in Montana.
MONARES: A U.S. Travel Association report says nearly 9 in 10 Americans plan to travel this summer, a majority of those by car. About 12 million people visit Montana every year.
Back at the gas station, Colleen Billman says she and her husband cut back on spending before this trip. She says the last time they came to Montana was about a year ago and that they're picky about vacations they take.
BILLMAN: We value our time off, and we'll make that really special.
MONARES: People whose jobs depend on tourist spending are hoping Montana's allure will remain strong enough to keep visitors coming in spite of higher gas prices forecasted for this summer. The more than $3 billion they spend every year keeps a lot of businesses' boats afloat here.
For NPR News, I'm Freddy Monares in Missoula.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/most-tourists-get-to-montana-in-a-car-which-means-gas-prices-could-hurt-business | 2022-05-12T14:57:59Z |
A robotic mission to orbit Uranus. A probe that can land on a potentially life-supporting moon of Saturn. And a better plan for astronauts to do high-quality science on the moon.
These are among the top priorities outlined in a new report from an influential group that's advising NASA on where to boldly go in the next decade, from 2023 to 2032.
Every ten years, the prestigious National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine brings together committees of space experts to survey the field of planetary science and reach a consensus on the best way for NASA to explore strange new worlds.
Some of the items on their latest wishlist sound familiar, but others are brand new. And while the report paints an optimistic picture of the field overall, there are hints of concern about future budget constraints.
Retrieving Mars rocks is "highest scientific priority"
The last time around, in 2011, expert advisers told NASA to gather an interesting selection of rocks on Mars and then work to bring those pristine samples back to Earth for chemical analyses. This could show whether the red planet ever had life. They also argued for a mission to Europa, a moon of Jupiter that seems to have an ocean of water beneath its icy surface.
NASA embraced those goals and has been making progress, but planetary scientists have started to worry that cost overruns might threaten the ability to visit other places in the solar system that beckon.
"Right now in planetary science in the U.S., we're at record levels of funding," says Casey Dreier, senior space policy adviser for The Planetary Society, a nonprofit that promotes space exploration. "But I think at the same time, we are being squeezed by two major missions, Mars Sample Return and Europa Clipper."
Bringing home rocks from the red planet should remain "the highest scientific priority of NASA's robotic exploration efforts this decade," according to the new, 780-page report on the expert group's findings.
"The committee strongly supports Mars sample return. It's a concept that's been around a long time, it has a great deal of scientific validity and support," steering committee co-chair Philip Christensen of Arizona State University told NPR.
But the report also says if the price tag looks to rise substantially above $5.3 billion, or if the cost eats up more than around 35% of NASA's planetary science budget in any given year, NASA should seek additional money from Congress rather than taking funds away from other worthy missions — like ones to Uranus and Enceladus.
Ice giants could hold surprises
A trip to Uranus could help scientists understand ice giants.
Unlike rocky planets like Mars and gas giants like Jupiter, the ice giants Uranus and Neptune have never been studied with a dedicated mission to orbit and study them.
Uranus, the seventh planet from the Sun, has only ever been visited by NASA's Voyager 2 probe, which flew by in 1986, coming within about 50,000 miles.
In recent years, detections of planets in alien solar systems show that ice giant planets are "likely the most common class of planets in the universe," says Robin Canup of the Southwest Research Institute, who co-chaired the steering committee. "We saw this mission as delivering absolutely transformative, breakthrough science because we know so little about these systems. We are sure there are going to be lots of surprises once we get there."
An ocean world could have evidence of life
Enceladus, one of Saturn's moons, is another scientifically compelling destination.
It's thought to have an ocean of liquid water under an icy crust, just like Europa, but this moon sends plumes of that material out into space, making it easier to obtain samples that originated deep within. The new report recommends sending a probe that could arrive there in the early 2050's, land on the surface and search for evidence of life in fresh plume material that rains down on it.
"Enceladus is the logical candidate to go to try to look for evidence of life today," says Christensen. "In terms of the ocean worlds, it's by far the most active and the easiest to access."
Making it to the moon again
The advisers say NASA needs to get serious about doing science in its multi-billion effort to return astronauts to the moon, called the Artemis program.
They point out that the failure to do this so far means the scientific return of the astronauts' initial trips "will not be as significant as it could be, and may be minimal."
"We see the Artemis program as being aspirational and transformative, and we want it to be accompanied by transformative science," says Canup.
But the group found there's a lack of organization and accountability at NASA for working high-priority science into the planning for moon landings. Planetary exploration has been done for decades with robots, and it's separated from human spaceflight within the agency's organizational structure.
"Let's do great science at the moon," says Christensen, and bring "the robotic and the human sides of NASA together into a really strong partnership."
Protecting earth and other priorities
The report runs through a bevy of smaller missions around the solar system that have merit, such as visits to the dwarf planet Ceres and to Titan, the largest moon of Saturn.
And it gives a notable shout-out to the effort to protect Earth from potentially hazardous space rocks.
NASA should "fully support" a telescope, called the Near-Earth Object Surveyor, which is designed to search for these dangerous rocks, the report says. That telescope has recently faced budget cuts and delays.
"Protecting Earth is important," says Bethany Ehlmann, a planetary scientist at Caltech who served on the report's steering committee, "and we can achieve good science while doing it."
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/nasa-advisers-call-for-a-visit-to-uranus-plus-more-science-during-moon-landings | 2022-05-12T14:58:05Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Russian rockets and artillery shells have been falling on multiple Ukrainian cities today.
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Ukrainian media reported explosions and air raid sirens across hundreds of miles. The reports come from much of the eastern half of the country. Strikes hit Ukraine's second-largest city, Kharkiv. Other strikes landed along one of the few escape routes out of the besieged city of Mariupol. This is all in the region where Ukrainians have been expecting a Russian offensive from the east. And for good measure, missiles even landed in the far west.
FADEL: For more, we're joined by NPR's Pentagon correspondent Tom Bowman. Hi, Tom.
TOM BOWMAN, BYLINE: Hey. Good morning, Leila.
FADEL: Good morning. So, Tom, Ukraine's president thinks this is the start of the big Russian offensive. Is it?
BOWMAN: Well, yeah, right. President Zelenskyy says the offensive in the east has begun. Others aren't willing to be that definitive. The Pentagon says Russia is still conducting what they call shaping operations - laying the groundwork for the offensive by sending in more battalions and artillery, firing more bombs and missiles, as we've just heard. Now, a large portion of the Ukrainian army is there. They've dug in. And they'll be soon getting a lot more heavy weaponry from the U.S. and NATO - artillery, helicopters, drones and armored vehicles. That has to arrive fast. The Russians will try to box in Ukrainian forces. But the big question is, do they have enough combat power to do that, enough competence? That's the big question in the coming days and weeks.
FADEL: You know, so much about this war has defied expectations. Many expected Russia's army to fare much better than it has, and yet it's failed to capture the capital, and despite besieging, bombarding and starving the strategic port city of Mariupol in the southeast, Russian forces still haven't taken that area. What's the latest there?
BOWMAN: Well, once again, as we've seen all over Ukraine, it's just bungling by Russian forces and their commanders. The Russians have poorly trained troops. They didn't have enough precision-guided munitions. And also, a big thing is they failed to attack Mariupol from multiple locations at once, which could have shaken up the defenders. John Spencer is a retired Army officer who focuses on urban warfare. He also says a big part of this is the fighting spirit of the Ukrainians. Let's listen.
JOHN SPENCER: It's really hard to get a committed, dedicated urban defender out. We have the Ukrainians who have the will to fight, which the Russians don't.
FADEL: So, Tom, why has Russia been so focused on Mariupol? They've devoted a lot of troops there, right?
BOWMAN: You know, they have. Well, first of all, it's a key port. And it also helps the Russians build a land bridge from Russia along the coast of the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov to Crimea, which they grabbed, of course, in 2014. So Russians sent in 12 battalion tactical groups, each of which number 800 to 1,000 soldiers - so as many as 12,000 troops. Once Mariupol falls, the Pentagon says most of those troops can head north into the Donbas region for that major battle. But another analyst I spoke with, Fred Kagan of the American Enterprise Institute, he says, don't just look at those numbers; many of these battalions are really weak because of casualties, lost and damaged equipment and, again, poorly trained conscript forces who will face a battle-hardened Ukrainian army. Now, if Russia takes Mariupol, it still faces fighting in cities all over the northeast and south. The Ukrainians are proving to be very, very resilient.
FADEL: NPR's Pentagon correspondent Tom Bowman. Tom, thank you.
BOWMAN: You're welcome.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
FADEL: U.S. travelers are no longer required to wear masks in airports and on airplanes.
INSKEEP: At least not according to the federal government. A federal judge in Florida says the transportation mask mandate was unlawful. The ruling also applies to buses, trains and other modes of public transportation. To be clear, this does not mean you have a right to go unmasked, but it does mean the decision on mask policy is up to individual businesses.
FADEL: Joining me now to discuss this development is NPR's David Schaper in Chicago. Hi, David.
DAVID SCHAPER, BYLINE: Hi, Leila.
FADEL: So, David, tell us about the ruling. Why was the mandate overturned?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, the judge in this case vacated the mandate, saying it exceeds the CDC's statutory authority and violates the procedures required for agency rule-making under the law. The judge also says the CDC had not adequately explained its reasoning for the mandate. You know, just last week, the CDC had extended this transportation mask mandate, which had been in place since February of last year, and it was extended into May, but now the TSA is saying that it will no longer enforce it in public transportation and transportation hubs or at airports or on airlines. All of the major airlines, including American, Delta, Southwest and United, along with Amtrak, say they won't require passengers and employees to wear masks. But many transit agencies around the country, including those in New York and Chicago, say they will still require masks. So, you know, it might be a little confusing out there.
FADEL: You know, for some, I imagine it's terrifying to be on a long flight with other maskless passengers. For others, maybe it's a relief not to have to wear it on a long flight. How are airline passengers responding?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, there were those celebrations midflight, as you heard, by some travelers when they first heard the news.
FADEL: Right.
SCHAPER: At Chicago's O'Hare Airport last night, most passengers were still wearing their masks while checking in and going through security or waiting for luggage. But after a long flight from Puerto Rico, 35-year-old Miechie Williams of Chicago was ready to ditch his mask.
MIECHIE WILLIAMS: We been ready to ditch them.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Yeah.
(LAUGHTER)
WILLIAMS: We was ready to ditch them when they first made us wear them.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Yeah.
WILLIAMS: I can understand if you want to be more precautious. There's nothing wrong with that. But to say that everybody needs to wear it? No, I don't agree with that.
SCHAPER: On the other hand, Renee and Robert Messick of suburban Palatine, who had just returned from a cruise in the Caribbean, say they felt safer traveling when everyone was required to wear masks.
RENEE MESSICK: For me, it's a matter of respect for myself and for other people.
ROBERT MESSICK: I'd rather see us be safe than sorry. I'm grateful to Biden for, you know, trying to protect us as best they could.
FADEL: So how are public health official experts reacting? Do they think it's safe for people in these confined spaces on planes, trains and buses to be maskless?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, many of the infectious disease experts and public health officials remain concerned about these increasing numbers of the BA.2-variant COVID cases. They say this public health crisis just isn't over yet. Julia Raifman is a professor at the Boston University School of Public Health. She says masks are proven to reduce the spread of COVID-19, especially when everyone is wearing them. She says even though the air filtration systems on airplanes are very good, they're not foolproof when you're sitting shoulder to shoulder next to a stranger for hours at a time.
JULIA RAIFMAN: You know, you can imagine if somebody right next to you is sneezing or coughing, you really are in better shape if you're wearing a mask and especially if both of you are wearing a mask.
SCHAPER: She also worries about the exposure some people may have on public transit, especially among people who may not have any other options for getting to work.
FADEL: Could the Biden administration appeal?
SCHAPER: Well, you know, White House Press Secretary Jen Psaki yesterday called the judge's ruling disappointing and says the administration is considering its legal options and may, in fact, go ahead and appeal. There are those experts out there who say this ruling could be overturned.
FADEL: NPR's David Schaper. Thank you, David.
SCHAPER: Thank you, Leila.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
FADEL: While Americans relax some COVID requirements, many people in China can hardly leave their homes.
INSKEEP: We've told you about Shanghai, where some 25 million residents are still largely in their apartments, and that is just part of the story in China. More than 40 Chinese cities have some kind of lockdown policy.
FADEL: So what does it take to shut down whole cities that have the population of countries? NPR's Emily Feng is in Beijing. Hi, Emily.
EMILY FENG, BYLINE: Good morning, Leila.
FADEL: Good morning. So some of these lockdowns are quite intense. Has China given any indication whether such lockdowns will be relaxed?
FENG: Absolutely not. And actually, it's the opposite. They've said they're doubling down on testing and locking down everyone who's infectious. Shanghai, for example, the lockdown was only supposed to last for five days, but now it's in its third week with no end in sight because caseloads there just haven't dipped significantly. And these policies have support in China because the argument is they cost a lot of money, but they save lives, especially since a fraction of the elderly population here in China are not fully - are fully vaccinated. Most people haven't got the two or three jabs that they need. And now with the highly infectious omicron, this strategy is just starting to bear real costs. The lockdowns are getting longer. They're becoming more frequent. And on paper, the lockdowns now are actually leading to more excess deaths from chronic diseases that are not COVID...
FADEL: Oh, wow.
FENG: ...Than COVID itself.
FADEL: Wow. But to actually enforce these policies, it takes a lot of people, right? Where are these employees coming from?
FENG: That's what I was wondering because these employees are everywhere. So my producer here, Aowen Cao (ph), and I started interviewing health workers, and that's how we met Mr. Huang Bowen (ph). He used to work selling wholesale goods directly from Chinese factories to people in other countries, but the economy tanked, so he lost that job, and he's now enforcing lockdowns and giving PCR tests.
FADEL: Wow.
FENG: So first, he worked in another city, Shenzhen, and then Shanghai locked down, so he went there.
HUANG BOWEN: (Non-English language spoken).
FENG: He's saying, "the bus took us straight to a quarantine center for symptomatic patients." This was not the job he signed up for. He has no health training. So he tried to go back, but then he was stuck because the city is under lockdown. Luckily for him, he called the police. He's back home. He's in quarantine. But other workers are stuck in Shanghai. They're sleeping in the train station. And there's actually been several small protests among COVID workers against their poor conditions and poor pay.
FADEL: So people finding employment here. What do all these lockdowns mean for China's economy?
FENG: It does not mean good things. They are going to have to put the economy on the back burner for now. Cities accounting for about 40% of all economic activity in China are seeing some kind of lockdown restrictions. So it seems China, forced to choose, would rather have a small recession than loosen its COVID controls. And the people that's going to hurt most are its migrant workers. There are about 300 million of them. They usually do not have full-time work. And that's why a lot of them are now making the transition to a new demand for cheap labor. They're gearing up in PPE, and they're the ones powering China's zero-COVID policies. Keep in mind, these are the people who used to assemble iPhones, assemble cars, and now we're seeing this transition where they're the ones doing the difficult and often low-paid work of going door to door, testing and isolating people.
FADEL: NPR's Emily Feng. Thank you.
FENG: Thank you, Leila. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/news-brief-battle-for-eastern-ukraine-travel-mask-mandate-chinas-covid-lockdown | 2022-05-12T14:58:12Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
North Dakota is digging out from a spring blizzard. It dropped 3 feet of snow just outside the city of Minot and shut down schools and businesses. For farmers and ranchers, it promised a temporary reprieve from a drought. NPR's Kirk Siegler reports.
KIRK SIEGLER, BYLINE: James Green owns a cattle ranch west of Towner, N.D., where he also runs the town's lone supermarket. While scanning a customer's groceries, he's looking out the window to about 2 feet of snow, higher in the drifts.
JAMES GREEN: You know, it just - getting that big dump of snow for three days straight - it was just a nice shot of moisture, I guess, going into the spring.
SIEGLER: More snow than they got all winter, he figures. Even over the phone, you can tell he's grinning.
GREEN: I haven't seen a snowfall this heavy in a while.
SIEGLER: Towner and surrounding McHenry County calls itself North Dakota's cattle capital. Ranchers like Greene have been forced to downsize their herds recently as the state continues to experience a historic drought. No moisture means brown pastures, and producers who have been able to stay afloat have had to drive far to find expensive feed.
GREEN: It's a relief, just from the standpoint it gives us hope for the upcoming grazing season without having to sell off, you know, a bunch of cows.
SIEGLER: There is a downside. These blizzards are hitting right in the middle of calving season for most ranchers. And as folks dig out, reports are starting to come in that producers have lost some newborns. Rachel Wald is an agricultural extension officer with North Dakota State University.
RACHEL WALD: This is - I'm going to tell you - one heck of a way to get moisture, because it definitely puts a lot more stress on people keeping calves alive.
SIEGLER: Climate scientists warn that North Dakota, at the geographical center of North America, is going to be even more vulnerable to erratic weather swings as the Earth warms. Recent months have been some of the driest and warmest ever recorded and now the biggest spring blizzard in at least 25 years.
WALD: It is a lot of ups and downs. And I can tell you, being a part of historic events is getting kind of tiring.
SIEGLER: Wald says usually a spring blizzard hits, and then it warms up and melts quickly. But snow and unusually cold temperatures are forecast across North Dakota for much of the next week.
Kirk Siegler, NPR News. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/north-dakota-is-digging-out-from-a-historic-spring-blizzard | 2022-05-12T14:58:13Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Russian rockets and artillery shells have been pounding multiple Ukrainian cities across hundreds of miles of the country. This as Ukraine's president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy, said the dreaded Russian assault on the east has begun. Russia's defense minister said its forces carried out over 1,200 strikes on military targets throughout Ukraine overnight. And Russian forces have seized the city of Cremona in the Luhansk region. That city, southeast of the capital, has a population of just over 18,000. The governor of Luhansk has implored citizens to leave before it's too late. For more, we're joined by NPR's Pentagon correspondent Tom Bowman. Hi, Tom.
TOM BOWMAN, BYLINE: Hey, Leila.
FADEL: So Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy thinks this is the start of the big Russian offensive. Is it?
BOWMAN: Well, you're right. That's what President Zelenskyy is saying, that the offensive has begun in the east. But others aren't willing to be that definitive. The Pentagon says Russia is still conducting what they call a shaping operation, laying the groundwork for the offensive by sending in more battalions and artillery, firing more bombs and missiles, as we just heard. Now, a large portion of the Ukrainian army is there in the east. So they're dug in. And they'll be soon getting a lot more heavy weaponry from the U.S. and NATO, artillery, helicopters, drones and armored vehicles. That's all moving toward Ukraine. And it has to arrive fast to help them. The Russians, by the way, their strategy would be to try to box in Ukrainian forces. But do they have enough combat power to do that, enough competence. That's the big question in the coming weeks.
FADEL: Enough competence - I mean, that's a big question because early on, many expected Russia's army to fare much better than it has. It's failed to capture the capital. And despite besieging, bombarding and starving the strategic port city of Mariupol in the southeast, Russian forces still haven't taken the area. What's the latest there?
BOWMAN: Well, you know, once again, as you say, we've seen all over Ukraine just bungling by Russian forces and their commanders there - poorly trained troops, they didn't have enough precision-guided munitions. And a big thing was they failed to attack Mariupol from multiple locations at once, which could have shaken up the defenders. And that's kind of key when you're doing urban warfare. John Spencer is a retired Army officer who focuses on urban warfare. He says a big part of all of this is the fighting spirit of the Ukrainians. Let's listen.
JOHN SPENCER: It's really hard to get a committed and dedicated urban defender out. We have the Ukrainians, who have the will to fight, which the Russians don't.
BOWMAN: And that's important. Urban warfare favors the committed defenders. They - Leila, they know the streets and the buildings, the tunnels that they can use to pop up and shoot. And the more the Russians destroyed buildings in Mariupol, they created rubble, which makes it hard for their armored vehicles to move. And it also creates, interestingly, fortifications for the Ukrainians. Finally, you know, the Russians don't train for urban warfare like the U.S. military, which has these mock cities and villages at its training sites to practice urban warfare. I've been visiting these sites for many years. The Russians just don't do that.
FADEL: So the battle for Mariupol, if you could just remind us why it's so important, why it's so strategic for the Russian war in Ukraine. I mean, they've deployed a lot of troops there.
BOWMAN: No, they have. It's a key port for, you know, one of the reasons. And also, it helps the Russians build a land bridge to Crimea, which they grabbed in 2014, a land bridge from Russia right to Crimea. Now, the Russians sent in 12 battalion tactical groups, each of which number from 800 to 1,000 soldiers, so as many as 12,000 troops. Once Mariupol falls, the Pentagon says most of those troops will head north into the Donbas region for that major battle ahead. But another analyst I spoke with, Fred Kagan of the American Enterprise Institute, says, hey, listen; don't just look at the numbers. Many of these battalions are really weak because of casualties, lost and damage equipment. And again, they're poorly trained conscript forces, who will face a battle-hardened Ukrainian army. Now, if Russia takes Mariupol, it still faces fighting in cities all over the north and east and the south. The Ukrainians are proving to be very, very resilient.
FADEL: NPR Pentagon correspondent Tom Bowman. Thank you, Tom.
BOWMAN: You're welcome. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/pentagon-says-russia-is-still-laying-the-groundwork-for-offensive-in-eastern-ukraine | 2022-05-12T14:58:19Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
As we approach 1 million deaths from COVID-19 in the U.S., we wanted to take a moment to remember someone who died from the virus shortly before vaccines became widely available.
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Dr. J. Randall or Randy Pearce lived in Morristown, Tenn. He was a dentist so beloved, kids actually held their birthday parties at his office.
KIMBERLY PETERSON: He had patients for over 35 years who were extremely dedicated like family and friends for him.
ESTRIN: His daughter, Kimberly Peterson, says he always knew how to make patients feel at ease, and he was always looking for ways to serve others. That's part of why Dr. Pearce got into forensic odontology, the study of using dental records to identify people after death.
PETERSON: His attitude towards that was, again, service - you know, that he was helping to bring closure to families with a pretty tragic situation. So he was very gifted with that as well.
SHAPIRO: When the 9/11 attacks happened, he went to New York to help identify human remains. When he came back, Kimberly says...
PETERSON: He was just very shaken. He hardly spoke.
SHAPIRO: She still vividly remembers how he smelled.
PETERSON: The plastic and the toxic stuff that was up in the air was in his pores and in his skin and in his hair. And it just was this kind of sickening, sweet, odd smell.
ESTRIN: About a year afterwards, he developed a persistent cough. Like many other 9/11 responders, Pearce was diagnosed with COPD from the dust and debris he breathed in from Ground Zero.
SHAPIRO: So when COVID hit, Pearce knew he was vulnerable. He took extra care to follow all the pandemic rules. But on a brief coffee break at work, he contracted the virus. He was hospitalized shortly thereafter.
ESTRIN: On Christmas Day, Kimberly got the call from the hospital that she had been dreading. In full hazmat gear, she and her family visited for a final goodbye.
PETERSON: He was very swollen, full of fluid. It didn't look like my dad. And when I sat down on his bed - and I remember touching his chest, putting my hand on his chest. And it felt like a waterbed.
SHAPIRO: Pearce had refused a ventilator, saying he wanted it to go to someone else who needed it.
PETERSON: He was, in his final moments, thinking of everyone but himself. (Crying) So, yeah, it was pretty powerful.
ESTRIN: During this last visit, Kimberly reflected on the connection they shared. She's technically his stepdaughter, but they became best friends.
PETERSON: One of the last things we said to each other was that we chose each other. You know, that was the good thing - is that we chose to be father and daughter.
SHAPIRO: J. Randall Pierce died on Christmas Day 2020. He was 69 years old.
ESTRIN: If you'd like us to memorialize a loved one you've lost to COVID-19, find us on Twitter at @NPRATC. There's a pinned tweet at the top of the page.
(SOUNDBITE OF KING CREOSOTE'S "A PRAIRIE TALE") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/remembering-beloved-small-town-dentist-dr-j-randall-pearce-who-died-from-covid | 2022-05-12T14:58:25Z |
A recent ad from Gary Black, a Republican Senate candidate in Georgia, opens with a message on the screen: "Imagine what Democrats would do to Herschel Walker if he becomes the Republican nominee."
Meanwhile, a voter settles into their sofa and turns on the TV, which plays a hypothetical Democratic attack ad: "Did you know Herschel's ex-wife accused him of, quote, 'physically abusive and extremely threatening behavior?' " a voice asks. "That she desperately sought a protective order after Walker threatened to kill her?"
Black's ad is attacking Walker for his alleged violence. But the ultimate framing here is about whether he can win and how Democrats will attack him in a general election bid against Sen. Raphael Warnock. Indeed, the ad ends with a lengthy cut of NBC's Chuck Todd saying that Warnock, a Democrat, would be better off running against Walker.
It's emblematic of political calculations in multiple congressional races nationwide in which Republican candidates are accused of past violence and abuse.
The party, voters and candidates themselves are reacting to allegations in different ways
Walker has the endorsements of both former President Donald Trump and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell.
Axios' Jonathan Swan asked McConnell this month about how he did the calculus to endorse Walker despite the abuse accusations.
McConnell responded, "The way I always do: a variety of different considerations. Every candidate has flaws and assets. This candidate has a lot of assets and is very competitive and has a great chance of winning."
Here, too, it came down to electability.
In a December interview, also with Axios, Walker did not deny his ex-wife's allegations. He also has written and spoken openly about his struggle with dissociative identity disorder, saying it has caused him to have periods of time he does not remember.
All of that may soften the allegations against Walker for voters, according to Georgia Republican strategist Jay Williams.
"People are accusing him of stuff he disclosed in his own book," he said. "So, I think everybody knows he's had some struggles with mental health and mental wellness, and I do believe that people are going to probably give him a pass. I don't think that this is activity he's regularly involved with now."
Walker does, however, deny two other women's allegations of threats and harassment, for which he was never arrested or charged. Black's ad highlights these allegations as well.
Williams, the Republican strategist, also noted that Warnock's ex-wife accused him of running over her foot with his car. The Democratic senator denies this, and first responders found no evident injury.
Walker has some advantages, says Williams. One is his status as a University of Georgia football hero and NFL star.
Simple partisanship is an advantage for candidates facing ugly allegations
"Literally, you could put two potted plants against each other," Williams said. "One of them could be a potted plant against Warnock, or Warnock could be a potted plant against Herschel. Democrats are going to vote for whoever is in that spot, and Republicans are going to vote for whoever is in their spot."
Not all candidates stick around after being accused of ugly behavior. Sean Parnell was endorsed by Trump in Pennsylvania's U.S. Senate race, but Parnell dropped out after he lost a custody battle in which his ex-wife accused him of abusing her and their children. Parnell denied the accusations.
Meanwhile, Senate candidate Eric Greitens of Missouri is pushing forward in his race for the seat currently held by retiring GOP Sen. Roy Blunt. Greitens' ex-wife recently alleged that he abused both her and their children.
That's on top of past allegations that he blackmailed a woman with whom he had an affair. Those allegations ended his governorship.
Axios' Swan also asked McConnell about Greitens.
"This is a man accused of tying a woman up, blindfolding her, taking nude photographs of her for the purposes of blackmail, then coercing her into sexual acts," Swan said. "Do you think he's electable?"
"I think the voters in the Missouri primary would take all of that into account," McConnell responded.
The party is clearly split on how to respond. Sen. Josh Hawley, R-Mo., has called on Greitens to drop out: "If you hit a woman or a child, you belong in handcuffs, not the United States Senate."
A candidate may defiantly run against abuse allegations
Greitens, for his part, has tied the accusations into his self-portrayal as an anti-establishment Republican.
He took on a sort of Trumpian defiance in a March video, claiming that the accusations are part of a conspiracy by McConnell and Karl Rove, a former adviser to President George W. Bush:
"We are no longer going to allow you not just to attack me and attack my kids, but to destroy this country, and that's what you're doing. You're making life hard for millions of families around this country by cooperating with the left, by stabbing President Trump in the back, by stabbing the people of America in the back, and we're not going to stand for it anymore."
I want to tell you directly, Karl Rove and Mitch McConnell. Hear me now. You are disgusting cowards. And we are coming for you. I will no longer allow you to attack me and attack my kids and to destroy this country. pic.twitter.com/27DAL6NJyX
— Eric Greitens (@EricGreitens) March 25, 2022
Recent polling suggests that the accusations have eliminated Greitens' lead but that he nevertheless remains competitive in Missouri's Republican primary.
One other candidate accused of abuse is former Trump aide Max Miller, running in Ohio for an open U.S. House seat. Miller is accused of abusing ex-girlfriend Stephanie Grisham — another former Trump aide — including pushing her against a wall and slapping her. He denies this and has filed suit against Grisham for defamation.
Either way, Miller still has a good chance of winning, says David B. Cohen, a professor at the Bliss Institute of Applied Politics at the University of Akron.
"As the district is currently drawn, it's a plus-14 Republican district," he said. "So I think that the accusations against Miller from Stephanie Grisham, I just — I don't think any of it's going to make an impact on whether he wins the race."
Given that voters, party leaders and candidates themselves have responded differently to different allegations of abuse, there's no unified theory of how those accusations affect a Republican campaign — except, perhaps, this summation from Cohen: "What was once unacceptable and a career killer in politics is not necessarily a career killer anymore."
To Cohen, that's far more true for Republicans than for Democrats. As he put it, "If there was no difference [between] the Democratic and Republican party, Al Franken would still be a senator."
And to Cohen, it all ties back to Trump, a man accused of many instances of sexual misconduct and abuse, all of which he denies.
"I kind of think of it as the pre-Access Hollywood world and the post-Access Hollywood world," he said. "Anybody with a pulse that was following politics in 2016 thought that the Access Hollywood tape would sink Donald Trump's candidacy. Trump proved that you could win even with legitimate serious questions about a candidate's moral character and with legitimate accusations of sexual assault."
For Trump, winning is everything, and arguments like the one in the Gary Black ad, linking abuse allegations to electability, are a sign that he's not alone.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/republicans-confront-or-sidestep-abuse-accusations-against-midterm-candidates | 2022-05-12T14:58:32Z |
Kharkiv in eastern Ukraine serves as the center of the Ukrainian book industry, and when Russia began raining bombs down on the city in February, many of its scrappy publishers were forced to pull up stakes and flee.
But Galina Padalko is confident that they will return. Too much is at stake to stay away.
"We have one dream, to return to Kharkiv and continue our work in our hometown. And of course we all know that we will win. In our books, good always triumphs over evil," says Padalko, chief communications officer at Vivat Publishing House.
The book business has played a role in the clash between Ukraine and its larger neighbor to the north over the last decade. For many years, big Russian companies such as Eksmo dominated the publishing business in Ukraine, and Ukrainian writing was considered something of an afterthought.
British writer and translator Steve Komarnyckyj remembers visiting Ukraine during the Soviet era, and searching in vain for Ukrainian books to read.
"I went into a bookshop," he recalls, "and there was a cordoned off shelf with the words, 'Ukrainian literature,' and the shelf was empty. I went up to the guy behind the checkout and said, 'Where's the Ukrainian books?' And he looked at me like he was baffled."
But the 2013 invasion of Crimea unleashed a flood of Ukrainian writing, much of it dark and very political, according to writer Andriy Kurkov, who spoke at a recent forum sponsored by PEN America.
It also prompted a backlash against Russian publishers, who were accused of putting out books that amounted to little more than pro-Kremlin propaganda. Russian writers such as Alexander Dugin and Eduard Liminov routinely sought to undermine the country's sovereignty, says Iryna Baturevych, formerly with the Ukrainian Book Institute, a government agency.
"They wrote that Ukraine is full of Nazis. They wrote that Ukraine doesn't serve to be a separate country. It was really horrible," she says.
In 2017, Ukraine barred the "unauthorized distribution" of books from Russia and required anyone importing books from the country to obtain a permit. Certain writers and publishing companies were banned altogether.
While the ban was criticized by some human rights groups as censorship, the sidelining of Russian companies enabled Ukrainian publishers to flourish. The number of books published by Ukrainian companies rose by around half between 2016 and 2019, says Baturevych.
"I was really bowled over with the quality of the work, the high production values, really interesting and quite different fiction and non-fiction. It was just really exciting," says literary agent Emma Shercliff, who prepared a report on Ukraine for the British Council.
But the industry has suffered mightily since then. Many books in Ukraine are sold through book shops and supermarkets, and retail sales plummeted due to the Covid pandemic.
The war has greatly aggravated the industry's problems, closing retail outlets and disrupting supply chains, says Artem Litvinets, chief business development officer at Vivat.
"We have zero cash flow and the main difficulty is money," he says.
"We are not sure [about] our future. We are not sure about our ability to work tomorrow, because there is no safe place in Ukraine," adds Padalko. Her own street in Kharkiv has been bombed, and she is now working remotely from her hometown in western Ukraine.
Despite its financial challenges, Vivat is giving away digital copies of its books to readers. At a time when Russia is churning out propaganda about the war, it's more important than ever that Ukraine's writers be heard, the company's employees say.
Ukraine has called for a boycott of some Russian books and publishers, and the call has generated considerable support abroad. Some foreign publishers have canceled or not renewed contracts with Russian companies, and writers such as Stephen King and Neil Gaiman have been vocal critics of Russia.
King has said he will no longer allow his books to be published in Russia, where he's highly popular, and recently tweeted a photo of himself wearing a pro-Ukraine shirt.
Last month, the Bologna Children's Book Fair, one of the industry's biggest events, barred companies linked to the Kremlin from attending and sponsored a special exhibit of Ukrainian books.
While independent publishers were allowed to attend, all but a few stayed away, and the show's director, Elena Pasoli, thinks she knows why. Many in the Russian publishing business oppose the war, but fear speaking out.
"I think they were not feeling comfortable [about] what their government was doing, and they didn't simply feel like meeting with the international community, and I totally understand that," Pasoli says.
In March, Evgeny Kapyev, general director of Russia's Eksmo, appealed to the world to rethink the boycott, arguing that most Russian publishing companies are not connected to the government. Books, he argued, should be about more than making profits. They have the power to help further understanding among people.
The argument has pretty much fallen on deaf ears.
Prominent Ukrainian literary critic Tamara Hundorova opposed the book ban imposed by her government about five year ago. But since the invasion, her outlook has changed, she says.
Ukrainians have bought millions of books published by Russian companies over the years, and some part of the proceeds ends up in the Kremlin's coffers.
"This money supports the Russian army, and bombings, and tanks that kill Ukrainian citizens," she says.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/russian-invasion-upends-young-flourishing-ukrainian-publishing-industry | 2022-05-12T14:58:33Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Russian officials now say they've begun a new phase of their invasion of Ukraine, and Ukrainian officials are reporting fierce clashes across a wide front in their country's east and south. NPR's Brian Mann is in the southern city of Odesa. Hi, Brian.
BRIAN MANN, BYLINE: Hi, Ari.
SHAPIRO: We had been hearing for days now that a major Russian offensive was coming. Is this it?
MANN: Yeah, things are intensifying, with a lot more violence across the country. Russia's foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, gave an interview where he said a new stage of this operation is beginning. He described this as a very important moment.
But it's not actually clear, Ari, that the Russians have launched their big push yet. A senior U.S. defense official told NPR today this still appears to be the prelude, kind of a strategic ramp-up that might lead to an even larger offensive. This is a moment though when there is significant fighting underway over hundreds of kilometers, involving tanks, artillery, soldiers. A spokesman for the Ukrainian military, Colonel Oleksandr Motuzyanyk, described the situation through an interpreter this afternoon.
OLEKSANDR MOTUZYANYK: (Through interpreter) We see intensification of offensive actions of the Russian army along the whole frontline in the east of Ukraine.
MANN: So a dangerous moment. Ukrainian officials said today they also expect bombing to continue across much of the country.
SHAPIRO: And what impact is this having on Ukrainians in those cities that are being hit?
MANN: Ukrainian officials say they're holding the line. We're not seeing Russians break through anywhere, though a Ukrainian official has confirmed one town - Kreminna, in eastern Ukraine - has been seized by Russian troops. The Russians are also just causing a lot of havoc, Ari, with these strikes.
I spoke this afternoon with Dmytro Pletenchuk. He's a military officer I met a few days ago when I visited Mykolaiv. That's a city near the front lines here in the south - a city that was shelled again heavily last night.
DMYTRO PLETENCHUK: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: He told me they hit electricity lines and other infrastructure in Mykolaiv. He believes Russians are trying to create a humanitarian crisis in these cities that will then bog down and distract the Ukrainian army. He also told me officials believe as many as half of the people in Mykolaiv are still in the city. If that's accurate, that's roughly a quarter-million people living there without water or reliable electricity with those Russian troops fighting just 20 miles away.
SHAPIRO: What are those civilians supposed to do now?
MANN: Yeah. Some people we spoke to in Mykolaiv say they plan to hunker down and shelter in place, try to ride this out. Obviously, that's a very, very dangerous thing to do. Some people are now trying to get out.
My colleague Tim Mak spoke yesterday with Sergei Protsenko. He's a restaurant owner who fled the city of Kherson with his family when fighting broke out there.
SERGEI PROTSENKO: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: He told NPR that as he moved through Russian-occupied territory, Russian soldiers forced him out of his vehicle and made him strip to show that he didn't have any Ukrainian military tattoos. After that, they did let him and his family go. He said it felt sort of magical when they made it safely to the first Ukrainian checkpoint. But as this invasion pushes forward, a lot of civilians in these cities won't be so lucky.
SHAPIRO: More than 10 million people have already been displaced by this war. As you say, a lot of people are not fleeing. Why not?
MANN: It's a question we've asked over and over, Ari. You know, why do people stay when the war is so close? A lot of them are elderly or have disabilities, or they say they're too poor to leave. Others have businesses and homes. You know, their whole lives are in these places. So they're confronted with these terrifying choices. They can join that massive wave of refugees and displaced people, or they can try to survive in their communities, in their homes, where things, yes, are dangerous, but they also feel familiar.
SHAPIRO: Ukraine is such a large country. You are in Odesa, where there's not violence right now. What is the mood there?
MANN: You know, Ukrainians we've been talking to today, they're obviously watching this escalation with a lot of horror. They're terrified for their sons and their husbands who are dug in fighting against the Russians. But morale is really high. You know, people I talk to say over and over they think they can stop Russia.
There is some reason for optimism. You know, Ukraine's army did stop the Russians once. But military experts I've spoken to over the last week say this phase of the war is going to be a much harder test for this country and for Ukraine's military.
SHAPIRO: That's NPR's Brian Mann in Odesa, Ukraine. Thank you.
MANN: Thank you, Ari. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/russian-officials-have-said-a-major-offensive-is-coming | 2022-05-12T14:58:39Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Good morning. I'm Leila Fadel. Actor Brett Goldstein is no stranger to F-words. On the show "Ted Lasso," he plays Roy Kent, a kind but crotchety British footballer with an exceptionally foul mouth. So when he taped an upcoming episode of "Sesame Street," they played to that.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "SESAME STREET")
TAU BENNETT: (As Tamir) Oh, oh, today's word begins with the letter F.
BRETT GOLDSTEIN: Oh, I love the letter F.
FADEL: The word was fairness. If you were hoping to hear him say another F-word, you'll have to wait for "Ted Lasso," Season 3. It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/sesame-street-asks-ted-lasso-actor-to-talk-about-an-f-word | 2022-05-12T14:58:45Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
The debate over removing Confederate memorials from the public square has been part of the national conversation for a decade or more. Now two social justice groups are putting up new interactive monuments to try to provoke racial reckoning. NPR's Debbie Elliott reports.
DEBBIE ELLIOTT, BYLINE: More than a million people have visited the National Memorial for Peace and Justice in Montgomery, Ala., since it opened four years ago. It's a project of the Equal Justice Initiative that remembers thousands of lynching victims. Their names are etched on 800 steel blocks, one for each U.S. county where racial killings occurred. The monuments hang from an open-air pavilion on a hilltop overlooking the Montgomery skyline.
(SOUNDBITE OF PARK AMBIENCE)
ELLIOTT: Now director Bryan Stevenson is expanding the memorial.
BRYAN STEVENSON: We call this new section Community Reckoning because it's the way in which communities are asking localities to kind of reckon with this history.
ELLIOTT: Lynching violence was local, Stevenson says. Here, visitors can learn more about some of those killings. Detailed stories appear on historical markers that look like the ones you might see along a highway. They are duplicates of ones that local groups have erected around the country, based on research from the initiative.
STEVENSON: This one is in Brighton, Ala. It's about a Black man who was lynched for trying to organize Black workers to get better pay. And as we...
ELLIOTT: There are markers from Orlando, Denver and Tulsa. The new exhibit also includes a sculpture by the artist Branly Cadet called "Arise." It shows community activists. One is speaking into a bullhorn; others appear in prayer or reflection. Stevenson says the models for the piece were all descendants of lynching victims.
STEVENSON: They represent the work that people in communities are doing each and every day to get their locality to reckon with the history of violence that took place.
ELLIOTT: According to the Equal Justice Initiative, more than 300 community coalitions have put lynching markers in 20 states. But Stevenson says the effort has not been embraced everywhere.
STEVENSON: It's been harder in some communities than others. But I think that's just the nature of trying to respond to a 400-year history of silence. And so I'm not even surprised by the resistance. And you see this new - some of these new efforts to try to ban the teaching of history. But I think that's always been the reaction to progress.
ELLIOTT: He points to the emergence of Jim Crow laws after Reconstruction and the violent resistance to the civil rights movement. Activists say the country is at an inflection point again, as more people find their voices after the racial justice protests of 2020.
(SOUNDBITE OF DRUMMING)
ELLIOTT: Another monument is newly on display in Montgomery, also aimed at advancing the social justice conversation. It's a sculpture called "Blank Slate" by the Ghanian artist Kwame Akoto-Bamfo.
(APPLAUSE)
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #1: Oh, my God, I can't believe this is happening now.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON #2: OK, so go ahead and engage with the sign.
ELLIOTT: Four figures are stacked to represent the historical suffering of African Americans. An enslaved man in shackles is at the base, supporting a Black Union soldier, a noose around his neck. Above him is a woman with a baby on her back. She carries a beacon and holds up an interactive sign that receives messages via a Wi-Fi signal.
MORRIS SINCLAIR: She's holding a blank slate, which means that you can write whatever you want to write on the sign.
ELLIOTT: That's Morris Sinclair with the Blank Slate Movement. He says it embodies resilience.
SINCLAIR: It's like almost as if the civil rights movement has just begun again with the new generation.
MICHELE BROWDER: I'm energized by it.
ELLIOTT: Michele Browder leads civil rights tours in Montgomery.
BROWDER: To see this woman with a baby on her back, holding a lantern, lighting the way, to, you know, the continuation of this movement to let us be free.
ELLIOTT: The "Blank Slate Monument" is touring the country and will be in Montgomery for three months at the Southern Poverty Law Center's Civil Rights Memorial Center. The memorial center's director, Tafeni English, says this sculpture comes as a counternarrative to Confederate monuments and as a response to new state bans on critical race theory instruction and the teaching of what some politicians consider divisive concepts.
TAFENI ENGLISH: How is it that you want to hold on to one segment of history and silence the other?
ELLIOTT: Montgomery bills itself as both the cradle of the Confederacy and the birthplace of the civil rights movement, and there's rich history around nearly every corner. But it's taken decades for sites associated with the slave trade, for instance, to get equal attention to those that glorify the Old South. Now they do.
Debbie Elliott, NPR News, Montgomery, Ala. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/social-justice-groups-monuments-are-a-counternarrative-to-confederate-memorials | 2022-05-12T14:58:52Z |
The U.S. Department of Education says it will retroactively help millions of federal student loan borrowers who have been hurt and held back by its troubled income-driven repayment (IDR) plans, calling the plans' longstanding flaws and mismanagement "inexcusable."
Tuesday's announcement comes after years of complaints and lawsuits and, most recently, an NPR investigation that revealed that these IDR plans, which promise affordable monthly payments as low as $0 and loan forgiveness after 20-25 years, have been badly mismanaged by the department and the loan servicing companies it employs.
"Today, the Department of Education will begin to remedy years of administrative failures that effectively denied the promise of loan forgiveness to certain borrowers enrolled in IDR plans," U.S. Education Secretary Miguel Cardona said in a statement.
The department estimates that the changes will result in immediate debt cancellation for at least 40,000 borrowers who will now qualify for Public Service Loan Forgiveness. In addition, several thousand borrowers will now qualify for debt cancellation under IDR.
This follows a 2021 revelation that, at the time, 4.4 million borrowers had been repaying their loans for at least 20 years but only 32 had had debts canceled under IDR.
As a result of Tuesday's news, millions more borrowers will also receive months and, in some cases, years of new credit toward eventual cancellation.
Here's what the department is committing to do:
Borrowers with long-term forbearances will get credit toward debt cancellation
The department and its office of Federal Student Aid (FSA) pledge to conduct a "one-time account adjustment" to give borrowers credit for time spent in what it considers unjustifiably long forbearances: more than 12 consecutive months or more than 36 cumulative months.
Forbearance allows borrowers in financial trouble to pause their payments, but interest continues to accrue and capitalize, meaning the interest itself ends up accruing interest. Income-driven repayment plans can offer the same, or nearly the same, reprieve from high monthly payments, and, unlike forbearance, they give borrowers a path toward loan cancellation.
After July 2009 when IDR plans became widely available, forbearance should have been loan servicers' tool of last resort for distressed borrowers. Instead, the department says, a new review found that servicers' use of long-term forbearance was "remarkably widespread."
According to the department, between July 2009 and March 2020, more than 13% of all Direct Loan borrowers were in forbearance for at least 36 months, suggesting "loan servicers placed borrowers into forbearance in violation of Department rules, even when their monthly payment under an IDR plan could have been as low as zero dollars." The department generally limits forbearance to 12 consecutive months or three years total, after which payments should resume.
The department's remedy means that borrowers will be given credit toward loan cancellation for some of these long-term forbearances. For example, a borrower who spent 16 consecutive months in forbearance would be given credit for 16 qualifying payments toward cancellation.
The department estimates that 3.6 million borrowers will receive at least three years of new credit toward cancellation. Many more borrowers will benefit but receive less than that.
The plan excludes one prominent group of borrowers: those who spent less than 12 consecutive months and less than 36 cumulative months in forbearance, though it does promise an "account review" for those who choose to file a complaint with FSA's ombudsman.
Inaccuracies in how qualifying payments were counted will be corrected
NPR reporting earlier this month revealed pervasive inaccuracies in loan servicers' counts of borrowers' qualifying IDR payments, which the department now acknowledges and pledges to address with a one-time revision of past payments.
"Any months in which borrowers made payments will count toward IDR, regardless of repayment plan," the department's release says. "Payments made prior to consolidation on consolidated loans will also count. This fix is necessary to correct for data problems and past implementation inaccuracies."
After acquiring internal department documents, NPR found a litany of irregularities in how loan servicers were counting — or failing to count — qualifying IDR payments, thereby delaying borrowers' progress toward forgiveness. For example, $0 monthly payments were not being adequately tracked, potentially hurting the lowest-income borrowers. Also, borrowers appeared to erroneously lose credit for previous progress made toward IDR after emerging from default.
Improving the way borrowers' progress toward loan cancellation gets tracked
The department is offering two remedies for another serious problem highlighted in NPR's recent investigation — that loan servicers weren't uniformly tracking borrowers' progress toward loan cancellation, and some weren't tracking their progress at all.
FSA now says it will issue new guidance to servicers to make sure the companies' records are accurate and uniform. Perhaps more importantly, the department says in 2023 it will begin tracking IDR payments on its own system and displaying borrowers' progress at StudentAid.gov.
These changes will happen automatically — but it may take awhile
The department says it will make these adjustments to borrower records automatically, but first it will need to upgrade its antiquated National Student Loan Data System (NSLDS). As such, loan cancellations won't officially begin until fall of this year.
The overhaul comes amid mounting political pressure
The department unveiled its overhaul plans amid mounting pressure from lawmakers.
On Monday, citing NPR's reporting, the chairs of both House and Senate education committees, Rep. Bobby Scott, D-Va., and Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., urged Education Secretary Miguel Cardona in a letter to "provide immediate relief and undo past harms."
"Borrowers have for too long, lived with ballooning debts and the false promise of loan forgiveness after 20 or 25 years in income-driven repayment," the letter said. "Payments must be corrected retroactively in order to provide relief to borrowers who have already been harmed by this broken safety net."
While the department's proposal addresses some of Scott's and Murray's demands, it falls short in at least one area. The top Democrats implored the department to retroactively give borrowers credit toward loan cancellation for all past periods of forbearance, not just long-term pauses.
In a statement, Scott said "today's announcement means that borrowers in Income-Driven Repayment will finally have reliable access to the loan forgiveness that they were promised and have been working toward... However, while the Department has taken a significant step to support borrowers, we know we must do more to fix our broken student loan system, including the Income-Driven Repayment program."
Last week, leading Senate Democrats, Sen. Sherrod Brown of Ohio, Sen. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts and Sen. Dick Durbin of Illinois, also sent a letter to Consumer Financial Protection Bureau Director Rohit Chopra, calling for his agency to investigate and "use all of its authorities to ensure borrowers are accessing IDR program benefits and receive the student loan forgiveness they have earned."
The department's announcement also comes not long before the U.S. Government Accountability Office is expected to release the results of its own investigation into IDR's failures.
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Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/student-loan-borrowers-will-get-help-after-an-npr-report-and-years-of-complaints | 2022-05-12T14:58:53Z |
AILSA CHANG, HOST:
Well, that didn't take long.
(SOUNDBITE OF MONTAGE)
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #1: Good morning, America. The major mask reversal...
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #2: The federal mask mandate for travelers is over.
UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #3: ...As masks come off on planes, trains, airports...
CHANG: By Tuesday morning, less than 24 hours after a federal judge struck down the CDC's mask mandate for public transportation, videos like this one appeared on social media.
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UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: ...That the Transportation Security Administration will no longer enforce the federal mandate requiring masks in all U.S. airports and on foreign aircraft.
(CHEERING AND APPLAUSE)
CHANG: That's a crew member on a flight announcing the change to applause.
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UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #4: The nation's largest airlines dropped their mask requirements just hours after a federal judge ruled the CDC had overstepped its legal authority.
CHANG: That judge was appointed by former President Trump. Her decision cleared the way for masks to come off elsewhere too.
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UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER #5: Rideshare company Uber announcing overnight it is dropping mask mandates for drivers and riders...
CHANG: Airlines and ride-hailing companies seem pretty happy to dispense with the mandates as quickly as possible. After all, the FAA received nearly 6,000 reports of unruly airline passenger incidents last year, an all-time high. And more than 70% of those incidents were caused by mask conflicts.
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JEN PSAKI: So this is obviously a disappointing decision.
CHANG: That was White House press secretary Jen Psaki on Monday reminding everyone that the mask mandate had been set to expire this week anyway. That was, of course, before the CDC sought to extend the mandate by two weeks in the face of the BA.2 subvariant.
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
And then tonight, we have breaking news on the administration's next move. And we're joined by NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith with the latest. Tam, tell us what's going on.
TAMARA KEITH, BYLINE: Well, the Department of Justice says it disagrees with the judge's ruling and says it is ready to appeal the decision if the CDC says that the mask mandate should continue to stay in place for public safety, public health. So this is not an immediate appeal. And as a reminder, the mask mandate for planes and public transportation was set to expire yesterday, but then the CDC said it needed an additional two weeks to study that BA.2 subvariant of omicron that is sending case numbers up to see if this current increase is turning into something more serious. So the judge's ruling then threw out the mandate before that review could take place.
So the Justice Department says that it's important to maintain CDC's authority to protect public health. And they are waiting, though, for CDC to determine if the mandate is really necessary for public health. That's an indication that they want to be on solid legal footing and public health footing because there's risk that an adverse ruling on appeal would set precedent that could seriously limit the ability of CDC to enact public health measures in the future.
SHAPIRO: Right. But in the meantime, where does that leave the administration, given that the mask mandate has basically melted away in the last 24 hours?
KEITH: Yeah, every few minutes we're hearing of some new transit system that's getting rid of mask mandates. You know, it isn't clear how long this CDC review will take. But in the meantime, the White House is encouraging people to wear masks. And on the one airplane where they still have control, Air Force One, the White House did ask everyone today to continue to mask up. President Biden was asked earlier today whether people should continue to wear masks on planes, and he said, quote, "that's up to them."
SHAPIRO: Hmm.
KEITH: Yeah.
SHAPIRO: Well, politically, what does this mean for the president?
KEITH: You know, for the administration, there is a concern that letting this precedent stand - letting this decision stand, could set precedent. But there's also concern about making sure that they're on solid ground. You know, the president, the White House, as they have tried to move into the next phase of the pandemic, this phase where we all figure out how to live with the virus, President Biden has taken a lot of heat from progressives in his own party who are concerned that he is putting politics ahead of public health.
SHAPIRO: Yeah, and let's dig into the politics because as we heard, there were videos of people celebrating on planes. To what extent does that actually reflect public opinion? Was the mask mandate that unpopular?
KEITH: Well, like everything with this pandemic, it's polarized. Democrats are overwhelmingly in favor of the mandate continuing. Republicans are overwhelmingly opposed. A Kaiser Family Foundation poll out earlier this month showed 51% - so that's a narrow majority - thought that the mandate should be allowed to expire, while 48% said it should continue.
This also makes the politics for the White House sort of a no-win situation. Liberals are upset that they're not being aggressive enough. Meanwhile, the administration gets no credit from independents and conservatives for lifting the mandate because it came from a judicial ruling.
SHAPIRO: I mean, bottom line, if this appeal does go forward, even so, is there any going back to universal masking?
KEITH: Yeah. Even before this decision, the mask requirement was sort of hanging on by a thread, with many passengers on public transit barely complying. I spoke with Zeke Emanuel, a professor of health care management who is in regular touch with the White House.
ZEKE EMANUEL: It is a problematic time because it does appear that two years is the sort of limit of people's willingness to impose burdens on themselves for public health measures. So I think, you know, we've obviously hit that wall.
KEITH: And it's hard to imagine a scenario where universal masking returns.
SHAPIRO: NPR's Tamara Keith. Thank you.
KEITH: You're welcome.
CHANG: OK. As we just heard from Tam, the administration is treading pretty carefully here since another court ruling against them could affect the CDC's ability to enact public health measures for years to come. And for more on that possibility and what traveling Americans should do in the meantime to protect themselves right now, let's bring in Selena Simmons-Duffin and Maria Godoy of NPR's Science Desk to talk about both the science and the policy at the center of all of this. Hey to both of you.
SELENA SIMMONS-DUFFIN, BYLINE: Hi, Ailsa.
MARIA GODOY, BYLINE: Hi.
CHANG: So Maria, I want to start with you because, as we heard earlier, airlines, you know, even in the middle of flights, were making announcements to people saying they no longer had to wear masks. And I'll be getting on a plane this week. I'm just wondering - what is the risk right now of being exposed for those of us who are traveling on public transportation?
GODOY: Well, let's start by talking about air travel because airplanes themselves have really good air filtration systems when they're in flight, but the ventilation isn't so great on those tightly packed tunnels you use to get on the plane. And the same goes for when you're sitting on the tarmac. I've seen aerosols experts post photos on Twitter of their own air travels. They're using carbon dioxide monitors to show just how poor the ventilation can be on a plane just before takeoff. The good news is that once you're in the air, that filtration system is on.
Dr. Edward Nardell is an expert in airborne disease transmission at Harvard. He says the air on airplanes is compartmentalized in such a way that you're really just sharing air with people in the few rows around you, not the whole plane.
EDWARD NARDELL: If you're immediately next to somebody who is highly infectious, your best protection is a mask - and a tight-fitting one at that - rather than depending on the ventilation.
GODOY: In other words, airplane air can be good, but he's going to keep wearing a tight-fitting mask when he travels. That means a respirator mask, like an N95, KN95 or KF94.
CHANG: OK. Well, what about travel on, say, like, buses or ride-sharing services like Uber or Lyft?
GODOY: Well, Nardell says research prior to the pandemic found ventilation on buses can be pretty bad in some cases. That's not always true. It depends on the bus. But certainly, crowding doesn't help. Opening windows can help, but that's not always possible on a bus. So he strongly suggests you keep wearing a mask in that situation. As for ride-sharing services, as you mentioned earlier, Uber said today it will no longer require drivers or passengers to mask up on rides.
CHANG: Right. OK, well, you know, one argument among people who wanted this requirement to be gone is that, you know, they were saying, people who are vulnerable or worried can just wear their own mask themselves. Can you just explain for us why that is not equivalent to everyone wearing masks on public transit?
GODOY: Well, look, we know one-way masking is highly protective. But I can't stress this enough - you need to be wearing a respirator. I'm not talking about cloth masks, which really don't do much against omicron. Surgical masks are a step up. But really, if you want to be protected, you need a respirator. Respirators can't completely eliminate the risk of getting infected, but they make a big difference. And you protect yourself further by getting vaccinated and boosted. With omicron, the evidence shows you really need that third shot.
CHANG: Absolutely.
GODOY: But yeah, I mean, protection would be more if everyone were wearing a mask.
CHANG: Well, Selena, I know that you have been talking to some public health and legal experts who are looking at this ruling, and they're saying this ruling's kind of just sort of pretty out there. Why is that?
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: Well, as you mentioned, the judge in this case was confirmed and nominated by President Trump. This was all very recent. And she was given a rating of unqualified by the American Bar Association when she was nominated because of, quote, "the short time she has actually practiced law and her lack of meaningful trial experience." So the health law experts I've talked with say her opinion in this case is just very poorly reasoned. Erin Fuse Brown, who teaches law at Georgia State University, told me it reads like one of her first-year law students' final exam.
ERIN FUSE BROWN: It reads like someone who had decided the case and then tried to dress it up as legal reasoning without actually doing the legal reasoning.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: So as an example, Fuse Brown told me sanitation is a public health term that broadly means taking steps to prevent the spread of a disease. But in this opinion, Judge Kimball Mizelle interpreted the word sanitation to just mean physically cleaning.
FUSE BROWN: She says, given that sanitation means to clean something, to destroy disease particles, then CDC can't just ask people to wear masks because it doesn't literally destroy the virus to pass it through a mask. It just seemed crazy to me to read the statute that way.
CHANG: So where does all of this leave the CDC in future outbreaks, like the ongoing BA.2?
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: In the short term, Fuse Brown told me this really ties the agency's hands. And she says it raises its own questions of who should have power over public health rules.
FUSE BROWN: Even if we're skeptical about agencies, or even about Congress' ability to make good judgments in this time, we certainly do not want these decisions to be in the hands of a single unelected judge.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: She says the judge didn't open any doors for CDC to come back and change the mask requirement, she just declared it vacated and unlawful, period.
CHANG: All right. That is NPR's Selena Simmons-Duffin and Maria Godoy. Thank you to both of you so much.
SIMMONS-DUFFIN: Thank you.
GODOY: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/the-cdcs-mask-mandate-for-public-transportation-has-been-reversed | 2022-05-12T14:58:59Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Today, the Biden administration opened a new center billed as the equivalent of the National Weather Service, but for disease outbreaks. NPR health correspondent Rob Stein has the story.
ROB STEIN, BYLINE: Throughout the pandemic, the coronavirus has repeatedly blindsided the nation, as dangerous new variants suddenly erupted like hurricanes that seemed to come out of nowhere or tsunamis no one saw coming. So the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has created the Center for Forecasting and Outbreak Analytics to try to prevent that from ever happening again. Here's CDC director Rochelle Walensky.
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ROCHELLE WALENSKY: Early on, the center will determine the outbreak risk and its potential to reach epidemic status.
STEIN: Just like the Weather Service can spot nor'easters and tornadoes early and issue alerts to close schools, mobilize plows and make sure people take cover. Here's Dylan George, who's running the new center.
DYLAN GEORGE: We would try to influence decisions as big as making a new vaccine all the way down to as targeted and individual as - should I go to the movie theater right now, and is it too high a risk for me? So that's the kind of vision that we're moving forward in using this analogy for the National Weather Service.
STEIN: But officials acknowledge that there's a long way to go to make this a reality. First of all, the CDC has to figure out how to gather all the data it needs, and some worry the $200 million funding the center is far from enough. Bruce Gellin is at the Rockefeller Foundation's Pandemic Prevention Institute.
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BRUCE GELLIN: To be truly successful, we need global collaboration to ensure we are able to see signals all around the world. Only with a truly global system will we see a pandemic-free future.
STEIN: So the dream of making pandemics as predictable as the weather may take some time to come true.
Rob Stein, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/the-cdcs-new-forecasting-center-aims-to-predict-pandemics-just-like-the-weather | 2022-05-12T14:59:06Z |
As ABC's groundbreaking sitcom Black-ish leaves the air tonight — after eight seasons, 174 episodes, two spin offs and a raft of Emmy and Golden Globe nominations – it's easy to bask in the glow of a venerated series taking one last victory lap.
But this milestone also brings to mind an incident I witnessed during the show's early days, when people who might normally champion the series still weren't quite sure what to make of its bold, irreverent examinations of culture and race.
Black-ish helped rewrite the rules for how TV comedies talked about race, culture and families of color, daring to walk that tightrope just as some television networks were trying to get serious about showing diversity onscreen.
Back in early 2015, I was seated at a charity event next to venerated White House reporter April D. Ryan, when Black-ish creator Kenya Barris and star Anthony Anderson stopped by her table, asking playfully if she had seen the series yet. She admitted she hadn't – in part — because she wasn't sure what to make of the show's name.
This was something I had heard before from other people of color. They were afraid, without having actually seen the show, that the name Black-ish was some white TV producer's awkward joke – a fumbling attempt to look hip by someone who didn't understand Black culture or Black people. ("What kind of ish is this?" more than a few people asked me, back then.)
Barris and Anderson handled the situation well, joking with Ryan while assuring her that the name came from talented Black folks who had created a new kind of TV family. But I could also tell they had heard such trepidation before – not a great sign for a new series struggling to prove it could be a great companion to ABC's hit sitcom Modern Family.
Black-ish helped rewrite the rules for how TV comedies talked about race, culture and families of color; daring to walk that tightrope just as some television networks were trying to get serious about showing diversity onscreen. And it wasn't always an easy path, especially when Black audiences weren't quite sure if they were ready to trust TV producers to get their culture right.
The difference between Black and Black-ish
Anderson's character — put-upon, upper middle class dad Andre "Dre" Johnson – delivered the show's mission statement in 2014, during the very first episode. "Sometimes I worry that in an effort to make it, Black folks have dropped a little bit of their culture and the rest of the world has picked it up," he fretted.
"Justin Timberlake and Robin Thicke are R&B gods. Kim Kardashian is the symbol for big butts. And Asian guys are just unholdable on the dance floor. Come on!"
What Dre was really describing, of course, was a collision of culture that marked the modern moment – a social landscape way different than the terrain navigated by, say, the Huxtables — the popular, upper middle class Black family who deftly reflected respectability politics and avoided such issues on The Cosby Show.
This was a world where Dre's oldest son played field hockey and his oldest daughter thought nothing of her white friends using the n-word. It's also a world where Dre's sneaker collection was better than his sons' and he was constantly worried that his streetwise, too-cool-for-school father would see him as a wealthy sellout.
In other words, it was a place where Blackness wasn't set in stone. The show's characters could display a fuller range of Black attitudes and ideas within one family, because they were all navigating the waves of an increasingly multicultural society in different ways.
Television, particularly on the broadcast networks, often struggled to depict how race can sometimes be the most important thing for a person of color, and at other times, move to the background. In Black-ish, ABC had a sitcom which put that idea in the title.
It was also a network TV-friendly version of the life led by Barris – a former writer for shows like Soul Food and The Game who also developed the unscripted series America's Next Top Model with model Tyra Banks. Like Dre, Barris' wife Rainbow was a biracial anesthesiologist; and like their small screen counterparts, the two are parents who have had their ups and downs as a couple.
Before Black-ish debuted, I had heard about other celebrities of color pitching TV comedies about the pitfalls of raising kids who were more privileged than they were growing up.
Black-ish took that concept further – often showing that Dre's rigid ideas about race and class lines could be downright outmoded in a country that had re-elected its first Black president and imported so much of its pop culture directly from African American life. But just when that vision got too comfortable, the show would take a close look at police brutality or Donald Trump-inspired racism to show how little some things had changed, after all.
By the end of the first episode, Dre had come to terms with his oldest son's wish for a Bar Mitzvah by throwing him a Hip Hop Bro-Mitzvah – based on something Anderson himself did for his son – trying to find a way to acknowledge his Black heritage while allowing him to reach for something new.
And, of course, no one misunderstood what the show was aiming for as badly as the guy who would get elected president after Barack Obama, Donald Trump, who tweeted in October 2014: "How is ABC Television allowed to have a show entitled "Blackish"? Can you imagine the furor of a show, "Whiteish"! Racism at highest level?"
Just trying to figure how that made sense to him still makes my brain hurt.
Taking big swings to make major points
One of the most entertaining things about Black-ish was the way the show could take big swings to chase a concept.
In the second season, the show tackled the n-word, when youngest son Jack (Miles Brown) said the epithet while performing a Kanye West song at a school assembly. His earnest mistake kicked off an episode-long discussion that ranged from Dre consulting his knuckleheaded co-workers about rules for using the word to a showdown with the school board that emphasized how Black folks need space to decide for themselves how to handle such an incendiary term.
There was "Good-ish Times," the episode formatted as a homage to the classic '70s sitcom Good Times (Dre has a dream where they're all characters on the show). For its 100th episode, "Purple Rain" offered a half-hour tribute to Prince, featuring the family dressed as different iterations of the Purple One after the youngest kids admitted they didn't know who he was. "Hope" featured the family talking about police brutality while watching news coverage of an officer accused of assaulting a young, unarmed Black man.
All of this was supported by an ace cast, including Tracee Ellis Ross as Rainbow, Yara Shahidi (now on the spinoff series Grown-ish) as their oldest daughter Zoey, Marcus Scribner's brilliant blerdisms as Andre Junior, with Laurence Fishburne and Jenifer Lewis as Dre's cantankerous parents. My special shoutout is reserved for the youngest actors playing Johnsons, Miles Brown as Jack and Marsai Martin as Diane – their cute-yet-savvy performances elevated the show from its earliest days.
Didn't hurt that they had hall-of-fame-level performers in supporting and recurring roles too, including Deon Cole, Wanda Sykes, Anna Deavere Smith, Daveed Diggs, Rashida Jones and Beau Bridges.
Tough as it is to remember now, Black-ish came along where there still weren't many series on network TV focused on families of color. It was part of a small insurgency developed by then-ABC president Paul Lee that included another groundbreaking series, the Asian-American-centered Fresh Off the Boat, aimed at reflecting the nation's diversity in a way the networks hadn't managed yet.
Black-ish hasn't always hit the mark. Its multiple-episode arc centered on the splintering of Dre and Rainbow's marriage felt particularly off; their brutal fights seemed more like an excuse to stretch the stars' acting chops than anything else. Spinoffs like Grown-ish on Freeform and ABC's short-lived flashback to Rainbow's childhood, Mixed-ish, somehow never gained the same momentum as the mothership show.
And when audiences in 2020 finally got to see a Black-ish episode yanked by ABC two years before – it featured tough criticism of Trump and a discussion inspired by then-NFL quarterback Colin Kaepernick's decision to kneel during the national anthem – it wasn't clear why the network originally declined to air a program offering exactly the kind of commentary the show always featured.
Still, Black-ish developed a style of talking directly about issues affecting people of color in ways that acknowledged we are not monoliths, while recalling and celebrating the elements of the culture which draw us all together.
As showbiz legacies go, that's not a bad one. Particularly, for a show too often taken for granted, as later series walked through the doors Black-ish kicked wide open.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/the-legacy-of-abcs-black-ish-presenting-a-black-tv-family-that-isnt-a-monolith | 2022-05-12T14:59:12Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Russian President Vladimir Putin says Western sanctions on his country have failed.
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PRESIDENT VLADIMIR PUTIN: (Non-English language spoken).
FADEL: That's the Russian leader speaking in a televised video call with top economic officials yesterday, where he claimed that sanctions backfired and instead are causing a, quote, "deterioration of Western economies." But the Russian central bank is warning that the full effects of the West's pressure campaign have not been felt yet. Many of those sanctions are focused on the wealth of Russia's powerful oligarchs. By some assessments, they've cost these ultra-rich and powerful elites billions of dollars so far. To learn more, we're going to speak to Alex Finley. She's a former officer with the CIA's Directorate of Operations and lives in Barcelona near the port where large private yachts are docked. Some of them belong to Russian oligarchs. Good morning, Alex.
ALEX FINLEY: Good morning.
FADEL: Thanks for being on the program.
FINLEY: Thank you for having me.
FADEL: So we've heard a lot about sanctioning oligarchs since the start of the war on Ukraine. Help give us a sense of their influence in Russia and how these rich and powerful citizens connect to Putin and the war.
FINLEY: Well, I think, contrary to what President Putin is saying there, my guess is these sanctions actually are having some sort of an influence there. The fact that he even denied it makes me think that. And just yesterday, Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi said that he thinks that Russia is marching towards bankruptcy. So I think these are having an effect. And part of the reason is because we - through these sanctions, what we are trying to do is to destabilize this system of corruption that Putin has set up. And the people closest to him and who have the most access to him for years now have been benefiting from a very corrupt system, but it was stable.
And Putin is what made it stable. He allowed everybody to sort of steal out of Russia as long as they supported him. And now those very same people, by being sanctioned, by not having access to their bank accounts and their villas and their yachts, there's a little bit of destabilization there. They're wondering what they're getting out of this relationship anymore. And so what we hope, then, is that there will be some pressure internally in Russia to maybe force Putin's hand or maybe create such instability that Putin gets taken out of office.
FADEL: Have there been any signs that there's been an impact on the relationship between the oligarchs and the Kremlin?
FINLEY: I don't think anybody actually knows right now what's going on inside the Kremlin. Putin has been more and more isolated. COVID isolated him even more. And now with the war, he's even more isolated. So very few people, I think, have access to him. We do have some indications that some of these oligarchs have met with him. When the invasion first began, he called a number of them back. So they have had some access to him. But I think it would be very difficult to really say what we think is happening inside the Kremlin at the moment.
FADEL: You talked about this corrupt system. And some of that corrupt system involves operating in the West, right? But it's - so it's not as simple as sanction the rich and powerful and pressure Russia to get in line with the West. There are ripple effects that play out when you sanction these really wealthy people.
FINLEY: Correct. Part of what the oligarchs, particularly, have done, because they've been integral to Putin's efforts to destabilize the West - and that includes interfering in Western elections, trying to buy influence over Western politicians. The oligarchs have really played a key role in that. And part of what they have done is brought that corrupt system into our own system. So they use our rule of law. They use our bank systems. They use our real estate to park their money, to launder their money and to buy influence. Some of these people are very well-known with high-level politicians throughout Europe and the United States. They have access to people who have influence over policymakers. And that's part of what they did.
On top of that, the services that go to help these oligarchs - if you look at London, for example, they - there's some places they call Londongrad. There's so much Russian money going through it. And there are a number of services that are there simply to serve these oligarchs as they buy their real estate, as they buy their yachts, as they put their money through the Western system. And so we, ourselves, make money from them bringing that dirty money to us. And so in many ways, it's in our hands to try to stop this corruption. It's up to us to put an end to this.
FADEL: But it could be painful, it sounds like. I mean, there will be loss of money and jobs.
FINLEY: There will be. And I really think that part of why Putin decided to launch this invasion when he did was because he really thought he had divided the West enough with his destabilization efforts. I think he really thought he had bought enough influence with enough politicians that we would not be able to unify ourselves and to say, OK, we're ready to make the sacrifices that we need to stop this. And we did see it. And we still see it across Europe, for example. The Italians were a little bit nervous to block luxury goods, for example, in the sanctions because they make a lot of money from that. Germany was very slow in terms of the oil and gas because they had this Nord Stream 2. And so being able to unify the West and bring everybody together and say, this is more important - there is no villa in Antibes, there is no gas line, there is nothing that is worth more than democracy. So we need to stay unified.
FADEL: Really quickly, before we let you go, you mentioned yachts. Western authorities are seizing flashy yachts. On your Twitter feed, you track these seizures. What's the significance of these yachts?
FINLEY: For me, the yachts are very much this symbol of this extravagance. They're something visually that we can capture, we can see and we can imagine. And they're just so extravagant and opulent. These yachts are $600 million. One of Abramovich's yachts is rumored, after refit, to be worth $1 billion. And you just see the corruption and the inequality, that so much money is in so few hands. And that is so much of what brings this corruption to our system and causes problems.
FADEL: Alex Finley is a former CIA officer and yacht watcher under the Twitter hashtag #YachtWatch. Thank you so much for your time.
FINLEY: Thanks for having me.
(SOUNDBITE OF PSALM TREES, MOOSE DAWA AND ANDRAS SZILAGYI'S "NO LIES") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/what-are-the-ripple-effects-of-sanctioning-russias-richest-and-most-powerful | 2022-05-12T14:59:13Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Human rights activists are questioning El Salvador's crackdown on crime. Gang violence recently killed 87 people in three days, which is a lot in a small country. President Nayib Bukele responded by declaring a state of emergency and having thousands of people arrested. Human Rights Watch is looking at this, and we've called Tamara Taraciuk Broner from that organization. Welcome to the program.
TAMARA TARACIUK BRONER: Hi. Good morning.
INSKEEP: Let's start with the 87 gang-related killings. How serious is the problem the president says he wants to address?
BRONER: It's a very serious problem. There's no doubt that gangs have committed heinous crimes and that the government needs to protect people from gang violence. They need to dismantle these groups, and they need to bring those responsible for these crimes to justice. But the problem is that instead of doing that, the Bukele government has enacted overly broad, very punitive laws that just undermine the fundamental rights of all Salvadorans.
INSKEEP: Can you be specific there? Which civil rights are being curtailed?
BRONER: Well, they adopted, first, a very vague state of emergency that suspends for 30 days the rights to freedom of association, the rights of assembly, privacy and communications, some due process protections. And just a few days later, the National Assembly adopted a series of criminal laws that, for example, allow for criminal charges against anyone who assists or creates any type of publication, including a graffiti. They allow for faceless judges. They've increased penalties for people allegedly involved in gangs of up to 45 years, and they have made pretrial detention mandatory in these cases.
INSKEEP: Can you help me understand something? You said the freedom of assembly is being curtailed, along with a lot of other things, and that publication has become a crime. That sounds like political repression rather than attacking gang violence. Am I wrong?
BRONER: No, that is correct. The problem is that these laws are so vague that they allow authorities to round up anyone - and they've been doing that - without any guarantees that the people that are being detained - and, you know, we're talking about more than 12,000 people in just a handful of weeks are, in fact, engaged in crimes. And when you're tried by a faceless judge, there's no guarantee that the person on the other side is actually independent and investigating a crime.
INSKEEP: I wouldn't want a faceless judge either, but is there some justification here because the judge might fear gang retaliation in an unsafe country?
BRONER: There is, of course, a reason to fear and that judges need to be protected. But the way to do that is not by undermining the rule of law but rather by strengthening it. And the problem in El Salvador is that the president has taken over the legislature. He controls the legislative assembly, and he controls the courts. So today, you don't have any institution in El Salvador that is independent and can put a check on his powers. So he wants to adopt a state of emergency, and he goes to Congress and he gets it passed. He wants these laws to pass, and they pass. And then you have his police implementing it. And when you look at his Twitter account, which is the way he governs, you have tweets from the president himself saying, you know, do you want to know why this person is a gang member? Look at their tattoos. That is not the way to investigate crimes.
INSKEEP: Can you follow up there? When you said his Twitter account, which is the way that he governs, Americans have a little bit of experience with presidents like that. What do you mean by that?
BRONER: I mean, he expresses what needs to happen in public policy through Twitter. But then it happens because he controls the judiciary, and he controls the legislature. And he's been attacking and undermining the free press and the work of civil society. And you do not have institutions that are strong enough to respond in El Salvador.
INSKEEP: Freedom House - I was looking at the rankings. Freedom House ranks countries according to how free they are or are not, and El Salvador wasn't doing very well to begin with. They're kind of a middling country at best, ranked only partly free. Has it grown significantly worse in the past few weeks?
BRONER: It has gone significantly worse, I would say, in the couple of years since Bukele took office. Look, when we talk about repression in Latin America, people usually think about the dictatorships in Cuba, in Venezuela, in Nicaragua. But what we're seeing in the region - and Bukele is an excellent example of that - is people who get to power through democratic elections, and once they are in power, they just turn their back on democratic guarantees. And Bukele has done that at an alarming speed.
INSKEEP: I'm looking at a poll here that shows his approval rating very high, in the 80% range. Do you believe that number? And why do you think it would be, given all that you've said?
BRONER: He is very popular, and that is one of the biggest challenges we have when these sorts of things happen in a country like El Salvador. And he is popular because he managed, in a way, to reduce homicides during the first couple of years of his mandate. It's - the problem here is that you have this spike of violence in three days, which is the consequence of probably his truce with the gangs breaking. So this is not a clear public security policy. This is just an arrangement that hasn't brought security to the people. And he won't get it through these repressive laws.
INSKEEP: Tamara Taraciuk Broner is acting America's director of Human Rights Watch. Thanks so much.
BRONER: Thank you for having me. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/whats-behind-the-mass-detentions-in-el-salvador | 2022-05-12T14:59:20Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Disinformation was a big problem before the war in Ukraine. Now it's even worse with the rise of fake fact-checkers. You've probably seen real fact-check articles online, news organizations debunking rumors and fake news circulating on social media. Several channels on the messaging app Telegram look like independent fact-checkers, but if you look closer, you see they're actually pro-Russian propaganda outlets spreading fake news about the invasion.
Kevin Nguyen has written about the latest front in the information war for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation, and he joins me now. Welcome.
KEVIN NGUYEN: Hi, Daniel.
ESTRIN: Can you briefly walk us through this? When someone opens up their Telegram app, what are they seeing?
NGUYEN: So Telegram is a encrypted messaging app. If you are using it to follow the invasion of Ukraine and you're following these kind of fake fact-checking outlets, you would never know that they're actually - they don't specifically tell them - tell you that they're Russian-aligned. But if you were to go into them, what you're going to find is exclusively anti-Ukrainian, what appears, or what it positions itself, as sophisticated forensic analysis of events, of specific videos and of specific events within the Ukrainian invasion.
ESTRIN: So give us a specific example of one of the fake fact-checking channels that you've been looking at.
NGUYEN: One example I looked at was the attack of the TV tower in Kyiv, which is the Ukrainian capital. Look how strange these bodies are positioned. Look how close the morgue is to this TV tower. Isn't that suspicious? And here's a picture of Google Maps showing you that it's quite close to each other.
ESTRIN: So the claim was that Ukrainians allegedly had brought bodies in from the morgue to stage that there were deaths in that attack?
NGUYEN: Yes, it's just unilaterally false information.
ESTRIN: So these fake fact-check channels we're seeing primarily on Telegram.
NGUYEN: Yes, yeah.
ESTRIN: Well, how much traction do these fake fact-check channels get?
NGUYEN: It's difficult to say. Telegram's a bit harder to read than, say, Twitter in terms of its reach or its impressions. The issue with Telegram is not just that you're going to this group and that's all you're seeing. It's that Russian officials - other accounts are taking these exact claims and running it as well.
ESTRIN: Well, Kevin, what is the goal? I mean, are they trying to convince Russians with these fake posts or are they trying to dupe, you know, people around the world?
NGUYEN: This is a tactic that's kind of emerged. I mean, we've seen fake fact-checkers before, fake media outlets before, but it's - in terms of how it's getting other outlets to report on it as well, Russian state media has been very effective over the past couple of years of actually getting a lot of other people to run their lines of rhetoric. A really good example of this is Russia has very specific language about how it frames this invasion of Ukraine. They call it a Ukrainian Special Operation. And you see that parroted by Chinese state media. So just a few hours ago, the People's Daily in China is very specifically calling it a Ukrainian Special Operation.
ESTRIN: And...
NGUYEN: So and that's kind of new. And this - the Telegram and the fake fact-checking through this is just a bit of an extension of that.
ESTRIN: Well, the end result is if you flood the zone with a lot of fake news, you create doubt. And then people think twice about sympathizing with Ukraine.
NGUYEN: Yeah. When you - when doubt flourishes, you become reluctant to even sympathize.
ESTRIN: So before I let you go, what advice do you have for average news consumers? Not only do they have to check their sources when - before they share something on social media, but when they see a fact-check, are they supposed to be verifying the verifiers now?
NGUYEN: What should be happening is that there are people who have proven - have a proven track record of doing it really, really well and doing it in this service of truth. And if you are looking specifically for fact-checks, check the ones that you know have a proven track record. It's interesting because me saying the next line plays into it, but sometimes you don't want to disbelieve it on the first go and you need to take that extra step. But if you're going to take that extra step, take it with someone that you trust.
ESTRIN: Kevin Nguyen is a reporter and producer for the Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Thank you so much, Kevin.
NGUYEN: Thanks so much, Daniel. Have a great day. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-19/whos-checking-the-fact-checkers | 2022-05-12T14:59:26Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Just across the border from Russia, a war is taking place in a former Soviet republic. We're not talking about Ukraine here but Estonia. The war is in cyberspace, part of a NATO-led annual drill. And this year, the stakes couldn't be higher. NPR cybersecurity correspondent Jenna McLaughlin sends us this report from the Estonian capital.
JENNA MCLAUGHLIN, BYLINE: Berylia and Crimsonia are at war. The two islands disagree on politics, on who controls neighboring islands and their resources. One lashes out at the other in cyberspace.
MEJ YAKER: And as you can see on a screen there, about 20% of firewalls, for example, have been attacked out of a two-day campaign.
MCLAUGHLIN: Mej Yaker (ph) is the leader of the red team, Crimsonia, the bad guys in a cyber exercise held every year called Locked Shields. Normally, he's the head of a private cybersecurity company. Today, he's the adversary. A screen outside their war room shows the attacks they're launching. Right now, it's mostly attacks on energy companies and on the website of the Berylia institute of virology. And the red team is just getting started.
YAKER: We always play the, like in boxing, left and right hand. So we have a lot of very visible attacks. Usually, these are website defacements, and which are more of an annoyance, like drawing attention away to do the more prepositioning for the later attacks that the blue team most likely is not noticing yet.
MCLAUGHLIN: Everyone will notice when the attacks are really successful. For one thing, the giant screen imitating the power grid will turn red. Worst case, there's a box full of firecrackers for special effects.
KERRY COONGER: And yes, when it explode, it means that the system's down, basically.
MCLAUGHLIN: That's exercise director Kerry Coonger (ph).
COONGER: If the blue teams defend it, then it won't blow.
MCLAUGHLIN: The two imaginary island nations don't exist, of course. But Estonia has been running cyber drills since 2008, the year after Russia basically knocked the country offline in one of the first overt ideological cyberattacks on a nation.
COONGER: We look at how modern conflict is being conducted, and we bring it into our exercise environment.
MCLAUGHLIN: The mastermind of the exercise, Adrian Venables, says he has been working on the plot of this week's cyberwar for the last year, well before Russia invaded Ukraine.
ADRIAN VENABLES: I monitor global information warfare scenarios and real-world events, and then we incorporate them into our exercises. So they are absolutely real and are all inspired by what we see in today's world.
MCLAUGHLIN: That includes hackers targeting brand-new technology, like 5G and a communication system for international banking, plus, says Venables, a big emphasis on the power of social media.
VENABLES: As the exercise has developed, we've introduced much more social media in use, So we have Twitter emulators and we've introduced for the first time this year a TikTok-type emulator of short videos.
MCLAUGHLIN: Simulated TikTok and Twitter - or Birdle (ph) in this fictional country - might sound funny, but the tone of these games is notably serious. The real-life war in Ukraine is on everyone's minds.
KALLE LAANET: Of course, it's more serious. And if I'm looking at the faces behind the computers, they are serious, motivated and trying to do his best.
MCLAUGHLIN: That's Estonian Defense Minister Kalle Laanet. He stopped by the exercise wearing a blue flower pin on his lapel in honor of veterans month, a symbol of spring renewal. He noted the war in Ukraine is a stark reminder that Russia, just over the border, could attack any of the countries participating in the exercise at any time, something Estonia knows firsthand and is dead set on stopping.
Jenna McLaughlin, NPR News, Tallinn, Estonia.
(SOUNDBITE OF KHRUANGBIN'S "FATHER BIRD, MOTHER BIRD") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-fake-cyberwar-held-in-estonia-could-help-nations-prepare-for-real-life-threats | 2022-05-12T14:59:32Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Good morning. I'm Leila Fadel.
(SOUNDBITE OF DOG BARKING)
FADEL: And that's Patron, a 2-year-old Jack Russell terrier, who, like many in Ukraine, has made a heroic name for himself. This mascot of the State Emergency Service is small and cute and saving lives by sniffing out undetonated landmines and bombs in Chernihiv. So far, he's rooted out more than 90 explosive devices, making Patron so popular, he's now a favorite subject of social media fan art.
It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-jack-russell-terrier-in-ukraine-makes-a-heroic-name-for-himself | 2022-05-12T14:59:33Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
The federal government is now appealing a court decision that struck down the federal mask mandate on public transportation. The Justice Department filed the appeal at the request of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Face coverings became optional this week on many planes, trains and buses after a federal judge declared that the CDC had exceeded its authority in requiring masks for travelers. The CDC has faced many such challenges to its authority during the pandemic - to what it can and can't do in the name of public health. Now, it's fighting back.
NPR health reporter Pien Huang is here. Hi, Pien.
PIEN HUANG, BYLINE: Hey, Ari.
SHAPIRO: So this mask ruling that is now being challenged by the Justice Department, will it stand?
HUANG: Well, that's still up in the air. As you mentioned, the Justice Department and CDC are now appealing to get a travel mask mandate reinstated. And the CDC says the order for wearing masks on planes, trains and buses is still needed for public health and also that appealing the decision protects their public health authority. The nationwide mask mandate on trains, buses and planes was struck down Monday by a Trump-appointed judge who thought that the CDC did not have the authority to make people wear masks, even if it might be good for public health. The Justice Department and CDC disagree, so this evening, the DOJ filed a notice of appeal in federal court in Tampa to get the ball rolling.
SHAPIRO: So if it was a question of authority whether the CDC is allowed to do this, is it clear what kinds of powers the CDC has?
HUANG: Well, traditionally, the CDC makes the most use of its soft powers; you know, using science and reason to persuade states and individuals to do things for the sake of public health. But it also has hard powers which go back to the 1944 Public Health Service Act. In the past, the agency has used these to quarantine individuals. And in this pandemic, CDC has been using them to issue broad orders on a range of things, like making travelers test and mask to banning evictions and turning migrants away at the borders. Dr. Marty Cetron, the CDC's head of global migration and quarantine, told me last year that this is new territory for the CDC.
MARTY CETRON: This has been the largest and most expansive or inclusive use of regulatory authority, given the unprecedented nature of this pandemic threat.
HUANG: No one from CDC would talk on the record now as these orders get challenged in court, and the mask ruling was just the latest defeat.
SHAPIRO: Like, what were some of the others?
HUANG: Well, the biggest blow came last August, when the Supreme Court ruled that the CDC exceeded its authority with its ban on evictions. Lindsay Wiley, a health law professor at UCLA, said that the move was a bit of a stretch for CDC.
LINDSAY WILEY: A lot of the general public and a lot of federal judges feel like, you know, this isn't exactly what CDC's role should be; this is something state and local governments are doing, and it should really be left to them.
HUANG: Ultimately, the Supreme Court said CDC didn't have the authority to do it, and they struck it down. Now, that was one ruling on evictions, but law experts say it had a ripple effect. Lower courts could use it to limit the CDC's powers too, and the judge in Florida did cite it this week as she canceled the travel mask mandate.
SHAPIRO: What would that ripple effect do? If the CDC's powers get restricted more broadly, what kind of impacts could that have on public health?
HUANG: Well, health experts told me that they worry that limiting public health powers is shortsighted. Here's Wendy Parmet, a health law professor at Northeastern University.
WENDY PARMET: You can't assume that everything in the future is going to look either epidemiologically or politically like what we have seen.
HUANG: She says that the next pandemic could be very deadly to kids or one where Republicans might want more restrictive measures than Democrats, as they did during the Ebola outbreak. She says that the CDC needs to have flexible powers to deal with health threats effectively. Now, ultimately, Congress may need to step in and spell out the agency's powers, but with the current political climate, it's not a clear path.
SHAPIRO: That is NPR's Pien Huang Thanks a lot.
HUANG: Thanks for having me, Ari. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-look-at-how-much-authority-the-cdc-actually-has | 2022-05-12T14:59:40Z |
Updated April 20, 2022 at 1:06 PM ET
On its surface, there wasn't supposed to be anything controversial about Georgia's Mental Health Parity Act introduced earlier this year.
In a time where Democrats and Republicans don't agree on much, the issue of mental health reform was top of mind when Georgia lawmakers crafted a bill that had the backing of experts, advocates and both political parties. Both Republican Gov. Brian Kemp and his likely Democratic challenger in the fall, Stacey Abrams, backed the bill.
"Now I'm going to give Republicans credit," Abrams said at a campaign stop in March. "This is a conversation we've been trying to have in Georgia for more than a decade."
After years of ranking near the bottom in access to mental health care, Georgia's House Bill 1013 would require insurance companies to cover mental health the same way they do physical health. Only three lawmakers voted against the original bill in the state House, citing concerns over inclusion of language already used to define existing issues and provide care.
But before the bill could advance further, its opponents connected the legislation to hot-button cultural issues, especially around sexual identity, and nearly derailed it. The fact that Democrats also supported the bill raised suspicion among some Republicans.
Rep. Philip Singleton, a leader of the legislature's far-right state Freedom Caucus, claimed the bill would "massively expand government in the style of ObamaCare," and enable "back door gun-grabbing."
Then he went even further in a speech before the Georgia state House. "Under this language, treatment for things such as gender dysphoria and pedophilia are automatically included and would therefore be required to be covered, the cost of which will be spread out amongst all Georgians," he said.
From there, opposition snowballed. A nonprofit called "Truth in Education" put out a flyer falsely alleging that Georgia was set to use the law to take guns away from citizens and that pedophilia would no longer be illegal, but rather a health diagnosis. Dozens of mostly older citizens flooded committee hearings with signs attacking Abrams and decrying things that the bill didn't even do.
And at a recent Trump rally, Patrick Witt, a fringe candidate for insurance commissioner, elicited boos when he made the false claim the government would take over mental health care, guided by the World Health Organization.
"It is the biggest government takeover of health care since Obamacare, and it's being pushed by your Republican insurance commissioner," he said. "It would mandate that insurance companies cover any mental health treatment as defined by the World Health Organization – which no surprise will include gender reassignment surgery, hormone blockers for kids and potentially even therapy for pedophiles."
The original language of the bill defined "mental health or substance use disorder" as a condition included in the American Psychiatric Association's Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders - also known as DSM-5, or the World Health Organization's International Classification of Diseases. Ultimately, lawmakers tweaked language to appease the critics without substantially altering the bill's purpose. But some lawmakers were still concerned the measure was straying from its stated goal. "I just wonder if this weakens the original intent of the parity section of the bill," Democratic state Sen. Michelle Au, an anesthesiologist, said during a hearing.
The episode in Georgia is another sign of how disinformation's grasp on American politics is becoming stronger. Right-wing figures have lately started to use the term "groomers," to apply to opponents of their agenda rolling back LGBTQ rights, such as Florida's new law limiting discussion on sexual orientation and gender identity in classrooms.
"Groomer" is a term that implies child sexual abuse and has a history steeped in homophobia. There is no evidence that LGBTQ people abuse children at any greater rate than the rest of the population.
Increasingly, outspoken Republican members of Congress, like Georgia's Marjorie Taylor Greene, are also adopting these slurs. "The Democrats are the party of pedophiles," Greene said in a recent interview on a fringe media outlet. "The Democrats are the party of princess predators from Disney."
None of these things are true. But Jennifer Mercieca, an expert in political rhetoric who teaches at Texas A&M University, said that's beside the point, because messaging like this evokes feelings of fear instead of facts.
"There's a lot of research about fear appeals and why they work on the brain," she said. "And here you have a fear appeal, an outrage appeal and a conspiracy theory all wrapped into one."
Name-calling in politics is nothing new - but using such harsh, absolutist language is meant to deliberately whip voters into a frenzy. And in political debates, that leads to more extreme positions and less compromise.
That kind of language is "used to dehumanize people," Mercieca said. "They're no longer people, but they are instead 'pedophiles' or 'groomers.' They're not even human. You, of course, don't try to negotiate or find consensus with an enemy who cheats. That's not the goal, the goal is only to destroy them."
Ultimately the tactics didn't work in Georgia – this time.
Gov. Brian Kemp signed the Mental Health Parity Act into law on April 4th flanked by Republicans and Democrats, advocates and activists with much fanfare – after the final bill passed with unanimous support.
Copyright 2022 Georgia Public Broadcasting | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-mental-health-bill-in-georgia-shows-how-conspiracy-theories-are-affecting-politics | 2022-05-12T14:59:46Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Charles Mingus has some new music out this weekend. He would have turned 100 this week. And the album, recorded decades ago, is called "The Lost Album From Ronnie Scott's."
(SOUNDBITE OF CHARLES MINGUS' "MIND-READERS' CONVENTION IN MILANO")
INSKEEP: It's one of a number of jazz recordings arriving on Saturday in honor of Record Store Day. This is a big deal. Nate Chinen from Jazz Night In America and our member station WBGO is here to talk about it.
Hey there, Nate.
NATE CHINEN, BYLINE: Hey, Steve.
INSKEEP: I just want to point out, I would have thought that Spotify and Apple Music and so forth would have ended independent record stores.
CHINEN: (Laughter) The death of the brick-and-mortar record store has been greatly exaggerated. They're actually thriving. They're all over the country. And Record Store Day proves that. You can go to recordstoreday.com and find the shop near you. There's just a lot of energy around this right now.
INSKEEP: You know, I've just been doing this. And I find that there are numerous record stores within a few miles of my house. But what is Record Store Day?
CHINEN: Well, it started in 2008, really as a way for those independent record stores to generate some excitement and some revenue, you know, which they needed in response to those streaming services becoming so dominant. So Record Store Day has brought exclusive releases and in-store artist appearances and performances and signings and all kinds of special events.
INSKEEP: And doing it physically in the store - is this related to the resurgence in vinyl that we hear about from time to time?
CHINEN: I think it really is. There's an interesting correlation here. Record Store Day has been going now for 15 years. And during each of those years, vinyl sales have increased. And actually, according to the RIAA, the Recording Industry Association of America, vinyl sales jumped 61% last year, topping a billion dollars. And more than one out of every three albums sold in 2021 were vinyl LPs.
INSKEEP: Wow.
CHINEN: Yeah.
INSKEEP: I mean, I'm just getting my mind blown that there'd be a billion dollars of records, vinyl record sales in 2021. But please go on.
CHINEN: Yeah. So it really is a phenomenon. You know, what used to be a niche for connoisseurs has officially gone mainstream again. And I think it's undeniable Record Store Day has something to do with that.
INSKEEP: And as you mentioned, it's a time that artists release albums. Mariah Carey is releasing something. David Bowie has a posthumous release - even Taylor Swift. But this is a bigger day for jazz fans, as I understand it.
CHINEN: It really is. You know, for about a decade now, Record Store Day has been synonymous with jazz discovery. And by that, I mean historically significant recordings that have never been released before and, in many cases, were barely on anybody's radar. And this is largely the work of a tenacious and farsighted producer named Zev Feldman, a co-president of Resonance Records, who recognized early on that Record Store Day could be harnessed to support all of the effort and expense that it takes to bring one of these archival releases into the world, you know, with the highest production value, with a lot of care, with everything that it takes to create a kind of covetable collector's item. When I spoke with Feldman recently about this, he was clear about how Record Store Day really makes this possible, you know, putting out something in a limited edition that creates this kind of excitement around the release.
ZEV FELDMAN: If it wasn't for Record Store Day, we wouldn't be able to necessarily sell out. And oftentimes, it's about, hey, can we guarantee a certain amount of units through the pipeline? - because that enables us to be able to recoup on the expenses, and it allows for the whole project to happen.
INSKEEP: So that's how that Mingus album that we heard comes into the world. What else has Feldman produced for Record Store Day?
CHINEN: Well, in the past, he's put out a really incredible amount of material with Resonance Records, and also with some other labels. We're talking about extraordinary albums by the great guitarist Wes Montgomery, by Sarah Vaughan and Shirley Horn, the incredible jazz singers, and tenor saxophonists Sonny Rollins and Stan Getz, among others. You know, maybe the emblematic artist on Resonance has been Bill Evans, the peerless pianist and composer. He's actually got two new trio albums out for Record Store Day this year, both of which he recorded in Buenos Aires in the 1970s. This is a version of the Disney song "Someday My Prince Will Come."
(SOUNDBITE OF BILL EVANS PERFORMANCE OF FRANK CHURCHILL'S "SOMEDAY MY PRINCE WILL COME")
INSKEEP: OK. What else is new this weekend?
CHINEN: Well, for fans of the avant-garde, this is really a major drop. The tenor saxophonist and free jazz icon Albert Ayler has a box set dropping titled "Revelations: The Complete ORTF 1970 Fondation Maeght Recordings." And this is a document of a really legendary concert that's partly circulated in bootleg quality. But this version captures Ayler toward the end of his tragically short life. He's in spectacular form. And the mastering, the treatment of this material is really respectful. It's a beautiful thing.
(SOUNDBITE OF ALBERT AYLER'S "SPIRITS")
CHINEN: What's really remarkable here is that Feldman has found a way to help pull things like this out of the vault and make them actually commercially viable.
FELDMAN: I'm just inspired. Every day we are making these discoveries where I lose my mind and I find out about some new recording that exists. And then I have to ask myself, well, Zeb, I'm glad that you like it. Is the rest of the world - does it have a home out there? Is there a way that we could find its way to come out? I have to be honest with myself sometimes. And that is the tough part of the job. But, you know, by these limited editions, we're able to accomplish that, it feels.
INSKEEP: I guess, if vinyl is a billion-dollar industry, that is commercially viable.
CHINEN: It certainly is, you know? It's something that has become more and more the norm. And, you know, there's always been some overlap between, you know, jazz fans and vinyl obsessives. And here we have it coming together in a really beautiful and productive way.
INSKEEP: Nate Chinen of WBGO, thanks so much.
CHINEN: My pleasure, Steve.
INSKEEP: And let's go out with a little more Mingus from "The Lost Album From Ronnie Scott’s."
(SOUNDBITE OF CHARLES MINGUS' "FABLES OF FAUBUS") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-number-of-jazz-recordings-will-be-released-saturday-in-honor-of-record-store-day | 2022-05-12T14:59:52Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Good morning. I'm Steve Inskeep. Derek Hennen is a Virginia Tech scientist and a huge fan of Taylor Swift. So when his team discovered a new species of millipede in Taylor Swift's home state of Tennessee, he named it after her. The Swift Twisted-Claw Millipede is one of many species Hennen's team discovered, and Swift is not the only one with a nom de millipede. One is named for the Virginia Tech Hokies, and another is named for Hennen's wife.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "BLANK SPACE")
TAYLOR SWIFT: (Singing) And I'll write your name.
INSKEEP: It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/a-virginia-tech-entomologist-named-a-new-millipede-species-after-taylor-swift | 2022-05-12T14:59:54Z |
As the Biden administration prepares to lift Title 42 on May 23, more Democrats in Congress, and running for office, say they have concerns about the decision and are asking the administration to reconsider or have a more concrete plan in place for the influx of migrants expected to arrive at the southern border.
The Trump-era public health order was put in place in early 2020 and prevented migrants and asylum-seekers from crossing the border into the U.S. due to the COVID-19 pandemic. On April 1, the Centers for Disease Control said the measure was no longer necessary from a public health standpoint.
Now, more centrist Democrats like Sen. Chris Coons, D-Del., and Sen. Gary Peters, D-Mich., who are often vocal supporters of the president's agenda, are expressing reservations about lifting the policy.
"In the region where I'm from, we're seeing infections rise. I think Philadelphia, for example, just returned to a mask mandate. So my hope is that that will be reconsidered appropriately," Coons said on CBS's Face the Nation on Sunday, referring to Title 42 getting lifted.
"Unless we have a well-thought-out plan, I think it is something that should be revisited and perhaps delayed. I'm going to defer judgment on that until I give the administration the opportunity to fully articulate what that plan is," Peters, who is also chairman of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, said Monday, The Hill reported.
Several top Democratic Senate candidates are also asking the administration to slow down on lifting Title 42. And recent polling from Morning Consult shows that a majority of Americans oppose lifting the measure; while support and opposition break down predictably by party lines, just 31% of independent voters support Biden lifting Title 42.
The White House is pointing to a DHS plan from March
So far, the White House has pointed to a plan the Department of Homeland Security released at the end of March that outlines preparations for a potential increase in migrants. And they've criticized the holdup on the bipartisan $10 billion COVID aid bill. The bill was supposed to pass before Easter recess but Senate Republicans and some Democrats wanted to hold a voice vote on extending Title 42.
"The Department of Homeland Security and the secretary put out a comprehensive plan for what they were going to do to prepare for any increase or influx. ... That's something they're having ongoing discussions with senators, members and their teams and staff about," White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Tuesday.
"The core issue is that it is being used to tie down and hold back the COVID funding," Psaki said.
But, beyond what DHS has already released, the White House has not laid out any further details or plans.
DHS Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas has said the department is increasing its capacity to process new arrivals at the border and evaluate asylum requests. In the last several weeks, the department has added at least 600 more law enforcement officers at the border and is ramping up its COVID-19 vaccination program.
Senators introduce bipartisan bill to delay lifting Title 42 by 60 days
Coons and Peters' comments come as a bipartisan group of senators introduced legislation earlier this month to delay the end of Title 42 by at least 60 more days.
Democratic Sens. Mark Kelly of Arizona and Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, who have both signed onto the bill, are up for reelection this November, underscoring the likelihood that immigration will once again be a hot-button issue for vulnerable Democrats this year.
"The Biden administration was wrong to set an end date for Title 42 without a comprehensive plan in place. ... We need a secure, orderly, and humane response at our southern border and our bipartisan legislation holds the Biden administration accountable to that," Kelly said in a statement.
Republicans, meanwhile, are demanding answers from Biden administration officials including Mayorkas. House Judiciary Committee ranking member Rep. Jim Jordan, R-Ohio, has asked the secretary to discuss the administration's plans after Title 42 is lifted when he appears at a House Judiciary hearing on April 28.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/as-biden-plans-to-lift-title-42-democrats-want-details-on-how-hell-address-influx | 2022-05-12T15:00:00Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Earlier this week, Philadelphia became the first major city in America to reinstate an indoor mask mandate. But less than 24 hours later, its local public transportation agency opted out after a federal judge overruled the federal mask mandate for transit. As we just heard, that decision is now being appealed by the Department of Justice, only adding to the confusion in Philadelphia. From member station WHYY, Nina Feldman reports.
NINA FELDMAN, BYLINE: Before Philadelphia's indoor mask mandate began earlier this week, subway stations, cars, buses and trolleys were some of the last remaining places you had to wear a mask. Now it's reversed. You have to wear a mask in restaurants, offices and schools but not on the subway or the bus. For many riders like Yusef Muhamed, it's easier to ignore the new rules and keep on masking.
YUSEF MUHAMED: It can be confusing, but you have to think about what's best for you. So what's best for me right now is to keep this mask on, even if they said take it off.
FELDMAN: But researchers say it's not fair to place the burden of safety solely on individuals. That's what institutions are supposed to be for. Ellen Peters studies decision-making and science communication at the University of Oregon.
ELLEN PETERS: Here, we have this really weird and confusing case where we have different people who are presumably maybe people we trust because they're coming from places of authority, but they're telling us different things. And so then the question is, who do you trust? Who do you follow?
FELDMAN: Peters says, when posed with that choice, the natural outcome is for people to lose trust altogether.
PETERS: It's going to decrease our trust in those people who are telling us what we should do and shouldn't do.
FELDMAN: Lifting the mandate on public transit may cause people to forget to take a mask with them, making them even less likely to wear one in other indoor spaces. The city's early onset indoor mask mandate actually helped slow the spread of the virus. Jennifer Kolker is the health policy expert at Drexel University in Philadelphia.
JENNIFER KOLKER: It definitely makes it all even muddier than it was, and it was pretty muddy before (laughter).
FELDMAN: Philly's regional transit authority didn't have to lift its mandate. The judge ruled the CDC couldn't require masks on mass transit, but local authorities could still choose to make their own rules. In New York City, San Francisco and Chicago, the regional transit authorities are keeping their mask requirements since buses and trains are often crowded. In Philly, transit officials say it would be harder for their employees to enforce the mask mandate without federal backing. Kolker says, whether or not you agree with it, the city's mask mandate was designed to protect those at the highest risk for serious illness. Lifting the requirement on transit does the opposite.
KOLKER: You know, people can decide if they want to go out for dinner or not. You shouldn't have to, but people can decide that. But people can't decide if they're going to take public transportation. So to me, making public transportation less safe by taking the mask mandate is really - has the potential to hurt people who are more vulnerable.
COMPUTER-GENERATED VOICE: Route 17 serving South Philadelphia via 19th Street.
FELDMAN: On Tuesday afternoon, Elizabeth Black was waiting for the bus to take her home to South Philly after a doctor's appointment. She relies on public transportation and will continue wearing her mask. But she's concerned that lifting the mandate on buses will mean more people will go maskless.
ELIZABETH BLACK: I don't feel safe (laughter) because sometimes some of them don't have a mask on, you know? I'll tell you the truth. I really don't want to sit next to them. But you're sitting together and everything. So...
FELDMAN: Asked if the fear was enough to consider another form of transit, she said, like many, she doesn't have any other transportation options.
COMPUTER-GENERATED VOICE: Caution - bus is turning.
FELDMAN: For NPR News, I'm Nina Feldman in Philadelphia.
[POST-BROADCAST CORRECTION: In this report, we incorrectly say that in Chicago, regional transit authorities are keeping their mask requirements. Shortly before this report aired, the city's mask mandate on transit was lifted.] Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/conflicting-mask-policies-in-philadelphia-are-leaving-many-confusion-and-concerned | 2022-05-12T15:00:06Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
We have an overview now on democracy in the region once dominated by the former Soviet Union. The old communist empire covered what are now 29 nations, which got a fresh chance at freedom when the Soviets collapsed, countries from Kazakhstan in Asia to Eastern European nations like Hungary. Three decades later, the think tank Freedom House finds that some of them are democratic, while most have some version of the old power structures and some are backsliding. The president of Freedom House is Michael Abramowitz, and he's on the line. Welcome.
MICHAEL ABRAMOWITZ: Great to be here, Steve.
INSKEEP: What has made it hard to live up to the promise of that great moment around 1990, '91, '92, the moment of the Soviet fall?
ABRAMOWITZ: Well, it's a sad story, Steve. As you indicated, this was a region that had been very hopeful in the wake of the fall of the Berlin Wall, after the collapse of the Soviet empire. And we had a lot of hopes for democracy, for freedom. People thought that democracy was going to be the end station for this region. But things have turned in a bad direction. And essentially our report shows that democracy is losing ground to autocracy. A big part of the story is candidly Vladimir Putin. You know, Putin has turned Russia from what had been a hopeful democracy into one of the most repressive governments in the world. And his influence is getting vast in the region.
INSKEEP: I guess we should underline here democracy is not binary. You're in or your out. It's on a kind of a sliding scale. Russia was never such a great democracy, but they had elections. They had free media. They had a lot of things going for them 20 years ago.
ABRAMOWITZ: That's right. Democracy is never fully achieved. It's an end state. And our report identifies different kinds of democracies. You have, you know, consolidated democracies, which are the strongest democracies. And that's a country, you know, like Poland. And then you have - what's really interesting about the region is that you have more of what we call hybrid democracies, which are democracies kind of in name only, that they have free elections - or sometimes free - but they also don't respect the rule of law. They have undermined the independent judiciary. The media - the news media is out of - is under consistent attack. The elections are manipulated. And so you have a - you don't really have a lot of really true democracies in the region, save for about 10 out of 29.
INSKEEP: I'm thinking of a country like Hungary, which would have been considered much more democratic 10 years ago than it is now.
ABRAMOWITZ: Absolutely. Hungary, I think, is a great case study of what was once a strong democracy, which under Viktor Orban has become really a one-party state. We had an election - there was an election there recently. Orban won very easily. And by all accounts, he's probably a popular person in Hungary. And I suspect that many Hungarians support him. But the reality is that he won election only by really putting a hard tilt on the media. He controls the media there. The opposition had no really fresh, fair opportunity to make their points. And so he really kind of controls the situation. Another feature of Hungary is gerrymandering, which we have in our own country. You know, he's manipulated the system so that even if he gets, say, 49% or 50% of the vote, he'll have many more seats in the legislature. So he really has his thumbs on the scale in Hungary.
INSKEEP: You did point out, though, this undemocratic leader nevertheless seems - as best we can tell given the unfair system - seems popular. And your report does talk about widespread dissatisfaction with democracy, even in the countries that are still counted among democracies. Are people, the people at large, giving up on this system?
ABRAMOWITZ: That's something I fear. I hope that's not the case. I think you have a situation in Belarus, for instance - that's another case. That's a purely authoritarian setting. They had an election - it wasn't fair - two years ago, but it's pretty clear the opposition won. And millions of people came onto the streets to protest what was really a farcical election. And that protests were put down by a lot of repression, a lot of violence. So to me, that says there's still a demand for democracy. But right now, the authoritarians are putting their thumbs on the scale.
INSKEEP: How were Ukrainians doing at democracy before Russia invaded?
ABRAMOWITZ: Ukraine is a great story. Ukraine was one of the stronger democracies in the region up until the invasion. It was not perfect, but it was building a strong democracy. It was building the institutions of a free state. They have made it repeatedly clear over the last 10 years that they did not want to - the voters of Ukraine did not want to live in a country that was dominated by Russia. And so I think one of the major reasons that Vladimir Putin has invaded Ukraine is that he was scared about the presence of a strong democracy right on the Russian borders. And so that's what's very sad about the situation in Ukraine. I really think that democracy is on the line right now, among other issues on the line. But democracy is definitely at risk in Ukraine right now.
INSKEEP: When you look across this former Soviet bloc, these dozens of nations, many of which are not democratic at all or not very democratic, is there a success story you'd like to point to?
ABRAMOWITZ: Well...
INSKEEP: That was a revealingly long pause. I'm just going to say that right now.
ABRAMOWITZ: I'm stumped. I think there are several countries. The Czech Republic - let me say the Czech Republic. The Czech Republic is an interesting story. They had a lot of early success under Vaclav Havel. Then they turned in a more kind of - not so authoritative but one of these kind of mixed models where they had a leader that was, you know, like Orban trying to kind of control everything. But he's been thrown out in an election there, and the Czech Republic is moving in a good direction. So the point is that there is hope, and there are a lot of other smaller countries - I'm also heartened by what's happening in the Baltics. The Baltics - Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia - these are countries that are still very strong democracies. And the people and the leaders of the Baltics are very supportive of what's - of the Ukrainian people. And what's happening in the Baltics also gives me hope.
INSKEEP: And those are actual former Soviet republics. Mr. Abramowitz, thanks so much.
ABRAMOWITZ: Thanks for having me, Steve.
INSKEEP: Michael Abramowitz is president of Freedom House, which put out a report on democracy or the lack of it in nations of the former Soviet bloc. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/decades-after-the-ussr-collapsed-eurasian-countries-struggle-to-maintain-democracy | 2022-05-12T15:00:12Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Airports look very different this morning than they did a week ago. People's masks are off unless they choose to wear them. A federal judge in Florida disallowed the federal mask mandate for public transit. The CDC is deciding what it thinks of this. It is considering whether the mandate should continue for public health. And if it should, the Biden administration may appeal. In a moment, we'll ask what the law says. But we begin with the voices of air travelers around the country.
DANIEL MUNOZ: My name is Daniel Munoz (ph). I live in Silver Spring, Md., and I am going to Santiago, Chile. I think we should still have the mask mandate in effect. COVID cases are increasing. But this screams politics. This is not the direction that we should be going in.
HEATHER STAKE VANNEMAN: Heather Stake Vanneman - finally, everybody caught up to science. A majority, I would say, 80% to 90% did not have masks. There were still a few. And I don't know. They maybe just didn't get the memo. Or maybe they're still believing the hype. I don't know.
SUZANNE STRAUSS: Suzanne Strauss (ph).
ALICE: My name is Alice (ph). We're traveling from Minnesota.
STRAUSS: I would say 30% were still wearing them, 70 not.
ALICE: In - our connecting flight was in Chicago. Over the overhead speaker, though, they were still announcing that it was a federal law that you had to. So I think that was probably confusing people, too.
JOSEPH THOMAS SULLY: My name is Joseph Thomas Sully (ph). I'm sitting here in Bush Intercontinental Airport, just got back from Jordan. People now have a choice to get their vaccinations and take the masks off finally. And if people don't want to get vaccinations, they should continue to wear a face mask or keep the face mask off and take their chances because life is one big risk. You probably have a greater chance of dying driving to and from the airport than you do dying from COVID.
ELLEN BITSON: Ellen Bitson (ph) - I don't know what to believe about the COVID. I don't really know what to believe about the mask mandate. I work in the medical field. I've seen what happens in ICU. It's bad, but only certain people. So I'm not - I really have mixed feelings.
LOU PERFETTI: I'm Lou Perfetti (ph), and I'm picking up my wife. She's coming in from Atlanta. I see a lot of people without the masks. And I think they're like me. They're relieved to get it off. And I think everybody should be allowed to make their own choice. And I'm making my own choice. And hopefully other people will do what they think's best for them.
INSKEEP: Voices of people from across the country - now, as we wait for the administration's judgment of whether to appeal, let's discuss the law. Lindsay Wiley is a professor of public health law at UCLA.
Welcome.
LINDSAY WILEY: Thank you.
INSKEEP: So Judge Kathryn Kimball Mizelle says a mask mandate is not authorized by the law. And there's a 1944 law that says the government can stop the spread of disease by ordering, and I'm going to quote here, "ordering inspection, fumigation, disinfection, sanitation, etc." And the government says sanitation can include keeping the air clean with a mask. But the judge says sanitation just meant something else in the dictionary in 1944. Was she wrong?
WILEY: Well, I think one key move that's been ignored in some of the discussion of this case is that she also eliminated a lot of important language in that etc. that you mentioned, Steve. So the Congress in 1944 - there's legislative history to show that they specifically contemplated, you know, can we in this room anticipate in specific terms every type of threat that a future administration might face and every type of response that might be evidence-based and might be needed to mitigate the spread of disease?
INSKEEP: Oh, let me stop you.
WILEY: And they decided, no. We can't.
INSKEEP: You sent me back to the law here. And it does say you can provide for sanitation, pest extermination and these other things. And then it says and other measures, as in his judgment, may be necessary. Did the judge not consider that other measures are specifically, explicitly allowed in the law?
WILEY: I think she - you know, she ignored that language, decided that it had to be one of the specifically listed examples. More importantly, she substituted her own judgment about whether this measure is necessary at this point in the pandemic for the judgment of experts in the administration who are appointed based on their scientific expertise.
INSKEEP: What are the implications if this ruling were appealed and were upheld on appeal, which is always plausible?
WILEY: You know, this decision is different from some of the other decisions we've seen in cases like the eviction moratorium. This isn't just about limiting federal power to coordinate the response or create a floor. It creates a true vacuum in administrative authority to implement swift responses. There's something state and local governments can't do. And requiring masks on interstate and international transit is one of those gaps in state and local authority that the Biden administration was identifying and filling with this order. Whether you think it's time for the administration to lift this mask mandate or not, it's dangerous that if this decision is allowed to stand, no administration will be able to issue a similar order, even in far worse conditions.
INSKEEP: Meaning if we had another wave of this pandemic or, God forbid, some different pandemics, some worse pandemic, the government could not do this if this ruling stands.
WILEY: The administrative agencies could not do this if this ruling stands.
INSKEEP: I want to ask if perhaps technology has outrun the legal debate. I'm just thinking that N95 masks are now very widely available, which they really weren't in 2020. They seem to give the wearer some protection even if the other person is unmasked. Can people just make their own choice here and not worry about it?
WILEY: I think over the last few months, we've seen government officials struggling to navigate the details of mask requirements, especially when the emerging evidence is evolving about what kind of masks are effective, which kinds of masks are more effective and what the purpose of a mask is, whether it's to prevent spread of infection by the mask wearer or to protect the mask wearer. But the bigger problem here is that judges aren't supposed to be substituting their own judgment about these questions, about which measures are good or bad or effective or not. Congress gave that power to federal health officials, who are appointed based on their scientific expertise.
INSKEEP: Can you just help me out, then, with the Biden administration's thought process? Suppose the CDC says we need a mask mandate. The Biden administration is thinking about that, but also thinking about the future. Is it better for them to just ignore this ruling and let it be what it is? Or do they really need to appeal and get it overturned for future crises?
WILEY: There's a real gamble involved here. And I think the administration is facing tough decisions. The Supreme Court, if the case makes it that far, could decide it in a way that preserves at least some room for a future administration to require masks on interstate transit, at least in some circumstances. I definitely think that's possible. But the Supreme Court could endorse the trial court's reasoning. And it might be better to leave this week's decision as it stands now, since a single lower court decision doesn't have the same power to bind future actions as a Supreme Court ruling would.
INSKEEP: It's a little unfair, but I'm going to ask it. Your gut feeling - if it came down to you, would you appeal?
WILEY: I think I would. I think there's a real chance that the Supreme Court would at least adopt a better reasoning, at least leave the door open a crack for future actions in response to even more dire threats.
INSKEEP: Lindsay Wiley is a professor of public health law at UCLA. Thanks so much.
WILEY: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/doj-may-appeal-mandate-ruling-if-the-cdc-says-masks-are-still-needed | 2022-05-12T15:00:14Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
More than 28 million poultry birds, like chickens and turkeys, have been lost in the U.S. because of a new bird flu. The virus either made the birds sick or they were culled to prevent its spread. Unlike previous bird flus, this one is also affecting a lot of wild birds. As NPR's Nell Greenfieldboyce explains, that could keep the virus in circulation for a long time.
NELL GREENFIELDBOYCE, BYLINE: The last time a deadly new bird flu showed up here - seven years ago - it really hit poultry farms.
BRYAN RICHARDS: In 2014, 2015, we saw, I think, somewhere in the neighborhood of 50 million domestic poultry affected.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: Bryan Richards says that virus didn't infect many wild birds. This time, it's different.
RICHARDS: We've got wild bird detections in 32 states.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: Richards is the emerging disease coordinator at the U.S. Geological Survey's National Wildlife Health Center. He says this virus came across the Atlantic a few months ago, probably carried by migratory birds.
RICHARDS: It can kill some waterfowl, but I think there's pretty clear evidence that some waterfowl likely are not affected by it. And therefore, they're perfect transport mechanisms for taking it very long distances.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: Since this virus arrived, it's killed birds that belong to more than 40 species - mostly ducks and geese, but also scavengers like black vultures and bald eagles that presumably eat the carcasses of birds killed by the virus.
David Stallknecht is a bird flu researcher with the University of Georgia. He says there have been large die-offs of ducks in Florida and snow geese in the Midwest.
DAVID STALLKNECHT: This outbreak in the wild bird population is a lot more extensive than we saw in 2014, 2015 - just a lot more birds appear to be affected.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: So far, he hasn't seen indications that any species will lose so many birds that it will become threatened. But the spread of this virus in wild birds suggests that this outbreak may not burn itself out like the last one did. Ron Fouchier is a flu expert at Erasmus Medical Center in the Netherlands.
RON FOUCHIER: There's a chance that the virus will stick around, and this will become a long-term problem.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: He says that's what this virus has done in Europe, where it arrived a few years ago and never left. It's been causing massive die-offs in wild birds and continues to strike poultry flocks, resulting in the deaths of more than 17 million poultry birds since December. Fouchier says there's only been one known human infection - a farmer in the United Kingdom who lived in close quarters with ducks that got this flu. That person tested positive but didn't have any symptoms.
FOUCHIER: We haven't seen any other farmers or veterinarians or other people being infected.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: Still, since this bird flu arrived in the United States, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention has been keeping a close watch. Todd Davis works on animal-to-human diseases at the agency. He says bird flu viruses related to this one have sickened and even killed people during past outbreaks in other countries. That's why public health officials here have been monitoring the health of more than 500 people in 25 states who have had contact with sick or dead birds.
C TODD DAVIS: Because humans have no prior immunity to these viruses typically, if they were to be infected and spread the virus to other humans, then we could have another pandemic virus on our hands. And so that's our primary concern.
GREENFIELDBOYCE: Besides testing any people who show flu-like symptoms, they're also closely tracking genetic changes in the virus, looking for anything that would suggest it might become more of a threat to people.
Nell Greenfieldboyce, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF LYMBYC SYSTYM'S "BIRDS") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/encore-a-new-bird-flu-is-spreading-in-american-birds-and-it-may-be-here-to-stay | 2022-05-12T15:00:20Z |
TERRY GROSS, HOST:
This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. My guest is Richard Thompson, who's been a guest several times on our show because his music is so great. He stands out for the originality and the darkness of his songwriting, singing and guitar playing. He's been an influence on many performers, and his songs have been covered by people like Robert Plant, Elvis Costello and R.E.M. In 1967, he co-founded the British group Fairport Convention, which created a new genre, a hybrid of traditional folk music of the British Isles and rock. The group performed traditional songs and originals, and many of those originals were written by Thompson. Sandy Denny was the lead singer.
Thompson had no faith in his own voice as a singer and only started singing on stage after leaving the band in 1971 and going solo in '73. He formed a group with his girlfriend, then wife, Linda Thompson. They sang duets, sometimes with Linda, sometimes with Richard singing lead. Their last album together was in 1982. Then the band and the marriage split up. It's hard for me to imagine a time when he wasn't a singer because his voice is so sure and strong and able to express the emotions in the surprising, dark, melodic and lyrical turns of his songs.
Thompson's memoir, "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975," has just been published in paperback. It focuses on his early years as a performer with Fairport and with Linda Thompson. It's also about his childhood and teenage years. The title, "Beeswing," comes from the title of one of his songs. We'll be talking about his formative years, but I want to start with a more recent album from 2018. The album is called "13 Rivers." The song is called "The Storm Won't Come."
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "THE STORM WON'T COME")
RICHARD THOMPSON: (Singing) I'm longing for a storm to blow through town and blow these sad old buildings down. Fire to burn what fire may and rain to wash it all away. But the storm won't come. But the storm won't come. I'm longing for the storm. But the storm won't come.
GROSS: Richard Thompson, welcome back to FRESH AIR. It's always such a treat to have you on the show. I love your music so much.
R THOMPSON: Thank you. Thank you so much.
GROSS: You have such a dark sensibility. And I'm thinking about how so much of pop music over the decades, particularly in the pre-Dylan era, were about love and romance and, you know, more chaste sex because you weren't allowed to use sexually explicit words in the earlier days of pop. But so many traditional ballads, like the ballads of the British Isles that you, you know, started singing are about love and murder and revenge and death and storms at sea and hangings and...
R THOMPSON: Yeah, happy stuff.
GROSS: Happy stuff. Is that part of what you loved about those old ballads?
R THOMPSON: Well, I think it is. I don't know why we're so attracted to this stuff. It's great storytelling, the old Scottish and Irish palettes and English palettes are just wonderful storytelling. And if you grow up on a diet of that, you think that's normal. And when people say, oh, your music's so dark, you know, you've got such a dark sensibility, you know, I just say, well, I don't know what you mean. I mean, to me, it's just normal. And I'm happy that people think my music is at least serious, that it's not frivolous pop music, that it actually shares some of the characteristics of poetry or of good prose. You know, you're going to the same places. You're just expressing it in a more musical way.
GROSS: Your father was from Scotland. And your grandmother - and I don't know if it was your maternal or paternal grandmother - sang a lot too, in Gaelic sometimes. Can you talk a little bit about the songs you learned just from hearing them sing and what their style of singing was like? And if you were willing, to sing a few bars of one of those songs that you grew up with.
R THOMPSON: Oh, yes. My dad's mother was from (inaudible). And she, you know, she wasn't a great singer, but she sang around the house. I don't think I could sing you something she sang because it was in Gaelic, and I don't really have the Gaelic. She sang a song called "Ireland The Brown" (ph), I guess the brown haired. It's a love song. (Vocalizing). It's a beautiful tune, and it's usually sung unaccompanied. And she'd just, you know, be singing it around the house when she's doing the dusting, you know. I probably learned more from friends and from hanging out in folk clubs than I really did from the family. I wasn't really part of one of those strong family traditions like the Watersons, you know, or the McGarrigles.
GROSS: You know, you write that school was like prison for you. And the only thing that you were interested in was music, playing guitar. And before the British invasion, teenagers in England were in love with American rock 'n' roll and blues. And that's what influenced the Beatles and the Rolling Stones and Eric Clapton and countless others. You ended up going your own way and finding, like, your roots, not in American roots, but in traditional music of the British Isles. But what styles did you try? What kinds of music did you play before finding that you wanted to go your own way?
R THOMPSON: Well, growing up in London, we had access to all kinds of music because everything came through London. So you could go and hear jazz. You could hear classical music. You could hear good R&B. You could hear good blues - from the British contingent and also from, you know, visiting American musicians who would generally come through London, people like, you know, Howlin Wolf and Sonny Boy Williamson would all kind of come through. And I just learned to play everything that I could copy. So I could play the blues reasonably well. I could play classical guitar. I could play country, which was very unfashionable at the time. So pretty much everything, really. And also, you know, I had a kind of short career as a session musician where I'm playing everything, where you just respond to whatever the session is and whoever the artist is, which is kind of fun, but you can get burned out on that as well after a while.
GROSS: You know, you write it didn't seem indulgent at that time - and you're talking about the '60s - for me to play a guitar solo for 10 minutes. In fact, it was expected. Half an hour wouldn't have been exceptional, as audiences were increasingly stoned and hearing things from an altered perspective. We, on the other hand, were relatively sober. What was it like in those days playing those really super-long guitar solos? Did you feel at the time that it was self-indulgent?
R THOMPSON: It didn't feel self-indulgent because everyone else was really doing the same thing. So if we were opening for Pink Floyd, I think it would almost be expected that there would be long instrumental passages where you could indulge yourself, really, And I did. I mean, I never thought I was drawing anything out. I like to feel that there was content to what I was doing. And then Pink Floyd would go on, and you think, well, you know how much content have they got? So it was all - it was kind of a self-indulgent, you know, very stoned kind of a musical scene. And, you know, the light shows and, you know, the very loud sound was all part of the sort of disorientating effect of the event, really.
GROSS: What was behind the founding of Fairport Convention? And what made you think that you wanted to and that the band should explore the music of, you know, the traditional British ballads?
R THOMPSON: I think we started out as a bunch of friends. Myself and Ashley and Simon were three like-minded, you know, North London teenagers fairly determined to not be like other bands. I think we thought there was a glut of blues bands, R&B bands, soul bands. So we always tried to find obscurities. If we were going to do a blues song, like, we'd try and find something that no one else had ever heard of. And we would do country songs, which no one else did at that time. And we'd do singer-songwriter stuff. We were very early in finding Joni Mitchell demos before she had recorded. I think we were the first people to get "The Basement Tapes," the Dylan "Basement Tapes." We were doing very early songs by Leonard Cohen. So you know, we were being obscure. Before we really became writers, we were trying to have the most obscure, different material from anybody else. And I think our love of lyrics made us stand out from other bands more than anything else. We really liked great lyrics. So we'd do folk songs. We'd do, you know, Joni Mitchell, et cetera. I don't think anyone else was really doing that at the time.
GROSS: The first song that was a traditional song that Fairport did was "She Moves Through The Fair." And of course, Sandy Denny was the lead singer. Why was this the song that was chosen to be the first actual traditional song that the band did?
R THOMPSON: Well, when Sandy joined the band, we didn't have a lot of rehearsal time. We were playing shows all the time. And so we had to get Sandy into the band, to integrate Sandy into the band, as quickly as possible. So as she slowly learned our repertoire, we decided that we should learn some of her repertoire that she was singing in the folk clubs. And it was easy to kind of wrap ourselves around her arrangement of "She Moves Through The Fair," "Nottamun Town," a couple of other songs that she'd been performing. So that was a fairly easy rehearsal process. And for us, it was a nice way to start playing some British Isles music.
GROSS: Why don't we hear that recording? This is Sandy Denny with Fairport Convention, "She Moves Through The Fair."
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "SHE MOVES THROUGH THE FAIR")
SANDY DENNY: (Singing) My young love said to me, my mother won't mind and my father won't slight you for your lack of kind. And she laid her hand on me. And this she did say, oh, it will not be long, love, 'till our wedding day.
GROSS: That was an early Fairport Convention song with my guest, Richard Thompson, on guitar. He has a memoir called "Beeswing" that's just been published in paperback. Let's take a short break here and then talk some more. This is FRESH AIR.
(SOUNDBITE OF RICHARD THOMPSON'S "ROCKIN' IN RHYTHM")
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with Richard Thompson. His memoir, "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975," has just been published in paperback.
When you started becoming deeply involved with - you know, musically with traditional music, did you do a lot of research, looking for old ballads that - you know, that struck you as music you and Fairport should be performing?
R THOMPSON: We did a lot of research. And for our first forays into traditional rock, you know, whatever you want to call it, we did look at some of the older ballads, particularly Scottish ballads, that had powerful lyrics - a song like "Matty Groves," which is a murder ballad. We thought, well, if you sing these lyrics over the power of an electric band, that's going to be an incredible combination of things. "Tam Lin," which is a very supernatural song, again, it's a story that kind of grabs you. And if you put it with this powerful backing, that's going to be something, really, quite fantastic. So we were looking for things that would work.
And, you know, I think we found some folk songs were too pastoral, were too bucolic to fit into that framework. But sometimes, with the older songs - you might have a song that's four or 500 years old. There are many versions. And sometimes, you'll want to grab the best bits from all those versions. And some traditionalists would sneer at that approach. But for us, we really wanted to get, you know, the best, the most honed down version of a song that carried the most power and had the least deadwood in it. The story would keep progressing and keep rolling. So yes, the answer is, yes, lots of research.
GROSS: Is there a song that you found through this research that you're still particularly fond of?
R THOMPSON: I mean, I love a song like "Willow Day," which is also known as "Adieu, Adieu," which is - it's like a highwayman's song. It's just such a perfect, beautiful song. It's got a great tune, has wonderful lyrics, very colorful lyrics. And I'm extremely fond of it. I was never involved in Fairport's recording that song. I left the band by then. But I sing it occasionally. I'll sing it live occasionally just because it's a wonderful place to go. And when you sing those old songs, you feel this reverberation of history. You feel all the singers who sang that song down through the years.
GROSS: Would you mind singing a few bars of it?
R THOMPSON: (Laughter) OK. Yeah. Well, I'll start, anyway. (Singing) Adieu, adieu, Hard was my fate. I was brought up in a tender state. Bad company, it did me entice. I left off work and took bad advice, which makes me now to lament and say, pity the fate of young felons all - willow day, willow day.
GROSS: Yeah. Our listeners may be hearing birds in the background (laughter). And, do you want to explain to us where you are?
R THOMPSON: Oh, yes. I'm in a car park because my house was too noisy. So I'm just watching some robins getting frisky. It's sort of mating season - and very charming.
GROSS: You write that it was hard to keep the sound of unaccompanied singing, the kind of singing that was often done with traditional songs, and the ambiguity of key and the lack of resolution in the melody once you put instruments behind it. Can you elaborate on that? And maybe, if you could, sing perhaps an example of the ambiguity of key and the lack of resolution in the melody that you refer to.
R THOMPSON: OK. You know, it's tempting when you grow up in sort of Western music to put out anything that's from outside of it into the basic Western chord structure, you know? Like, C, F, G or something will fit an awful lot of traditional songs if you let them. But in traditional music, it's almost - it is hard to know what the key is. "She Moves Though The Fair."
(Singing) My young love said to me, my parents won't mind. And my father won't slight you for your lack of kind. And she laid her hand on me. And this she did say. It will not be long, love, till our wedding day.
Now, you can sing that over the root note. Or you could sing it over a fourth above or a fifth above. And sometimes you don't want to pin that down. You want to keep that ambiguity - and a great traditional interpreter, someone like Martin Carthy, who used special guitar tunings in order to keep that ambiguity alive and to not nail it down into sort of C, F and G so it sounds like, you know, a Western tradition, popular song. And it's not always easy to do that. But it's a very desirable thing, I think, to keep that ambiguity going.
GROSS: So how did you deal with that as a guitarist?
R THOMPSON: As a guitarist, I learned from people like Martin Carthy and Davy Graham, some of the great acoustic guitar players in Britain. And as a band, we try to arrange things in that way. And we did a song maybe a year later than that called "A Sailor's Life," where it's basically built around a drone. So you have a drone and melody and not an awful lot of saying what the chord is. And just drone and melody is a very old tradition. A lot of pipe music, bagpipe music from all around the world - it's basically drone and melody. So it's a very ancient thing. And you don't have to develop that into a chord structure necessarily. You can keep that ambiguity going. So in Fairport, eventually we really tried to do a lot more of that.
GROSS: Well, let's hear the song you were just talking about. This is Fairport Convention.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "A SAILOR'S LIFE")
DENNY: (Singing) They had not sailed long on the deep when a queen's ship they chanced to meet. You sailors all, pray tell me true. Does my sweet William sail among your crew?
GROSS: That was Fairport Convention, with my guest, Richard Thompson, on guitar. Let's take a short break here, and then we'll talk some more. If you're just joining us, my guest is Richard Thompson. And his new memoir is called "Beeswing," which is also the title of one of his songs. We'll be right back. I'm Terry Gross. And this is FRESH AIR.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "1952 VINCENT BLACK LIGHTNING")
R THOMPSON: (Singing) Says Red Molly to James, that's a fine motorbike. A girl could feel special on any such like. Says James to Red Molly, my hat's off to you. It's a Vincent Black Lightning, 1952. And I've seen you at the corners and cafés it seems, red hair and black leather, my favorite color scheme. And he pulled her on behind, and down to Box Hill they did ride.
(SOUNDBITE OF RICHARD THOMPSON’S "SCOTT SKINNER MEDLEY: GLENCOE - SCOTT SKINNER'S ROCKIN' STEP - BONNY BANCHORY")
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. I'm Terry Gross. Let's get back to my interview with songwriter, singer and guitarist Richard Thompson. His memoir, "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975," has just been published in paperback. In the late '60s, he co-founded the British group Fairport Convention, which created a new genre, a hybrid of traditional folk music of the British Isles and rock. The group performed traditional songs and originals. Many of those originals were written by Thompson. He left the group, went as a duo with his girlfriend, then wife, Linda Thompson. And then after about 10 years of recording together, they broke up musically and as a married couple, and he's been solo ever since.
You write in your memoir about what it was like when Jimi Hendrix came to London. How did you feel his impact?
R THOMPSON: I went to see him fairly early on, probably early 1967, a little club, held about 300 people. And he was something clearly different. You know, he'd taken ideas from people like The Who, some of Pete Townshend, so, you know, pyrotechnics. And he wedded that with, you know, really good blues guitar playing and lots of feedback and a touch of psychedelia here and there. And it was clearly something very impressive and very different and something took it up a level as well. And I think when the other London-based guitar players, Peter Green and Eric Clapton and everybody heard Jimi, they really kind of scratched their heads and felt a bit second hand in a sense.
You know, Jimi seemed to be much more real and much more connected to the music he was playing. And all these British guitar players had really learnt from records. And they didn't live in Chicago. They didn't live in Mississippi. So I think it was owning up time in many ways. And for me, I just thought, well, I have to do something different. I can't be a blues-based guitar player. I have to be something else. So I really tried to develop an individual style.
GROSS: So when you're playing this, like, new kind of music combining, you know, traditional music and rock, was it hard to find an audience?
R THOMPSON: The audience were really there for us. And, you know, I think we only really started playing that music 100% after we had a traffic accident that killed our drummer. And we had great sympathy from our audience. And our first show was at the Festival Hall in London, and it was sold out. It was a great success. People loved it. And you had this phenomenon of playing in among these great songs, these wonderful ballads, playing traditional dance music, playing jigs and reels very loud and very fast. And we just were bowled over by this concept. And we had great audiences really from that point onwards. There wasn't ever a doubt. I think when we came to America, we found it a little bit harder. The audiences were a little more resistant to what we were doing and didn't really understand what we were doing.
GROSS: Let's talk about that car crash. This was in 1969. And you and the band and your girlfriend at the time, Jeannie, were in the car. And the person driving was like your manager or your road manager?
R THOMPSON: Road manager, yeah.
GROSS: And you'd just played a club in Birmingham. You were driving home. And you want to describe what happened? Is that too much to ask? I know it's very traumatic, so...
R THOMPSON: It's OK. Yeah, I can answer that. So we're driving back to London. We're almost at London. And our driver falls asleep. And the van, you know, veers off the road.
GROSS: But you knew that - you knew he was falling asleep. You tried to grab the wheel. You did grab the wheel to avert crashing into a pole. And you didn't crash into the pole, but the car, you know, spiraled into a tunnel instead.
R THOMPSON: Well, it kind of spiraled. I mean, wasn't - not literally into a tunnel, but it spiraled and rolled. And, you know, we ended up off the road and down an embankment. There were injuries. My girlfriend was killed. Our drummer was killed. And that was a real watershed for the band as we recovered from that, the three of us, anyway, I myself and Ashley and Simon and Sandy as well. We really had to have a meeting and say, what are we going to do? Are we going to continue as a band? Is it worth it? You know, this is too big a price to pay for the joy of playing music live. And eventually we decided, well, we should carry on, if only for the sake of Martin and Jeannie. I think we owe it to them to keep this alive and keep ourselves sane as well, really, I think. We had to have a project, I think, to keep a - to hold ourselves together.
GROSS: What was the project?
R THOMPSON: Well, the project was really to do the "Liege & Lief" album, which was the next album. And this was a more traditional record. I think there were a couple of original songs, but it was supposed to be a statement, really. This is, you know, how you play British music in the 20th century, i.e. with bass and drums. So that was the project that we put all our energy into and a lot of research into. And it kept us going through that summer. And, you know, I mean, I think it did keep us sane to some extent anyway. But it was difficult. You know, there wasn't a lot of therapy in those days. So there wasn't a lot of counselling. There wasn't a lot of thought of, you know, of trauma. And I think we were just supposed to get on with it, really, to get on with life. But I think we were deeply scarred, actually. And it took us a couple of years to truly recover from that accident. And I think some of the decisions that we made in the next couple of years were not good. It was a tough time, a tough time.
GROSS: So the album that you mentioned, "Liege & Lief," had a lot of traditional songs, but a couple of originals. I want to play an original that you wrote that's on that album, "Crazy Man Michael." Can you say something about the song before we hear it?
R THOMPSON: I think the song's metaphorical. It's almost like a magical world, like a parallel universe, a dream world, and not far removed from the world of traditional music and the kind of themes, the supernatural themes that you find in traditional music. And I'm not sure I knew what I was doing when I was writing it, but clearly it's a reflection on the accident and on the loss of those wonderful people.
GROSS: Well, let's hear it. This is Fairport Convention with Sandy Denny singing lead.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "CRAZY MAN MICHAEL")
FAIRPORT CONVENTION: (Singing) Within the fire and out upon the sea, crazy man Michael was walking. Het met with a raven with eyes black as coals, and shortly they were a-talking. Your future, your future, I would tell it to you. Your future, you often have asked me. Your true love will die by your own right hand, and crazy man Michael will cursed be. Michael, he ranted, and Michael, he raved.
GROSS: That's Fairport Convention from their album "Liege & Lief." My guest is Richard Thompson, who was the guitarist and lead songwriter for the band. And then of course, he sang with Linda Thompson after that and then went solo and has been solo for years. How long did the band stay together after the accident?
R THOMPSON: Well, the band's still going (laughter).
GROSS: But Sandy Denny was asked to leave, and then you left.
R THOMPSON: Yeah. I think we lasted just a few months after the accident, and then, you know, Sandy left or was asked to leave. It was a bit ambiguous what was really the driving force behind that. Ashley left as well, and then I left about a year later. I think there was some traumatic reasons that the band split up in that way. I think if we'd been thinking a bit more clearly, we would have stayed together longer with a more stable lineup. The band went through a lot of personal changes over the years. I mean, they are still going, which is fantastic, with at least two or three original members. And they're still a great band. But there have been a lot of changes, and I'm not sure it was always logical.
GROSS: A few years later, Sandy Denny died. She fell down. I think she fell down a flight of stairs. And it seemed to be ambiguous whether it was death by suicide or an accident. You think it was an accident.
R THOMPSON: I do think it was an accident. I don't think she was someone who would ever contemplate suicide. But she'd become really unreliable. She had a young baby. She was very irresponsible. And in some ways, I think life was getting to be too much for her. And she'd fallen down the stairs before, so she had a previous brain trauma, we believe. And I think when she fell down the stairs again and hit her head again, I think that was really - it became much more serious. And she didn't really recover from that. But I don't think she was suicidal.
GROSS: You know, we talked about how much death there is in traditional British folk music and how - you know, you perform so many of the songs, and so many of your own songs are modeled on that. And I'm thinking about how there was, you know, death in your life at an early age, from the car accident and then Sandy Denny, you know, dying. So, like, you knew the death of peers through, you know, surprising and awful twists in their lives.
R THOMPSON: Well, I think that does something to you. You know, people lose parents young sometimes. You know, people get orphaned, or they lose their parents through illness or something, a war. And I think it makes you grow up quicker, you know? Life becomes more serious. And you see life, I think, also as a more precious thing, and you realize that time isn't this infinite thing, that time runs out. And you better enjoy life and live life at the time and really, really savor it. I think it gives you that quality.
GROSS: Let me reintroduce you. My guest is songwriter, singer and guitarist Richard Thompson. He has a memoir called "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975." We'll be right back. This is FRESH AIR.
(SOUNDBITE OF RICHARD THOMPSON SONG, "1952 VINCENT BLACK LIGHTNING")
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with Richard Thompson. His memoir, "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975," has just been published in paperback.
After leaving Fairport and playing with a lot of other bands, you and your girlfriend-then-wife Linda Thompson formed a group, and you did remarkable music together. How do you think performing with her changed you as a songwriter? Because you were writing songs for yourself and writing songs for her.
R THOMPSON: Yeah. Interesting. I think, well, it had to make me empathetic to someone else's points of view. And particularly, to write songs from a female perspective is very difficult, and I'm not sure I ever really did that successfully. But at least I could write songs that were at least ambiguous, that if I sang it, it sounded authentic, or if Linda sang it, it sounded authentic. I could never claim to get right inside her head, to write stuff in that way. But there were many songs that we tried out where she might start out singing it and then say, well, you know, I don't really feel this, you know? Why don't you sing it? So there was a bit of that back-and-forth kind of idea. But I think it loosened me up as a songwriter, and it made me a bit more sympathetic. And I think, you know, I admire someone like Robbie Robertson of The Band, who was writing songs for other voices, not for his own voice. And so he'd be writing a song, thinking, well, Levon's going to sing this one, you know, or Rick Danko's going to sing this one. So I think I was influenced by that attitude, and that really helped me.
GROSS: So I want to play a song that she sings lead on, and you sing on the chorus, and this is "Walking On A Wire," and it's from the album "Shoot Out The Lights," which was your last album together in 1982. Can you talk about writing this song?
R THOMPSON: Yeah. It's a relationships, you know, being right on the edge, really, you know, or up on a high wire and you can fall off at any, any moment. You know, some people say - not me necessarily - but some people say this was, you know, a kind of a precursor of our marriage breaking down, you know, that it was kind of kind of prophetic that, you know, we weren't going to be together much longer. I mean, I really don't know about that. Certainly, by the time the album came out, we were pretty much split up.
And so a lot of people have read into that album. It's one of the breakup albums. And I'm not sure I go that far, really. And to me, I was just writing songs. I didn't really know what I was doing in that sense. I wasn't deliberately writing with a divorce in mind or anything. But perhaps I was subconsciously picking up on the news and the songs just pop out. The songs just seem to pop out anyway. They seem to have a life of their own. And you write them. And you look at them later. And you think, oh, OK, maybe that was about that or about this. But I think at the time you're not really conscious necessarily.
GROSS: Well, let's hear it. So this is Linda Thompson singing lead with Richard Thompson also on vocals. And this is from their album together, "Shoot Out The Lights," recorded in 1982.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "WALKING ON A WIRE")
LINDA THOMPSON: (Singing) I hand you my ball and chain. You just hand me that same old refrain. I'm walking on a wire. I'm walking on a wire. And I'm falling. I wish I could please you tonight. But my medicine just won't come right. I'm walking on a wire. I'm walking on a wire. And I'm falling. Too many steps...
GROSS: That was Richard and Linda Thompson from their album "Shoot Out The Lights" from 1982. You know, we talked about how you didn't really sing during the Fairport Convention years. And you shared vocals with Linda Thompson when you were in a duo with her. What was it like for you when you first tried to figure out if you could sing on stage, if you were good enough? I love your voice so much and it's so distinctive. I mean, I never confuse your voice with anybody else's. And - I don't know. Your singing just kind of speaks to me. But you never thought of yourself as a singer. So how did you figure out who you were as a singer and what qualities of your voice that you liked and were comfortable with?
R THOMPSON: I think it was a very slow process. In fact, I used to sing harmony. I'd sing behind Sandy or something. But when you have someone who's that strong and that in tune as a singer, it's very easy just to jump in and sing a harmony underneath. When Sandy left the band, you know, we kind of shared vocals. No one was really confident enough to be, you know, the lead singer. And then when I started working with Linda, you know, I felt a little bit more confident. And playing in folk clubs was a very good way of making your voice stronger and getting, you know, becoming more confident as a singer because in a folk club, there's nowhere to hide. You really have to just get on with it. You have to be, you know, whoever you're going to be and sing however you are going to sing. And they'll accept it or not. You know, there's no hiding behind, you know, microphones or reverbs or anything like that.
So that was a good confidence booster as well. And then really, when I was solo, I just thought, well, you know, I'll, you know, I'll do the singing. I love singing, but I didn't feel my voice was still quite there. So it took me a few solo albums to really feel that I was getting in the right direction anyway. And I had producers who were not necessarily great vocal coaches. I had producers who were saying, oh, you must sing louder. You know, you must give it a bit more grit or something. Whereas my voice sounds better if it's not that loud, if it's a little bit underneath. So it was a learning experience for me, a learning experience for my producers as well. But I think I finally got there. And I think I sing OK now, just about.
GROSS: I would say. Let's take a short break here and then talk some more. If you're just joining us, my guest is songwriter, singer and guitarist Richard Thompson. His new memoir is called "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975." We'll be right back. This is FRESH AIR.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
GROSS: This is FRESH AIR. Let's get back to my interview with songwriter, singer and guitarist Richard Thompson. His new memoir is called "Beeswing: Losing My Way And Finding My Voice 1967-1975."
You've said, you know, that it's sometimes hard to tell where a song comes from. They just kind of come to you. When you write songs now, are they coming from a different place at all? Because you're - you've lived through so much more than you did when you were young and also you've written so many songs. I think it's hard for a lot of people to not keep writing the same song.
R THOMPSON: I think you have to be aware of writing the same song over and over. On the other hand, if you write the same song over and over, you might finally get it right.
GROSS: (Laughter).
R THOMPSON: And I think there's a lot of writing with variations. You're almost writing the same song, but you managed to make it different enough that people won't notice too much. But you know what you're aiming for. You're aiming to perfect that particular kind of song. And if you do, then you could tear up, you know, the 10 versions before that. But on the whole, I think you're trying to not repeat yourself. And that gets harder and harder, of course, not only because you're writing more songs - you've written 400, 500 songs - but everyone else is writing songs as well. You know, like, in Nashville, God knows how many songs they write a year, you know, just in Nashville.
So there's always this idea that you have to come up with something that's different. And when you do come up with a song that is - that you think, well, no one's written this song before, I know for certain this is something that no one has tackled before, it's a great feeling. It's a wonderful feeling. And it's a rare thing, you know, because of how much we all love songs and how many songs get written and how many people want to express themselves. So being original, it does get harder and harder.
GROSS: Do you think your songs now in your 70s are coming from a different place at all than they did when you were younger?
R THOMPSON: Oh, definitely, yeah. Yeah, I think that they come from a certain maturity for sure. They're not songs that you write when you're 20, I don't think. On the other hand, you know, I love the energy of thinking that you're still 20, you know, fooling yourself that you're still young and you've got all this energy. And I think you can write good songs by fooling yourself, that's for sure.
GROSS: I want to close with the song "Beeswing," which is the title of your book as well as the title of the song. And it's one of your better-known songs. I think it's also the title of your music publishing company.
R THOMPSON: Yes, it is. Yeah.
GROSS: Yeah. So what is it about this song that means so much to you that you've named the book and your publishing company by it?
R THOMPSON: The publishing company - I think I named it after - a small town in Scotland is called Beeswing. And there's also a Scottish dance tune called "Beeswing." So I think that's where the name came from originally. And then the song really came later. We're still talking a long time ago, but the song came later. I think the song title became the book title because the song seems to me to encapsulate things about the '60s and '70s - not everything about the '60s and '70s but the way that society changed at that point. And people didn't accept the values of their parents. And they dropped out. They didn't go to university. They didn't go into the straight job. You know, they went off around the world and in some cases didn't come back. They took to alternative lifestyles. And I think some of that is expressed in the - you know, in the book and certainly in the song title.
GROSS: Richard Thompson, thank you so much for talking with us. It's always such a pleasure to have you on our show and to have an opportunity to play a lot of your music.
R THOMPSON: Well, it's a great pleasure. Thank you so much, Terry.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "BEESWING")
R THOMPSON: (Singing) I was 19 when I came to town. They called it the summer of love. They were burning babies, burning flags, the hawks against the doves. I took a job in the steamie down on Cauldrum Street, and I fell in love with a laundry girl who was working next to me. Oh, she was a rare thing, fine as a bee's wing. So fine, a breath of wind might her away. She was a lost child. Oh, she was running wild. She said as long as there's no price on love I'll stay. And you wouldn't want me any other way.
GROSS: That's Richard Thompson singing his song "Beeswing," which is also the title of his memoir. It's just been published in paperback. Tomorrow on FRESH AIR, we'll talk about Rupert Murdoch, his family and the media empire he created, including Fox News. My guest will be New York Times reporter Jim Rutenberg. He co-wrote a series of investigative articles about how Murdoch's newspapers and TV networks helped create, amplify and profit from the right-wing populist wave in the U.S. and other countries. The series has been adapted into a CNN+ documentary series. I hope you'll join us.
FRESH AIR's executive producer is Danny Miller. Our senior producer today is Sam Briger. Our technical director and engineer is Audrey Bentham. Our interviews and reviews are produced and edited by Amy Salit, Phyllis Myers, Roberta Shorrock, Lauren Krenzel, Heidi Saman, Therese Madden, Ann Marie Baldonado, Seth Kelley and Joel Wolfram. Our digital media producer is Molly Seavy-Nesper. Thea Chaloner directed today's show. I'm Terry Gross.
(SOUNDBITE OF RICHARD THOMPSON SONG, "BEESWING") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/fairport-convention-band-cofounder-richard-thompson-looks-back-on-his-life-in-music | 2022-05-12T15:00:26Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Tonight, French President Emmanuel Macron and his far-right challenger, Marine Le Pen, meet for a rematch of their contentious 2017 presidential debate. French voters go to the polls in just four days to choose between the two candidates for the second time. But as NPR's Eleanor Beardsley reports, much has changed in five years.
UNIDENTIFIED PEOPLE: (Chanting in French).
ELEANOR BEARDSLEY, BYLINE: Fired-up supporters of Marine Le Pen know their candidate has a real chance this time. She's run a strong campaign and moderated her image. Nonna Mayer, an expert of the far right, says Le Pen has completely changed the image of the National Rally party since taking over from her father in 2011.
NONNA MAYER: She has given a new electoral dynamic to the party because she's a woman and she has managed to speak to and to rally female voters, which were repulsed by the father.
BEARDSLEY: Mayer says Le Pen's mission to detoxify the party is working.
MAYER: Showing - saying, we are not anti-Semitic. We are not racist. We are defending France. We are defending the rights of women, of gays, of Jews against the terrible threat that is radical Islam.
BEARDSLEY: Le Pen got more help from further-right candidate Eric Zemmour.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
ERIC ZEMMOUR: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: His xenophobic tirades made Le Pen look even more mainstream. Le Pen supporter Mylene Chabert says she couldn't convince a single relation to vote Le Pen last time. This year, her whole family supports Marine.
MYLENE CHABERT: She has learn for the mistake she made, I think, with Macron, with the debat (ph) when they speak together. And it's five years - she work, work, work. And I think she understand she go direct to the people.
BEARDSLEY: Chabert is referring to the 2017 second-round debate that was a disaster for Le Pen.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT EMMANUEL MACRON: (Speaking French).
MARINE LE PEN: (Speaking French).
MACRON: (Speaking French).
LE PEN: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: She came across as combative and chaotic compared with Macron's smooth mastery of every subject. This time around, Macron appeared too occupied with the war in Ukraine to even campaign ahead of the first round. The war did give Macron a boost in the poll, says Martin Quencez with the German Marshall Fund of the United States, but it was brief.
MARTIN QUENCEZ: The electors care about the domestic situation first, and we elect the French president with the intention to have someone to defend French interests.
BEARDSLEY: Macron is just now getting down in the trenches and taking some heat.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: "I've never known a more worthless president than you," one voter told him. There's still bitterness from the working poor revolt known as the yellow vest movement and plenty of anger over the handling of the pandemic. Disgust for a president many see as arrogant and elitist runs deep in the French heartland. Macron is even backtracking on some of his unpopular positions, like raising the retirement age to attract voters. Analyst Nonna Mayer.
MAYER: He can try and soften his previous positions, but he must be credible. And it's so late.
BEARDSLEY: Le Pen, she says, never deflected from the core issues voters care about, like purchasing power and the cost of living.
MAYER: There's the fear of globalization. So she has managed to play on that and to say she was the protector, the defender of the little people, the forgotten ones.
BEARDSLEY: In 2017, Macron beat Le Pen with 66% of the vote. The latest polls show him leading, but with only 55% this time. Both candidates hope to gain points in tonight's highly anticipated face-off, which is expected to draw record television audiences.
Eleanor Beardsley, NPR News, Paris.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/french-voters-go-to-the-polls-in-4-days-to-choose-between-macron-or-le-pen | 2022-05-12T15:00:32Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Sometimes Hollywood fixates on a theme. And right now, there are three serial biopics on streaming services that have something in common. In "The Dropout" on Hulu, Amanda Seyfried plays the disgraced head of Theranos.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE DROPOUT")
AMANDA SEYFRIED: (As Elizabeth Holmes) The world works in certain ways until a new great idea comes along and changes everything.
SHAPIRO: On Showtime, "Super Pumped: The Battle For Uber" tells the story of Travis Kalanick, played by Joseph Gordon-Levitt.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "SUPER PUMPED: THE BATTLE FOR UBER")
JOSEPH GORDON-LEVITT: (As Travis Kalanick) We work harder, we work longer and we work smarter.
SHAPIRO: And Jared Leto plays the former head of WeWork on the Apple TV+ show "WeCrashed."
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "WECRASHED")
JARED LETO: (As Adam Neumann) This isn't a place for people to punch in and out. It's a place for people to connect.
SHAPIRO: So why the fascination with startup disruptors who proved a little too disruptive? Two of our in-house experts are here to explain. Bobby Allyn covers tech, and Linda Holmes hosts our Pop Culture Happy Hour podcast. Good to have you both here.
LINDA HOLMES, BYLINE: Thanks, Ari.
BOBBY ALLYN, BYLINE: Hey, Ari.
SHAPIRO: OK, Bobby, for listeners who might not have put the puzzle pieces together, what do these three real-life stories have in common?
ALLYN: Yeah. So Travis Kalanick, Adam Neumann and Elizabeth Holmes were all these larger-than-life tech executives who tried to, you know, disrupt age-old industries - right? - taxi driving, office leasing, diagnostic blood testing. And, you know, all three had this kind of ferocious focus on growing their companies at all costs, just as huge problems were sort of simmering under the surface. And, you know, Ari, eventually these problems were impossible to ignore. And it set in motion their dramatic falls from grace.
SHAPIRO: These people were darlings until they weren't. Their companies were hot until they weren't. Linda, do the shows about them feel similar in tone? Like, is it all tragic Icarus figures flying too close to the sun?
HOLMES: I wouldn't say that. I think you can tell from that clip that the WeWork show, Jared Leto is kind of pushing that portrayal just to the edge of becoming a little silly. That's the one that has, I would say, the most dark comedy. "The Dropout" about Theranos is the purest drama. And then in "Super Pumped" about Uber, you kind of get more of a slick, satirical show that feels very influenced by Adam McKay and things like "The Big Short." So they are actually all a bit different in tone, in addition to kind of the differences in the underlying stories.
SHAPIRO: Bobby, what actually happened to these people in real life for their mismanagement?
ALLYN: Yeah, well, Kalanick was forced out at Uber in 2017, and that came after there was, you know, a big controversy over workplace culture at Uber. Lots of employees there said the company was rife with sexual harassment, discrimination that Kalanick supposedly ignored. And he also, you know, very famously liked ignoring local laws when Uber pushed into new cities. And these days, Kalanick is still around. He's, you know, much more low profile, but he is running a startup that is renting out space to restaurants.
Adam Neumann, he resigned from WeWork back in 2019 after it became very clear that WeWork's business model had no serious long-term plan to make any money. And he too is staying out of the limelight these days. And he seems to be something of a real estate investor, I guess, now.
And Elizabeth Holmes, she stands out among the three because, you know, Theranos was the only company that completely collapsed after a scandal. She's the only one who has been criminally charged. And as we know, a jury found her guilty of defrauding investors back in January. And now she's awaiting a sentencing date, and she could actually face some pretty hefty prison time.
SHAPIRO: OK. To turn back to the shows, Linda, my husband was obsessed with one of these three. I'm not going to tell you which one, but you've watched all of them. Do you think they're any good? Like, are they worth our time?
HOLMES: Well, you know, I think they vary a lot. I think "The Dropout" is by far the most successful. You know, the trick with these shows is that, as Bobby was just saying, you don't really get a super satisfying, like, schadenfreude kind of downfall for these people in most cases. Like, at least two of these people walked away rich and are still rich. It's not clear where Elizabeth Holmes is going to end up, so you have to find something else to make the show about. And I think "The Dropout" is the most successful in making this show kind of about Elizabeth Holmes. I think it also has the most interesting central performance from Amanda Seyfried. I brought you a little clip of her kind of doing one of Elizabeth Holmes' most famous speeches in a pep talk to her staff.
(SOUNDBITE OF TV SHOW, "THE DROPOUT")
SEYFRIED: (As Elizabeth Holmes) I grew up spending summers with my uncle. I remember his love of crossword puzzles and trying to teach us to play football. I remember how much he loved the beach. I remember how much I loved him. He was diagnosed one day with skin cancer, which all of a sudden was brain cancer and in his bones.
HOLMES: And if you have followed the story of Elizabeth Holmes in documentaries or whatever, you've heard her do that story. I think Seyfried did a good job of capturing kind of how she talks without getting too fixated on an impersonation. But I think by far as television, the most successful is "The Dropout."
SHAPIRO: All right, you guessed the one my husband is obsessed with.
HOLMES: (Laughter).
SHAPIRO: Bobby, how has the real-life tech world responded to these scandals? Do they see it as an indictment of their culture broadly or a few bad apples? Like, what's the response been?
ALLYN: More of in the few-bad-apples category, I'd say. I mean, after each of these scandals, Silicon Valley says, OK, fine, we're going to do some soul-searching. Investors say we're going to do more homework before we write these enormous checks to companies promising to change the world. But, you know, Ari, that just never happens.
I mean, the pattern is Silicon Valley distances itself from a disgraced CEO. They say, hey, that's not us. This person is an outlier. And then they turn around and make another very high-risk bet on a questionable startup that very well, you know, fail one day. It's just kind of the nature of the game out here.
SHAPIRO: Why do you think this is what Hollywood is focused on right now? I mean, is there something in the water that makes us want these kinds of stories at this moment?
HOLMES: I personally think, you know, my friends - I have to credit my friend Mike Katzif, who's a producer on Pop Culture Happy Hour, who made the point to me that it feels very post-Trump in a sense that, you know, you feel like people are trying to figure out what makes people attracted to kind of these big bets on these big characters. I think that's a really interesting thesis that I liked as soon as I heard it. And I think it's also kind of an example of Hollywood following itself. So you also have this push into true crime and docuseries and all that stuff, that part of it is just once you get one thing, you tend to get a bunch of that thing. That's just kind of how television is.
ALLYN: Yeah, you know, and I think, you know, the question of, you know, how in the world were these people able to pull this off is just something that, like, endlessly fascinates, right? And I think another thing to add to what Linda was just saying is, you know, it's Silicon Valley right now just under pressure like never before. I think all of these stories just tap into a curiosity of, like, what's really going on at these high-flying, secretive tech companies?
SHAPIRO: NPR's Bobby Allyn covers tech, and Linda Holmes hosts the Pop Culture Happy Hour podcast. Thank you both for the insights.
HOLMES: Thank you.
ALLYN: Thanks, Ari. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/hollywood-has-found-a-favorite-new-subject-the-failed-ceos-of-tech-companies | 2022-05-12T15:00:34Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Netflix, the streaming TV giant, has seen its stock price take a huge hit, dropping up to 37% earlier today after news that it lost 200,000 subscribers in the first quarter of this year. It's been 10 years since that last happened. Netflix CEO Reed Hastings told investors yesterday that the company might try to claw back some revenue by cracking down on the huge number of households that watch the service for free by borrowing passwords from subscribers.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
REED HASTINGS: Remember, these are over a hundred million households that already are choosing to view Netflix. They love the service. We just got to get paid, you know, in some degree for them.
ERIC DEGGANS, BYLINE: Here to talk about what this means for Netflix and for the streaming TV world in general is NPR TV critic Eric Deggans. Hi, Eric.
DEGGANS: Hi.
ESTRIN: So 37% is a pretty significant stock drop. What is Netflix saying about why its numbers were so bad, and why did that affect its stock price so badly?
DEGGANS: Well, you know, for a company as big as Netflix, a drop of over 30% is massive. And in addition to their loss of 200,000 subscribers in the first quarter, they predicted they would lose 2 million more subscribers in the second quarter. So in a letter to shareholders, Netflix cited increased competition from other streaming services, a slowdown in the adoption of smart TVs, those hundred million households that don't pay for Netflix and outside factors like inflation and the war in Ukraine. I spoke to a couple of experts earlier today who said that Wall Street investors have been reconsidering how they valued streaming services since January, when Netflix offered some pretty conservative predictions on its future performance. So it makes sense that its underperforming now would produce this swift reaction.
ESTRIN: OK. So we heard CEO Reed Hastings say that a hundred million households are essentially getting Netflix for free by using shared passwords. So if Netflix manages to stop that, can it solve its problems?
DEGGANS: Well, I'm very skeptical. I mean, it's hard to convince consumers to pay for something that they've gotten for free over a long period of time. I mean, Netflix essentially plans to ask for a surcharge from subscribers who share passwords, but they're also trying to keep subscribers from dropping the service altogether. That's something that's called churn. And they want to build up goodwill among their customers, so that's a serious challenge.
ESTRIN: Now, does the drop in subscribers mean there are problems with Netflix's core strategy, and does it have implications for other streaming services?
DEGGANS: Well, Netflix is so big that when it sneezes, other streaming services catch a cold. So the stock price on other media companies in the streaming game also went down a bit today, including companies like Disney and Paramount Global. Netflix executives said they would develop a cheaper version with advertisements, which is something they've resisted in the past. And that's important because the company has often pushed back on suggestions that it reconsider basic elements of its strategy, like releasing all episodes of original shows at once for binge watching, which makes it tougher for series to stay in the public eye for very long.
Now, even though I've seen some critics take aim at their content, Elon Musk, for example, tweeted that, quote, "the woke mind virus is making Netflix unwatchable," whatever that means, they've had big recent hits with, like, "Squid Game" and the second season of "Bridgerton." So I think the real question is whether it's possible for any streaming service to grow at the levels necessary to satisfy Wall Street investors. And that's an answer we're probably going to see later this year.
ESTRIN: NPR's Eric Deggans. Thanks.
DEGGANS: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/how-netflix-plans-to-recover-after-losing-200-000-subscribers | 2022-05-12T15:00:40Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
One of the most prestigious journals in medicine is about to get a new editor-in-chief. Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo studies cardiovascular disease and health equity at the University of California, San Francisco. When she officially starts her new job this summer, she will be the first person of color to lead JAMA, the Journal of the American Medical Association. Her predecessor was asked to resign after a controversy involving questions about structural racism in medicine. Dr. Bibbins-Domingo, welcome to ALL THINGS CONSIDERED.
KIRSTEN BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Thanks for having me.
SHAPIRO: I want to briefly review the events that led to your predecessor's departure. Basically, in a podcast, two white doctors and editors for JAMA questioned whether structural racism exists in medicine. As a doctor, as a person of color, as someone who studies health equity, how did you feel watching that play out?
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Well, the issues regarding bias, racism in science and medicine are no different than the way they play out in the rest of society. And one of the challenges is that science and medicine we oftentimes think of as being separate from these larger forces. And one of the most important things that I think we're faced with right now is for science and medicine to really understand that those of us who practice medicine, those of us who conduct science, are shaped by the same sets of forces that shape the larger society, the issues of bias, of racism, of sexism. And it's really important, then, if we're going to address these issues that do have an impact on our patients, that do have an impact on how scientific knowledge is generated and communicated, that we name these forces and that we work in every way possible to overcome them.
SHAPIRO: And of course, this is all playing out during a pandemic that has had huge inequities in death and hospitalization across racial lines.
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Exactly right. Those of us who study the way in which health is sometimes distributed across lines that really highlight the inequities in society were not surprised to see these things play out. But the pandemic really exposed them in a way that I think highlighted them for many. And I think we're at this extraordinary time where we see these incredible scientific advances in the vaccines and the treatments. But we also know that the access to these scientific technologies, the access to the types of treatments and the ways in which many of our policies play out also reflect the types of inequities that we see in society. And there's never been a better time, I think, to highlight them, to think how we can, in science and medicine, work to improve the health of all of our communities and to do it in a trusted way? Because the other theme in this pandemic is the amount of mistrust people have about science and medicine. And I think it's important for a really outstanding voice like JAMA and the JAMA network to play a role in helping to improve in this area.
SHAPIRO: Can you identify one or two steps that you're really eager to take once you start the job that you think will move JAMA in the right direction?
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Yeah, I think one of the things that I'm most excited by is to think about the voices that we oftentimes don't hear in scientific publications. I'm really excited to make sure that the entire process that leads to publication that we really expand the number of voices at the table. I think this is about publishing the best science, but also putting the best science in context for the larger challenges that we face in actually making sure that a scientific discovery actually leads to improvements in health for all communities in the U.S.
SHAPIRO: As you've said, this is a problem across science, across medicine. And so how does the work you're describing at one scientific journal fit into the larger ecosystem that you're talking about here?
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Right. I think that this is just one journal, but it is a journal with a very - both a prominent voice and a broad reach. And you see that the larger scientific enterprise, which includes the funders of science, the people who conduct science, the communities who are involved and participate in science, the ways in which science is translated into medicine - all of those have their own parts that they need to play in this process. But I think movement in any one of those also moves the larger enterprise in the direction we'd like to see it going.
SHAPIRO: And do you feel like the goals you're describing are reflected across the field, or is everyone kind of working in silos right now and some are doing it better and faster than others, and some are just not doing it at all?
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: To be frank, I would say that it is unfortunate - and I say this as a physician myself - that we go into medicine because we want to serve our patients, and it's sometimes harder for us to acknowledge that the same biases that we have and that we are shaped by also influences how we care for our patients. So I would say medicine and science probably has been slower to address some of these issues. I think acknowledging that these forces exist should not come as a surprise to anyone, but rather as the first step to trying to make sure that science and medicine is something that really is working for the betterment of improving health for all.
SHAPIRO: Dr. Kirsten Bibbins-Domingo is the incoming editor-in-chief of JAMA. Thank you for speaking with us.
BIBBINS-DOMINGO: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/jama-appoints-new-editor-in-chief | 2022-05-12T15:00:46Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
To honor Poetry Month, we're hearing from the four finalists to become the 2022 National Youth Poet Laureate. Today we meet Elizabeth Shvarts, the Northeast regional ambassador.
ELIZABETH SHVARTS: I go by Liz, and I am 17. I'm from New York City. I'm from Staten Island. This poem is titled "At Least."
(Reading) In my dreams, I am King Midas. Specter, Sinner, Saint - I don't want to be another spectator. I swallow sunbeams. Slick lips revel in the golden glut of bustling streets. Here they've unclench their fists, let the cobblestones clatter to the ground. This is the type of city that burns its maps. A firework is a fickle attempt to bottle miracles, but can't we say we tried? Can't we say the mosaics here were beautiful?
I wrote about my experience looking within my community and sort of finding something I was in awe of and something that I wanted to change. And so - and Staten Island, it's not really known for - it's not the most popular borough. And it has the stereotype of being really monolithic. And that's not something that I experienced. But I also knew that gentrification was a huge issue, and witnessing how my parents were treated, navigating being a first-generation Russian-Jewish American - and a lot of my culture is in this poem, too. So I wanted to write with hope, and that's why I talk about King Midas and the touch of gold.
(Reading) And instead of bulldozing the bodegas for the celery juice stations or the karate dojo for the SoulCycle, swap the school desks for the stage. Keep the children's playground. Keep the Russian store. Keep the perogies (ph) and ponchiki. Don't sanitize our routes. America promises alimony, but we've rescheduled the court date until our pavement becomes the paradise we deserve.
I just love the feeling of being able to make someone question their beliefs or to make someone feel hopeful. And just by performing a 3- to 5-minute poem, that is such a powerful thing to do and so grounding.
(Reading) They say we should draw a solid. Draw straight. Draw the first number that comes to mind, the gap between the pot hole and the picket fence. In my dreams, I am King Midas. Specter, Sinner, Saint - someday what I touch will turn to gold. Together we'll make these pavements paradise.
ESTRIN: Elizabeth Shvarts - a finalist for this year's National Youth Poet Laureate.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/meet-nycs-elizabeth-shvarts-one-of-the-nation-youth-poet-laureate-finalists | 2022-05-12T15:00:53Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Fans of Taco Bell's Mexican pizza received good news this week. The food chain is bringing back the beloved menu item.
RIMA PARIKH: You have the two, like, fried tortillas that are, like, kind of glued together with the beans or the meat, whatever you want to do.
SHAPIRO: That's comedian and writer Rima Parikh, who wrote an essay professing her love for the Mexican pizza.
PARIKH: The top, there's, like, the cheese. There's the tomatoes. They used to have green onions. They don't have those anymore.
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Of course, there's no such thing in true Mexican cuisine, but Taco Bell's creation has developed a strong following, especially among South Asian Americans. The disappointment ran deep when it was pulled from the menu about a year and a half ago. Taco Bell said it wanted to make way for new menu items. But Parikh was lost without her go-to that she'd even customized.
PARIKH: I would swap out the meat with beans. And then a little bit later on, I started adding potatoes and nacho cheese sauce.
SHAPIRO: That ability to customize the Mexican pizza is part of what made it popular among South Asian Americans.
PARIKH: People's parents moved here in the '80s and the '90s. They didn't have, like, a lot of, you know, options for, like, fast-food, especially if, like they ate vegetarian, which, you know, you could do for a variety of reasons, like you don't eat beef, or, like, you're trying to eat halal.
SHAPIRO: So Taco Bell, where you could swap the beef for beans, became the place to go.
ESTRIN: Krish Jagirdar, who got hooked on the Mexican pizza as a kid, says the spicy flavors also appeal to Indian Americans.
KRISH JAGIRDAR: So I think in a lot of ways, it's kind of like as close as they can get to, like, Indian fast food while still being, you know, obviously part of American culture.
ESTRIN: When Taco Bell removed the Mexican pizza from the menu, Jagirdar started a change.org petition to bring it back. He says it spread like wildfire.
JAGIRDAR: I'm talking about like old Indian uncles and aunties, like, that are, like, sharing it in their groups.
SHAPIRO: He got more than 170,000 signatures. And last week, to Jagirdar's surprise, Taco Bell got in touch to thank him for stoking the movement and to tell him that the Mexican pizza hits menus again on May 19. Both he and Parikh have the day marked on their calendars.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/mexican-pizza-beloved-by-south-asian-americans-is-coming-back-to-taco-bell | 2022-05-12T15:00:54Z |
Updated April 20, 2022 at 10:46 PM ET
The foundation that runs Virginia's historic Montpelier, home of the fourth U.S. president, James Madison, and birthplace of the Constitution, said Wednesday it was open to addressing parity on its board and giving equal representation to descendants of those the American statesman had enslaved.
But the group that represents the descendant community has said such a move is meant to distract from the mostly white-run board's refusal to share power with Black people.
At issue are seats on the board that runs the foundation. The Montpelier Descendants Committee (MDC), which represents some 300 descendants of enslaved people, had sought to change the board's makeup.
Last year, the two parties struck a power-sharing agreement that would see half of the board's seats selected by the descendants of the enslaved.
But last month, the foundation board abruptly voted to change its bylaws, effectively stripping nominating power from the Black descendants, and in the MDC's eyes, robbing Black people of the opportunity to have equal buy-in on managing the grounds that their ancestors for generations toiled and maintained.
The bitter debate reached a breaking point this week, with the firing of three senior staff who had supported the Black descendants community. A fourth staff member had been fired last week.
A 'poison pill'?
Previously, the foundation has said it wanted to expand the number of nominees beyond the MDC's choices.
But in a Wednesday statement after reports of the firings, the foundation said that it would accept nine new candidates nominated by the MDC.
"The issue regarding parity at Montpelier has been settled for some time," Gene Hickok, chairman of the foundation board, said in a statement. "The disagreement is about how it should be achieved."
The statement said it has asked the descendants' committee to submit a list of 15 names, from which nine would be selected to join three MDC members already on the board.
"We expect to choose from an MDC list of prospective nominees in an expedited manner, consistent with the Foundation's governance policies, and plan to have new members join in two tranches, to be completed in 2022," the statement added.
One tranche, the statement said, would be as of July 1, and the other October 1. All would be elected at the May meeting.
But the MDC and its attorney described a similar move — earlier suggested to the descendants as a way to resolve the impasse — as an action meant to ensure the predominantly white board maintains power. The MDC called it a poison pill.
MDC attorney Greg Werkheiser said Wednesday in an exclusive statement to NPR, "The Foundation agrees to appoint MDC nominees in May, but to delay giving most of them power until October. That creates two classes of directors with unequal power. Why? Because the current board will maintain a 2/3's majority for almost five months."
Werkheiser said the board plans to use its majority to prevent the rehiring of fired staff, retaliate against more staff and current MDC board members, and amend the bylaws to dilute MDC's representation going forward.
The mission, the committee alleges, would be to ensure that board members chosen by the foundation maintain their seats during upcoming elections, and are able to unseat James French, the MDC chairman who also is on the foundation board.
"Sadly, Chairman Hickock is showing why he simply cannot be trusted to lead Montpelier out of this crisis and must step aside," Werkheiser said.
More than half a dozen requests for comment to Young, the CEO, and Hickok, the board chair, went unanswered by the time of publication.
Dispute years in the making
"Basically what they're afraid of is the MDC taking over the board," said Elizabeth Chew, one of the fired employees.
Chew had been executive vice president and chief curator of Montpelier. She was visiting family when she got the email — to her personal email address — notifying her that she had been terminated.
Montpelier employees, as well as some board members, describe an environment rife with racism.
One board member, multiple people allege, described a Black man as having intimidated him with a "Frederick Douglass stare."
The fear of a takeover, Chew said with incredulity, was rooted in what the board saw as "angry Black folks."
As to the employee terminations, the Montpelier Foundation on Tuesday defended its decision, citing monthslong performance issues.
"The Montpelier Descendants Committee (MDC), through its leadership, has worked relentlessly for months to create dissension and division among the staff of James Madison's Montpelier," wrote Hickok. "Some members of the Montpelier staff have, as a result, spoken disparagingly, even hatefully, of the volunteer Board that governs this historic American treasure."
"The atmosphere at Montpelier had become untenable and toxic, aggravated by misleading public statements made by the MDC and by bias demonstrated by the National Trust for Historic Preservation. Work was not getting done. Projects were being halted. Montpelier's leadership could not allow that to continue," Hickok wrote.
Terminated employees said that is not the case.
One employee, who asked their name be withheld because of their need to now re-enter the job market, said the foundation is engaging in misinformation.
The employee said they maintained an "exemplary" record at Montpelier, including their most recent performance review, which the employee said was well above average.
"I have never spoken out against the board or management," the employee said. But their backing of the MDC, including their support for a statement put forward by a majority of Montpelier's full-time staff, the employee said, led to their firing.
"You can't make this s*** up," the employee wrote in a text.
Longtime employee fired
Multiple people spoken to for this story described issues stemming from management, particularly Hickok and Young, the chief executive.
A number of people called for Hickok and Young to resign or be fired.
"It was one of the most honest acts they've done because everything else they've done has been so underhanded," said Matt Reeves, who was terminated.
Reeves is the former Montpelier director of archaeology and landscape restoration.
"They presented themselves as being kind and caring, and then behind the scenes, when no one's looking, have been just simply bullying and trying to intimidate and foster an atmosphere of fear and just a toxic work environment," he said.
"This time they really came through with their actions publicly matching what they were doing behind the scenes."
Reeves had been at Montpelier for more than two decades and spoke of the picturesque grounds as his home — the place where he taught his now-adult children how to ride bikes.
Now, Reeves — who was also let go via an email sent while he was away on a months-planned family vacation — worries about the future of the place where he dedicated his life's work.
"That statement," Reeves said of Hickok's words, "makes me sick because it shows no understanding and a complete perversion of everything that is Montpelier. And it shows, to them, what they see as Montpelier is not the history, not the work that we've done. It's something else that is terrifying to think they'll undo and create."
'Usually racists are more competent'
French said the firings are further proof of what he alleges is the foundation's inability to take responsibility for its poor decision-making.
"The CEO and chairman continue to blame everyone but themselves for the sad situation," French said in an earlier statement. "They're deep in a bubble of denial."
As for why the board has yet to reach an agreement with the MDC, Werkheiser, the MDC's attorney, put it plainly.
"Usually racists these days are more competent," he said.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/montpelier-says-its-open-to-parity-with-slave-descendants-descendants-call-foul | 2022-05-12T15:01:00Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Multiple blasts struck near educational institutions in Kabul yesterday, killing at least six people and wounding many more. In a country wracked by decades of violence, these attacks appeared to target ethnic Hazaras. On the line is NPR correspondent Diaa Hadid. She covers Afghanistan from her base in neighboring Pakistan. Good morning, Diaa.
DIAA HADID, BYLINE: Good morning, Leila.
FADEL: So, Diaa, what can you tell us about these bombings in Kabul?
HADID: Right. So it seems to be three bombs that targeted schools and an educational institution in Kabul early Tuesday. At least, as you noted, six people were killed, but there could be more. The Taliban prevented journalists from reaching the area. And the impact, says Heather Barr from Human Rights Watch, is far bigger than one tragic incident.
HEATHER BARR: One bombing can make families feel like they have to choose between believing that their children will be safe and sending their children to get an education. And it's not difficult to understand that some families feel like they have to choose safety. But every time they're forced to make that choice, it undermines any hope for Afghanistan to have a peaceful and prosperous future.
HADID: Now, remember; this is in addition to the Taliban banning girls from attending secondary school. That was imposed when they swept to power in August last year. It's now been eight months. The Taliban said life would be better with them in charge, but Afghans are experiencing even more hardship than before.
FADEL: Has anyone claimed responsibility for the bombings?
HADID: So far, no. But the schools are in an area called Dashte Barchi. As you noted, it's an area dominated by ethnic Hazaras. They're mainly Shiite Muslims, and ISIS has targeted them and battered this area in the past. But some of the worst attacks have been unclaimed, including this time last year when militants struck a secondary school, and they killed around 85 schoolgirls. Yeah, and in 2020, militants stormed a maternity hospital in Dashte Barchi. They killed more than 20 people, including birthing and pregnant women. And so this could be just about targeting Hazaras.
FADEL: And it's a religious and ethnic minority that seems to be persecuted regardless of who's in power. But beyond this terrible attack, across Afghanistan there's a growing humanitarian crisis endangering lives in a different way. How is that being felt by ordinary Afghans?
HADID: Yeah, this is being felt by Afghans as a hunger crisis. The U.N. estimates that 93% of all Afghans don't get enough food to eat. Somewhere around half of them need aid to survive. So I just want to go back to something - 93% of all Afghans is somewhere north of 35 million people.
FADEL: Wow.
HADID: This is not a small number. Tens of thousands of children, the U.N. says, are starving.
FADEL: How have international aid groups responded to the crisis?
HADID: Well, they're trying. The United Nations raised more than $2 billion to help Afghans through this year. That's making a difference in terms of the severity of the crisis. But it's just over half of what the United Nations asked for. And Heather Barr from Human Rights Watch says the international community actually helped create this crisis because it won't unfreeze the Afghan central bank assets, which are largely in the United States.
BARR: It's put Afghanistan in a position where people can't go to work, earn a salary, get paid and take their wages home and feed their family because the money isn't there to pay the wages.
HADID: And Barr says that she doesn't see this urgency getting - she doesn't see that there's much urgency by the international community to resolve this situation. And that's been made worse by the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
FADEL: NPR's Diaa Hadid. Thank you for your reporting, Diaa.
HADID: Thank you, Leila. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/multiple-explosions-hit-near-school-in-afghan-capital-kabul | 2022-05-12T15:01:06Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
What happens now that a federal mask mandate is no more?
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
It took just hours after a court ruling for big airlines, Amtrak and public transportation systems all over the country to drop their mask mandates. What we don't know is how long that lasts. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention is reviewing whether it believes public health demands a mandate. If the CDC says it does, the Justice Department says it will appeal.
INSKEEP: This affects people traveling or making travel plans right now. So let's talk it over with NPR White House correspondent Tamara Keith, who travels a little bit herself. Hey there, Tam.
TAMARA KEITH, BYLINE: Good morning.
INSKEEP: How will this unfold?
KEITH: Well, it isn't clear how long this CDC review will take. But they had previously asked for two weeks. And in the meantime, the agency is encouraging people to voluntarily keep wearing masks on buses, planes and trains. Though, we know not everyone is doing that. It's notable here that the Justice Department isn't immediately appealing but is instead waiting for the CDC to be sure that the public health evidence really supports the need for this mask mandate to continue. And that's because there is a very real concern that if the administration were to lose this on appeal in a circuit where there are a lot of judges appointed by Republican presidents, that could set a legal precedent that would hamstring the CDC in the future. So preserving the CDC's legal right to act in a public health crisis is the main goal here and is why they're moving with caution. Before the Justice Department decision was announced yesterday, the president himself was asked whether people should continue wearing masks on planes. And he said, quote, "that's up to them," which technically, right now, it is up to them.
INSKEEP: Just so I know, the White House has control of one very big airplane. Is Air Force One still got a mask requirement so far as you know?
KEITH: It does, indeed. They required masks yesterday for his trip to New Hampshire.
INSKEEP: OK. So on other planes, people took off the masks. There were videos of people celebrating - woo-hoo. But does that reflect public opinion?
KEITH: Well, like everything with this pandemic, it's polarized. A Kaiser Family Foundation poll out earlier this month showed 51% of people - so a narrow majority - thought that the mask mandate should be allowed to expire. Forty-eight percent said that it should continue. But as you might guess, Democrats overwhelmingly favor keeping the mandate, while Republicans overwhelmingly oppose it. And this makes the politics for the White House sort of a no-win situation, as they've been trying to move to the next phase of the pandemic, as they call it, a phase where society figures out how to live with the virus. President Biden has been taking heat from liberals who are concerned that he's putting politics ahead of public health. But the administration doesn't get any credit here from independents or conservatives for lifting the mandate because that came from a judicial ruling.
INSKEEP: I guess there's also just the problem of going back - if this mandate were to be restored somehow through the court process, whether people would ever comply at all, having stopped.
KEITH: You know, the mask requirement had been hanging on by a thread, with many passengers on public transportation barely complying - think thin cloth mask around the chin. This is just the latest example of the pandemic moving into a phase where community sacrifice in the name of public health is being replaced by individual choices, people having to proactively choose themselves to wear a mask to protect themselves. Zeke Emanuel is a professor of health care management who is in regular touch with the White House.
ZEKE EMANUEL: It is a problematic time because it does appear that two years is the sort of limit of people's willingness to impose burdens on themselves for public health measures. So I think we've obviously hit that wall.
KEITH: He's really discouraged by that and worried about vulnerable people who have to travel on public transportation, for instance. But it's really hard to see a scenario where universal masking returns now that all of these mask mandates have melted away so quickly.
INSKEEP: NPR's Tamara Keith, thanks so much.
KEITH: You're welcome.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
INSKEEP: The U.S. government says it will help millions of student loan borrowers.
FADEL: These are people who were already supposed to be getting help and it didn't work out. Lawsuits, complaints and an NPR investigation revealed problems in a program that ties student loan repayment to a person's income. Some people were supposed to receive credit toward their loans and eventual cancellation. Now the Department of Education promises they'll really get it.
INSKEEP: NPR's Cory Turner exposed some of the problems and joins us once again. Cory, good morning.
CORY TURNER, BYLINE: Good morning, Steve.
INSKEEP: How are the programs supposed to work?
TURNER: So these IDR plans were supposed to make sure borrowers can afford their monthly payments by tying them to income and also to family size. And so folks who don't earn a lot can actually have a $0 qualifying monthly payment. So IDR came with this big promise to - this was the other big thing about this program that attracted a lot of people. After 20 to 25 years, The federal government said it would erase whatever debts were left. But over the years, it's become pretty clear that IDR is a mess. Borrowers often ended up in costly, long-term forbearances instead of IDR, which was the fault of both loan servicers and the Education Department. NPR also revealed a host of other really serious problems. Some servicers weren't tracking borrowers' progress toward loan forgiveness. People making those $0 payments might not have been getting credit toward loan forgiveness. And overall, the record-keeping in the program was pretty awful.
INSKEEP: Just so I understand - $0 payment means you put in no money, but you get credit as if you did because you have low income right now, that's what that is?
TURNER: Yeah. And you get credit towards loan forgiveness after 20 to 25 years. It's considered a qualifying payment.
INSKEEP: OK. So it was supposed to be. That wasn't working. So what is the Education Department doing differently?
TURNER: Yeah. So first, for folks who spent more than 12 months straight or more than 36 months total in one of these forbearances, that time is now going to count toward loan forgiveness. The department estimates at least 3.5 million borrowers are going to get at least three years of new credit through that fix alone. It's also saying that any months in which borrowers made payments are going to count toward IDR regardless of the repayment plan they were in. The department even says it's going to start tracking borrowers' progress toward forgiveness itself instead of just leaving it up to the servicers. In all, the department says these changes should help more than 40,000 borrowers become immediately eligible for debt cancellation, and that it's going to bring millions more closer to eventual debt cancellation.
INSKEEP: Wow.
TURNER: I spoke with Persis Yu, who has done a lot to call attention to IDR's failure. She's now at the Student Borrower Protection Center.
PERSIS YU: I am concerned that this fix actually reaches all of the borrowers. But certainly, it has the potential to really be huge for remedying many of the problems that has plagued IDR over the last several decades.
INSKEEP: Cory, I'm just thinking if there are millions of people potentially affected, some of them are listening now. What do they need to do?
TURNER: Yeah. So for most borrowers, nothing. The department says it will review and update their records automatically over several months. But this is important, Steve. It's not going to be able to make these changes until the fall. And that's because the department's antiquated internal data system actually needs an upgrade first. So there is one category of borrowers, at least, who can do something. For folks who are put into forbearance in short term, so not enough time to qualify technically, they can request an account review by filing a complaint with the ombudsman at the offices for federal student aid. But everyone else, don't call your loan servicer. Just be patient.
INSKEEP: Cory, thanks for your reporting.
TURNER: You're welcome, Steve.
INSKEEP: That's NPR's Cory Turner.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
INSKEEP: The presidential election in France is in its final days.
FADEL: It's a runoff between the top two contenders, the same two as last time. President Emmanuel Macron attends a televised debate against his far-right rival, Marine Le Pen. If you believe the polls, Macron is a little ahead.
INSKEEP: NPR international correspondent Eleanor Beardsley will be watching the debate. Hey there, Eleanor.
ELEANOR BEARDSLEY, BYLINE: Hello, Steve.
INSKEEP: What's at stake when these two candidates get together?
BEARDSLEY: Well, this debate tonight is crucial for Le Pen, you know? Last time around, Macron clobbered her. He was smooth. He seemed to have a mastery of every subject. She didn't seem to have her own plan or know the issues. She just attacked him. So let's have a listen to that.
(CROSSTALK)
BEARDSLEY: She lost three points after that debate. So this week, she's cleared her schedule to prepare. The media say she's in a secret location holding mock debates with her team. She needs to look stateswoman-like and have a program. On the other hand, Macron needs to look likeable, not aloof and arrogant. He will also make Le Pen talk about the war in Ukraine to show off his international bona fides and also to expose her lack of international experience. And she's completely avoided talking about this war because in the past, she's been an admirer and ally of Russian President Vladimir Putin. Her party even got a loan from a Russian bank. So everyone is going to be tuning in tonight.
INSKEEP: Well, help me figure that out because Le Pen lost big in the last election. And now she has this especially awkward moment to be someone with a connection to Russia and Vladimir Putin, given the invasion of Ukraine. How would it be that she's much closer this time to Macron?
BEARDSLEY: Well, it's several things, Steve. Macron is no longer seen as this wunderkind, this political maverick who came in to save France from its sterile left-right divide. You know, five years ago, he cast himself as neither left nor right. And he got votes from across the political spectrum. Now he's definitely seen as right. He has a record and many people don't like it. He's perceived by many working-class voters as arrogant, elitist and a president of the rich, and as a cutthroat global capitalist who's out for big corporations and not the little guy. You remember that working poor yellow vest movement...
INSKEEP: Yeah.
BEARDSLEY: ...That gathered every weekend for more than a year? Well, they're still out there, and they hate Macron. On top of that, he's hardly campaigned. He acted like he had no time for it. Marine Le Pen has been a great candidate. Since last fall, she's been out in France campaigning on one thing, purchasing power. She never swayed. And that's French voters' No. 1 concern.
INSKEEP: Is her party any different, though, than the far, far right party of the past?
BEARDSLEY: Well, you know, it's still very nationalist. It's about French sovereignty against immigration. But in many ways, it has changed. For example, the party does not advocate leaving the European Union anymore. And Marine Le Pen herself has cast herself as this protector of the working-class French person, whatever their race or religion. She said she loves when people refer to her as the mother of the nation. She's a total change from her father, who was seen as a racist and an anti-Semite. I spoke with Nonna Mayer, who's an expert on the far right. And she says Le Pen has managed to detoxify the party over the last decade with this message.
NONNA MAYER: We are not anti-Semitic. We are not racist. We are defending France. We are defending the rights of women, of gays, of Jews against the terrible threat that is radical Islam.
BEARDSLEY: And you know what? It's worked. You go to her rallies, you do not see the same crowds as you saw 10 years ago.
INSKEEP: Eleanor, thanks so much.
BEARDSLEY: Thank you, Steve.
INSKEEP: That's Eleanor Beardsley, NPR News, in Paris, where the French presidential candidates debate today. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/news-brief-mask-mandate-ruling-student-loan-help-french-presidential-runoff | 2022-05-12T15:01:12Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
You may know what it's like to have your life suddenly interrupted by a health scare in the family - finding the right doctor, the right hospital for specialized surgery. Now imagine doing that in a place that is largely cut off from the rest of the world, the Gaza Strip. This week, we're going to follow the story of one man in Gaza needing heart surgery. To do that, we have a special series from our co-host, Daniel Estrin.
Hey, Daniel.
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Hi, Ari.
SHAPIRO: I know you're going to be telling us the story of one man over several days. And I want to just begin with where the story is set, in the Gaza Strip. What makes this place special, distinctive, unique?
ESTRIN: It's a tiny strip of land along the Mediterranean Sea. There are 2 million Palestinians who live there, and they have been virtually confined there for the last 15 years. Gaza was taken over by the militant group Hamas. It frequently launches attacks on Israel, so Israel imposed a blockade, and Egypt restricted its border, too. And there's been conflict and war there every few years. That's been the case for the last 15 years. And that whole time, I've watched conditions deteriorate in Gaza, and especially health care.
Now, it wasn't always like this. Gaza used to be this portal to the rest of the Mediterranean, especially during ancient times. There's even a theory that the word gauze comes from the word Gaza because it was made there centuries ago. But today, the modern health system in Gaza is in shambles.
And the thing is, you do have well-equipped hospitals just a few hours' drive away. In Jerusalem, in the West Bank, in Israel - they're all willing to accept Gaza patients. But whenever I'm in Gaza, I hear stories about people whose medical issues get worse. They lose their eyesight. They even die while they're waiting for permission to go to those hospitals.
SHAPIRO: And so as you've watched this gap grow, as you've watched the health care system deteriorate in Gaza, what drew you to the story that you're about to share with us?
ESTRIN: I think what drew me is that when I report from Gaza - I go there every few months or so, even during the quiet times when there's no war and Gaza's not in the headlines. I'm based in the region for NPR. And whenever I'm there, I hear these stories, people struggling to get health care for themselves or for someone in their family. They're caught up in this web of conflict and suspicion and geopolitics. And it's been getting worse over the course of 15 years. If you're really sick, you are bound to get caught up in it.
So I wanted to understand what it takes for someone in Gaza to get care. My colleague Anas Baba and I went to Gaza's main hospital, Shifa Hospital, late last year. We went looking for a patient we could follow, and we found one in the chaos of the waiting room.
Wow. Everyone is crowding here.
ANAS BABA, BYLINE: They're going to lock the doors.
ESTRIN: Security guards are trying to control the crowds clamoring to see a doctor.
Can we ask someone what they're doing here?
And in a sea of patients, we approach one man with a trim beard and a gaunt face.
YOUSEF AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
ESTRIN: "I haven't slept since yesterday," he says. His name is Yousef al Kurd. He's 70 years old, and he's with his son, Ibrahim.
Why did you come here?
IBRAHIM AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "He needs open-heart surgery."
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "Three months - we are totally suffering for three months now. We just want him to be operated. That's all."
ESTRIN: Should we take his number in case...
And that's how we meet Yousef al Kurd. So let me tell you a little bit more about him.
You can hear the evening prayers.
All around Gaza, you hear mosque loudspeakers, which Yousef al Kurd himself repaired. His son tells me his dad studied electrical engineering in Germany and returned home to a career fixing sound systems in Gaza.
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "And he's the most famous technician in Gaza. He fixes the mixers, street vendors' microphones, mosques' microphones, schools' microphones."
ESTRIN: He did that for 30 years. He retired a few years ago but trained his sons how to do the same work. And it was in their workshop that their dad had his first heart attack.
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "Suddenly, one day from nowhere, he just started to feel the cardiac attack."
ESTRIN: He's a heavy smoker with diabetes. The doctor said he needed heart bypass surgery. This was in the spring of 2020. But with the COVID pandemic, his cardiologist was reassigned to a COVID ward, and Kurd himself was hesitant to get surgery.
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "At the same time, he was afraid that there is COVID in the hospitals, and at the same time an open-heart - so he just postponed it."
ESTRIN: A year later, he developed another condition - ulcers on his legs. His sons rushed him back to the hospital.
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
BABA: "We went back to Dr. Mohammad Nassar and was totally shocked and surprised that Dr. Mohammad Nassar left Gaza forever."
ESTRIN: The head of cardiac surgery had left for Spain, following the path of many doctors fleeing Gaza's tough conditions over the last few years. A new doctor was put in charge.
SAHER ABU GHALI: Hello. My name is Dr. Saher Abu Ghali. I'm 40 years old.
ESTRIN: He was one of only four remaining cardiac surgeons in Gaza. But a doctor in his department died, actually of cardiac arrest. A month after that, another died of COVID.
ABU GHALI: From four, we became three, and now we became two.
ESTRIN: Only two heart surgeons are left in Gaza for a population of 2 million. That's what Dr. Abu Ali told me when we spoke earlier this year. And it's still the case. He thinks Gaza needs 10 surgeons. In the U.S. and Europe, the accepted ratio is about 55.
ABU GHALI: Not only we are - the number of the surgeons is only two. This is not the only problem. You don't have all the instrumentation. You don't have all the resources.
ESTRIN: Israel restricts the import of medical devices, like some X-ray equipment it says Hamas could convert for military uses. And the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank doesn't give Gaza enough medical supplies. The reason for that might be that it's rivals for power with Hamas. So there are chronic shortages of supplies, like something called the cannula, the thin tube they place in your heart during bypass surgery. Dr. Abu Ghali says you're supposed to only use them once and throw them away.
ABU GHALI: Here, every cannula is re-sterilized more than 100 times. Yes, this is true. This is Gaza - because if you want to use it once and throw it out, you will not operate. You will never operate.
ESTRIN: Now, Israel does let doctors into Gaza to help a few days a month, but that's not enough. And with the blockade, Israel doesn't let out Palestinian doctors very much to get training. With the health systems stretched so thin, it's too risky to do a lot of complex procedures in Gaza. Yousef al Kurd needs coronary artery bypass surgery, and Dr. Abu Ghali can't do it.
ABU GHALI: No, it's difficult to be done safely in Gaza. We need heart surgeons. We need vascular surgeons. We need the instrumentations. So it was a very high-risk surgery for us.
ESTRIN: The doctor recommends he go to a better-equipped Palestinian hospital in the West Bank, a Palestinian territory not controlled by Hamas and not under blockade less than 2 hours away. But when I meet him in that waiting room in the hospital, he's stuck waiting for Israeli permission to get out to the West Bank. He's already scheduled the surgery a couple of times but missed it each time. He didn't have the Israeli permit he needed for travel.
(Speaking Arabic).
I AL KURD: (Speaking Arabic).
ESTRIN: "The surgery is very urgent," his son says.
BABA: "If they just cancel it, I do believe that my father will pass away. He will die."
ESTRIN: He's afraid if his father doesn't get an Israeli travel permit for surgery, he might not live much longer.
SHAPIRO: Daniel, I want to know how this story ends. And I know you're going to be telling it to us over the next few days, but this patient, Yousef al Kurd, is in a really difficult situation at this moment.
ESTRIN: Yes. He needs heart surgery that is too complicated to do in Gaza. There are only two heart surgeons left in Gaza. The others have fled or have died. There is not enough medical equipment in Gaza to do it. And that's just one example of how Gaza has been deteriorating since Hamas took over and since Israel and much of the world have tried to isolate it.
Now, Israel says this blockade is necessary to contain Hamas. Israel, the U.S. and the E.U. consider it a terrorist group, and it launches attacks on Israel. But 2 million Palestinians live there, and rights groups call it collective punishment.
SHAPIRO: Are there any efforts to improve conditions, whether that's getting in more medical equipment or surgeons?
ESTRIN: Well, the World Health Organization has been calling for this for years. They want Israel to make it easier to bring in medical equipment, to allow doctors out of Gaza for training and also for the Palestinian Authority to pay for more medicines and equipment to Gaza. But Hamas controls Gaza. Israel and Hamas are enemies. The entire conflict is just stuck, and health care is one victim of that.
SHAPIRO: Who pays for this medical care?
ESTRIN: Well, that's the thing. The Palestinian Authority pays for it, and - because it's a government-provided health care system the Palestinians have. And they also pay for treatment outside of Gaza. So if someone needs surgery that they can't get in Gaza, they pay for the care outside.
The thing is, there's not a lot of money. It comes from international donors - the U.S. and other countries. There's not a lot of it, so they have to be very selective in who they send for care.
SHAPIRO: So tell us what we're going to hear tomorrow.
ESTRIN: Next, we're going to look at how Kurd and his family are going to try to get him out of Gaza for surgery. It involves a lot of approvals. Palestinian officials need to make the first call. And they have to be especially selective because they don't have a lot of money to send patients outside Gaza and because Israel only allows out the most dire cases and there are thousands. So we're going to meet a Palestinian doctor who has really difficult choices about what does and does not constitute an urgent case. And when we were in his office, he got a call about another patient who was on the operating table in Gaza with a complication they couldn't treat there. And the question was, should they take him out of Gaza or not? And here's what the doctor said.
So he's not bleeding.
UNIDENTIFIED DOCTOR: He is not in active bleeding - some oozing from the side of surgery. So it's not active bleeding, so it's not top emergency. We can wait. And we...
ESTRIN: It's just an example of how selective it is and how high the stakes are for a man like Yousef al Kurd, who just needs to get heart surgery.
SHAPIRO: Daniel Estrin, looking forward to hearing the next installment of the story. Thank you.
ESTRIN: Thanks, Ari.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/one-mans-struggle-to-get-heart-surgery-shows-how-hard-it-is-to-find-care-in-gaza | 2022-05-12T15:01:14Z |
This is the first in a two-part series on the special education teacher shortage. You can read part two here.
At the beginning of the school year, when Becky Ashcraft attended an open house at her 12-year-old daughter's school, she was surprised to find there was no teacher in her daughter's classroom – just a teacher's aide.
"They're like, 'Oh, well, she doesn't have a teacher right now. But, you know, hopefully, we'll get one soon,' " Ashcraft recalls.
Ashcraft's daughter attends a public school in northwest Indiana that exclusively serves students with disabilities. She is on the autism spectrum and doesn't speak. Without an assigned teacher, it was difficult for Ashcraft to know what her daughter did everyday.
"I wonder what actually kind of education she was receiving," Ashcraft says.
Ashcraft's daughter spent the entire fall semester without an assigned teacher. One other parent at the school told NPR they were in the same position. Ashcraft says the principal told her they were trying to hire someone, but it was difficult to find qualified candidates.
The school would not confirm to NPR that Ashcraft's daughter had no teacher, but a spokesperson did say the school has used substitutes to provide special education services amid the shortage of qualified educators.
The federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act guarantees students with disabilities access to fully licensed special educators. But as Ashcraft learned, those teachers can be hard to find. In 2019, 44 states reported special education teacher shortages to the federal government. This school year, that number jumped to 48.
Let them work towards that [license], that's wonderful. But, you know, I guess at this point, you know, we're happy to take anybody.
When schools can't find qualified teachers, federal law allows them to hire people who aren't fully qualified so long as they're actively pursuing their special education certification. Indiana, California, Virginia and Maryland are among the states that offer provisional licenses to help staff special education classrooms.
It's a practice that concerns some special education experts. They worry placing people who aren't fully trained for the job in charge of classrooms could harm some of the most vulnerable students.
But given the lack of qualified special education teachers, Ashcraft says she wouldn't mind if her daughter's teacher wasn't fully trained yet.
"Let them work towards that [license], that's wonderful," she says. "But, you know, I guess at this point, you know, we're happy to take anybody."
The case against provisional special education licenses
Jacqueline Rodriguez, with the American Association of Colleges for Teacher Education, is alarmed at the number of provisional licenses issued to unqualified special education teachers in recent years — even if those teachers are actively working toward full licensure.
"The band aid has been, let's put somebody who's breathing in front of kids, and hope that everybody survives," she says. Her organization focuses on teacher preparation, and has partnered with higher education institutions to improve recruitment of special educators.
The band aid has been, let's put somebody who's breathing in front of kids, and hope that everybody survives.
She worries placing untrained people at the helm of a classroom, and in charge of Individualized Education Programs, is harmful for students.
"This to me is like telling somebody there's a dearth of doctors in neurosurgery, so we would love for you to transition into the field by giving you the opportunity to operate on people while you're taking coursework at night," Rodriguez says.
She admits it's a provocative analogy, but says teaching is a profession that requires intensive coursework, evaluation and practice. "And unless you can demonstrate competency, you have no business being a teacher."
One district is building a special education teacher pipeline
Shaleta West had zero teaching experience when she was hired as a special educator by Elkhart Community Schools, a district in northern Indiana.
She says her first couple weeks in the classroom were overwhelming.
"It was very scary because, you know, I know kids, yes. But when you're trying to teach kids it's a whole other ball game. You can't just play around with them and talk to them and chit chat. You have to teach."
Her district is helping her work toward her certification at nearby Indiana University South Bend. Elkhart Community Schools pays West's tuition and, in exchange, West has agreed to work for the district for five years.
The district also provides West with a mentor — a seasoned special educator who answers questions, offers tips and looks over the complicated paperwork that's legally required for students with disabilities.
West says she would have been lost without the mentorship and the university classes.
"To be honest, I don't even know if I would have stayed," she explains.
"I knew nothing. I came in without any prior knowledge to what I needed to do on a daily basis."
Until we fix some of the structural challenges that we have in education, this is how business is done now. This is life in education.
Administrator Lindsey Brander oversees the Elkhart schools program that supports West. She says the program has produced about 30 fully qualified special educators over the past four years. This year, it's serving about 10 special educators, all on provisional licenses.
"We are able to recruit our own teachers and train them specifically for our students. So the system is working," Brander explains. The challenge, she says, is that it's become increasingly difficult for the district to find people to participate in the program.
And even with a new teacher pipeline in place, the district still has 24 special education vacancies.
Brander would prefer if all the district's special education teachers were fully qualified the first day they set foot in a classroom.
"But that's not reality. That's not going to happen. Until we fix some of the structural challenges that we have in education, this is how business is done now. This is life in education," she says.
How high teacher turnover impacts students
The structural issues contributing to the special educator shortage include heavy workloads and relatively low pay. At Elkhart schools, for example, new special education teachers with bachelor's degrees receive a minimum salary of $41,000, according to district officials.
Desiree Carver-Thomas, a researcher with the Learning Policy Institute, says low compensation and long workdays can lead to high turnover, especially in schools that serve students of color and children from low-income households. And when special education teachers leave the profession, the cycle continues.
"Because when turnover rates are so high, schools and districts they're just trying to fill those positions with whomever they can find, often teachers who are not fully prepared," Carver-Thomas says.
Hiring unprepared teachers can also contribute to high turnover rates, according to Carver-Thomas' research. And it can impact student outcomes.
As NPR has reported, Black students and students with disabilities are disciplined and referred to law enforcement at higher rates than students without disabilities. Black students with disabilities are especially vulnerable; federal data shows they have the highest risk for suspension among all students with disabilities.
"That may be more common when teachers don't have the tools and the experience and the training to respond appropriately," Carver-Thomas says.
Schools and families have to make do
The solution to the special educator shortage isn't simple. Carver-Thomas says it will require schools, colleges and governments to work together to boost teacher salaries and improve recruitment, preparation, working conditions and on-the-job support.
In the meantime, schools and families will have to make do.
In January, Becky Ashcraft learned her northwest Indiana school had found a teacher for her daughter's classroom.
She says she's grateful to finally have a fully licensed teacher to tell her about her daughter's school day. And she wishes the special educators that families like hers rely on were valued more.
"We've got to be thankful for the people that do this work," she says.
Nicole Cohen edited this story for broadcast and for the web.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/students-with-disabilities-have-a-right-to-qualified-teachers-but-theres-a-shortage | 2022-05-12T15:01:20Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
The 50th anniversary of Watergate is approaching. In June of 1972, five men were arrested for breaking into the Democratic National Committee offices at the Watergate complex, the first step in one of the worst political scandals in the history of the United States. Looking ahead, the National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C., is commemorating those watershed events with an exhibition. NPR's Miranda Mazariegos has more.
MIRANDA MAZARIEGOS, BYLINE: The word Watergate has long been used to refer to cover-ups, burglaries and abuse of office as the political scandal of the '70s that brought down President Nixon caught the attention of the news media, artists, Hollywood and the general public alike. In this new exhibition, acting senior historian at the National Portrait Gallery, Kate Clarke Lemay, wanted to address the well-known history through a different, more visual lens.
KATE CLARKE LEMAY: In my opinion, good art is timeless. So I wanted this show to focus on the close relationship between the media and the artists and start to interpret that impact onto these events.
MAZARIEGOS: The news media uncovered the abuse of power and helped the public dissect the crisis as it was happening. Time Magazine alone devoted more than 40 of their covers to the scandal, 12 of which are part of the gallery's exhibition. And the show has a little bit of everything. There are pictures of the most prominent figures - President Nixon and White House Counsel John Dean, for example - but also portraits of those whose stories unfolded in the periphery of the scandal, like Martha Mitchell, wife of then-Attorney General John Mitchell. Martha's portrait is a colorful, eye-catching painting by artist Jan de Ruth, originally published in Time Magazine in the November 1970 special, The Wives of Washington.
CLARKE LEMAY: So imagine being a socialite. You know, she's Arkansas born, and she's featured in Time Magazine. OK, great, except she's featured for being a wife. Women's potential was so limited in the mid-century.
MAZARIEGOS: So adding the portrait to the collection allowed Clarke Lemay to explore Martha's story as a woman who was an essential yet sidelined part of the scandal. Martha's close proximity to John allowed her to gain knowledge of a lot of the scandal's secrets, and she was known for indiscreet comments to journalists like Helen Thomas of UPI. But knowing too much had its consequences.
CLARKE LEMAY: She was kidnapped, sedated, drugged. They called her crazy. They used that age-old reference for women as hysterical. So that was something I really wanted to make sure was front and center in this show, to correct that story, to make sure that people know about her story, appreciate really what she was. She was a whistleblower.
MAZARIEGOS: Martha's husband, John Mitchell, was convicted on charges that he conspired to cover up the break-in. He's depicted in the exhibition by Italian-born artist George Giusti, who drew the face of the former attorney general on a bleach bottle.
CLARKE LEMAY: In the mid-century, you know, caricature artists were looking for any kind of materials that they could that would make a statement in and of themselves. And so the humor behind it is probably what Giusti was going for.
MAZARIEGOS: Lemay Clarke says humor makes for the perfect vehicle to understand history. so the collection has several cartoons and forms of political parody, such as a statue of President Nixon and his national security adviser, Henry Kissinger, made in the style of Mount Rushmore and a wanted poster with images of all the men involved in the scandal. When curating the collection, Lemay Clarke was thinking about the millions of diverse visitors the Portrait Gallery receives annually, mainly those who might not be familiar with those involved in Watergate.
CLARKE LEMAY: I think it's useful. The art helps us understand a little bit of that complexity but in a shortcut way.
MAZARIEGOS: "Watergate: Portraiture And Intrigue" is on view until September 5.
For NPR News, I'm Miranda Mazariegos. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/the-national-portrait-gallery-marks-50-years-since-watergate-with-new-exhibit | 2022-05-12T15:01:26Z |
European officials are debating whether they can stop buying natural gas imports from Russia. Many say it can't be done. But the biggest city in Switzerland — Zurich — is already taking ambitious steps to wean itself off gas. It's shutting down the flow of gas to whole parts of the city.
Zurich started down this path a decade ago to save money and fight climate change. The plan provoked controversy at first. Today, as the city's residents install alternatives to gas heating, there appears to be broad support for the switch — in part, because of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. About half of Switzerland's natural gas supply comes from Russia.
"Attitudes have changed once again, dramatically," says Rainer Schöne, a spokesman for Energie 360°, Zurich's city-owned gas utility. "Today, it's clear. People want to, and have to, move away from fossil gas."
Zurich's experience may offer lessons to other cities around the world that are encouraging residents to switch away from natural gas appliances but are not, so far, shutting down the infrastructure that delivers it.
A rocky start but then wide acceptance
Zurich's move to abandon gas was driven in part by economics. The city wanted to expand a "district heating" system that uses excess heat from a waste incinerator on the edge of the city, a modern plant outfitted with the latest pollution control technology. The incinerator — supplemented by other facilities that burn wood or gas — heats water, and that hot water or steam circulates through underground pipes to homes and businesses that tap it as a heat source.
It made little sense for the city to maintain both hot water and gas pipelines side by side, says Zurich's energy commissioner, Silvia Banfi Frost. "It's quite clear that we don't want to have parallel networks for supplying heat," she says.
In 2011, city officials announced that they would start shutting down gas service within five years in one part of the city that's well-served by district heating. This area, historically dominated by industry and apartment buildings, is home to 93,000 people. But protests erupted. The plan "was indeed a shock" to many people who relied on gas, says Schöne.
Residents argued that they'd received too little notice and that they were being forced to buy costly replacements for their gas appliances. So officials backed off, promising to compensate people who had to replace gas furnaces that were less than 20 years old. Zurich also delayed the start of the gas shutdown to 2021. Now, however, it's underway.
Some residents of Zurich, especially those in single-family homes, can't easily connect to the district heating system and have to find alternatives. Ernst Danner is a member of Zurich's City Parliament from the centrist Evangelical People's Party. He lives in a single-family home, and he installed an electric heat pump that draws warmth from water circulating through pipes that go deep underground. It cost him just over $40,000 after tax breaks and city subsidies, but it also cut his heating bill in half. Over the lifetime of the system, he says, "I pay a bit more, but it's not that much more, and it's more ecological."
Many of his neighbors, Danner says, have installed less-costly "air-source" heat pumps that draw heat from the air outside. "Those I know are very happy with their heat pumps. It's very good!" he says.
Some complaints linger, but other cities draw lessons
Mohamed Ali, the chef at a Lebanese restaurant called SimSim, isn't quite as pleased. "Actually, gas is nice," he says. "You know, to cook, to feel, to give power."
Ali is replacing his stoves with electric induction versions. Unlike old-style electric stoves, induction allows precise control of cooking, similar to gas. These stoves work fine, Ali says, but they cost $40,000, and for him, few city subsidies were available. "I was so angry, because you have to pay a lot of money, and the city is not helping," he says.
Last year, when the appointed time arrived to shut down gas service to the first neighborhood, city officials had to delay it for several months because a few people weren't yet ready. One landlord, in particular, simply refused to replace his gas furnace with new equipment to provide heat to his tenants. "He just didn't want to take care of the problem," Schöne says. "We had to visit the landlord himself, in his workplace, and tell him how serious this is."
Year by year, Zurich plans to expand its district heating system and shut down gas service in additional neighborhoods. Within 20 years, according to the long-term plan, the burning of what city officials call "fossil gas" will end. Gas pipelines may remain in the historic city center, Banfi Frost says, but she expects they will carry biogas captured from animal manure or similar sources.
Rainer Schöne, from Energie 360°, says most residents of Zurich now support the switch, mainly because of concerns about the effects of greenhouse emissions from burning fossil fuels. "There is a broad consensus in Zurich that [gas] is not, and cannot, be the future," he says.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine has only strengthened those views. "I think we should stop buying gas from Russia," Danner says. "We would have a supply problem, but we could survive without it."
The trail that Zurich is blazing could become a guide to other cities around the world. Many are encouraging people to switch from gas to electric appliances, but primarily on an individual basis.
"We are very much promoting switching from natural gas," says Kerrie Romanow, director of environmental services for the city of San Jose, Calif. But she says the city is focused on the appliances that consume the most gas. "We're not so worried about your gas cooktop, or your gas clothes dryer, as we are about heating and water heating, because those are much bigger uses," she says.
If San Jose succeeds in this effort, though, it could end up in a situation similar to Zurich's, with an expensive gas system that serves fewer and fewer customers. The financial burden of maintaining that system could fall on low-income residents who are least able to pay for new electric replacements, like heat pumps. In addition, aging pipelines are prone to leaks, releasing methane, a powerful greenhouse gas that is the main ingredient in natural gas, into the air.
Romanow says it would be up to the gas company — in this case Pacific Gas and Electric — to decide when shutting down gas pipelines makes economic sense.
A spokesperson for PG&E, Ari Vanrenen, declined to say whether the company is thinking about such a possibility. In an email to NPR, he wrote that "a multi-faceted approach is needed to cost-effectively achieve California's greenhouse-gas reduction objectives. This includes both electrification and decarbonizing the gas system with renewable natural gas and hydrogen."
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/to-fight-climate-change-and-now-russia-too-zurich-turns-off-natural-gas | 2022-05-12T15:01:32Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
The U.S. and Cuba will sit down for the first time in nearly four years to discuss migration between the two countries. The talks, scheduled for tomorrow in Washington, come as the number of Cuban migrants trying to enter the U.S. at the Mexican border and by sea into Florida has skyrocketed. NPR's Carrie Kahn reports.
CARRIE KAHN, BYLINE: Migration talks used to occur between the U.S. and Cuba twice a year. President Trump ended that in 2018 and increased economic sanctions against the Caribbean island. Speaking at a migration conference in Panama today, U.S. Department of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas says the U.S. is open to resuming those meetings.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
ALEJANDRO MAYORKAS: And that is a reflection of our commitment to legal, orderly and humane pathways so individuals, including Cubans, do not take, for example, to the seas, which is an extraordinarily perilous journey.
KAHN: U.S. officials say they picked up more than 1,200 Cubans trying to come by boat since last October and 80,000 trying to cross by land. That's more than double the number of Cubans U.S. officials encountered at the Mexico border in all of the previous fiscal year. Secretary of State Antony Blinken, who led the delegation to Panama, says countries must work together to tackle the record levels of people on the move in the hemisphere. They say more money must be invested back in migrants' homes so they don't have to leave in the first place. Cuba's deputy foreign minister, Josefina Vidal, told CNN in Havana yesterday that the U.S. may have that policy of investment and engagement with other countries, but not with Cuba. U.S. policies are making the situation worse, she says.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
JOSEFINA VIDAL: Because in the case of Cuba, it's not just a consequence of the pandemic. It is the consequences of the reinforcement of the policy of maximum pressure, economic pressure of the U.S. towards Cuba.
KAHN: President Biden has stuck with Trump's economic sanctions. Human rights activists say a recent crackdown by Cuban authorities on free speech is also contributing to the exodus. Carrie Kahn, NPR News, Mexico City. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/u-s-and-cuba-to-sit-down-to-talk-migration | 2022-05-12T15:01:34Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
The United Nations says 5 million Ukrainians have now fled the war into other countries, creating a massive and rapidly developing refugee crisis. This comes on a day when Russian artillery and missiles battered Ukrainian defensive lines and cities in the east and south.
NPR's Brian Mann joins us now from Odesa, Ukraine. Hi, Brian.
BRIAN MANN, BYLINE: Hi, Daniel.
ESTRIN: So 5 million refugees - where are they going?
MANN: The U.N. Refugee Agency says a lot of these folks are going into neighboring countries in Eastern Europe. That means Poland and Romania. Some are fleeing as far away as France and Britain and, of course, some coming to the U.S. and Canada. According to the U.N., more than 7 million people are also displaced within Ukraine. And they issued a warning - the United Nations did - saying these people, many of them women and children, are incredibly vulnerable right now to human trafficking and sex trafficking.
ESTRIN: Wow. So let's turn to Mariupol. This is the city where Ukrainian fighters and a lot of civilians are still surrounded by Russian forces. And Russia escalated its attacks there today. Give us an update.
MANN: Yeah, the Ukrainians there refused to surrender. In social media posts and interviews, they described truly horrific conditions - injured soldiers, civilians with little medical care, few supplies. There are as many as 100,000 civilians still living in Mariupol, and there was another effort to evacuate some of them today in buses. It appears some people did get out, but Ukrainian officials say, once again, the humanitarian corridor did not work.
ESTRIN: Wow. Now, U.S. officials are saying these intense strikes are actually a build-up to a more massive offensive by Russia. So is Ukraine prepared?
MANN: Yeah, this is the big question right now. Ukrainian officials are putting a very bold face on it. President Volodymyr Zelenskyy acknowledged in his latest address this situation is really dangerous. Russia has one of the strongest militaries in the world. But then Zelenskyy said this.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT VOLODYMYR ZELENSKYY: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: Zelenskyy says, "the way our armed forces are holding up shows the Ukrainian army deserved to be ranked higher than the Russian army."
And we hear this kind of optimism everywhere in Ukraine. A spokesman for the military governor here in Odesa, who asked to be identified only by his first name, Eugene, told NPR that Ukraine might actually go on the offensive in the coming days.
EUGENE: The thing is it's all up to the Ukrainian armed forces now to recapture as many ground as we can. And the best solution would be able to recapture everything is to stop this second offensive.
MANN: But when I asked Eugene for details - how the Ukrainian army has prepared itself to do that kind of fighting - here's how the exchange went.
A lot of weapons are coming into Ukraine. Are they reaching here? Are they getting out to the front lines? Is that working?
EUGENE: Well, I can't tell that.
MANN: I can't tell you that, he said. And the truth is Ukrainian officials have been really secretive about their military situation. Experts I spoke to say it's hard to know exactly how prepared they really are.
BILL ROGGIO: Ukrainians have been very tight-lipped.
MANN: That's Bill Roggio. He's a senior fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies. He says it's understandable Ukraine's army is keeping its frontline situation secret as long as possible.
ROGGIO: It's a smart ploy by them. It's - you know, you don't want to disclose your weaknesses and losses while you're in the heat of battle, particularly when you're fighting against an enemy that has numerical and military and hardware superiority.
MANN: Ukraine's optimism is based on some major victories - defending the capital, Kyiv, and pushing Russia back. That accomplishment boosted morale, especially for men like Oleksandr Slavsky. He's an employee I met in Odesa's public works department who's now volunteering for the Territorial Defense Force.
OLEKSANDR SLAVSKY: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: "Yes, I have my weapon and my uniform," he says. "I trained at the barracks. I know there are a hundred thousand like me across Ukraine."
That kind of spirit means a lot in war. And a U.S. military official told NPR today many of these territorial defense fighters have had significant training and are ready to fight. Jim Dubik agrees. He's a senior fellow at the Institute for the Study of War.
JIM DUBIK: At the tactical level where the fighting will be, I think that they will be relatively proficient.
MANN: Dubik led the U.S. Army's effort to train Iraq's defense forces during the surge. He says his biggest concern now is whether Ukraine's army has enough logistical support and equipment.
DUBIK: If there is one weak point, it's the Ukraine's ability to replace their battle losses and damaged and destroyed equipment. That completely depends upon the allies.
MANN: Now, Daniel, the experts I spoke to say Ukraine has been hardening its defensive positions in the east around the Donbas region actually for years. So none of them think Russia will break through easily, but this offensive is likely to be a much harder test for Ukraine's army.
ESTRIN: Brian, it sounds like during this next phase of the war, a lot depends on weapons and equipment from the West. Has Ukraine gotten the help that it needs?
MANN: No. This is still a constant complaint from President Zelenskyy and other officials here. They say Ukraine's allies aren't providing the heavy gear, tanks, armored personnel carriers and airplanes that could really shift this war. A senior U.S. defense official did say today that multiple flights are now bringing howitzers and heavy artillery toward Ukraine. Those will arrive in the next few days. Training is underway to get Ukrainian soldiers ready to use them. Not clear how long before they can be deployed.
ESTRIN: NPR's Brian Mann in Odesa. Thanks for your reporting, Brian.
MANN: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/ukraine-has-been-preparing-to-face-russias-expected-offensive-is-it-ready | 2022-05-12T15:01:40Z |
The Ukrainian band DakhaBrakha calls itself "ethno-chaos." Over the past decade, this Ukrainian-folk-meets-punk group has brought their music to audiences around the world. They recently kicked off a U.S. tour — just weeks after Russia invaded their country.
For years, DakhaBrakha has called themselves "ambassadors of free Ukraine." Their shows have been punctuated with cries of "Stop Putin!" and "No war!" Now, they hear those demands reflected and amplified around the world.
This quartet's name means "give/take" in old Ukrainian — and that's exactly what they do. Cabaret, jazz, rock and hip-hop are all part of the band's DNA. But they also explore all kinds of old Ukrainian folk styles, fed through the prism of the 21st century.
Marko Halanevych, the group's only male musician, usually does the public talking; the other three musicians, Iryna Kovalenko, Olena Tsybulska, and Nina Garenetska, let the music speak for them. During our conversation, the band's manager, Iryna Gorban, interpreted for us. At the forefront of everyone's minds was the fact that this tour was happening amid so much violence and heartache at home.
"Well, of course, it's a big pain and it's a big tragedy for our country, and we feel it every moment," Halanevych says. "A lot of people in Ukraine and around the world, they tell us it's our best possibility to be useful and helpful, is to be on stage and to show people our culture, music and to tell our story and to tell the story of our country."
The band has a highly honed sense of showmanship — DakhaBrakha was born at an experimental theater in Kyiv, as was their sister group, Dakh Daughters. When DakhaBrakha first hit the international scene about a decade ago, they wore unforgettable tall, angular hats and rich costumes that evoked an array of Ukrainian ethnic styles. Their music was fierce, exuberant and understitched with humor. They were playful.
But for this current tour, the group had to take on a far more serious and urgent tone. The projected backdrops include videos of ravaged Ukraine. The comments from the stage are all about their country's plight. And there are collections at the door for a charity that aids Ukraine. Halanevych says the band hopes their audiences understand the need for that shift.
"Usually we of course had fun onstage and we have this humor, but not in this program with every minute, people dying in your country," he notes. "So it's really impossible to to feel this joy of music. So that's why it's really complicated to find this balance between art and political expression. But we try to do it."
Part of the Russian propaganda message has been that Ukraine doesn't exist as an independent nation, with its own culture, history, and language.
But that is a big part of the reason for DakhaBrakha's existence. Maria Sonevytsky is an ethnomusicologist who teaches at Bard College in New York. She has written about DakhaBrakha extensively.
"I think one of the most powerful things that DakhaBrakha can offer is that they show both that there is a very rich past in Ukraine, and they show this by bringing together a diversity of musical practices from different regions of Ukraine, from different ethnic groups within Ukraine," Sonevytsky says. "And they fuse them together in a beautiful way that also suggests a future for Ukraine. It gives the lie to Putin's propaganda that Ukraine has no culture or history of its own."
"In fact," Sonevytsky continues, "what we see in DakhaBrakha's artistry is a deeply heterogeneous and complex history, the inheritance of multiple imperial experiences, the long history of attempts for Ukrainian sovereignty, and they blend together these kind of fractured pasts into a beautiful whole that is not simple, and it can't be simply reduced down to a story of one nation that is occupied by one people, but instead suggests a vibrant, if imperfect, democracy."
Despite DakhaBrakha's ambivalence about touring under such complicated circumstances, Sonevytsky says that it's still a channel for Americans to make a personal and emotional connection with Ukraine.
"No Ukrainian musician that I know would say that their songs are going to stand up against a nuclear bomb. Nobody's delusional enough to say anything like that," she says. "But if we're fighting against what may be an attempted genocide, the entire erasure of Ukraine, then I think keeping this culture in the front of our minds, learning more about it, listening, is essential."
As it turns out, the band had no reason to worry about the American audience's response. At the end of a recent show, the audience stood — and some sang along — as the band sang the Ukrainian national anthem.
With that goal of connecting audiences to Ukraine, DakhaBrakha continues its U.S. tour this month and into May.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/ukrainian-band-dakhabrakha-delivers-an-urgent-message-to-u-s-audiences | 2022-05-12T15:01:46Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
In Ukraine, the messages from inside the city of Mariupol are getting more desperate.
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SERHIY VOLYNSKY: (Non-English language spoken).
FADEL: That's a local commander, Serhiy Volynsky, in a video plea posted to Facebook. He's saying, this could be the last appeal of our lives. We are probably facing our last days, if not hours. The enemy is outnumbering us 10 to 1. He goes on to appeal for a safe extraction of the civilians and soldiers from inside a steel plant where Ukrainian fighters are making their last stand. For more on the situation in Mariupol, we have NPR's Tim Mak on the line. He joins us from a cafe in Odesa. Hi, Tim.
TIM MAK, BYLINE: Hey, there.
FADEL: So what do we know about what's happening inside Mariupol right now?
MAK: Well, city officials say that there are still some 100,000 people trapped in the city, and there are Ukrainian troops in particular in that steel plant you mentioned - this sprawling complex with a lot of underground tunnels that, according to both the Russian and Ukrainian military, has been the focus of Russian strikes over the past several days. Now, Russia has repeatedly told Ukrainian fighters in the city to surrender. And so far, Ukrainian fighters have refused to do so. The fact that this commander is now pleading for extraction shows you how desperate the situation has become.
Now, Mariupol has held out since the city was surrounded by Russian troops in early March. Officials have been working desperately to secure humanitarian corridors out of the city for civilians. And it sounds like after several days of stalemate, a preliminary agreement has been reached this morning by both sides. We should note, however, that these agreements have gone south many times in the past. The Ukrainian government is now seeking to send some 90 buses to pull civilians out.
FADEL: A hundred thousand people. And they've been in this besieged city for some 50 days with little access to food, water, medicine, as many fear Russia will soon raze Mariupol to the ground. But many have also gotten out. Officials say hundreds of thousands of people have fled the city. What can you tell us about where they've gone?
MAK: Well, many of them have sought refuge further west, away from the fighting - in places like where I am in Odesa, southern Ukraine, for example. This morning, I spoke to Olga Anasova. She fled Mariupol in late March, along with her son and husband.
OLGA ANASOVA: (Non-English language spoken).
MAK: She says that her mother died in the first days of the war, in late February. They're not sure exactly what happened, but she had a seizure before she passed. They wrapped her in a carpet and begged soldiers nearby - Ukrainian or Russian, she was so full of grief and shock she wasn't sure which ones - she asked these soldiers to help them dig a grave. Her mother's death delayed her family's escape from the city, she told us. And she said that she saw dead bodies rotting everywhere in the city that she called home.
ANASOVA: (Non-English language spoken).
MAK: She said it was like hell in the city, that people turned from humans to animals. There was no running water, no electricity, no light, even as it was -7 degrees Celsius. It was impossible to live in the city, she said. But in a way, she also said that people were able to adjust, that weeks into the conflict, an explosion happened 50 meters away from her as she was heating up water for tea, and they didn't even take cover. That said, she was ecstatic to escape Mariupol. Her favorite memory was entering Ukrainian territory and seeing a fresh piece of bread for the first time since the war began. It's been a real challenging task for Ukraine. Military analysts say that this new offensive that Russia has reportedly launched is going to really challenge civilians and soldiers on both sides of the battlefield.
FADEL: Devastating to listen to these voices. NPR's Tim Mak. Thank you, Tim.
MAK: Thank you so much. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/ukrainian-fighters-are-making-their-last-stand-in-a-steel-mill-in-mariupol | 2022-05-12T15:01:52Z |
LEILA FADEL, HOST:
Russia's foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, says Moscow has started another phase of its assault on Ukraine. The Defense Ministry in Moscow says missiles and artillery have struck over a thousand military targets in eastern Ukraine. Civilians have not been spared. And Russia continues its bombardment of the strategic port city of Mariupol, where many fear troops will soon raze the city. In Washington, the Biden administration is expected to send more military aid on top of the $800 million package announced last week. Ben Hodges is the former commanding general of the U.S. Army in Europe. He is now with the Center for European Policy Analysis, and I spoke with him this morning while he was on a visit to Istanbul, Turkey.
Now, it looks like Russia is trying to split Ukraine - take its east, separate it from its center and west - and it's focused a lot on port cities in the Azov Sea. The southern port city of Mariupol is in ruins - water, electricity is out and accounts from inside are devastating. But Ukrainian forces are refusing to surrender, even with an ultimatum from Russia, where Russia says surrender or face elimination. What do you expect will happen in the coming hours or days with Mariupol?
BEN HODGES: Well, I think people are going to be studying the defenders of Mariupol for decades. What an incredible example of human resolve and determination. But also, what an example of the ineptitude and the pitiful state of the Russian military. I mean, Mariupol should have been one of the first cities to fall when you think of all the advantages the Russians had - control of the Azov Sea, proximity to all of their forces up in Donbas - in northern part of Donbas, as well as in Crimea.
Instead, here we are, eight weeks later, and these incredible people - civilians as well as military - refusing to surrender. So this is a real test of will and - as well as skill. Awful lot of Russian forces are tied up around Mariupol right now. So if Mariupol ever does fall, that would release some more troops for the Russians. But that doesn't mean they'll all be fresh and ready to go into a new fight. And, of course, it would clean up some of their logistics eventually to be able to move in that region.
But I tell you, I think this has highlighted to me - I was looking at one of these famous maps that everybody sees now, and here we are at eight weeks into the fight - since February 24. Mariupol is still holding out, and Russia has only been able to capture, seize, occupy a sliver of Ukrainian territory. And I think they're at their end of their rope. They don't have tens of thousands of more troops and new stuff coming in. I mean, they're all in. I think we're looking at a Russia that is going to collapse as a state within the next four or five years - that have been sanctioned...
FADEL: Collapse as a state.
HODGES: Absolutely. We're going to see the breakup of the Russian Federation. I mean, they have not been able to capture or defeat Ukraine. And I think what we're seeing are signs of the sickness inside Russia.
FADEL: Are the events happening today likely to determine the extent of Moscow's success?
HODGES: Yeah, I think you're right, Leila. I think this is a decisive part of this conflict. Now, just one point to clarify. You know, the war has been going on for eight years - since 2014, when they invaded Ukraine and there was fighting in Donbas and they've occupied Crimea illegally - but eight weeks in terms of this latest horrific phase.
FADEL: But this war went much further.
HODGES: Yeah. And so the Kremlin has to be very concerned about what's going to happen. I mean, it will be impossible to hide the fact that somewhere between ten, fifteen thousand Russian soldiers and sailors have been killed. Whatever the exact number is, we'll never know. But it's clearly going to be, you know, upwards of 10,000. And this is going to continue. The Ukrainians are going to continue to make Russia bleed. It will be impossible to hide this from those thousands of Russian families and the rest of the public.
Now, interestingly, most of the Russian troops don't come from Moscow or St. Petersburg. So the army is made up of people from the hinterlands and different ethnicities. So the Russian elites, if you will, where it's most visible - they still are not really seeing all this. So we've got a job to do - providing truths to Russians is just as important as providing weapons to Ukrainians. And I think this should be part of our overall effort.
FADEL: Retired general and former commander of the U.S. Army in Europe, Ben Hodges, thank you so much for taking the time.
HODGES: Leila, thank you for the privilege. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/ukrainian-forces-in-mariupol-are-refusing-to-surrender-to-russian-forces | 2022-05-12T15:01:54Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Members of President Biden's Cabinet are traveling in rural America this month. They're encouraging local officials to seek funding from the infrastructure law that Biden signed last year. Local officials in smaller communities have concerns about the paperwork. Here is Arizona Public Media's Megan Myscofski.
MEGAN MYSCOFSKI, BYLINE: Mignonne Hollis heads the three-person economic development organization in Cochise County, Ariz., home to about 125,000 people.
MIGNONNE HOLLIS: Elected officials, they really like it as a buzzword and when it's sexy, but economic development, to its core, is dirty and hard.
MYSCOFSKI: The infrastructure law will provide money to fund dozens of the kinds of projects that Hollis works on, but...
HOLLIS: It's a lot of work. Typically, it's just me trying to do all of that. And then that process can take such a long time that you're missing out on other opportunities for your organization.
MYSCOFSKI: The White House has put out a rural playbook that highlights funding opportunities for those outside cities. Adie Tomer researches infrastructure policy at the Brookings Institution. He says applying for infrastructure law funding is going to be a stretch for small offices like Hollis'.
ADIE TOMER: Cities like Phoenix and Tucson, they're going to have the staff around. They may not be assigned to it right now, but they can quickly get up to speed.
MYSCOFSKI: And unlike COVID relief funds, the bulk of this money will go through state governments first. Mildred Warner teaches city and regional planning at Cornell University. She says local governments are going to need help from above to get the federal money and to put it to use effectively.
MILDRED WARNER: What's been happening in the last - I don't know - 20 years is this cooperative federalism has become a little less cooperative.
MYSCOFSKI: What she means is, some states pass responsibilities down to the local level without money or assistance.
WARNER: And I would call that an uncooperative federalism.
MYSCOFSKI: Arizona's Republican governor, Doug Ducey, is philosophically opposed to big-government solutions and has clashed with the Biden administration on COVID relief funding. Last week, Ducey announced a task force that'll plan for how the infrastructure law money will be used in the state.
HOLLIS: But this building is just for people that are starting off...
MYSCOFSKI: Back in Cochise County, Mignonne Hollis knows a little federal help can go a long way. She got COVID relief money to set up a rural telemedicine center and quickly hired Sarah Challender to help.
SARAH CHALLENDER: She was very intent and passionate.
HOLLIS: I was very intent about talking to Sarah.
MYSCOFSKI: Challender helps people who come in with telemedicine appointments, something many county residents don't have a strong enough internet connection to do at home.
HOLLIS: It's a very calming blue. In telehealth, especially for behavioral health, it needs to be this shade of blue.
MYSCOFSKI: Hollis says the federal assistance is making a difference. Now with infrastructure law money on the table, she's looking into what else she might be able to do.
HOLLIS: And when you look to see where we are, we need lots of help. And we've got to get it now before there's nothing left.
MYSCOFSKI: In a town where the population is declining as people leave for better jobs and quality of life, Hollis says they're not going to attract flashy, big businesses. So she says it's crucial they don't miss out on this historic funding opportunity. For NPR News, I'm Megan Myscofski in Tucson. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/white-house-puts-out-a-playbook-to-help-rural-areas-get-infrastructure-funding | 2022-05-12T15:02:00Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Anyone who's ever driven through New Jersey knows when it's time to fill the car, you can keep your seatbelt on. Pumping your own gas is forbidden. That's been the law for decades. Now New Jersey lawmakers are debating whether to end it. Gas station owners say it would help ease a labor shortage and bring prices down, but some drivers and politicians are skeptical. NPR's Laura Benshoff reports.
LAURA BENSHOFF, BYLINE: At a small gas station in South Jersey, Chafen Pourier (ph) is sitting in her car. She says, sure, she knows how to pump her own gas.
CHAFEN POURIER: I do. Do I want to? No.
BENSHOFF: From the driver's seat, Pourier waves her hand at the cold drizzle outside.
POURIER: I'm not getting out of my car, especially when it's raining. No, I like it just the way it is.
BENSHOFF: New Jersey is one of two states where drivers are not allowed to pump their own gas. Oregon is the other one, although that state's ban is relaxed in rural areas. Now a bill in the New Jersey legislature would allow gas stations to offer self-service. Bigger ones would still be required to have a full service option between 8 a.m. and 8 p.m. Sal Risalvato with the New Jersey Gasoline, Convenience Store and Automotive Association says it would help fix the current labor shortage.
SAL RISALVATO: I have members on busy highways that they have to close sometimes during the day for a couple of hours because a shift ends, they don't have anybody to cover.
BENSHOFF: But Risalvato knows his group faces opposition. For decades, New Jersey didn't raise its gas tax. Combined with a ban on pumping your own gas, and a culture emerged.
RISALVATO: We have cheap gas, and we don't have to pump it.
BENSHOFF: That's changed. New Jersey now has some of the highest gas taxes in the country, according to the American Petroleum Institute. Drivers here now pay around the national average for gas. But the culture remains, says Risalvato.
RISALVATO: And the bumper sticker and the T-shirts - Jersey Girls Don't Pump Gas. And it became a source of pride.
BENSHOFF: He claims if the self-serve law passes, gas stations could afford to lower prices at the pump up to $0.23 a gallon. But so far, the Garden State's top politicians haven't embraced the bill, though they haven't completely ruled it out, either. Here's Democratic Governor Phil Murphy at a press briefing after it was introduced.
(SOUNDBITE OF PRESS CONFERENCE)
PHIL MURPHY: Listen; on self-service gas, that's been sort of a political third rail in New Jersey, which I have historically not crossed.
BENSHOFF: But he says he's open to anything that makes the Garden State more affordable. Senate President Nicholas Scutari said in a statement that he also doesn't support the bill, but he would reconsider if there's data to show the public is behind it and residents would save money.
Outside a convenience store in Camden County, Kay Robinson (ph) is waiting for her husband after filling up. She says she doesn't support the bill because a lot of her friends worked at gas stations when they were younger.
KAY ROBINSON: It was a good job to have. Like, I don't know how much they get paid now, but it was a good job to have back then to actually, you know, have a good amount of money in their pocket. So what are they - you know, what are they going to do now?
BENSHOFF: But she's noticed many stations are down workers and, like most New Jerseyans in a recent poll, would support adding self-serve, but only if full service is still available. So she doesn't support this bill.
ROBINSON: Yeah, I don't like it. That's my quote (laughter).
BENSHOFF: And, Robinson says, getting rid of full-service stations would change how she feels about living in the Garden State. Laura Benshoff, NPR News.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-20/you-havent-been-able-to-pump-own-gas-in-new-jersey-since-1949-that-might-change | 2022-05-12T15:02:06Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Multiple deadly bomb blasts rocked Afghanistan today, and there were attacks on schools earlier this week. It shatters a relative lull in violence that had held since the Taliban seized power eight months ago. NPR's Diaa Hadid reports from Islamabad.
DIAA HADID, BYLINE: The worst attack targeted worshippers in a mosque in the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif. Footage broadcast by local news outlets suggested the extent of the calamity.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: (Crying).
HADID: One man weeps as worshippers and bystanders carry out casualties from the Seh Dokan mosque. Yet another shows men running with gurneys laden with wounded people into a hospital. In a statement, ISIS said it had targeted Shiites - using a pejorative - by placing a suitcase stuffed with explosives inside the mosque. But one resident, who only uses his first name, Momand, tells NPR that the mosque inside a historic bazaar was used by merchants of different sects.
MOMAND: (Non-English language spoken).
HADID: Speaking to NPR's Kabul producer Fazelminallah Qazizai, he says Sunnis and Shiites use different corners of the two-story mosque to pray. He says it's always crowded. There were other blasts across Afghanistan - a bomb left outside a school in a Shiite-dominated area of Kabul. A roadside blast wounded two children. There was another in the northern city of Kunduz - yet another in the southern province of Kandahar. It came after bombs struck two schools in a Shiite-dominated part of Kabul earlier this week. They killed six people. Adam Weinstein, a research fellow specializing in Pakistan and Afghanistan at the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft, says when the Taliban seized power in August, they assured Afghans they would enjoy security, however relative, after decades of conflict.
ADAM WEINSTEIN: This is a serious issue for the Taliban because they promised security for the Afghan people. That's their one and only claim to legitimacy. And if they can't provide security, it's unclear what else they're providing in terms of governance.
HADID: So these attacks aren't just shattering any hopes of safety for Afghans, particularly Shiites. It's the first real crisis of governance for the Taliban. Diaa Hadid, NPR News, Islamabad. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/1-of-the-multiple-blasts-in-afghanistan-hit-worshippers-in-a-mosque | 2022-05-12T15:02:12Z |
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
President Biden this morning announced another $800 million in military aid for Ukraine. This is just one part of support for Ukraine as it tries to beat back the invasion by Russia.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
PRESIDENT JOE BIDEN: To modernize Teddy Roosevelt's famous advice, sometimes you will speak softly and carry a large Javelin because we're sending a lot of those in as well. You know, but we're not sitting on the funding that Congress has provided for Ukraine. We're sending it directly to the front lines of freedom.
MARTINEZ: But President Biden says more is needed, and next week he'll ask Congress for another wave of funding. Here to tell us more, NPR White House correspondent Asma Khalid. The 800 million the president announced today comes on top of another 800 million in security assistance that the president announced just last week. And now he's going to have to go to Capitol Hill to get more money to help Ukraine.
ASMA KHALID, BYLINE: That's right, A. And, you know, I will say the president said today with this latest disbursement he's essentially drawn down everything Congress has authorized for Ukraine, and that in order to keep weapons flowing to Ukrainians for this next phase of the war against Russia, in order to do that without any interruption, he does intend to ask Congress for more money next week. You know, the key question is, how much? And I will say that is unclear. He says it's being decided right now. He's asking the Defense Department to put something together on what they think is needed. But I was, you know, particularly struck by a question the president was asked near the end of his remarks today, which is, how long can the U.S. keep funding this war? How long is it sustainable? Here's how the president answered.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
BIDEN: Well, we have the capacity to do this for a long time. The question is, are we going to continue to maintain the support of the international community and keep the pressure on Putin to prevent him from overrunning the country?
MARTINEZ: So what exactly does today's announcement of more military aid entail?
KHALID: Well, the president says that the U.S. is really trying to assist Ukraine quickly ahead of this next phase of the war. He says it's clear that Russians could not capture Ukraine's capital of Kyiv, And so they're trying to regroup and target the eastern part of the country, the Donbas. And in Biden's words, there's really a critical window right now where the U.S. and allies have to work quickly to get Ukraine the weapons that it needs. He says that this fiery fight in the eastern part of the country is going to take place in a flatter region. It's going to require different kinds of weapons. He says that will mean heavy artillery weapons, howitzers, 144,000 rounds of ammunition and more tactical drones.
MARTINEZ: Now, the Biden administration also announced a new program to, in theory, streamline the process for refugees to come to the U.S. How is that going to work?
KHALID: Yeah, you're right. You know, the president pledged in Europe last month that the U.S. would take in as many as a hundred thousand Ukrainian refugees. To date, there hasn't been really a process to accept folks coming in. Next week, the Department of Homeland Security is standing up a website for sponsors here in the U.S. to upload affidavits to financially support Ukrainians who want to come to the U.S. They will then have to go through a screening process. But really, this process is targeting Ukrainians in Europe. To date, almost 15,000 Ukrainians have crossed into the United States via the southern land border in Mexico during just the past couple of months. They have been given some exemptions, but U.S. officials today made it very clear that starting next week, they do not intend to allow giving Ukrainians at the southern border an exemption to come into the U.S..
MARTINEZ: That's NPR's Asma Khalid. Thanks a lot.
KHALID: My pleasure. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/biden-announced-another-800-million-in-weapons-for-ukraine | 2022-05-12T15:02:14Z |
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
Good morning. I'm A Martinez. The grilled stuffed nacho has been gone from Taco Bell's menu since 2015. A year ago January, Chris Sandberg took a stand to get it back. He vowed to exercise every day until it came back. Sandberg's progress on TikTok went viral as he lost 85 pounds. He says he gets the irony in exercising every day for a fast-food item. And while Taco Bell says right now there are no plans to bring it back, for one day as a reward, they made Chris a few grilled stuffed nachos. It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/calif-man-loses-85-pounds-while-lobbying-taco-bell-for-grilled-stuft-nachos-return | 2022-05-12T15:02:20Z |
When Cypress Hill released its debut album in 1991, the group's staccato lyrics were, for most outside of their LA hometown, a first introduction to Spanglish slang. "We didn't really have much representation in that time," rapper B Real tells Morning Edition's A Martínez. "You either saw one side of the spectrum or the other, but not anything in the middle. And I think we represented that." The group — B-Real and fellow rappers Sen Dog and Eric Bobo, along with producer DJ Muggs — would end up one of the most successful in hip-hop history.
Speaking to A Martinez on the release of a new Mass Appeal-produced documentary, Cypress Hill: Insane in the Brain, on Showtime, rapper B Real retraces the roots of his distinctively adenoidal rapping voice, which began in emulation of the early rapper and artist Rammellzee; the influence of early, darker rock and roll, like Black Sabbath, on Cypress Hill's sound and the particular timing of their emergence in the early '90s, alongside artists like Nirvana.
Listen to this interview using the audio player at the top of the page.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/cypress-hills-impact-comes-into-focus-in-new-documentary | 2022-05-12T15:02:26Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
In Durban, South Africa, torrential flooding washed away thousands of homes last week, and the death toll continues to climb. More than 400 people were killed in the storms. Dozens are still missing, and 40,000 have been displaced. John Eligon is based in South Africa for The New York Times, and he has been reporting from Durban. Thank you for joining us.
JOHN ELIGON: Thanks for having me.
SHAPIRO: That death toll - more than 400 people - is just staggering. Why did these floods have such an impact?
ELIGON: Well, I think, Ari, what you have to look at is a lot of low-income countries and low-resource countries - the people living there, they are among the most vulnerable populations when it comes to the issues of extreme weather and severe weather systems. In Durban - in the Durban area where this happened, it's very hilly. There's a lot of rivers, and there's a lot of low-lying areas. You have folks who are living on hillsides, and these hillsides give way whenever there's just torrential rain. The sand gives way, and then you - this causes a bunch of mudslides. And these mudslides just take out these homes. And you have some people who are living in these low-lying areas. The banks of the rivers break. Those rivers overflow. And then, basically, you have these communities getting flooded away.
And I guess the one other thing I would say, too - in a lot of these communities, there are a lot of informal settlements. This means that people who cannot necessarily afford to have, you know, formal housing, they will go find any place they can get. They'll put together sort of little shack homes. And these are in some of these very dangerous areas, and they're also not very sturdy, right? So a lot of these people are very susceptible to this extreme weather.
SHAPIRO: Is there a specific person whose story you can share with us?
ELIGON: We went out to this township called Inanda. It's one of the townships north of Durban. And basically, a bridge just collapsed, right? So you're driving, and there's just this huge gaping hole in the highway, right? There's a little community right down there. And these are homes that are sort of modest kind of homes made of cement, bricks and whatnot. And we talked to residents. And what happened that night is they said, out of nowhere, it just, like, started raining at 10 o'clock. By 11, 12 o'clock, it was just completely torrential downpour. And then this one woman we spoke to, she had some relatives living in a house right across the pathway from her. It's a little pathway they run across. She starts to go across there to warn her relatives. And before she could get to the house, the water is up - you know, up to her chest, basically. So she cannot get to their house.
And think about it. This is nighttime. And all she can hear is her family members inside saying, what do we do? What do we do? And sadly, she said, within a matter of minutes, water comes through. It levels the house. The house - this is a brick house. It's completely gone. So it was a mother and a son and then two of the woman's granddaughters, all of them are believed to be buried under that sand. And there was - that is just one of many stories like that that we're hearing all across that region there. It's just completely heartbreaking.
SHAPIRO: You report that this was the third major flooding in the region in the past five years. Are people drawing a connection to climate change?
ELIGON: Absolutely. I mean, there's a lot of scientists who are saying that it's the increasing intensity of these storms, right? Rain in April in Durban, in that area, is not that uncommon. But what some people are saying is uncommon is just sort of the intensity of these things, that every, you know, year now, it seems to be some sort of flooding event. And I think you can't just isolate it. You have to look at sort of that region - so southern Africa, eastern Africa as a whole, right? If you look at a place like Madagascar, in February and March, they were hit by a cyclone and I think four tropical storms. At least 178 people were killed in those. And you're seeing in Mozambique they've had flooding come in. And as far inland as Malawi and Zimbabwe, both landlocked countries, they're having flooding.
So there's this sense that - you know, with the rise in temperatures, with more moisture in the air, that there is this greater intensity of these storms. And with the particular situation in Durban, it was something that - a phenomenon called the cutoff low in which, basically, you have a low-pressure system that was cut off from the jet stream, so it just kind of sat there on top of Durban, you know, for several days, just bringing down rain and rain and rain. And that's what really caused this.
SHAPIRO: That's John Eligon of The New York Times, speaking with us from South Africa. Thank you very much.
ELIGON: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/dozens-still-missing-in-wake-of-catastrophic-south-africa-floods | 2022-05-12T15:02:32Z |
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
Thinking about death makes most people uncomfortable, which means many of us end up not planning. NPR's Life Kit looked into preparing for the end. Reporter Kavitha Cardoza explains a simple document called an advance directive.
KAVITHA CARDOZA, BYLINE: You don't need to have a medical background or a lawyer to fill out an advance directive. You don't even need a lot of time. And I promise it's not too morbid. You can easily find an advance directive form online. There are different versions, but basically, it has two sections. The first is the most important - the medical power of attorney. Choose a person who can legally make health care decisions for you if you can't.
PALLAVI KUMAR: Think about the person in your life who understands you, your goals, your values, your priorities and then is able to set aside their own wishes for you and to be a voice for you.
CARDOZA: That's Dr. Pallavi Kumar, a medical oncologist and palliative care physician at the University of Pennsylvania. She says your medical proxy should be someone you trust who can handle stress because your loved ones will disagree on what to do, and it can be emotional. So you want to name someone who will carry out your wishes. Kumar says research shows when a caregiver sees a loved one die in the hospital under circumstances they believe that person never would have wanted, they're in emotional pain for a long time.
KUMAR: And at six months and a year after death, these bereaved caregivers are still suffering from pretty severe depression and anxiety. There's even some data to show that the survival for those caregivers is shortened.
CARDOZA: So think of an advance directive as a gift you're giving your loved ones. The second section of the advance directive document is called a living will. This part walks you through the general approach of how you want to die and what kind of care you want. Do you want to be resuscitated? Are you OK being hooked up to a ventilator? How do you feel about a feeding tube? Dr. Jessica Zitter is an ICU and palliative care physician in California. She says there's no right or wrong decision. It's personal.
JESSICA ZITTER: Someone once told me her father was - she says, he's an old, crusty Italian man, and he said if someone else has to wipe my behind, I do not want to live. But there's many, many others of us - if I was quadriplegic and still have an intellectual and emotional relationship with people, I don't think I'd want to die.
CARDOZA: Even among patients who are very, very sick with cancer, less than half have had conversations about how they want to die. So it's critical to share your wishes with your medical proxy and your loved ones as well as your doctor. Share a copy of the form with them.
Dr. Pallavi Kumar says the end of life is about more than just the medical aspect. When she knows a person's priorities, that helps inform her treatment plan. For some patients, it might mean spending time at home with family. For others, it means trying every treatment possible for as long as possible.
KUMAR: They would say, if you're telling me that a chemotherapy could give me another month, I want that month because that's another month I have with my 6-year-old.
CARDOZA: While no one can predict when they'll die, an advance directive can help you plan for how. It's not a guarantee but a safety net for having what Dr. Zitter thinks of as a good death.
ZITTER: In order to figure out what a good death is, you have to figure out what a good life is and what living well means to you. That's the only way to know how to die well because, actually, they're kind of reflections of each other.
CARDOZA: For NPR News, I'm Kavitha Cardoza.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
MARTINEZ: For more practical tips from NPR's Life Kit, go to npr.org/lifekit. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/encore-like-kits-planning-for-the-end-of-a-life | 2022-05-12T15:02:34Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
We're reporting this week about how hard it is for Palestinians in the Gaza Strip to get lifesaving medical care. And, Daniel, yesterday on this program, you introduced us to a 70-year-old man you met in Gaza who needs heart bypass surgery.
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Right. His name is Yousef al Kurd. He's a retired audio engineer, and he's trying to get permission from Israel to leave Gaza and travel to the West Bank for his surgery. When we meet him at the hospital in Gaza, his face is gaunt, and there are big ulcers on his legs. The stakes for him and his family are really high.
IBRAHIM: (Through interpreter) If they just cancel it, I do believe that my father will pass away. He will die.
ESTRIN: That's his son, Ibrahim, who is speaking through an interpreter.
SHAPIRO: Now, you reported yesterday that the doctors in Gaza could not do the surgery he needs.
ESTRIN: Right. The health system in Gaza has been worn down because, remember, Hamas took control there about 15 years ago. It's launched attacks on Israel from there. And Israel and Egypt keep it blockaded. Even the Palestinian Authority sees Hamas as a rival and withholds some support to Gaza. So all of that weakens the health system there. And doctors have fled.
SHAPIRO: And people can't just move back and forth. So what otherwise might have been a routine referral to someplace else becomes a lot more difficult.
ESTRIN: Yeah, it's very hard for anyone to go in and out of Gaza. And even medical patients need special approvals. So that is what today's story is about. This is what it takes to get the approval.
(CROSSTALK)
ESTRIN: We start in the West Bank at the Palestinian Health Ministry, where they review referrals sent by doctors in Gaza. Most are cancer cases. There's very little chemotherapy in Gaza and no radiation therapy. The second-most common patients are heart patients like Yousef al Kurd, who we're following.
Thank you for seeing us.
HAITHAM AL HIDRI: You are welcome.
ESTRIN: Thank you.
When we visit the office, it's Dr. Haitham Al Hidri (ph) in charge of granting the final approval for medical coverage. He tells us he has to say no a lot. They have a tight budget, mostly from the U.S. and other international donors. And Israel only allows critical cases to cross the border. The competition is so intense, he's fired clerks who took bribes to put patients on the list.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: (Non-English language spoken).
ESTRIN: As we're talking, his colleague comes in the office with an urgent case.
AL HIDRI: This life example now.
UNIDENTIFIED PERSON: Lifesaving.
AL HIDRI: Lifesaving example.
ESTRIN: There's is a 25-year-old on the operating table in Gaza with a life-threatening vascular problem in his jaw. His surgeon can't handle it and wants to send him to an Israeli hospital right away. Dr. Hidri calls the young man's doctor in Gaza.
AL HIDRI: Hello? Doctor...
ESTRIN: And he asks him, is it really urgent?
AL HIDRI: (Speaking Arabic).
ESTRIN: He tells the Gaza doctor, I know the patient's family is pressing. Everybody's pressing to get him to Israel. If he's bleeding, I'll let him out. If he's not bleeding, I won't let him out. You're the doctor in charge of him. You must give the last word.
AL HIDRI: OK.
ESTRIN: So he's not bleeding.
AL HIDRI: He is not in active bleeding; some oozing from the site of the surgery. So it's not active bleeding, so it's not top emergency. We can wait, and we...
ESTRIN: Oozing, not bleeding - it's an example of just how selective he has to be. In the end, he decides not to take chances. He approves the coverage and coordinates the patient's quick transfer to an Israeli hospital. He says Israel does grant permits for most of the really urgent cases.
AL HIDRI: Top emergency cases, I can deal smoothly with these patients.
ESTRIN: But here's the thing with heart patient Yousef Al Kurd - his surgeon didn't fast-track him because he thinks he can wait a month for bypass surgery. In the meantime, he tries to get an Israeli travel permit, and Israel is wary of letting anyone in from Hamas-controlled Gaza. I talked about this with an Israeli researcher at Tel Aviv University, Moshe Chorev (ph).
MOSHE CHOREV: It is not self-obvious that Israel will provide its enemy the treatment they need. They can go to Egypt, for example.
ESTRIN: About 1 in 5 patients does go to hospitals in Egypt, but they're much farther away. And Palestinian health authorities prefer to keep patients inside their own system. And that means going through Israel. But there have been isolated cases where Israel has accused patients of smuggling explosives or spying for Hamas.
CHOREV: The whole thing is about trust. But once you break that trust, once you break it, then you send someone with cancer with TNT and he's being caught, you know, obviously, it does a lot of damage.
ESTRIN: Israeli officials say they allow in only humanitarian and exceptional cases - more than 10,000 permits last year. But rights groups say the screening process is a mystery.
RAN GOLDSTEIN: It's really a black hole for us to understand the criterias.
ESTRIN: That's Ran Goldstein (ph). He directs Physicians for Human Rights - Israel. They try to help Gaza patients get permits.
GOLDSTEIN: Many, many of cases are not really security issues because when we intervene, suddenly the person receives the permit.
ESTRIN: Now, Israel does grant most permits, but the World Health Organization says about a third of applications was delayed or denied last year. The WHO estimates it's thousands of people who have to reschedule things like surgery or chemo, and they often get more and more ill as they wait. That's exactly what happened with Yousef Al Kurd. Israel didn't grant him a permit in time for his surgery. His son Ibrahim rebooked it; still no permit. He got a third appointment. The whole time, Israel said it was reviewing the request.
IBRAHIM: (Through interpreter) the Israelis always postpone. And this is just slaughtering us from the inside and the outside.
ESTRIN: About six weeks passed with no answer. Remember, his doctor said he shouldn't wait for surgery for more than a month. And so Kurd's son asks the Palestinian Centre for Human Rights in Gaza to intervene.
MOHAMMED AL ALAMI: (Speaking Arabic).
ESTRIN: Lawyer Mohammed Al Alami (ph) shows us the letters he sent to the Israeli authorities.
ALAMI: Very urgent.
ESTRIN: Two more weeks go by with no permit. And remember, this is just a permit for travel. Israel is not involved in providing the treatment. So the lawyer calls his Israeli contact and asks her...
ALAMI: (Speaking Arabic).
ESTRIN: Why the delay? What's the security risk with a 70-year-old man? The lawyer says the officer told him Kurd has six phone numbers registered under his name. The Palestinian lawyer thinks Israel reviews patients' phone calls, and multiple phone numbers raises questions. The Kurd family says there's a logical explanation. Each family member uses a different number, like a family plan. So the lawyer sends that info to his Israeli contact.
ALAMI: Every day like this - every day.
ESTRIN: Pleading is part of the job in trying to get these permits. One Palestinian official takes pictures of patients with their bulging neck tumor, their sick baby. He says that tends to win Israeli officers' sympathy. I asked the Israeli agency in charge of Yousef Al Kurd's case. They said there was missing paperwork. They say that's a common reason why they delay permits. But the family and their lawyer say nothing was missing, and Israel never mentioned that to them. While Yousef Al Kurd is awaiting the permits, his blood pressure suddenly drops. He stops urinating. A couple more days go by and then his son, Ibrahim, says they get a text message with some good news.
IBRAHIM: (Through interpreter) Yousef Al Kurd, we approved you traveling.
ESTRIN: An Israeli travel permit - that's more than two months since they first applied. He can finally go to the hospital to get his surgery. It's a glimmer of hope as his health is getting worse.
[POST-BROADCAST CORRECTION: A previous version of this story misidentified a Tel Aviv University expert as Moshe Chorev. The correct name is Harel Chorev.]
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/for-those-seeking-medical-care-a-request-to-leave-gaza-can-mean-life-or-death | 2022-05-12T15:02:40Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Twitter says it's considering whether to install an edit button. Right now, when you post a message on the site, it stays there, unchanged, even after you notice the typo or someone calls out your faulty logic. You can delete the post but never change it. Now the service is considering an update, and this matters to you, whether you use Twitter or not. Most people do not use Twitter, yet it has a huge effect on the public debate. Celebrities and politicians use it to drop little press releases. Journalists put their reporting on there and also make news stories out of Twitter conversation. So how does public discourse change if you can change it? We called an expert on typos and messages you wish you could take back. Michael Leggett spent about 13 years as a design lead and manager at Google and Facebook.
MICHAEL LEGGETT: My passion for this is borne out of my inattention to typos. I'm somewhat of a phonetic speller. I almost actually didn't get married due to poor spelling.
INSKEEP: What?
LEGGETT: Well, my wife - early on in our relationship, she said that she was so concerned with my misspelling on instant messenger that she wasn't sure about continuing to date me.
INSKEEP: (Laughter).
LEGGETT: And luckily, spellcheck was added to the product I was using at the time for instant messaging, and my spelling started getting better. And she's like, oh, maybe it's not that bad.
INSKEEP: It saved you. It saved you.
LEGGETT: It saved me. It did.
INSKEEP: Did you misspell, like, her name or her mom's name or...
LEGGETT: No, not her - no, I didn't misspell her name. I just misspelled - I'd misspell common words. So...
INSKEEP: (Laughter).
Needless to say, Michael Leggett favors a Twitter edit button. The question is how to do it. Tweets right now get shared, responded to and embedded in news stories.
LEGGETT: So there are new abuse factors with editing, in that if I tweet something and then you've retweeted or a hundred people retweeted or a website, like NPR, you know, embeds it in an article, there are valid issues that are not obvious how to fix around, what do you do with those edits? Do you honor the intention of fixing the edits, or do you honor the intention of the original retweeter or publisher in trying to publish what the original thought was?
INSKEEP: Can you tell a layman a little bit about how that would work? Like, the tweet that's embedded in a news story...
LEGGETT: Yeah.
INSKEEP: ...That the original user edited two hours later - what happens to that news story?
LEGGETT: Absolutely. So I think that there's at least two things to consider. So one is when you edit a tweet, I think it's really important that the original tweet is - it's not replaced, right? So there are what's often called in programming - is versioning. So as I've edited a tweet - let's say I edit it five times. All five of those versions are maintained somewhere. And ideally, you can still, you know, get to them. But the thing that really cracked this open for me in thinking that it's very possible to fix is thinking about track changes and any kind of word-processing application.
INSKEEP: Oh, sure.
LEGGETT: So, you know, Microsoft Word or Google Docs - you can see the edits, right? The design is all built around making it very visible - what has changed, what was removed, what was added, et cetera. So I think that design pattern - which is one that's very mature, one that people are very used to - could easily be applied here where an edit's been made and you actually see the edit - you see the words that were crossed out, you see the words that were added or changed.
INSKEEP: I'm realizing that for public figures, the kind of people whose tweets become news stories, this could create an entirely new genre of news story where the reporting is they first said this and then they changed it to Option B and then they changed it a third time, and watch how their thinking evolved.
LEGGETT: Sure. Yeah, I think - well, and, in fact, like, that's already commonplace. What's unfortunate is it's just not applied to the original tweet. What you'll have happen is a public figure - you know, a politician will tweet something and, you know, a lot of people will lambast it, saying that's just false, right? That's fake news. And it spreads like wildflower - wildfire. See? Wildflower. There's a mistake right there.
INSKEEP: Use the edit button and clean that up.
LEGGETT: Use the edit button (laughter). It'll spread. And then eventually, the person will come back and issue a retraction as a reply to the original tweet. But they won't get rid of the original retweet because that's been retweeted and shared and that's, you know, spreading. Another pattern, besides the track change is, as you can imagine, a more visible, hey, you know, three edits have been applied to this - a big button or maybe a sneak peek at that, or maybe you see them side by side. Although then you're trying to compare, what's different? So I think there's a lot of ways to tackle it.
INSKEEP: Michael Leggett, who's in favor of an edit button for Twitter. He says everybody is different here. His wife is very careful. She reviews her emails before sending them, which he does not.
LEGGETT: I very often hit send and then, you know, realize the, you know, massive typos I've made and wish I could take it back, which is actually what - I worked on Gmail once upon a time and helped build undo send for that very reason.
INSKEEP: (Laughter) I've been sitting here wondering that - if you invented that, if you developed that, because of your wife.
LEGGETT: It wasn't because of my wife. I actually sent an email to a high-up executive at Google that I wish I had not. They sent my team an email. I was drafting a reply. I had, like, four different possible tacks on the email, and I was like, oh, this is a a mess. I'm, like, coming across too angry. I'll finish it later and hit save, except I hit send.
INSKEEP: (Laughter).
LEGGETT: And so wish I could - immediately wished I could...
INSKEEP: So sorry to laugh but...
LEGGETT: Oh, no, it's hilarious. It is hilarious.
INSKEEP: (Laughter).
LEGGETT: And she was very gracious because I immediately replied and said, I'm sorry, ignore that, didn't mean to send that. So Gmail had undo on so many different features, which was just such a great design pattern. And so I started wanting an undo on send itself, which we were able to get done.
INSKEEP: Well, Michael Leggett, I'm done with the conversation, but before we go away, is there anything in this conversation you would like to undo, edit or change?
LEGGETT: (Laughter) No, I feel good about it. I mean, you know, I would only add that it's a hard problem. I think that there's going to be a lot of, you know, people outside of Twitter, myself included, telling them that, oh, but it's easy to do - just do this. And there's always more to it. You know, honestly, it's better to do it than to not do it, but it's better to not do it than to do it poorly. So it's important that it's done well.
INSKEEP: All right. Mr. Leggett, thanks so much.
LEGGETT: You're welcome. Have a good one.
INSKEEP: Michael Leggett is a former design lead and manager at Google and Facebook.
(SOUNDBITE OF AK'S "PULSES") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/how-a-twitter-edit-button-might-change-the-way-you-tweet | 2022-05-12T15:02:46Z |
Charles Mingus is one of the greatest jazz artists of the 20th century. He would have celebrated his 100th birthday on April 22.
"Charles Mingus is one of our most important thinkers and composers," says Wynton Marsalis, who will lead two concerts in honor of the composer at Lincoln Center. "He touched on many of the foundations of jazz and American music, from the roots to the most sophisticated forms."
A Lonely Childhood
Born to mixed-race parents in Nogales, Ariz., Mingus grew up in Los Angeles. His mother died when he was only four months old. In a 1962 interview, Mingus notes he was light-skinned; he didn't fit in with the Black, white or Mexican kids at school. He played the trombone, then the cello, but switched to bass when he was 16 because, at the time, it was impossible for a Black man to find work playing classical music.
In the interview, he said his father, who was an Army sergeant, never loved him.
"I never had any idea or father image," he said. "Anything that was something wrong he knocked it down, you know? I never felt any love in my family. I had no one to say what am I supposed to be like. He never even told me the world like it was. He never said anything about Black or white. He never told me anything."
Mingus's upbringing shaped his music. He was an outspoken advocate for civil rights, using his music to make political statements. He wrote that his 1956 song, "Pithecanthropus Erectus" was about the first man to stand erect, who pounded his chest, then looked to enslave others.
His 1959 song, "Fables of Faubus," was written as a protest against Arkansas Gov. Orval Faubus, who sent out the National Guard to prevent the integration of Little Rock Central High School by nine Black teenagers.
The Angry Man of Jazz
Mingus drew on traditions that ranged from ragtime to the avant-garde, and his compositions expressed an equally broad range of emotion. In 1962, he told his record producer Nehusi Ertegun that the reason his music was always changing was that he was always changing.
"I can play a sad thing, you recognize it because you're used to that. I can play an angry tune, GRRRRR. I can play happy little ditties like I do with my baby, you know? It's all kinds of emotions to play in music but what I'm trying to play is very difficult because I'm trying to play the truth of what I am."
Mingus had a well-known temper. Nicknamed "The Angry Man of Jazz," on the bandstand, he demanded perfection. He fired sidemen in the middle of a gig. He once punched trombonist Jimmy Knepper in the mouth and ruined his embouchure. Another time he shattered his $2000 bass when he tossed it off the stage in anger.
At one point, Mingus voluntarily checked himself into Bellevue Psychiatric Hospital.
Gene Santoro, author of Myself When I Am Real, the Life and Music of Charles Mingus, said Mingus wasn't crazy; he simply liked to stir things up.
"If a set went really well," he said, "if there wasn't places where he would start breaking in yelling at people and doing things, he came off the bandstand upset. He'd rather have the set break down, or have himself break it down and turn it into a performance with the unexpected."
Wynton Marsalis says Mingus's music --with its shifting forms and varied time signatures-- is difficult to play, but it should be played –because the music and the message are important.
"Mingus had a lofty vision of the future," he said. "He just always wanted our world and our country to live up to the promises of equality that our country was one of the first to actually lay down and mean it for the majority of the people. And we still struggle with it because it's not easy to believe in other people's freedom."
Charles Mingus suffered from Lou Gherig's disease in the 1970s. He died at the age of 56 in 1979. His ashes were scattered in the Ganges River.
In New York this weekend, the Charles Mingus Centennial Celebration will take place at Jazz at Lincoln Center - which says that it will blend "swinging hard bop, Afro-Latin grooves, and deeply felt blues."
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/how-the-late-jazz-great-charles-mingus-is-being-remembered-100-years-later | 2022-05-12T15:02:52Z |
A 91-year-old billionaire sits atop a global media empire, while his adult children vie to control the family company in the next generation.
It sounds like the plot of the HBO series Succession, but New York Times journalist Jim Rutenberg says the real-life drama involving Fox News founder Rupert Murdoch and his children, Lachlan, James, Elisabeth and Prudence, rivals anything a screenwriter could dream up.
"I ... have always suspected that the Succession writers have some mole in the family, because it's just too many things they seem to know," Rutenberg says. "It's just got all the drama you want in television, but democracy hinges on its future."
Rutenberg is a consulting producer on the new CNN documentary series, The Murdochs: Empire of Influence, which is based on a long investigative piece that he wrote with Times reporter Jonathan Mahler in 2019. He says the next few years could help determine the direction of the Fox News empire.
"There's an interesting thing about the way Rupert set up the company," Rutenberg says. "It's a family board with these children. ... Rupert cannot be outvoted [but] once Rupert dies, each child has an equal vote ... and the company could conceivably be taken in a different direction."
Rupert named his eldest son, Lachlan, as CEO of the Fox Corp. in 2019. Lachlan is, Rutenberg notes, "actually more conservative than his father." Meanwhile, James has been "horrified by what he sees as a turn toward Trumpism by Fox News."
"Fox News is hands down the number one news network in this country, and it got even bigger under Trump," Rutenberg says. "If Trump gave Rupert anything, it was the lifeblood of his business, which was ratings, which equaled revenue."
Interview highlights
On a moment in 2016 when Rupert, then 86, suffered a serious spinal injury aboard Lachlan's yacht, and the Murdoch siblings scrambled to establish a line of succession
[Rupert] hasn't named a successor. The kids are called (now adults, really) and told, "Come to L.A.," because he's airlifted to a hospital in L.A. ... What's going on behind-the-scenes here is that not only has Rupert not named a successor, but his two leading candidates at this moment — his son, Lachlan, his eldest, and his son James — are in a really pitched battle to lead the company, and they will lead it in two very different directions. ... And there's also this long history of fighting for this job. In this moment, everything is just in sort of suspended animation while the family sort of sees how they're going to game this out. ...
Now this being Rupert Murdoch, he is a survivor. His own mother lived till over 100 with all of her faculties intact – ultimately, comes through this with aplomb. ... He had said he "felt stronger than ever," but there really was this moment where he could have died and there would have been this fight and we would have, again, lived with the consequences.
On how Fox News changed after Chairman and CEO Roger Ailes stepped down and Lachlan assumed more control
The network started out with the tag "Fair and Balanced." It was very important to Roger Ailes that it established itself as a credible news voice, at least for the part of the country that he believed felt alienated by the rest of the press, but had strong, especially conservative opinion at night. But they threw in the occasional liberal, Alan Colmes was formerly the liberal co-host with Sean Hannity at the start of the network. Ailes, toward the end of his reign — which people may remember ended in a sexual harassment scandal, and then he died a bit later.
When Ailes left ... the command and control went away. And Lachlan Murdoch is not a command and control kind of guy. So what's happened since is that the network is on its own under the leadership of Suzanne Scott. And so far, her leadership seems to be that she'll allow strong personalities to move as they see fit within her own boundaries — and right now, those boundaries in primetime have been quite far.
On Trump's relationship with Murdoch's tabloid The New York Post
I was there working for the paper briefly and was on Page Six and part of the Murdoch era. ... Trump would just call and he was constantly feeding out items. And for Murdoch, Trump was content. I don't think he respected him or didn't show much respect for him as a businessman. But Trump was content, and I would submit that Trump would not have become the figure he became without The New York Post. Because before Twitter, there was The Post, and The Post was about grabbing attention in the information economy, and it was sensational claims that were going to create big headlines and take over the front page. It had a rat-a-tat-tat flow that obviously Twitter's way beyond, but it was an early version of that. And so Trump learns through Rupert's tabloid ... how to be a modern media figure.
On Rupert Murdoch not initially supporting Trump's run for president
Murdoch did not support Trump and was almost distraught about Trump's rise. ... When Trump visits him at his headquarters before he announces to say he's thinking of running and Rupert is really dismissive and actually, basically ... he says something like "prepare to be wrapped up," which I guess is Aussie for beaten up or knocked around. So he's warning him it's not going to be an easy ride, including from Fox. But ... he finally has to get behind Trump because he's always going to get behind the Republican nominee, and Trump really brings him in, and they're talking all the time and gossiping. And Rupert loves it, because as close as he's been with previous Republican administrations, he's never had this kind of access. So Trump really does win him over to his side. And then I think another factor is the reaction, the hard coverage that Trump drew from the rest of the press, I believe, sent Murdoch more so into the Trump fold, because he saw some of that as overblown. [He believed] the press is acting like the resistance, and this is inappropriate.
On Murdoch's relationship with Trump once he became president
They do really become pretty close. No one's going to control Trump or dictate what Trump does, and vice versa. Trump is not going to fully be able to tell Fox what to do, but there is this fascinating feedback loop that is allowed to happen. Everyone watched this happen in real time, but Fox News would sort of go in a certain tangent. And if that tangent was really striking a chord with the base, then Trump would repeat it. Sometimes Trump knows in his gut what's going to work, so sometimes he'd jump right on it and could see the words go from Fox News through to his Twitter feed.
And sometimes Fox would find itself on the wrong side of Trump, so it would have to scramble to stay good with Trump's base. Voting is one example. Murdoch would not listen to Trump when Trump asked him to rescind some calls on election night showing Joe Biden was going to win. But then Fox really scrambled back to Trump's camp because its audience is where Trump is, so it becomes this fascinating dance.
On how Murdoch-owned media is helping to determine the future of democracy
I think about the way Tucker Carlson or other hosts at the network handled the alleged and largely nonexistent voting fraud issue after the Election Day of 2020. They were airing a lot of leads and theories and allegations. It just never panned out. ... And they were doing so in the name of voter integrity, but nothing erodes voter integrity like telling four million people every night that there's no integrity in the voting system without having real evidence. So that's going to have an effect on democracy now.
Amy Salit and Seth Kelley produced and edited the audio of this interview. Bridget Bentz, Molly Seavy-Nesper and Natalie Escobar adapted it for the Web.
Copyright 2022 Fresh Air. To see more, visit Fresh Air. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/in-the-murdoch-family-succession-battle-fox-news-and-democracy-hang-in-the-balance | 2022-05-12T15:02:54Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Explosions across Afghanistan have killed more than 10 people. That's according to a count by the Associated Press. And ISIS claimed responsibility for at least one of these attacks. NPR's Diaa Hadid is here. She covers Afghanistan from her base in neighboring Pakistan. Diaa, welcome.
DIAA HADID, BYLINE: Hi, Steve.
INSKEEP: When and where did these attacks take place?
HADID: So these attacks began early morning Kabul time, and they continued throughout the day. So we've had details filtering in since then, and we understand that the most serious incident so far was in the northern city of Mazar-e-Sharif where there was an explosion inside a mosque. It's a well-known historic mosque in the city's bazaar - two stories just a few dozen feet from a famous shrine for which the city is named. Now, initial reports said the mosque was Shiite (inaudible). But one resident told NPR that Muslims of all sects prayed in the mosque. They even used different corners of the mosque to pray and to distinguish themselves - quite a unique mosque, quite a historic mosque. The resident we spoke to said the mosque was crowded when that blast struck.
ISIS appears to have taken responsibility in a message they posted on Telegram and which was shared by ISIS experts on Twitter. So that was one of the blasts. Now, there was another one in Kabul. Two children were wounded in a roadside bombing. Residents in a Shiite area called Dasht-e-Barchi said there was a blast outside their school. It's unclear if there were any injuries in that one. And there seems to have been another blast in the northern city of Kunduz. Local media outlet TOLO said four people were killed there. So it's been a pretty chaotic, pretty bad day.
INSKEEP: Yeah. How does this fit in with violence on other days in Afghanistan?
HADID: So this week has been particularly bad. Two days ago, there was attack on a school and an educational institute. More than six people were killed. There was no claim of responsibility either for that attack. But it occurred in that Shiite area of west Kabul called Dasht-e-Barchi. And that's an area that has been battered by ISIS in the past because they're targeting Shiites. And in Afghanistan, the easiest Shiites to target are ethnic Hazaras.
INSKEEP: I feel we should explain this for people who are catching up here. The Taliban are Sunni Muslims, a particular extreme strand of Sunni Islam. And there is a Shiite minority in Afghanistan that has been vulnerable, especially to the Taliban, for many, many years.
HADID: That's correct. They've also been targeted by ISIS. They've also been targeted by unknown militants, militants who haven't claimed responsibility for their attacks. One of the worst attacks in decades in Kabul was an unknown attack undertaken by militants last year that targeted girls leaving a secondary school. Around 85 girls died in that attack. It's never been claimed, but it was clearly targeting, again, Shiite Hazara girls. But one of the really interesting and tragic things is that there was actually a lull in violence in Afghanistan. After the Taliban took power, violence had really diminished. And so Afghans, for whatever other humanitarian crisis they've been experiencing right now, they actually were enjoying some relative security. Now, that, too, has been stripped away. And these bombings in some way seem to be a message to the Taliban that they're not going to be able to enforce security across the country.
INSKEEP: NPR's Diaa Hadid, thanks for your insights.
HADID: Thank you, Steve. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/isis-claims-responsibility-for-series-of-blasts-in-afghanistan | 2022-05-12T15:02:59Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Good morning. I'm Steve Inskeep with a happy birthday to Queen Elizabeth. The British monarch is 96. And to celebrate, she's getting her own Barbie doll. The plastic doll wears an ivory gown with a blue ribbon. She also has a tiara like the queen wore on her wedding day. The doll also commemorates the queen's platinum jubilee - her 70th year on the throne - and big retail chains are selling this doll for $75 apiece. We are amused. It's MORNING EDITION. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/its-queen-elizabeths-birthday-the-british-monarch-is-96 | 2022-05-12T15:02:59Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
The Supreme Court has not yet issued a decision in a highly anticipated abortion case that could upend decades of abortion rights. But already, abortion has been unavailable in Kentucky for more than a week. As NPR's Sarah McCammon reports from Louisville, reproductive rights groups are asking the courts for relief from a new abortion law while bracing for even more restrictions.
SARAH MCCAMMON, BYLINE: At Planned Parenthood in Louisville, the recovery room was silent for more than a week.
TAMARRA WIEDER: So this is where patients would come after their procedure. Generally, all of the beds would be full on a procedure day.
MCCAMMON: Tamarra Wieder is the Kentucky state director for Planned Parenthood. Her health center is one of only two places in Kentucky that offers abortions. It stopped doing the procedure after Republican lawmakers voted last Wednesday to override Democratic Governor Andy Beshear's veto of the new abortion law, which contains a host of new restrictions.
WIEDER: There is nobody in here, and it has been empty since last week.
MCCAMMON: The law known as HB 3 includes a ban on abortion after 15 weeks modeled after the Mississippi law that's currently before the Supreme Court. In anticipation of that decision, lawmakers in states including Arizona and Florida have pushed through similar bills this year. But without the Supreme Court even weighing in, the Kentucky law managed to shut down all abortion services for days, not with an outright ban but through layers of new regulations. Those include rules for abortion pills and providers, requirements for collecting patient information and regulations around the handling of fetal remains.
The law took effect immediately under an emergency provision, but clinics objected, saying the state hadn't had time to create the paperwork they'd need in order to follow the law. Heather Gatnarek is an attorney with the American Civil Liberties Union of Kentucky, which represents the EMW Women's Surgical Center, also in Louisville.
HEATHER GATNAREK: At this point, it's impossible for the clinic to comply or to take steps for compliance because we need things from the state of Kentucky that they haven't created yet.
MCCAMMON: This afternoon, a federal judge agreed and issued an order temporarily blocking the law after both Planned Parenthood and the ACLU filed lawsuits challenging it. Republican State Representative Nancy Tate sponsored the bill.
NANCY TATE: You know, people accuse me of trying to stop abortions, and personally, they're absolutely right. I would dearly love to stop abortions in the commonwealth of Kentucky as well as everywhere else.
MCCAMMON: Tate says she hopes the Supreme Court will pave the way for more states to ban the procedure outright. But until then, she argues, the law will make patients safer. Reproductive rights groups say abortion is already heavily regulated and that the law would only make the procedure inaccessible. The past week has been almost a trial run of what's likely ahead for many states with Republican-dominated legislatures if the Supreme Court allows them to ban most or all abortions. Erin Smith is executive director of the Kentucky Health Justice Network, which spent more than $100,000 last year helping low-income people pay for abortions and for travel.
ERIN SMITH: So we are going to have to just restructure. We're going to have to think long game. We're going to have to make plans. Like, hey; maybe we should charter a bus. Maybe it takes that.
MCCAMMON: At Planned Parenthood, officials say abortions will resume right away. But Tamarra Wieder says she knows the clinic could be back in the same situation again soon, especially if the Supreme Court rules in favor of Mississippi as many observers expect.
WIEDER: We know it's a temporary reprieve, and it's heartbreaking to see how this is going to play out, to begin to feel the dominoes cascade. It's not going to last long. It's not going to last long.
MCCAMMON: Governor Andy Beshear has called the law an unfunded mandate but says Kentucky health officials will comply if the courts ultimately uphold it either now or in a few months, when the Supreme Court is expected to issue a decision that could allow states across the country to implement more abortion restrictions. Sarah McCammon, NPR News, Louisville.
(SOUNDBITE OF FRAMEWORKS' "A NEW SUN") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/judge-temporarily-blocks-kentuckys-new-abortion-ban | 2022-05-12T15:03:00Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
And now a story about an unlucky lottery winner. A few weeks ago, a young man walked into a shop in Zeebrugge, Belgium, and bought a scratchcard.
ALEXANDER VERSTRAETE: He paid five euros and won the ticket. They won 250,000 euros.
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
That's about $270,000. Lawyer Alexander Verstraete represents the winner.
VERSTRAETE: He asked a friend of him if it was correct that he won. Together, they went back in the store. And indeed, he won 250,000 euros.
SHAPIRO: The problem is that Verstraete's client is a 28-year-old from Algeria. He came to Belgium two months ago with no papers, no home, and no way to prove his identity. We're not naming him because he's undocumented.
ESTRIN: He knew this would be an issue, so he sent a friend to the national lottery authority in Brussels to try to claim the money for him. That didn't work.
VERSTRAETE: And the police in Bruges knew who was the real winner because there were camera pictures from the store.
ESTRIN: Security cam photos were not enough. The prosecutor overseeing this case wanted the unlucky winner to obtain identification.
SHAPIRO: The request is in to family in Algeria as well as the embassy in Belgium. Verstraete is confident ID documents will arrive. For now, the prosecutor says Belgium won't deport the winner, and the lottery ticket is being held by police.
ESTRIN: The ticket does expire in one year. That leaves 11 months to satisfy the prosecutor's requests, which is time they could use to get a bank account.
VERSTRAETE: And then there is a similar problem. To have a bank account, you need to have an address - a legal address in Europe. But he does not have a legal address in Europe.
SHAPIRO: After Verstraete's client survived the journey from Algeria, the lawyer says his client wants to buy a house, a car and settle down. And his winnings have brought him closer to that dream.
VERSTRAETE: Maybe you have one chance in a million to win 250,000 euros. So indeed, he has very much luck indeed.
SHAPIRO: And now he hopes his client has a little extra luck for the legal process.
(SOUNDBITE OF WHAT LAURA SAYS SONG, "TRAINING") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/meet-the-the-lottery-winner-who-has-less-than-a-year-to-prove-his-identity | 2022-05-12T15:03:06Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
French President Emmanuel Macron and far-right leader Marine Le Pen met last night in their only debate before Sunday's runoff vote for president of France. Millions of French voters watched, and so did NPR's Eleanor Beardsley.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
UNIDENTIFIED MODERATOR: Bonsoir, Marine Le Pen. Bonsoir.
MARINE LE PEN: Bonsoir.
UNIDENTIFIED MODERATOR: Bonsoir, Emmanuel Macron.
PRESIDENT EMMANUEL MACRON: Bonsoir.
ELEANOR BEARDSLEY, BYLINE: Macron and Le Pen had 2 1/2 hours to debate the biggest issues facing France and to lay out their visions for the future. Two moderators kept them to topic. Two giant stopwatches kept them to time. Analysts say Le Pen had to make up for her disastrous performance against Macron in their debate five years ago.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MACRON: (Speaking French).
LE PEN: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: Le Pen tried to attack Macron and his record and show how she would do things differently, but his vast knowledge of every issue made that difficult. Several times, Macron pointed out that Le Pen's plans weren't coherent. When talking about energy, she said she would dismantle windmills and only use nuclear. Macron explained why France needed both. He asked her how she planned to finance projects like retirement for all at 62. She didn't really have an answer. Thierry Arnaud is managing editor of television station BFM Business.
THIERRY ARNAUD: Sometimes she would get confused, and she would mix up the details. And you know that when you face Emmanuel Macron, you cannot afford to do that because he's going to be on top of every issue. And his ability to - you know, to go deep into any kind of subject is always quite impressive.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MACRON: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: When asked about the European Union, Macron credited the bloc with important advances like creating and distributing the COVID vaccine. Being part of the EU means being able to stand up to China and compete with the U.S., he said. While Le Pen no longer advocates leaving the EU, an idea that turned out to be unpopular with French voters after Brexit, she complained that the EU's unfair open-competition laws hurt French producers. Yves Threard, an editorialist with newspaper Le Figaro, told French TV Le Pen had the wrong debate strategy.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
YVES THREARD: (Through interpreter) She was not able to effectively attack Macron and his record, and she presented her ideas, but they were not developed enough. So when she talked about the EU, a major topic, he rightly pointed out that her policies are still a de facto Frexit.
BEARDSLEY: The candidates also clashed on secularism.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
LE PEN: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: Le Pen called the Muslim hijab a uniform imposed by Islamists. She said she wants to ban it in public. Macron pounced. He said that would make France, a country of the Enlightenment and human rights, the first ever to ban religious symbols in public. That's not in line with our values, he said, and it would be impossible to enforce. On the war in Ukraine, Le Pen did condemn Russia's invasion, but she seemed embarrassed when Macron gave details of a loan her party received several years ago from a Russian bank with ties to the Kremlin.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
MACRON: (Speaking French).
BEARDSLEY: "You can't take a strong stance on Russia because you depend on Russian power and Mr. Putin," said Macron, referring to the Russian president. "Vladimir Putin is your banker." A post-debate poll showed that 59% of the French were convinced by Mr. Macron compared with 39% by Ms. Le Pen. Voters go to the polls Sunday to choose between the two.
Eleanor Beardsley, NPR News, Paris. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/millions-of-french-voters-watch-macron-and-le-pen-debate-before-sundays-runoff | 2022-05-12T15:03:14Z |
In his valuable new book, The Age of the Strongman, Gideon Rachman argues that our world is dominated by populist leaders who are destroying democracy, in part by making a cult of their own leadership. He devotes his first chapter to the strongman he calls "the archetype": Vladimir Putin, the Russian president/dictator whose true nature is currently on display in Ukraine.
Of course, Putin isn't shy about attacking his own citizens either. Among his top targets is Alexei Navalny, the charismatic, media-savvy dissident who's been so forceful in calling out the Kremlin's lies and corruption that Putin literally won't say his name.
Navalny, currently in prison, is the subject of a new documentary by Daniel Roher that, while sometimes heavy-handed, is never less than compelling. Made before the invasion of Ukraine, and titled simply Navalny, it offers intimate, sometimes amazing access to the bravery, and human cost, of opposing a despot.
Rather than offer a head-on summary of Navalny's career, the film centers on its most dramatic episode. In August 2020, Navalny is flying from Siberia back to Moscow — we see footage from the plane — when he suddenly becomes deathly ill.
The flight is diverted to Omsk, where he's taken to a hospital whose doctors are weirdly reluctant to let his wife, Yulia Navalnaya, see him. Fearing a murder attempt, she and his colleagues fight to get him flown to a hospital in Germany. There it's established that he'd been given a dose of Novichok, a deadly nerve gas known as Putin's signature poison.
Once he starts to recover, Navalny and his team try to figure out who had tried to kill him. They hook up with the investigative journalist Christo Grozev from the website Bellingcat, whom Navalny calls a "nice, very kind Bulgarian nerd with a laptop." Hacking into flight manifests and so forth, Grozev narrows down the possible killers, some of whom have been shadowing Navalny since 2017. In the film's most breathtaking moment — which I won't spoil — they get the smoking gun with the Kremlin's fingerprints on it.
While this investigation unfolds as excitingly as a thriller, Roher is equally interested in providing us with a close-up portrait of the man inside the hero. We see Navalny's joy at feeding donkeys with his wife and his love for his son and TikTokking daughter. We see his humor and brilliance on the stump: He gets a Russian crowd gleefully chanting that Putin is a thief. And we sense the fury that helps fuel him. At one point, a colleague tells him that in answering Roher's questions his eyes are too angry, that he needs to look kinder.
Now, Navalny is not beyond reproach. Although he's grown more enlightened over the years, he has a somewhat unsettling past as a Russian nationalist. He once walked in a march that included neo-fascists, an action he still defends by arguing that to oust one as powerful as Putin, you must be willing to work with groups you don't fully approve of.
In any case, one shouldn't be too critical of someone willing to risk everything battling oppressive authorities. A certain messianic vanity and wildness comes with this territory.
Navalny is obviously brilliant at channeling his rebelliousness, and his success as a YouTube provocateur shows the power of social media to challenge dictatorship. Putin clearly finds him threatening; after all, crowds turn up at the airport to greet Navalny on his return to Moscow.
Yet we're also reminded that social media's soft power is rarely a match for the hard power of state repression, like the cops arresting and beating those supporters who turned up at the airport. Navalny exults that one of his videos gets a million views in an hour, yet that doesn't stop Putin from putting him in prison — he's still there, serving a nine-year term — any more than the world's horror stopped Putin from invading Ukraine.
Late in the film, as he heads back to almost certain arrest in Russia, Navalny posts an inspiring video in which he declares that he's not afraid and he urges his supporters — and us — not to be afraid either. Now, he doesn't really expect that we will all be as flamboyantly brave as he is. Few are. Yet as Volodymyr Zelenskyy and his fellow Ukrainians are proving right now, it's possible for ordinary people to be terrified by the malevolence of a tyrant like Putin and still muster the courage to fight him.
Copyright 2022 Fresh Air. To see more, visit Fresh Air. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/navalny-documentary-spotlights-the-russian-who-dared-to-take-on-putin | 2022-05-12T15:03:20Z |
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
Netflix is in trouble. The streaming service says it's losing subscribers for the first time in a decade. It blames competition and people who use other people's passwords. NPR tech reporter Bobby Allyn is with us. Good morning.
BOBBY ALLYN, BYLINE: Hey, Steve.
INSKEEP: Bobby, this feels like a big deal because it speaks to the culture, right? So many people use video streaming, so a change in Netflix means some change in a lot of people's habits. What is happening?
ALLYN: Yeah, there's a lot going on here. First, the company is adjusting to the end of the pandemic boom that really supercharged Netflix, obviously. Steve, there's more to do these days than binge-watch television, so that means fewer eyeballs for Netflix. Then there's two other big factors. There's more competition than ever. Netflix is still the No. 1 streaming service, but it's fighting with Disney, Hulu, HBO, Amazon Prime for our viewing attention. And like you mentioned, Netflix executives said a big driving factor here is people sharing their Netflix account. So, yeah, that ex of yours or your best friend who knows your Netflix password - the company says those people are hurting the company's bottom line.
INSKEEP: I assume they bake in - they assume a certain amount of password-sharing, so how did it get so widespread that it's a problem?
ALLYN: Yeah. Netflix says when the company was growing fast, they just weren't that focused on it. But now they estimate that there are some hundred million households around the world that are account-sharing.
ALLYN: Wow.
ALLYN: A crackdown is - yeah. And they say a crackdown is coming. So Netflix says, you know, those people who are sharing their passwords with friends and loved ones and others are going to get a notification soon from Netflix saying, hey, you owe us a little bit more money. Here is Netflix CEO Reed Hastings talking about this after a recent earnings call.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
REED HASTINGS: Remember, these are over 100 million households that already are choosing to view Netflix. They love the service. We just got to get paid, you know, in some degree for them.
ALLYN: Yeah. Hastings says we want our money, right? It's a bit of a business dilemma, though, because he - you know, he wants these people to stick around and watch Netflix programming. But at the same time, you know, he says that Netflix should be paid for it.
INSKEEP: Yeah. How else is Netflix adjusting to the decline in audience?
ALLYN: Yeah. Well, so the big headline-grabbing change, I think, is commercials are coming to Netflix. There are soon going to be cheaper Netflix subscription options that involves ads. And this is a huge departure for the company since they've long pride themselves as being the place on the internet where you can log on, watch whatever you want and avoid annoying internet ads. So we'll see how that goes. But I talked to Beth Kendig. She's a stock analyst who follows Netflix, and she says ads might not save Netflix.
BETH KENDIG: Eventually, everyone who wants to have a Netflix subscription has a Netflix subscription. And globally, not everyone has internet speeds in order to make streaming doable.
ALLYN: In other words, Netflix streaming has been around for 15 years. If you want to have Netflix by now, you probably already have it. And global growth for many reasons can only keep going for so long.
INSKEEP: Might be becoming a mature business, as they say.
ALLYN: (Laughter) Exactly.
INSKEEP: So they're declining in terms of subscribers, but they've been such a huge player in Hollywood. Is there any chance that would change?
ALLYN: Not at all. While yes, as we've been talking about, they're - they've hit a bit of a rough patch. But, you know, in Hollywood, they're a real force to be reckoned with. They're incredibly prolific, and they have far more revenue coming in than traditional movie-making studios like Warner Brothers and Paramount. You know, but Netflix executives say they are bracing for more trouble ahead, to the tune of another 2 million subscribers gone.
INSKEEP: Bobby, thanks for the update - really appreciate it.
ALLYN: Thank you, Steve.
INSKEEP: That's NPR's Bobby Allyn.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC) Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/netflix-is-losing-subscribers-for-the-first-time-in-a-decade | 2022-05-12T15:03:27Z |
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
New York's famous skating rink at Rockefeller Center has gone retro. Skaters are ditching their blades and putting on wheels.
(SOUNDBITE OF GLENN MILLER'S "AMERICAN PATROL")
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
I hope they're playing music like that if they do it. The last time the Rockefeller Center rink welcomed roller skaters was in the 1940s. Now they're back.
LIBERTY ROSS: The beauty of roller skating is that the minute you strap on the wheels, everything goes out of the window.
MARTINEZ: Liberty Ross came up with the idea to transform the Rockefeller Center rink for roller skating.
(SOUNDBITE OF BEE GEES SONG, "NIGHT FEVER")
MARTINEZ: In the late 1970s, her father owned one of the hottest spots in Los Angeles, the famous Flipper's Roller Boogie Palace.
ROSS: People that went to the original Flipper's, they all say, like, yeah, you know, I was, like, holding hands with Cher while I was skating around the rink. You know, it was like Arnold Schwarzenegger, Jane Fonda, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, Herbie Hancock. Everybody was there.
INSKEEP: She wanted to recreate that magic of that attraction that closed in 1981. And for its debut in New York, the stars came out to roll.
ROSS: There's Usher. There's Floyd Mayweather. There's, you know, Meek Mill. There's Mary J. Blige. But they're skating with everyone.
INSKEEP: Ross promotes roller skating as an alternative to getting lost online - less scroll, more roll.
ROSS: Put the phones down, you know, and just be in your body. Feel the wind in your hair, hear that music and just let go and enjoy the feeling of freedom.
MARTINEZ: Flipper's Roller Boogie Palace at Rockefeller Center is open through October.
INSKEEP: Bellbottoms not required.
(SOUNDBITE OF SONG, "STAYIN' ALIVE")
BEE GEES: (Singing) Ah, ah, ah, ah, stayin' alive, stayin' alive, ah, ah, ah... Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/new-yorks-famous-skating-rink-at-rockefeller-center-has-gone-retro | 2022-05-12T15:03:33Z |
A MARTINEZ, HOST:
Russia says it wants to give the U.S. and its allies something to think about.
STEVE INSKEEP, HOST:
That's why Russia tested an intercontinental ballistic missile, the kind that carries nuclear weapons. That threatening gesture comes at a moment of continued frustration for Russia. The U.S. is sending more weapons to Ukraine, and Russian invaders still do not quite have control of the port city of Mariupol. In one of those televised meetings that he sometimes holds, President Vladimir Putin told his defense minister not to storm a giant steel complex the Ukrainian forces still hold. The Russian leader said he would rather keep the plant sealed off and avoid losing the lives of even more Russian soldiers.
MARTINEZ: Here to make sense of all of this is NPR's Tim Mak, who is on the road in central Ukraine. Tim, so what should we make of Vladimir Putin's announcement?
TIM MAK, BYLINE: Well, Ukrainian media was quick to discount it, saying that Ukrainian troops, quote, "are still present in the city and continue destroying enemy equipment." And it's hard to make sense of how abandoning this effort to take over the last Ukrainian holdout in the city could be portrayed as a Russian success. What we can say is the fact that Russia appears to be switching tactics here and basically signaling that they're giving up on these repeated attacks they've been executing on the holdouts, that's a significant development.
MARTINEZ: There are still soldiers and civilians in the steel plant and in the city. So what does this mean for them?
MAK: Well, Ukrainians have been focused on evacuating people in the plant and in the rest of the city. There was hope that a deal had been struck between Ukrainian and Russian negotiators for an evacuation corridor for civilians in the city yesterday, but that fell through by the end of the day. Only four buses left yesterday when they were hoping to evacuate thousands of people. Ukrainian officials claimed that Russian forces wouldn't hold to the cease-fire. They're hoping to send in more buses today and pull out more people from the city.
MARTINEZ: Tim, what's going on in the rest of the country?
MAK: Well, I'm on the way to a city in the east, on the edge of the Donbas, where this buildup of Russian forces has been taking place. We're also getting a sense of what it's like for civilians trying to leave Russian-controlled territory. I spoke with Sergei Protsenko (ph). He's a restaurateur from Kherson. That's near the front lines of fighting in southern Ukraine. He crossed nine Russian-held checkpoints to make it into Ukrainian-held territory. He told me about this experience.
SERGEI PROTSENKO: (Non-English language spoken).
MAK: He said he was told to strip down to see if he had any tattoos relating to the Ukrainian military. He made it out all the way to Odesa, where I found him smoking a cigarette and admiring the Black Sea. When he made it to safety on this side of the front lines, he said he felt a huge relief.
MARTINEZ: On the ground, it just seems like there are new reports of atrocities committed by Russian forces every day. I mean, where does all of this put the hope for a peace plan? 'Cause, you know, I don't know if anyone would blame Ukrainians if they've given up on that.
MAK: Well, it's really mixed, right? There are some Ukrainian officials who believe there's an upside to talking to the Russian government on specific issues, like these humanitarian corridors we've been discussing, the exchange of prisoners of war and so on. But if we're talking about - more broadly, about talks for peace, for a broader agreement that could end the war, it just doesn't really look promising right now. There were these broader negotiations for peace a few weeks ago, but a turning point was really when Russia pulled back from the areas around Kyiv and left evidence of atrocities in places like Bucha. You could really feel public opinion shift dramatically overnight. Even those inclined against violence said there could be no negotiations or broader discussions with the Russian government after photos of, for example, dead civilians emerged from those areas. So right now the prospects for ending this war in the short term look pretty bleak, and any serious negotiations may not take place until the results of this next Russian offensive are clear.
MARTINEZ: That's NPR's Tim Mak. Tim, thanks.
MAK: Thank you.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
MARTINEZ: The Department of Justice now says it will appeal the end of a federal mask mandate.
INSKEEP: A federal judge the other day blocked that pandemic measure, which applied to planes and trains and other public transit. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention insist the mandate is, quote, "necessary for the public health." For the moment, the CDC says they cannot order you but they do still advise you to wear masks on public transportation.
MARTINEZ: With us now is NPR health correspondent Maria Godoy. Maria, with all of these mixed signals, I can imagine people are a little confused right now. So should we mask up or not?
MARIA GODOY, BYLINE: Well, there's no mandate. You're not required to wear a mask now. But the science says in many situations it still makes sense to wear a mask on public transportation.
MARTINEZ: All right, let's start with planes because people are so jam-packed together. What do we do there?
GODOY: Well, yeah, it's counterintuitive because you are in a small, enclosed space, but the good news is that every researcher I've spoken with agrees that the air filtration and ventilation on an airplane is really about the best it can be for an indoor environment, meaning the cabin gets replenished with new air a lot. But there's a big caveat to that. Here's Dr. David Freedman. He's president-elect of the American Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene.
DAVID FREEDMAN: I think it's important to remember that this phenomenal ventilation is only phenomenal when the airplane is in the air with the wheels up, with both engines running fully.
GODOY: When you're in the crowded jetway, getting ready to board or even sitting in your seat on the runway, that ventilation system isn't always running at full blast, and infectious aerosols can accumulate around you. But when those systems are running, they're quite effective. Freedman says airplanes filter the air every few minutes, and you're really only sharing air with the people sitting close to you. Even if other people aren't wearing a mask though, Freedman is going to keep wearing his close-fitting N95 on flights because it really does protect the wearer.
MARTINEZ: Now, airplanes are only part of this picture. What about trains and buses?
GODOY: Yeah. So data from the subway systems in New York City and San Francisco show they have good air ventilation. If you're standing shoulder to shoulder with other riders, that ventilation alone won't be enough. And as for buses, the situation is worse. Jesse Capecelatro of the University of Michigan has researched how air flows on urban buses.
JESSE CAPECELATRO: What we found was if the windows are closed due to sort of the recirculation of the air in the bus, whenever someone breathes out, in about 45 seconds everyone in the bus is breathing in a portion of that.
GODOY: Now, opening windows can make a big difference, but you can't always do that on buses. Capecelatro's modeling shows when everyone on a bus is wearing a mask, that dramatically reduces transmission risks. I also spoke with Neil Siegel. He's a health policy researcher at the University of Maryland. And he says the fact that ventilation tends to be bad on buses raises real equity concerns. Black and Hispanic people are twice as likely to use public transit, and many people with lower incomes rely on it. So the end of mask mandates on buses means people with fewer options for safer travel are now facing increased risk.
MARTINEZ: So what's next, then, for this battle to control public safety measures?
GODOY: Well, this fight could drag out in the courts. But if the ruling is upheld, it could set a precedent against such sweeping use of federal power in response to declared public health emergencies and limit what the CDC can do the next time there is a serious outbreak.
MARTINEZ: NPR's Maria Godoy. Thanks a lot.
GODOY: My pleasure.
(SOUNDBITE OF MUSIC)
MARTINEZ: All right, today the Biden administration offers an approach to drug overdoses.
INSKEEP: This ranks among one of the most devastating problems in the United States. CDC mortality data shows more than 100,000 people died over a 12-month period ending in April 2021. The administration's goal is harm reduction, ensuring that drug users die less often.
MARTINEZ: Reporter Martha Bebinger of WBUR joins us now to explain the White House strategy. Martha, the White House is emphasizing harm reduction. Exactly what does harm reduction mean?
MARTHA BEBINGER, BYLINE: A, harm reduction includes all of the tools that help drug users stay alive. That's naloxone, the drug you can squirt into someone's nostril if they overdose to revive them. It's also syringe exchange programs to limit the sharing of needles and the spread of infection. It's fentanyl test strips so drug users can find out if this deadly opioid is in the drug that they're about to inject or snort. It's a lot of tools that critics claim enable drug use.
MARTINEZ: All right, so then why is the White House prioritizing this?
BEBINGER: Well, because these tools do save lives. The people who advocate for harm reduction stress you can't treat someone after they've died of a fatal overdose. And White House drug czar Dr. Rahul Gupta insists that harm reduction is an approach that can cut across ideological lines.
(SOUNDBITE OF ARCHIVED RECORDING)
RAHUL GUPTA: This is not a red-state issue or a blue-state issue; this is America's issue.
BEBINGER: And Dr. Gupta stresses a recent bipartisan congressional report that did recommend adoption of more harm reduction strategies when he was explaining the Biden administration's plan to, as he says, beat the overdose epidemic.
MARTINEZ: Now, to be clear - this is a federal plan, but access to harm reduction efforts varies a lot from state to state.
BEBINGER: That's right. There are states that restrict access to naloxone, and we're seeing needle exchange programs close in some cities and towns around the country. That's happening in West Virginia, the state with the highest rate of overdose deaths in the U.S. Robin Pollini is an associate professor at West Virginia University. She studies injection drug use and harm reduction efforts.
ROBIN POLLINI: Whether you have access to these services largely depends on where you live.
BEBINGER: And Pollini says there are still federal obstacles, too, like a federal ban on paying for syringes distributed to drug users, and that's going to make expanding needle exchange programs more difficult.
MARTINEZ: Martha, what else is in the Biden administration's plan?
BEBINGER: The White House says harm reduction is only part of a larger effort to tackle the two drivers of the overdose crisis - a lack of treatment and drug trafficking. So the other elements include a call to double the number of people in treatment with a focus on people leaving prisons or jails or those who don't have stable housing. Those are some of the people most at risk. Then to slow the drug supply, the Biden administration is proposing sanctions on drug traffickers, tighter border controls and more international cooperation. The Biden plan also spells out the need for better real-time data on who is most at risk for an overdose. Now, all of these proposals will be sent to Congress today for debate and review.
MARTINEZ: That's Martha Bebinger of WBUR. Martha, thanks.
BEBINGER: Thank you. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/news-brief-mariupol-resistance-drug-overdose-deaths-mask-mandate-appeal | 2022-05-12T15:03:39Z |
PRACE MALE, Poland — When 22-year-old Hanna Antoniuk arrived on the Polish border, one of the first things she noticed was all the men offering rides.
She had fled Ukraine alone. It was night. And the scene made her nervous.
"It's an unknown, unfamiliar country, unknown men. You don't know the language, and you don't know what can happen at all," she says.
Most of the 5 million Ukrainians who have fled the Russian invasion are women and children. Human rights monitors say they are vulnerable to sex and labor traffickers.
Elzbieta "Ella" Jarmulska, a 39-year-old project manager and board-game developer, sensed this too as she was standing in the crowd at the reception center that night early last month. She had driven from her home in Prace Male, a town just outside Warsaw, the capital.
She squeezed inside to see Ukrainian women and children waiting inside. Outside were the men, all holding handwritten signs with the names of cities.
"Twenty, 30 guys, big guys by the way, standing together in a group," she recalls. "I mean, I wouldn't feel comfortable walking up to them and saying, 'Oh, which one of you gentlemen will take me for free around Poland?' "
She says most of the men were probably harmless, adding that "many very good guys" are driving displaced Ukrainians from the border. But she also imagined seeing them through the eyes of Ukrainian women who had just fled violent Russian troops.
"It's about the anticipation of danger," she says. "That you think, 'What will happen? What is next? A second ago, they bombarded my town. They killed people. And now I'm supposed to get into a car with a strange man?' "
Less than an hour later, Jarmulska was driving Antoniuk, two other Ukrainian women and a Ukrainian girl to Warsaw. The drive takes more than four hours, and Antoniuk remembers how they passed the time trying to talk through Google Translate.
"We talked about a lot of things. We even have an inside joke with Ella about a bad translation involving a cow," Antoniuk says. "We started laughing out loud, the whole car."
Women shuttle Ukrainian families to refuge
In the weeks since then, Jarmulska has driven dozens of displaced Ukrainian women around Poland. And after a callout on Facebook, she has recruited scores of drivers, all women, to form an organization called Kobiety za Kolko, or Women Take the Wheel. The drivers make regular trips to the border to transport Ukrainian women and their families to homes or shelters.
"A war, a crisis can bring out beautiful things in people, and it can also bring out not-so-beautiful things," says Joanna Garnier, project coordinator at the Warsaw chapter of La Strada, an organization fighting human trafficking in Europe. "It also brings out those who want to exploit those seeking some kind of hope or a lifeline."
Garnier says La Strada's help line is receiving five times more calls than usual.
"I think it's the most popular phone number in Poland right now," she says, not entirely joking. "The women — they are Ukrainian — they are asking about suspicious requests, like opportunities to go to America or proposals to work in the Emirates or Turkey or Mexico. And offers of accommodation or transportation. The decisions taken can be risky."
It's not just men who exploit the situation. Women have also fronted trafficking operations, according to Karolina Wierzbicka of Homo Faber, a Polish human rights organization in the eastern city of Lublin.
She recalled an instance early in the war, when she was working the night shift at the Lublin bus station, passing out leaflets with tips on how to protect yourself from trafficking. A woman showed up and tried to convince displaced Ukrainian women at the station to follow her.
"I remember that she was telling [them] that she has 29 houses, with everything prepared," she says. "When I called the police, she ran away."
Jarmulska says she doubled down on offering safe passage after hearing one horrifying story from a psychologist working with displaced Ukrainian women.
"The story is literally heartbreaking," she says, fighting tears. "There was a mother with two girls, 10 and 12 years old. And they were raped [in] Ukraine, all of them. Russian soldiers. They got into a car in Poland and the driver tried to do the same thing."
Garnier of La Strada and Wierzbicka of Homo Faber say their organizations haven't received widespread reports of sexual assault but warn that many assaults are likely going unreported.
Meanwhile, authorities are trying to vet organizations working with refugees, including Women Take the Wheel, Jarmulska's initiative.
Some of the women restart their careers
On a recent evening, NPR meets Jarmulska at the artsy cottage she shares with her husband and their 8-year-old daughter. A Ukrainian woman and her three children also live there.
Nadia, a 37-year-old clothes designer, was one of Jarmulska's passengers from the border. She won't give her last name because she's worried about her family back home but says she's from Chernihiv, a city in northern Ukraine severely damaged by occupying Russian troops.
Nadia fled after Russian troops shot neighbors standing in line for bread. Fourteen died.
"My son and I almost went there to get bread ourselves," she says, shaking her head. "My children and I left right after that."
Weeks after arriving in Poland, Nadia has restarted her clothes-design business with a Polish partner scouted by Jarmulska. Her kids are in school, and her 16-year-old son has a part-time job doing landscaping and gardening around town.
"Even if there had been 10,000 men offering rides to me at the border that night, I would still have chosen Ella," she says. "I could see that she was much more than a woman behind a wheel."
Jarmulska is now expanding her driving missions. She has delivered a carload of supplies — "22 helmets, seven or eight vests and 5,000 tampons," she says — to western Ukraine, for female soldiers. And Women Take the Wheel is also trying to buy a bus.
"As long as Ukrainian women need us," she says, "we'll be driving."
Dawid Krawczyk and Kateryna Korchynska contributed reporting.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/polish-women-band-together-to-give-ukrainian-women-car-rides-to-safe-refuge | 2022-05-12T15:03:45Z |
NPR's A Martinez talks to Peter Zwack, a retired brigadier general and former defense attaché serving in Russia, about the context of the struggle for this significant port city of Mariupol.
Copyright 2022 NPR
NPR's A Martinez talks to Peter Zwack, a retired brigadier general and former defense attaché serving in Russia, about the context of the struggle for this significant port city of Mariupol.
Copyright 2022 NPR | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/putin-calls-off-final-effort-to-storm-steel-plant-in-mariupol-ukraine | 2022-05-12T15:03:51Z |
Russian President Vladimir Putin claims to control Ukraine's port city of Mariupol, but fighting continues and Ukrainian forces are holding out in a steel mill.
Putin ordered his defense minister in a televised meeting not to storm the steel plant complex, saying he would rather keep it sealed off "so that not even a fly comes through," and to avoid losing more Russian soldiers' lives.
A senior U.S. defense official said the fighting there and in the eastern Donbas region is ongoing. A flight with more military aid announced by President Biden will start arriving in Ukraine this weekend, the official said.
Ukrainian media were quick to discount this announcement, saying Ukrainian troops remain in the city and are continuing to destroy enemy equipment.
It's unclear how abandoning the effort to take over the last Ukrainian holdout in the city could be portrayed as a Russian success. But the fact that Russia appears to be switching tactics and taking a pause from repeated attacks is itself a significant development.
Civilian evacuations are stalled in Mariupol
Ukrainian soldiers and civilians remain in the steel plant, and they've been focused on trying to evacuate people from the city.
A deal struck between Russia and Ukraine for a humanitarian corridor Wednesday fell through, with only four buses able to leave despite officials' hopes of evacuating thousands of people.
Ukrainian officials claim that Russia wouldn't hold to the ceasefire, and are hoping to send in more buses Thursday.
Those who manage to flee face harrowing journeys
Russian forces are massing in the Donbas, as many civilians try to escape from Russian-held territory.
They include Sergei Protsenko, a restauranteur from Kherson, which is near the front lines of fighting in southern Ukraine. Protsenko crossed nine different Russian-held checkpoints to make it into Ukrainian-held territory and says he was told to strip down to see if he had any tattoos related to the Ukrainian military.
Now in Odesa, smoking a cigarette and looking out at the sea, he says he feels a huge sense of relief.
Hopes for a peace plan are mixed
Some Ukrainian officials believe there's an upside in talking to the Russian government on specific issues, like humanitarian corridors and prisoner-of-war exchanges.
But talks for a broader agreement that could end the war don't look promising at this moment.
And it was after the most recent round of peace talks that Russia withdrew from the areas around Kyiv, leaving evidence of atrocities in places like Bucha and prompting a dramatic shift in public opinion nearly overnight.
Even many people inclined against violence said there could be no negotiations with the Russian government as photos emerged of mass graves and civilians killed and bound in the streets.
Looking ahead, any serious negotiations may not take place until the results of the next Russian offensive are clear.
The digital version of this story originally appeared in the Morning Edition live blog.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/putin-orders-troops-not-to-storm-mariupols-last-holdout | 2022-05-12T15:03:57Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
The film "The Northman" is a tale of Vikings and carnage. It stars a bulked-up Alexander Skarsgard, and critic Bob Mondello says with a $90 million budget, it marks a startling change of pace for its arthouse director.
BOB MONDELLO, BYLINE: As the 10th-century Viking ship pulls into the muddy, desolate shore, young Amleth...
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
OSCAR NOVAK: (As Young Amleth) He's here.
MONDELLO: ...Is thrilled.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
OSCAR: (As Young Amleth) Mother, father is here.
UNIDENTIFIED ACTOR: (As character) The king, milady, the king.
MONDELLO: The king is just as pleased, eager to take his young prince through a drug-fuelled rite of passage, preparing his ascent to the throne.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
ETHAN HAWKE: (As King Aurvandil War-Raven) How I've missed you, my son. One day, this kingdom will be yours.
MONDELLO: One day, but not this day. Uncle Fjolnir has designs on the throne and on the queen. As little Amleth catches snowflakes on his tongue, an arrow whizzes by, lodging itself in the king's chest and an unroyal uncle approaches, sword drawn.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
HAWKE: (As King Aurvandil War-Raven) Strike, brother, strike but know that bearing a stolen ring makes no half-breed a king.
MONDELLO: As Amleth runs away, he makes a vow.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
OSCAR: (As Young Amleth) I will avenge you, Father. I will save you, Mother. I will kill you, Fjolnir.
MONDELLO: When Shakespeare adapted this same legend about a Scandinavian prince whose uncle kills his father and marries his mother, he took the H at the end of Amleth and put it at the front. He also gave the Prince Hamlet existential doubts and soliloquies about shuffling off this mortal coil. The movie's prince, by contrast, isn't much worried about being or not being. He grows up a man of action, of serious muscles and of few, if oft repeated, words...
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
ALEXANDER SKARSGARD: (As Amleth) I will avenge you, Father. I will save you, Mother. I will kill you, Fjolnir.
MONDELLO: Because what's a guy to do when there's something rotten in the pre-state of Denmark. Played by Alexander Skarsgard, Amleth is a bull of a man, neck bulging as he catches a spear in midair that's just missed his head and hurls it back at defenders of a town he's about to sack. He wears the head of a wolf and is animalistic, whether knocking heads together or hooking up with Olga, the film's witchy but practical Ophelia figure.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
ANYA TAYLOR-JOY: (As Olga of the Birch Forest) Your strength breaks men's bones. I have the cunning to break their minds.
MONDELLO: If this be madness, yet there is method in't. As echoes of Shakespeare pile up and Willem Dafoe's unlucky jester even gets a Yorick's skull moment, Olga centers Amleth, keeps him focused.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
SKARSGARD: (As Amleth) It's a nightmare.
TAYLOR-JOY: (As Olga of the Birch Forest) Then you must wake up.
MONDELLO: There's the rub. Awake, all is vengeance. To sleep, perchance to dream might well be worse. Director Robert Eggers makes "The Northman" a waking cinematic nightmare - mayhem filmed in breathtaking continuous shots, emotions pitched on the far side of sanity, supernatural elements as real to the characters as breathing.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
SKARSGARD: (As Amleth) For now I will haunt this farm like a hungry corpse returned from the grave.
MONDELLO: The director's visuals are also designed to haunt, including a fight to the death atop an erupting volcano, all in the service of a story far grander than his last film, the intimate black and white "The Lighthouse," which had just two men in a cramped interior. "The Northman" has hundreds of marauding warriors, Nicole Kidman as a supremely devious queen and Bjork haunting the rugged slopes of Iceland as a blind seeress.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
BJORK: (As Seeress) Even though your brother stole my eyes, I see you.
MONDELLO: Eggers has researched 10th-century Nordic life as few filmmakers before him, the way spirits and drug-fueled visions were accepted as part of the real world, the trance-like fury of berserker warriors. And that makes all of this play more authentically than you might expect and more fantastically, too, in ways that have everything to do with big-screen showmanship.
(SOUNDBITE OF FILM, "THE NORTHMAN")
SKARSGARD: (As Amleth) I cannot escape my fate.
MONDELLO: Eggers makes "The Northman" as crafty as an art film, as brutal as a slasher flick - two-plus hours of arthouse savagery. I'm Bob Mondello. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/review-robert-eggers-the-northman-is-2-hours-of-art-house-savagery | 2022-05-12T15:04:03Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
A princess from Dubai, The British prime minister's office, a Saudi women's rights activist, prominent politicians, lawyers and activists in Catalonia - they were all victims of hacking by the world's most notorious spyware company. The Israeli firm NSO Group sells software worldwide that takes total control of cell phones. Now, big tech and the U.S. government are going after it. And the question is, will they succeed? To talk about this, we're joined by Ronan Farrow, who's been following the company for the last few years and writes about it in the current issue of The New Yorker. Welcome.
RONAN FARROW: Good to be here. Thanks, Daniel.
ESTRIN: So first, NSO makes spyware called Pegasus. Give us an example of what it's capable of.
FARROW: So Pegasus can work along two axes. The first is cracking your hard drive, getting your phone to disgorge anything and everything on it, you know, your personal texts, your emails, your scheduling information, any photographs. And then the second is that it can operate in terms of real-time surveillance. So that means it will hijack your camera, your microphone in your pocket. It can do that without the user ever knowing.
ESTRIN: You say it's being used in 45 countries. And the CEO, Shalev Hulio, the CEO of NSO, told you that all governments practically in Europe are using it. So who has access to this spyware, and is it also being used in the U.S.?
FARROW: NSO Group says, well, we only sell to government-affiliated law enforcement and intelligence outfits. But the supposed restriction of selling only to government-affiliated law enforcement agencies offers very little assurance that there's not going to be abuse. So one of the things that we look at in this piece is a newly documented, in fact, the largest-ever documented spyware attack in Catalonia, the autonomous region of Spain. There's all sorts of evidence that this may be a Pegasus account operated by the Spanish government, by Spanish-government-affiliated entities, and it is in a Western democracy. This is the kind of company that actually NSO defends its right to sell to. And yet there has been a terrible human consequence even in that setting, with person after person affiliated with a political movement there hacked, in many cases both hacked and imprisoned by the government for supporting an independence movement.
And to your question about the relationship the United States has with this, the U.S. government has purchased and tested this technology. The Times reported that. And yet U.S. diplomats have also been the target of this technology. This is despite the fact that NSO Group assures the world that it doesn't hack U.S. numbers. And the United States government under the Biden administration is now trying to get tougher on this. They had the Commerce Department blacklist NSO from purchasing American technology. And in this story, the Biden White House announces that they're planning to do an even more muscular move, the inverse essentially, and ban U.S. government agencies from purchasing Pegasus.
ESTRIN: Now, you have visited NSO's offices in Israel. And you've spoken to employees. So what does it look like from the inside?
FARROW: NSO on the inside it looks very much like a glossy U.S. tech startup. And you've got people in open-plan workspaces with fancy cafeterias nearby. And you've got engineers who are, you know, in hoodies in both places, with very similar skill sets. You know, in the NSO offices, every programming group has a PlayStation 5, and they like to play FIFA. And, you know, they take evident pride when there's, for example, a report from Google's, you know, cyber monitoring group saying they've developed the most nefarious and sophisticated exploit in the world.
ESTRIN: You also interviewed a former NSO employee who quit because he was concerned about what the spyware was up to. What did he say?
FARROW: So I talked to a lot of people around this industry and certainly former employees from these companies. And the employee that you highlight talked about a moment of crisis within NSO specifically. They have been so kind of bludgeoned at this point by press linking them to murder that, you know, this former employee said there really has been an exodus of personnel and a moment of soul searching for people like this person who looked at, for example, the news of Jamal Khashoggi's brutal murder and evidence that people around Khashoggi were targeted with Pegasus, and said, you know, I can't be a part of a company whose technology is maybe being used to track and in some cases kill people who are opposition voices.
ESTRIN: Wow, so an exodus of some employees from NSO.
FARROW: I mean, NSO obviously doesn't like to frame it that way, as you could imagine. And they also denied involvement in the murder. And we've got their statements in the piece, as we should. But I do think it is telling that there has been a lot of coverage that suggests there was a link in that case. And regardless of the particulars, there certainly is a contingent within this company and within this industry that thinks that there's a link.
ESTRIN: They're now facing this war with big tech. Apple WhatsApp have filed lawsuits against NSO. The U.S. government has sanctioned NSO. It can't technically access American products like iPhones. Can NSO truly survive? And what is the future of spyware around the world?
FARROW: The important thing is that this kind of technology is not going away, and that, you know, NSO may continue in one form or another, but its progeny, these firms founded in many cases by alumni of NSO or as a response to NSO, are trying to sort of fill the markets that NSO has failed to fill, trying to sell to U.S. law enforcement. These companies are going to go on and are going to thrive.
ESTRIN: And it's not just Israeli companies. You describe Chinese companies doing the same thing.
FARROW: Yes. China and Russia both provide this tech to other states as a way of currying influence and as part of their kind of soft power efforts around the world. The United States does the same, by the way. So this is a genie that is not going back in the bottle any time soon. And there is reason for skepticism at a lot of the things that NSO says in this piece. But one point they make that I think is really worth all of our looking at closely is they say, well, we're an arms dealer. And it's a new kind of arms. And it's not a kind of, you know, arms sale that is subject to the same extent of regulation as traditional arms. So we as a private company are trying to, you know, put in guardrails. You can buy that part or not. But certainly the comparison and this sense that there is a powerful weapon that is not being restricted in the way that chemical weapons or nuclear weapons are is something that I think we should all think about.
ESTRIN: One last question. You have been following this spyware company for a couple of years now. Have you checked your phone for spyware?
FARROW: Yes, I have. And to my knowledge, you know, I've been targeted by other kind of cyber tactics like geolocation tactics and stuff. But to my knowledge, knock on - I'm trying to find the nearest wood - no Pegasus.
ESTRIN: Ronan Farrow of The New Yorker. His latest piece, "How Democracies Spy On Their Citizens." Thanks for being here.
FARROW: Thanks, Daniel. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/ronan-farrow-on-investigating-the-worlds-most-notorious-spyware-company-nso-group | 2022-05-12T15:04:09Z |
DANIEL ESTRIN, HOST:
Russia faces crushing sanctions designed to strangle its economy and punish President Vladimir Putin for his invasion of Ukraine. But the Russian navy is also mounting a blockade of Ukraine's most important ports in the Black Sea and the Sea of Azov. As NPR's Brian Mann reports, that has devastated Ukraine's economy and left idle workers scrambling for help.
BRIAN MANN, BYLINE: I'm standing on the waterfront in Odesa, and I can see a big part of the industrial port. I can count one, two, three large container ships that are trapped here in port by the Russian blockade.
There are hundreds of shipping containers here with no place to go.
AMIR SKYLAR: We can't use our sea. It's zero for import and zero for export.
MANN: That's Amir Skylar, who meets me in a cafe near the harbor. He slumps in his chair, looking exhausted. Skylar runs a logistics company, helping make sure all that stuff on the docks gets to the right place.
SKYLAR: Before the war, it was problem, yes, but now we have a disaster.
MANN: I hear this over and over. Before the war, global supply chains were a nightmare. Now the situation is impossible. We're joined in the cafe by Sergei Postnyi.
SERGEI POSTNYI: I'm working a container line.
MANN: A lot of those big shipping containers down on the dock belong to his firm, which he asked NPR not to name.
POSTNYI: The transit chains are broken. A lot of our containers that must go to Ukraine are now in Romania, Turkey. It is a disaster for Ukraine.
MANN: Both men point out that what happens here affects the entire world. Ukraine is one of the major producers of wheat and sunflower seeds and other agricultural products. Even if some farmers are able to plant this year, getting their harvest to market without this port could be nearly impossible. Global food prices have already risen sharply, up 12% over the last few months according to the United Nations. Skylar tells me his company is trying to adapt.
SKYLAR: This week we started a new work for us. We make the export to Romania by the trucks.
MANN: But both men say Ukraine's road system and small fleet of tractor-trailer trucks can't replace the container ships that once shuttled in and out of this harbor. They also say foreign companies, especially insurance companies, are leery of doing business here when the Russian army and navy are nearby.
POSTNYI: For Odesa, I think it's more or less a safe place for now.
MANN: As we're talking, the cafe's owner, Sergey Silke, overhears our conversation and chimes in.
SERGEY SILKE: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: "I've lost about 70% of my business," Silka says. Shifting to English, he throws up his hands and says he expects things to get even worse.
SILKE: We will lose half of our GDP to the end of the year. That's a lot. That's a lot. I think we will have big inflation.
NICK VITNYANSKIY: (Speaking Ukrainian).
MANN: A few streets over from the cafe, I find Nick Vitnyanskiy. He's also in the shipping and logistics business. But since the war began, he's been running an aid center, helping feed displaced people and local workers idled by the blockade.
VITNYANSKIY: We serve about 2,000 people every day, a lot of Odesa citizen who just left without their job.
MANN: Vitnyanskiy says he believes this war and Russia's blockade of the Black Sea will drag on.
VITNYANSKIY: There is no if because it will. We have to understand that. And we extremely need the food but food for a long storage, like cans, like pasta.
MANN: Many of Ukraine's industrial harbors are in even worse shape than Odesa. Kherson and Mariupol have suffered enormous destruction from the Russian army. The port city of Mykolaiv, 60 miles away, now faces nightly rocket attacks. Odesa's infrastructure hasn't been damaged so far. But as long as this war continues, one of Eastern Europe's most important shipping ports will remain idle. Brian Mann, NPR News, Odesa.
(SOUNDBITE OF NICOLA CRUZ'S "SANACION") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/russia-is-strangling-one-of-ukraines-most-important-ports | 2022-05-12T15:04:15Z |
This is part two of a two-part series on the special education teacher shortage. You can read part one here.
A few years after Heather Carll started teaching special education in Hawaii public schools, she called it quits. She needed a break from the meetings, paperwork and legal responsibilities that make teaching students with disabilities one of the toughest jobs in education.
"I felt like, 'Let me get away from [Individualized Education Programs] and see what it's like to teach without that responsibility, without that extra added stress to my job,' " she says.
Carll took a position teaching general education and eventually found a district job with better pay.
She says it wasn't the same. "What I really missed was working with kids."
But she could no longer afford the pay cut that came with being in the classroom.
That changed in 2020, when Hawaii started paying special education teachers $10,000 more per year.
"I literally could not afford to go back to the classroom without the differential," Carll says.
For years, Hawaii has struggled to recruit and retain special education teachers like Carll. And it's not alone: This school year, 48 states, including Hawaii, reported shortages of special education teachers to the federal government.
The shortage is so severe that Hawaii is one of several states that rely on teachers without licenses in special education to teach some of the highest needs students — like those who do not speak and those with challenging behaviors.
It's definitely having a great impact on getting people to remain in special education, and also it's attracting folks to go into special education.
But Hawaii's pay increase, which began in 2020, was a game changer. Before the incentive, in October 2019, almost 30% of the state's special education positions were vacant or staffed by teachers without appropriate licenses, district data shows. By October 2021, that number dropped by half, to about 15%.
"I think what we've seen in Hawaii is that it works," says Osa Tui, the president of the Hawaii State Teachers Association. "It's definitely having a great impact on getting people to remain in special education, and also it's attracting folks to go into special education."
Other districts are trying this, but large incentives are rare
Hawaii isn't the only school system paying special education teachers more. Detroit began paying $15,000 more this school year, and district leaders say it is already helping. Smaller pay stipends are also common in large districts.
But significant incentives like those in Hawaii and Detroit haven't caught on more broadly.
"It is frustrating to watch districts say they have this challenge and then don't take many actions to address it," says Chad Aldeman, who studies school finance at Georgetown University's Edunomics Lab.
Students with disabilities are entitled to a free, appropriate education under the federal Individuals with Disabilities Education Act. The federal government is supposed to cover 40% of the extra cost of providing special education services, but it has never fulfilled that promise. In fiscal year 2020, the federal government only contributed about 13%, according to the National Education Association.
Paying special education teachers more would increase the cost of providing services that are already expensive.
But Aldeman believes it would have a relatively limited impact on district budgets, because those educators only make up a small portion of a district's staff. He says most school systems could afford to boost pay. And that could lead to other savings.
"If districts start thinking about the amount of money it would cost to recruit and replace the teacher who leaves, then it might start to change the calculation," Aldeman explains. "It can make sense financially."
Atlanta Public Schools is hoping Aldeman is right.
If districts start thinking about the amount of money it would cost to recruit and replace the teacher who leaves, then it might start to change the calculation.
In June 2019, the district was scrambling to fill 30 special education teacher vacancies for the next school year. Nicole Lawson, interim chief human resources officer, says they were offering candidates jobs only to lose out to neighboring districts that paid more.
Then Atlanta started paying new special education teachers $3,000 bonuses, and within a month, all the vacancies were full, Lawson says. This school year, Atlanta started offering those incentives to all special education teachers as part of a pilot program.
"I have a good feeling — just with my ear to the ground — that we will lessen our burden of recruitment over the years by offering retention stipends," Lawson says. "I think we'll boost our retention for our special education teachers."
What the pay bump is costing Hawaii
The pay differentials for licensed special education teachers are expected to cost Hawaii about $20 million this school year — close to 1% of the state's roughly $2 billion education budget.
"In my view, this is an essential cost for the children here who deserve to have teachers who are highly qualified, licensed and skilled in this profession," says Catherine Payne, chair of the Hawaii State Board of Education.
Hawaii is in a unique position because it has a single district and teacher pay is set statewide. But the differentials were almost derailed when the pandemic forced Hawaii's tourism-based economy to a halt just weeks after the extra pay kicked in.
"We were afraid that we would go broke as a state," Payne says. "They were talking about 20% pay cuts for everybody. And it was very frightening."
Proposed cuts to the differentials faced intense resistance from teachers, parents and school board members. Ultimately the board voted to keep the extra special education pay in place.
For now, the department is using an influx of federal COVID-19 relief funding to pay for the differentials. But with tourism picking up again, lawmakers are considering legislation to provide dedicated funding for the pay boost.
Most schools pay teachers the same salaries, regardless of their specialty
The price tag isn't the only obstacle to paying special education teachers more. Most school systems pay teachers the same salaries regardless of their specialty, and changing that takes political will.
Elizabeth Bettini, a professor of special education at Boston University, says, in many places, there's no one fighting for this change. One reason why is because society doesn't acknowledge the additional expertise and work that goes into teaching special education.
The skills administrators value in special education teachers are often personality traits, like patience and kindness, Bettini says, pointing to studies where researchers interviewed school leaders. That sets low expectations, and makes special education seem like "a de-skilled profession," she explains.
"It seems like, 'Oh, well, why would we pay you more for the skills you have working with students with disabilities when those are just, like, your natural caring skills?' "
Bettini says higher pay for special education teachers would recognize their expertise and help make it a more attractive job.
For some special education teachers, money won't be enough
Higher pay is just one piece of the puzzle. Experts say states also need strong pipelines for training new educators, and, in order to keep retention high, teachers need support from school administrators.
Those are two things former special education teacher Emily Abrams didn't always feel she had. In 2021, her third year as a special educator, Abrams worked with students with behavioral challenges at a central Indiana elementary school.
After I would get finished with a day, you know, I'd go home and cry.
The work was exhausting and often left her feeling "super defeated," Abrams says. "After I would get finished with a day, you know, I'd go home and cry."
It was also a physical job that sometimes got scary. Like a day in March 2021 when a student became violent, and Abrams and a coworker tried to put him in a padded seclusion room. Those rooms are controversial, but many schools use them when staff worry students will be a danger to themselves or others.
"He grabbed the computer charger, yanked it out of the wall and ... hit me with it," Abrams recalls. "And then [he] used his body as well to kick me numerous times. It was just utter chaos throughout the whole thing."
She believes the encounter lasted more than 30 minutes.
Abrams left school that day with bruised and swollen shins. Less than a month later, she quit. Now, she answers email questions for a medical company.
"I have zero stress in this new position," she says. "I can turn my computer off after eight hours a day and live my life."
Abrams says no amount of money could convince her to go back to special education.
Heather Carll, the teacher in Hawaii, knows money won't be enough to make up for other problems — like inadequate staffing, training or administrative support. But it could help persuade some teachers to stay.
"It's really easy to just give up and say, 'Forget it,' " Carll says. "I think if the money keeps people to kind of stick with it a little bit, you can get over the hump."
Carll believes that if extra pay convinces teachers to stay longer, it will give students important stability; they will learn more and finish school better prepared for life, she says. "There's a huge ripple effect."
Nicole Cohen edited this story for broadcast and for the web.
Copyright 2022 NPR. To see more, visit https://www.npr.org. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/schools-are-struggling-to-hire-special-education-teachers-hawaii-may-have-found-a-fix | 2022-05-12T15:04:22Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
The U.S. Supreme Court ruled today that Congress may continue to exclude Puerto Rican residents from a federal safety net program. It's a program that provides direct payments to poor, disabled and blind American citizens. NPR legal affairs correspondent Nina Totenberg reports.
NINA TOTENBERG, BYLINE: In 1972, Congress established the Social Security Income program, SSI, to provide a minimum income for the neediest adults who are over 65, blind or disabled. The program was available only to residents living in the United States. Conspicuously left out were American citizens living in Puerto Rico and other territories. Challenging that exclusion was Jose Luis Vaello Madero. Born in Puerto Rico, he moved to New York, and after suffering a serious illness 25 years later, he began receiving SSI payments. Those payments continued for four years after he returned to Puerto Rico.
When the Social Security Administration realized he was no longer in New York, it not only cut off his benefits. It filed suit to recover $28,000 in payments he'd received after moving back to the island. Vaello Madero claimed that excluding citizens who live in Puerto Rico violated the Constitution's guarantee to equal protection under the law. Two lower courts agreed, but today the Supreme Court reversed those rulings. The vote was 8-1, with Justice Sonia Sotomayor the lone dissenter. Her parents were born in Puerto Rico.
The decision will have practical consequences, says Veronica Ferraiuoli, the deputy chief of staff for Puerto Rico's nonvoting member of Congress. Right now blind and disabled residents of Puerto Rico will continue to get benefits of about $84 a month, she says, whereas the benefits under SSI are about 10 times as much.
VERONICA FERRAIUOLI: Over 30,000 people would receive about $800 of benefit a month.
TOTENBERG: Writing for the court majority, Justice Brett Kavanaugh said that because island residents are exempt from most federal income taxes, that's a rational basis for excluding them from eligibility for SSI payments. Sotomayor, in a tart written dissent, replied that if Congress can exclude citizens from safety net programs on grounds that they don't pay sufficient taxes, the residents of Vermont, Wyoming, South Dakota, North Dakota, Montana and Alaska could similarly be excluded. Nina Totenberg, NPR News, Washington.
(SOUNDBITE OF HAZZY'S "A LITTLE MORE") Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/supreme-court-allows-exclusion-of-puerto-rican-residents-from-disability-benefits | 2022-05-12T15:04:28Z |
ARI SHAPIRO, HOST:
Russian forces have stopped bombardment of a steel plant in Mariupol, where about a thousand civilians have been sheltering underground. Russian President Vladimir Putin ordered his troops to block off the plant and prevent anyone from leaving. Meanwhile, efforts to evacuate civilians from the city through a humanitarian corridor have broken down. NPR's Franco Ordoñez joins us from the Ukrainian capital, Kyiv. Hi, Franco.
FRANCO ORDOÑEZ, BYLINE: Hey, Ari.
SHAPIRO: What is the situation in the east right now?
ORDOÑEZ: Well, I mean, it's interesting because Putin is actually claiming victory in the battle for the city, despite the fact that Ukrainians continue to launch attacks against forces there. You know, it's significant that the attacks on the factory have stopped, if that holds. But there is still a lot of uncertainty because those families are now trapped, you know, as are most civilians in Mariupol. Only a handful of buses have been able to get in and out in evacuation efforts. And on top of all that, the mayor said today that they discovered multiple mass graves just outside the city. This was behind a gas station and an old cemetery in one of the villages near Mariupol. There are multiple trenches, some as long as 300 feet, where he says they've been burying people in makeshift mass graves. The mayor says the Russians were using this grave - or are using those graves to try to cover up war crimes.
SHAPIRO: This sounds similar to what was discovered around the capital, Kyiv, after Russian forces withdrew from there. And I know you've been reporting on the investigations into the alleged atrocities that took place in those areas. What is the latest?
ORDOÑEZ: Well, prosecutors and advisers are starting to have their interviews. They're working with outside lawyers, setting up mobile investigative units. I was in a village called Peremoha that Russians occupied. There were blown-up Russian tanks all along the road, Russian meal packs at the school. And investigators have been there speaking with residents and victims. Let me tell you the story about Peremoha.
SASHA ROMANTSOVA: (Speaking Ukrainian).
ORDOÑEZ: It would have been easy to climb through one of the two massive holes in the side of his shelled church. But Father Oleksandr Yarmolchyk (ph) opens the locked door anyway. He drags a broken bench away from another door that opens to the demolished nave.
OLEKSANDR YARMOLCHYK: (Through interpreter) You can step on that piece. You can step. Don't step on that piece.
ORDOÑEZ: The investigator, Sasha Romantsova, asks him if the Russians stayed there before firing on it. He tells them yes. They also stayed at his house, many of them, and kept them in his basement. He says they wouldn't even let him leave to care for victims.
ROMANTSOVA: (Through interpreter) So if someone died in the village, they didn't allow you to leave and bury them?
YARMOLCHYK: (Through interpreter) No, no. He said I needed to watch after my kids. I will remember how he said that forever.
ROMANTSOVA: (Through interpreter) It felt like that was a threat?
YARMOLCHYK: (Through interpreter) Yes. I felt like it was a threat. I felt like they might not touch me, but they would hurt my family.
ORDOÑEZ: It was just one of many long and detailed interviews that Romantsova, the executive director of the Center for Civil Liberties, conducted that day in the village of Peremoha. More than a dozen Russian tanks littered the road to the ravaged village outside Kyiv. She heard similar stories about the Russians setting up inside the retirement community, preventing seniors from leaving.
ROMANTSOVA: It's just my theory, which we need to collect evidence. But I think surely it will be war crimes against using civilians like shields.
ORDOÑEZ: Oftentimes, she says, days like this are about talking to as many people as they can, following up on leads, trying to parse out facts from rumors.
NATALIIA DERKACH: (Through interpreter) Honestly, I don't know the meaning of a war crime, but I believe, yes, because they were shooting at civilians who tried to leave.
ORDOÑEZ: Nataliia Derkach (ph) is the elected leader of the town. She told Romantsova that residents are scared. With no police to investigate, they call her.
DERKACH: (Through interpreter) They say the Russians are trying to get into my house. What to do? You're on the end of the line with no gun, with nothing. And what can you tell the person?
ORDOÑEZ: Romantsova also went to the school where soldiers built bunkers and took pictures of the flattened post office to show destroyed critical infrastructure. She records it all, has her experts analyze it and passes off the most valuable to Ukrainian prosecutors for further investigation. Sergiy Yakovenko is a former prosecutor in Ukraine who is working with Romantsova.
SERGIY YAKOVENKO: (Through interpreter) It's really important to record this information now because they might forget. They may want to forget such terrible events or just flee.
ORDOÑEZ: He says the work of civil society organizations is critical when the state's resources are finite and there are a limited number of prosecutors.
WAYNE JORDASH: In an ideal world, you have an effective state prosecutor, you have international experts like myself, and then you have civil society.
ORDOÑEZ: That's Wayne Jordash. He's an international criminal lawyer advising Ukraine's chief prosecutor. He says it's a lot of work and effort to pull together enough evidence that would tie Russian President Vladimir Putin to actions committed by his soldiers on the ground.
JORDASH: Modern political and military leaders do not write down orders to kill and rape innocent people. But it doesn't mean to say that they're not responsible for it.
ORDOÑEZ: But he said, even if they can't convict Putin on the International Criminal Court, documenting the crimes for history and working to counter misinformation coming out of the Kremlin is a worthwhile project. Back at the church, Father Oleksandr looks at all the broken crosses and shattered holy images on the floor. The large, destroyed chandelier lies amid the rubble by the pulpit.
YARMOLCHYK: (Through interpreter) The church is a part of me. And for me, this is a part of my life. I spent 26 years here with this people.
ORDOÑEZ: The city's name, Peremoha, means victory. Father Oleksandr says the people are strong and that the community will be rebuilt. But they'll have to do things differently for a while, including how they celebrate Holy Week, which comes a week later in the Orthodox Church.
YARMOLCHYK: (Through interpreter) We will have to celebrate in the vestibule. People will bring their traditional Easter bread. We will be happy for the resurrection of Christ. This is the holiday of hope.
ORDOÑEZ: He says you cannot take hope away from the people. Franco Ordoñez, NPR News, Peremoha, Ukraine. Transcript provided by NPR, Copyright NPR. | https://www.keranews.org/2022-04-21/the-latest-on-the-probe-into-atrocities-committed-by-russian-forces-around-kyiv | 2022-05-12T15:04:34Z |
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