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train · 19.4M rows

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KIEV, Ukraine -- By leaving millions of pro-Russian voters out of the electoral process, the ballot will only deepen the rifts that lie beneath the war in eastern Ukraine.
A girl walks past booths at a polling station in Kiev on October 25, 2014, on the eve of the country's parliamentary elections.
The lynch mob caught up with Nestor Shufrich on Sept. 30, when he was campaigning for re-election to Ukraine’s parliament.
Outside the press conference he was due to give that day in the port city of Odessa, a gang of activists and right wing thugs were waiting for him with a garbage dumpster, into which they had planned to stuff the lawmaker in front of the assembled journalists.
The ambush, part of a broader purge of politicians who are seen as sympathetic toward Russia, did not work out.
Shufrich heard about it and cancelled the appearance.
But the mob soon tracked him down inside the local government headquarters, tore his clothes off and beat him until his eyes swelled, his head concussed and blood poured from his nose.
A few weeks later, on the final stretch of the campaign, Shufrich recalled the incident like an occupational hazard.
“These things come with the territory now, unfortunately,” he says on Friday, two days before the parliamentary ballot that will be held this weekend in most of the country, but not all of it.
The huge parts of eastern Ukraine that are under the control of pro-Russian separatist rebels will not take part in the vote, and neither will the southern region of Crimea, which Russia invaded and annexed in March.
“That means millions of our constituents will not be represented in this parliament,” Shufrich tells TIME.
Probably not much at all.
In the eight months since the revolution booted Ukraine’s Moscow-backed leaders from power, the country’s political discourse has devolved into a kind of blood sport, and Russia’s military meddling in Ukraine has only served to radicalize the political scene further in the lead up to the vote.
Pro-Russian politicians from the old regime have been forced to flee the country in droves, typically to Russia, where the ousted President Viktor Yanukovych took refuge in February.
The members of his party who stayed behind, such as Shufrich, have been routinely arrested and charged with separatism, attacked in the streets, beaten or thrown into dumpsters by crowds of vigilantes.
An alarming number of Ukrainians seem to support the forces behind these attacks.
According to the latest opinion polls, the populists set to take second place in these elections are from the aptly named Radical Party, which uses a pitchfork as its logo and treats even the vaguest relation or sympathy to Russia as a political mark of the devil.
For Ukraine’s new president, Petro Poroshenko, all this makes it a lot harder to pursue the peace agenda that helped get him elected in May.
His political party, the Bloc of Petro Poroshenko, is still set to get the most votes in these elections, but its ability to pursue negotiations with Russia and reconciliation with the separatists in eastern Ukraine will run up against the nationalists and militants with whom the party will have to share the legislative branch.
In an address to the nation two weeks before the vote, Poroshenko admitted that the peace process he initiated in September, including a shaky ceasefire agreed with the pro-Russian rebels, “is constantly attacked by the gung-ho patriots,” an oblique reference to nationalist groups like the Radical Party and its loudmouthed leader Oleh Lyashko.
“These people are, for the most part, divorced from reality and eager to criticize,” he said.
That will be a lot harder than he makes it sound.
At the heart of his peace plan has been a series of concessions to the pro-Russian rebels in eastern Ukraine, which he has allowed to elect their own separatist leaders and enjoy broad autonomy from the central government in Kiev.
These acts of appeasement have been enough to slow the fighting around the conflict zones in the past month and a half, but they have also incensed the hardline political forces that want nothing short of a military victory over the separatists.
The most radical among them have been the paramilitary commanders leading the fight against the rebels on the front lines and, more recently, campaigning for places in parliament.
One of them, the ultranationalist Andriy Biletsky, who leads a regiment of several thousand fighters, has called for Ukraine to scrap the ceasefire and push ahead with an all-out war.
“We are negotiating [with Russia] from a position of weakness,” he told TIME in an interview last month in Kiev.
Nor do many of the activists and protestors who rose up last winter against the Yanukovych regime.
In the past few weeks, as the parliamentary elections grew near, thousands of them have again begun to demonstrate in Kiev for a harder line against the separatists, at times clashing with police in scenes that have been painfully reminiscent of the revolution that brought Poroshenko to power in the first place.
These protestors do not represent a part of the electorate that can be easily ignored or sidelined.
In a nationwide survey released this week, 40% of respondents said they are prepared to take to the streets for a resumption of the winter uprising if Ukraine’s new leaders fail to meet the demands of the revolution.
At the heart of those demands is the drive to purge the ruling class of anyone with ties to the ousted government, and on that front Poroshenko has tried to deliver.
Earlier this month, he signed the so-called “lustration” law, which would affect up to a million people who had been on the government’s payroll under the old regime.
After an elaborate vetting process, these civil servants could be banned from holding any job in the state bureaucracy for a decade, thus branding a huge portion of the country as unfit for public service.
It is under the vengeful spirit of this law that Shufrich and other holdouts from the Yanukovych government have been facing mob justice in the streets.
“We’re like pariahs now,” he says.
In the course of a few turbulent months, the purge has helped disrupt an uneasy balance of power that had held in Ukraine since the fall of the Soviet Union.
The electoral map of the country had been split for years roughly down the middle with a political east-west divide.
Voters in the central and western parts of the country tended to favor integration with Europe, and bristled at Russia’s frequent attempts to treat Ukraine like a wayward stepchild.
But to the east and south of the Dnieper River that bisects Ukraine, and especially in the industrial eastern regions where the dominant language has always been Russian, voters broadly favored the close ties with Moscow on which their economic fortunes depended.
For the past two decades, both halves of Ukrainian society had ample representation in parliament.
Sometimes they turned the chamber into a venue for food fights and bare-knuckle boxing, but at least all sides got to have their say.
What finally ruptured this balance was the Russian annexation of Crimea in March.
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who was outraged at the revolution that toppled his ally in Kiev, sent his troops to occupy the Crimean peninsula and absorb it into Russia.
But he did not win many allies in Ukraine in the process.
Even the regions that had previously favored closer ties with Moscow began to see a surge of ill will toward the Russian President and the country he represents.
According a survey conducted in May, two months after the annexation of Crimea, 76% of respondents had a negative view of Putin, up from 40% just a year earlier.
The main exceptions to that trend were the two separatist regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, where the vast majority of people expressed support for Putin in May despite his annexation of a piece of their country.
These breakaway chunks of eastern Ukraine, which are home to at least 10% of the country’s 45 million people, are now being left out of the electoral process.
Instead of taking part in this weekend’s elections, the rebel-held areas in eastern Ukraine will hold their own ballots next month, thus helping to formalize their split with the rest of the country.
“If you count the people of Crimea, that comes to seven million Russian-speaking voters who will not be represented in the new parliament,” says Shufrich.
For the ruling government in Kiev, that might not be such a bad thing.
The absence of millions of pro-Russian voters will ensure that Ukraine’s new leaders, as well as the nationalist parties, get a stronger mandate to rule at the polls, while the closest thing to a pro-Russian party running in these elections – the newfangled Opposition Bloc of Shufrich and his allies – has been so badly humiliated and demoralized by the post-revolutionary purge that it is not expected to win any seats in the parliament.
This may well reflect the new anti-Russian mood in Ukraine as a whole.
But it will not help heal the national divide.
Instead of moving into the somewhat more civilized framework of parliamentary debate, the conflict over eastern Ukraine will still be caught up in the discourse of purges, guns and garbage dumpsters.
With the first grey and rainy days here this autumn, I really feel like winter is coming. I’ve been so busy that I've had no time to even think of my wardrobe until today. I came home a bit wet and cold ready for the change over in my wardrobe. My summer clothes instantly were removed and boxed up. Seems like it’s time to get some cozy and fluffy clothes out.
I picked up this Orla Kiely hoody form UNI QLO the other day.
The print is certainly rocking this season after Prada has set the standard. I don’t think I will do print head to toe though. I don’t usually go for bold patterns but I've really fallen in love with this hoody. Comfortable and easy to wear for a smart casual look.
You can get some hoodies, long sleeve shirts and scarves in all sorts of designs by Oria Kiely at the moment at UNI QLO.
Now I should probably pack my sandals away and get the wellies out too.
Clarins Skin Illusion Loose Powder Foundation review.
Top budget beauty products selected by beauty bloggers.
I have medium, I’m tall 5.11 and length is good (sleeve is nice and long and body is just enough). I would recommend to go for your usual size. It’s quite feminine cut so it’s not to baggy. I rely love mine and I’m wearing it all the time as if I had no other clothes.
Sightsavers is an international non-governmental organization, whose aim is to prevent eliminate avoidable blindness and promote the rights of people with disabilities, in some of the poorest parts of the world.
People who signed up to receive Sightsavers’ emails would be added onto their main active segment. The amount and subject of these emails would vary greatly throughout the year, meaning that each person’s initial experience of Sightsavers’ emails could be very different depending on when they signed up. It was also possible that new subscribers could be dropped into a series of emails midway through.
Sightsavers wanted to provide their subscribers with a consistent, engaging and educational welcome program, introducing a balanced view of the different types of work they do and countries they work in. The overall objective of the campaign was to provide new subscribers with a better and more enjoyable email experience – and in turn increase long-term engagement and donations.
The solution was to develop a two-month automated welcome journey, using a combination of new and existing content which had performed well with the main active segment. Sightsavers also utilized behavioral and data filters to tailor how they spoke to their supporters and what they asked of them. After the initial two months, these people were automatically added to the active segment.
Many of the CTAs are engagement-focused, however they have achieved an overall 3% conversion rate once supporters hit the website.
To further personalize the user experience, subscribers are asked their name twice – once in the welcome email and then in a follow-up later in the journey. 27% of those who opened the welcome email went on to provide their name, as did 20% of those who opened the follow-up. This constitutes a 17.8% name collection rate across all sign-ups. The campaign hasn’t yet been running long enough for any longer-term analysis but Sightsavers will be keeping a keen eye on it going forward, optimizing and updating it with fresh content.
factory fog lamp spots, outperform the factory lamps and cost less, guaranteed.
without the factory fog lamps or as a replacement for existing factory fog lamps.
with metal closure and tuck-in design. Sport the name and show your pride.
back, no questions asked - you keep the hat.
installations may require drilling to position the lights where you want them.
installed at a local car stereo shop.
measure your front bumper to ensure exact fitment prior to bidding.
hardware kit, installation instructions, and more.
through us by clicking here or anywhere else automotive bulbs are sold.
with the item to cover inspection, handling, and shipping.
if you decide to return.
for the future. Thanks again.
We only accept credit or debit cards, moneybookers, paypal, bank or cashiers check and international money order. Best offers do not include shipping. No personal checks. Payments from unconfirmed paypal addresses will be denied. All payments must be made in US dollars. Happy Bidding and good luck.
Image Title: Awesome Console Tables Small Narrow Hallway Console Tables With Sto Pertaining To Small Console Tables Modern. Filename: awesome-console-tables-small-narrow-hallway-console-tables-with-sto-pertaining-to-small-console-tables-modern.png. Image Dimension: 451 x 578 pixels. Images Format: jpg/jpeg. Publisher/Author: Monserrat Conn. Uploaded Date: Tuesday - February 05th. 2019 02:44:32 AM. Category: Home Design. Image Source: digsdigs.com.
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Amsterdam attraction-guides.com - Amsterdam, Netherlands attractions guide featuring Amsterdam, North Holland Muziektheater / Music Theatre information, including location, contact details and general Amsterdam, North Holland, Netherlands, NL Muziektheater / Music Theatre information. - Last updated 30/10/2012.
The Muziektheater offers a wealth of opera and ballet and is widely acclaimed by top performers for its wonderful acoustics.
This impressive building is also known as the Stopera and incorporates the City Hall.
NEW 18v Lithium Drill Driver from Harbor Freight, is it better than Drill Master?
They’ve had this drill in stores since the spring or summer. The issue is the walmart hyper tough drills are a battery buy. They’ve upgraded them 3 times and have a entire tool line. It’s also cheaper than the coupon price for this. The sad thing is the price is going up on the warrior. I would recommend hyper tough over this one.
Listed at 39.99 and it is only Jan 23rd.
Yeah my garage looks the same! Fkn Amazon boxes everywhere!
Lithium is well worth the extra 10 bucks.
Many of the cordless drill lights light only when the drill is running. It would be nicer if the light came on with a slight press so you can see the target before the thing starts spinning.
For $25 how can they be any cheaper?

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