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The Mohur is a gold coin that was formerly minted by several governments, including British India and some of the princely states which existed alongside it, the Mughal Empire, Kingdom of Nepal, and Persia (chiefly Afghanistan). It was usually equivalent in value to fifteen silver rupees. It was last minted in British India in 1918, but some princely states continued to issue the coins until their accession to India after 1947. Similar coins were also issued by the British authorities in denominations of mohur (10 rupees), mohur (5 rupees) and the double mohur (30 rupees), and some of the princely states issued half-mohur coins (equal to 7 rupees and 8 anna).
The mohur coin was first introduced by Sher Shah Suri during his rule in India between 1540 and 1545 and was then a gold coin weighing 169 grains (10.95 grams). He also introduced copper coins called dam and silver coins called rupiya that weighed 178 grains (11.53 grams). Later on, the Mughal emperors standardized this coinage of tri-metallism across the sub-continent in order to consolidate the monetary system.
Etymology
The word mohur or mohor (from the Persian word muhr, which means "seal" or "signet ring") is cognate with the Sanskrit word mudrā, which in turn comes from mudraṇam, which also means "seal".
Collector value
Gold mohurs issued by the Mughal Empire, the British East India Company or the British Crown are valuable collector items and sell in auctions for high prices. The double mohur (minted between 1835 and 1918) with a value of 30 rupees is the highest denomination circulating coin issued till date. An 1835 double mohur was sold at a Bangalore auction for ₹11.5 lakhs making it the highest ever coin bid in India.
See also
Double eagle
History of the rupee
Dam (Indian coin)
Dam (Nepali coin)
Nepalese mohar
Krugerrand (South Africa)
References
Footnotes
Notes
Coins of India
Sur Empire
Historical currencies of India
Gold in India
|
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{"url":"https:\/\/www.holst.it\/post\/logicgates\/","text":"# Logic gates\n\nLogic gates are the building blocks of digital electronics. Simple logic gates are efficiently implemented in various IC packages such as the 74HCXX series. However, it is educational to have a look at the implementation using just NPN transistors.\n\nTable 1: Truth table for common logic gates\n$$\\mathbf{A}$$ $$\\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\neg \\mathbf{A}$$ $$\\neg \\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\mathbf{A} \\vee \\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\mathbf{A} \\wedge \\mathbf{B}$$ A XOR B A NAND B A NOR B\n1 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0\n1 0 0 1 0 1 1 1 0\n0 1 1 0 0 1 1 1 0\n0 0 1 1 0 0 0 1 1\n\n### NOT (inverter) gate\n\nThis is the simplest logic gate (not considering buffers) and a basic design for a NOT logic gate using a single NPN transistor is given by\n\n### AND gate\n\nThe AND gate can be constructed Using two NPN transistors:\n\n### OR gate\n\nNote, that this gate can be constructed from the NOT and AND gate since $$\\neg(\\neg\\mathbf{A} \\vee \\neg\\mathbf{B}) = \\mathbf{A} \\vee \\mathbf{B}$$.\n\n$$\\mathbf{A}$$ $$\\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\mathbf{A} \\wedge \\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\neg \\mathbf{A}$$ $$\\neg \\mathbf{B}$$ $$\\neg\\mathbf{A} \\vee \\neg\\mathbf{B}$$\n1 1 1 0 0 0\n1 0 1 0 1 0\n0 1 1 1 0 0\n0 0 0 1 1 1\n\nHowever, it is possible to save a transistor using the following scheme\n\n### NAND gate\n\nWhile all logic operations obviously can be obtained by combining AND, NOT and OR gates, it is in fact possible to do the same using only NAND gates (or NOR gates, which both for that reason are called universal gates).\n\nIn particular, we can obtain the NOT gate as\n\nAnd the AND gate as\n\nThis logic gate can also be constructed using just two transistors:\n\n### XOR gate\n\nThe Exclusive OR (XOR) gate is true if exactly one input is true. This can also be seen as addition modulo 2 (see the half adder below).\n\nIt is easy to verify that $$A \\operatorname{\\tiny XOR} B = (A \\operatorname{\\tiny NAND} B) ~\\operatorname{\\tiny AND}~ (A \\operatorname{\\tiny OR} B)$$ and hence we can construct the gate from the three previously defined logic gates:\n\n$$\\mathbf{A}$$ $$\\mathbf{B}$$ SUM CARRY","date":"2022-09-30 19:03:47","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.8763557076454163, \"perplexity\": 396.0704123514271}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2022-40\/segments\/1664030335504.22\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20220930181143-20220930211143-00363.warc.gz\"}"}
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Bourdais 11th on Speed Charts After Practice 3 for Indy 500
Posted by Steve Wittich on Wednesday, May 18th 2016
Practice 3: Fastest lap – 39.7831 seconds/226.227 mph – 11th
Combined Results: Fastest lap – 39.7831 seconds/226.227 mph – 13th
Sebastien Bourdais Practice 3 Quote:
"It was an interesting day for the Hydroxycut – KVSH Racing team. We tried a lot of things and as usual you think you have made a step forward and then you think was that really better. It is one of those things where you have one car in front, it's okay, two cars in front, it's still pretty good and then I get four, five, 10 cars in front, there is no air on the car and it gets really tricky. It's like you are looking and searching for the impossible. You want a car that handles perfect even in a big train of cars. We'll see. I think the Hydroxycut machine is in the ballpark. We just need to keep ticking things off the list and try and make it better."
Fast Facts:
Sebastien Bourdais is driving the No. 11 KVSH Racing Chevrolet/Dallara/Firestone entry in the 2016 Indianapolis 500.
The 2016 Indianapolis 500 will be Bourdais' 153rd career Verizon IndyCar Series start, 40th with KVSH Racing, 29th on an oval and sixth on the Indianapolis Motor Speedway oval.
In five previous Indy 500 starts Bourdais has a best qualifying effort of seventh in 2015 and a best finish of seventh in 2014.
In the first five races of the 2016 Verizon IndyCar Series season, Bourdais has finished in the top-10 twice, eighth at Phoenix and ninth at Long Beach. He is currently 19th in the championship standings with 75 points.
Of Bourdais 28 career oval starts, 19 have come in the last three years.
Bourdais has made 20 IndyCar oval starts with a best qualifying of fourth at Fontana in 2013. His best finish is a win at Milwaukee, July 12, 2015, his first on an oval since 2006 also at Milwaukee.
He made eight oval starts in Champ Cars earning four victories: Lausitz, 2003; Las Vegas, 2004 and 2005; Milwaukee 2006. He captured three poles: Lausitz, 2003; Las Vegas 2005; Milwaukee 2006.
Next Race:
Round 6 of the 2016 Verizon IndyCar Series season will be the 100th running of the Indianapolis 500, Sunday, May 29, at on the Indianapolis Motor Speedway in Speedway, Indiana. The race well be broadcast live on ABC at 11:00 a.m. ET. It is also available on radio: XM 209 and IMS IndyCar Radio as well as online: IndyCar.com and Verizon IndyCar 15 app.
The Indianapolis 500 qualifying will held on Saturday, May 21 and Sunday, May 22. Qualifications broadcast times are: Saturday May 21:4:00 – 6:00 p.m. ET on ABC. Sunday May 22: 2:00 – 4:00 p.m. on ESPN3 and 4:00 – 6:00 p.m. on ABC.
category: KV Racing PR
« Stefan Wilson Has Solid Day of Testing for Indy 500
Brabham completes most laps in Wednesday Indy Practice »
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| 9,332
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{"url":"http:\/\/www.jiskha.com\/display.cgi?id=1362949022","text":"Thursday\nDecember 5, 2013\n\n# Homework Help: Calculus\n\nPosted by John on Sunday, March 10, 2013 at 4:57pm.\n\nEvaluate \\displaystyle \\int_1^{10} \\left(\\sqrt{x} + 1\\right)^3 dx - \\int_1^{10} \\left(\\sqrt{x} - 1\\right)^3 dx .\n\n\u2022 Calculus - Count Iblis, Sunday, March 10, 2013 at 6:55pm\n\nHint:\n\nFor x > 0, you have\n\n(sqrt(x) + 1)^3 - (sqrt(x) - 1)^3 =\n\n6 x + 2\n\nRelated Questions\n\nSimple Calculus - Evaluate \\displaystyle \\lim_{x \\to 0} \\frac{\\sqrt{2}x}{\\sqrt{2...\nCalculus - Evaluate \\displaystyle \\lim_{x \\to 0} \\frac{e^{44x} - 1}{x^2+2x}.\nCalculus - Given f(x) = x^4 + 6x^3 - 15x + 7, evaluate \\displaystyle \\lim_{h \\to...\nCalculus - Given that \\displaystyle \\int_0^4 x^3\\sqrt{9+x^2} dx = a, what is the...\nCalculus - Given that \\displaystyle \\int_0^4 x^3\\sqrt{9+x^2} dx = a, what is the...\nCalculus - Evaluate the indefinite integral: 8x-x^2. I got this but I the ...\nMath - Solve the puzzle =RIGHT(LEFT($B$2,84),1) =RIGHT(LEFT($B$2,17),1) =RIGHT(...\nmath,correction - simplify: sqrt ((7)\/(100)) my work: 7 = 1sqrt (7) 100= 10 sqrt...\ncalculus - A) How do you prove that if 0(<or=)x(<or=)10, then 0(<or=)...\nCalculus - \"Leave the answer as a definite integral, but indicate how it could ...\n\nSearch\nMembers","date":"2013-12-06 02:04:49","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.9908770322799683, \"perplexity\": 7405.860043961848}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2013-48\/segments\/1386163049020\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20131204131729-00064-ip-10-33-133-15.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
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Lay Buddhists have the opportunity to retreat from the world. This retreat offers peace, tranquility and mindfullness in daily life, and encourage self-cultivation.
To refrain from destroying living creatures.
To refrain from taking that which is not given.
To refrain from sexual activity.
To refrain from false and incorrect speech.
To refrain from intoxicating drinks and drugs.
To refrain from eating after midday (except if necessary for medical reasons).
To refrain from sensual entertainment and use of bodily adornments.
To refrain from using a high or luxurious bed.
a) To allow lay Buddhists a chance to practise traditional Buddhist etiquettes.
b) To allow lay Buddhists a chance to experience the monastic lifestyle.
c) To allow lay Buddhists a chance to purify the mind and encourage self-cultivation.
a) Must have right understanding and right beliefs on Buddhism.
b) Must be willing to accept the experiences of the Buddhist monastic lifestyle.
c) Must be in a good physical and mental health.
d) Must keep Noble Silence throughout the Retreat.
e) Must be above 16 years of age and be self-sufficient.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
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| 5,660
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{"url":"http:\/\/ergodicity.net\/page\/2\/","text":"I\u2019ve been a bit bogged down upon getting back from traveling, but here are a few interesting technical tidbits that came through.\n\nAaron Roth and Cynthia Dwork\u2019s Foundation and Trends monograph on differential privacy is now available.\n\nSpeaking of differential privacy, Shiva Kasiviswanathan and Adam Smith have a paper in the Journal of Privacy and Confidentiality on Bayesian interpretations of differential privacy risk.\n\nDeborah Mayo has a post up on whether p-values are error probabilities.\n\nRaymond Yeung is offering a Coursera course on information theory (via the IT Society).\n\nA CS Theory take on Fano\u2019s inequality from Suresh over at the GeomBlog.\n\n# Teaching bleg: articles on \u201cdata\u201d suitable for first-year\u00a0undergraduates\n\nMy colleague Waheed Bajwa and I are teaching a Rutgers Byrne Seminar for first-year undergraduates this fall. The title of the course is Data: What is it Good For? (Absolutely Something), a reference which I am sure will be completely lost on the undergrads. The point of the course is to talk about \u201cdata\u201d (what is it, exactly?), how it gets turned into \u201cinformation,\u201d and then perhaps even \u201cknowledge,\u201d with all of the pitfalls along the way. So it\u2019s a good opportunity to talk about philosophy (e.g. epistemology), mathematics\/statistics (e.g. undersampling, bias, analysis), engineering (e.g. storage, transmission), science (e.g. reduplication, retraction), and policy (e.g. privacy). It\u2019s supposed to be a seminar class with lots of discussion, and the students can be expected to do a little reading outside of class. We have a full roster of 20 signed up, so managing the discussion might be a bit tricky, of course.\n\nWe\u2019re in the process of collecting reading materials \u2014 magazine articles, book chapters, blog posts, etc. for the students to read. We explicitly didn\u2019t want it to be for \u201ctechnical\u201d students only. Do any readers of the blog have great articles suitable for first-year undergrads across all majors?\n\nAs the class progresses I will post materials here, as well as some snapshot of the discussion. It\u2019s my first time teaching a class of this type (or indeed any undergraduates at Rutgers) so I\u2019m excited (and perhaps a bit nervous).\n\nOn a side note, Edwin Starr\u2019s shirt is awesome and I want one.\n\n# ResearchGate: spam scam,\u00a0or\u2026?\n\nI\u2019ve been getting fairly regular automated emails lately from ResearchGate, which has pull-quotes from Forbes and NPR saying it\u2019s changing the way we do research blah blah blah. However, all empirical reports I have heard indicate that once you join, it repeatedly spams all of your co-authors with requests to join, which makes it feel a bit more like Heaven\u2019s Gate.\n\nOn a less grim note, the site\u2019s promise to make your research \u201cmore visible\u201d sounds a bit like SEO spam. Given the existence of Google Scholar, which is run by the SE that one would like to O, it seems slightly implausible.\n\nAny readers want to weigh in on whether ResearchGate has been useful to them? Or is this mostly for people who don\u2019t know how to make their own homepage with their papers on it (which is probably most faculty).\n\nInverted World [Christopher Priest]. A science-fiction novel, but of a piece with a writer like M. John Harrison \u2014 there\u2019s a kind of disconnect and a focus on the conceptual world building rather than the nitty-gritty you get with Iain M. Banks. To avoid spoilers, I\u2019ll just say it\u2019s set in a city which moves through the world, always trying to be at a place called optimum. The city is on rails \u2014 it constantly builds fresh tracks ahead of it and winches itself forward a tenth of a mile per day. The city is run by a guild system of track layers, traction experts, bridge builders, surveyors, and the like. The protagonist, Helward Mann, takes an oath and joins a guild as an apprentice. The book follows his progress as he learns, and we learn, more about the strange world through which the city moves. Recommended if you like heady, somewhat retro, post-apocalyptic conceptual fiction.\n\nLuka and the Fire of Life [Salman Rushdie]. A re-read for me, this didn\u2019t hold up as well the second time around. I much prefer Haroun and the Sea of Stories, which I can read over and over again.\n\nBoxers and Saints [Gene Luen Yang]. A great two-part graphic novel about the Boxer Rebellion in China. Chances are you don\u2019t know much about this history. You won\u2019t necessarily get a history lesson from this book, but you will want to learn more about it.\n\nThe Adventures of Augie March [Saul Bellow]. After leaving Chicago I have decided to read more books set in Chicago so that I can miss it more. I had read this book before but it was a rushed job. This time I let myself longer a bit more over Bellow\u2019s language. It\u2019s epic and scope and gave me a view of Chicago and the Great Depression that I hadn\u2019t had before. Indeed, given our current economic woes, it was an interesting comparison to see the similarities (the rich are still pretty rich, and if you can get employed by them, you may do ok) and the dissimilarities.\n\nThe Idea Factory: Bell Labs and the Great Age of American Innovation [John Gertner]. A history of Bell Labs and a must-read for researchers who work on anything related to computing, communications, or applied physics and chemistry. It\u2019s not all rah-rah, and while Gertner takes the \u201cprofiles of the personalities\u201d approaches to writing about the place, I am sure there will be things in there that would surprise even the die-hard Shannonistas who may read this blog\u2026\n\n# SPCOM 2014: some more talks (and a\u00a0plenary)\n\nI did catch Greg Wornell\u2019s plenary at SPCOM, which was called When Bits Absolutely, Positively, Have to be There as Soon as Possible, a riff on this FedEx commercial, which is older than I am. The talk was on link-aware PHY-layer design\u2013 basically looking at how ARQ enables incremental redundancy, and how to do a sort of layered superposition + incremental redundancy scheme in the sequential setting as well as a \u201cmulti-path\u201d setting where blocks can arrive out of order. This was really digging into the signal issues in a way that a lot of non-communication engineering information theorists may get squeamish about. The nice thing is that I think the engineering problem is approachable without knowing a lot of heavy-duty math, but still requires some careful analysis.\n\nCommunication and Compression Via Sparse Linear Regression\nRamji Venkataramanan\nThis was on building codewords and codebooks out of a lower-complexity code dictionary $A \\in \\mathbb{R}^{n \\times ML}$ where each codeword is a superposition of $L$ columns, one each from groups of size $M$. Thus encoding is $A \\beta$ where $\\beta$ is a sparse vector. I saw a talk by Barron and Joseph from a previous ISIT about this, but the framework extends to rate distortion (achieving the rate distortion function), and channel coding. The main point is to lower the complexity of the code at the expense of the gap to optimal rate \u2014 encoding and decoding are polynomial time but the rate gap for rate-distortion goes to zero as $1\/\\log n$. Ramji gave a really nice and clear talk on this \u2014 I hope he puts the slides up!\n\nAn Optimal Varentropy Bound for Log-Concave Distributions\nMokshay Madiman; Liyao Wang\nMokshay\u2019s talk was also really clear and excellent. For a distribution $f(X)$ on $\\mathbb{R}^n$, we can define $\\tilde{h}(X) = - \\log f(X)$. The entropy is the expectation of this random variable, and the varentropy is the variance. Their main result is a upper bound on the varentropu of log concave distributions $f(X)$. To wit, $\\mathrm{Var}(\\tilde{h}) \\le n$. This bound doesn\u2019t depend on the distribution and is sharp if $f$ is a product of exponentials. They then use this to prove a universal bound on the deviation of $\\tilde{h}$ from its expectation, which gives a AEP that doesn\u2019t really assume anything about the joint distribution of the variables except for log-concavity. There was more in the talk, but I eagerly await the paper.\n\nEvent-triggered Sampling and Reconstruction of Sparse Real-valued Trigonometric Polynomials\nNeeraj Sharma; Thippur V. Sreenivas\nThis was on non-uniform sampling where the sampler tries to detect level crossings of the analog signal and samples at that point \u2014 the rate may not be uniform enough to use existing nonuniform sampling techniques. They come up with a method for reconstructing signals which are real-valued trigonometric polynomials with a few nonzero coefficients (e.g. sparse) and it seems to work pretty decently in experiments.\n\nRemoving Sampling Bias in Networked Stochastic Approximation\nVivek Borkar; Raaz Dwivedi\nIn networked stochastic approximation, the intermittent communication between nodes may mean that the system tracks a different ODE than the one we want. By modifying the method to account for \u201clocal clocks\u201d on each edge, we can correct for this, but we end up with new conditions on the step size to make things work. I am pretty excited about this paper, but as usual, my notes were not quite up to getting the juicy bits. That\u2019s what paper reading is for.\n\nOn Asymmetric Insertion and Deletion Errors\nAnkur A. Kulkarni\nThe insertion\/deletion channel model is notoriously hard. Ankur proposed a new model where $0$\u2018s are \u201cindestructible\u201d \u2014 they cannot be inserted or deleted. This asymmetric model leads to new asymptotic bounds on the capacity. I don\u2019t really work on this channel model so I can\u2019t get the finer points of the results, but once nice takeaway was that asymptotically, each indestructible $0$ in the codeword lets us correct around $1\/2$ a deletion more.\n\n# A teaser for ITAVision\u00a02015\n\nAs part of ITAVision 2015 we are soliciting individuals and groups to submit videos documenting their love of information theory and\/or its applications. During ISIT we put together a little example with our volunteers (it sounded better in rehearsal than at the banquet, alas). The song was Entropy is Awesome based on this, obviously. If you want to sing along, here is the Karaoke version:\n\nThe lyrics (so far) are:\n\nEntropy is awesome!\nEntropy is sum minus p log p\nEntropy is awesome!\nWhen you work on I.T.\n\nBlockwise error vanishes as n gets bigger\nMaximize I X Y\nPolarize forever\nLet\u2019s party forever\n\nI.I.D.\nI get you, you get me\nCommunicating at capacity\n\nEntropy is awesome\u2026\n\nThis iteration of the lyrics is due to a number of contributors \u2014 truly a group effort. If you want to help flesh out the rest of the song, please feel free to email me and we\u2019ll get a group effort going.\n\nMore details on the contest will be forthcoming!\n\n# SPCOM 2014: some\u00a0talks\n\nRelevance Singular Vector Machine for Low-\u00adrank Matrix Sensing\nMartin Sundin; Saikat Chatterjee; Magnus Jansson; Cristian Rojas\nThis talk was on designing Bayesian priors for sparse-PCA problems \u2014 the key is to find a prior which induces a low-rank structure on the matrix. The model was something like $y = A \\mathrm{vec}(X) + n$ where $X$ is a low-rank matrix and $n$ is noise. The previous state of the art is by Babacan et al., a paper which I obviously haven\u2019t read, but the method they propose here (which involved some heavy algebra\/matrix factorizations) appears to be competitive in several regimes. Probably more of interest to those working on Bayesian methods\u2026\n\nNon-Convex Sparse Estimation for Signal Processing\nDavid Wipf\nMore Bayesian methods! Although David (who I met at ICML) was not trying to say that the priors are particularly \u201ccorrect,\u201d but rather that the penalty functions that they induce on the problems he is studying actually make sense. More of an algorithmist\u2019s approach, you might say. He set up the problem a bit more generally, to minimize problems of the form\n$\\min_{X_i} \\sum_{i} \\alpha_i \\mathrm{rank}[X_i] \\ \\ \\ \\ \\ \\ \\ Y = \\sum_{i} A_i(X_i)$\nwhere $A_i$ are some operators. He made the case that convex relaxations of many of these problems, while analytically beautiful, have restrictions which are not satisfied in practice, and indeed they often have poor performance. His approach is via Empirical Bayes, but this leads to non-convex problems. What he can show is that the algorithm he proposes is competitive with any method that tries to separate the error from the \u201clow-rank\u201d constraint, and that the new optimization is \u201csmoother.\u201d I\u2019m sure more details are in his various papers, for those who are interested.\n\nPCA-HDR: A Robust PCA Based Solution to HDR Imaging\nAdit Bhardwaj; Shanmuganathan Raman\nMy apologies for taking fewer notes on this one, but I don\u2019t know much about HDR imaging, so this was mostly me learning about HDR image processing. There are several different ways of doing HDR, from multiple exposures to flash\/no-flash, and so on. The idea is that artifacts introduced by the camera can be modeled using the robust PCA framework and that denoting in HDR imaging may be better using robust PCA. I think that looking at some of the approaches David mentioned may be good in this domain, since it seems unlikely to me that these images will satisfy the conditions necessary for convex relaxations to work\u2026\n\nOn Communication Requirements for Secure Computation\nVinod M Prabhakaran\nVinod showed some information theoretic approaches to understanding how much communication is needed for secure computation protocols like remote oblivious transfer: Xavier has $\\{X_0, X_1\\}$, Yvonne has $Y \\in \\{0,1\\}$ and Zelda wants $Z = X_Y$, but nobody should be able to infer each other\u2019s values. Feige, Killian, and Naor have a protocol for this, which Vinod and Co. can show is communication-optimal. There were several ingredients here, including cut-set bounds, distribution switching, data processing inequalities, and special bounds for 3-party protocols. More details in his CRYPTO paper (and others).\n\nArtificial Noise Revisited: When Eve Has More Antennas Than Alice\nShuiyin Liu; Yi Hong; Emanuele Viterbo\nIn a MIMO wiretap setting, if the receiver has more antennas than the transmitter, then the transmitter can send noise in the nullspace of the channel matrix of the direct channel \u2014 as long as the eavesdropper has fewer antennas than the transmitter then secure transmission is possible. In this paper they show that positive secrecy capacity is possible even when the eavesdropper has more antennas, but as the number of eavesdropper antennas grows, the achievable rate goes to $0$. Perhaps a little bit of a surprise here!","date":"2014-10-02 10:25:40","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 25, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.4718155562877655, \"perplexity\": 1395.5711120550125}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.3, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2014-41\/segments\/1412037663743.38\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20140930004103-00052-ip-10-234-18-248.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
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package com.ninjas.tnpresidential.repository;
import org.springframework.beans.factory.annotation.Autowired;
import org.springframework.jdbc.core.JdbcTemplate;
import org.springframework.stereotype.Repository;
import com.ninjas.tnpresidential.core.Candidate;
import com.ninjas.tnpresidential.core.Paged;
import com.ninjas.tnpresidential.core.Publication;
import com.ninjas.tnpresidential.core.TaskExecution;
/**
* @author ayassinov on 10/10/2014.
*/
@Repository
public class TaskExecutionRepository {
private final JdbcTemplate jdbcTemplate;
@Autowired
public TaskExecutionRepository(JdbcTemplate jdbcTemplate) {
this.jdbcTemplate = jdbcTemplate;
}
/**
*
* @param candidate
* @return
*/
public TaskExecution lastExecutionByCandidate(Candidate candidate) {
final String sql = " select te.*,c.* from "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" te " +
" inner join "+Candidate.TABLE+" c on te.tae_can_id = c.can_id" +
" where c.can_id ="+candidate.getId()+
" and te.tae_last_datetime = (select MAX(pte.tae_last_datetime) from "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" pte)";
final TaskExecution taskExecution = jdbcTemplate.queryForObject(sql, TaskExecution.MAPPER);
return taskExecution;
}
/**
*
* @param taskExecution
*/
public int saveOrUpdate(TaskExecution taskExecution) {
if (taskExecution.getId() > 0) {
// update
String sql = "UPDATE "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" SET " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.CANDIDATE +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.API_TYPE +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.PUB_COUNT +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.LAST_DATETIME +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.NEXT_DATETIME +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.STATUS +"=? " +
" WHERE " +
Publication.COLUMNS.ID +"=?";
return jdbcTemplate.update(sql,
taskExecution.getCandidate().getId(),
taskExecution.getApiType(),
taskExecution.getPublicationCount(),
taskExecution.getLastDateTime(),
taskExecution.getNextDateTime(),
taskExecution.isStatus()
);
} else {
// insert
String sql = "INSERT INTO "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" (" +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.CANDIDATE +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.API_TYPE +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.PUB_COUNT +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.LAST_DATETIME +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.NEXT_DATETIME +"=?, " +
TaskExecution.COLUMNS.STATUS +"=? )" +
" VALUES (?, ?, ?, ?, ?)";
return jdbcTemplate.update(sql,
taskExecution.getCandidate().getId(),
taskExecution.getApiType(),
taskExecution.getPublicationCount(),
taskExecution.getLastDateTime(),
taskExecution.getNextDateTime(),
taskExecution.isStatus(),
taskExecution.getId()
);
}
}
/**
*
* @param candidate
* @return
*/
public Paged<TaskExecution> listAllBy(Candidate candidate) {
final String sql = " select te.*,c.* from "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" te " +
" inner join "+Candidate.TABLE+" c on te.tae_can_id = c.can_id" +
" where c.can_id ="+candidate.getId();
return new Paged<>(jdbcTemplate.query(sql, TaskExecution.MAPPER), 10, 1);
}
/**
*
* @return
*/
public Paged<TaskExecution> listAllOrderedByExecutionDate() {
final String sql = " select te.*,c.* from "+TaskExecution.TABLE+" te " +
" inner join "+Candidate.TABLE+" c on te.tae_can_id = c.can_id"+
" Order by te.tae_last_datetime DESC";
return new Paged<>(jdbcTemplate.query(sql, TaskExecution.MAPPER), 10, 1);
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
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| 1,408
|
{"url":"https:\/\/discourse.bivector.net\/t\/cartesian-coordinates-of-a-euclidean-point-in-pga\/408","text":"# Cartesian Coordinates of a Euclidean Point in PGA\n\nHi,\n\nI am kind of stuck on this. How can I compute the cartesian coordinates of a euclidean point in PGA?\n\nMy guess is that I can reverse the representation of a point, e.g., for 2D PGA:\n\nEuclidean Point at (x,y) := xe20 + ye01 + e12\n\nSo if I have some Point (x,y), would I substract e12 and then the cartesian coordinates are the values of the e20 and the e01 blades?\n\nI\u2019m new to this GA as well. Just found this forum and thought that this is a great question! Looking forward to the answer.\n\nPoints are encoded in homogeneous coordinates; think of the tacking on another coordinate, i.e., (x,y,1). So, when going from Euclidean to PGA: (x,y) \\rightarrow x e_{20} + y e_{01} + 1 e_{12}.\nWhen going from PGA to Euclidean: x' e_{20} + y' e_{01} + w' e_{21} \\rightarrow (x,y) = (\\frac{x'}{w'}, \\frac{y'}{w'}), i.e., the \u2018weight\u2019 w factor of e_{12} needs to be normalized to 1. The reverse mapping is sometimes called de-homogenizing. Consequently, all scalar multiples of any PGA point \\alpha p, where \\alpha \\in \\mathbb{R}, \\; p = x' e_{20} + y' e_{01} + w' e_{12} represent the same Euclidean point.\n\n2 Likes","date":"2021-09-18 23:32:21","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.9791045784950256, \"perplexity\": 1664.1237082880502}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-39\/segments\/1631780056578.5\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210918214805-20210919004805-00314.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Q: Sending a web request to a page which requires Windows Authentication I would like to know is there any other way to send request to windows authenticated application.
Making a web request to a web page which requires windows authentication.
The above link worked for me, but I need to send username and password along with every request. I would like to know any other architectural way to Implement this simply.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 3,131
|
Michelle Gildernew (born 28 March 1970) is an Irish Sinn Féin politician from County Tyrone, Northern Ireland. She is the Member of Parliament (MP) for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, having been re-elected in June 2017 after previously holding the seat from 2001 to 2015.
Gildernew is a former Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development in the Northern Ireland Executive. She was the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone from 2001 to 2015, and was a Member of the Northern Ireland Assembly (MLA) for the Assembly constituency of Fermanagh and South Tyrone from June 1998 to July 2012. She was re-elected to the Assembly in 2016 and 2017. In 2017 she reclaimed her Westminster seat from Tom Elliott of the Ulster Unionist Party. In 2019, she was re-elected with the smallest majority of any constituency in the UK, a margin of just 57 votes.
Gildernew is Sinn Féin's health spokesperson, and has been a member of the party's Ard Chomhairle (National Executive). In the 2007–11 Assembly, she served as Vice Chair of the Committee of Social Development and was a member of the Committee of the centre, as well as other statutory and ad-hoc committees.
Education and background
Born in Dungannon, Gildernew attended St Catherine's College Armagh and later the University of Ulster, Coleraine. After graduating from university, she travelled extensively in Europe, the United States and Australia, where she worked for a year.
Gildernew is one of ten siblings from an Irish republican family based at the "Gildernew farm complex" (as described on Ordnance Survey maps) in County Tyrone. During the 1960s, the family were leading figures in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association and took part in a 1968 protest in Caledon, County Tyrone over housing discrimination.
Political career
On returning to Northern Ireland in 1996, Gildernew was the second-placed but unsuccessful candidate for Sinn Féin in the Northern Ireland Forum elections for Fermanagh and South Tyrone. The following year, she was appointed Sinn Féin representative to London and was part of the first Sinn Féin delegation to visit Downing Street. In the 1998 Assembly elections, she was elected MLA for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, retaining the seat in the 2003 and 2007 elections. Gildernew has campaigned on women's and mothers' rights.
Election to Westminster
In the 2001 UK general election, Gildernew was elected to Parliament as Member for Fermanagh and South Tyrone, defeating the Ulster Unionist candidate James Cooper by 53 votes. She was the first female candidate elected from her party to the House of Commons in over 80 years since Constance Markievicz in 1918. Like all Sinn Féin MPs, she followed a policy of abstentionism and never took her seat in Westminster in the five times she was elected at the polls.
In the 2005 election, she was re-elected and increased her majority to 4,582 votes. In the 2010 election, the Democratic Unionists (DUP), Ulster Conservatives and Unionists and Traditional Unionist Voice (TUV) all chose not to field candidates and she held her seat by four votes against Independent Unionist Rodney Connor.
In October 2014, Sinn Féin announced that Gildernew would be the party's candidate in the 2015 Westminster election. She lost the seat by 530 votes to Ulster Unionist Party candidate Tom Elliott. According to the Times Guide to the House of Commons, Gildernew was popular across the sectarian divide in one of Northern Ireland's most polarised constituencies.
She won her seat back in 2017, beating Elliott by 875 votes. Elliott closed the gap to a mere 57 votes in 2019, making Fermanagh and South Tyrone the most marginal seat in the country.
Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development
During her time as Minister for Agriculture and Rural Development, Gildernew dealt with problems such as an outbreak of bluetongue disease. She also increased cross-border co-operation with the Republic of Ireland on farming issues.
2011 Irish presidential election
In September 2011, the Belfast Telegraph reported that Sinn Féin was considering Gildernew as their candidate for that year's Irish presidential election. Sinn Féin would ultimately nominate Martin McGuinness for president.
Support for Seán Quinn
In a July 2012 interview for The Impartial Reporter, Gildernew defended embattled businessman Seán Quinn, saying that "[h]e has been treated disgracefully by the Irish Government. Had they not tried to strip him of all his assets, including his home, deny him the ability to function in business, and routinely try to humiliate him I believe he would have paid back every penny he owed to the Irish taxpayer". Quinn, the former head of the privately owned Quinn Group (now Aventas), was declared bankrupt in January 2012. (With loans worth around €1.2 billion from the Anglo-Irish Bank, the QUINN group was exposed by its collapse and, on 30 March 2010, the High Court appointed joint provisional administrators to Quinn Insurance.)
Sinn Féin distanced themselves from Gildernew's comments with Mary Lou McDonald stating that the Quinns had engaged in illegal business practices.
Personal life
Gildernew is married to Jimmy Taggart and is the mother of two boys, Emmet and Eunan, and one girl, Aoise.
References
|-
|-
|-
|-
|-
1970 births
Living people
20th-century women politicians from Northern Ireland
21st-century women politicians from Northern Ireland
Alumni of Ulster University
Female members of the Northern Ireland Assembly
Female members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Northern Irish constituencies
Members of the Parliament of the United Kingdom for Fermanagh and South Tyrone (since 1950)
Ministers of the Northern Ireland Executive (since 1999)
Northern Ireland MLAs 1998–2003
Northern Ireland MLAs 2003–2007
Northern Ireland MLAs 2007–2011
Northern Ireland MLAs 2011–2016
Northern Ireland MLAs 2016–2017
Northern Ireland MLAs 2017–2022
People from Dungannon
Sinn Féin MLAs
Sinn Féin MPs (post-1921)
UK MPs 2001–2005
UK MPs 2005–2010
UK MPs 2010–2015
UK MPs 2017–2019
UK MPs 2019–present
Women ministers of the Northern Ireland Executive
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 6,876
|
Q: SSRS: Tablix adding dummy rows I see that the, Tablix adding dummy rows.
Where as, the definition has only one row which displays values OK, NOK and INVALID from dataset.
I've executed the Stored Procedure, and see that the values are returning properly.
Please help me in understanding what am missing.
Thanks.
A: In design mode you have one row Detail shown which will repeat when the report runs for every row returned by your dataset. So if your data has eight rows, you will get eight Detail rows showing the data in each of the eight rows of your dataset.
So the tablix won't be returning dummy rows, it will be simply showing the rows of the dataset. Now you have the word "Total" there, so I assume you want to see some sort of aggregate total and not show the detail rows.
There are two ways you can do this - in the tablix or in the dataset.
In the Tablix
In the table footer of your tablix, use an aggregation expression in the cells to get the total you need, for example:
=Count(Fields!OK.Value)
Delete the Detail row from your tablix so you only see the totals in the footer.
In the dataset
This may not be an option given you are using a stored procedure but you can aggregate in your SQL:
SELECT Count(OK) AS OK, Count(NOK) AS NOK, Count(Invalid) AS Invalid
FROM MyTable
This will give one row of totals that you can then display in your Detail row.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 1,578
|
For Hazel and Ivy —E.J.
For Norma —P.O.Z.
Text copyright © 2015 by Emily Jenkins
Jacket art and interior illustrations copyright © 2015 by Paul O. Zelinsky
All rights reserved. Published in the United States by Schwartz & Wade Books, an imprint of Random House Children's Books, a division of Penguin Random House LLC, New York.
Schwartz & Wade Books and the colophon are trademarks of Penguin Random House LLC.
Visit us on the Web
Educators and librarians, for a variety of teaching tools, visit us at RHTeachersLibrarians.com
_Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data_
Jenkins, Emily. Toys Meet Snow: being the wintertime adventures of a curious stuffed buffalo, a sensitive plush stingray, and a book-loving rubber ball / Emily Jenkins ; Paul O. Zelinsky.
pages cm.
Summary: While Little Girl is away on winter vacation, her toys, Lumphy, StingRay, and Plastic, decide to go outside and learn more about snow.
ISBN 978-0-385-37330-2 (alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-385-37331-9 (glb : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-385-37332-6 (ebook)
[1. Snow—Fiction. 2. Toys—Fiction.] I. Zelinsky, Paul O., illustrator. II. Title.
PZ7.J4134Whd 2015 [E]—dc23 2014010935
The illustrations were rendered digitally.
Random House Children's Books supports the First Amendment and celebrates the right to read.
v3.1
Cover
Dedication
Copyright
Title Page
First Page
About the Author and Illustrator
Lumphy is a stuffed buffalo.
StingRay is a plush stingray.
Plastic is a rubber ball. She can't help it that her name doesn't match her body.
They all belong to the Little Girl, but she has gone away on winter vacation.
It is the first snowfall of the year.
"Why does it decide to snow?" asks Lumphy.
"Because the clouds are sad and happy at the same time," says StingRay. She is more poetic than factual.
"No, it's what rain becomes when the temperature is freezing," says Plastic. "I read about it in a book."
"Let's go out," says Lumphy. "I'm curious."
"Yes," says StingRay. "It's beautiful."
"Snow snow snow!" says Plastic, bouncing. "I've read about it, but I've never touched it!"
"I need a hat," says Lumphy. He is often cold.
"I need a plastic baggie," says StingRay. She is dry-clean only. "Poke me some air holes."
"I don't need anything!" shouts Plastic. She just goes natural.
And so,
with no small
amount
of
effort...
...the toys go out into the snow.
"Is that a different tree?" asks Lumphy. "It looks like a different tree than before the snow came."
"It's turned into a candy tree," says StingRay. "It tastes like peppermint."
"No, it's the same tree," says Plastic. "I recognize the branches."
"What do you think snow is, exactly?" asks Lumphy.
"It's a blanket of peace over the world," says StingRay.
"No, it's frozen water," says Plastic. "I read it in a book."
"I mean, what is a snow _flake_?" asks Lumphy.
"A snowflake is a tiny ballerina," says StingRay. "If you look closely, you can see it dance."
"No, it's just really tiny frozen water," says Plastic. "I read that, too."
It is
not
easy
to build
a snowman.
Snow angels are easier.
Lumphy finds icicles on a fence.
StingRay finds a puddle that has frozen solid.
Plastic finds a forgotten sled at the top of a hill.
The day begins to fade.
"What is a sunset?" asks Lumphy.
"It's strawberry syrup pouring over the world to make it sweet before nightfall," explains StingRay.
Plastic doesn't say anything. She is thinking.
"Brr. I'm cold," says Lumphy.
"My tail is wet," complains StingRay. Her bag is leaky.
"Snow snow snow!" cries Plastic. "I'm a strawberry-syrup sun in the snow!"
Inside, the house is dry and warm. Outside, the tiny ballerinas have made a blanket of peace over the world. The strawberry-syrup sun has gone down.
And yes, the world is sweet.
**EMILY JENKINS** 's award-winning picture books include _A Fine Dessert,_ which _Kirkus Reviews_ called "delicious" in a starred review; _Water in the Park,_ a _Booklist_ Editors' Choice and a _Bulletin_ Blue Ribbon Book; and _Lemonade in Winter,_ a _Publishers Weekly_ Best Children's Book of the Year. Learn more at emilyjenkins.com.
**PAUL O. ZELINSKY** received the Caldecott Medal for his retelling of _Rapunzel_ and three Caldecott Honors for his illustrations in _Rumpelstiltskin, Hansel and Gretel,_ and _Swamp Angel_ by Anne Isaacs. He is also the illustrator of _Dust Devil_ by Anne Isaacs, a _New York Times_ Notable Book and an Oppenheim Toy Portfolio Platinum Award winner. Visit him at paulozelinsky.com.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaBook"
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| 9,344
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\section{Introduction}\label{intro}
Credit scoring uses statistical models to transform the customers' data into a measure of the borrowers' ability to repay the loan \cite{anderson2007credit}. These models are developed, commonly, based on accepted applications because the bank knows whether the customer repaid the loan. The problem is that this data sample is biased since it excludes the rejected applications systematically. This is called selection bias.
Using a biased sample to estimate any model has several problems. The straightforward consequence is that the model parameters are biased \cite{bucker2013reject}, which has a statistical and economic impact \cite{chen2001economic,nguyen2016}. Another consequence is that the default probability can be underestimated, affecting the risk premium and the profitability of the bank \cite{marshall2010variable}. Hence, reject inference, which is the process of attempting to infer the true creditworthiness status of the rejected applications \cite{hand1993can}, has created a great deal of interest.
There is a vast literature on reject inference using classical statistical methods. However, there has been little research using machine learning techniques (see Table \ref{tbl_RIoverview}). To further investigate the use of machine learning for reject inference, this research proposes two new reject inference models for credit scoring based on the semi-supervised deep generative framework introduced in \cite{kingma2014semi}. Semi-supervised learning designs and trains models using labeled (accepted applications) and unlabeled data (rejected applications), and it aims to utilize the information embedded in both data to improve the classification of unseen observations. Semi-supervised deep generative models achieve state-of-the-art results in semi-supervised classification \cite{kingma2014semi,maaloe2016auxiliary} and in unsupervised clustering \cite{zheng2016variational}. Further, the useful information embedded in their latent space \cite{bowman2015generating,hou2017deep,latif2017variational,mancisidor2018segment} is well documented, hence their generative and classification models can be enhanced using latent variables. Finally, when used to model reject inference in credit scoring, the inference of rejected applications is based on a full approximate posterior distribution and not on extrapolation.
Our proposed models have a flexible latent space to improve the variational approximation and the reconstruction of the input data \cite{maaloe2015improving,maaloe2016auxiliary}. In addition, one of our models not only uses the input data to classify new loan applications, but also a latent representation of it. This makes the classifier more expressive \cite{maaloe2015improving,maaloe2016auxiliary}. We compare the performance of the semi-supervised generative models with a range of techniques representing the state-of-the-art in reject inference for credit scoring, including three classical reject inference techniques (reclassification, fuzzy parceling\footnote{For a review of the reclassification and fuzzy parceling approaches see \cite{anderson2007credit,nguyen2016}.} and augmentation \cite{hsia1978credit}), and three semi-supervised machine learning approaches (self-learning \cite{rosenberg2005semi} MLP, self-learning SVM, and semi-supervised SVM \cite{gieseke2012sparse}). Additionally, we include two supervised machine learning models (multilayer perceptron (MLP) \cite{rumelhart1985learning} and support vector machine (SVM) \cite{cortes1995support}) to measure the marginal gain of reject inference.
The main contributions of this paper are (i) we propose a Bayesian framework to infer the creditworthiness of rejected applications in credit scoring, (ii) we show how to optimize these models efficiently using multilayer perceptron models and stochastic gradient optimization, and (iii) the experimental results show that our proposed models achieve higher performance compared to other reject inference techniques in credit scoring.
The rest of the paper is organized as follows. Section \ref{sec_relatedwork} reviews the related work on reject inference in credit risk, then Section \ref{sec_ssl} presents an overview of semi-supervised deep generative models and introduces the proposed models. Section \ref{sec_results} explains the data, methodology and main results. Finally, Section \ref{sec_conclusion} presents the main conclusion of this research.
\section{Related Work}\label{sec_relatedwork}
Banks decide whether to grant credit to new applications as well as how to deal with existing customers, e.g. deciding whether credit limits should be increased and determining which marketing campaign is most appropriate. The tools that help banks with the first problem are called credit scoring models, while behavioral scoring models are used to handle exiting customers \cite{thomas2000survey}. Both type of models estimate the ability that a borrower will be unable to meet its debt obligations, which is referred to as default probability. This research focuses on reject inference to improve the classification accuracy of credit scoring models by utilizing the rejected applications. In Table (\ref{tbl_RIoverview}), we present an updated research overview on reject inference in credit scoring extending the one presented in \cite{li2017reject}.
There are two broad approaches to estimate the default probability; the function estimation model (e.g. logistic regression) and the density estimation approach (e.g. linear discriminant analysis). The latter is more susceptible to provide biased parameter estimates when the rejected applications are ignored \cite{feelders2000credit,hand1993can}.
According to \cite{hand1993can}, reject inference represents several challenges. First of all, when attempting to correct the selection bias, the customer characteristics used to develop the current credit scoring model must be available. Otherwise, including the rejected applications in the new model might be insufficient to correct the selection bias. Some techniques, such as mixture decomposition, require assumptions about the default and non-default distributions. In general, these distributions are unknown. Finally, the methods based on supplementary credit information about the reject applications, which might be bought at credit bureaus, can be unrealistic for some financial institutions. Either they cannot afford to pay for it or the data may not be available.
\begin{table}[t!]
\centering
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{|l|l|l|c|c|l|l|}
\hline
(Year) \ Author & Data type & Status of rejects & No. of accepts & No. of rejects & Reject Inference approach & Classification method \\
\hline
(1993) \citet{joanes1993reject} & Artificial &Unknown &75 &12 &Reclassification &Logistic\\
(2000) \citet{feelders2000credit} & Artificial&Unknown &Varying &Varying &EM & QDA, Logistic\\
(2001) \citet{chen2001economic} & Coorporate & Known & 298 & 599 & Heckman's model & Probit, Bivariate probit\\
(2003) \citet{banasik2003sample} & Consumer &Known &8 168 &4 040 &Augmentation &Logistic, Probit\\
(2004) \citet{crook2004does} &Consumer &Known &8 168 &4 040 &Augmentation, Extrapolation &Logistic\\
(2004) \citet{verstraeten2005impact} & Consumer &Partially known &38 048 &6 306 &Augmentation &Logistic\\
(2005) \citet{banasik2005credit} & Consumer &Known &8 168 &4 040 &Augmentation &Logistic\\
(2006) \citet{sohn2006reject}* &Consumer &Unknown &759 &10 &Reclassification &Survival analysis\\
(2007) \citet{banasik2007reject} &Consumer &Known &8 168 &4 040 &Augmentation and Heckman's model &Logistic, Bivariate probit\\
(2007) \citet{kim2007technology} & Corporate &Known &4 298 &689 & Heckman's model & Bivariate probit\\
(2007) \citet{wu2007handling} & Artificial & Known & Varying & Varying & Heckman's model & OLS, Bivariate Probit\\
(2010) \citet{banasik2010reject}* &Consumer &Known &147 179 &Varying &Augmentation &Survival analysis\\
(2010) \citet{marshall2010variable} & Consumer & Known & 40 700 & 2 934 & Heckman's model & Probit, Bivariate probit\\
(2010) \citet{maldonado2010semi} & Consumer &Known &800 &200 &Extrapolation &SVM\\
(2012) \citet{chen2012bound} &Corporate &Known &4 589 &Varying &Bound and Collapse &Bayesian\\
(2013) \citet{bucker2013reject} &Consumer &Unknown &3 984 &5 667 &Augmentation &Logistic\\
(2013) \citet{anderson2013modified} &Consumer &Unknown &3 000 &1 500 &Augmentation, EM &Logistic\\
(2016) \citet{nguyen2016} & Consumer & Unknown & 56 016 & 142 571 & Augmentation, Extrapolation & Logistic\\
(2017) \citet{li2017reject} & Consumer & Unknown & 56 626 & 563 215 & Extrapolation & Semi-supervised SVM\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\caption{Up to date research overview on reject inference. The scope of the research marked with * differs from ours, hence they are included in Section \ref{sec_relatedwork}.}
\label{tbl_RIoverview}
\end{table}
A simple approach for reject inference is augmentation \cite{hsia1978credit}. In this approach, the accepted applications are re-weighted to represent the entire population. The common way to find these weights is using the accept/reject probability. For example if a given application has a probability of being rejected of 0.80, then all similar applications would be weighted up $1/(1-0.8)=5$ times \cite{anderson2007credit}. None of the empirical research using augmentation shows significant improvements in either correcting the selection bias or improving model performance, see \cite{anderson2007credit,banasik2005credit,banasik2007reject,banasik2003sample,bucker2013reject,crook2004does,verstraeten2005impact}. The augmentation technique assumes that the default probability is independent of whether the loan is accepted or rejected \cite{ash2002best}. However, \cite{kim2007technology} shows empirically that this assumption is wrong.
Heckman's bivariate two-stage model \cite{heckman1976common,heckman1979sample} has been used in different reject inference studies\footnote{The Heckman's model, named after Nobel Laureate James Joseph Heckman, has been extended or modified in different directions. See \cite{chen2001economic} for a chronological overview of the model evolution and its early applications. It was in \cite{boyes1989econometric} where the Heckman's approach was first applied to credit scoring where the outcome is discrete.}. This approach simultaneously models the accept/reject and default/non-default mechanisms. Assuming that the error terms in these processes are bivariate normally distributed with unit variance and correlation coefficient $\rho$, the selection bias arises when $\rho \neq 0$ and it is corrected using the inverse of the Mills ratio.
Despite the popularity of Heckman's model, it is unclear whether this model can correct the selection bias or improve model performance. Some studies claim either higher model performance or different model parameters after using Heckman's model \cite{greene1998sample,banasik2003sample,banasik2007reject,kim2007technology,marshall2010variable}. These results, as explained by \cite{chen2001economic}, depend upon whether the selection and default equations are correlated. On the other hand, \cite{puhani2000heckman,wu2007handling,chen2012bound} state that the model parameters are inefficient, and the main criticism is that the Heckman's model fails to correct the selection bias when it is strong. This happens either when the correlation between the error terms in the selection and outcome equations is high or the data has high degree of censoring \cite{puhani2000heckman}.
A comparison of different reject inference methods, e.g. augmentation, parceling, fuzzy parceling and the Heckman's model, is presented in \cite{nguyen2016}. The parceling and fuzzy parceling methods are very similar. They first fit a logistic regression model using the accepted applications. Then they use this model to estimate the default probability for all rejected applications. The difference is that the parceling method chooses a threshold on the default probability to assign the unknown outcome $y$ to the rejected applications. On the other hand, the fuzzy parceling method assumes that each reject application has both outcomes $y=1$ and $y=0$, with weights given by the fitted model using only the accepted applications. Finally, the parcelling (fuzzy parceling) method fits a new (weighted) logistic regression using both accepted and rejected applications. The results in \cite{nguyen2016} do not show higher model performance using the reject inference methods. However, the parameter estimates are different when applying the augmentation and parceling approaches. Hence, reject inference has a statistical and economic impact on the final model in this case.
Support vector machines are used in \cite{maldonado2010semi} to extend the self-training (SL) algorithm, by adding the hypothesis that the rejected applications are riskier\footnote{The self-training algorithm is an iterative approach where highly confident predictions about the unlabeled data are added to retrain the model. This procedure is repeated as many times as the user specify it. The main criticism of this method is that it can strengthen poor predictions \cite{kingma2014semi}.}. Specifically, their approach iteratively adds rejected applications with higher confidence, i.e. vectors far from the decision-hyperplane, to retrain a SVM (just as in the SL algorithm). However, vectors close to the hyperplane are penalized since the uncertainty about their true label is higher. Their proposed iterative approach shows superior performance compared to other reject inference configurations using SVMs, including semi-supervised support vector machines (S3VM). In addition to higher performance, the iterative procedure in \cite{maldonado2010semi} is faster than the S3VM.
The S3VM model is used in \cite{li2017reject} for reject inference in credit scoring \footnote{The model used in \cite{li2017reject}, originally developed by \cite{TianL17}, uses a branch-and-bound approach to solve the mixed integer constrained quadratic programming problem faced in semi-supervised SVMs. This approach reduces the training time making it suitable for large-sized problems.} using the accepted and rejected applications to fit an optimal hyperplane with maximum margin. The hyperplane traverses trough non-density regions of rejected applications and, at the same time, separates the accepted applications. Their results show higher performance compared to the logit and supervised support vector machine models. In Section \ref{sec_results}, we show that S3VM does not scale to large credit scoring data sets and that our proposed models are able to use, at least, 16 times more data compared to S3VM.
In \cite{feelders2000credit} Gaussian mixture models (GMM) are used for density estimation of the default probability. The idea is that each component in the mixture density models a class-conditional distribution. Then, the model parameters are estimated using the expectation-maximization (EM) algorithm, which can estimate the parameters even when the class labels for the rejected applications are missing. The EM algorithm is also used for reject inference in \cite{anderson2013modified}. Both papers report high model performance. However, the results in \cite{feelders2000credit} are based on artificial data and \cite{anderson2013modified} only judge performance based on the Confusion matrix. Finally, the major limitation of the EM algorithm is that we need to be able to estimate the expectation over the latent variables. We show in Section \ref{sec_ssl} that deep generative models circumvent this restriction by approximation.
A Bayesian approach for reject inference is presented in \cite{chen2012bound}. In this method the default probability is inferred from the missing data mechanism. The authors use the bound-collapse approach \footnote{This model is originally presented in Sebastiani and Ramoni (2000) "Bayesian inference with missing data using bound and collapse".} to estimate the posterior distribution over the score and class label, which is assumed to have a Dirichlet distribution as well as the marginal distribution of the missing class label. The reason for using the bound-collapse method is to avoid exhaustive numerical procedures, like the Gibbs Sampling, to estimate the posterior distributions in this model. Their results show that the Bayesian bound-collapse method perform better than the augmentation and Heckman's model.
In this research we propose a novel Bayesian inference approach for reject inference in credit scoring, which uses Gaussian mixture models and differs from \cite{chen2012bound,feelders2000credit} in that our models are based on variational inference, neural networks, and stochastic gradient optimization. The main advantages of our proposed method are that (i) inference of the rejected applications is based on an approximation of the posterior distribution and on the exact enumeration of the two possible outcomes that the rejected applications could have taken, (ii) the models use a latent representation of the customers' data, which contain powerful information, and (iii) deep generative models scale to large data sets.
\section{Deep Generative Models}\label{sec_ssl}
The principles of variational inference with deep neural networks are given in \cite{kingma2013auto,rezende2014stochastic}. Building upon this work, \cite{kingma2014semi} proposed a generalized probabilistic approach for semi-supervised learning. This approach will be explained in Section \ref{sec_ssdgm} before we introduce two novel models for reject inference in credit scoring in Sections \ref{sec_model1} and \ref{sec_model2}.
\subsection{Semi-supervised Deep Generative Models for Reject Inference}\label{sec_ssdgm}
In reject inference, the data set $D = \{D_{accept},D_{reject}\}$ is composed of $n$ (labeled) accepted applications $D_{accept}=\{(\bm{x},y)_1,...,(\bm{x},y)_n\}$ and $m$ (unlabeled) rejected applications $D_{reject}=\{\mathbf{x}_{n+1}, ...,\mathbf{x}_{n+m}\}$, where $\mathbf{x} \in \mathbb{R}^{\ell_x}$ is the feature vector and $y_i \in \{0,1\}$ is the class label or the outcome of the loan, $y=0$ if the customer repaid the loan, otherwise $y=1$. Additionally, generative models assume that latent variable $\bm{z} \in \mathbb{R}^{\ell_z}$ governs the distribution of $\bm{x}$.
The goal of the generative model is to obtain the joint distribution $p(\bm{x},y)$ of the data used for credit scoring and the outcome of the loan. However, this distribution is intractable since it requires integration over the whole latent space, i.e. $\int p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z}) d\bm{z}$. Further, the intractability of $p(\bm{x},y)$ translates into an intractable posterior distribution of $\bm{z}$ through the relationship
\begin{equation}
p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) = \frac{p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{\int p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z}) d\bm{z}}.
\end{equation}
Hence, we approximate the true posterior $p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ with the inference model $q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ and minimize the Kullback-Leibler (KL) divergence\footnote{The KL divergence is a measure of the proximity between two densities, e.g. $KL[q(\cdot)||p(\cdot)]$, and it is commonly measured in bits. It is non-negative and it is minimized when $q(\cdot)=p(\cdot)$.} $KL[q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)||p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)]$ to make the approximation as close as possible to the true density.
The $KL[q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)||p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)]$ term, the objective function $\mathcal{L}_{accept}$, and the density $p(x,y)$ are related by the following expression
\begin{align}
\log p(\bm{x},y) &= \mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}[\log p(\bm{x},y)] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[\log \frac{p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} \frac{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} \Big] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[\log \frac{p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} \Big] +\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[\log \frac{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}{p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} \Big] \nonumber \\
&\vcentcolon= -\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y) + KL[q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)||p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)].
\label{eq_sup_lb_dev}
\end{align}
Given that the $KL$ divergence in Equation \ref{eq_sup_lb_dev} is strictly positive, the term $-\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y)$ is a lower bound on $\log p(\bm{x},y)$, i.e. $\log p(\bm{x},y) \geq -\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y)$. Hence, since we cannot evaluate $p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$, we maximize $\log p(\bm{x},y)$ by maximizing the negative lower bound.
Note that in Equation \ref{eq_sup_lb_dev} we assume that the outcome $y$ of the loan is known. However, this is not the case for the rejected applications $D_{reject}$. In this case, generative models treat $y$ as a latent variable and approximate the true posterior distribution $p(y|\bm{x})$ with the parametric function $q(y|\bm{x})$. Assuming the factorization $q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})=q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ and a simple form for $q(y|\bm{x})$, we can take the explicit expectation over the class label $y$, i.e. we handle the uncertainty about the outcome of the loan by summing over the two possible outcomes that it might have taken. Mathematically,
\begin{align}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})}\Big[\log \frac{p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} \Big] &=
\mathbb{E}_{q(y|\bm{x})}\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[\log \frac{p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} \Big] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q(y|\bm{x})}[-\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y) - \log q(y|\bm{x})] \nonumber \\
&= \sum_y q(y|\bm{x})[-\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y) - \log q(y|\bm{x})] \nonumber \\
&\vcentcolon= -\mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}).
\label{eq_obj_unsup}
\end{align}
Therefore, the objective function in semi-supervised deep generative models is the sum of the supervised lower bound for the accepted applications and the unsupervised lower bound for the rejected applications
\begin{equation}
\mathcal{L} = \mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y) + \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}).
\label{eq_objective}
\end{equation}
Furthermore, deep generative models parametrize the parameters of the density functions in Equation \ref{eq_sup_lb_dev} and \ref{eq_obj_unsup} by multilayer perceptron (MLP) networks. For example, if $\bm{z}|\bm{x},y$ is multivariate Gaussian distributed with diagonal covariance matrix, we use the notation
\begin{equation}
p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y; \ \bm{\mu} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y), \bm{\sigma}^2\bm{I} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y)),
\label{eq_notation_dgm}
\end{equation}
where $\bm{\mu} \in \mathbb{R}^{\ell_z}$ and $\bm{\sigma}^2 \in \mathbb{R}^{\ell_z}$, to specify that the parameters of the Gaussian distribution are parametrized by an MLP network denoted by $f(\bm{x},y)$ with input data $\bm{x},y$ and weights $\bm{\bm{\theta}}$. Hence, the optimization of the objective function is with respect to the weights in the MLP. An alternative notation is to simply use the subscript $\bm{\theta}$ in the corresponding distribution, i.e. $p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$.
Finally, note that the EM algorithm used in \cite{anderson2013modified,feelders2000credit} cannot be used in this context since it requires to compute the expectation of $p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$, which it is intractable. Other variational inference techniques, like mean-field or stochastic variational inference, determine different values of $\bm{\mu}_i$ and $\bm{\sigma}_i^2$ for each data point $\bm{x}_i$, which is computationally expensive. Similarly, traditional EM algorithms need to compute an expectation w.r.t the whole data set before updating the parameters. Therefore, deep generative models use complex functions of the data $\bm{x}$ (MLP networks) to estimate the best possible values for the latent variables $\bm{z}$. This allows replacing the optimization of point-specific parameters $\bm{\mu}_i$ and $\bm{\sigma}_i^2$, with a more efficient optimization of the MLP weights $\bm{\theta}$. The latter is denoted amortized inference \cite{zhang2018advances}.
\subsection{Model 1: Generative and inference process}\label{sec_model1}
\begin{figure}[t!]
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=1]{plates_notation.pdf}
\caption{Plate notation for Model 1 and Model 2 where $\bm{x}$ is the observed feature vector, $y$ is the outcome of the loan and it is only observed for the accepted applications, and $\bm{z}$ and $\bm{a}$ are latent variables. The generative process is specified by solid lines, while the inference process is shown with dotted lines. Note that the MLP weights $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$ lie outside the plates and we omit them to do not clutter the diagrams.}
\label{fig_platenotation}
\end{figure}
The proposed Model 1 assumes the generative process $p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})=p(y)p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y)p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z})$, where $\bm{x} \perp y | \bm{z}$, with the following probability density functions
\begin{align}
p(y) &\sim \text{Bernoulli}(y; \pi), \nonumber \\
p(\bm{z}|y) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{z}|y=k; \ \bm{\mu}_{z_k} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(y), \bm{\sigma}_{z_k}^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(y)) \ for \ k=0,1, \nonumber \\
p(\bm{x}|\bm{z}) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{x}|\bm{z}; \ \bm{\mu}_x = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}), \bm{\sigma}_x^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z})).
\label{eq_gen_m1}
\end{align}
Here $\mathcal{N}$ denotes the Gaussian distributions and $f(\cdot)$ is a multilayer perceptron model with weights denoted by $\bm{\theta}$. Furthermore, we assume that the inference process is factorized as $q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})=q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$, with the following probability densities
\begin{align}
q(y|\bm{x}) &\sim \text{Bernoulli}(y; \pi_{y|\bm{x}} =f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x})), \nonumber \\
q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y; \ \bm{\mu}_z = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x},y), \bm{\sigma}_z^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x},y)).
\label{eq_varitaion_m1}
\end{align}
Again $\mathcal{N}$ is the Gaussian distribution and $f(\cdot)$ is a multilayer perceptron model with weights denoted by $\bm{\phi}$. Note that the marginal distribution $p(\bm{z})$ in the generative process is a GMM, i.e.
\begin{align*}
p(\bm{z}) =& \sum_y p(y)p(\bm{z}|y) \\
=& \pi \mathcal{N}(\bm{\mu}_{z_0}, \bm{\sigma}_{z_0}^2\mathbf{I}) + (1-\pi) \mathcal{N}(\bm{\mu}_{z_1}, \bm{\sigma}_{z_1}^2\mathbf{I}),
\end{align*}
where $(1-\pi)$ represents the prior for the default probability. The generative and inference processes are shown in Figure \ref{fig_platenotation}.
In the following sections, we use $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$ to distinguish the expectation and variance terms in the generative process from the ones in the inference process as well as to differentiate the MLP's weights in the generative process from the ones in the inference process.
\subsubsection*{Labeled data: Deriving the objective function $\mathcal{L}_{accept}$}
We use Equation \ref{eq_sup_lb_dev} and the factorization of the generative process in Equation \ref{eq_gen_m1} to derive the lower bound for the accepted data set $D_{accept}$. Hence, expanding the terms in the lower bound we obtain
\begin{align}
\mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[\log \frac{p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} \Big] &=
\mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)}[\log p(y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)],
\label{eq_sup_lb_m1}
\end{align}
and taking the expectations, see Section \ref{deriv_m1_sup} in the Appendix, we find the negative lower bound for a single (supervised) data point, which is
\begin{align}
- \mathcal{L}_{accept}(\{\bm{x},y\}_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi})=\frac{1}{2}\Big[\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2)- \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\Big( \log \sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2 + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2} +& \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2}\Big) \Big] + \log \pi_i \nonumber \\
+& \frac{1}{L} \sum_{l=1}^L \log \mathcal{N}(x_i| z_{i,l}).
\label{eq_sup_bound_m1}
\end{align}
Here $\ell_z$ is the dimension of $\bm{z}$, $\sigma_{\cdot_j}^2$ and $\mu_{\cdot_j}$ are the \textit{j}'th element of $\bm{\sigma}_{\cdot}^2$ and $\bm{\mu}_{\cdot}$ respectively, $\pi_i$ is the prior distribution over the class label $y_i$, and $L$ is the number of $\bm{z}_{i,l}$ samples drawn from $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$. We use the \textit{reparametrization trick} $\bm{z}_{i,l}=\bm{\mu}_{i_{\bm{\phi}}} + \bm{\sigma}_{i_{\bm{\phi}}} \odot \epsilon_l$, where $\epsilon_l \sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{0},\mathbf{I})$ and $\odot$ denotes an element-wise multiplication, to backpropagate through $\bm{\sigma}_{\cdot}^2$ and $\bm{\mu}_{\cdot}$. Note that since $y$ is known in this case, we only need to backpropagate through its corresponding Gaussian component in the MLP parameterizing the GMM. In other words, if $y_i=0$ the stochastic gradient optimization only updates all weights in $\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\theta}_y}$ and $\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\theta}_y}^2$ for the first component in Figure \ref{fig_gmm}. This is specified by the subscript $y$ in Equation \ref{eq_sup_bound_m1}.
\begin{figure}[t!]
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=0.7]{gmm.pdf}
\caption{Gaussian mixture components parameterized by a multilayer perceptron model, where $y_{\cdot}$ is the one-hot-encoding for the input data ([$y_1 \ y_2$] = [0 1] and [$y_1 \ y_2$] = [1 0] are the one-hot-encoding for $y = 1$ and $y = 0$ respectively), $h_l$ is the \textit{l}'th neuron in the hidden layer, and $\bm{\mu}_{z_i}$ and $\bm{\sigma}_{z_i}$ are density moments for the \textit{i}'th component in the GMM. For the accepted applications, we backpropagate trough its corresponding component, while for the rejected applications we backpropagate through both components.}
\label{fig_gmm}
\end{figure}
\subsubsection*{Unlabeled data: Deriving the objective function $\mathcal{L}_{reject}$}
In this case, we treat the unknown labels $y$ as latent variables and we approximate the true posterior distribution with $q(y|\bm{x})$. Given that $q(y|\bm{x}) \sim \text{Bernoulli}(\cdot)$ is a relatively easy distribution, we take the explicit expectation in the unsupervised lower bound. Following the steps in Equation \ref{eq_obj_unsup} together with the factorization in Equations \ref{eq_gen_m1} and \ref{eq_varitaion_m1}, we obtain
\begin{align}
\mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})}\Big[\log \frac{p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y,\bm{z})}{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} \Big] &=
\mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})}[\log p(y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x}) \nonumber \\
& \hspace{7.1cm} - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x})}[-\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x};\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x})] \nonumber \\
&= \sum_y q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x})[-\mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x};\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x})],
\label{eq_objm1_unsup}
\end{align}
which is, by definition, the unsupervised negative lower bound $- \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x};\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi})$. Furthermore, taking the expectations, see Section \ref{deriv_m1_unsup} in the Appendix, we can obtain the negative lower bound for a single data point, which is
\begin{align}
- \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi})=\frac{1}{2} \sum_{y=0}^1 \pi_{y|\bm{x}_i} \Big[\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1 +& \log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2)- \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\Big( \log \sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2 + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2} + \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2}\Big) \Big] \nonumber \\
&+\sum_{y=0}^1 \pi_{y|\bm{x}_i} \log \frac{\pi}{\pi_{y|\bm{x}_i}} + \frac{1}{L} \sum_{l=1}^L \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{x}_i| z_{i,l}),
\end{align}
where $\pi_{y|\bm{x}}$ is the \textit{y}'th element of the posterior probability over the class labels $\bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}}=[\pi_{y=0|\bm{x}} \ (1-\pi_{y=0|\bm{x}})]$. The rest of the parameters have the same interpretation as in the supervised negative lower bound. Note that in this case we take the expectation over the latent variable $y$ by enumerating the two possible values ($y=0$ and $y=1$) of the posterior parameter $\bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}}$, which also implies that we need to backpropagate through the two components, one at a time, in $\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\theta}_y}^2$ and $\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\theta}_y}$, see Figure \ref{fig_gmm}.
We train Model 1 alternating the objective function
\begin{equation}
\mathcal{L} = \sum_i^n \mathcal{L}_{accept}\big((\bm{x},y)_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}\big) - \alpha \cdot \log \mathbb{E}_{\hat{p}(\bm{x},y)}[q_{\bm{\phi}}(y_i|\bm{x}_i)] + \sum_j^{n+m} \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}_j;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}),
\label{eq_objective_m1}
\end{equation}
where $\mathbb{E}_{\hat{p}(\bm{x},y)}$ is the empirical distribution.
Note that we introduce the term $\log \mathbb{E}_{\hat{p}(\bm{x},y)}[q_{\bm{\phi}}(y_i|\bm{x}_i)]$, which is actually the classifier in Model 1, into the supervised lower bound to take advantage of the accepted applications and train the best possible classifier. The term $\alpha = \beta \cdot \frac{m+n}{n}$ controls the importance of the classification in the supervised loss function, where $m$ and $n$ are the number of rejected and accepted observations respectively, and $\beta$ is just a scaling factor.
\subsubsection{Reject Inference in Credit Scoring with Model 1}\label{sec_understaningM1}
Model 1 does not just learn the distribution $p(\bm{x}|\bm{z})$ of the customers' data used in credit scoring, but it also learns a latent representation $p(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ of it. This latent representation reflects an intrinsic structure or the semantics of the customers' data. Additionally, Model 1 approximates the posterior class label distribution $q(y|\bm{x})$, which we use to estimate the default probability for new applications. This probability is given by the mutually exclusive outcomes in the posterior parameter $\bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}}$, which is parametrized by an MLP with softmax activation function in the output layer.
The most important characteristic of Model 1 for reject inference in credit scoring is that the unknown creditworthiness is evaluated by considering the two possible states $y=1$ and $y=0$ that the loan might have taken in case that the credit had been granted (Equation \ref{eq_objm1_unsup}). This means that this method clearly differs from all extrapolation approaches for reject inference. Further, it is not as restrictive as the expectation-maximization algorithm since it relies on the approximation of the posterior distributions.
It can be shown that Equation \ref{eq_objective_m1} includes the term $KL[q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)||p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y)]$. Then, the optimization of the objective function forces $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ to be as close as possible to $p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y)$, which we have modeled as a mixture of Gaussian distributions. The first motivation for this is that the data for the accepted and rejected applications are generated by two different process, just as in \cite{feelders2000credit}. Second, this mixture model generates a flexible latent space, which helps to improve the approximation of the inference process in Model 1.
Finally, the objective function in Equation \ref{eq_objective_m1} includes, both in the supervised and unsupervised loss parts, the MLP weights $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$. Hence, the stochastic gradient optimization updates the parameters $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$ jointly and estimates $\bm{\mu}$, $\bm{\sigma}^2$, and $\bm{\pi}$ that maximize the approximated log likelihood at each iteration.
\subsection{Model 2: Generative and inference processes}\label{sec_model2}
Model 2 uses auxiliary variables introduced in \cite{maaloe2015improving,maaloe2016auxiliary} in the context of deep generative models. Models with auxiliary variables improve the variational approximation, and introduce a layer of latent variables to the model's classifier. Hence, we extend the generative and inference processes in Model 1 by adding a Gaussian auxiliary variable $\bm{a}$.
More specifically, we assume the generative process $p(\bm{x},y,\bm{z},\bm{a})=p(\bm{a})p(y)p(\bm{z}|y)p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y)$ with the following distributions
\begin{align}
p(y) &\sim \text{Bernoulli}(y;\pi), \nonumber \\
p(\bm{a}) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{a}; \ \bm{0}, \bm{1}), \nonumber \\
p(\bm{z}|y) &\sim \mathcal{N}(z|y=k; \ \bm{\mu}_{z_k} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(y), \bm{\sigma}_{z_k}^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(y)) \ for \ k=0,1, \nonumber \\
p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y; \ \bm{\mu}_x = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z},y), \bm{\sigma}_x^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z},y)).
\label{eq_generative_m2}
\end{align}
Here $\mathcal{N}$ is the Gaussian distribution and $f(\cdot)$ is a multilayer perceptron model with weights denoted by $\bm{\theta}$. The inference process factorizes as $q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|x)=q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$. The distributions for this process are
\begin{align}
q(\bm{a}|\bm{x}) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{a}|\bm{x}; \ \bm{\mu}_a = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x}), \bm{\sigma}_a^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x})), \nonumber \\
q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}) &\sim \text{Bernoulli}(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}; \ \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x},\bm{a}} = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x},\bm{a})), \nonumber \\
q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) &\sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y; \ \bm{\mu}_z = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x},y), \bm{\sigma}_z^2\mathbf{I} = f_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{x},y)).
\label{eq_inf_m2}
\end{align}
Again $\mathcal{N}$ is the Gaussian distribution and $f(\cdot)$ is a multilayer perceptron model with weights denoted by $\bm{\phi}$.
\subsubsection*{Labeled data: Deriving the objective function $\mathcal{L}_{accept}$}
Following the steps in Section \ref{sec_ssdgm}, it is straightforward to show that the supervised negative lower bound is
\begin{align}
- \mathcal{L}(\bm{x},y;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi})_{accept}&=\mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)}\Big[ \log \frac{p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y,\bm{z},\bm{a})}{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)}\Big] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{a}) + \log p(y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y) \nonumber \\
&- \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{a}|\bm{x}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)].
\end{align}
Using Equations \ref{eq_generative_m2} and \ref{eq_inf_m2} and taking the corresponding expectations, see Section \ref{deriv_m2_sup} in the Appendix, we obtain the lower bound for the \textit{i}'th data point, as follows\footnote{We clutter the notation by adding the subscript $\bm{a}$ and $\bm{z}$ in the distribution parameters. This helps to differentiate the parameters of the density $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{a}|\bm{x})$ from the ones in $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$.}
\begin{align}
- \mathcal{L}_{accept}((\bm{x},y)_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}) =& \frac{1}{2}\Big[\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2) - \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\Big( \log \sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2 + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2} + \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2}\Big) \Big] + \log \pi_i \nonumber \\
+& \frac{1}{2} \sum_{c=1}^{\ell_a}(\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 + \mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 - (1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2))
+ \frac{1}{L_z} \sum_{l=1}^{L_z} \log \mathcal{N}(x_i|z_{i,l},y).
\label{eq_sup_bound_m2}
\end{align}
Here $\ell_z$ and $\ell_a$ are the dimensions of $\bm{z}$ and $\bm{a}$ respectively, $\sigma_{\cdot_j}^2$ and $\mu_{\cdot_j}$ are the \textit{j}'th element of $\bm{\sigma}_{\cdot}^2$ and $\bm{\mu}_{\cdot}$ respectively, and they refer to the variance or expectation of either $\bm{z}$ or $\bm{a}$, $\pi_i$ is the prior distribution over the class label $y_i$, and $L_z$ is the number of $\bm{z}_{i,l}$ samples drawn from $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$. Note that $y$ is known in this case, hence we only backpropagate through its corresponding Gaussian component, just as in Model 1. This is specified by the subscript $y$ in Equation \ref{eq_sup_bound_m2}.
\subsubsection*{Unlabeled data: Deriving the objective function $\mathcal{L}_{reject}$}
Using the factorization in Equation \ref{eq_generative_m2} and \ref{eq_inf_m2}, the unsupervised negative lower bound in Model 2 has the form
\begin{align}
-\mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x};\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}) &= \mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})}\Big[ \log \frac{p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x},y,\bm{z},\bm{a})}{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})}\Big] \nonumber \\
&= \mathbb{E}_{q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{a}) + \log p(y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{z}|y) + \log p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y) \nonumber \\
&- \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{a}|\bm{x}) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) - \log q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})].
\label{eq_m2_unsup}
\end{align}
For the \textit{i}'th observation, Equation \ref{eq_m2_unsup} takes the following form, see Section \ref{deriv_m2_unsup} in the Appendix,
\begin{align}
- \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}) =& \frac{1}{2}\frac{1}{L_a}\frac{1}{L_z}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_{y=0}^1 \pi_{y|\bm{x}_i,\bm{a}_{i,l_a}} \bigg[\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2) - \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\bigg( \log \sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2 + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2} \nonumber \\
+& \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,y}}^2}\bigg)
+\frac{1}{L_z} \sum_{l_z=1}^{L_z} \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{x}_i| \bm{z}_{i,l_z},y_{l_a})\bigg] + \frac{1}{2} \sum_{c=1}^{\ell_a} \Big(\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 + \mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 \nonumber \\
-& (1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2)\Big) + \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_{y=0}^1 \pi_{y|\bm{x}_i,\bm{a}_{i,l_a}}(-\log q(y|\bm{x}_i,\bm{a}_{i,l_a})) + \log \pi_i.
\end{align}
Here all parameters are just as in $- \mathcal{L}_{accept}(\bm{x},y;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi})$. It is important to note that the posterior probability over the class labels $\bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x},\bm{a}}=[\pi_{y=0|\bm{x},\bm{a}} \ (1-\pi_{y=0|\bm{x},\bm{a}})]$ depends on the sampled auxiliary variables. We denote this dependency explicitly using the subscript $\bm{a}$.
Finally, just as we did in Model 1, we include the term $\log q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})$ in the unsupervised objective function to take advantage of the accepted applications. Therefore, the final objective function for Model 2 is \begin{equation}
\mathcal{L} = \sum_i^m \mathcal{L}_{accept}\big((\bm{x},y)_i;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}\big) - \alpha \cdot \log \mathbb{E}_{\hat{p}(\bm{x},y,\bm{a})}[q_{\bm{\phi}}(y_i|\bm{x}_i,\bm{a})] + \sum_j^n \mathcal{L}_{reject}(\bm{x}_j;\bm{\theta},\bm{\phi}).
\label{eq_objective_m2}
\end{equation}
\subsubsection{Reject Inference in Credit Scoring with Model 2}\label{sec_understaningM2}
Model 2 has almost the same characteristics as Model 1, but there are two new items. First, Model 2 approximates two layers of latent representations $q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})$ and $q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$. The first latent representation is, together with the customers' data $\bm{x}$, used to estimate the default probability (Equation \ref{eq_inf_m2}). By doing so, Model 2 has a relatively more expressive estimation of creditworthiness. The presumption is that the latent representation $\bm{a}$ captures the intrinsic structure of the data and that it therefore provides relevant features for enhancing the performance of the classifier $q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})$.
The second difference from Model 1 is that the data generating process $p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y)$ is conditioned on the latent variable $\bm{z}$ and class label $y$. This is simply done to achieve better training stability. See Section \ref{sec_implementation} for more details about model training.
\section{Experiments and Results}\label{sec_results}
The goal with the experiments is twofold. First, we compare the performance of our proposed models with a range of techniques representing the state-of-the-art in reject inference for credit scoring, including three classical reject inference techniques (reclassification, fuzzy parceling and augmentation) and three semi-supervised machine learning approaches (self-learning MLP, self-learning SVM, and semi-supervised SVM (S3VM)) under a realistic scenario preserving the original acceptance rates in two real data sets. Second, to have a better understanding of the behaviour of reject inference models for credit scoring, we test the model performance in different scenarios varying the number of accepted and rejected observations. In both cases, we include two supervised machine learning models (multilayer perceptron (MLP) and the support vector machine (SVM)) to measure the marginal gain of reject inference.
\subsection{Data description}
We use two real data sets containing both rejected and accepted applications. The first data set is public\footnote{The data can be obtain directly at the Lending Club's website, however they require the user to login. We obtain a complete version of the available data at the website \href{https://github.com/nateGeorge/preprocess_lending_club_data}{$\text{https://github.com/nateGeorge/preprocess\_lending\_club\_data}$}, which is updated quarterly.} and consists of personal loan applications through Lending Club, which is the world's largest peer-to-peer lending company. We replicate the data sample used in \cite{li2017reject}, which includes applications from January 2009 until September 2012 with 36-months maturity. However, we do not split the data set in yearly sub samples, since we want to keep as many observations from the minority class ($y=1$) as possible. Hence, the data set that we use in our experiments has 53 698 accepted applications, including 6 528 defaults, and 536 459 rejected applications\footnote{The number of accepted and rejected applications are not exactly the same, but the variable statistics are very similar and the default trend is the same as in \cite{li2017reject}. See Table \ref{tbl_lc_statistics} for more information.}. That is, the acceptance ratio is 9.10\% and default rate is 12.16\%. For more details about the Lending Club data, see Table \ref{tbl_lc_statistics} in the Appendix.
The second data set is provided by Santander Consumer Bank Nordics and consists of credit card applications arriving trough their internet website. The applications were received during the period January 2011 until December 2016. During this period Santander accepted 126 520 applications and only 14 993 customers ended up as defaults. The number of rejected applications during this period is 232 898. Hence, the acceptance ratio is 35.20\% and default rate 11.85\%.
In addition to these two data sets, we have two small samples after September 2012 and December 2016 for Lending Club and Santander Bank respectively, which are used to produce well-calibrated estimates of class probabilities using the beta calibration approach \cite{kull2017beta}. These samples are not part of the experimental design explained in Section \ref{sec_experiments}.
\subsection{Experimental Design}\label{sec_experiments}
We conduct two different set of experiments. In the first experimental setup, we keep the original acceptance ratio, but we do not use more than 34 100 observations in total \footnote{This is done to allow a fair comparison to S3VM, which does not scale to larger datasets due to memory requirements. For the 34 100 observations, S3VM requires 123GB of memory to estimate the kernel matrix.}. To construct this data set, we first split the original data in 70\%-30\% for training and testing respectively. Then, we down sample the majority class ($y=0$) in the training set until it equals the number of observations for the minority class ($y=1$). To achieve the correct acceptance ratio, this requires a random selection of both class labels. Note that the test data set is left as it is, i.e. it preserves the original default rate. Finally, we randomly select the number of reject applications in a way that these, together with the balanced training sample, do not exceed 34 100 observations.
In the second set of experiments\footnote{S3VM is not included in this section since it takes around 356 hours to evaluate each scenario in this section and in total we evaluate 12 different scenarios. In addition, it has the memory restrictions already mentioned. Similarly, the iterative procedure in the self-learning SVM is not feasible in this section.}, we analyze the effect of varying the number of accepted (rejected) applications, while keeping the same number of rejected (accepted) applications. We follow the same approach as in the the first experiments, splitting the data set into a training and test data set, down sampling the training set, and randomly selecting the number of reject applications.
For the Lending Club data set, we use all variables in Table \ref{tbl_lc_statistics} to train all models, while for the Santander data we use a forward selection approach to select the explanatory variables that are included in the reclassification, fuzzy parceling and augmentation methods\footnote{These three methods are based on the logistic regression. Hence, the forward selection approach prevents the logistic regression from overfitting and avoids numerical problems on its optimization.}. For the other models we use all variables in Table \ref{tbl_santander_statistics}. Finally, we do hyperparameter tuning using grid search with 10-cross validation for the MLP, SVM, S3VM, Model 1, and Model 2. The best architecture for the MLP and SVM is used as the base model in the self-training approaches for MLP and SVM. The details of the grid search are given in Table \ref{tbl_gridsearch}.
\npthousandsep{}
\npdecimalsign{.}
\nprounddigits{4}
\begin{table}[t!]
\centering
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{|l|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|}
\hline
& \multicolumn{5}{c|}{Lending Club} & \multicolumn{5}{c|}{Santander Credit Cards} \\
\hline
& {AUC} & {GINI} & {H-measure} & {Recall} & {Precision}& {AUC} & {GINI} & {H-measure} & {Recall} & {Precision} \\
\hline
MLP & 0.6273437 & 0.2546876 & 0.05352209 & 0.4453524 & 0.173809049 & 0.7091459&0.4182919&0.13257518&0.790929301911961&0.177222426109141 \\
SVM & 0.6283748 & 0.2567493 & 0.05431159 & 0.463227783 &0.178332678 &0.7388437&0.4776869&0.1689229&0.799733214762116&0.189529684054504\\
\hline
Reclassification & 0.5783648&0.1567293&0.02273701&0.490551583248212&0.14925181632906& 0.6414885&0.282977&0.06249591&0.998888394842152&0.118703723970146 \\
Fuzzy Parceling & 0.619804&0.2559605&0.05402885&0.459805924412666&0.177153499338293&0.6790781&0.3581565&0.09569927&0.867630057803468&0.154121610672991 \\
Augmentation & 0.6218834&0.2557669&0.0540965&0.458120531154239&0.177694937740762& 0.6761321&0.3522645&0.09230714&0.873521565140062&0.152446758065431\\
\hline
Self-lerning MLP & 0.586849&0.17369783&0.032602819&0.450357507660878&0.157031027737485& 0.6725641&0.3451283&0.08768281&0.850244553134726&0.151859300613936\\
Self-lerning SVM & 0.6205615&0.2551228&0.05346849&{\npboldmath}0.495709908069459&0.173126365532489& 0.7266105&0.4532207&0.1529293&0.849444197421076&0.172548002678795 \\
S3VM & 0.6201002&0.2402004&0.04814717&0&\multicolumn{1}{c|}{NA}&0.6519966&0.3039933&0.0732743&{\npboldmath}1&0.118505638107282 \\
\hline
Model 1 & 0.629388895176 & 0.258777790353 & 0.0554185026503 & 0.45398365679 & 0.178807071233 & 0.739419092381&0.478838184762&0.167805819644& 0.832592263226 & 0.184774028024 \\
Model 2 & {\npboldmath}0.6362851401477376 & {\npboldmath} 0.275464084381 & {\npboldmath} 0.0632190280788 & 0.468845760978 & {\npboldmath} 0.182496471062 & {\npboldmath} 0.743148668624 & {\npboldmath} 0.485097337248 & {\npboldmath} 0.176410955592 & 0.628166740772 & {\npboldmath} 0.23027528913 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\caption{Model performance keeping the original acceptance ratio. The training data set is balanced by down sampling the majority class, and the threshold used to calculate recall and precision is based on the empirical default rate in the test data set.}
\label{tbl_results}
\end{table}
\begin{figure}[t!]
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=0.6]{auc_performance.pdf}
\caption{The left panel shows the AUC performance for the Lending Club data set, while the right panel shows the performance for the Santander Bank data set. Both diagrams correspond to Model 2. }
\label{fig:my_label}
\end{figure}
\subsection{Model Implementation and Training}\label{sec_implementation}
Model 1 and Model 2 are implemented in Theano \cite{2016arXiv160502688short}. We use softplus activation functions in all hidden layers and linear activation functions in all output layers estimating $\bm{\mu}$ and $\bm{\sigma}^2$. For the output layer in the classifiers $q_{\bm{\phi}}(y|\cdot)$ we use softmax activation functions. Further, we use the Adam optimizer \cite{kingma2014adam} with learning rate equal to 1e-4 and 5e-5 for training of Model 1 and Model 2 respectively. The rest of parameters in the Adam optimizer are the default values suggested in the original paper. We use $L=1$ and $L_a=1$ for both Model 1 and 2 in all experiments. Finally, both data sets are standardized before training and testing, and the class label $y$ is one-hot-encoded. The model architectures used in the experiments in Table \ref{tbl_results} are shown in Table \ref{tbl_gridsearch_m1m2_sa}.
It is important to mention that deep generative models are, in general, difficult to train \cite{liu2018analyzing,takahashi2018student}. The training of Model 1 and Model 2 in some cases become unstable, especially for the experiments where we vary the number of accepted and rejected applications. Moreover, it is sensitive to the initial weights. Hence, we use a Variational Autoencoder \cite{kingma2013auto} to pretrain the weights in $q_{\bm{\phi}}(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$ and $p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z})$ for Model 1. Similarly, we prewarm all weights $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$ in Model 2. In both cases, we initialized the MLP weights as suggested in \cite{glorot2010understanding}. We also achieve more stable training in Model 2 by conditioning $p_{\bm{\theta}}(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y)$ on the class label $y$.
\subsection{Benchmark Reject Inference}\label{sec_orig_ratios}
Table \ref{tbl_results} compares the performance of Model 1 and Model 2 with other models when using the original acceptance ratio in the data sets. It can be seen that both Model 1 and Model 2 perform better than all supervised and semi-supervised models in terms of AUC, GINI, H measure and precision. Our results support previous findings that the reclassification, fuzzy parcelling and augmentation methods do not improve model performance. The reclassification approach is consistently the worst model. Further, the self-training approaches do not improve the performance of the base models MLP and SVM. Finally, S3VM has significantly worse performance than the base models for the Santander Credit Cards data set.
We use the Platt scaling method \cite{platt1999probabilistic} to get (pseudo) default probabilities from SVM and S3VM. It is interesting to see that we could not estimate the recall and precision for S3VM in the Lending Club data because the estimated default probabilities are concentrated around the average, with practically no dispersion, see Table \ref{tbl_results2}. S3VM estimates default probabilities for all applications below the default rate in the Lending Club data set, and above the default rate in the Santander data set.
Finally, Model 2 performs better than Model 1 in terms of all measures except for recall. Remember that the main difference between these models is the classifier in Model 2, which uses a latent representation of the customers' data. Our results are hence in correspondence with previous studies showing the predictive power embedded in the latent transformations. It is further interesting to note that our proposed models for reject inference not only perform better, but also estimate higher variability in the predicted default probabilities, as shown in Table \ref{tbl_results2}. Unfortunately, given the nature of the data sets in this research, which do not include the class label for the rejected applications, we are not able to draw any conclusion about the economic impact of this interesting detail.
In Table \ref{tbl_results4}, we analyze the impact of the number of accepted and rejected applications on model performance using Model 2 and the Lending Club data set. In the right panel, we can observe that the general trend is that the more rejected applications we add to Model 2, the higher model performance. In the left panel, we can see that the more accepted data we have available, the better model performance for the supervised models and the less difference compared to Model 2. Note that Model 2 achieves the highest average AUC of 0.6404 in the \textit{All} scenario, which includes 545 579 observations. This is 16 times more data compared to what self-training SVM and S3VM handled.
\begin{table}[t!]
\centering
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{|l|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|}
\hline
\multicolumn{13}{|c|}{Lending Club} \\
\hline
& \multicolumn{6}{c|}{Accepted applications} & \multicolumn{6}{c|} {Rejected applications} \\
\hline
No. observations & \multicolumn{1}{c}{200} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{600} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{1 200} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{2 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{6 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c|}{All} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{30 997} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{100 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{200 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{300 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{400 000} & \multicolumn{1}{c|}{All} \\
\hline
MLP & 0.6001927& 0.62363353& 0.62366077& 0.63043247& 0.62986954 &0.63074811 & 0.60370998 & 0.60370998& 0.60370998& 0.60370998& 0.60370998 &0.60370998 \\
SVM & 0.60388527& 0.62674405& 0.62527006 &0.63203706& 0.63016335& 0.63091588 & 0.605363962& 0.605363962& 0.605363962 &0.605363962& 0.605363962& 0.605363962 \\
\hline
Reclassification & 0.57861003& 0.57845679& 0.58117156& 0.58533913 &0.58055825& 0.58157524 & 0.56160402 &0.57852433& 0.57830356& 0.55738218& 0.5692937 & 0.57794348 \\
Fuzzy Parceling & 0.60174793& 0.62399504& 0.62317408 &0.62948137& 0.62965029 &0.63022516 & 0.60412932 &0.60256955& 0.60184787& 0.60310012& 0.60730376& 0.60062518 \\
Augmentation & 0.60166053 &0.6215873 & 0.62065128& 0.63006822 &0.6294754& 0.63035666 & 0.6023336 &0.60281574& 0.60100891& 0.59673167& 0.59526177& 0.59785979 \\
\hline
Self-lerning MLP & 0.5823714 & 0.572756 & 0.5733693 & 0.567486 & 0.5858446 & 0.5630668 & 0.5639674 & 0.5484652 & 0.5705547 & 0.5714778 & 0.5758168 & 0.5702585 \\
\hline
Model 2 & {\npboldmath} 0.6174538380466909 & {\npboldmath}0.6269250429165094 & {\npboldmath} 0.6310491049388773 & {\npboldmath} 0.6344088961752481 & {\npboldmath} 0.6380687393863558 & {\npboldmath} 0.6403639516332523 & {\npboldmath} 0.6112450412521052 & {\npboldmath} 0.6075210587544769 & {\npboldmath} 0.6091223530488475 & {\npboldmath} 0.6106655598066267 & {\npboldmath} 0.612082119795525 & {\npboldmath} 0.6174538380466909 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\caption{Left panel: Model performance, measured with AUC, as a function of accepted applications. We use all 536 459 rejected applications for all semi-supervised models. Right panel: Model performance, measured with AUC, as a function of rejected applications. We use only 200 accepted applications for all models.}
\label{tbl_results4}
\end{table}
\section{Conclusion}\label{sec_conclusion}
In this paper we have proposed two new Bayesian models for reject inference in credit scoring. These models use the posterior distribution of the outcome of the loan to infer the unknown creditworthiness of the rejected applications. This is done by exact enumeration of the two possible outcomes of the loan, which is an advantage compared to reject inference methods based on extrapolation.
The experiments show that our proposed models achieve higher model performance compared to many of the classical and machine learning approaches for reject inference in credit scoring. Additionally, the efficient stochastic gradient optimization technique used in deep generative models scales to large data sets, which is an advantage over supervised and semi-supervised support vector machines.
The higher model performance of our proposed methodology is further enhanced by adding latent representations of the customers' data to the classifier. This data representation captures the intrinsic structure of the data providing relevant information for classification. Since the new methodology offers flexible modeling possibilities, we hope that this research spurs future work on reject inference in credit scoring improving the training stability and classification power.
\section*{Acknowledgements}
The authors would like to thank Santander Consumer Bank for financial support and the real data set used in this research. This work was also supported by the Research Council of Norway [grant number 260205] and SkatteFUNN [grant number 276428].
\clearpage
\section{Appendix} \label{sec_appendix}
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\subsection{Tables and Figures}
\npdecimalsign{.}
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To replicate the data set presented in \cite{li2017reject}, we excluded all observations with missing values in any of the variables in Table \ref{tbl_lc_statistics}. Further, the allowed variable range, which we choose based on \cite{li2017reject}, is determined by the minimum and maximum values as shown in the table. The summary statistics in our data sample is not exactly the same as in \cite{li2017reject}, but the default trend is the same (the default rate in 2009 is 12.59\%, 2010 is 9.61\%, 2011 is 10.32\% and in 2012 is 13.76\%).
\begin{table}[h]
\centering
\caption{Lending Club Descriptive Statistics}
\begin{adjustbox}{width=0.8\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{lln{5}{2}n{5}{2}n{4}{2}n{4}{2}n{5}{2}n{5}{2}n{5}{2}}
\hline
&{Variable}&{Mean}&{Std}&{Min}&{1 Quantile}&{Median}&{3 Quantile}&{Max} \\
\hline
Accepts&Debt to income&14.5133&7.1864&0&9.06&14.44&19.82&34.99 \\
&Loan amount&10610.3379&6738.6089&1000&5706.25&9600&14000&35000 \\
&Fico score&711.4917&35.0587&662&682&707&732&847.5 \\
&State d1&0.4276&0.4946&0&0&0&1&1 \\
&State d2&0.4265&0.4945&0&0&0&1&1 \\
&State d3&0.096&0.2946&0&0&0&0&1 \\
&Employment length&3.9747&3.1817&0&1&3&6&10 \\
\\
Rejects&Debt to income&24.2874&31.1397&0&7.9&18.19&31.18&419.33\\
&Loan amount&13330.7383&10361.5146&1000&5000&10000&20000&35000\\
&Fico score&638.1453&74.0992&385&595&651&690&850\\
&State d1&0.4679&0.4982&0&0&0&1&1\\
&State d2&0.3746&0.484&0&0&0&1&1\\
&State d3&0.101&0.3018&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Employment length&8.4008&3.1551&0&10&10&10&10\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\label{tbl_lc_statistics}
\end{table}
The second data set which we use in this research is provided by Santander Consumer Bank. The details that we can provide about this data set are limited by its proprietary nature. The descriptive statistics are shown in Table \ref{tbl_santander_statistics}.
\begin{table}[h!]
\centering
\caption{Santander Credit Cards Descriptive Statistics}
\label{tbl_santander_statistics}
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{lln{6}{2}n{8}{2}n{10}{2}n{6}{2}n{6}{2}n{7}{2}n{10}{2}}
\hline
&{Variable}&{Mean}&{Std}&{Min}&{1 Quantile}&{Median}&{3 Quantile}&{Max} \\
\hline
Accepts&Var1&86475.8359&107975.2188&0&29852&69162&108898&10570323\\
&Var2&152205.1094&1778838.75&0&0&0&4376&393676928\\
&Var3&38.9506&13.3785&19&28&37&48&92\\
&Var4&976647.6875&16125692&-2&-2&-2&1250000&2701061888\\
&Var5&903518.75&3228558.75&-2&-2&-2&1430000&985694976\\
&Var6&807869.625&13848935&0&0&0&1075000&2667096064\\
&Var7&95622.1641&14090133&-2664925952&-2&-2&79000&984075008\\
&Var8&9.4613&23.8183&-2&-2&-2&4.63&100\\
&Var9&-0.4381&1.8595&-2&-2&-2&1&82\\
&Var10&-0.9148&1.1444&-2&-2&-2&0&4\\
&Var11&-1.993&0.1468&-2&-2&-2&-2&3\\
&Var12&-0.628&2.0582&-2&-2&-2&1&164\\
&Var13&-0.3353&2.0921&-2&-2&-2&1&164\\
&Var14&-1.9756&0.3216&-2&-2&-2&-2&26\\
&Var15&-0.4745&1.7345&-2&-2&-2&1&52\\
&Var16&-1.1549&0.9961&-2&-2&-2&0&1\\
&Var17&0.1623&0.5264&0&0&0&0&19\\
&Var18&0.9533&2.2475&0&0&0&1&67\\
&Var19&1.1157&2.4183&0&0&0&1&72\\
&Var20&1.5715&3.2728&0&0&0&2&97\\
&Var21&357123.8438&372109.8125&0&170103.1367&295917.4375&443333.9531&34850852\\
&Var22&8.2874&8.5329&0&3.9704&6.9129&10.2898&760.9356\\
&Var23&37156.3789&250887.75&-12873071&-14218.188&23241.04&79463.8242&33829372\\
&Var24&16168.6982&432254.875&-40114780&0&0&0&50003248\\
&Var25&9037.9854&60101.1719&-2641216&-4085&5520&19799.25&6169685\\
&Var26&0.3549&42.0393&0&0.1956&0.2345&0.2609&14940.1992\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\end{table}
\begin{table}[ht!]
\centering
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{lln{6}{2}n{8}{2}n{10}{2}n{6}{2}n{6}{2}n{7}{2}n{10}{2}}
&&&&&&&&{Table 2 Continued}\\
\hline
&{Variable}&{Mean}&{Std}&{Min}&{1 Quantile}&{Median}&{3 Quantile}&{Max} \\
\hline
&Var27&0.4719&0.4993&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var28&46.0447&75.6998&-29&-2&12&65&754\\
&Var29&6.7073&34.722&-2&-2&-2&-2&412\\
&Var30&6.7073&34.722&-2&-2&-2&-2&412\\
&Var31&1.0763&0.9656&0&0.5292&0.8989&1.3557&43.7516\\
&Var32&0.9829&1.0237&0&0.4715&0.8171&1.2214&101.9501\\
&Var33&0.9763&1.0088&0&0.4691&0.8118&1.216&99.1294\\
&Var34&0.5557&1.1805&0&0&0&1&73\\
&Var35&0.4901&0.4998&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var36&0&0.0056&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var37&0.5771&0.4944&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var38&0.0661&0.2484&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var39&0.208&0.4057&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var40&0.093&0.2905&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var41&0.0558&0.2295&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var42&0.0119&0.1083&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var43&0.3722&0.4836&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var44&0.5281&0.4993&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var45&0.0879&0.2832&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var46&0.0005&0.0225&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var47&0.6511&0.4764&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var48&0.2575&0.4373&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var49&0.056&0.2297&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var50&0&0.004&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var51&0.0349&0.1835&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var52&0.7458&0.4353&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var53&0.2542&0.4353&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var54&0.0807&0.2723&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var55&0.156&0.3629&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var56&0.3852&0.4868&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var57&0.2972&0.4569&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var58&0.081&0.2727&0&0&0&0&1\\
\\
Rejects&Var1&57198.23046875&68931.4609375&0&12800&43182.5&80412&3635832\\
&Var2&33128.0078125&568171.5&0&0&0&0&208626176\\
&Var3&34.6028518676757&12.1608209609985&1&25&32&42&95\\
&Var4&507337.6875&11648304&-2&-2&-2&105937.5&2701061888\\
&Var5&434133.625&1137152.75&-2&-2&-2&0&72376000\\
&Var6&432619.65625&10198556&0&0&0&0&2303705088\\
&Var7&1499.87854003906&10159168&-2299855104&-2&-2&-2&72376000\\
&Var8&3.44621610641479&16.6995277404785&-2&-2&-2&0&100\\
&Var9&-1.16019892692565&1.50700807571411&-2&-2&-2&0&82\\
&Var10&-1.39079773426055&1.01886999607086&-2&-2&-2&0&4\\
&Var11&-1.86711776256561&0.949085235595703&-2&-2&-2&-2&36\\
&Var12&-1.24286592006683&1.67429280281066&-2&-2&-2&-2&105\\
&Var13&-1.06166219711303&1.77250158786773&-2&-2&-2&1&105\\
&Var14&-1.78726303577423&1.19774961471557&-2&-2&-2&-2&38\\
&Var15&-1.13481438159942&1.52476227283477&-2&-2&-2&1&43\\
&Var16&-1.51610147953033&0.869858920574188&-2&-2&-2&-2&1\\
&Var17&0.259388238191604&0.744392931461334&0&0&0&0&87\\
&Var18&3.27850818634033&6.06369495391845&0&0&1&4&166\\
&Var19&3.53789639472961&6.29928588867187&0&0&1&4&172\\
&Var20&4.61559581756591&7.90024662017822&0&0&2&5&176\\
&Var21&250519.140625&242146.78125&0&112918.59375&212571.75&337357.2890625&13897584\\
&Var22&5.80109930038452&5.55350875854492&0&2.63998389244079&4.93809556961059&7.84278106689453&308.835205078125\\
&Var23&23313.23828125&179360.1875&-31086966&-15761.4868164062&16862.4541015625&61574.015625&11590733\\
&Var24&2551.0390625&171498.015625&-30644804&0&0&0&16552538\\
&Var25&5758.37646484375&43678.19140625&-6499649&-3843&3537&14794&1851795\\
&Var26&0.295368313789367&31.142967224121&0&0.164311833679676&0.227324269711971&0.261938519775867&14940.19921875\\
&Var27&0.253707617521286&0.434827923774719&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var28&32.2353363037109&65.4182968139648&-43&-2&-2&43&804\\
&Var29&6.67259502410888&32.3206748962402&-2&-2&-2&-2&377\\
&Var30&6.67259502410888&32.3206748962402&-2&-2&-2&-2&377\\
&Var31&0.773236513137817&0.697626590728759&0&0.349189788103103&0.668800950050354&1.04523980617523&36.9947433471679\\
&Var32&0.691182136535644&0.666885077953338&0&0.312046609818935&0.587580293416976&0.931432753801345&38.1634178161621\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\end{table}
\begin{table}[ht]
\centering
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{lln{6}{2}n{8}{2}n{10}{2}n{6}{2}n{6}{2}n{7}{2}n{10}{2}}
&&&&&&&&{Table 2 Continued}\\
\hline
&{Variable}&{Mean}&{Std}&{Min}&{1 Quantile}&{Median}&{3 Quantile}&{Max} \\
\hline
&Var33&0.68791115283966&0.662265956401824&0&0.309911891818046&0.586197167634963&0.926732718944549&38.902774810791\\
&Var34&0.364408463239669&1.0669800043106&0&0&0&0&97\\
&Var35&0.273441582918167&0.445401906967163&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var36&0.00017174900858663&0.013103081844747&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var37&0.511412739753723&0.499769240617752&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var38&0.0713660046458244&0.257168173789978&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var39&0.230023443698883&0.42117565870285&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var40&0.137064293026924&0.344136953353881&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var41&0.0499617867171764&0.218047127127647&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var42&0.00425937538966536&0.0650676935911178&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var43&0.196665495634078&0.3976631462574&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var44&0.746292352676391&0.434827923774719&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var45&0.0527827627956867&0.223794668912887&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var46&0.00044654740486294&0.0211225971579551&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var47&0.742831647396087&0.437273830175399&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var48&0.162139654159545&0.36806645989418&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var49&0.0583302564918994&0.233779534697532&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var50&0.058744988363469&0.00293042045086622&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var51&0.0362433344125747&0.187034517526626&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var52&0.547990977764129&0.497717022895813&0&0&1&1&1\\
&Var53&0.45200902223587&0.497717022895813&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var54&0.0916796177625656&0.288628965616226&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var55&0.159503296017646&0.366134017705917&0&0&0&0&1\\
&Var56&0.376263439655303&0.484214067459106&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var57&0.280655056238174&0.44887426495552&0&0&0&1&1\\
&Var58&0.0889015793800354&0.28446826338768&0&0&0&0&1\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\end{table}
\begin{table}[t!]
\centering
\caption{Grid for hyperparameter optimization for Lending Club: The total number of model configurations are 132, 160 and 240 for MLP, SVM, and S3VM respectively. For the Santander data set the number of model configurations evaluated are 204, 160, and 240 for MLP, SVM, and S3VM respectively.}
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{llllll}
\multicolumn{6}{c}{Lending Club} \\
\hline
\multicolumn{2}{c}{MLP} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{SVM} & \multicolumn{2}{c}{S3VM} \\
\hline
Layers&1&C&5, 10, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25&C&1, 5, 10, 13, 15, 17\\
Neurons&3, 15, 20, 25, 30, 35, 40, 45, 50, 55, 60&Gamma&2, 1.5, 1, 0.5, 0.1, 0.01, 0.001, auto&Gamma&2.5, 2, 1.5, 1, 0.5\\
Activation &logistic, tanh, relu&Kernel&rbf, linear&Kernel&rbf, linear\\
Learning rate&constant, adaptive&&&LamU&0.5, 1, 1.5, 2\\
Solver&sgd, adam&&&&\\
\multicolumn{6}{c}{Santander Credit Cards} \\
\hline
Layers&1&C&5, 10, 13, 14, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25&C&1, 5, 10, 13, 15, 17\\
Neurons&50, 60, 65, 70, 75, 80, 85, 90, 95, 100, 105, 110, 115, 120, 130, 140, 150&Gamma&2, 1.5, 1, 0.5, 0.1, 0.01, 0.001, auto&Gamma&2.5, 2, 1.5, 1, 0.5\\
Activation &logistic, tanh, relu&Kernel&rbf, linear&Kernel&rbf, linear\\
Learning rate&constant, adaptive&&&LamU&0.5, 1, 1.5, 2\\
Solver&sgd, adam&&&&\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\label{tbl_gridsearch}
\end{table}
\begin{table}[t!]
\centering
\caption{Grid for hyperparameter optimization for Model 1 and 2 and for both data sets. Note that $q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})$ is only relevant for Model 2. Similarly, the configurations of $q(y|\cdot)$ with a large number of neurons is only tested in the Santander data set since it has has more variables. The numbers within brackets specify the number of neurons in each hidden layers, i.e. $[10 \ 10]$ means two hidden layers with 10 neurons each. Finally, the superscript * and ** shows the final architecture for Model 1 and Model 2 for the Lending Club data set used in Table \ref{tbl_results}. Similarly, *** and **** shows the final architecture for Model 1 and Model 2 for the Santander Credit Cards data set used in Table \ref{tbl_results}.}
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{ll}
\multicolumn{2}{c}{Lending Club and Santander Credit Cards}\\
\hline
MLP Network & Number of hidden layers and dimensions \\
\hline
$q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)$& [10 10]*, [10 20], [10 30], [10 50], [100 70]***, [10 20 10], [10 30 10], [10 40 10]**, [10 50 10], [60 90 60]**** \\
$p(\bm{x}|\cdot)$ & [10 10]*, [10 20], [10 30], [10 50], [70 100]***, [10 20 10], [10 30 10], [10 40 10]**, [10 50 10], [60 90 60]**** \\
$p(\bm{z}|y)$ & $\text{[10]}^{*,**,***,****}$ \\
$q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})$ & [50], [10 10], [10 20], [10 30], [10 40]**, [10 50], [20 40], [20 50], [30 50], [30 60], [40 60]**** \\
$q(y|\cdot)$ & [50], [60], [70]*,[80]***, [100]****, [120], [130]** \\
\hline
Parameter/hyperparameter & Value \\
\hline
$\bm{z}$ dimension & 30, $\text{50}^{*,**,****}$, 100*** \\
$\bm{a}$ dimension & 30, $\text{50}^{**,****}$ \\
$\beta$ & 0.008**, 0.01, 0.025, 0.14, 1.1*, 3****, 8*** \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\label{tbl_gridsearch_m1m2_sa}
\end{table}
\clearpage
\npthousandsep{}
\npdecimalsign{.}
\nprounddigits{4}
\begin{table}[ht!]
\footnotesize
\centering
\caption{Empirical moment statistic for the default probability. }
\begin{adjustbox}{width=\textwidth}
\begin{tabular}{|l|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}n{1}{4}|}
\hline
& \multicolumn{4}{c|}{Lending Club} & \multicolumn{4}{c|}{Santander Credit Cards} \\
\hline
& \multicolumn{1}{c}{Average} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{Std.} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{Kurtosis} & \multicolumn{1}{c|}{Skewness} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{Average} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{Std.} & \multicolumn{1}{c}{Kurtosis} & \multicolumn{1}{c|}{Skewness} \\
\hline
MLP & 0.110083&0.0096088&-0.102672&0.0968617&0.118024&0.0146406&-0.0884836&0.0562915 \\
SVM & 0.101221&0.0130132&-0.150509&0.042008&0.120248&0.019894&-0.101564&0.0517189 \\
\hline
Reclassification & 0.106638&0.00832874&-0.0635009&-0.286105& 0.120018&0.00107289&6.17302&-0.82066\\
Fuzzy Parceling & 0.100334&0.0131776&-0.138887&0.0813118&0.119788&0.00411983&0.640579&-0.606143 \\
Augmentation & 0.09954&0.0130696&-0.148654&0.0880737&0.119799&0.00396129&0.628466&-0.615098\\
\hline
Self-lerning MLP & 0.105494&0.0116349&-0.0471382&0.0769663&0.127565&0.00577276&0.228217&-0.517921\\
Self-lerning SVM & 0.101445&0.0130059&-0.149382&0.038407& 0.125704&0.0146891&-0.119854&-0.0741083 \\
S3VM & 0.12032&\text{1.39e-6}&-0.117311&-0.129713&0.11995715&\text{7.08e-7}&0.740688&0.86868 \\
\hline
Model 1 & 0.09846792855548125 & 0.04079455291155461 & -0.565011181532 & 0.336769193798 & 0.11900005998867315 & 0.03668840520914141 & -1.14592021122 & -0.245477303994 \\
Model 2 & 0.09992208570174972 & 0.042434932074115174 & -0.53662305745& 0.38188359808 &0.09250065237897293 & 0.03401597734050494 & 0.818187499143 & 0.780178298612 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{adjustbox}
\label{tbl_results2}
\end{table}
\begin{figure}[b!]
\centering
\includegraphics[angle=90,scale=0.41]{distributions.pdf}
\caption{Empirical distribution of the default probability for the original acceptance ratio as explained in Section \ref{sec_experiments}.}
\label{fig_distribution}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=0.7]{auc_exp1.pdf}
\caption{Model performance based on 5 cross-validations for the different scenarios analyzed in Table \ref{tbl_results4}, using the Lending Club data set and Model 2. Since training for these scenarios in some cases become unstable, we keep only the results where Model 2 converges. Note that Model 2 achieves the highest AUC equal to 0.6450 in the \textit{All} scenario in the left panel.}
\label{fig_auc_exp1}
\end{figure}
\clearpage
\subsection{Deriving the lower bounds}\label{sec_deriving_lowerbounds}
\subsubsection{Lemma 1}
Given two multivariate Gaussian distribution, with diagonal covariance matrix, $p(\bm{x}) \sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{\mu}_1,\bm{\sigma}_1^2\bm{I})$ and $q(\bm{x}) \sim \mathcal{N}(\bm{\mu}_2,\bm{\sigma}_2^2\bm{I})$, where $\bm{\mu}_{\cdot} \in \textbf{R}^d$ and $\bm{\sigma}_{\cdot}^2 \in \textbf{R}^d$, we have:
\begin{equation}
\int q(\bm{x}) \ \log p(\bm{x})d\bm{x} = \sum_{i=1}^d -\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi\sigma_{1,i}^2)-\frac{\sigma_{2,i}^2}{2\sigma_{1,i}^2}-\frac{(\mu_{2,i}-\mu_{1,i})^2}{2\sigma_{1,i}^2},
\end{equation}
where $\mu_{\cdot,i}$ and $\sigma_{\cdot,i}$ are the \textit{i}'th element of $\bm{\mu}$ and $\bm{\sigma}^2$ respectively.
\textbf{Proof:}
\begin{align}
\int& q(\bm{x}) \ \log p(\bm{x})d\bm{x} = \int q(\bm{x})\log \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{d/2}|\Sigma|^{1/2}}\exp{\Big(-\frac{1}{2}(\bm{x}-\bm{\mu_1})^T \Sigma^{-1}(\bm{x}-\bm{\mu_1})\Big)}d\bm{x} \nonumber \\
=&-\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,i}^2) - \int q(\bm{x})\frac{(x_i-\mu_{1,i})^2}{2\sigma_{1,i}^2}d\bm{x}-\cdots
-\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,d}^2) - \int q(\bm{x})\frac{(x_d-\mu_{1,d})^2}{2\sigma_{1,d}^2}d\bm{x} \nonumber \\
=&- \frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,i}^2) - \frac{ \mathbb{E}_{q}[x_i^2] - 2 \mathbb{E}_{q}[x_i]\mu_{1,i} + \mu_{1,i}^2 }{2\sigma_{1,i}^2} - \cdots - \frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,d}^2) - \frac{\mathbb{E}_{q}[x_d^2] - 2 \mathbb{E}_{q}[x_d]\mu_{1,d} + \mu_{1,d}^2 }{2\sigma_{1,d}^2} \nonumber \\
=&-\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,i}^2) - \frac{\sigma_{2,i}^2+\mu_{2,i}^2 - 2 \mu_{2,i}\mu_{1,i} + \mu_{1,i}^2 }{2\sigma_{1,i}^2} - \cdots
- \frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,d}^2) - \frac{\sigma_{2,d}^2+\mu_{2,d}^2 - 2 \mu_{2,d}\mu_{1,d} + \mu_{1,d}^2 }{2\sigma_{1,d}^2} \nonumber \\
=&-\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,i}^2) - \frac{\sigma_{2,i}^2+(\mu_{2,i} - \mu_{1,i})^2 }{2\sigma_{1,i}^2} - \cdots
- \frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,d}^2) - \frac{\sigma_{2,d}^2+(\mu_{2,d} - \mu_{1,d})^2}{2\sigma_{1,d}^2} \nonumber \\
=& \sum_j^d -\frac{1}{2}\log (2\pi \sigma_{1,j}^2) - \frac{\sigma_{2,j}^2}{2\sigma_{1,j}^2}-\frac{(\mu_{2,j}- \mu_{1,j})^2 }{2\sigma_{1,j}^2}.
\end{align}
In the following sections we derive the lower bounds presented in the main text by taking the corresponding expectations, and using Lemma 1 where it is needed. We drop the subscripts $\bm{\theta}$ and $\bm{\phi}$ from the distributions $p_{\cdot}(\cdot)$ and $q_{\cdot}(\cdot)$, respectively, to do not clutter the notation. However, we use these subscripts in the parameters $\mu_{\cdot}$ and $\sigma_{\cdot}$ to distinguish between them.
\subsubsection{Model 1: Supervised lower bound}\label{deriv_m1_sup}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(y)] =& \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \log \bm{\pi} \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{z}|y)] =& \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log p(\bm{z}|y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \int \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2) \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\theta}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\theta}}^2)d\bm{z} \\
=&- \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\bigg( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2) + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2} + \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2}\bigg) \\[3.5ex]
\end{align*}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z})] =& \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z}) d\bm{z} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L} \sum_{l=1}^L \log \mathcal{N}(x_i| z_{i,l}) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)} [\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)] =& \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \int \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2) \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2)d\bm{z} \\
=&- \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\big( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\phi}{j}}^2) + 1\big)
\end{align*}
\subsubsection{Model 1: Unsupervised lower bound}\label{deriv_m1_unsup}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(y)] =& \sum_y \int q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \log \bm{\pi} \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{z}|y)] =& \sum_y \int q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{z}|y) d\bm{z} \\
=&\sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}} \int \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2) \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\theta}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\theta}}^2)d\bm{z} \\
=&-\sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}}\Bigg[ \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\Big( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2) + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2} + \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2}\Big)\Bigg] \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z})] =& \sum_y \int q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z}) d\bm{z} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L} \sum_{l=1}^L \log \mathcal{N}(x_i| z_{i,l}) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} [\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)] =& \sum_y \int q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}} \int \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2) \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2)d\bm{z} \\
=&- \sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x}} \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\big( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\phi}{j}}^2) + 1\big)
\end{align*}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},y|\bm{x})} [\log q(y|\bm{x})] =& \sum_y \int q(y|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log q(y|\bm{x}) d\bm{z} \\
=& \sum_y q(y|\bm{x}) \log q(y|\bm{x})
\end{align*}
\subsubsection{Model 2: Supervised lower bound}\label{deriv_m2_sup}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(y)] =& \int \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log p(y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \log \bm{\pi} \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{z}|y)]=& \int \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{z}|y)d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \int \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\phi}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\phi}}^2) \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{z};\bm{\mu}_{\bm{\theta}},\bm{\sigma}_{\bm{\theta}}^2)d\bm{z} \\
=&- \sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\bigg( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2) + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2} + \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}})^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2}\bigg) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y)]=& \int \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L} \sum_{l=1}^L \log \mathcal{N}(x_i| z_{i,l},y_i) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log p(\bm{a}) - \log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})]=& \int \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)[\log p(\bm{a}) - \log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})]d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})\log p(\bm{a})d\bm{a} - \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})\log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})d\bm{a} \\
=& - \frac{1}{2} \sum_{c=1}^{\ell_a}(\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 + \mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 - (1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2)) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a}|\bm{x},y)} [\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)]=& \int \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z} \\
=& \frac{1}{2}\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2)
\end{align*}
\subsubsection{Model 2: Unsupervised lower bound}\label{deriv_m2_unsup}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(y)] =& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log p(y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \log \bm{\pi} \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})]=& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}) q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_y q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}_{l_a}) \log q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}_{l_a})
\end{align*}
\begin{align*}
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{z}|y)]=& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{z}|y)d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_y q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}_{l_a}) \int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y_{l_a}) \log p(\bm{z}|y_{l_a}) d\bm{z} \\
\approx& - \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a}\sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x},a_{l_a}} \bigg[\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}\bigg( \frac{1}{2} \log (2\pi\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2) + \frac{\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_j}^2}{\sigma_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}}^2} \\
+& \frac{(\mu_{\bm{\phi} _j}-\mu_{\bm{\theta}_{j,k}})^2}{\sigma_{\theta_{j,k}}^2}\bigg)\bigg] \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y)]=& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) \log p(\bm{x}|\bm{z},y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x},\bm{a}_{l_a}} \frac{1}{L_z}\sum_{l_z=1}^{L_z} \log \mathcal{N}(\bm{x}_i|\bm{z}_{i,l},y_{l_a}) \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log p(\bm{a}) - \log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})]=& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)[\log p(\bm{a}) - \log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})]d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
=& \sum_y q(\bm{a}|\bm{x}) \bigg[\int q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a})\log p(\bm{a})d\bm{a} - \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})\log q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})d\bm{a}\bigg] \\
=& - \frac{1}{2} \sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y|\bm{x},a_{l_a}} \Big[\sum_{c=1}^{\ell_a}(\sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 + \mu_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2 - \big(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{a}_c}}^2)\big) \Big] \\[3.5ex]
\mathbb{E}_{q(\bm{z},\bm{a},y|\bm{x})} [\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)]=& \int \sum_y \int q(\bm{a}|\bm{x})q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}) q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z}d\bm{a} \\
\approx& \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_y q(y|\bm{x},\bm{a}_{l_a})\int q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y)\log q(\bm{z}|\bm{x},y) d\bm{z} \\
=& - \frac{1}{L_a}\sum_{l_a=1}^{L_a} \sum_y \bm{\pi}_{y,\bm{a}_{l_a}} \Big[ \frac{1}{2}\sum_{j=1}^{\ell_z}(1+\log \sigma_{\bm{\phi}_{\bm{z}_j}}^2)\Big] \\[3.5ex]
\end{align*}
\clearpage
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 4,448
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\section{Introduction}
In \cite{DeligneIllusie}, Deligne and Illusie showed that for a smooth scheme $X$ over a perfect field $k$ of characteristic $p>0$, a flat lifting $\tilde X$ of the Frobenius twist $X' = F_k^* X$ to $W_2(k)$ induces a splitting of the truncation of the de Rham complex in degrees $[0,1]$, i.e.\ a quasi-isomorphism
\[
\mathcal{O}_{X'} \oplus \Omega^1_{X'/k}[-1]
\xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,}
\tau_{\leq 1} (F_{X/k,*} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}).
\]
Using the algebra structure of the de Rham complex, they further show that it induces a~quasi-isomorphism
\[
\bigoplus_{i <p } \Omega^i_{X'/k}[-i]
\xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,}
\tau_{< p } (F_{X/k,*} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}).
\]
With their method, it is unclear if one could extend this further to a quasi-isomorphism between $\bigoplus_{i \geq 0} \Omega^i_{X'/k}[-i]$ and $F_{X/k,*} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ if $\dim X\geq p$, i.e.\ whether the de Rham complex $\Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ is \emph{decomposable}. As a step further, Deligne and Illusie prove using duality that this is the case if $\dim X = p$.
It is as of today an open problem whether there exists a smooth $X$ over $k$ liftable to $W_2(k)$, necessarily of dimension $\dim X>p$, for which the de Rham complex is not decomposable. In this paper, as a small contribution to this question, we prove the following theorem.
\begin{thm} \label{thm:main-intro}
Let $X$ be a smooth scheme over a perfect field $k$ of characteristic $p>0$ which is liftable to $W_2(k)$. Then the truncations
\[
\tau_{[a,b]} (\Omega^\bullet_{X/k})
\]
are decomposable for $a\leq b < a + p - 1$.
\end{thm}
The above result immediately implies that in the conjugate spectral sequence
\begin{equation} \label{eqn:conj-ss-intro}
E_2^{ij} = H^i(X', \Omega^j_{X'/k})
\quad \Rightarrow \quad
H^{i+j}(X, \Omega^\bullet_{X/k})
\end{equation}
the differentials $d_r^{ij}$ are zero for $2\leq r<p$. As a sample corollary, we obtain the following criterion for degeneration of spectral sequences.
\begin{cor} \label{cor:ss-deg-intro}
For $X$ as in Theorem~\ref{thm:main-intro}, suppose that
\[
H^i(X, \Omega^j_{X/k}) = 0
\quad \text{for } \quad
|i-j| \geq p.
\]
Then the conjugate spectral sequence \eqref{eqn:conj-ss-intro} degenerates. If moreover $X$ is proper over $k$, then the Hodge to de Rham spectral sequence
\[
E^{ij}_1 = H^j(X, \Omega^i_{X/k})
\quad \Rightarrow \quad
H^{i+j}(X, \Omega^\bullet_{X/k})
\]
degenerates as well.
\end{cor}
The proof of Theorem~\ref{thm:main-intro} has very little to do with algebraic geometry. One uses as input the multiplicative structure of $\Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ and the fact that its cohomology algebra is an exterior algebra (thanks to the Cartier isomorphism). Using a~construction based on the Koszul complex, one obtains the more precise statement that $\tau_{\leq 1} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ in fact determines the complexes $\tau_{[a,b]} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ for $a\leq b < a+p-1$.
To state the main technical result, we need the notion of an \emph{abstract Koszul complex} (Definition~\ref{def:abstr-koszul-cx}), which is a certain commutative differential graded algebra (cdga) $K$ in a ringed topos for which the multiplication induces isomorphisms
\begin{equation} \label{eqn:muq-iso-intro}
\exterior^q_{H^0(K)} H^1(K) \xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,} H^q(K)
\quad \text{for all} \quad
q\geq 0.
\end{equation}
The de Rham complexes $\Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ in characteristic $p>0$ are examples of such.
\begin{thm}[see Theorem~\ref{thm:koszul-reconstr}]
Let $K$ be an abstract Koszul complex in a ringed topos $(X, A_X)$ satisfying the flatness condition (C3), and let $q\geq m\geq 1$ be integers such that $m!$ is invertible in $A_X$. Suppose that either $q=m$ or that $m+1$ is a~nonzerodivizor in $A_X$. Then there exists a quasi-isomorphism
\begin{equation} \label{eqn:koszulmap-intro}
\tau_{\geq q-m} \left( L\Gamma^q (\tau_{\leq 1}(K)) \right) \xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,} \tau_{[q-m, q]}(K).
\end{equation}
\end{thm}
\noindent
In \eqref{eqn:koszulmap-intro}, $L\Gamma^q$ is the derived $q$-th divided power, and the source of the map can be more concretely realized as $\tau_{\geq q-m}$ of the Koszul complex
\[
\cdots \to \underbrace{\exterior^i (Z^1 K) \otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(K^0)}_{\text{degree $i$}} \to \cdots
\to \exterior^{q-1}(Z^1 K) \otimes K^0 \to \underbrace{\exterior^q (Z^1K)}_{\text{degree }q} \to 0 \to \cdots
\]
As observed by Kato \cite{Kato}, logarithmic de Rham complexes are abstract Koszul complexes, and hence Theorem~\ref{thm:main-intro} works also in the log case. The inspiration for Theorem~\ref{thm:koszul-reconstr} came from the result of Steenbrink \cite[\S 2.8]{Steenbrink} describing the nearby cycle complex $R\Psi \mathbf{Q}$ for a complex semistable degeneration in terms of the logarithmic structure; see also \cite[\S 4]{AchingerOgus}. It is an interesting question whether Steenbrink's result can be extended to work with integral coefficients; the nearby cycles $R\Psi \mathbf{Z}$ are co-connective $E_\infty$-algebra versions of abstract Koszul complexes, but we do not know whether they admit cdga models (see Remark~\ref{rmk:einfty} and Example~\ref{ex:nearby}).
\subsection*{Acknowledgements}
I am grateful to Shizhang Li, Arthur Ogus, and Vadim Vologodsky for stimulating discussions. The author was supported by NCN OPUS grant number UMO-2015/17/B/ST1/02634.
\subsection*{Notation}
If $K^\bullet$ is a cochain complex in an abelian category, we write $Z^i K = \ker(d\colon K^i\to K^{i+1})$ and denote by $\tau_{\leq b} (K^\bullet)$ the subcomplex
\[
\tau_{\leq b}(K^\bullet) = \left[ \cdots \to K^{b-1} \to Z^b K \to 0 \to \cdots \right],
\]
by $\tau_{\geq a}(K^\bullet)$ the quotient $K^\bullet/\tau_{\leq a}(K^\bullet)$, and define $\tau_{[a,b]}(K^\bullet) = \tau_{\geq a} \tau_{\leq b} (K^\bullet)$. We call $K^\bullet$ \emph{decomposable} if it is quasi-isomorphic (i.e.\ isomorphic in the derived category) to the complex with zero differential $\bigoplus H^i(K^\bullet)[-i]$.
A \emph{commutative differential graded algebra} (\emph{cdga}) is an associative graded ring $K = \bigoplus_{n\in \mathbf{Z}} K^n$ which is graded-commutative (i.e.\ $xy = (-1)^{mn} yx$ for $x\in K^m$, ${y\in K^n}$), endowed with a differential $d\colon K\to K$ mapping $K^n$ to $K^{n+1}$ and satisfying $d(xy) = dx\cdot y + (-1)^n x \cdot dy$ for $x\in K^n$. We say that $K$ is \emph{coconnective} if $K^n = 0$ for $n<0$.
\section{Abstract Koszul complexes}
Let $(X, A_X)$ be a ringed topos.
\begin{defin} \label{def:abstr-koszul-cx}
A coconnective commutative differential graded $A_X$-algebra $K$ is called an \emph{abstract Koszul complex} if the following conditions are satisfied:
\begin{enumerate}[(C1)]
\item \emph{$A_X \to H^0(K)$ is an isomorphism,}
\item \emph{For every $q\geq 0$, the multiplication map $H^1(K)^{\otimes q}\to H^q(K)$ factors through an isomorphism}
\[
\mu^q : \exterior^q H^1(K) \xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,} H^q(K).
\]
\end{enumerate}
\end{defin}
\begin{example} \label{ex:derham-koszul}
Let $X$ be a smooth scheme over a perfect field $k$ of characteristic $p>0$, and let $F_{X/k}\colon X\to X'$ be its relative Frobenius. Let $K = F_{X/k,*}\Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$ be the de Rham complex, treated as a cdga over $\mathcal{O}_{X'}$. Then the Cartier isomorphisms
\[
C\colon \mathscr{H}^i(F_{X/k,*}\Omega^\bullet_{X/k}) \xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,} \Omega^i_{X'/k}
\]
are multiplicative, and $K$ hence is an abstract Koszul complex over $(X', \mathcal{O}_{X'})$.
More generally, if $f\colon (X, \mathscr{M}_X)\to (S, \mathscr{M}_S)$ is a morphism of fine log schemes over $\mathbf{F}_p$ which is smooth and of Cartier type, then the log de Rham complex $F_{X/S,*}\Omega^\bullet_{(X, \mathscr{M}_X)/(S, \mathscr{M}_S)}$ is an abstract Koszul complex \cite[Theorem~4.12]{Kato}.
\end{example}
\begin{example}[{cf.\ \cite[\S 2]{Steenbrink}}] \label{ex:nearby}
Let $X$ be a complex manifold and let $D = \bigcup D_\alpha$ be a divisor with simple normal crossings on $X$. Let $j\colon U=X\setminus D \hookrightarrow X$ be the complementary closed immersion, and let $K = Rj_* \mathbf{Q}_U$. Since we are working with rational coefficients, we can find a cdga model for $K$ (e.g.\ \cite[Part~II, Corollary~1.5]{KrizMay}). The purity theorem implies that
\[
R^i j_* \mathbf{Q}_U = \exterior^i \left( \bigoplus \mathbf{Q}_{D_\alpha} \right),
\]
and hence any cdga model of $K$ is an abstract Koszul complex over $(X, \mathbf{Q}_X)$. Moreover, one has a quasi-isomorphism \cite[Lemma~2.7]{Steenbrink}
\[
\tau_{\leq 1} (R^1 j_* \mathbf{Z}_U)
\quad \simeq \quad
\left[ \mathcal{O}_X \xrightarrow{\exp} \mathscr{M}^{\rm gp} \right],
\]
where $\mathscr{M}^{\rm gp}$ is the sheaf of meromorphic functions without zeros or poles on $U$. Variants of this contruction exist for the nearby cycle complexes $R\Psi \mathbf{Q}$ for a semistable degeneration over a disc, and there exist analogs in $\ell$-adic \'etale cohomology.
\end{example}
In the following, we will work with abstract Koszul complexes satisfying the additional flatness condition:
\begin{enumerate}[(C1)]
\setcounter{enumi}{2}
\item \emph{The $A_X$-modules $K^0$, $dK^0$, $Z^1 K$, and $H^1(K)$ are flat.}
\end{enumerate}
It is satisfied in the situation of Example~\ref{ex:derham-koszul}.
Our goal is to show that to a certain extent, the underlying complex of an abstract Koszul complex satisfying (C3) is determined by its truncation in degrees $\leq 1$ (Theorem~\ref{thm:koszul-reconstr}). We achieve this using the notion of the Koszul complex of a~map $u:P\to Q$, see \cite[Chapitre I, \S 4.3]{Illusie} and \cite[\S 1.1--1.2]{KatoSaito}.
Recall first that if $M$ and $N$ are modules over $A_X$, then for every $q\geq 0$ there is a natural decomposition of the divided power
\[
\Gamma^q (M\oplus N) = \bigoplus_{a+b=q} \Gamma^a M \otimes \Gamma^b N.
\]
In what follows, we will use the \emph{comultiplication maps} $\eta:\Gamma^q M \to M\otimes \Gamma^{q-1} M$ obtained as the composition of $\Gamma^q$ of the diagonal map $M\to M\oplus M$ and the projection to the $(a, b) = (1, q-1)$-part in the above decomposition of $\Gamma^q(M\oplus M)$. Explicitly, for $e_1 + \cdots + e_r = q$
\[
\eta(x_1^{[e_1]}\cdot \ldots \cdot x_r^{[e_r]}) = \sum_{i=1}^r x_i \otimes (x_1^{[e_1]} \cdot\ldots \cdot x_i^{[e_i - 1]} \cdot \ldots \cdot x_r^{[e_r]}).
\]
\begin{defin}
Let $u:P\to Q$ be a map of $A_X$-modules, and let $q\geq 0$ be an integer. Then the \emph{$q$-th Koszul complex} ${\rm Kos}^q(u)$ is the cochain complex whose $i$-th term is $\exterior^i(Q) \otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(P)$, with differential $d\colon {\rm Kos}^q(u)^i \to {\rm Kos}^q(u)^{i+1}$ defined as the composition
\[
\xymatrix{
\exterior^i(Q)\otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(P)\ar[r]^-{1\otimes \eta} & \exterior^i(Q)\otimes P\otimes \Gamma^{q-i-1}(P) \ar[d]^{1\otimes u \otimes 1} & \\
& \exterior^i(Q)\otimes Q \otimes \Gamma^{q-i-1}(P) \ar[r]_{\wedge \otimes 1} & \exterior^{i+1}(Q)\otimes \Gamma^{q-i-1}(P).
}
\]
\end{defin}
\noindent
Concretely, with $e_1 + \cdots + e_r = q-i$, $x_1, \ldots, x_r\in P$, and $y\in \exterior^i Q$:
\[
d\left(y \otimes x_1^{[e_1]} \cdot\ldots \cdot x_r^{[e_r]}\right)
=
\sum_{j=1}^r y \wedge u(x_j) \otimes
\left( x_1^{[e_1]} \cdot\ldots \cdot x_j^{[e_j-1]} \cdot \ldots \cdot x_r^{[e_r]} \right).
\]
\begin{prop}
Let $u\colon P\to Q$ be a map of flat $A_X$-modules, and let $F(u) = [P\to Q]$ be the two-term cochain complex with $P$ in degree zero (the mapping fiber). There exist natural quasi-isomorphisms
\[
{\rm Kos}^q(u)
\quad \simeq \quad
L\Lambda^q(F[1])[-q]
\quad \simeq \quad
L\Gamma^q(F)
\]
where $L\Lambda^q$ (resp.\ $L\Gamma^q$) is the derived exterior (resp.\ divided) power.
\end{prop}
\begin{proof}
Combine \cite[Corollary~1.2.7]{KatoSaito} with \cite[I 4.3.2.1]{Illusie}.
\end{proof}
\begin{cor}
For a map $u\colon P\to Q$ between flat $A_X$-modules, the complex ${\rm Kos}^q(u)$, treated as an object of the derived category, depends only on $F(u) = [P\to Q]$ up to quasi-isomorphism. In particular, if $F(u)$ is decomposable, then so is ${\rm Kos}^q(u)$.
\end{cor}
\begin{prop}[{cf.\ \cite[Lemma~1.4]{Steenbrink}}] \label{prop:alphamaps}
Let $u\colon P\to Q$ be a map of $A_X$-modules. There exist unique arrows
\[
\exterior^i(Q)\otimes\Gamma^{q-i}(\ker u) \to Z^i({\rm Kos}^q(u))
\,\, \text{and} \,\,
\alpha^{i} : \exterior^i(\cok u)\otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(\ker u) \to H^i({\rm Kos}^q(u))
\]
making the following diagram commute
\[
\xymatrix{
\exterior^i(Q) \otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(P) \ar@{=}[r] & {\rm Kos}^q(u)^i \\
\exterior^i(Q)\otimes\Gamma^{q-i}(\ker u) \ar[r] \ar[d] \ar[u] & Z^i({\rm Kos}^q(u)) \ar[u] \ar[d] \\
\exterior^i(\cok u)\otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(\ker u) \ar[r]_-{\alpha^{i}} & H^i({\rm Kos}^q(u)).
}
\]
Moreover, the map $\alpha^i$ is an isomorphism if $P$, $Q$, $\ker u$, $\im u$, and $\cok u$ are all flat.
\end{prop}
\begin{proof}
The first assertion is straightforward. The second is reduced as in \cite[I~4.3.1.6]{Illusie} to the case where $P$, $Q$, $\ker u$, $\im u$, and $\cok u$ are free $A_X$-modules of finite rank. In this case, splitting the surjection $Q\to \cok u$ one can write $u = u'\oplus u''$ where $u'\colon P\to \im u$ and $u''\colon 0\to \cok u$. The assertion then holds for $u'$ (by \cite[4.3.1.6]{Illusie}) and for $u''$ (trivially), for all $q$, and then the assertion for $u = u'\oplus u''$ follows from the isomorphism \cite[4.3.1.5]{Illusie}
\[
{\rm Kos}^\bullet(u) = {\rm Kos^\bullet}(u') \otimes {\rm Kos^\bullet}(u'')
\]
where ${\rm Kos}^\bullet(u) = \bigoplus_{q\geq 0} {\rm Kos}^q(u)[q]$.
\end{proof}
\begin{thm} \label{thm:koszul-reconstr}
Let $m$ be an integer such that $m!$ is invertible in $A_X$, $q\geq m$ an integer. Suppose that either $q= m$, or that $m+1$ is not a zero divisor in $A_X$. Let $K$ be an abstract Koszul complex on $(X, A_X)$ satisfying the flatness condition (C3), and write
\[
\tau_{\leq 1} K = \left[ K^0 \xrightarrow{\partial} Z^1 K \right]
\]
for its truncation in degrees $\leq 1$. Then the multiplication maps
\[
{\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^i = \exterior^i(Z^1 K) \otimes \Gamma^{q-i}(K^0) = \exterior^i(Z^1 K) \otimes \Sym^{q-i}(K^0) \longrightarrow K^{i}
\]
for $q-m\leq i \leq q$ (where we can identify $\Gamma^{q-i}$ with $\Sym^{q-i}$ as $q-i\leq m$, so that $(q-i)!$ is invertible in $A_X$) induce a quasi-isomorphism
\begin{equation} \label{eqn:reconstr}
\tau_{\geq q-m}(L\Gamma^q(\tau_{\leq 1}(K)) = \tau_{\geq q-m} {\rm Kos}^q(\partial) \xlongrightarrow{\,\smash{\raisebox{-0.65ex}{\ensuremath{\scriptstyle\sim}}}\,} \tau_{[q-m, q]}(K).
\end{equation}
\end{thm}
\begin{proof}
The multiplication maps define a morphism of ``naive truncations''
\[
\xymatrix@C=1.2em{
{\rm Kos^q}(\partial)^{\geq q-m}=[ \ar[d]_\mu & \exterior^{q-m}(Z^1 K) \otimes \Sym^m (K^0) \ar[d]\ar[r] & \cdots \ar[r] & \exterior^q (Z^1 K) \ar[d] & ] \\
\tau_{\leq q}(K)^{\geq q-m}=[ & K^{q-m} \ar[r] & \cdots \ar[r] & Z^q K & ].
}
\]
To obtain the desired morphism $\mu\colon \tau_{\geq q-m} {\rm Kos^q}(\partial) \to \tau_{[q-m,q]}(K)$, we need to check that the map ${\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^{q-m} \to K^{q-m}$ takes the image of
\[
{\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^{q-m-1}\to {\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^{q-m}
\]
into $dK^{q-m-1}$. This is clear if $q=m$, so suppose that $(m+1)$ is not a zero divisor.
Let $z\in {\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^{q-m}$ be the image of $w\in {\rm Kos}^q(\partial)^{q-m-1}$, and consider $(m+1)w$ as an element of the submodule
\[
\exterior^{q-m-1}(Z^1 K) \otimes \Sym^{m+1}(K^0)
\quad \subseteq \quad
\exterior^{q-m-1}(Z^1 K) \otimes \Gamma^{m+1}(K^0).
\]
Let $u\in K^{q-m-1}$ be the image of $(m+1)w$ under the multiplication map
\[
\Sym^{m+1}(K^0)\otimes \exterior^{q-m-1}(Z^1 K) \longrightarrow K^{q-m-1}.
\]
Then $du = (m+1)\mu(z)$ in $K^{q-m}$, where $\mu(z)$ is the image of $z$ under the multiplication map, and hence $\mu(z)$ gives an $(m+1)$-torsion class in $H^{m+1}(K)$. Since by assumption $H^{m-q-1}(K)$ is flat and $m+1$ is not a zero divisor, $\mu(z)\in dK^{m-q-1}$ as desired.
Finally, the maps induced by $\mu\colon \tau_{\geq q-m} {\rm Kos^q}(\partial) \to \tau_{[q-m,q]}(K)$ on cohomology can, thanks to Proposition~\ref{prop:alphamaps}, be identified with the maps
\[ \mu^i \colon \exterior^i H^1(K) \longrightarrow H^i(K) \quad \text{for} \quad q-m\leq i \leq q, \]
which are isomorphisms by assumption.
\end{proof}
\begin{remark}
Implicit in the above proof is the subcomplex $\widetilde{{\rm Kos}^q}(u)$ of ${\rm Kos^q(u)}$ whose $i$-th term equals $\exterior^i (Z^1 K) \otimes \Sym^{q-i} K$. The two complexes agree in degrees $\geq q-m$, and more generally the quotient ${\rm Kos}^q(u)^{q-i}/\widetilde{{\rm Kos}^q}(u)^{q-i}$ is annihilated by $i!$. This subcomplex probably does not have any ``derived meaning,'' (for example, it is not clear that it is decomposable if $\tau_{\leq 1}(K)$ is), but its advantage is that there is a multiplication map $\mu\colon \widetilde{{\rm Kos}^q}(u)\to K$.
\end{remark}
\begin{remark} \label{rmk:einfty}
Our proof of Theorem~\ref{thm:koszul-reconstr} makes use of an explicit model of the cdga $K$. Thus, for example, if $K$ and $K'$ are equivalent cdgas to which the theorem applies, it is not obvious whether the quasi-isomorphisms \eqref{eqn:reconstr} we obtain for $K$ and $K'$ are compatible. More importantly, it does not apply to the more general case of coconnective $E_\infty$-algebras or cosimplicial commutative rings whose cohomology algebras satisfy axioms (C1)--(C2) of Definition~\ref{def:abstr-koszul-cx}.
\end{remark}
\begin{cor} \label{cor:abstract-decomp}
Let $K$ be an abstract Koszul complex, and let $m$ be such that $m!$ is invertible in $A_X$. Suppose that $\tau_{\leq 1}(K)$ is decomposable. Then for $a\leq b < a+m$, the complex $\tau_{[a,b]}(K)$ is decomposable. Moreover, the complex $\tau_{\leq m}(K)$ is decomposable as well.
\end{cor}
\section{Application to de Rham cohomology}
\begin{proof}[Proof of Theorem~\ref{thm:main-intro}]
Let $K = F_{X/k, *} \Omega^\bullet_{X/k}$. By Example~\ref{ex:derham-koszul}, this is an abstract Koszul complex over $(X', \mathcal{O}_{X'})$. By \cite[Th\'eor\`eme~2.1]{DeligneIllusie}, the liftability assumption implies that the complex $\tau_{\leq 1}(K)$ is decomposable. Corollary~\ref{cor:abstract-decomp} with $m=p-1$ implies that $\tau_{[a,b]}(K)$ is decomposable for $a \leq b < a+ p -1$, as desired.
\end{proof}
\begin{proof}[Proof of Corollary~\ref{cor:ss-deg-intro}]
The differentials on the $E_r$-page of \eqref{eqn:conj-ss-intro} depend only on the truncations $\tau_{[a,b]}(\Omega^\bullet_{X/k})$ with $a\leq b < a+r$, and hence all differentials on the pages $E_r$ with $r<p$ vanish. Suppose that $d^{ij}_r\neq 0$, then in particular $H^i(X, \Omega^j_{X/k})$ and $H^{i+r}(X, \Omega^{j-r+1}_{X/k})$ are both nonzero, and hence
\[
|i-j| < p
\quad \text{and} \quad
|(i+r)-(j-r+1)| = |(i-j) + 2r - 1| < p,
\]
which implies $r<p$. Therefore \eqref{eqn:conj-ss-intro} degenerates.
For $X$ proper over $k$, one can deduce the degeneration of the Hodge to de Rham spectral sequence as in \cite[Corollaire~2.4]{DeligneIllusie}.
\end{proof}
\bibliographystyle{amsalpha}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 9,035
|
// Copyright 2009 The Bazel Authors. All Rights Reserved.
//
// Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License");
// you may not use this file except in compliance with the License.
// You may obtain a copy of the License at
//
// http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
//
// Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
// distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
// WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
// See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
// limitations under the License.
package com.google.testing.junit.runner.util;
import com.google.errorprone.annotations.CanIgnoreReturnValue;
import java.util.EnumMap;
import java.util.Map;
/** TestIntegration represents an external link that is integrated with the test results. */
public class TestIntegration {
private final String contactEmail;
private final String componentId;
private final String name;
private final String url;
private final String iconUrl;
private final String iconName;
private final String description;
private final String foregroundColor;
private final String backgroundColor;
public TestIntegration(
String contactEmail,
String componentId,
String name,
String url,
String iconUrl,
String iconName,
String description,
String foregroundColor,
String backgroundColor) {
this.contactEmail = contactEmail;
this.componentId = componentId;
this.name = name;
this.url = url;
this.iconUrl = iconUrl;
this.iconName = iconName;
this.description = description;
this.foregroundColor = foregroundColor;
this.backgroundColor = backgroundColor;
}
/** Represents each available field for TestIntegration. */
public enum ExternalLinkAttribute {
NAME,
URL,
CONTACT_EMAIL,
COMPONENT_ID,
DESCRIPTION,
ICON_NAME,
ICON_URL,
BACKGROUND_COLOR,
FOREGROUND_COLOR;
/** Gets the string representation of the current enum. */
public String getXmlAttributeName() {
return name().toLowerCase();
}
}
// Group or user name responsible for this external integration.
String contactEmail() {
return contactEmail;
}
// Component id (numeric) for this external integration.
String componentId() {
return componentId;
}
// Display name of this external integration.
String name() {
return name;
}
// URL that will display more data about this test result or integration.
String url() {
return url;
}
// Optional: URL or name of the icon to be displayed.
String iconUrl() {
return iconUrl;
}
String iconName() {
return iconName;
}
// Optional: Textual description that shows up as tooltip.
String description() {
return description;
}
// Optional: Foreground color.
String foregroundColor() {
return foregroundColor;
}
// Optional: Background color.
String backgroundColor() {
return backgroundColor;
}
public static Builder builder() {
return new Builder()
.setIconName("")
.setIconUrl("")
.setDescription("")
.setForegroundColor("")
.setBackgroundColor("");
}
/** Builder is the builder class for TestIntegration */
public static class Builder {
private String contactEmail;
private String componentId;
private String name;
private String url;
private String iconUrl;
private String iconName;
private String description;
private String foregroundColor;
private String backgroundColor;
private Builder() {
}
/**
* Sets the Contact Email value. The contact email is used for users to identify how to contact
* the TestIntegration owner. This is optional.
*
* @param email Email of the team responsible for this TestIntegration.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setContactEmail(String email) {
this.contactEmail = email;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the component ID value, used to identify the tool that this TestIntegration belongs to.
* This is optional.
*
* @param id ID of the component.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setComponentId(String id) {
this.componentId = id;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the name for the tool for this TestIntegration.
*
* @param name Name of this TestIntegration.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setName(String name) {
this.name = name;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the URL of this TestIntegration. It should be a FQDN, with optional url encoded
* parameters.
*
* @param url The location of the TestIntegration.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setUrl(String url) {
this.url = url;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the url of the icon. The icon should look good even if scaled down to 16x16. This is
* optional; if not set, it will instead use the value passed to {@link #setIconName(String)}.
*
* @param iconUrl Location of the icon.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setIconUrl(String iconUrl) {
this.iconUrl = iconUrl;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the name of the icon. This is optional; if not set it will instead use the value passed
* to {@link #setIconUrl(String)}.
*
* @param iconName name of the icon.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setIconName(String iconName) {
this.iconName = iconName;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the description. The description is used to describe the TestIntegration object's
* purpose. This is optional; if it isn't set, it will have a default value of {@code ""}.
*
* @param description The description for this TestIntegration.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setDescription(String description) {
this.description = description;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the foreground color of the TestIntegration link. This is optional; if it isn't set, the
* link created will use the default foreground color per the tool's CSS.
*
* @param foregroundColor The foreground color of the link, e.g. {@code "#000000"}.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setForegroundColor(String foregroundColor) {
this.foregroundColor = foregroundColor;
return this;
}
/**
* Sets the background color of the TestIntegration link. This is optional; if it isn't set, the
* link created will use the default background color per the tool's CSS.
*
* @param backgroundColor The background color of the link, e.g. {@code "#ffffff"}.
* @return Builder
*/
@CanIgnoreReturnValue
public Builder setBackgroundColor(String backgroundColor) {
this.backgroundColor = backgroundColor;
return this;
}
/**
* Builds a TestIntegration object.
* @return Builder
*/
public TestIntegration build() {
return new TestIntegration(contactEmail, componentId, name, url, iconUrl, iconName,
description, foregroundColor, backgroundColor);
}
}
/*
* getAttributeValueMap returns all of this TestIntegration's values in a Map.
*/
public Map<ExternalLinkAttribute, String> getAttributeValueMap() {
Map<ExternalLinkAttribute, String> map = new EnumMap<>(ExternalLinkAttribute.class);
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.NAME, name());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.URL, url());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.CONTACT_EMAIL, contactEmail());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.COMPONENT_ID, componentId());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.DESCRIPTION, description());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.ICON_NAME, iconName());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.ICON_URL, iconUrl());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.BACKGROUND_COLOR, backgroundColor());
map.put(ExternalLinkAttribute.FOREGROUND_COLOR, foregroundColor());
return map;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 2,319
|
Esta é uma lista dos governantes do Ceará. Como unidade administrativa desde seu período de capitania da Coroa Portuguesa no tempo em que o Brasil era uma colônia, passando pelo Brasil Império em 1822 como província e governada por presidentes, vindo até a atual denominação governador com a Constituição Estadual de 1989. O atual governador do Ceará, é Elmano de Freitas, empossado em 1° de janeiro de 2023 em sessão solene na Assembléia Legislativa do Estado do Ceará. Aqui estão retratados os três períodos de administração.
Governantes do período colonial (1531 – 1822)
Donatário da Capitania
Capitães-mores do Ceará Colonial: posse de terra
Capitães-mores do Ceará Colonial: Ceará subordinado ao Maranhão
Capitães-mores do Ceará Colonial: Ceará-Neerlandês
Capitães-mores do Ceará Colonial: Ceará subordinado ao Maranhão
Capitães-mores do Ceará Colonial: Ceará subordinado a Pernambuco
Governadores do Ceará autônomo da Colônia
Governantes do período imperial (1822 – 1889)
Governantes do período republicano (1889 – )
Governadores vivos
Até o momento, de de , os nove governadores vivos do Ceará são, por ordem de início do primeiro mandato: Gonzaga Mota, Tasso Jereissati, Ciro Gomes, Chico Aguiar, Lúcio Alcântara, Cid Gomes, Camilo Santana, Izolda Cela e Elmano de Freitas. O último governador a falecer foi Adauto Bezerra em 3 de abril de 2021, aos 94 anos.
Fontes
VARNHAGEN, Francisco Adolpho de. Historia geral do Brazil (v. 2). E. e H. Laemmert, 1857
KROMMEN, Rita. Mathias Beck e a Cia. das Índias Ocidentais. Fortaleza: UFC, 1994
Ver também
Lista de governadores das unidades federativas do Brasil
História do Ceará
Listas do Ceará
Ceara
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 3,794
|
Q: Take array name in a variable I have so many 2D arrays with different name
like
const int a[][2]
{
{1,2},
{3,4},
};
const int b[][2]
{
{5,6},
{7,8},
};
and so many ....
I took the array name in other variable like
int t_huff,f_huff;
t_huff =a;
f_huff =b;
now I want to write a function in which recived the argument(array name) and then use the argument in the switch case
function_name(string name)
{
switch(name)
{
case a:
break;
case b:
break;
}
}
but when I am doing this I got some warning like
warning C4047: '=' : 'int' differs in levels of indirection from 'const int (*)[2]'
please help me to remove this warning from my project
A: You probably need to use a pointer-to-array, but it would be easier to use a pointer-to-int. As noted in a comment, you can't simply map string names to variables; you really don't want to write the code out multiple times, anyway.
Option 1: Pointer to int
void function_name(int *base)
{
int i = 0;
int j = 1;
int v = base[i * 2 + j];
…
}
Call it using:
function_name(&a[0][0]);
function_name(&b[0][0]);
Option 2: Pointer to array
void function_name(int (*arr)[][2])
{
int i = 0;
int j = 1;
int v = (*arr)[i][j];
…
}
Call it using:
function_name(&a);
function_name(&b);
The advantage of the pointer-to-array is that you can use the subscripts as normal (more or less; you need to use the (*arr) notation, though).
A: You can't do like that. You need to take array variable t_huff[]. And you can name a by t_huff as
&t_huff=a;
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 9,452
|
Q phoned me from Her office this morning How's your day goin? I'm really in that mood today baby I'm going to spank your bottom till you won't sit down for a week! Before i could stop myself Why are you mad baby?
In evolutionary biology, the term cuckold is also applied to males who unwittingly invest parental effort in offspring that are not genetically their own. The term cuckold is derived from a bird's mis-directed parental investment of effort to the eggs that cuckoo birds have laid in their nests. See Cuckold Theoretics A story about a husband whose unfaithful wife slowly transforms him into womanhood - starting with the dressing him up, then making him wear make up, then forcing him to stay at home and do all the housework, and finally persuading him to make more permanent changes to his body For the next few weeks I encouraged my crossdressing husband to think of our new arrangement as normal.
That's my queue to stagger on out of here. Night bro!
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 7,864
|
require 'ffi'
module PortAudio
module C
extend FFI::Library
case RUBY_PLATFORM
when /darwin/i
ffi_lib '/System/Library/Frameworks/AudioUnit.framework/AudioUnit'
ffi_lib '/System/Library/Frameworks/CoreAudio.framework/CoreAudio'
ffi_lib '/System/Library/Frameworks/AudioToolbox.framework/AudioToolbox'
ffi_lib '/System/Library/Frameworks/CoreServices.framework/CoreServices'
end
ffi_lib 'portaudio'
PA_ERROR = :int
PA_NO_ERROR = 0
PA_DEVICE_INDEX = :int
PA_NO_DEVICE = (2 ** FFI::Platform::LONG_SIZE) - 1
PA_HOST_API_TYPE_ID = :int
PA_HOST_API_INDEX = :int
class PaHostApiInfo < FFI::Struct
layout :struct_version, :int,
:type, PA_HOST_API_TYPE_ID,
:name, :string,
:device_count, :int,
:default_input_device, PA_DEVICE_INDEX,
:default_output_device, PA_DEVICE_INDEX
end
class PaHostErrorInfo < FFI::Struct
layout :host_api_type, PA_HOST_API_TYPE_ID,
:error_code, :long,
:error_text, :string
end
PA_TIME = :double
PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT = :ulong
PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT_MAP = {
:float32 => 0x00000001,
:int32 => 0x00000002,
:int24 => 0x00000004,
:int16 => 0x00000008,
:int8 => 0x00000010,
:uint8 => 0x00000020,
:custom => 0x00010000
}
PA_NON_INTERLEAVED = 0x80000000
class PaDeviceInfo < FFI::Struct
layout :struct_version, :int,
:name, :string,
:host_api, PA_HOST_API_INDEX,
:max_input_channels, :int,
:max_output_channels, :int,
:default_low_input_latency, PA_TIME,
:default_low_output_latency, PA_TIME,
:default_high_input_latency, PA_TIME,
:default_high_output_latency, PA_TIME,
:default_sample_rate, :double
end
class PaStreamParameters < FFI::Struct
layout :device, PA_DEVICE_INDEX,
:channel_count, :int,
:sample_format, PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT,
:suggested_latency, PA_TIME,
:host_specific_stream_info, :pointer
def self.from_options(options)
params = C::PaStreamParameters.new
params[:device] = case options[:device]
when Integer then options[:device]
when Device then options[:device].index
end
params[:channel_count] = options[:channels]
params[:sample_format] = C::PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT_MAP[options[:sample_format]]
params[:suggested_latency] = options[:suggested_latency] if options[:suggested_latency]
params
end
end
PA_FORMAT_IS_SUPPORTED = 0
PA_FRAMES_PER_BUFFER_UNSPECIFIED = 0
PA_STREAM_FLAGS = :ulong
PA_NO_FLAG = 0
PA_CLIP_OFF = 0x00000001
PA_DITHER_OFF = 0x00000002
PA_NEVER_DROP_INPUT = 0x00000004
PA_PRIME_OUTPUT_BUFFERS_USING_STREAM_CALLBACK =
0x00000008
PA_PLATFORM_SPECIFIC_FLAGS = 0xFFFF0000
PA_STREAM_CALLBACK_FLAGS = :ulong
PA_INPUT_UNDERFLOW = 0x00000001
PA_INPUT_OVERFLOW = 0x00000002
PA_OUTPUT_UNDERFLOW = 0x00000004
PA_OUTPUT_OVERFLOW = 0x00000008
PA_PRIMING_OUTPUT = 0x00000010
PA_STREAM_CALLBACK_RESULT = :int
PA_CONTINUE = 0
PA_COMPLETE = 1
PA_ABORT = 2
PA_STREAM_CALLBACK = :pointer
PA_STREAM_FINISHED_CALLBACK = :pointer
class PaStreamInfo < FFI::Struct
layout :struct_version, :int,
:input_latency, PA_TIME,
:output_latency, PA_TIME,
:sample_rate, :double
end
attach_function :Pa_GetVersion, [], :int
attach_function :Pa_GetVersionText, [], :string
attach_function :Pa_GetErrorText, [PA_ERROR], :string
attach_function :Pa_Initialize, [], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_Terminate, [], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_GetHostApiCount, [], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetDefaultHostApi, [], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetHostApiInfo, [:int], :pointer
attach_function :Pa_HostApiTypeIdToHostApiIndex, [PA_HOST_API_TYPE_ID], PA_HOST_API_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_HostApiDeviceIndexToDeviceIndex, [PA_HOST_API_INDEX, :int], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetLastHostErrorInfo, [], PaHostErrorInfo
attach_function :Pa_GetDeviceCount, [], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetDefaultInputDevice, [], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetDefaultOutputDevice, [], PA_DEVICE_INDEX
attach_function :Pa_GetDeviceInfo, [PA_DEVICE_INDEX], :pointer
attach_function :Pa_IsFormatSupported, [:pointer, :pointer, :double], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_OpenStream, [:pointer, :pointer, :pointer, :double, :ulong, PA_STREAM_FLAGS, PA_STREAM_CALLBACK, :pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_OpenDefaultStream, [:pointer, :int, :int, PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT, :double, :ulong, PA_STREAM_CALLBACK, :pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_CloseStream, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_SetStreamFinishedCallback, [:pointer, :pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_StartStream, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_StopStream, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_AbortStream, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_IsStreamStopped, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_IsStreamActive, [:pointer], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_GetStreamInfo, [:pointer], :pointer
attach_function :Pa_GetStreamTime, [:pointer], PA_TIME
attach_function :Pa_GetStreamCpuLoad, [:pointer], :double
attach_function :Pa_ReadStream, [:pointer, :pointer, :ulong], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_WriteStream, [:pointer, :pointer, :ulong], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_GetStreamReadAvailable, [:pointer], :long
attach_function :Pa_GetStreamWriteAvailable, [:pointer], :long
attach_function :Pa_GetSampleSize, [:ulong], PA_ERROR
attach_function :Pa_Sleep, [:long], :void
end
def version_number
C.Pa_GetVersion()
end
module_function :version_number
def version_text
C.Pa_GetVersionText()
end
module_function :version_text
def error_text(pa_err)
C.Pa_GetErrorText(pa_err)
end
module_function :error_text
def init
C.Pa_Initialize()
end
module_function :init
def terminate
C.Pa_Terminate()
end
module_function :terminate
def sleep(msec)
C.Pa_Sleep(msec)
end
module_function :sleep
def invoke
status = yield
if status != C::PA_NO_ERROR
raise RuntimeError, PortAudio.error_text(status)
end
end
module_function :invoke
def sample_size(format)
status = C.Pa_GetSampleSize(C::PA_SAMPLE_FORMAT_MAP[format])
if status >= 0 then status
else
raise RuntimeError, PortAudio.error_text(status)
end
end
module_function :sample_size
class Host
def self.count
C.Pa_GetHostApiCount()
end
def self.default
new(C.Pa_GetDefaultHostApi())
end
class << self
private :new
end
def initialize(index)
@index = index
infop = C.Pa_GetHostApiInfo(@index)
if infop.null?
err = C::PaHostErrorInfo.new(C.Pa_GetLastHostErrorInfo())
raise RuntimeError, err[:error_text]
end
@info = C::PaHostApiInfo.new(infop) unless infop.null?
end
def name
@info[:name]
end
def devices
@devices ||= DeviceCollection.new(@index, @info)
end
class DeviceCollection
include Enumerable
def initialize(host_index, host_info)
@host_index, @host_info = host_index, host_info
end
def count
@host_info[:device_count]
end
alias_method :size, :count
def [](index)
case index
when (0 ... count)
Device.new(C.Pa_HostApiDeviceIndexToDeviceIndex(@host_index, index))
end
end
def each
0.upto(count) { |i| yield self[i] }
end
def default_input
index = @host_info[:default_input_device]
self[index] unless C::PA_NO_DEVICE == index
end
def default_output
index = @host_info[:default_output_device]
self[index] unless C::PA_NO_DEVICE == index
end
end
end
class Device
def self.count
C.Pa_GetDeviceCount()
end
def self.default_input
index = C.Pa_GetDefaultInputDevice()
new(index) unless C::PA_NO_DEVICE == index
end
def self.default_output
index = C.Pa_GetDefaultOutputDevice()
new(index) unless C::PA_NO_DEVICE == index
end
def initialize(index)
@index = index
infop = C.Pa_GetDeviceInfo(@index)
raise RuntimeError, "Device not found" if infop.null?
@info = C::PaDeviceInfo.new(infop)
end
attr_reader :index
def name
@info[:name]
end
def max_input_channels
@info[:max_input_channels]
end
def max_output_channels
@info[:max_output_channels]
end
def default_low_input_latency
@info[:default_low_input_latency]
end
def default_low_output_latency
@info[:default_low_output_latency]
end
def default_high_input_latency
@info[:default_high_input_latency]
end
def default_high_output_latency
@info[:default_high_output_latency]
end
def default_sample_rate
@info[:default_sample_rate]
end
end
class Stream
def self.format_supported?(options)
if options[:input]
in_params = C::PaStreamParameters.from_options(options[:input])
end
if options[:output]
out_params = C::PaStreamParameters.from_options(options[:output])
end
sample_rate = options[:sample_rate]
err = C.Pa_IsFormatSupported(in_params, out_params, sample_rate)
case err
when C::PA_FORMAT_IS_SUPPORTED then true
else false
end
end
def self.open(options)
if options[:input]
in_params = C::PaStreamParameters.from_options(options[:input])
end
if options[:output]
out_params = C::PaStreamParameters.from_options(options[:output])
end
sample_rate = options[:sample_rate]
frames = options[:frames] || C::PA_FRAMES_PER_BUFFER_UNSPECIFIED
flags = options[:flags] || C::PA_NO_FLAG
callbackp = options[:callback] || FFI::Pointer.new(0) # default: blocking mode
user_data = options[:user_data] || FFI::Pointer.new(0)
FFI::MemoryPointer.new(:pointer) do |streamp|
PortAudio.invoke {
C.Pa_OpenStream(streamp,
in_params, out_params,
sample_rate, frames, flags,
callbackp, user_data)
}
return new(streamp.read_pointer)
end
end
class << self
private :new
end
def initialize(pointer)
@stream = pointer
infop = C.Pa_GetStreamInfo(@stream)
raise RuntimeError, "Invalid stream" if infop.null?
@info = C::PaStreamInfo.new(infop)
end
def close
PortAudio.invoke { C.Pa_CloseStream(@stream) }
end
def start
PortAudio.invoke { C.Pa_StartStream(@stream) }
end
def stop
PortAudio.invoke { C.Pa_StopStream(@stream) }
end
def abort
PortAudio.invoke { C.Pa_AbortStream(@stream) }
end
def stopped?
status = C.Pa_IsStreamStopped(@stream)
case status
when 1 then true
when 0 then false
else
raise RuntimeError, PortAudio.error_text(status)
end
end
def active?
status = C.Pa_IsStreamActive(@stream)
case status
when 1 then true
when 0 then false
else
raise RuntimeError, PortAudio.error_text(status)
end
end
def time
C.Pa_GetStreamTime(@stream)
end
def cpu_load
C.Pa_GetStreamCpuLoad(@stream)
end
def read
raise NotImplementedError, "Stream#read is not implemented" # TODO ;)
end
def write(buffer)
PortAudio.invoke {
C.Pa_WriteStream(@stream, buffer.to_ptr, buffer.frames)
}
end
alias_method :<<, :write
end
# A memory buffer for interleaved PCM data
class SampleBuffer
attr_reader :channels, :format, :frames, :size
def initialize(options = {})
@channels, @format, @frames = options.values_at(:channels, :format, :frames)
@sample_size = PortAudio.sample_size(@format)
@frame_size = @channels * @sample_size
@size = @frame_size * @frames
@buffer = FFI::MemoryPointer.new(@size)
end
def dispose
@buffer.free
nil
end
def to_ptr
@buffer
end
def fill
(0...@frames).each do |frame|
(0...@channels).each do |channel|
index = (channel * @sample_size) + (frame * @frame_size)
@buffer.put_float32(index, yield(frame, channel))
end
end
self
end
end
end
if __FILE__ == $0
PortAudio.init
frames = 1024
channels = 1
sr = 44100
step = 1.0/sr
time = 0.0
stream = PortAudio::Stream.open(
:sample_rate => sr,
:frames => frames,
:output => {
:device => PortAudio::Device.default_output,
:channels => channels,
:sample_format => :float32,
:suggested_latency => 0.05
})
buffer = PortAudio::SampleBuffer.new(
:format => :float32,
:channels => channels,
:frames => frames)
playing = true
Signal.trap('INT') { playing = false }
puts "Ctrl-C to exit"
stream.start
loop do
stream << buffer.fill { |frame, channel|
time += step
Math.cos(time * 2 * Math::PI * 440.0) * Math.cos(time * 2 * Math::PI)
}
break unless playing
end
stream.stop
end
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 8,579
|
Een militiekanton, in de volksmond ook wel administratief kanton genaamd, is een territoriale indeling binnen de militaire structuur.
België
Op het Belgisch grondgebied werden er militiekantons opgericht in 1798 in het kader van de verplichte militaire dienstplicht. Na de afschaffing van de dienstplicht in 1994, verdween ook het begrip.
De militiekantons werden in hun tijd beschouwd als de administratieve tegenhangers van de gerechtelijke kantons, hoewel hun toepassingsgebied beperkt was tot de rekrutering. Toch is deze territoriale indeling belangrijk vermits het militaire rekruteringsarchief grotendeels is opgesteld werd per kanton. Zo bijvoorbeeld de keurlingenlijst.
Een van de weinige niet-militaire toepassingen van de militiekantons was de afbakening van landbouwdistricten in o.a. de provincie West-Vlaanderen.
Historische schets
In zijn beginjaren steunde dit wervingssysteem voor de militaire dienstplicht op het territorialiteitsbeginsel dat wil zeggen dat elk rijksgebied een vooraf bepaald vast aantal manschappen moest leveren. De rekruten werden door middel van loting per gemeente aangeduid.
Een wet van 28 januari 1801, uitgevaardigd door het Directoire, bepaalde dat de ressorten ongeveer een gelijk aantal inwoners moesten tellen. (In werkelijkheid waren er grote verschillende qua inwonertal). *Vanaf de wet van 8 fructidor van het jaar XIII (26 augustus 1805), onder het bewind van het Franse Consulaat, maakten de Fransen gebruik van de gerechtelijke kantons voor de conscriptie.
De Nederlanders stappen van dit systeem af, omwille van de grote afwijking qua inwonertal van de gerechtelijke kantons. Door een wet van 8 januari 1817 werden daarom nieuw kantonnale eenheden in het leven geroepen. Deze militiekantons moesten elk tussen de 8000 en 12000 inwoners tellen, met uitzondering van afwijkingen om geografische omstandigheden.
De afbakening van het grondgebied van de verscheidene kantons werd op 25 februari 1817 bepaald door de koning.
Na de invoering van de beperkte en algemene persoonlijke dienstplicht, respectievelijk 1909 en 1913 verloren de militiekantons hun belangrijkste bestaansreden.
Vanaf de globale militiewet (1913) worden ze enkel nog vernoemd in verband met de samenstelling van de militieraden.
In 1913 waren 174 van de 221 militiekantons identiek aan de respectievelijke gerechtelijke kantons.
Kanton
Gebiedsnaam
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 761
|
Kalkash () is a village in Taham Rural District, in the Central District of Zanjan County, Zanjan Province, Iran. At the 2006 census, its population was 194, in 38 families.
References
Populated places in Zanjan County
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 5,272
|
Q: Why does it take longer to train my Elastic Net model with caret vs glmnet? I am fitting an Elastic Net model to a very wide matrix. I like the pre-processing functions in caret but I have found that it takes about 5 times longer to train that if I just use glmnet. Why?
# Sample data.
set.seed(123)
trainX <- replicate(1000, rnorm(30))
colnames(trainX) <- paste0("var", 1:1000)
trainOutcome <- gl(2, 15)
# Train model using glmnet.
alpha_to_test <- seq(0, 1, 0.1)
system.time({
sapply(alpha_to_test, function(a) {
fit <- glmnet::cv.glmnet(
x = trainX, y = as.numeric(trainOutcome),
alpha = a,
nfolds = nrow(trainX) # LOOCV
)
})
}) # 7.272s
# Train model using caret using same search space.
fit <- glmnet::cv.glmnet(trainX, y = as.numeric(trainOutcome))
lambda_to_test <- fit$lambda
grid <- expand.grid(alpha = alpha_to_test, lambda = lambda_to_test)
system.time({
fit <- train(
x = trainX, y = trainOutcome,
method = "glmnet",
trControl = trainControl(method = "loocv", selectionFunction = "oneSE"),
tuneGrid = grid
)
}) # 45.316s
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 5,288
|
River, 2016. Hand-woven stainless steel wire and acrylic paint, 148 x 14 x 21 in. Photo: Thomas Barratt and Mark Waldhauser
Natalie Moore: Metaphor in Action
April 23, 2019 by Jonathan Goodman
Natalie Moore, a longtime resident of Brooklyn's Williamsburg and Greenpoint (she has a studio in Greenpoint), originally hails from California. In the mid-1980s, she attended the University of California, Santa Cruz, which is known for its experimental interests, particularly in the arts and humanities. Moore takes the same exploratory approach in her freeform wire sculptures. These works, though they suggest Alan Saret's wire jumbles and piles, are more austere and formally oriented. But they evince a similar, often wild influence of improvisation—a prominent characteristic of American art in the '80s, when Saret gained recognition—that balances a lyrical sensibility. Moore's use of wire is notably free and evocative, sometimes echoing natural imagery such as undulating rivers.
Fire/Storm, 2017. Hand-woven stainless steel wire, hardware cloth, and acrylic paint, 55 x 36 x 36 in. Photo: Thomas Barratt and Mark Waldhauser
Her skilled handling of the medium raises a larger question: To what extent can art be considered formally radical at this stage in the game? The current emphasis on identity art, as well as politically and socially oriented art, tends to de-emphasize formal decision-making. It is extremely hard to tie social concerns to abstraction, which resolutely refuses the conscious content of a statement. Moore's exquisite works do not make clear assertions—unless we view them as responding to a rapidly disappearing natural world. But even that point, which has some validity given the artist's interests, tends to get lost in an overtly political reading. Perhaps we can take another tack: there is a short history of what writers and artists call "process art," which emphasizes the inherent qualities of making and attempts, somewhat quixotically, to keep the process visibly alive in the finished piece. Moore's work leans strongly in this direction, which offers a good way not only to describe her working method but also to assess her degree of success.
And yet, no matter how much attention we pay to an artist's methodology, we have to assume that we are looking at a finished work of art. How do you regard a work whose final form is necessarily motionless—either physically or metaphorically—but is clearly improvisational in nature? How does one take into consideration the physical stillness of Moore's efforts without losing contact with her swift thinking, which is meant to read as something in motion, even if only in an intellectual sense? Moore calls her wire works of the last few years "woven wire," a description that captures their handmade nature while referencing weaving as a traditional women's activity. She tends to leave her pieces in a state of manufactured abandon, emphasizing improvisation over fixity. The works may not move, but they have a casual air—as if they were not quite finished. The mood is one of deliberate unfolding. I am not suggesting that Moore has left undone what needs to be completed—only that her work is meant to resist constraint in a formal sense and, maybe, in a social sense as well.
Fence, 2014. Hand-woven stainless steel wire and acrylic paint, 180 x 48 x 12 in. Photo: Thomas Barratt and Mark Waldhauser
The Wind works (2017) offer a fine example of Moore's improvisational style and interest in nature. Freeform in shape, with frayed, untied ends extending from the top and, to a lesser extent, from the bottom, they capture invisible movement and force. Billowing with energy, the orderly middle section of each work—very much a grid—is taken over by the unconstrained outpouring of wire at the ends. Color shifts reinforce the sense of air flow, as dark blues in the central core give way to flowering ends of gold. Beautifully made and beautiful to look at, the Wind works achieve a visible representation of something innately invisible—surely a notable sleight of hand. Indeed, wind can be seen as a pure example of process: it doesn't begin and end so much as it comes and goes.
Wind #3, 2017. Hand-woven stainless steel wire, hardware cloth, and acrylic paint, 24 x 11 x 11 in. Photo: Thomas Barratt and Mark Waldhauser
The sense of ongoing immediacy is quite strong in Moore's work, and it is expertly addressed in Fire/Storm (2017), which, like the Wind pieces, calls attention to something dominated by experience rather than by form (and maybe that is what process art is about: experience). A nest of silver, gold, and red wire threads, Fire/Storm sits on the ground, with a flame-like profusion of frayed red, purple, and gold wires issuing upward. The sculpture comes very close to realizing the image of a flame, without actual movement, offering a convincing facsimile of what it is supposed to represent (even without the hint of the title).
Ghost (2012) is also based on the invisible and ephemeral qualities central to Moore's practice. An eerie mask, created with gold and silver wire, presents hollow volumes in a disturbing way—the head-like shape is thoroughly penetrated by emptiness, both in its central, cavernous void and in the spaces between single wires. Moore certainly set out on a difficult path with this work, attempting to give physical existence to something whose reality we doubt and that we are unable to see.
Highways and Byways, 2018. Hand woven stainless steel wire and acrylic paint, 200 x 32 x 18 in. View of installation at the Shirley Fiterman Art Center, NY. Photo: Thomas Barratt
River (2016), which consists of a longish group of horizontal wires in different colors, undulates slightly as it moves across the wall. Here, too, we are meant to see the work as process—as something stopped quite literally in mid-stream. Like Moore's other sculptures, River takes no visual or thematic stance; it is enough to echo nature. Even if she comes from a rebellious and experimental educational background, there is no overt politics in Moore's work, beyond an unspoken commitment to deliberate beauty as a means of liberating viewers stifled by the current narrowness of vision—there is nothing narrow or small in nature. (We can also deduce a bit of defiance in her use of wire, hardly a luxury material.) Nature needs to be actively protected, not least as an important repository of creative metaphor. In addition to preserving a vision from the world outside, Moore offers examples of metaphor in action. This is not directly political, but maybe it should be thought of that way. Process can hold true for almost anything.
This article appears in the March/April issue of Sculpture.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 576
|
\section{Introduction}
Quantum tunneling has been studied for a long time as one of the most
exciting topics in various fields of science, from the study of the
dynamics of atomic and molecular systems to condensed matter physics and
field theory (see \cite{mohsen:2003,coleman_aspects}, and references
therein). Regarding applications to cosmology, there is even a
possibility that the universe was born via quantum
tunneling\cite{Vilenkin:1984wp}. Furthermore, the string theory
landscape has been proposed as a possible setting of the early universe
inflation\cite{Susskind:2003kw}. In this framework, scalar fields are
thought to tunnel among many false vacua (i.e. local minima of the
potential) in the vast string theory potential landscape. The
formulation of the false vacuum decay (i.e. the quantum tunneling from a
false vacuum) in field theory was first considered in flat
spacetimes\cite{Coleman:1977py,Callan:1977pt}, and was extended to
include gravity in \cite{Coleman:1980aw} (see \cite{Sugimura:2011tk} for
the extension to multiple-field cases).
Multi-dimensional quantum tunneling has also been well
studied\cite{mohsen:2003}, and is formulated by constructing the wave
functions for quantum tunneling using the WKB
method\cite{Banks:1973ps,Banks:1974ij,Gervais:1977nv,Yamamoto:1993mp}.
Field theoretic extension was developed in \cite{Tanaka:1993ez},
and such formulation has been applied to the quantum fluctuations on a tunneling
background.
It was further extended
to include gravity in \cite{Tanaka:1994qa}. As a result of these
developments, it has been possible to calculate the quantum fluctuations
in the universe after false vacuum
decay\cite{Yamamoto:1996qq,Garriga:1997wz,Garriga:1998he}.
All previous works on quantum tunneling neglect effects of non-linear
interactions. In other words, only free quantum field theory on a
tunneling background has been considered so far. In light of the recent
progress in observational cosmology, however, it is now important to
study the observational consequences of non-linear interactions. For
example, the non-Gaussianity of the cosmological fluctuations is now a
hot topic in cosmology
\cite{Bartolo:2004if,Komatsu:2009kd,Chen:2010xka}. It is clearly
necessary to reformulate quantum field theory on a tunneling background
with non-linear interactions included, in order to calculate the
non-Gaussianity in a universe undergoing quantum tunneling, as is
motivated by the string landscape. Estimates for the non-Gaussianity
in such a scenario have been calculated
in the literature\cite{Sugimura:2012kr,Park:2011ty}, but up to now
there is no rigorous proof that the formulation used there is valid.
In this paper, we reformulate multi-dimensional quantum tunneling
with non-linear interactions, following the formulation by Yamamoto
\cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}. Although the formulation of the
multi-dimensional system is interesting in itself, it can also be
regarded as a first step towards the formulation of quantum field
theory.
We expect that extensions from multi-dimensional cases to
field theory with gravitation are possible as before
\cite{Yamamoto:1993mp,Tanaka:1993ez,Tanaka:1994qa},
but leave such issues to future studies.
As the simplest extension of the 1-dimensional case, we will study a
2-dimensional system in which the tunneling sector $y$ is non-linearly
coupled to the oscillator $\eta$, as shown in Fig.~\ref{fig:potential}.
The restriction to a 2-dimensional system keeps calculations as simple
as possible whilst still maintaining the essential features of
multi-dimensional effects. The particle, originally positioned in the
false vacuum at $(y_F,0)$, moves to the nucleation point at $(y_N,0)$ by
quantum tunneling, and then rolls down classically, as shown in
Fig.~\ref{fig:potential}. Assuming that the potential is static, the
wave function $\Psi(y,\eta)$ for such a particle is a solution of the
time-independent Schr\"odinger equation. The boundary conditions for
$\Psi(y,\eta)$ corresponding to the scenario outlined above are given as
follows: $\Psi(y,\eta)$ should be an out-going wave function outside the
barrier, and $\Psi(y,\eta)$ should match the wave function for the
quantum state before the quantum tunneling around the false vacuum.
Let us put a screen at $y$ outside the barrier,
and then prepare the above system many times and let the particles hit the screen.
The particles hit the screen with
different $\eta$ each time, since $\Psi(y,\eta)$ is extended
in the $\eta$ direction.
The statistical properties of $\eta$ at $y$
are given by the quantum expectation values with respect to $\Psi(y,\eta)$, defined as
$\big<\eta^n\big>_{y}\equiv \int d\eta \eta^n|\Psi(y,\eta)|^2$ where $n=1,\,2,\,3,\,\cdots$.
In this paper, we obtain formulae for such quantities
by constructing $\Psi(y,\eta)$ explicitly using the WKB method.
If we define $t$ as the time the particle takes to reach $y$ from the nucleation point,
we can interpret $\Psi(y,\eta)$ as the $t$-dependent wave function with respect to $\eta$.
Then, we find that our resulting formulae can be expressed
in the language of the conventional in-in formalism\cite{Weinberg:2005vy,Maldacena:2002vr}.
Note that
$\big<\eta^n\big>_y$ at given $y$, or given $t$, can be regarded as the analogue
of the $n$-point correlation functions at a given time in field theory,
where the time is defined in terms of the value of the tunneling field.
This paper is organized as follows. In Sec.~\ref{sec:wkbnext}, we
obtain the expression for the quantum expectation value in the
Schr\"odinger picture. In Sec.~\ref{sec:interaction}, we move to the
interaction picture, where the quantum expectation value is given in the
in-in formalism form. In Sec.~\ref{sec:appl-toy-model}, we apply the
formalism obtained in Sec.~\ref{sec:wkbnext} and in
Sec.~\ref{sec:interaction} to a simple toy model for illustration
purposes. Finally, we conclude in Sec.~\ref{sec:conclusion}.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=12cm]{figure/potential.eps}
\caption{The potential for the 2-dimensional system, where the tunneling sector $y$ is non-linearly coupled to
the oscillator $\eta$.
The particle moves from the false vacuum $(y_F, 0)$
to the nucleation point $(y_N,0)$ by quantum tunneling,
and rolls down classically from the nucleation point.
}
\label{fig:potential}
\end{figure}
\section{Formulation: Schr\"odinger picture}
\label{sec:wkbnext}
\subsection{WKB analysis for 2-dimensional system}
As mentioned in the introduction,
let us consider a 2-dimensional system.
The Hamiltonian of the system is given by
\begin{align}
\mathcal{H}&=\frac{p_y^2}{2}+\frac{p_\eta^2}{2}+V(y,\eta)\,,
\label{eq:8}
\end{align}
where $V(y,\eta) $ has a false vacuum and nucleation point at
$(y,\eta)=(y_F,0)$ and $(y_N,0)$, respectively, as shown in
Fig.~\ref{fig:potential}. The nucleation point is defined as the
opposite end to the false vacuum on the tunneling path, which is the
classical trajectory connecting the false vacuum and the region outside
the potential barrier with minimum action. Separating $V(y,\eta)$
into the $y$-part $V_{tun}(y)$ and the $\eta$-part $V_\eta(y,\eta)$ as
$V(y,\eta)=V_{tun}(y)+V_\eta(y,\eta)$, we assume for simplicity that
$V_\eta(y,\eta)$ can be written as
$V_\eta(y,\eta)=(\omega^2(y)/2)\eta^2+V_{int}(y,\eta)$, where
the nonlinear interaction term $V_{int}(y,\eta)$ consists of
the cubic and higher order terms with respect to $\eta$.
The vanishing of the linear term with respect to $\eta$ in the potential
guarantees that the tunneling path lies on the $y$-axis.
The inclusion of the nonlinear interaction term
$V_{int}(y,\eta)$ is the essential new point in this paper,
compared to the literature\cite{Yamamoto:1996qq,Garriga:1997wz,Garriga:1998he}.
For later convenience, here we denote
the $y$- and $\eta$-parts of the Hamiltonian as
$\mathcal{H}_y=p_y^2/2+V_{tun}(y)$ and $\mathcal{H}_\eta =
p_\eta^2/2+V_\eta(y,\eta)$, respectively.
In the system defined by eq.~\eqref{eq:8}, we consider
the tunneling wave function $\Psi(y,\eta)$, which is a solution of the
time independent Schr\"odinger equation with eigenenergy $E$
\begin{align}
\hat{\mathcal{H}}\Psi(y,\eta)&= E\Psi(y,\eta)\,.
\label{eq:10}
\end{align}
Here, quantities with hat($\hat{\ }$) are operators, and $\hat{p}_y$ and
$\hat{p}_\eta$ in $\hat{\mathcal{H}}$ are given by
$(\hbar/i)(\partial/\partial y)$ and $(\hbar/i)(\partial/\partial
\eta)$, respectively.
In this paper, we concentrate on quantum
tunneling from the quasi-ground-state, which is defined as the ground state
for the potential expanded around the false vacuum.
We can consider quantum tunneling from excited states,
as in \cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}, but we leave such issues to future studies.
As mentioned in the introduction,
$\Psi(y,\eta)$ should be an out-going wave function outside the barrier.
We construct the tunneling wave function under the following assumptions:
\begin{enumerate}[\hspace{1cm}1)]
\item the WKB approximation is valid well inside and well outside the barrier,
\item the coupling between the $y$ and $\eta$ directions is small,
\item the region around the nucleation point where the WKB approximation breaks is narrow,
\item the coupling between the $y$ and $\eta$ directions vanishes around the false vacuum.
\end{enumerate}
We hope to return to more general cases, say, cases where assumptions 3)
and/or 4) are relaxed, in future.
If there was no coupling between the two
directions (i.e. if $V_\eta(y,\eta)$ could be denoted as $V_\eta(\eta)$), the
tunneling wave function $\Psi(y,\eta)$ would be given by the product of
$\Psi_y(y)$ and $\Phi(\eta)$, where $\Psi_y(y)$ is the
1-dimensional tunneling wave function for $V_{tun}(y)$ and
$\Phi(\eta)$ is the ground state for $V_\eta(\eta)$.
In our case, however, we consider small but non-vanishing coupling,
and thus we expand $\Psi(y,\eta)$ and $E$ in eq.~\eqref{eq:10} as
\begin{align}
\Psi(y,\eta)=\Psi_y(y)\Phi(y,\eta)\,,\qquad
E=E_y+E_\eta\,.
\label{eq:11}
\end{align}
Here, $\Psi_y(y)$ and $E_y$ are, respectively, the wave function and energy of
the 1-dimensional Schr\"odinger equation $\mathcal{H}_y\Psi_y(y)=E_y\Psi_y(y)$,
which we will briefly discuss below.
As a result of assumption 4),
the quasi-ground-state is given by $\Psi_y(y)\Phi_F(\eta)$,
where $\Phi_F(\eta)$ is the ground state for
the $\eta$-part of the potential around the false vacuum $V_F(\eta)(\equiv V_\eta(y_F,\eta))$.
Here, by focusing on eq.~\eqref{eq:10} around the false vacuum
and denoting the ground state energy with respect to $V_F(\eta)$ as $E_F$,
it can be seen that $E_\eta$ is given by $E_F$.
As shown in Fig.~\ref{fig:inst}, the tunneling path $y(\tau)$, or instanton, is a
solution of the Euclidean equation of motion (EOM)
$y''(\tau)-dV_{tun}/dy=0$, where $'$ denotes the derivative with respect
to the imaginary, or Euclidean, time $\tau$. The boundary conditions for $y(\tau)$ are given by
$y(\pm \infty)= y_F$ and $y(0)=y_N$, where
the freedom in choosing the origin of $\tau$ is fixed.
Well inside the potential barrier,
we rewrite the wave function as $\Psi_y(y)=e^{-S_y(y)/\hbar}$
with the Euclidean action $S_y(\tau)(=S_y(y(\tau)))$,
and make the WKB expansion $S_y=S_0+\hbar S_1+ \hbar^2 S_2+\cdots$.
Then, by solving the Schr\"odinger equation order by order
and using the instanton $y(\tau)$, we
can obtain $dS_0(y)/dy= y'(\tau)$, $S_1(y)=(1/2)\ln (dS_0/dy)$, and so on,
where we take $\tau$ to be in the region $\tau\in (-\infty,0)$.
It is known that we can move from inside the barrier to outside the barrier
by analytical continuation $\tau\to t=-i\tau$, where $t$ is the real, or Lorentzian, time.
After the analytical continuation, the instanton gives
the classical motion of the particle
$y(t)\equiv y(\tau=it)$,
which starts rolling down from the nucleation point
at $t=0$, as shown in Fig.~\ref{fig:potential} and Fig.~\ref{fig:inst}.
Furthermore, the analytical continuation of the Euclidean action $S_y(t)\equiv S_y(\tau=it)$
gives the tunneling wave function $\Psi_y(y(t))=e^{-S_y(t)/\hbar}$
well outside the barrier.
In the following, we can use $\tau$, $t$ and $y$ interchangeably.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=9cm]{figure/instanton.eps} \caption{The
schematic picture of instanton $y(\tau)$ with the imaginary time $\tau$
(doted line)
and its analytical continuation $y(t)\equiv y(\tau=it)$
with the real time $t$ (solid line).} \label{fig:inst}
\end{figure}
Now, we will transform eq.~\eqref{eq:10} inside the potential barrier. By
substituting eq.~\eqref{eq:11} with $E_\eta=E_F$ into eq.~\eqref{eq:10} and using
the 1-dimensional Schr\"odinger equation $\mathcal{H}_y\Psi_y(y)=E_y\Psi_y(y)$,
we obtain
\begin{align}
\hbar\frac{dS_y}{dy}\frac{\partial }{\partial y}\Phi(y,\eta)
-\frac{\hbar^2}{2}\frac{\partial^2 }{\partial y^2}\Phi(y,\eta)
+\hat{H}(y)\Phi(y,\eta)=0\,,
\label{eq:2}
\end{align}
where
\begin{align}
\hat{H}(y)&=\frac{\hat{p}_\eta^2}{2}+V_\eta(y,\eta)-E_F\,.
\label{eq:60}
\end{align}
Here, we can neglect the second term in eq.~\eqref{eq:2},
since the $y$-dependence of $\psi(y,\eta)$
is expected to be small as a result of assumption 2).
By neglecting the
second term in eq.~\eqref{eq:2} and using the leading order relation in
the WKB approximation $\hbar(dS_y/dy)(\partial/\partial y)\approx
\hbar(\partial/\partial \tau)$, we can transform eq.~\eqref{eq:2} into
\begin{align}
-\hbar\frac{\partial}{\partial\tau}\Phi(\tau,\eta)
=\hat{H}(\tau)\Phi(\tau,\eta)\,.
\label{eq:29}
\end{align}
This equation
is of exactly the same form as the ``time-dependent Schr\"odinger equation''
with imaginary time $\tau$, defined for $\tau\in(-\infty,0)$.
Let us now check the consistency of the approximation
used to derive eq.~\eqref{eq:29},
by estimating the size of the second term in eq.~\eqref{eq:2}.
To next-to-leading order in the WKB approximation,
the coefficient of the second term in eq.~\eqref{eq:2} can be approximated as
\begin{align}
\frac{\hbar^2}{2}\frac{\partial^2 }{\partial y^2}&\approx
-\frac{\hbar y''}{{y'}^3}\hbar\frac{\partial }{\partial \tau}
+\frac{1}{2{y'}^2}(\hbar\frac{\partial}{\partial \tau})^2\,.
\label{eq:58}
\end{align}
Here, ${\hbar y''}/{{y'}^3}\approx 2(dS_1(y)/dy)/(dS_0(y)/dy)$
and $(\hbar{\partial }/{\partial \tau})$ can be estimated
as $O(\hbar \omega)$ using eq.~\eqref{eq:29}.
Thus, when the first and second operators on the r.h.s. act
on $\Phi(\tau,\eta)$,
they give terms that are suppressed, under WKB approximation, by
factors of $O((dS_1(y)/dy)/(dS_0(y)/dy))$ and $O(\hbar \omega/y'^2)$
relative to other terms in eq.~\eqref{eq:2}, respectively.
It may be useful to make a comment on the WKB expansion used above.
Strictly speaking, this expansion is not merely a expansion in $\hbar$
where $\eta$ is considered to be $O(\hbar^{1/2})$, as was done in \cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}.
In such an expansion,
the non-linear interaction terms would not appear in eq.~\eqref{eq:29},
since the non-linear interaction terms would become higher order in $\hbar$
(e.g. $\eta^3$ term would become $O(\hbar^{3/2})$).
Rather, here we have expanded equations based on the fact that the classical part
of the wave function $S_0(y)$ dominates over quantum effects,
which makes it possible to consistently take into account the effect of non-linear interaction terms
in eq.~\eqref{eq:29}.
We can also transform eq.~\eqref{eq:10} outside the barrier, following similar arguments to those
outlined above
but with the real time $t$ instead of the imaginary time $\tau$.
As a result of the analytical continuation $\tau\to t=-i\tau$, we obtain
\begin{align}
i\hbar\frac{\partial}{\partial t}\Phi(t,\eta)
=\hat{H}(t)\Phi(t,\eta)\,,
\label{eq:3}
\end{align}
which is the ``time-dependent Schr\"odinger equation'' with real time $t$, defined for $t\in(0,\infty)$.
For later convenience, let us recall that the original 2-dimensional wave function $\Psi(y,\eta)$
is denoted as
\begin{align}
\Psi(y,\eta)&=\exp\left[{-{S(t)}/{\hbar}}\right]\Phi(t,\eta)\,,
\label{eq:13}
\end{align}
where $y(=y(\tau=it))$ is inside and outside the potential barrier
for $t\in(+i \infty,0)$ and $t\in(0,\infty)$, respectively.
Around the false vacuum or the nucleation point,
where the WKB approximation is not valid,
we determine $\Phi$ using matching conditions.
Thanks to assumptions 3) and 4),
the matching conditions are given in a simple way.
Firstly, the matching condition at $y=y_N$ is given by
\begin{align}
\lim_{\tau\to -0}\Phi(\tau,\eta)=\lim_{t\to +0}\Phi(t,\eta)\,,
\label{eq:61}
\end{align}
since $\Psi(y,\eta)=\Psi_y(y)\Phi(y,\eta)$ on both sides of $y_N$
should have the same value at $y_N$. Here, we can use eq.~\eqref{eq:29}
and eq.~\eqref{eq:3} until very close to $y_N$
thanks to assumption 3). Secondly, the matching condition at $y=y_F$ is
given by
\begin{align}
\lim_{\tau\to-\infty }\Phi(\tau,\eta)= \Phi_F(\eta)\,,
\label{eq:62}
\end{align}
since the wave function is assumed to match
the quasi-ground-state around the false vacuum,
which is given by $\Psi_y(y)\Phi_F(\eta)$ due to assumption 4),
as mentioned below eq.~\eqref{eq:11}.
\subsection{Expectation values of operators}
We will obtain the tunneling wave function
by solving eq.~\eqref{eq:29} and eq.~\eqref{eq:3} with the matching condition
eq.~\eqref{eq:61} and eq.~\eqref{eq:62}.
For notational simplicity, we introduce bra-ket notation,
where eq.~\eqref{eq:3} is written as
\begin{align}
i\hbar\frac{\partial}{\partial t}\ket{\Phi(t)}&=\hat{H}(t)\ket{\Phi(t)}\,,
\label{eq:12}
\end{align}
with
\begin{align}
\innr{\eta}{\Phi(t)}&=\Phi(t,\eta)\,.
\end{align}
The formal solution to eq.~\eqref{eq:12} is given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(t)}=
P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{t_0}^t H(t')dt'\right]\right)\ket{\Phi(t_0)}\,,
\label{eq:6}
\end{align}
where $0<t_0<t$ and
the path ordering operator $P$ orders operators
according to their order along the integration path.
From now on, we omit $\hat{\ }$ over operators for brevity.
Similarly, the formal solution to eq.~\eqref{eq:29}
is given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(\tau)}=
P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{1}{\hbar}\int_{-i\tau_0}^{-i\tau} H(\tau')d\tau'\right]\right)\ket{\Phi(\tau_0)}\,,
\label{eq:7}
\end{align}
for $\tau_0<\tau<0$.
The expressions in eq.~\eqref{eq:6} and eq.~\eqref{eq:7} are not valid at the nucleation point,
where the WKB approximation breaks down.
However, thanks to the matching condition given by
eq.~\eqref{eq:61}, which can be written in bra-ket notation
as $\ket{\Phi(\tau=-0)}=\ket{\Phi(t=+0)}$,
we can connect the two expressions at the nucleation point as
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(t)}
&=P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{0}^{t} H(t')dt'\right]\right)\ket{\Phi(0)} \nonumber\\
&=P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_{-i\tau_0\to0\to t} H(t')dt'\right]\right)\ket{\Phi(-i\tau_0)}\,,
\label{eq:4}
\end{align}
where $\int_{-i\tau_0\to0\to t}dt'=\int_{0}^{t}dt'+\int_{-i\tau_0}^{0}dt'$.
The matching around the false vacuum is given as follows. We consider a wave function
which matches the quasi-ground-state around the false vacuum.
The ket $\ket{\Omega_F}$ corresponding to the quasi-ground state $\Phi_F(\eta)$
can be given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Omega_F}&=
\lim_{T\to\infty}e^{-\frac{1}{\hbar}H_FT}\ket{\Phi}\,,
\label{eq:5}
\end{align}
where $H_F\equiv H(+i\infty)$ and
$\ket{\Phi}$ is arbitrary as long as it is not orthogonal to $\ket{\Omega_F}$.
We don't need to care about the overall normalization of $\ket{\Omega_F}$,
since it will be canceled in the calculations of
quantum expectation values, as will be seen below.
In deriving eq.~\eqref{eq:5}, we use the fact that the ground state has $H_F=0$
while excited states have $H_F>0$, which comes from the definition of
$H(y)$ in eq.~\eqref{eq:60}.
From assumption 4), there exists a $\tau_0$ such that for $\tau<\tau_0$
we can approximate $H(\tau)$ and $\ket{\Phi(-i\tau)}$
as $H_F$ and $\ket{\Omega_F}$, respectively.
Thus, using eq.~\eqref{eq:4} and eq.~\eqref{eq:5},
the state evolving from $\ket{\Omega_F}$ at $t=-i\tau_0$ is given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(t)}
&=
P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{-i\tau_0 \to 0\to t} H(t')dt'\right]\right)
\lim_{T\to\infty}e^{-\frac{1}{\hbar}H_FT}\ket{\Phi}\nonumber\\
&=P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{+i\infty\to0\to t} H(t')dt'\right]\right)\ket{\Phi}\,.
\label{eq:15}
\end{align}
Now we are able to evaluate the quantum expectation values. For an
operator $\mathcal{O}$ with respect to $\eta$ (i.e. some function of
$\eta$ and $p_\eta$), the quantum expectation value at given $y(=y(t))$
outside the barrier is given by
\begin{align}
\big<\mathcal{O}\big>_y&=
\frac{\int_{-\infty}^\infty d\eta \Psi^*(y,\eta)\mathcal{O}\Psi(y,\eta)}
{\int_{-\infty}^\infty d\eta |\Psi(y,\eta)|^2}\nonumber\\
&=
\frac{\braket{\Phi(t)}{\mathcal{O}}{\Phi(t)}}
{\innr{\Phi(t)}{\Phi(t)}}\,.
\label{eq:17}
\end{align}
To derive the second line,
we use eq.~\eqref{eq:13} and cancel the factors $e^{-\frac{1}{\hbar}S(t)}$
appearing both in numerator and denominator.
Taking the hermitian conjugate of eq.~\eqref{eq:15}, we obtain
\begin{align}
\bra{\Phi(t)}&=\left(\ket{\Phi(t)}\right)^\dagger\nonumber\\
&=
\bra{\Phi}P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_{t\to0\to -i\infty} H(t')dt'\right]\right)\,,
\label{eq:19}
\end{align}
where $H(t^*)=H(t)$ since $H(y)$ given in eq.~\eqref{eq:60} depends only on $y$
and $y(-\tau)=y(\tau)$ due to the Euclidean time inversion symmetry of the instanton.
By substituting eq.~\eqref{eq:15} and eq.~\eqref{eq:19} into eq.~\eqref{eq:17},
we obtain the resulting formula for the quantum expectation
values in the Schr\"odinger picture
\begin{align}
\big<\mathcal{O}\big>_y&=
\frac{\braket{\Phi}{
P\left(\mathcal{O}\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_C
H(t')dt'\right]
\right)
}{\Phi}}
{\braket{\Phi}{P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_C H(t')dt'\right]\right)}{\Phi}}\,,
\label{eq:16}
\end{align}
where
\begin{align}
C:+i\infty\to0\to t\to0\to-i\infty
\label{eq:32}
\end{align}
is the time integration path,
as shown in Fig.~\ref{fig:inin},
and $\mathcal{O}$ is ordered by $P$ as if it is defined at $t$.
In the denominator of eq.~\eqref{eq:16}, we can deform the integration path
from $C$ to $i\infty\to -i\infty$
using $P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{0\to t\to 0}
H(t')dt'\right]\right)=1$.
If $\ket{\Phi}$ was chosen to be orthogonal to $\ket{\Omega_F}$, we could obtain the quantum expectation values
for quantum tunneling from an excited state, as studied in
\cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}. We leave such issues to future studies.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=9cm]{figure/inin_path.eps} \caption{The time
integration path $C$ given by eq.~\eqref{eq:32}.
The time integration along the imaginary axis (doted
line) corresponds to the evolution of the quantum state during
tunneling, and along the real axis (solid line) corresponds to the
evolution after tunneling. } \label{fig:inin}
\end{figure}
\section{Formulation: interaction picture}
\label{sec:interaction}
\subsection{Relation between interaction and Schr\"odinger pictures}
Since the expression given in eq.~\eqref{eq:16} is difficult to evaluate
directly, in this section we will move from the Schr\"odinger
picture formulation to the interaction picture
one.
This can be accomplished almost in the same way as usual,
but taking into account the non-unitarity of the evolution operator
for the imaginary part of the integration path.
The interaction picture formulation may be helpful when considering the
multi-dimensional tunneling system in the context of
quantum field theory, where the interaction picture is employed.
First of all, we introduce the evolution operator
\begin{align}
U(t_2,t_1)&=P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{t_1}^{t_2} H(t)dt\right]\right)\nonumber\\
&\equiv 1+(-i)\int_{t_1}^{t_2}H(t')dt'
+(-i)^2\int_{t_1}^{t_2}dt'\int_{t_1}^{t'}dt''H(t')H(t'')+\cdots\,,
\label{eq:27}
\end{align}
where $t_1$ and $t_2$ are on the path $C$ given by eq.~\eqref{eq:32}.
The inverse operator for $U(t_2,t_1)$ is given by
\begin{align}
\left(U(t_2,t_1)\right)^{-1}&=U(t_1,t_2)\,,
\label{eq:33}
\end{align}
which can be confirmed by explicit calculation of
$(U(t_2,t_1)\left(U(t_2,t_1)\right)^{-1}$ using eq.~\eqref{eq:27}.
The combination rule
\begin{align}
U(t_3,t_2)U(t_2,t_1)&=U(t_3,t_1)\,,
\end{align}
is satisfied as usual.
It should be noted that $U(t_2,t_1)$ is not generally a unitary operator
since the path $C$ include the imaginary part,
and that $U(t_2,t_1)$ satisfies the relation $U(t_2,t_1)^{\dagger}=U(t_2^*,t_1^*)^{-1}$.
To find interaction picture expression,
we expand the full Hamiltonian given in eq.~\eqref{eq:60} as $H(t)=H_0(t)+H_{int}(t)$,
where the free part $H_0(t)$ and the interaction part $H_{int}(t)$
are given, respectively, by
\begin{align}
H_{0}(t)=\frac{p_\eta^2}{2}+\frac{\omega^2(t)}{2}\eta^2-E_F\,,\qquad
H_{int}(t)=V_{int}(y(t),\eta)\,.
\label{eq:47}
\end{align}
Using $H_{0}(t)$,
we can define the annihilation and creation operators at each $t$, respectively, as
\begin{align}
a_{t}&=\sqrt{\frac{2\omega(t)}{\hbar}}\eta+i\sqrt{\frac{2}{\hbar\omega(t)}}p_\eta\,,\qquad
a^\dagger_{t}=\sqrt{\frac{2\omega(t)}{\hbar}}\eta-i\sqrt{\frac{2}{\hbar\omega(t)}}p_\eta\,,
\label{eq:59}
\end{align}
where $a_{t}$ and $a^\dagger_{t}$ satisfy the usual commutation relation.
The eigenstates with respect to $H_0(t)$ can be defined with $a_{t}$ and
$a^\dagger_{t}$ as
\begin{align}
\ket{n_t}=\frac{1}{\sqrt{n!}}\left(a^\dagger_{t}\right)^n\ket{0_t}\,,\qquad
a_{t}\ket{0_t}=0\,,
\label{eq:18}
\end{align}
where they satisfy
\begin{align}
H_{0}(t)\ket{n_t}&=E_{n_t}\ket{n_t}\,,\qquad
E_{n_t}=\hbar\omega(t)\left(n+\frac{1}{2}\right)-E_F\,.
\label{eq:34}
\end{align}
When $H_0(t)$ explicitly depends on time,
$a_t$ and $\ket{0_t}$ also become time-dependent.
$a_t$ at the times $t=t_1$ and $t=t_2$ are related by a
Bogolubov transformation,
and $\ket{0_{t_1}}$ and $\ket{0_{t_2}}$
are annihilated by $a_{t_1}$ and $a_{t_2}$, respectively.
The evolution operator for the free Hamiltonian $H_0(t)$
is given by
\begin{align}
U^{(0)}(t_2,t_1)&=
P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{t_1}^{t_2} H_0(t)dt\right]\right)\,.
\label{eq:45}
\end{align}
Interaction picture operators $\mathcal{O}_I(t)$ are defined by
\begin{align}
\mathcal{O}_I(t)&\equiv U^{(0)}(0,t)
\mathcal{O}\, U^{(0)}(t,0)\,,
\label{eq:35}
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{O}$ are Schr\"odinger picture operators.
In the interaction picture, states
are evolved with the evolution operator for $H_I(t)$, given by
\begin{align}
U_I(t_2,t_1)&=
P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{t_1}^{t_2} H_I(t)dt\right]\right)\,,
\label{eq:21}
\end{align}
where the interaction Hamiltonian $H_I(t)$ is defined as
\begin{align}
H_I(t)&\equiv H_{int}(\eta_I(t),t)\,.
\label{eq:40}
\end{align}
For any $t_1$ and $t_2$ on $C$ given by eq.~\eqref{eq:32},
we can rewire $U_I(t_2,t_1)$ in terms of $U(t_2,t_1)$ from eq.~\eqref{eq:27}
and $U^{(0)}(t_2,t_1)$ from eq.~\eqref{eq:45} as
\begin{align}
U_I(t_2,t_1)&=U(t_2,t_1) U^{(0)}(t_1,t_2)
= U^{(0)}(t_1,t_2)U(t_2,t_1)\,,
\label{eq:39}
\end{align}
which can be confirmed by explicit calculation.
To describe $\eta_I(t)$ and $p_{\eta I}(t)$ in a simple way,
we introduce a positive frequency function $u(t)$
and a negative frequency function $v(t)$.
They are defined as solutions to the linearized EOM,
\begin{align}
\ddot{u}(t)=-\omega^2(t)u(t)\,,\qquad \ddot{v}(t)=-\omega^2(t)v(t)\,,
\label{eq:38}
\end{align}
which are complex conjugate to each other when $t$ is real;
\begin{align}
u^*(t)=v(t)\qquad{\rm for\ real\ } t\,,\label{eq:14}
\end{align}
and satisfy Klein-Goldon(KG) normalization,
\begin{align}
u(t)\dot{v}(t)-\dot{u}(t)v(t)=i\hbar\,.
\label{eq:23}
\end{align}
Here, a dot denotes the derivative with respect to $t$. When $t$ is
imaginary, since we define $u(t)$ and $v(t)$ by analytical continuation from
real $t$, eqs.~\eqref{eq:38} and \eqref{eq:23} still hold
but eq.~\eqref{eq:14} is no longer true. It should be noted that the freedom in
choosing $u(t)$ corresponds to the freedom to make an arbitrary Bogolubov
transformation.
Using $u(t)$ and $v(t)$, we can define the annihilation operator $a$ and
the creation operator $a^\dagger$, respectively, as
\begin{align}
a=-\frac{i}{\hbar}\left(\eta_I(t)\dot{v}(t)-p_{\eta I}(t)v(t)\right)\,,\qquad
a^\dagger=\frac{i}{\hbar}\left(\eta_I(t)\dot{u}(t)-p_{\eta I}(t)u(t)\right)\,.
\label{eq:25}
\end{align}
We will see below that the operators defined in eq.~\eqref{eq:25}
are time-independent and hermitian conjugate to each other. Firstly, it can be
explicitly shown that these operators are time-independent by
differentiating $a$ and $a^\dagger$ in eq.~\eqref{eq:25} with respect to $t$
and using eq.~\eqref{eq:38} and the evolution equations for $\eta_I(t)$ and
$p_{\eta I}(t)$,
\begin{align}
\dot{\eta}_I(t)&=\frac{1}{i\hbar}\left[\eta_I(t),H_0(t)\right]
=p_{\eta I}(t)\,,\qquad
\dot{p}_{\eta I}(t)=\frac{1}{i\hbar}\left[p_{\eta I}(t),H_0(t)\right]
=-\omega^2(t)\eta_ I(t)\,.
\label{eq:24}
\end{align}
Since eqs.~\eqref{eq:38} and \eqref{eq:24} are valid not only for
real $t$ but also for imaginary $t$, eq.~\eqref{eq:25} can be used even
when $t$ is imaginary. Secondly, by considering eq.~\eqref{eq:25} when
$t$ is real and using eq.~\eqref{eq:14} and the hermiticity
of $\eta_I(t)$ and $p_{\eta I}(t)$,
it is clear that $a$ and $a^\dagger$ defined in
eq.~\eqref{eq:25} are hermitian conjugate to each other. Using
eq.~\eqref{eq:23} and eq.~\eqref{eq:25}, $\eta_I(t)$ and $p_{\eta I}(t)$
can be written, respectively, as
\begin{align}
\eta_I(t)=a u(t)+a^{\dagger}v(t)\,,\qquad
p_{\eta I}(t)=a \dot{u}(t)+a^{\dagger}\dot{v}(t)\,.
\label{eq:9}
\end{align}
It should be noted that eq.~\eqref{eq:9} is valid not only for
real $t$ but also for imaginary $t$.
\subsection{In-in formalism along complex path}
For later convenience, we introduce the state $\ket{\Phi_N}$, which is
the state at the nucleation point when non-linear interactions are
switched off.
By taking the limit $t\to\pm i\infty$ in eq.~\eqref{eq:47}, eq.~\eqref{eq:59},
eq.~\eqref{eq:18} and eq.~\eqref{eq:34}, we define $\omega_F$,
$a_F$, $\ket{n_F}$, $H_{0_F}$ and $E_{n_F}$.
Using those asymptotic quantities, $\ket{\Phi_N}$ is obtained as
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi_{N}}&= \lim_{T\to\infty}e^{E_{0_F}T}U^{(0)}(0,iT)\ket{0_{F}}\,,
\label{eq:20}
\end{align}
where the normalization factor $e^{E_{0_F}T}$ is introduced to
make the expression finite and constant in the limit $T\to\infty$.
As a result of the explicit $t$-dependence of
the free Hamiltonian $H_0(t)$,
$\ket{\Phi_{N}}$ is not proportional to $\ket{0_{F}}$ in general.
The difference between $\ket{\Phi_{N}}$ and $\ket{0_{F}}$
is determined by solving the
EOMs for the positive and negative frequency functions
given in eq.~\eqref{eq:38}\footnote{The effect of the explicit $t$-dependence of $H_0(t)$ was determined by
directly solving the Schr\"odinger equation in \cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}.
For the correspondence between this work and \cite{Yamamoto:1993mp}, see App.~\ref{sec:post-freq-funct}.}.
As will be confirmed below, the annihilation operator $a$ that annihilates
$\ket{\Phi_{N}}$ is associated with $u(t)$ and $v(t)$ defined with the
boundary conditions
\begin{align}
u(t)\stackrel{t\to- i\infty}{\to} e^{-i\omega_{F}t}\,,
\qquad v(t)\stackrel{t\to+ i\infty}{\to} e^{i\omega_{F}t}\,,
\label{eq:26}
\end{align}
up to constant factors determined by the KG normalization.
Note that $u(t)$ and $v(t)$ satisfy the conditions for positive and negative frequency functions
given by eq.~\eqref{eq:14} and eq.~\eqref{eq:23}.
The corresponding annihilation
operator is defined by substituting $v(t)$ given by eq.~\eqref{eq:26}
into eq.~\eqref{eq:25}, and can be rewritten as
\begin{align}
a&=-\frac{i}{\hbar}
U^{(0)}(0,t)
\left(\eta\dot{v}(t)-p_{\eta}v(t)\right)U^{(0)}(t,0)\nonumber\\
&\propto \lim_{T\to \infty}e^{-\omega_F T}U^{(0)}(0,iT)a_F U^{(0)}(iT,0)\,.
\label{eq:30}
\end{align}
In deriving the first equality we used eq.~\eqref{eq:35},
eq.~\eqref{eq:25} and the $t$-independence of $a$, and in deriving the second we used eq.~\eqref{eq:59}
in the limit $t\to i\infty$ along with eq.~\eqref{eq:26}.
Then, using eq.~\eqref{eq:20} and
eq.~\eqref{eq:30}, we can explicitly show that
\begin{align}
a\ket{\Phi_N}&\propto \lim_{T\to \infty}e^{(E_{0_F}-\omega_F) T}
U^{(0)}(0,iT)a_F U^{(0)}(iT,0)U^{(0)}(0,iT)\ket{0_{F}}
=0\,,
\label{eq:37}
\end{align}
as we stated above.
Now we will move from the Schr\"odinger picture to the interaction
picture. By inserting $U^{(0)}(t_1,t_2)U^{(0)}(t_2,t_1)=1$ into
eq.~\eqref{eq:16} many times, and using eq.~\eqref{eq:35} and
eq.~\eqref{eq:20}, we obtain
\begin{align}
&\bra{\Phi} U^{(0)}(-i\infty,0)U^{(0)}(0,-i\infty)
U(-i\infty,0)U(0,t)U^{(0)}(t,0)U^{(0)}(0,t)\nonumber\\[-5pt]
\big<\mathcal{O}\big>_y\
=\ &\frac{\quad \qquad\times \mathcal{O}U^{(0)}(t,0)
U^{(0)}(0,t) U(t,0)U(0,i\infty)
U^{(0)}(i\infty,0)U^{(0)}(0,i\infty)\ket{\Phi}}
{\braket{\Phi}{
U^{(0)}(-i\infty,0)U^{(0)}(0,-i\infty)U(-i\infty,0)
U(0,i\infty)U^{(0)}(i\infty,0)U^{(0)}(0,i\infty)}{\Phi}}\nonumber\\
=&\ \frac{\bra{\Phi_N}U_I(-i\infty,t)\mathcal{O}_I(t)
U_I(t,i\infty)\ket{\Phi_N}}
{\braket{\Phi_N}{U_I(-i\infty,i\infty)}{\Phi_N}}\,,
\label{eq:22}
\end{align}
where the overall factors appearing in both numerator and denominator
cancel each other.
To make the correspondence between this result and that of the
conventional in-in formalism\cite{Weinberg:2005vy,Maldacena:2002vr}
clearer,
we can rewrite eq.~\eqref{eq:22} as
\begin{align}
\big<\mathcal{O}(t)\big>&
= \frac{\big<P\left(\mathcal{O}_I(t)\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_C
H_I(t')dt'\right]
\right)\big>^{(N)}}
{\big<P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_C
H_I(t')dt'\right]
\right)\big>^{(N)}}\,,
\label{eq:1}
\end{align}
where the time integration path $C$ is
given by eq.~\eqref{eq:32},
$\big<\mathcal{O}(t)\big>\equiv\big<\mathcal{O}\big>_y$, and $\big<\
\big>^{(N)}$ is defined as $\big<\mathcal{O} \big>^{(N)}\equiv
\braket{\Phi_N}{\mathcal{O}}{\Phi_N}/\innr{\Phi_N}{\Phi_N}$. We can
deform the integration path in the denominator from $C$ to $i\infty\to
-i\infty$ using $P\left(\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}\int_{0\to t\to 0}
H_I(t')dt'\right]\right)=1$.
Since the annihilation operator $a$ annihilates $\ket{\Phi_N}$,
Wick's theorem can be used to evaluate eq.~\eqref{eq:1} as usual.
The $N$-point correlation function $\big<P\big(\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I(t_2)\cdots \eta(t_N)\big)\big>^{(N)}$
vanishes when $N$ is odd, but is given by
\begin{align}
\big<P\big(\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I(t_2)\cdots \eta(t_N)\big)\big>^{(N)}
&=\sum_{{\rm set\ of\ pairs}}\quad \prod_{{\rm pairs}}\big<P\big(\eta_I(t_i)\eta_I(t_j)\big)\big>^{(N)}\,,
\label{eq:42}
\end{align}
when $N$ is even.
Here, the 2-point correlation function $\big<P\big(\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I(t_2)\big)\big>^{(N)}$
can be evaluated as
\begin{align}
\big<P\big(\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I(t_2)\big)\big>^{(N)}&=
\begin{cases}
u(t_1)v(t_2)&{\rm when\ }t_1{\rm\ precedes\ } t_2 {\rm\ along\ }C\,,\\
u(t_2)v(t_1)&{\rm when\ }t_2{\rm\ precedes\ } t_1 {\rm\ along\ }C\,,
\end{cases}
\label{eq:41}
\end{align}
where $u(t)$ and $v(t)$ are given by eq.~\eqref{eq:26}.
Before closing this section, let us summarize what we have found.
The expression given in eq.~\eqref{eq:1} is in the same form as the
conventional in-in formalism, which is often used in quantum field theory
calculations involving interactions\cite{Weinberg:2005vy,Maldacena:2002vr}.
However, the time integration path $C:i\infty\to0\to t\to0\to-i\infty$
is different from the usual case, where the time integration path is
$t_0\to t\to t_0$ when the initial state is given at an initial time
$t_0$ or $-\infty(1-i\epsilon)\to t\to -\infty(1+i\epsilon)$ when the
initial state is given in the past infinity. In our case, the
quasi-ground-state is chosen as the initial state of the false vacuum,
and the corresponding time is given as $t=\pm i\infty$ using the
instanton $y(\tau)$ defined with Euclidean time $\tau=it$. In
eq.~\eqref{eq:1}, the imaginary part of the integration path $C$
corresponds to the evolution inside the barrier, or during tunneling,
while the real part corresponds to the evolution outside the
barrier, or after tunneling.
\section{Application to toy model}
\label{sec:appl-toy-model}
\subsection{Toy model}
For illustration purposes, we explicitly apply the formalism obtained above
to a simple toy model.
We assume that the instanton is given by
\begin{align}
y(\tau)\approx
\begin{cases}
y_F& \left(-\infty<\tau< -\tau_W\right)\,,\quad\left(\tau_W<\tau< \infty\right)\,,\\
y_N& \left(-\tau_W<\tau< +\tau_W\right)\,,\\
>y_N &\left( 0<t(=-i\tau)<\infty\right)\,,
\label{eq:36}
\end{cases}
\end{align}
where $\tau_W$ ($0<\tau_W$) is the wall size of the thin-wall instanton,
and that the potential $V_\eta(y,\eta)$ is given by
\begin{align}
V_\eta(y,\eta)=\frac{\omega^2}{2}\eta^2+\tilde{\lambda}(y)\,\eta^3\,,
\label{eq:28}
\end{align}
where the $y$-dependent coupling constant $\tilde{\lambda}(y)$ is
assumed to be effective only inside the potential barrier (i.e. $y_F<y<y_N$).
By substituting eq.~\eqref{eq:36} and eq.~\eqref{eq:28}
into eq.~\eqref{eq:47}, $H(\tau)=H_0+H_{int}(\tau)$ can be written as
\begin{align}
H_0=\frac{p^2}{2}+\frac{\omega^2}{2}\eta^2-\frac{\hbar\omega}{2}\,,\qquad
H_{int}(\tau) &\approx\lambda \delta\left(\tau- \tau_W\right)\eta^3
+\lambda \delta\left(\tau+ \tau_W\right)\eta^3\,,
\label{eq:46}
\end{align}
where $\delta(x)$ is Dirac's delta function and
$\lambda=\int_{-\tau_W-0}^{-\tau_W+0}\tilde{\lambda}(\bar{y}(\tau))d\tau$.
Here, the eigenenergy of the quasi-ground-state is given by $E_F=\hbar\omega/2$,
since $H_{int}(\tau)$ vanishes around the false vacuum and
the quasi-ground-state is the ground state for $H_0$.
In the following, we denote the
ground state and the annihilation operator associated with $H_0$ as
$\ket{0}$ and $a$, respectively.
We will calculate $\big<\eta\big>_y$, or $\big<\eta(t)\big>$,
using both the the Schr\"odinger and interaction
picture expressions, given in eq.~\eqref{eq:16} and eq.~\eqref{eq:1}, respectively.
Although $\big<\eta(t)\big>=0$ in the free theory calculation,
we obtain $\big<\eta(t)\big>(t)\neq0$ as a result of
the effect of non-linear interaction.
\subsection{Calculation in Schr\"odinger picture}
To evaluate eq.~\eqref{eq:16}, we obtain $\ket{\Phi(t)}$ using eq.~\eqref{eq:15}.
The evolution of the ground state $\ket{0}$ defined at the false vacuum ($t'=+i\infty$)
to behind the wall ($t'=-i(-\tau_W-0)$) is trivial
since $H(t')$ is simply given by $H_0$ in this region,
and we obtain
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(-i(-\tau_W-0))}&= \ket{0}\,.
\label{eq:49}
\end{align}
Using eq.~\eqref{eq:46}, the evolution of the state across the wall
(i.e. $t'=-i(-\tau_W-0)\to -i(-\tau_W+0)$) is given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(-\tau_W+0)}&=e^{-\frac{\lambda}{\hbar} \eta^3}\ket{\Phi(-\tau_W-0)}\,.
\label{eq:48}
\end{align}
Since $H(t')$ is again simply $H_0$ from in front of the wall ($t'=-i(-\tau_W+0)$)
to outside the barrier ($t'=t$),
the evolution of the state between them is given by
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(t)}&=\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}H_0
(t-i\tau_W)\right]\ket{\Phi(-i(-\tau_W+0))}\,.
\label{eq:50}
\end{align}
By combining eq.~\eqref{eq:49}, eq.~\eqref{eq:48} and eq.~\eqref{eq:50}
we obtain, to first order in $\lambda$,
\begin{align}
\ket{\Phi(t)}&\approx\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}H_0
(t-i\tau_W)\right](1-\frac{\lambda}{\hbar}\eta^3)\ket{0}\,,
\label{eq:51}
\end{align}
and its hermitian conjugate is given by
\begin{align}
\bra{\Phi(t)}&\approx\bra{0}(1-\frac{\lambda}{\hbar}\eta^3)
\exp\left[\frac{i}{\hbar}H_0
(t+i\tau_W)\right]\,.
\label{eq:52}
\end{align}
By substituting eq.~\eqref{eq:51} and eq.~\eqref{eq:52} into eq.~\eqref{eq:16}
we obtain, to leading order in $\lambda$,
\begin{align}
\big<\eta(t)\big>&\approx- \frac{\lambda}{\hbar}\braket{0}{
\eta \exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}H_0
(t-i\tau_W)\right]\eta^3+
\eta^3 \exp\left[\frac{i}{\hbar}H_0
(t+i\tau_W)\right]\eta
}{0}\nonumber\\
&=-\frac{3\hbar\lambda}{2\omega^2}\cos\left(\omega t\right)e^{-\omega\tau_W}\,.
\label{eq:43}
\end{align}
To obtain the second line, we used $[a,a^\dagger]=1$, $H_0\ket{0}=0$,
$[H_0,a]=-\hbar \omega$, $[H_0,a^\dagger]=\hbar \omega$
and $\eta=(\hbar/2\omega)^{1/2}\left(a+a^\dagger\right)$.
\subsection{Calculation in interaction picture}
Since $H_0$ is independent of $t$, eq.~\eqref{eq:38} can be easily solved.
$u(t)$ and $v(t)$ defined with the
boundary conditions in eq.~\eqref{eq:26}
are given, respectively, by
\begin{align}
u(t)= \sqrt{\frac{\hbar}{2\omega}}e^{-i\omega t}\,,
\qquad v(t)= \sqrt{\frac{\hbar}{2\omega}}e^{i\omega t}\,.
\end{align}
By using $H_{int}(\tau)$ given in eq.~\eqref{eq:46} along with eq.~\eqref{eq:21},
we obtain, to first order in $\lambda$,
\begin{align}
\exp\left[-\frac{i}{\hbar}
\int_C
H_I(t')dt'\right]&
\approx
1- \frac{\lambda}{\hbar}\eta_I^3(i\tau_W)
- \frac{\lambda}{\hbar}\eta_I^3(-i\tau_W)\,.
\label{eq:63}
\end{align}
By substituting eq.~\eqref{eq:63} into eq.~\eqref{eq:22}
we obtain, to leading order in $\lambda$,
\begin{align}
\big<\eta(t)\big>
&\approx-\frac{\lambda}{\hbar}
\big<\eta_I(t)\eta_I^3(i\tau_W)+\eta_I^3(-i\tau_W)\eta_I(t)\big>^{(N)}\nonumber\\
&=-\frac{3\hbar\lambda}{2\omega^2}\cos\left(\omega t\right)e^{-\omega\tau_W}\,.
\label{eq:44}
\end{align}
which is in agreement with eq.~\eqref{eq:43}, as it should be.
To obtain the second line,
we used Wick's theorem, as in eq.~\eqref{eq:42}.
Here, for example, $\big<\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I^3(t_2)\big>^{(N)}$ can be evaluated as
\begin{align}
\big<\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I^3(t_2)\big>^{(N)}
&=3\big<\eta_I(t_1)\eta_I(t_2)\big>^{(N)}\big<\eta_I^2(t_2)\big>^{(N)}
=3u(t_1)u(t_2)v^2(t_2)\,.
\end{align}
\section{Conclusion}
\label{sec:conclusion}
We have studied a 2-dimensional tunneling system, where the tunneling
sector $y$ is non-linearly coupled to an oscillator $\eta$. Assuming
the system is initially in a quasi-ground-state at the false vacuum, the
2-dimensional tunneling wave function $\psi(y,\eta)$ has been
constructed using the WKB method. We have considered the effect of non-linear
interactions, which has not been studied in the context of multi-dimensional tunneling
systems before, to our knowledge.
We have determined the quantum expectation values with respect to the $\eta$
direction at a given $y$ outside the barrier. We first introduced a
Schr\"odinger picture formulation to obtain eq.~\eqref{eq:16} in
Sec.~\ref{sec:wkbnext}, and then moved to an interaction picture formulation in
Sec.~\ref{sec:interaction} to obtain eq.~\eqref{eq:1}. The resulting
formula given in eq.~\eqref{eq:1} is of the same form as the conventional in-in
formalism, which is often used in quantum field theory calculations with
interactions\cite{Weinberg:2005vy,Maldacena:2002vr}. However, the time
integration path is modified to the one consisting of
an imaginary part in addition to a real part.
The difference in the integration path
for the usual case and the quantum tunneling case can be understood as follows. In the usual case,
an initial state is given at some finite past $t=t_0$ or the infinite past
$t=-\infty$, both of which are defined on the real axis. However, in
the case of quantum tunneling, the initial state is given at the
false vacuum, where the corresponding time is $t=\pm i\infty$.
In our case, the imaginary part of the integration path corresponds to the
evolution of the quantum state during tunneling, while the real part
corresponds to the evolution after the quantum tunneling.
In this paper, the formulation has been done in a multi-dimensional quantum mechanical
system. In order to apply it to cosmology, we need to
extend the formulation to field theory, with gravitational effects included.
Such an extension has been done in the case without interactions in
\cite{Yamamoto:1993mp,Tanaka:1993ez,Tanaka:1994qa}, and we expect
similar extension to be possible in the case with interactions. Although
a full derivation is now under investigation, one might naively expect
that the integration path will also consist of an imaginary part
corresponding to the evolution during quantum tunneling,
and real part corresponding to the evolution after quantum tunneling.
Calculations assuming this naive expectation to be true
have already been performed in
the literature\cite{Sugimura:2012kr,Park:2011ty}.
Observable effects resulting from non-linear interactions, such as the
non-Gaussianity of cosmological fluctuations, are now recognized as
powerful tools to probe the early universe. It is therefore
important for us to be able to determine such features that may result
from models involving quantum tunneling, which are motivated by the string
landscape.
\begin{acknowledgments}
KS thanks J.~White, M.~Sasaki, T.~Tanaka and K.~Yamamoto for useful discussions and
valuable comments.
This work was supported in part by Monbukagaku-sho
Grant-in-Aid for the Global COE programs,
``The Next Generation of Physics, Spun from Universality
and Emergence'' at Kyoto University.
KS was supported by Grant-in-Aid for JSPS Fellows
No.~23-3437.
\end{acknowledgments}
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 5,884
|
Konik Garbusek (ros. Конёк-Горбунок, Koniok-Gorbunok) – radziecki pełnometrażowy film animowany z 1975 roku w reżyserii Iwana Iwanowa-Wano i Borisa Butakowa na podstawie baśni Piotra Jerszowa o tym samym tytule. Jest to nowsza wersja filmu z 1947 roku. Iwan Iwanow-Wano nakręcił Konika Garbuska w 1975 roku dla uczczenia po raz drugi jubileuszu czterdziestolecia wytwórni Sojuzmultfilm.
Fabuła
Najmłodszy z trójki braci Wania był powszechnie uważany za głupca. Któregoś dnia ktoś tratował ich pole. W nocy bracia postanowili złapać winowajcę i w ten sposób schwytali Cudownego Rumaka. Dobry Wania wypuszcza jednak zwierzę na wolność. W nagrodę otrzymuje dwa wspaniałe rumaki i Konika Garbuska. Jednak jego starsi bracia dokonują kradzieży pięknych rumaków. Wania wyrusza za nimi, odzyskuje skradzione konie i sprzedaje je carowi. Następnie przy pomocy magicznego Konika Garbuska udaje mu się zdobyć dla cara legendarnego Żar-Ptaka i Cud-Dziewicę. Car chce się z nią ożenić, dlatego też Wania będzie musiał odzyskać pierścień Cud-Dziewicy leżący gdzieś na dnie oceanu oraz sprawdzić skuteczność odmładzającej kąpieli.
Obsada głosowa
Marija Winogradowa – Wania
Swietłana Charłap – Konik Garbusek
Aleksiej Gribow –
car,
narrator
Gieorgij Wicyn –
koniuszy,
postacie epizodyczne
Wiera Jeniutina – Cud Dziewczyna
Anatolij Kubacki – Daniłła
Roman Filippow –
Gawryłła,
jeden z carskich łaźników
Aleksandr Chanow – Wieloryb
Animatorzy
Jurij Butyrin, Wiktor Szewkow, Nikołaj Fiodorow, Walentin Kusznierow, Władimir Krumin, Wiktor Arsientjew, Rienata Mirienkowa, Oleg Safronow, Marina Rogowa, Aleksandr Panow, Marina Woskanjanc
Nagrody
1975 - Brązowy medal w kategorii najlepszego filmu animowanego dla dzieci na VI Międzynarodowym Festiwalu Filmowym w Teheranie
Wersja polska
Pierwsza wersja (1977)
Opracowanie wersji polskiej: Studio Opracowań Filmów w Łodzi
Reżyseria: Grzegorz Sielski
Wystąpili:
Barbara Marszałek – Wania
Alicja Krawczykówna – Konik Garbusek
Jerzy Przybylski – car
Sławomir Misiurewicz – koniuszy
Ewa Adamska – Cud Dziewczyna
Ryszard Dembiński – Daniłła
Ireneusz Kaskiewicz – Gawryłła
Marian Wojtczak – Wieloryb
Ewa Mirowska – Kobyła
Źródło:
Druga wersja (1997)
Opracowanie wersji polskiej: Telewizyjne Studia Dźwięku
Wystąpili:
Stefan Każuro – Iwan
Stanisław Brudny – car
Ryszard Nawrocki – koniuszy
Beata Jankowska-Tzimas – Morska Panna
Andrzej Gawroński –
Daniłła (dialogi),
obserwator na dachu #1
Dariusz Odija –
Daniłła (śpiew),
Wieloryb,
mieszkańcy
Mirosław Zbrojewicz – Gawryłła (dialogi)
Jarosław Boberek –
Gawryłła (śpiew),
obserwator na dachu #2,
strażnik,
sprzedawca chlebów
Barbara Bursztynowicz – Kobyła
Włodzimierz Bednarski – Narrator
Lektor: Maciej Gudowski
Przypisy
Bibliografia
Edward Pawlak, Barbara Pełka, Film radziecki w Polsce, Warszawa 1985, s. 96-97.
Linki zewnętrzne
Konik Garbusek - Kino Iluzjon Filmoteki Narodowej
Konik Garbusek w bazie IMDb
Konik Garbusek w bazie BCDB
Konik Garbusek w bazie Animator.ru
Filmy o koniach
Filmy w reżyserii Iwana Iwanowa-Wano
Radzieckie adaptacje filmowe
Radzieckie animowane filmy pełnometrażowe
Radzieckie filmy animowane z 1975 roku
Radzieckie filmy familijne
Radzieckie filmy fantasy
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 0
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\section{Introduction}
Scattering amplitudes presented in the conformal primary basis in four-dimensional Minkowski space are naturally viewed as correlators on the celestial two-sphere at null infinity, and referred to as the celestial amplitudes \cite{Pasterski:2016qvg,Strominger:2017zoo,Raclariu:2021zjz, Pasterski:2021rjz, Pasterski:2021raf
}.
The connection between four and two dimensions provides a concrete dictionary for celestial holography, which aims to reformulate the flat space quantum gravity as a celestial conformal field theory (CCFT). The viewpoint from the celestial sphere has brought us a lot of new insights. For instance, under the celestial holography dictionary, massless spinning particles in the soft (or conformally soft) limit are dual to currents that generate infinite-dimensional symmetries in the CCFT, and the corresponding soft theorems are recast as Ward identities \cite{Weinberg:1965nx, He:2014laa, Kapec:2016jld, Donnay:2018neh,Stieberger:2018onx, Fan:2019emx, Pate:2019mfs, Adamo:2019ipt, Puhm:2019zbl, Guevara:2019ypd, Fotopoulos:2019tpe,Strominger:2021lvk, Ball:2021tmb, Strominger:2021mtt}.
From the analogy with two-dimensional conformal field theory (CFT), one expects the structure constants and central charges of this infinite-dimensional algebra are contained in the three-point correlators of the currents. However, the three-point scattering amplitudes of massless particles are commonly regarded to vanish, because in the plane wave basis the momentum conservation cannot be satisfied for generic momentum. This problem is usually avoided in the literature by going to the Klein space with the unphysical $(2,2)$ split signature \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz,Stieberger:2018edy,Fan:2019emx,Pate:2019mfs,Puhm:2019zbl,Pate:2019lpp,Banerjee:2020kaa,Jiang:2021xzy,Brandhuber:2021nez,Sharma:2021gcz}. Even so, the celestial gluon amplitudes still do not take the standard form of the current three-point functions in 2d CFT \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz,Puhm:2019zbl}.
In this paper, we point out that solutions to the total momentum conservation of three massless particles in Minkowski space exist in two special regions, and give nontrivial contributions to the massless three-point celestial amplitudes. They are the soft region where one of the particles has zero energy, and the colinear region where the momenta of all the incoming and outgoing particles are colinear. The three-point celestial amplitudes with only massless scalars receive contributions from both limits regions (see Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes}).
The three-point celestial amplitudes involving massless spinning particles vanish in the colinear region, due to the tensor structure in the cubic vertex. Non-zero amplitudes in the (conformally) soft region are extracted using the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions obtained in \cite{Donnay:2018neh} (see Section \ref{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes} and \ref{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes}).
The results are best presented when the incoming (outgoing) particles are in the (shadow) conformal primary basis. In this prescription, scattering amplitudes are given by the shadow products between the incoming and outgoing states, which correspond to the Belavin-Polyakov-Zamolodchikov (BPZ) inner products in the CCFT \cite{Crawley:2021ivb}. The celestial amplitudes in this prescription are summarized in Table \ref{tab:celestial_amplitudes}. We can see that all of them take the standard form of the correlators of primary operators in 2d CFT. In particular, the soft photon and gluon correspond to the spin-1 conserved currents, and the soft graviton corresponds to a primary operator of dimension $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, whose level-1 descendent is the supertranslation current \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
\begin{table}[H]
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{c|c|c}
particles & celestial amplitudes & operator dimensions
\\ \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
scalar-photon-scalar & \multicolumn{1}{l|}{$\,\,\mathcal{A}_{1^0\to 2_{\rm soft}^-3^0}\propto \left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta}}$} & $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
scalar-graviton-scalar & \multicolumn{1}{l|}{$\,\,\mathcal{A}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\rm soft}3^0}
\propto\frac{\bar z_{12}z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta+2}}$} & $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$, $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
\multirow{3}{*}{three gluons} & $\mathcal{A}_{1^+\to 2^-_{\rm soft}3^-}\propto\left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta+1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta-1}}$ & $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta-1}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta-1}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \cline{2-3} && \\[-0.45cm]
& $\mathcal{A}_{1^-\to 2^-_{\rm soft}3^+}\propto\left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta-1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta+1}}$ & $(\frac{\Delta-1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta-1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\caption{\label{tab:celestial_amplitudes}The celestial amplitudes of two massless scalars with a photon or a graviton, and the three-point celestial gluon amplitudes. The logarithmic conformal primary wave functions were used for the soft (second) particles. The conformal dimensions of the corresponding CCFT operators are given in the last column.}
\end{table}
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section \ref{sec:ConformalBasis} reviews the celestial amplitude and the conformal primary basis of low spin, gives a general formula for massless and massive spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis, and discusses the massless limit of the massive conformal primary basis. Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes} computes the three-point celestial amplitudes of massless scalars. Section \ref{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes} computes the celestial amplitudes of two massless scalars with a photon or a graviton. Section \ref{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes} computes the three-point celestial gluon amplitudes. Section \ref{sec:discussion} ends with a summary and future directions.
\section{Conformal primary basis}\label{sec:ConformalBasis}
Celestial amplitudes are obtained by expanding the position space amplitudes with respect to the conformal primary wavefunctions \cite{Pasterski:2016qvg,Pasterski:2017kqt} instead of the plane-waves, \textit{i.e.,} \footnote{Throughout this paper, $\mathcal{O}_i(z_i)$ should be understood as $\mathcal{O}_i(z_i,\bar{z}_i)$. We use this abbreviation to simplify the notation.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:CA}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{a_i}(z_i)=\bigg(\prod_{j=1}^{k+n}\int d^{4}X_j\bigg)\bigg(\prod_{j=1}^k\phi_{\Delta_j,a_j}^{+}(z_j;X_j)\bigg)\bigg(\prod_{j=k+1}^{k+n}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{\Delta_j,a_j}(z_j;X_{j})\bigg)\mathcal{M}(X_i)\;,
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{M}(X_j)$ is the scattering amplitude in position space, and $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}(z;X)$, $\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}(z;X)$ are the conformal primary and shadow conformal primary wave functions. $\Delta$ and $a$ are the conformal dimension and the spin of the wave functions, respectively. The coordinates $(z,\bar z)$ on the celestial sphere are related to the massless on-shell momenta $q^\mu$ through
\begin{align}\label{hq}
q^{\mu}(\omega,z)=\omega\hat{q}^{\mu}(z)=\omega(1+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-z\bar{z})
\end{align}
and to the massive on-shell momenta $p^{\mu}$ through
\begin{align}\label{hp}
p^{\mu}(m,y,z)= m\hat{p}^{\mu}(y,z)=\frac{m}{2y}(1+y^2+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-y^2-z\bar{z})\,.
\end{align}
Here, we choose to expand the wave functions of the incoming particles in the conformal primary basis while the outgoing particles in the shadow conformal primary basis. This prescription is equivalent to expanding the wave functions of both incoming and outgoing particles in the same conformal primary basis but modifying the inner product in the definition of the $S$-matrix from the Klein-Gordon inner product to the shadow product \cite{Crawley:2021ivb}. Finally, note that while the helicity in four dimensions aligns with the spin on the celestial sphere for conformal primary basis $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}$, the helicity and spin have opposite signs for the shadow conformal primary basis $\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}$ due to the shadow transform.
\subsection{Scalar}
The conformal primary wave functions $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)$ for massless and massive scalars with mass $m$ are given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Massless}
\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)= \int_{0}^{+\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}=\frac{(\mp i)^{\Delta}\Gamma[\Delta]}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}\equiv N^{\pm}_\Delta\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}\;,
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:Massive}
\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,m}(z;X)=\int\frac{d^3\hat{p}^{\prime}}{\hat{p}^{\prime0}}G_{\Delta}(z,\bar{z};\hat{p}^{\prime})e^{\pm im\hat{p}^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{align}
respectively. Here, $G_{\Delta}(z,\bar{z};\hat{p})$ is the bulk-to-boundary propagator which takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eqn:bdry_to_bulk}
G_{\Delta}(\hat{q};\hat{p}^{\prime})=\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot\hat{p}^{\prime})^{\Delta}}
\end{align}
in terms of $\hat q$ and $\hat{p}$ in \eqref{hq} and \eqref{hp}. \footnote{In this paper, we use the most positive metric in four-dimensional flat space, \textit{i.e.}, $\eta_{\mu\nu}=\text{diag}(-1,+1,+1,+1)$.} Starting with \eqref{eq:Massless} and \eqref{eq:Massive}, one can obtain another set of conformal primary basis by performing the shadow transformations. As shown in \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt}, the shadow transformation of massive conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massive} takes the same form as \eqref{eq:Massive} up to a change of conformal dimension from $\Delta$ to $2-\Delta$. On the other hand, the shadow transformation of massless conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massless} is
\begin{align}\label{eq:phit}
\widetilde{\phi}_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)=2^{\Delta-1}\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta]}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}}{q^{0\prime}}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}^{\prime}\cdot\hat{q})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}=\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta]}\int d^2z^{\prime}\frac{\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z^{\prime};X)}{|z-z^{\prime}|^{2\Delta}}
\;.
\end{align}
The integral over $d^2z^{\prime}$ can be computed, leading to the following relation \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt}
\begin{align}\label{eq:phit=phi}
\widetilde{\phi}_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)=\frac{N^\pm_{2-\Delta}}{N^\pm_{\Delta}}(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)\;.
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless spin-one}
The conformal primary basis for massless spin-one particles is \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt,Donnay:2018neh}
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOne}
\begin{split}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)&=\frac{\Delta-1}{\Delta}\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}+\partial_\mu\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{\Delta(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}
\\
&\equiv V^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The corresponding shadow conformal primary wave function is related to $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ by
\begin{align}\label{eq:At=A}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}=(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}\label{eq:At}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a
=&\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}+\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\hat{q}^{\mu}\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+1}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
From \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, it is easy to check that $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)$ is gauge equivalent to the Mellin transformation of the plane-wave basis up to a constant when $\Delta\neq1$, \textit{i.e.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOneMellin}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=\frac{\Delta-1}{\Delta N^{\pm}_\Delta}\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}\;.
\end{align}
On the other hand, in the conformally soft region $\Delta=1$, both $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ reduce to pure gauge and lead to vanishing celestial amplitude due to the gauge invariance. The conformal primary wave functions that are not pure gauge can be constructed from the combination
of $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$:
\begin{align}\label{eq:Alog_def}
\begin{split}
A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}=\lim_{\Delta\rightarrow 1}\partial_{\Delta}\bigg(A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}+\widetilde{A}^{2-\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
With the help of \eqref{eq:At=A}, the log mode $A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}$ can be further written as
\begin{align}\label{eq:Alog}
\begin{split}
A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)&=-\log(-X^2)A^{1,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)
\\
&=\frac{2X_{\mu}}{X^2}\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}+\partial_\mu\left(-\log(-X^2)\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}\right)
\\
&\equiv V^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In the later computations, we will also use the wave functions in momentum space. Since $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ satisfies the massless Klein-Gordon equation $\Box A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}=0$, it admits the Fourier expansion in the on-shell momentum space as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOneFourier}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=&\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}}{q^{\prime}_0}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{align}
where the integral is over all null momenta $q^{\prime\mu}$. The Lorentz gauge condition $\partial^{\mu}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=0$ in the momentum space becomes the transverse condition $q^{\prime\mu} A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})=0$. Similarly, one has the Fourier modes $\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, $V_{\mu a}^{\Delta,\pm}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$ and ${A}^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, which are functions of the on-shell momentum $q'^\mu$, and the latter three satisfy the transverse condition. However, $V^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_a$ do not admit an expansion in the on-shell momentum space like \eqref{eq:SpinOneFourier}, because they do not satisfy the massless Klein-Gordon equation.
After defining the Fourier modes, \eqref{eq:SpinOne} can be translated into the momentum space, giving
\begin{align}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})=& V^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})\pm iq^{\prime}_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})\;.
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless spin-two}
The conformal primary basis for massless spin-two particles has been studied in \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt,Donnay:2018neh}. It takes the form as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{1}{2}\left[\frac{\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta }+\frac{2(\partial_z\hat q\cdot X)\hat q_{(\mu}\partial_z \hat q_{\nu)}}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+1}}+\frac{(\partial_z\hat q\cdot X)^2 \hat q_\mu \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+2}}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
It is convenient to decompose $h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)$ as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinTwo}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{\Delta-1}{2(\Delta+1)}\frac{\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta }
\\
&\quad+\frac{(\Delta-1)}{\Delta(\Delta+1)}\hat q_{(\mu}\partial_{\nu)}\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta}+\frac{1}{2\Delta(\Delta+1)}\partial_\mu\partial_\nu\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the terms on the second line are total derivatives.
The corresponding shadow conformal primary wave function is related to $h^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ by
\begin{align}\label{eq:ht=h}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{h}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}h^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We note that when $\Delta\neq0$ and $\Delta\neq 1$, $h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)$ is proportional to the Mellin transformation of the plane-wave basis up to pure diffeomorphism:
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{(\Delta-1)}{2(\Delta+1)N^\pm_\Delta}\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}+(\text{total derivative})\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In the conformally soft limit $\Delta\rightarrow1$, the conformal primary wave function \eqref{eq:SpinTwo} and its shadow \eqref{eq:ht=h} coincide and both reduce to pure diffeomorphism. In this limit, a new conformal primary wave function $h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$, which is not pure diffeomorphism, can be constructed from
\begin{align}\label{eq:hlog}
\begin{split}
&h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=\lim_{\Delta\rightarrow1}\partial_{\Delta}\bigg(h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)+\widetilde{h}^{2-\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Armed with \eqref{eq:SpinTwo} and \eqref{eq:ht=h}, $h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ can be re-written as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=-\text{log}(-X^2)h^{\Delta=1}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)=W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}+\partial_{(\mu}\alpha_{\nu)}^{\text{log},\pm}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ is
\begin{align}\label{eq:WLog}
\begin{split}
W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=\frac{\eta_{\mu\nu}-\frac{2X_{\mu}X_{\nu}}{X^2}}{2(-X^2)}\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
and $\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu zz}$ is just some function of $\hat{q}$ and $X$.
\subsection{General spin}\label{sec:CPB_general_spin}
In this subsection, we give a general formula for the massless and massive conformal primary basis of arbitrary integer spin, which is derived from a covariant formalism introduced in Appendix \ref{app:CPB_general_spin}. Under specialization, one can get various conformal primary basis including those reviewed in the previous subsections, and the massive spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis obtained \cite{Law:2020tsg}.
The spin-$\ell$ massless conformal primary basis is\footnote{We use the abbreviation ${\{\nu^{\ell}\}}\equiv {\nu_1\cdots\nu_{\ell}}$ and $(\partial_a \hat q_\nu)^\ell\equiv \partial_{a_1} \hat q_{\nu_1}\cdots \partial_{a_\ell} \hat q_{\nu_\ell}$ to simplify the notation.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessSpinl}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{a^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q};X)=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}(\partial_a\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}}{q^{0\prime}}\frac{{(\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell})_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}}}^{\{\nu^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})}{(-\hat{q}^{\prime}\cdot\hat{q})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}$ is a normalization constant
\begin{align}\label{eq:NDelta}
\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}=\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta+\ell]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta+\ell]}\;,
\end{align}
and $\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell}$ is the spin-$\ell$ projection operator of $SO(2)$
\begin{align}\label{eq:PI}
\begin{split}
(\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell})_{\mu_1\cdots \mu_{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu_1\cdots \mu_{\ell}}\nu_1\cdots \nu_\ell}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})=&\sum_{i=0}^{\lfloor\ell/2\rfloor}\frac{(-\ell)_{2i}}{2^{2i}i!(-\ell+1)_i}I_{(\mu_1\mu_2}I^{(\nu_1\nu_2}\cdots I_{\mu_{2i-1}\mu_{2i}}I^{\nu_{2i-1}\nu_{2i}}\\
&\phantom{=}\qquad\qquad\times I_{\mu_{2i+1}}^{\phantom{\mu_{2i+1}}\nu_{2i+1}}\cdots I_{\mu_{\ell})}^{\phantom{\mu_{\ell}}\nu_{\ell})}\;,
\\
I_{\mu\nu}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})=&\eta_{\mu\nu}-\frac{\hat{q}_{\mu}\hat{q}^{\prime}_{\nu}}{\hat{q}\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}}-\frac{\hat{q}_{\nu}\hat{q}^{\prime}_{\mu}}{\hat{q}\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In Appendix \ref{app:SCPB}, we show that the specialization of \eqref{eq:PI} to $\ell=0$ and $1$ are proportional to the shadow conformal primary basis $\widetilde\phi^\pm_\Delta$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}\label{eq:MasslessScalarShadow}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)\;,
\\
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}(\mp i)^{2-\Delta}\frac{\Gamma[3-\Delta]}{1-\Delta}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The spin-$\ell$ massive conformal primary basis is
\begin{align}\label{eq:MassiveSpin}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,J,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{a^{|J|}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(-1)^{\ell-|J|}(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\mu^{\prime\ell}}(\hat{q}_{\mu^{\prime}})^{\ell-|J|}(\mathcal{P}^{|J|}_{Q})_{\mu^{\prime|J|}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\prime|J|}}\nu^{|J|}}(\partial_a\hat{q}_{\nu})^{|J|}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta+\ell-|J|}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $J=-\ell,\,-\ell+1,\,\cdots,\,\ell$ is the eigenvalue of the Cartan generator of the $SO(3)$ little group and corresponds to the spin on the celestial sphere. The tensor structures ${\cal P}^\ell_P$ and ${\cal P}^\ell_Q$ are given by \eqref{eq:PI} with $I$ replaced by the projectors
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&P^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}+\hat{p}^{\mu}\hat{p}^{\nu}\;,\\
&Q^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}-\frac{\hat{p}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\hat{p}^{\nu}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\hat{q}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{(\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q})^2}.
\end{split}
\end{align}
For the $J=\ell=0$ case, \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} coincides with \eqref{eq:Massive} up to a constant factor
\begin{align}\label{eqn:massive_scalar}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_m(\hat q;X)=m^{2-\Delta}\phi^\pm_{\Delta,m}(z;X)\,.
\end{split}
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless limit}
One advantage of \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} is that it enjoys a nice behaviour under massless limit. Particularly, \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} with $|J|=\ell$ directly reduces to the corresponding massless spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis in the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$. To see this, we note that setting $J=\ell$ in \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P})_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\{\mu^{\prime\ell}\}}(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q})_{\{\mu^{\prime\ell}\}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\prime\ell}}\{\nu^{\ell}\}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using the transversality condition \eqref{eq:TransC} and the fact that $\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q}$ is traceless with respect to the metric $g$, we can remove the projection operator $\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P}$ and get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
After defining $\omega=\frac{m}{2y}$ and $\bar{p}=(1+y^2+z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime},z^{\prime}+\bar{z}^{\prime},-i(z^{\prime}-\bar{z}^{\prime}),1-y^2-z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime})$, we have $p=m\hat{p}=\omega\bar{p}$, leading to
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimit}
\begin{split}
&\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}=2^{1-\Delta}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{1-\Delta}\int d^2z^{\prime}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimit1}
\begin{split}
&Q^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}-\frac{\bar{p}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\bar{p}^{\nu}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{m^2}{\omega^2}\frac{\hat{q}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{(\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q})^2}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Thus, in the massless limit $m\rightarrow 0$, we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimitGeneric}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{1-\Delta}\int d^2z^{\prime}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{I})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{|z-z^{\prime}|^{2\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\\
=&2^{1-\Delta}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}}{q^{\prime0}}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{I})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot q^{\prime})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\\
=&\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q};X)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the fact that
\begin{align}
\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\bar{p}=(1+z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime},z^{\prime}+\bar{z}^{\prime},-i(z^{\prime}-\bar{z}^{\prime}),1-z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime})\equiv\frac{1}{\omega}q^{\prime}\;.
\end{align}
For $\ell=0$, there is a different massless limit
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimitScalar1}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2\Delta-2}\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{m}(\hat{q};X)=-2^{\Delta-1}\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which produces the massless scalar conformal primary wave function \eqref{eq:Massless}. This formula follows directly from the limit
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimit=delta_0}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}(\Delta-1)m^{2\Delta-2}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}=2^{2\Delta-1}\pi\omega^{2\Delta-2}\delta^{(2)}(z-z^{\prime})
\end{split}
\end{align}
which holds when $\text{Re}(\Delta)\geq1$ and can be proved as follows. We note that the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$ in \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0} vanishes unless $z=z^{\prime}$. Thus the left-hand side of \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0} must be proportional to $\delta^{(2)}(z-z^{\prime})$. \footnote{One may expect that when $\omega=0$ the massless limit is also non-vanishing. However, due to the fact that $\text{Re}(2-2\Delta)\geq0$, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\frac{2^{\Delta-2}(1-\Delta)}{\pi}\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2-2\Delta}\omega^{\Delta-1}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{2-\Delta}e^{\pm i\omega (2y\hat{p}^{\prime})\cdot X}\sim\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2-2\Delta}\omega^{3-\Delta}=0
\end{split}
\end{align}
when $\omega=0$.
}
The proportional constant can be fixed by noting that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&(\Delta-1)\int d^2z \, m^{2\Delta-2}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}=2^{2\Delta-1}\pi\omega^{2-2\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which proves \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0}.
\section{Three-point celestial amplitudes of massless scalars}\label{sec:scalar_amplitudes}
In this section, we will compute the three-point celestial amplitudes involving three massless scalars. We will use the shadow basis \eqref{eq:phit} for outgoing particles and conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massless} for incoming particles.
The computations of the one-to-two and the two-to-one amplitudes are in Section \ref{sec:2-1_amplitude} and \ref{sec:TwoOutgoing}, respectively.
For each amplitude, we give two computations that give the same results. The first computation is by directly performing the Mellin transform and shadow transform on the scattering amplitude in the plane wave basis, and the second computation is by taking the massless limit of the known celestial or shadow celestial amplitudes of one massive and two massless scalars.
\subsection{Two-to-one amplitude}\label{sec:2-1_amplitude}
In this subsection, we consider the $1^02^0\rightarrow3^0$ scattering. Here We use the superscript $0$ to indicate that the corresponding particle is a scalar.
\paragraph{Direct computation in momentum space} The corresponding celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$ is given by
\begin{align}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q_3^{\prime0}}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot q^{\prime}_3)^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1+q_2-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{align}
By noting the identity
\begin{align}
\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}=2\int d^4q^{\prime}_3\delta(-q^{\prime2}_3)\theta(q^{\prime0}_3)\;,
\end{align}
and using the delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1+q_2-q^{\prime}_3)$, we can compute the integral over $d^4q^{\prime}_3$ leads to
\begin{align}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{-\Delta_3}}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\bigg(\frac{1}{-\hat{q}_3\cdot (q_1+q_2)}\bigg)^{\Delta_3}\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)\;.
\end{align}
The delta-function $\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)$ can be rewritten as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SupportDelta}
\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)=\frac{1}{2\omega_2(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)}\delta(\omega_1)+\frac{1}{2\omega_1(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)}\delta(\omega_2)+\frac{1}{2\omega_1\omega_2}\delta(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)\;.
\end{align}
We note that the first two terms in \eqref{eq:SupportDelta} correspond to the soft region and the last term corresponds to the colinear region. Using \eqref{eq:SupportDelta} and evaluating the integral over $\omega_1$ and $\omega_2$, we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}+\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}\;,
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ and $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}$ are given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}=(2\pi)^3\pi^2\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}(\frac{\delta_{\Delta_1,1}}{|z_{23}|^{2\Delta_3}}+\frac{\delta_{\Delta_2,1}}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}})\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{12}|^2}\;,
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}=&\frac{(2\pi)^5\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\Gamma[\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_1+\Delta_3]}{4\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\\
=&\frac{(2\pi)^3\pi^2\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\Gamma[\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[\Delta_2-1]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We mention here that the soft part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ (and the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$) converge only when $\Delta_1\geq1$ and $\Delta_2\geq1$.
\paragraph{Computation using massless limit}
\eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}, \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft} and \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear} can also be derived by taking the massless limit of the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}$ which involve two incoming massless scalars and one outgoing massive scalar with mass $m$. Specifically, according to \eqref{eq:MasslessScalarShadow}, \eqref{eqn:massive_scalar} and \eqref{eq:MasslessLimitGeneric}, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}=2^{\Delta_3-1}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We note that $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}$ is
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessMasslessMassive1}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}=\frac{C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)}{|z_{12}|^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3}|z_{13}|^{\Delta_1-\Delta_2+\Delta_3}|z_{23}|^{\Delta_{2}+\Delta_3-\Delta_1}}\;.
\end{align}
Here the coefficient $C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)$ is given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Scalar3ptC1}
\begin{split}
C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)=&2^{-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(2\pi)^{4}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2}\frac{\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_3-\Delta_{12}}{2}]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\\
=&2^{-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(2\pi)^{4}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{a}\frac{\Gamma[-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_2-1]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $a=\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2$. We stress here that to get finite $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}$,
\begin{align}\label{eq:ConvergenceCondition}
\begin{split}
\text{Re}(\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2})=\text{Re}(-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_1-1)\geq0\\
\text{Re}(\frac{-\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2})=\text{Re}(-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_2-1)\geq0
\end{split}
\end{align}
must hold. \footnote{These two conditions have to be satisfied such that the integral over $p_3$ is finite in the computation of $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}$.} Furthermore, to have well-defined massless limit, we need to assume $\text{Re}(a)\geq0$. Then taking the massless limit forces $-i\nu\equiv a=0$ with $\nu\in\mathbb{R}$.
For generic $\Delta_i$s which satisfy \eqref{eq:ConvergenceCondition}, we can use
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimit=delta}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}|z_{12}|^{i\nu-2}=2\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\frac{1}{i\nu}=4\pi\delta(\nu)\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\;,
\end{align}
where on the first equality we expanded $(|z_{12}|^2)^{\frac{i\nu}{2}-1}$ around $i\nu=0$ as \footnote{This follows from the distributional formula
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
x^a\theta(x)=\frac{(-1)^{n-1}\delta^{(n-1)}(x)}{(n-1)!}\frac{1}{a+n}+\cdots\,,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which is understood as follows. The LHS, when integrated against a test function, has poles on the complex $a$-plane at $a=-n$ for $n\in\bZ_{\ge0}$ with residues given by the residue of the RHS integrated against the same test function. More detailed discussions can be found in Appendix B of \cite{Caron-Huot:2022eqs} and references within.
}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
(|z_{12}|^2)^{\frac{i\nu}{2}-1}&=2\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\frac{1}{i\nu}+\cdots\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Substituting \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta} into \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassive1} then produces the colinear part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear}.
On the other hand, for $\Delta_1=1$ or $\Delta_2=1$, we use the following formula
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimitGamma=delta}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}\Gamma[\frac{i\nu}{2}]=4\pi\delta(\nu)
\end{align}
to get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}2^{\Delta_3-1}C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)
=&(2\pi)^{3}\pi^2g\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\delta(\nu)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which agrees with the soft part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft}. The massless limit of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}$ then can be obtained by adding the contribution from generic $\Delta_i$s and the contribution from $\Delta_1=1$ and $\Delta_2=1$ together. This reproduces $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}.
\subsection{One-to-two amplitude}\label{sec:TwoOutgoing}
In this subsection, we consider the $3^0\rightarrow1^02^0$ scattering with three massless scalars.
\paragraph{Direct computaion in the momentum space} The corresponding celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}^{\Delta_i}$ is given by
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1} \frac{\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2)}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot q^{\prime}_1)^{\Delta_1}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot q^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Defining $p\equiv q^{\prime}_1+q^{\prime}_2\equiv M\hat{p}$ with $M\geq0$ and $\hat{p}^2=-1$ and changing integral variables then lead to \cite{Chang:2022jut}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}(z_i)=&\frac{\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}}{2^{2-2\Delta_1-2\Delta_2}}\int_0^{+\infty}dM\int\frac{d^{3}\hat{p}}{\hat{p}^0}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}(2\pi)^4\delta^{(4)}(p-q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\qquad\times\int D^2\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\frac{M^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot Y)^{\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we defined $Y^{\mu}\equiv2(-\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{p})\hat{p}^{\mu}-\hat{q}_{1}^{\mu}$. Using the following expansion
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\int D^2\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot Y)^{\Delta_1}}\\
&=\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2](\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{2^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2}\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]\Gamma[n+1]\Gamma[n+1]}\frac{(\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n}{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{p})^{\Delta_1+n}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{\Delta_2+n}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{\mathcal{A}}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{(2\pi)^5\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{(\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{(n!)^2}\int_0^{+\infty}dMM^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\\
&\times (\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n\int\frac{d^{3}\hat{p}}{\hat{p}^0}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}\frac{\delta^{(4)}(p-q^{\prime}_3)}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot \hat{p}_1)^{\Delta_1+n}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{p}_2)^{\Delta_2+n}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Defining $\lambda$, $y$, $z$, and $\bar{z}$ through
\begin{align}
M\hat{p}=\lambda(1+y^2+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-y^2-z\bar{z})
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{2(2\pi)^5\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{(\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{(n!)^2}\int_0^{+\infty}d\lambda\;\lambda^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\\
&\times (\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n\int_0^{\infty}dy\;y^{2n+1}\int d^2z\bigg(\frac{1}{|z_1-z|^2-y^2}\bigg)^{\Delta_1+n}\bigg(\frac{1}{|z_2-z|^2-y^2}\bigg)^{\Delta_2+n}\\
&\times\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}\delta^{(4)}(2y\lambda\hat{p}-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Rewriting the delta-function as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(2y\lambda\hat{p}-p^{\prime}_3)=\frac{1}{8y\lambda\omega_3^2}\delta(y)\delta(\lambda-\omega_3)\delta^{(2)}(z_3-z)
\end{align}
and evaluating the remaining integrals leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{(2\pi)^4\pi^2\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1}|z_{23}|^{2\Delta_2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
\paragraph{Computation using massless limit}
\eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} can also be derived by taking the massless limit of the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1\rightarrow2}$ which involve two outgoing massless particles and one incoming massive particle with mass $m$. Specifically, according to \eqref{eq:MasslessLimitScalar1}, we have
\begin{align}\label{eq:A1t2=Am}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=-2^{1-\Delta_3}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}m^{2\Delta_3-2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
$\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}$ has been computed in \cite{Chang:2022jut}, given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing}
\mathcal{A}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}^{\Delta_i,m}=\frac{C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)}{|z_{12}|^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3}|z_{13}|^{\Delta_1-\Delta_2+\Delta_3}|z_{23}|^{\Delta_{2}+\Delta_3-\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{align}
where the third particle is massive and the coefficient $C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)$ is given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Scalar3ptC}
\begin{split}
C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)=&(2\pi)^{4}\pi^2 \mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2-\Delta_3}\\
&\times\frac{\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_1+\Delta_{23}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_3-\Delta_{12}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\sum_{i=1}^3\Delta_i-2}{2}]}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\Gamma[\Delta_1]\Gamma[\Delta_2]\Gamma[\Delta_3]\Gamma[\frac{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_{23}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{4-\sum_{i=1}^3\Delta_i}{2}]}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
After assuming $\text{Re}(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2)\geq0$ and using \eqref{eq:mLimitGamma=delta}, we find that
\begin{align}
-2^{1-\Delta_3}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\bigg(m^{2\Delta_3-2}C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)\bigg)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{g(2\pi)^4\pi^2\Gamma[1-\Delta_{1}]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\;,
\end{align}
which agrees with \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing}.
\section{Three-point celestial amplitudes with a massless spinning particle}\label{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes}
In this section, we consider the following three-point scattering amplitudes
\begin{align}\label{eq:MPhotonScalarScalar}
\mathcal{M}^{\mu}=(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^{\mu}_3)
\end{align}
for scalar-photon-scalar and
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{\mu\nu}=(2\pi^4)\frac{1}{2}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)(q_{1\mu}q_{3\nu}+q_{1\nu}q_{3\mu}-\eta_{\mu\nu}q_1\cdot q_3)
\end{split}
\end{align}
for scalar-graviton-scalar.
\subsection{Scalar-photon-scalar amplitude}\label{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}
Let us first compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ of one incoming massless scalar, one outgoing photon, and one outgoing massless scalar. \footnote{The helicity $+$ or $-$ in this paper indicates the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. For incoming particles, the helicity in two-dimensional CCFT concides with the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. On the other hand, for outgoing particles, the helicity in two-dimensional CCFT get flipped comparing with the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. This is because that the shadow transformation flips the helicity.}
Using \eqref{eq:Massless}, \eqref{eq:SpinOneMellin}, \eqref{eq:phit} and \eqref{eq:MPhotonScalarScalar}, we find that the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ is \footnote{As we will see later, only the soft mode with $\Delta_2=1$ has contribution. Since $A^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}=\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}$ when $\Delta_2=1$, we can use the conformal primary basis $A^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}$ although photon is outgoing.}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}=&\frac{(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\frac{(\Delta_2-1)}{\Delta_2N^-_{\Delta_2}}\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2^{\mu}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\\
&\qquad\times\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^{\prime\mu}_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the momentum conservation to rewrite $q^{\mu}_1+q^{\prime\mu}_3$ as $2q^{\mu}_1-q^{\mu}_2$ and dropped $q_2^{\mu}$ since $\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot q_2=0$. As we have seen in \eqref{eq:SupportDelta}, the supports of momentum conservation contain the soft regions and the colinear region:
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\omega_3=0,\qquad q_1=q_2\;,\\
&\omega_2=0,\qquad q_1=q^{\prime}_3\;,\\
&\omega_1+\omega_2=\omega_3,\qquad\hat{q}_1=\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}^{\prime}_3\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
However, since the colinear region demands $\hat{q}_1=\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}^{\prime}_3$ and the conformal primary basis is transverse with respect to the momentum, the colinear region has no contribution to the celestial amplitude. Moreover, we note that the soft region $\omega_3=0$ implies $q^{\mu}_1=q^{\mu}_2$, which leads to vanishing celestial amplitude. Thus, only the soft region $\omega_2=0$ has non-vanishing contribution to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^+3^0}$ and we can write the delta-function as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{q^{\prime0}_3}{\omega_3\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_2)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{align}
This leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}=&2(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\frac{(\Delta_2-1)}{ \Delta_2N^-_{\Delta_2}}\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2^{\mu}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-2}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\delta(\omega_2)\\
&\qquad\times\int d^3q^{\prime}_3\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\frac{1}{\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)q^{\mu}_1\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
To have convergent $\omega_2$-integral, we have to assume $\text{Re}(\Delta_2)\geq1$. Then the $\omega_2$-integral forces $\Delta_2=1$ which vanishes due to the prefactor $\Delta_2-1$. Thus we conclude that $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ vanishes. The vanishing of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ is due to the soft mode of photon with $\Delta_2=1$.
As we discussed in Section \ref{sec:ConformalBasis}, instead of using \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, we should use \eqref{eq:Alog} as the spin-one conformal primary basis for the soft mode with $\Delta_2=1$. In other words, the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ should be computed from
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})\\
&\qquad\times\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^\mu_3)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Here $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})$ is $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;X)$ \eqref{eq:Alog} in momentum space, defined similar to \eqref{eq:SpinOneFourier}.
Re-writing the delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)$ as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{1}{(2\pi)^4}\int d^4Xe^{i(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\cdot X}
\end{align}
leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{-i\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int d^4X\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})e^{-iq^{\prime}_2\cdot X}
\\
&~\times\bigg(\frac{\partial }{\partial X_{1,\mu}}-\frac{\partial }{\partial X_{3,\mu}}\bigg)\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}e^{iq_1\cdot X_1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}e^{-iq^{\prime}_3\cdot X_3}\bigg|_{X_1,X_3\to X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Computing the integral over $d\omega_1$, $d^3q^{\prime}_2$ and $d^3q^{\prime}_3$, we get the integral representation of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ in the position space: \footnote{In the rest of paper, we do not write $(\hat{q};X)$ explicitly for conformal primary basis in position space. For example, $\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}$ is used to denote $\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(\hat{q};X)$.}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i\int d^4XA^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
=&-i\int d^4X[V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}+\partial_{\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}]\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used \eqref{eq:Alog}, and use the abbreviations $\partial_{\mu}\equiv\frac{\partial}{\partial X^{\mu}}$, $A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\equiv A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat q_2;X)$ and similarly for other fields. Using the fact that $\partial^2\phi=\partial^2\widetilde{\phi}=0$, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\int d^4X\partial_{\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]
\\
&=\int d^4X\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}\left[-\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial_{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial_{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
&=0\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
This leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:PhotonPositionSpcae}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i\int d^4XV^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:Massless}, \eqref{eq:phit=phi} and \eqref{eq:Alog}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1\rightarrow2,z}$ can be written as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)N^{+}_{\Delta_1}N^{-}_{2-\Delta_3}\int d^4X\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{1}{X^2}\frac{\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot X)}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-1}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\\
=&i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)N^{+}_{\Delta_1}N^{-}_{2-\Delta_3}\\
&\qquad\times\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\int d^4X\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_2^{\prime}-1}}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot X)^{\Delta_2^{\prime}}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-1}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We recognize that the $X$-integral is just the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}$ which can be obtained from \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} by switching $1$ and $3$, \textit{i.e.,}
\begin{align}\label{eq:eq1}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\int d^4X\phi^{+}_{1,\Delta_1}\widetilde{\phi}_{2,\Delta_2^{\prime}}^{-}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\\
=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Now we reach a subtlety. Substituting the expression \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} into the above equality, we will get something that does not transform correctly under the conformal symmetry. This is because \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} contains the delta-function $\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3)$ that is singular and needs to be regularized while preserving the conformal symmetry. One resolution is to turn on a small mass $m$ for the incoming particle, which smooths out the delta-function while keeping the conformal symmetry manifestly. We would take the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$ at the end of the computation. In other words, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{m\rightarrow0}\bigg(-2^{1-\Delta_1}m^{2\Delta_1-2}\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1,m}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\bigg)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used \eqref{eq:A1t2=Am} and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1,m}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}$ is obtained from \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing} by switching $1$ and $3$. Substituting \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing} and \eqref{eq:Scalar3ptC} into the above equality and using \eqref{eq:mLimitGamma=delta} leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:PhotonScalarScalar}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0
=&(2\pi)^4i(\Delta_1-1)\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which has the standard form of scalar-current-scalar three-point functions in 2d CFT.
We stress here that to get \eqref{eq:PhotonScalarScalar}, we introduced a mass regulator. In Appendix \ref{sec:ShadowAmplitude}, we give another way to compute \eqref{eq:PhotonScalarScalar} by performing the shadow transformation on the shadow celestial amplitude $\widetilde{\mathcal{A}}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$.
\subsection{Scalar-graviton-scalar amplitude}
Let us compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}3^0}$ of one incoming massless scalar, one outgoing graviton, and one outgoing massless scalar. Like the case of scalar-photon-scalar, only the soft region $\omega_2=0$ contributes to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}3^0}$. Again the delta-function $\delta(\omega_2)$ forces $\Delta_2=1$ which implies that we should use $h^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}$ in \eqref{eq:hlog} to compute $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}$. Following the computation in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar},
we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;h^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;[W^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}+\partial_{(\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu)zz}]\\
&\qquad\times\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Since $\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}$ and $\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}$ satisfy the massless Klein-Gordon equation, the term including $\partial_{(\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu)zz}$ vnishes after integrating by parts, leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;W^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:WLog}, \eqref{eq:Massless} and \eqref{eq:phit=phi}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ bceomes that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\Delta_1(2-\Delta_3) N_{\Delta_1}^{+}N_{2-\Delta_3}^-\int d^4X\frac{(\partial_{z_2}\hat q_2\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q_2\cdot X)}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-3}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\\
=&\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow-1}\frac{\Delta_1(2-\Delta_3) }{N^{-}_{2-\Delta_2^{\prime}}\Delta_2^{\prime}(\Delta_2^{\prime}+1)}\partial_{z_2}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Following the computations in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar} with the mass regulator, we finally get that
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarGravitonScalar}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&4i\pi^4\Delta_1\delta(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-1)\frac{\bar z_{12}z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1+2}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which is a three-point function of primary operators with conformal weights $(\frac{\Delta_1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1}{2})$, $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, $(\frac{\Delta_3}{2},\frac{\Delta_3}{2})$. Following \cite{Donnay:2018neh}, we can further define an operator $P_z$ with conformal weight $(\frac{3}{2},\frac{1}{2})$, which was referred to as the supertranslation current \cite{Strominger:2013jfa,Barnich:2013axa}. By acting $\partial_{\bar{z}_2}$ on \eqref{eq:ScalarGravitonScalar}, we obtain the three-point function $\langle\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)P_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_3)\rangle$:
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarPScalar}
\begin{split}
\langle\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)P_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_3)\rangle=&-4i\pi^4\Delta_1\delta(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-1)\frac{z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1+2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Thus the OPE between $P_z$ and $\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)$ takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eq:OPESupertranslation}
P_z(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)\sim \frac{-4i\pi^4(\Delta_3-1)}{C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}}\frac{1}{z_{12}}\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_2)\;,
\end{align}
where $C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}$ is the coefficient of two-point celestial amplitude of massless scalars. \eqref{eq:OPESupertranslation} agrees with the result in \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
Finally, by a computation similar to the one in Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes}, one may alternatively obtain the scalar-photon-scalar and the scalar-graviton-scalar celestial amplitudes by taking the massless limit of the massive spinning particle amplitudes in \cite{Chang:2021wvv}. We leave this to future work.
\section{Three-point celestial gluon amplitudes}\label{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes}
In this section, we first compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$ of three gluons with helicities $(a,b,c)$ in Minkowski space. Here, we omit the color indices. After that, we compare our results with the existing three-gluon celestial amplitude in the Klein space \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz}.
\subsection{Computation of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$}
We start with the corresponding scattering amplitude $\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}$ which takes the form as \footnote{Here we omit the structure constant $f^{abc}$.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:MGluonGluonGluon}
\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}=(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)(g^{\mu\nu}(q_1+q_2)^{\rho}+g^{\nu\rho}(-q_2+q^{\prime}_3)^{\mu}+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q_1)^{\nu})\;.
\end{align}
Since $z_i$ and $\bar{z}_i$ are not independent in Minkowski space, the colinear region dose not contribute to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$. However, we still have contribution from the soft region. Indeed, we can write the delta-function for momentum conservation as
\begin{align}\label{eq:delta=omega2+omega3}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{q^{\prime0}_3}{\omega_3\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_2)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)+\frac{q^{0}_2}{\omega_2\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_3)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q_2)\;.
\end{align}
Following the steps in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}, it is easy to check that the delta-function $\delta(\omega_i)$ forces $\Delta_i=1$ with $i=2,3$. In the rest of this section, we will focus on the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ with $\Delta_2=1$. The celestial amplitude with $\Delta_3=1$ can be derived in a similar way.
Due to $\Delta_2=1$, we should use $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}$ to compute $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$. In other words, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&(2\pi)^4\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{\mu a}(\hat{q}_1;q^{\prime}_1)A^{\text{log},-}_{\nu b}(\hat{q}_2;q^{\prime}_2)\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{\rho c}(\hat{q}_3;q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\times\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\bigg[g^{\mu\nu}(q^{\prime}_1+q^{\prime}_2)^{\rho}+g^{\nu\rho}(-q^{\prime}_2+q^{\prime}_3)^{\mu}+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1)^{\nu}\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Equipped with the momentum conservation and the fact that $A^{\Delta_i,+}_{\mu \bar{z}}(\hat{q}_i;q^{\prime}_i)$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_i,-}_{\rho\bar{z}}(\hat{q}_i;q^{\prime}_i)$ are transverse with respect to the momentum $q^{\prime}_i$, we can write $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&(2\pi)^4\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{\mu a}(\hat{q}_1;q^{\prime}_1)A^{\text{log},-}_{\nu b}(\hat{q}_2;q^{\prime}_2)\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{\rho c}(\hat{q}_3;q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\times\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\bigg[2g^{\mu\nu}q^{\prime\rho}_1+2g^{\nu\rho}q^{\prime\mu}_3+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1)^{\nu}\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Following the steps in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ can be recast into the form as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X\bigg(-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}\\
&\qquad+A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Integrating by parts and using the fact that $\partial^{\rho}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}=\partial^{\mu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}=0$, one can show that the pure gauge in $A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}$ does not contribute to $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_2=1}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$. This leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X\bigg(-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}\\
&\qquad+V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Since $V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\propto X_{\nu}$ and $X^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\mu c}=X^{\mu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}=0$, we find that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}=0\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, \eqref{eq:At} and \eqref{eq:Alog} we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:GluonGluonGluon}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&\frac{2i(\Delta_1+\Delta_3-2)}{N_{\Delta_1}^+N_{2-\Delta_3}^{-}}\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{N_{2-\Delta_2^{\prime}}^{-}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\bigg(\frac{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{3c}\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_1}\partial_{1a}\partial_{2b}+(\partial_{1a}\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{3c}\hat{q}_3)\partial_{2b}\\
&\qquad+\frac{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_1\Delta_3}\partial_{1a}\partial_{2b}\partial_{3c}+\frac{(\partial_a\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_3}\partial_{2b}\partial_{3c}\bigg)\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta^{\prime}_2\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Without loss of generality, we take $b=-$. Then, there are four possible helicity configurations: $(-,-,+)$, $(+,-,-)$, $(-,-,-)$, and $(+,-,+)$. Using \eqref{eq:GluonGluonGluon}, one can show that the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}$ and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}$ vanish. This is consistent with the result from standard CFT. Three-point conformal correlation function involving one conserved current vanishes unless the remaining two operators have the same weight. On the other hand, celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}$ and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}$ do not vanish and take the form as standard conformal three-point function with one conserved current, \textit{i.e.,} we have
\begin{align}\label{eq:MinusPlusMinus}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}=&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_1-1)\sin(\Delta_1\pi)e^{i\Delta_1\pi}}{\Delta_1}(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta_1-1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta_1+1}}\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the conformal weights are $(\frac{\Delta_1-1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1+1}{2})$, $(1,0)$ and $(\frac{\Delta_3-1}{2},\frac{\Delta_3+1}{2})$, and
\begin{align}\label{eq:PlusPlusPlus}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}=&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_1-1)\sin(\Delta_1\pi)e^{i\Delta_1\pi}}{\Delta_1}(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta_1+1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta_1-1}}\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the conformal weights are $(\frac{\Delta_1+1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1-1}{2})$, $(1,0)$ and $(\frac{\Delta_3+1}{2},\frac{\Delta_3-1}{2})$. \eqref{eq:MinusPlusMinus} and \eqref{eq:PlusPlusPlus} indicate that the soft gluon with helicity $+$ is mapped to be a holomorphic current $j_{z}$ with conformal dimension one. The OPE between a soft gluon and another gluon takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eq:GluonOPE}
\begin{split}
j_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}^{\Delta_1,\pm}_{z}(z_1)\sim&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_3-1)\sin(\Delta_3\pi)e^{i\Delta_3\pi}}{\Delta_3C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}_{zz}}\frac{1}{z_{12}}\mathcal{O}^{\Delta_3,\mp}_{z}(z_2)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}_{zz}$ is the coefficient of the two-point celestial amplitude of gluons.
\subsection{Comparing with the results in Klein space }
The celestial amplitude of three gluons in Klein space was computed in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz} by performing Mellin transformation on MHV amplitude. To compare our results with their, we first derive the MHV amplitude in Klein space from the scattering amplitude \eqref{eq:MGluonGluonGluon}. Without loss of generality, we take the helicities as $(-,-,+)$. The MHV amplitude can be obtained from $\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}$ by contracting with the polarization vectors $\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_{1\mu}\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_{2\nu}\partial_{z_3}\hat{q}_{3\rho}$, leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=&\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_{1\mu}\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_{2\nu}\partial_{z_3}\hat{q}_{3\rho}\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}(q_1,q_2,q_3)\\
=&2(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\bigg[\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot(-q_2+q_3)+\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot(-q_3-q_1)\bigg]\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the fact $\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2=0$ and $\partial_{z_1}\hat{p}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_3}\hat{p}_3=2$. With the help of the momentum conservation and the fact that polarization vector $\epsilon_{i\pm}$ is orthogonal to the momentum $q_{i}$, we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=&2(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\bigg[-2\omega_2\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2-2\omega_1\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The support of delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)$ contains soft region and colinear region in both Minkowski space and Klein space. The colinear region demands that
\begin{align}\label{eq:Colinear}
\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3=0\;.
\end{align}
In Minkowski space, \eqref{eq:Colinear} implies $z_1=z_2=z_3$ and $\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3$, leading to vanishing $\mathcal{M}_{--+}$. However, since $z_i$ and $\bar{z}_i$ are independent real variables in Klein space, \eqref{eq:Colinear} implies $z_1=z_2=z_3$ or $\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3$. Indeed, the momentum conservation in Klein space has support at \footnote{Since $\omega_i\geq0$, we must have $z_3<z_1<z_2$ or $z_3>z_1>z_2$.}
\begin{align}
\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3\;,\qquad\omega_1=-\frac{z_{23}}{z_{12}}\omega_3\;,\qquad\omega_2=-\frac{z_{13}}{z_{12}}\omega_3\;,
\end{align}
which corresponds to the colinear region. On this support, we find that
\begin{align}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=8(2\pi)^4\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\frac{\omega_1\omega_2}{\omega_3}\frac{z_{12}^3}{z_{23}z_{31}}\;,
\end{align}
which agrees with the MHV amplitude up to a constant. We see that the MHV amplitude of three gluons in Klein space only include the contribution from the colinear region. As a result, the celestial amplitude of three gluons computed in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz} only count the contribution from the colinear region. This statement can also be seen from the delta-function $\delta(\bar{z}_{12})\delta(\bar{z}_{13})$ existed in their results.
We conclude that celestial amplitude of three gluons in Minkowski space only receives contribution from the soft region, while celestial amplitude of three gluons in Klein space receives contribution from both the soft and colinear region. To complete the results in Klein space, one still need to add the contribution from the soft region to the results in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz}. This soft contribution in Klein space can be obtained in a similar way that we did in Minkowski space.
\section{Discussions}\label{sec:discussion}
In this paper, we computed the celestial amplitudes of three massless particles in Minkowski space. We showed that due to the existence of soft and colinear regions in the support of the delta-function for momentum conservation, the celestial amplitudes of three massless particles in Minkowski space do not vanish and take the standard form of correlation functions in CFT. Focusing on the specific amplitudes of scalar-scalar-scalar, scalar-photon-scalar, scalar-graviton-scalar, and gluon-gluon-gluon, we found that the massless three-point celestial amplitudes of scalars receive contributions from both the soft and colinear regions, while the massless three-point celestial amplitudes of gluon and graviton receive contribution only from the soft region. Moreover, by looking at the celestial amplitudes of scalar-photon-scalar and gluon-gluon-gluon, we found that the scattering amplitudes involving a soft spin-one particle are mapped to be conformal correlators involving a spin-one current on the celestial sphere. These two examples directly confirmed the relation between soft spin-one particles in Minkowski space and conserved currents on the celestial sphere at the level of three-point amplitudes. In addition, we also found that the soft graviton with positive helicity in the scalar-graviton-scalar scattering is mapped to be a primary operator with conformal weight $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$. By further taking a $\bar z$-derivative on this primary operator, we obtained the supertranslation current. We derived the OPE between the supertranslation current and scalar primaries and found the OPE matches with the one found in \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
Several interesting open questions ensue from our work. First,
it would be interesting to extend our analysis to higher-point celestial amplitudes to further examine the relation between soft spinning particles and conserved currents.
Similar to the three-point case, we expect our prescription \eqref{eq:CA} for the celestial amplitudes and the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions \eqref{eq:Alog_def} and \eqref{eq:hlog} should play an important role in the higher-point case.
While only the soft region has contributed in the three-point celestial amplitudes with spinning particles, the higher-point celestial amplitudes receive contributions from other solutions to the momentum conservation. Thus, to study the conserved currents in higher-point celestial amplitudes, one must extract their contributions from taking the (conformally) soft limit or projecting the wave function onto the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions.
Another avenue would be to explore how the stress tensor emerges from the soft region at the level of three-point celestial amplitudes. The celestial stress tensor is usually constructed as a shadow of the subleading conformally soft graviton \cite{Cachazo:2014fwa,Kapec:2016jld,Kapec:2014opa}. The obstruction of this way in the three-point celestial amplitude is that the energy $\omega$ is strictly equal to zero. Then it is unclear how to obtain the subleading conformally soft graviton.
Finally, it would be of great interest to study the celestial amplitudes of three conserved spin-one currents as well as of three stress tensors. These two correlators are important as they encode the information of the level and the central charge. To get these two correlators, one must take double or triple (conformally) soft limits of celestial amplitudes. The double soft limit which is necessary to consider $TT$ OPE was studied in \cite{Fotopoulos:2020bqj}. However, there is an obstruction in \cite{Fotopoulos:2020bqj} to reproducing the $TT$ OPE by taking the double soft limit. \footnote{Multiple soft insertion was studied in \cite{Ball:2022bgg}.} A possible resolution to this obstruction was proposed very recently in \cite{Banerjee:2022wht} for amplitudes in the Klein space, which used the ambidextrous basis \cite{Sharma:2021gcz,Jorge-Diaz:2022dmy}. Their basis involves the light transformation, and hence cannot be defined in Minkowski space, which has an Euclidean celestial sphere.
It would be interesting to develop techniques in Minkowski space that allow us to take the double soft limit. Perhaps, one can naively use the shadow transformation to replace the light transformation. \footnote{A correspondence between Fourier transforms and shadow transforms was studied in \cite{Brown:2022miw}. }
\section*{Acknowledgements}
We owe our gratitude to Andrew Strominger for a correspondence that partially motivated this work.
CC is partly supported by National Key R\&D Program of China (NO. 2020YFA0713000).
\section{Introduction}
Scattering amplitudes presented in the conformal primary basis in four-dimensional Minkowski space are naturally viewed as correlators on the celestial two-sphere at null infinity, and referred to as the celestial amplitudes \cite{Pasterski:2016qvg,Strominger:2017zoo,Raclariu:2021zjz, Pasterski:2021rjz, Pasterski:2021raf
}.
The connection between four and two dimensions provides a concrete dictionary for celestial holography, which aims to reformulate the flat space quantum gravity as a celestial conformal field theory (CCFT). The viewpoint from the celestial sphere has brought us a lot of new insights. For instance, under the celestial holography dictionary, massless spinning particles in the soft (or conformally soft) limit are dual to currents that generate infinite-dimensional symmetries in the CCFT, and the corresponding soft theorems are recast as Ward identities \cite{Weinberg:1965nx, He:2014laa, Kapec:2016jld, Donnay:2018neh,Stieberger:2018onx, Fan:2019emx, Pate:2019mfs, Adamo:2019ipt, Puhm:2019zbl, Guevara:2019ypd, Fotopoulos:2019tpe,Strominger:2021lvk, Ball:2021tmb, Strominger:2021mtt}.
From the analogy with two-dimensional conformal field theory (CFT), one expects the structure constants and central charges of this infinite-dimensional algebra are contained in the three-point correlators of the currents. However, the three-point scattering amplitudes of massless particles are commonly regarded to vanish, because in the plane wave basis the momentum conservation cannot be satisfied for generic momentum. This problem is usually avoided in the literature by going to the Klein space with the unphysical $(2,2)$ split signature \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz,Stieberger:2018edy,Fan:2019emx,Pate:2019mfs,Puhm:2019zbl,Pate:2019lpp,Banerjee:2020kaa,Jiang:2021xzy,Brandhuber:2021nez,Sharma:2021gcz}. Even so, the celestial gluon amplitudes still do not take the standard form of the current three-point functions in 2d CFT \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz,Puhm:2019zbl}.
In this paper, we point out that solutions to the total momentum conservation of three massless particles in Minkowski space exist in two special regions, and give nontrivial contributions to the massless three-point celestial amplitudes. They are the soft region where one of the particles has zero energy, and the colinear region where the momenta of all the incoming and outgoing particles are colinear. The three-point celestial amplitudes with only massless scalars receive contributions from both limits regions (see Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes}).
The three-point celestial amplitudes involving massless spinning particles vanish in the colinear region, due to the tensor structure in the cubic vertex. Non-zero amplitudes in the (conformally) soft region are extracted using the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions obtained in \cite{Donnay:2018neh} (see Section \ref{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes} and \ref{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes}).
The results are best presented when the incoming (outgoing) particles are in the (shadow) conformal primary basis. In this prescription, scattering amplitudes are given by the shadow products between the incoming and outgoing states, which correspond to the Belavin-Polyakov-Zamolodchikov (BPZ) inner products in the CCFT \cite{Crawley:2021ivb}. The celestial amplitudes in this prescription are summarized in Table \ref{tab:celestial_amplitudes}. We can see that all of them take the standard form of the correlators of primary operators in 2d CFT. In particular, the soft photon and gluon correspond to the spin-1 conserved currents, and the soft graviton corresponds to a primary operator of dimension $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, whose level-1 descendent is the supertranslation current \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
\begin{table}[H]
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{c|c|c}
particles & celestial amplitudes & operator dimensions
\\ \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
scalar-photon-scalar & \multicolumn{1}{l|}{$\,\,\mathcal{A}_{1^0\to 2_{\rm soft}^-3^0}\propto \left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta}}$} & $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
scalar-graviton-scalar & \multicolumn{1}{l|}{$\,\,\mathcal{A}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\rm soft}3^0}
\propto\frac{\bar z_{12}z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta+2}}$} & $(\frac{\Delta}{2},\frac{\Delta}{2})$, $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \hline && \\[-0.45cm]
\multirow{3}{*}{three gluons} & $\mathcal{A}_{1^+\to 2^-_{\rm soft}3^-}\propto\left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta+1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta-1}}$ & $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta-1}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta+1}{2},\frac{\Delta-1}{2})$
\\[0.2cm] \cline{2-3} && \\[-0.45cm]
& $\mathcal{A}_{1^-\to 2^-_{\rm soft}3^+}\propto\left(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}}\right)\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta-1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta+1}}$ & $(\frac{\Delta-1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$, $(1,0)$, $(\frac{\Delta-1}{2},\frac{\Delta+1}{2})$
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\caption{\label{tab:celestial_amplitudes}The celestial amplitudes of two massless scalars with a photon or a graviton, and the three-point celestial gluon amplitudes. The logarithmic conformal primary wave functions were used for the soft (second) particles. The conformal dimensions of the corresponding CCFT operators are given in the last column.}
\end{table}
The remainder of this paper is organized as follows. Section \ref{sec:ConformalBasis} reviews the celestial amplitude and the conformal primary basis of low spin, gives a general formula for massless and massive spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis, and discusses the massless limit of the massive conformal primary basis. Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes} computes the three-point celestial amplitudes of massless scalars. Section \ref{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes} computes the celestial amplitudes of two massless scalars with a photon or a graviton. Section \ref{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes} computes the three-point celestial gluon amplitudes. Section \ref{sec:discussion} ends with a summary and future directions.
\section{Conformal primary basis}\label{sec:ConformalBasis}
Celestial amplitudes are obtained by expanding the position space amplitudes with respect to the conformal primary wavefunctions \cite{Pasterski:2016qvg,Pasterski:2017kqt} instead of the plane-waves, \textit{i.e.,} \footnote{Throughout this paper, $\mathcal{O}_i(z_i)$ should be understood as $\mathcal{O}_i(z_i,\bar{z}_i)$. We use this abbreviation to simplify the notation.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:CA}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{a_i}(z_i)=\bigg(\prod_{j=1}^{k+n}\int d^{4}X_j\bigg)\bigg(\prod_{j=1}^k\phi_{\Delta_j,a_j}^{+}(z_j;X_j)\bigg)\bigg(\prod_{j=k+1}^{k+n}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{\Delta_j,a_j}(z_j;X_{j})\bigg)\mathcal{M}(X_i)\;,
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{M}(X_j)$ is the scattering amplitude in position space, and $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}(z;X)$, $\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}(z;X)$ are the conformal primary and shadow conformal primary wave functions. $\Delta$ and $a$ are the conformal dimension and the spin of the wave functions, respectively. The coordinates $(z,\bar z)$ on the celestial sphere are related to the massless on-shell momenta $q^\mu$ through
\begin{align}\label{hq}
q^{\mu}(\omega,z)=\omega\hat{q}^{\mu}(z)=\omega(1+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-z\bar{z})
\end{align}
and to the massive on-shell momenta $p^{\mu}$ through
\begin{align}\label{hp}
p^{\mu}(m,y,z)= m\hat{p}^{\mu}(y,z)=\frac{m}{2y}(1+y^2+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-y^2-z\bar{z})\,.
\end{align}
Here, we choose to expand the wave functions of the incoming particles in the conformal primary basis while the outgoing particles in the shadow conformal primary basis. This prescription is equivalent to expanding the wave functions of both incoming and outgoing particles in the same conformal primary basis but modifying the inner product in the definition of the $S$-matrix from the Klein-Gordon inner product to the shadow product \cite{Crawley:2021ivb}. Finally, note that while the helicity in four dimensions aligns with the spin on the celestial sphere for conformal primary basis $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}$, the helicity and spin have opposite signs for the shadow conformal primary basis $\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,a}$ due to the shadow transform.
\subsection{Scalar}
The conformal primary wave functions $\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)$ for massless and massive scalars with mass $m$ are given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Massless}
\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)= \int_{0}^{+\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}=\frac{(\mp i)^{\Delta}\Gamma[\Delta]}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}\equiv N^{\pm}_\Delta\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}\;,
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:Massive}
\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta,m}(z;X)=\int\frac{d^3\hat{p}^{\prime}}{\hat{p}^{\prime0}}G_{\Delta}(z,\bar{z};\hat{p}^{\prime})e^{\pm im\hat{p}^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{align}
respectively. Here, $G_{\Delta}(z,\bar{z};\hat{p})$ is the bulk-to-boundary propagator which takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eqn:bdry_to_bulk}
G_{\Delta}(\hat{q};\hat{p}^{\prime})=\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot\hat{p}^{\prime})^{\Delta}}
\end{align}
in terms of $\hat q$ and $\hat{p}$ in \eqref{hq} and \eqref{hp}. \footnote{In this paper, we use the most positive metric in four-dimensional flat space, \textit{i.e.}, $\eta_{\mu\nu}=\text{diag}(-1,+1,+1,+1)$.} Starting with \eqref{eq:Massless} and \eqref{eq:Massive}, one can obtain another set of conformal primary basis by performing the shadow transformations. As shown in \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt}, the shadow transformation of massive conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massive} takes the same form as \eqref{eq:Massive} up to a change of conformal dimension from $\Delta$ to $2-\Delta$. On the other hand, the shadow transformation of massless conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massless} is
\begin{align}\label{eq:phit}
\widetilde{\phi}_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)=2^{\Delta-1}\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta]}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}}{q^{0\prime}}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}^{\prime}\cdot\hat{q})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}=\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta]}\int d^2z^{\prime}\frac{\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z^{\prime};X)}{|z-z^{\prime}|^{2\Delta}}
\;.
\end{align}
The integral over $d^2z^{\prime}$ can be computed, leading to the following relation \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt}
\begin{align}\label{eq:phit=phi}
\widetilde{\phi}_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)=\frac{N^\pm_{2-\Delta}}{N^\pm_{\Delta}}(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(z;X)\;.
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless spin-one}
The conformal primary basis for massless spin-one particles is \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt,Donnay:2018neh}
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOne}
\begin{split}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)&=\frac{\Delta-1}{\Delta}\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}+\partial_\mu\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{\Delta(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}
\\
&\equiv V^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The corresponding shadow conformal primary wave function is related to $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ by
\begin{align}\label{eq:At=A}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}=(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}\label{eq:At}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a
=&\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta}}+\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}\hat{q}^{\mu}\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+1}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
From \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, it is easy to check that $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)$ is gauge equivalent to the Mellin transformation of the plane-wave basis up to a constant when $\Delta\neq1$, \textit{i.e.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOneMellin}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=\frac{\Delta-1}{\Delta N^{\pm}_\Delta}\partial_{a}\hat{q}^{\mu}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}\;.
\end{align}
On the other hand, in the conformally soft region $\Delta=1$, both $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ reduce to pure gauge and lead to vanishing celestial amplitude due to the gauge invariance. The conformal primary wave functions that are not pure gauge can be constructed from the combination
of $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$:
\begin{align}\label{eq:Alog_def}
\begin{split}
A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}=\lim_{\Delta\rightarrow 1}\partial_{\Delta}\bigg(A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}+\widetilde{A}^{2-\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
With the help of \eqref{eq:At=A}, the log mode $A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}$ can be further written as
\begin{align}\label{eq:Alog}
\begin{split}
A^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)&=-\log(-X^2)A^{1,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)
\\
&=\frac{2X_{\mu}}{X^2}\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}+\partial_\mu\left(-\log(-X^2)\frac{\partial_{a}\hat{q}\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}\right)
\\
&\equiv V^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)+\partial_\mu\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In the later computations, we will also use the wave functions in momentum space. Since $A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ satisfies the massless Klein-Gordon equation $\Box A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}=0$, it admits the Fourier expansion in the on-shell momentum space as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinOneFourier}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=&\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}}{q^{\prime}_0}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{align}
where the integral is over all null momenta $q^{\prime\mu}$. The Lorentz gauge condition $\partial^{\mu}A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=0$ in the momentum space becomes the transverse condition $q^{\prime\mu} A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})=0$. Similarly, one has the Fourier modes $\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, $V_{\mu a}^{\Delta,\pm}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$ and ${A}^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})$, which are functions of the on-shell momentum $q'^\mu$, and the latter three satisfy the transverse condition. However, $V^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu a}$ and $\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_a$ do not admit an expansion in the on-shell momentum space like \eqref{eq:SpinOneFourier}, because they do not satisfy the massless Klein-Gordon equation.
After defining the Fourier modes, \eqref{eq:SpinOne} can be translated into the momentum space, giving
\begin{align}
A^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})=& V^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})\pm iq^{\prime}_\mu\alpha^{\Delta,\pm}_{a}(\hat{q};q^{\prime})\;.
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless spin-two}
The conformal primary basis for massless spin-two particles has been studied in \cite{Pasterski:2017kqt,Donnay:2018neh}. It takes the form as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{1}{2}\left[\frac{\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta }+\frac{2(\partial_z\hat q\cdot X)\hat q_{(\mu}\partial_z \hat q_{\nu)}}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+1}}+\frac{(\partial_z\hat q\cdot X)^2 \hat q_\mu \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^{\Delta+2}}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
It is convenient to decompose $h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)$ as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SpinTwo}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{\Delta-1}{2(\Delta+1)}\frac{\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta }
\\
&\quad+\frac{(\Delta-1)}{\Delta(\Delta+1)}\hat q_{(\mu}\partial_{\nu)}\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta}+\frac{1}{2\Delta(\Delta+1)}\partial_\mu\partial_\nu\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)^\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the terms on the second line are total derivatives.
The corresponding shadow conformal primary wave function is related to $h^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ by
\begin{align}\label{eq:ht=h}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{h}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=(-X^2)^{\Delta-1}h^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We note that when $\Delta\neq0$ and $\Delta\neq 1$, $h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)$ is proportional to the Mellin transformation of the plane-wave basis up to pure diffeomorphism:
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)&=\frac{(\Delta-1)}{2(\Delta+1)N^\pm_\Delta}\partial_z \hat q_\mu \partial_z \hat q_\nu\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{\Delta-1}e^{\pm i\omega\hat{q}\cdot X-\epsilon\omega}+(\text{total derivative})\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In the conformally soft limit $\Delta\rightarrow1$, the conformal primary wave function \eqref{eq:SpinTwo} and its shadow \eqref{eq:ht=h} coincide and both reduce to pure diffeomorphism. In this limit, a new conformal primary wave function $h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$, which is not pure diffeomorphism, can be constructed from
\begin{align}\label{eq:hlog}
\begin{split}
&h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=\lim_{\Delta\rightarrow1}\partial_{\Delta}\bigg(h^{\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)+\widetilde{h}^{2-\Delta}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Armed with \eqref{eq:SpinTwo} and \eqref{eq:ht=h}, $h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ can be re-written as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&h^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=-\text{log}(-X^2)h^{\Delta=1}_{\mu\nu zz}(\hat q, X)=W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}+\partial_{(\mu}\alpha_{\nu)}^{\text{log},\pm}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}$ is
\begin{align}\label{eq:WLog}
\begin{split}
W^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu\nu zz}=\frac{\eta_{\mu\nu}-\frac{2X_{\mu}X_{\nu}}{X^2}}{2(-X^2)}\frac{(\partial_z \hat q\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q\cdot X\mp i\epsilon)}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
and $\alpha^{\text{log},\pm}_{\mu zz}$ is just some function of $\hat{q}$ and $X$.
\subsection{General spin}\label{sec:CPB_general_spin}
In this subsection, we give a general formula for the massless and massive conformal primary basis of arbitrary integer spin, which is derived from a covariant formalism introduced in Appendix \ref{app:CPB_general_spin}. Under specialization, one can get various conformal primary basis including those reviewed in the previous subsections, and the massive spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis obtained \cite{Law:2020tsg}.
The spin-$\ell$ massless conformal primary basis is\footnote{We use the abbreviation ${\{\nu^{\ell}\}}\equiv {\nu_1\cdots\nu_{\ell}}$ and $(\partial_a \hat q_\nu)^\ell\equiv \partial_{a_1} \hat q_{\nu_1}\cdots \partial_{a_\ell} \hat q_{\nu_\ell}$ to simplify the notation.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessSpinl}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{a^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q};X)=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}(\partial_a\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}}{q^{0\prime}}\frac{{(\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell})_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}}}^{\{\nu^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})}{(-\hat{q}^{\prime}\cdot\hat{q})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}$ is a normalization constant
\begin{align}\label{eq:NDelta}
\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}=\frac{\Gamma[2-\Delta+\ell]}{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta+\ell]}\;,
\end{align}
and $\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell}$ is the spin-$\ell$ projection operator of $SO(2)$
\begin{align}\label{eq:PI}
\begin{split}
(\mathcal{P}_I^{\ell})_{\mu_1\cdots \mu_{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu_1\cdots \mu_{\ell}}\nu_1\cdots \nu_\ell}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})=&\sum_{i=0}^{\lfloor\ell/2\rfloor}\frac{(-\ell)_{2i}}{2^{2i}i!(-\ell+1)_i}I_{(\mu_1\mu_2}I^{(\nu_1\nu_2}\cdots I_{\mu_{2i-1}\mu_{2i}}I^{\nu_{2i-1}\nu_{2i}}\\
&\phantom{=}\qquad\qquad\times I_{\mu_{2i+1}}^{\phantom{\mu_{2i+1}}\nu_{2i+1}}\cdots I_{\mu_{\ell})}^{\phantom{\mu_{\ell}}\nu_{\ell})}\;,
\\
I_{\mu\nu}(\hat{q},\hat{q}^{\prime})=&\eta_{\mu\nu}-\frac{\hat{q}_{\mu}\hat{q}^{\prime}_{\nu}}{\hat{q}\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}}-\frac{\hat{q}_{\nu}\hat{q}^{\prime}_{\mu}}{\hat{q}\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
In Appendix \ref{app:SCPB}, we show that the specialization of \eqref{eq:PI} to $\ell=0$ and $1$ are proportional to the shadow conformal primary basis $\widetilde\phi^\pm_\Delta$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}$ as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}\label{eq:MasslessScalarShadow}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}\widetilde\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)\;,
\\
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}(\mp i)^{2-\Delta}\frac{\Gamma[3-\Delta]}{1-\Delta}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta,\pm}_{\mu a}(\hat{q};X)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The spin-$\ell$ massive conformal primary basis is
\begin{align}\label{eq:MassiveSpin}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,J,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{a^{|J|}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(-1)^{\ell-|J|}(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\mu^{\prime\ell}}(\hat{q}_{\mu^{\prime}})^{\ell-|J|}(\mathcal{P}^{|J|}_{Q})_{\mu^{\prime|J|}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\prime|J|}}\nu^{|J|}}(\partial_a\hat{q}_{\nu})^{|J|}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta+\ell-|J|}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $J=-\ell,\,-\ell+1,\,\cdots,\,\ell$ is the eigenvalue of the Cartan generator of the $SO(3)$ little group and corresponds to the spin on the celestial sphere. The tensor structures ${\cal P}^\ell_P$ and ${\cal P}^\ell_Q$ are given by \eqref{eq:PI} with $I$ replaced by the projectors
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&P^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}+\hat{p}^{\mu}\hat{p}^{\nu}\;,\\
&Q^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}-\frac{\hat{p}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\hat{p}^{\nu}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\hat{q}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{(\hat{p}\cdot\hat{q})^2}.
\end{split}
\end{align}
For the $J=\ell=0$ case, \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} coincides with \eqref{eq:Massive} up to a constant factor
\begin{align}\label{eqn:massive_scalar}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_m(\hat q;X)=m^{2-\Delta}\phi^\pm_{\Delta,m}(z;X)\,.
\end{split}
\end{align}
\subsection{Massless limit}
One advantage of \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} is that it enjoys a nice behaviour under massless limit. Particularly, \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} with $|J|=\ell$ directly reduces to the corresponding massless spin-$\ell$ conformal primary basis in the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$. To see this, we note that setting $J=\ell$ in \eqref{eq:MassiveSpin} leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P})_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\{\mu^{\prime\ell}\}}(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q})_{\{\mu^{\prime\ell}\}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\prime\ell}}\{\nu^{\ell}\}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using the transversality condition \eqref{eq:TransC} and the fact that $\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q}$ is traceless with respect to the metric $g$, we can remove the projection operator $\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{P}$ and get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{Q})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}e^{\pm ip\cdot X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
After defining $\omega=\frac{m}{2y}$ and $\bar{p}=(1+y^2+z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime},z^{\prime}+\bar{z}^{\prime},-i(z^{\prime}-\bar{z}^{\prime}),1-y^2-z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime})$, we have $p=m\hat{p}=\omega\bar{p}$, leading to
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimit}
\begin{split}
&\int\frac{d^3p}{p^0}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}\cdot p)^{\Delta}}=2^{1-\Delta}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{1-\Delta}\int d^2z^{\prime}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimit1}
\begin{split}
&Q^{\mu\nu}=\eta^{\mu\nu}-\frac{\bar{p}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{\bar{p}^{\nu}\hat{q}^{\mu}}{\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q}}-\frac{m^2}{\omega^2}\frac{\hat{q}^{\mu}\hat{q}^{\nu}}{(\bar{p}\cdot\hat{q})^2}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Thus, in the massless limit $m\rightarrow 0$, we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimitGeneric}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\};m}(\hat{q};X)=&2^{1-\Delta}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega\,\omega^{1-\Delta}\int d^2z^{\prime}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{I})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{|z-z^{\prime}|^{2\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\\
=&2^{1-\Delta}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta,\ell}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}}{q^{\prime0}}\frac{(\mathcal{P}^{\ell}_{I})_{\mu^{\ell}}^{\phantom{\mu^{\ell}}\nu^{\ell}}(\partial_z\hat{q}_{\nu})^{\ell}}{(-\hat{q}\cdot q^{\prime})^{\Delta}}e^{\pm iq^{\prime}\cdot X}\\
=&\Phi^{\Delta,\ell,\pm}_{\{\mu^{\ell}\}\{z^{\ell}\}}(\hat{q};X)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the fact that
\begin{align}
\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\bar{p}=(1+z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime},z^{\prime}+\bar{z}^{\prime},-i(z^{\prime}-\bar{z}^{\prime}),1-z^{\prime}\bar{z}^{\prime})\equiv\frac{1}{\omega}q^{\prime}\;.
\end{align}
For $\ell=0$, there is a different massless limit
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessLimitScalar1}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2\Delta-2}\Phi^{\Delta,\pm}_{m}(\hat{q};X)=-2^{\Delta-1}\phi^{\pm}_{\Delta}(z;X)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which produces the massless scalar conformal primary wave function \eqref{eq:Massless}. This formula follows directly from the limit
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimit=delta_0}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}(\Delta-1)m^{2\Delta-2}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}=2^{2\Delta-1}\pi\omega^{2\Delta-2}\delta^{(2)}(z-z^{\prime})
\end{split}
\end{align}
which holds when $\text{Re}(\Delta)\geq1$ and can be proved as follows. We note that the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$ in \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0} vanishes unless $z=z^{\prime}$. Thus the left-hand side of \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0} must be proportional to $\delta^{(2)}(z-z^{\prime})$. \footnote{One may expect that when $\omega=0$ the massless limit is also non-vanishing. However, due to the fact that $\text{Re}(2-2\Delta)\geq0$, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\frac{2^{\Delta-2}(1-\Delta)}{\pi}\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2-2\Delta}\omega^{\Delta-1}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{2-\Delta}e^{\pm i\omega (2y\hat{p}^{\prime})\cdot X}\sim\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{2-2\Delta}\omega^{3-\Delta}=0
\end{split}
\end{align}
when $\omega=0$.
}
The proportional constant can be fixed by noting that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&(\Delta-1)\int d^2z \, m^{2\Delta-2}\bigg(\frac{1}{\frac{m^2}{4\omega^2}+|z-z^{\prime}|^2}\bigg)^{\Delta}=2^{2\Delta-1}\pi\omega^{2-2\Delta}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which proves \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta_0}.
\section{Three-point celestial amplitudes of massless scalars}\label{sec:scalar_amplitudes}
In this section, we will compute the three-point celestial amplitudes involving three massless scalars. We will use the shadow basis \eqref{eq:phit} for outgoing particles and conformal primary basis \eqref{eq:Massless} for incoming particles.
The computations of the one-to-two and the two-to-one amplitudes are in Section \ref{sec:2-1_amplitude} and \ref{sec:TwoOutgoing}, respectively.
For each amplitude, we give two computations that give the same results. The first computation is by directly performing the Mellin transform and shadow transform on the scattering amplitude in the plane wave basis, and the second computation is by taking the massless limit of the known celestial or shadow celestial amplitudes of one massive and two massless scalars.
\subsection{Two-to-one amplitude}\label{sec:2-1_amplitude}
In this subsection, we consider the $1^02^0\rightarrow3^0$ scattering. Here We use the superscript $0$ to indicate that the corresponding particle is a scalar.
\paragraph{Direct computation in momentum space} The corresponding celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$ is given by
\begin{align}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q_3^{\prime0}}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot q^{\prime}_3)^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1+q_2-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{align}
By noting the identity
\begin{align}
\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}=2\int d^4q^{\prime}_3\delta(-q^{\prime2}_3)\theta(q^{\prime0}_3)\;,
\end{align}
and using the delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1+q_2-q^{\prime}_3)$, we can compute the integral over $d^4q^{\prime}_3$ leads to
\begin{align}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{-\Delta_3}}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\bigg(\frac{1}{-\hat{q}_3\cdot (q_1+q_2)}\bigg)^{\Delta_3}\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)\;.
\end{align}
The delta-function $\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)$ can be rewritten as
\begin{align}\label{eq:SupportDelta}
\delta(-2\omega_1\omega_2\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)=\frac{1}{2\omega_2(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)}\delta(\omega_1)+\frac{1}{2\omega_1(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)}\delta(\omega_2)+\frac{1}{2\omega_1\omega_2}\delta(-\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2)\;.
\end{align}
We note that the first two terms in \eqref{eq:SupportDelta} correspond to the soft region and the last term corresponds to the colinear region. Using \eqref{eq:SupportDelta} and evaluating the integral over $\omega_1$ and $\omega_2$, we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}=\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}+\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}\;,
\end{align}
where $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ and $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}$ are given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}=(2\pi)^3\pi^2\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}(\frac{\delta_{\Delta_1,1}}{|z_{23}|^{2\Delta_3}}+\frac{\delta_{\Delta_2,1}}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}})\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{12}|^2}\;,
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}=&\frac{(2\pi)^5\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\Gamma[\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_1+\Delta_3]}{4\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\\
=&\frac{(2\pi)^3\pi^2\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\Gamma[\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[\Delta_2-1]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_3}}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We mention here that the soft part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ (and the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$) converge only when $\Delta_1\geq1$ and $\Delta_2\geq1$.
\paragraph{Computation using massless limit}
\eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}, \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft} and \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear} can also be derived by taking the massless limit of the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}$ which involve two incoming massless scalars and one outgoing massive scalar with mass $m$. Specifically, according to \eqref{eq:MasslessScalarShadow}, \eqref{eqn:massive_scalar} and \eqref{eq:MasslessLimitGeneric}, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}=2^{\Delta_3-1}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We note that $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}$ is
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessMasslessMassive1}
\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}=\frac{C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)}{|z_{12}|^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3}|z_{13}|^{\Delta_1-\Delta_2+\Delta_3}|z_{23}|^{\Delta_{2}+\Delta_3-\Delta_1}}\;.
\end{align}
Here the coefficient $C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)$ is given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Scalar3ptC1}
\begin{split}
C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)=&2^{-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(2\pi)^{4}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2}\frac{\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_3-\Delta_{12}}{2}]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\\
=&2^{-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(2\pi)^{4}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{a}\frac{\Gamma[-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_1-1]\Gamma[-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_2-1]}{\Gamma[\Delta_3]}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $a=\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3-2$. We stress here that to get finite $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}$,
\begin{align}\label{eq:ConvergenceCondition}
\begin{split}
\text{Re}(\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2})=\text{Re}(-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_1-1)\geq0\\
\text{Re}(\frac{-\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2})=\text{Re}(-\frac{a}{2}+\Delta_2-1)\geq0
\end{split}
\end{align}
must hold. \footnote{These two conditions have to be satisfied such that the integral over $p_3$ is finite in the computation of $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}^{\Delta_i,m}$.} Furthermore, to have well-defined massless limit, we need to assume $\text{Re}(a)\geq0$. Then taking the massless limit forces $-i\nu\equiv a=0$ with $\nu\in\mathbb{R}$.
For generic $\Delta_i$s which satisfy \eqref{eq:ConvergenceCondition}, we can use
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimit=delta}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}|z_{12}|^{i\nu-2}=2\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\frac{1}{i\nu}=4\pi\delta(\nu)\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\;,
\end{align}
where on the first equality we expanded $(|z_{12}|^2)^{\frac{i\nu}{2}-1}$ around $i\nu=0$ as \footnote{This follows from the distributional formula
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
x^a\theta(x)=\frac{(-1)^{n-1}\delta^{(n-1)}(x)}{(n-1)!}\frac{1}{a+n}+\cdots\,,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which is understood as follows. The LHS, when integrated against a test function, has poles on the complex $a$-plane at $a=-n$ for $n\in\bZ_{\ge0}$ with residues given by the residue of the RHS integrated against the same test function. More detailed discussions can be found in Appendix B of \cite{Caron-Huot:2022eqs} and references within.
}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
(|z_{12}|^2)^{\frac{i\nu}{2}-1}&=2\delta(|z_{12}|^2)\frac{1}{i\nu}+\cdots\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Substituting \eqref{eq:mLimit=delta} into \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassive1} then produces the colinear part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{colinear},\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingColinear}.
On the other hand, for $\Delta_1=1$ or $\Delta_2=1$, we use the following formula
\begin{align}\label{eq:mLimitGamma=delta}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}m^{-i\nu}\Gamma[\frac{i\nu}{2}]=4\pi\delta(\nu)
\end{align}
to get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\lim_{m\rightarrow0}2^{\Delta_3-1}C^{\Delta_i}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}(m)
=&(2\pi)^{3}\pi^2g\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\delta(\nu)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which agrees with the soft part $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\text{soft},\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoingSoft}. The massless limit of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1^02^0\rightarrow3^0}$ then can be obtained by adding the contribution from generic $\Delta_i$s and the contribution from $\Delta_1=1$ and $\Delta_2=1$ together. This reproduces $\mathcal{A}_{1^02^0\rightarrow 3^0}^{\Delta_i}$ \eqref{eq:ScalarOneOutgoing}.
\subsection{One-to-two amplitude}\label{sec:TwoOutgoing}
In this subsection, we consider the $3^0\rightarrow1^02^0$ scattering with three massless scalars.
\paragraph{Direct computaion in the momentum space} The corresponding celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}^{\Delta_i}$ is given by
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\frac{(2\pi)^4\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}}\int\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^{3}q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1} \frac{\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2)}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot q^{\prime}_1)^{\Delta_1}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot q^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Defining $p\equiv q^{\prime}_1+q^{\prime}_2\equiv M\hat{p}$ with $M\geq0$ and $\hat{p}^2=-1$ and changing integral variables then lead to \cite{Chang:2022jut}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}(z_i)=&\frac{\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}}{2^{2-2\Delta_1-2\Delta_2}}\int_0^{+\infty}dM\int\frac{d^{3}\hat{p}}{\hat{p}^0}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}(2\pi)^4\delta^{(4)}(p-q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\qquad\times\int D^2\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\frac{M^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot Y)^{\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we defined $Y^{\mu}\equiv2(-\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{p})\hat{p}^{\mu}-\hat{q}_{1}^{\mu}$. Using the following expansion
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\int D^2\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{q}^{\prime}_2)^{\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}(-\hat{q}^{\prime}_2\cdot Y)^{\Delta_1}}\\
&=\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{2\pi\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2](\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{2^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2}\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]\Gamma[n+1]\Gamma[n+1]}\frac{(\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n}{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{p})^{\Delta_1+n}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{p})^{\Delta_2+n}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\widetilde{\mathcal{A}}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{(2\pi)^5\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{(\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{(n!)^2}\int_0^{+\infty}dMM^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\\
&\times (\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n\int\frac{d^{3}\hat{p}}{\hat{p}^0}\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}\frac{\delta^{(4)}(p-q^{\prime}_3)}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot \hat{p}_1)^{\Delta_1+n}(-\hat{q}_2\cdot\hat{p}_2)^{\Delta_2+n}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Defining $\lambda$, $y$, $z$, and $\bar{z}$ through
\begin{align}
M\hat{p}=\lambda(1+y^2+z\bar{z},z+\bar{z},-i(z-\bar{z}),1-y^2-z\bar{z})
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{2(2\pi)^5\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\sum_{n=0}^{\infty}\frac{(\Delta_1)_n(\Delta_2)_n}{(n!)^2}\int_0^{+\infty}d\lambda\;\lambda^{3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\\
&\times (\frac{1}{2}\hat{q}_{1}\cdot\hat{q}_2)^n\int_0^{\infty}dy\;y^{2n+1}\int d^2z\bigg(\frac{1}{|z_1-z|^2-y^2}\bigg)^{\Delta_1+n}\bigg(\frac{1}{|z_2-z|^2-y^2}\bigg)^{\Delta_2+n}\\
&\times\int_0^{\infty}d\omega_3\,\omega_3^{\Delta_3-1}\delta^{(4)}(2y\lambda\hat{p}-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Rewriting the delta-function as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(2y\lambda\hat{p}-p^{\prime}_3)=\frac{1}{8y\lambda\omega_3^2}\delta(y)\delta(\lambda-\omega_3)\delta^{(2)}(z_3-z)
\end{align}
and evaluating the remaining integrals leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=&\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{(2\pi)^4\pi^2\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3)\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1}|z_{23}|^{2\Delta_2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
\paragraph{Computation using massless limit}
\eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} can also be derived by taking the massless limit of the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{1\rightarrow2}$ which involve two outgoing massless particles and one incoming massive particle with mass $m$. Specifically, according to \eqref{eq:MasslessLimitScalar1}, we have
\begin{align}\label{eq:A1t2=Am}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow 1^02^0}=-2^{1-\Delta_3}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}m^{2\Delta_3-2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
$\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i,m}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}$ has been computed in \cite{Chang:2022jut}, given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing}
\mathcal{A}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}^{\Delta_i,m}=\frac{C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)}{|z_{12}|^{\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3}|z_{13}|^{\Delta_1-\Delta_2+\Delta_3}|z_{23}|^{\Delta_{2}+\Delta_3-\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{align}
where the third particle is massive and the coefficient $C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)$ is given by
\begin{align}\label{eq:Scalar3ptC}
\begin{split}
C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)=&(2\pi)^{4}\pi^2 \mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}m^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2-\Delta_3}\\
&\times\frac{\Gamma[1-\Delta_1]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_1+\Delta_{23}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_{12}+\Delta_3}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\Delta_3-\Delta_{12}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{\sum_{i=1}^3\Delta_i-2}{2}]}{2^{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2}\Gamma[\Delta_1]\Gamma[\Delta_2]\Gamma[\Delta_3]\Gamma[\frac{2-\Delta_1-\Delta_{23}}{2}]\Gamma[\frac{4-\sum_{i=1}^3\Delta_i}{2}]}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
After assuming $\text{Re}(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-\Delta_2)\geq0$ and using \eqref{eq:mLimitGamma=delta}, we find that
\begin{align}
-2^{1-\Delta_3}\lim_{m\rightarrow 0}\bigg(m^{2\Delta_3-2}C^{\Delta_i}_{3^0\rightarrow1^02^0}(m)\bigg)=\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_1,0}\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_2,0}\frac{g(2\pi)^4\pi^2\Gamma[1-\Delta_{1}]\Gamma[1-\Delta_2]}{\Gamma[2-\Delta_1-\Delta_2]}\;,
\end{align}
which agrees with \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing}.
\section{Three-point celestial amplitudes with a massless spinning particle}\label{sec:l-0-0_amplitudes}
In this section, we consider the following three-point scattering amplitudes
\begin{align}\label{eq:MPhotonScalarScalar}
\mathcal{M}^{\mu}=(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^{\mu}_3)
\end{align}
for scalar-photon-scalar and
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{\mu\nu}=(2\pi^4)\frac{1}{2}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)(q_{1\mu}q_{3\nu}+q_{1\nu}q_{3\mu}-\eta_{\mu\nu}q_1\cdot q_3)
\end{split}
\end{align}
for scalar-graviton-scalar.
\subsection{Scalar-photon-scalar amplitude}\label{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}
Let us first compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ of one incoming massless scalar, one outgoing photon, and one outgoing massless scalar. \footnote{The helicity $+$ or $-$ in this paper indicates the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. For incoming particles, the helicity in two-dimensional CCFT concides with the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. On the other hand, for outgoing particles, the helicity in two-dimensional CCFT get flipped comparing with the helicity in four-dimensional Minkowski space. This is because that the shadow transformation flips the helicity.}
Using \eqref{eq:Massless}, \eqref{eq:SpinOneMellin}, \eqref{eq:phit} and \eqref{eq:MPhotonScalarScalar}, we find that the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ is \footnote{As we will see later, only the soft mode with $\Delta_2=1$ has contribution. Since $A^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}=\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}$ when $\Delta_2=1$, we can use the conformal primary basis $A^{\Delta_2,\pm}_{\mu z}$ although photon is outgoing.}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}=&\frac{(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\frac{(\Delta_2-1)}{\Delta_2N^-_{\Delta_2}}\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2^{\mu}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\\
&\qquad\times\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^{\prime\mu}_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the momentum conservation to rewrite $q^{\mu}_1+q^{\prime\mu}_3$ as $2q^{\mu}_1-q^{\mu}_2$ and dropped $q_2^{\mu}$ since $\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot q_2=0$. As we have seen in \eqref{eq:SupportDelta}, the supports of momentum conservation contain the soft regions and the colinear region:
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\omega_3=0,\qquad q_1=q_2\;,\\
&\omega_2=0,\qquad q_1=q^{\prime}_3\;,\\
&\omega_1+\omega_2=\omega_3,\qquad\hat{q}_1=\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}^{\prime}_3\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
However, since the colinear region demands $\hat{q}_1=\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}^{\prime}_3$ and the conformal primary basis is transverse with respect to the momentum, the colinear region has no contribution to the celestial amplitude. Moreover, we note that the soft region $\omega_3=0$ implies $q^{\mu}_1=q^{\mu}_2$, which leads to vanishing celestial amplitude. Thus, only the soft region $\omega_2=0$ has non-vanishing contribution to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^+3^0}$ and we can write the delta-function as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{q^{\prime0}_3}{\omega_3\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_2)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)\;.
\end{align}
This leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}=&2(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}\frac{(\Delta_2-1)}{ \Delta_2N^-_{\Delta_2}}\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2^{\mu}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1d\omega_2\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-2}\omega_2^{\Delta_2-1}\delta(\omega_2)\\
&\qquad\times\int d^3q^{\prime}_3\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\frac{1}{\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)q^{\mu}_1\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
To have convergent $\omega_2$-integral, we have to assume $\text{Re}(\Delta_2)\geq1$. Then the $\omega_2$-integral forces $\Delta_2=1$ which vanishes due to the prefactor $\Delta_2-1$. Thus we conclude that $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ vanishes. The vanishing of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-3^0}$ is due to the soft mode of photon with $\Delta_2=1$.
As we discussed in Section \ref{sec:ConformalBasis}, instead of using \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, we should use \eqref{eq:Alog} as the spin-one conformal primary basis for the soft mode with $\Delta_2=1$. In other words, the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ should be computed from
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{(2\pi^4)\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})\\
&\qquad\times\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)(q^{\mu}_1+q^\mu_3)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Here $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})$ is $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;X)$ \eqref{eq:Alog} in momentum space, defined similar to \eqref{eq:SpinOneFourier}.
Re-writing the delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)$ as
\begin{align}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{1}{(2\pi)^4}\int d^4Xe^{i(q_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\cdot X}
\end{align}
leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{-i\mathcal{N}_{\Delta_3,0}}{2^{1-\Delta_3}}\int d^4X\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat{q}_2;q_2^{\prime})e^{-iq^{\prime}_2\cdot X}
\\
&~\times\bigg(\frac{\partial }{\partial X_{1,\mu}}-\frac{\partial }{\partial X_{3,\mu}}\bigg)\int_{0}^{\infty}d\omega_1\,\omega_1^{\Delta_1-1}e^{iq_1\cdot X_1}\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}\frac{1}{(\hat{q}_3\cdot q_3^{\prime})^{\Delta_3}}e^{-iq^{\prime}_3\cdot X_3}\bigg|_{X_1,X_3\to X}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Computing the integral over $d\omega_1$, $d^3q^{\prime}_2$ and $d^3q^{\prime}_3$, we get the integral representation of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ in the position space: \footnote{In the rest of paper, we do not write $(\hat{q};X)$ explicitly for conformal primary basis in position space. For example, $\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}$ is used to denote $\phi_{\Delta}^{\pm}(\hat{q};X)$.}
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i\int d^4XA^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
=&-i\int d^4X[V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}+\partial_{\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}]\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used \eqref{eq:Alog}, and use the abbreviations $\partial_{\mu}\equiv\frac{\partial}{\partial X^{\mu}}$, $A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\equiv A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}(\hat q_2;X)$ and similarly for other fields. Using the fact that $\partial^2\phi=\partial^2\widetilde{\phi}=0$, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&\int d^4X\partial_{\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]
\\
&=\int d^4X\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,z}\left[-\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial_{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial_{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
&=0\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
This leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:PhotonPositionSpcae}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i\int d^4XV^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu z}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}- \phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:Massless}, \eqref{eq:phit=phi} and \eqref{eq:Alog}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1\rightarrow2,z}$ can be written as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&-i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)N^{+}_{\Delta_1}N^{-}_{2-\Delta_3}\int d^4X\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{1}{X^2}\frac{\partial_{z_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot X}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot X)}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-1}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\\
=&i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)N^{+}_{\Delta_1}N^{-}_{2-\Delta_3}\\
&\qquad\times\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\int d^4X\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_2^{\prime}-1}}{(-\hat{q}_2\cdot X)^{\Delta_2^{\prime}}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-1}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
We recognize that the $X$-integral is just the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}$ which can be obtained from \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} by switching $1$ and $3$, \textit{i.e.,}
\begin{align}\label{eq:eq1}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\int d^4X\phi^{+}_{1,\Delta_1}\widetilde{\phi}_{2,\Delta_2^{\prime}}^{-}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\\
=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Now we reach a subtlety. Substituting the expression \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} into the above equality, we will get something that does not transform correctly under the conformal symmetry. This is because \eqref{eq:ScalarTwoOutgoing} contains the delta-function $\delta(\Delta_1+\Delta_2-\Delta_3)$ that is singular and needs to be regularized while preserving the conformal symmetry. One resolution is to turn on a small mass $m$ for the incoming particle, which smooths out the delta-function while keeping the conformal symmetry manifestly. We would take the massless limit $m\rightarrow0$ at the end of the computation. In other words, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&2i(2-\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\lim_{m\rightarrow0}\bigg(-2^{1-\Delta_1}m^{2\Delta_1-2}\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{{N}^{-}_{2-\Delta_2'}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1,m}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\bigg)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used \eqref{eq:A1t2=Am} and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1,m}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}$ is obtained from \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing} by switching $1$ and $3$. Substituting \eqref{eq:MasslessMasslessMassiveTwoOutgoing} and \eqref{eq:Scalar3ptC} into the above equality and using \eqref{eq:mLimitGamma=delta} leads to
\begin{align}\label{eq:PhotonScalarScalar}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0
=&(2\pi)^4i(\Delta_1-1)\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which has the standard form of scalar-current-scalar three-point functions in 2d CFT.
We stress here that to get \eqref{eq:PhotonScalarScalar}, we introduced a mass regulator. In Appendix \ref{sec:ShadowAmplitude}, we give another way to compute \eqref{eq:PhotonScalarScalar} by performing the shadow transformation on the shadow celestial amplitude $\widetilde{\mathcal{A}}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^-_{\text{soft}}3^0}$.
\subsection{Scalar-graviton-scalar amplitude}
Let us compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}3^0}$ of one incoming massless scalar, one outgoing graviton, and one outgoing massless scalar. Like the case of scalar-photon-scalar, only the soft region $\omega_2=0$ contributes to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}3^0}$. Again the delta-function $\delta(\omega_2)$ forces $\Delta_2=1$ which implies that we should use $h^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}$ in \eqref{eq:hlog} to compute $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}$. Following the computation in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar},
we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;h^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\\
=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;[W^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}+\partial_{(\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu)zz}]\\
&\qquad\times\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Since $\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}$ and $\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}$ satisfy the massless Klein-Gordon equation, the term including $\partial_{(\mu}\alpha^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu)zz}$ vnishes after integrating by parts, leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\frac{1}{2}\int d^4X\;W^{\text{log},-}_{2,\mu\nu zz}\left[\partial^{\mu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}+\partial^{\nu}\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}-g^{\mu\nu}\partial\phi_{1,\Delta_1}^{+}\cdot\partial\widetilde{\phi}^{-}_{3,\Delta_3}\right]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:WLog}, \eqref{eq:Massless} and \eqref{eq:phit=phi}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}$ bceomes that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&\Delta_1(2-\Delta_3) N_{\Delta_1}^{+}N_{2-\Delta_3}^-\int d^4X\frac{(\partial_{z_2}\hat q_2\cdot X)^2}{(-\hat q_2\cdot X)}\frac{1}{(-\hat{q}_1\cdot X)^{\Delta_1}}\frac{(-X^2)^{\Delta_3-3}}{(-\hat{q}_3\cdot X)^{\Delta_3}}\\
=&\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow-1}\frac{\Delta_1(2-\Delta_3) }{N^{-}_{2-\Delta_2^{\prime}}\Delta_2^{\prime}(\Delta_2^{\prime}+1)}\partial_{z_2}\partial_{z_2}\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta_2^{\prime}\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Following the computations in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar} with the mass regulator, we finally get that
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarGravitonScalar}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^0\rightarrow2^{--}_{\text{soft}}3^0}=&4i\pi^4\Delta_1\delta(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-1)\frac{\bar z_{12}z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1+2}}\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
which is a three-point function of primary operators with conformal weights $(\frac{\Delta_1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1}{2})$, $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$, $(\frac{\Delta_3}{2},\frac{\Delta_3}{2})$. Following \cite{Donnay:2018neh}, we can further define an operator $P_z$ with conformal weight $(\frac{3}{2},\frac{1}{2})$, which was referred to as the supertranslation current \cite{Strominger:2013jfa,Barnich:2013axa}. By acting $\partial_{\bar{z}_2}$ on \eqref{eq:ScalarGravitonScalar}, we obtain the three-point function $\langle\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)P_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_3)\rangle$:
\begin{align}\label{eq:ScalarPScalar}
\begin{split}
\langle\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)P_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_3)\rangle=&-4i\pi^4\Delta_1\delta(\Delta_3-\Delta_1-1)\frac{z_{13}^2}{z_{12} z_{23}^2}\frac{1}{|z_{13}|^{2\Delta_1+2}}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Thus the OPE between $P_z$ and $\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)$ takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eq:OPESupertranslation}
P_z(z_2)\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_1}^{+}(z_1)\sim \frac{-4i\pi^4(\Delta_3-1)}{C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}}\frac{1}{z_{12}}\mathcal{O}_{\Delta_3}^{-}(z_2)\;,
\end{align}
where $C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}$ is the coefficient of two-point celestial amplitude of massless scalars. \eqref{eq:OPESupertranslation} agrees with the result in \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
Finally, by a computation similar to the one in Section \ref{sec:scalar_amplitudes}, one may alternatively obtain the scalar-photon-scalar and the scalar-graviton-scalar celestial amplitudes by taking the massless limit of the massive spinning particle amplitudes in \cite{Chang:2021wvv}. We leave this to future work.
\section{Three-point celestial gluon amplitudes}\label{sec:l-l-l_amplitudes}
In this section, we first compute the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$ of three gluons with helicities $(a,b,c)$ in Minkowski space. Here, we omit the color indices. After that, we compare our results with the existing three-gluon celestial amplitude in the Klein space \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz}.
\subsection{Computation of $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$}
We start with the corresponding scattering amplitude $\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}$ which takes the form as \footnote{Here we omit the structure constant $f^{abc}$.}
\begin{align}\label{eq:MGluonGluonGluon}
\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}=(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)(g^{\mu\nu}(q_1+q_2)^{\rho}+g^{\nu\rho}(-q_2+q^{\prime}_3)^{\mu}+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q_1)^{\nu})\;.
\end{align}
Since $z_i$ and $\bar{z}_i$ are not independent in Minkowski space, the colinear region dose not contribute to the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$. However, we still have contribution from the soft region. Indeed, we can write the delta-function for momentum conservation as
\begin{align}\label{eq:delta=omega2+omega3}
\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q^{\prime}_3)=\frac{q^{\prime0}_3}{\omega_3\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_2)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q^{\prime}_3)+\frac{q^{0}_2}{\omega_2\hat{q}_2\cdot \hat{q}_3^{\prime}}\delta(\omega_3)\delta^{(3)}(q_1-q_2)\;.
\end{align}
Following the steps in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}, it is easy to check that the delta-function $\delta(\omega_i)$ forces $\Delta_i=1$ with $i=2,3$. In the rest of this section, we will focus on the celestial amplitude $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ with $\Delta_2=1$. The celestial amplitude with $\Delta_3=1$ can be derived in a similar way.
Due to $\Delta_2=1$, we should use $A^{\text{log},-}_{\mu z}$ to compute $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$. In other words, we have
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&(2\pi)^4\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{\mu a}(\hat{q}_1;q^{\prime}_1)A^{\text{log},-}_{\nu b}(\hat{q}_2;q^{\prime}_2)\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{\rho c}(\hat{q}_3;q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\times\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\bigg[g^{\mu\nu}(q^{\prime}_1+q^{\prime}_2)^{\rho}+g^{\nu\rho}(-q^{\prime}_2+q^{\prime}_3)^{\mu}+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1)^{\nu}\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Equipped with the momentum conservation and the fact that $A^{\Delta_i,+}_{\mu \bar{z}}(\hat{q}_i;q^{\prime}_i)$ and $\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_i,-}_{\rho\bar{z}}(\hat{q}_i;q^{\prime}_i)$ are transverse with respect to the momentum $q^{\prime}_i$, we can write $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&(2\pi)^4\int\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_1}{q^{\prime0}_1}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_2}{q^{\prime0}_2}\frac{d^3q^{\prime}_3}{q^{\prime0}_3}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{\mu a}(\hat{q}_1;q^{\prime}_1)A^{\text{log},-}_{\nu b}(\hat{q}_2;q^{\prime}_2)\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{\rho c}(\hat{q}_3;q^{\prime}_3)\\
&\times\delta^{(4)}(q^{\prime}_1-q^{\prime}_2-q^{\prime}_3)\bigg[2g^{\mu\nu}q^{\prime\rho}_1+2g^{\nu\rho}q^{\prime\mu}_3+g^{\rho\mu}(-q^{\prime}_3-q^{\prime}_1)^{\nu}\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Following the steps in Section \ref{sec:PhotonScalarScalar}, $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}$ can be recast into the form as
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X\bigg(-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}\\
&\qquad+A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Integrating by parts and using the fact that $\partial^{\rho}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}=\partial^{\mu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}=0$, one can show that the pure gauge in $A^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}$ does not contribute to $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_2=1}_{1^a\rightarrow 2^b3^c}$. This leads to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X\bigg(-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}\\
&\qquad+V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\bigg)\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Since $V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\propto X_{\nu}$ and $X^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\mu c}=X^{\mu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}=0$, we find that
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
&-2\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\partial^{\rho}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\eta^{\mu\nu}+2A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\partial^{\mu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\eta^{\rho\nu}=0\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&i\int d^4X V^{\text{log},-}_{2,\nu b}\bigg[\partial^{\nu}A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}-A^{\Delta_1,+}_{1,\mu a}\partial^{\nu}\widetilde{A}^{\Delta_3,-}_{3,\rho c}\bigg]\eta^{\mu\rho}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Using \eqref{eq:SpinOne}, \eqref{eq:At} and \eqref{eq:Alog} we get
\begin{align}\label{eq:GluonGluonGluon}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^a\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^b3^c}=&\frac{2i(\Delta_1+\Delta_3-2)}{N_{\Delta_1}^+N_{2-\Delta_3}^{-}}\lim_{\Delta_2^{\prime}\rightarrow0}\frac{1}{N_{2-\Delta_2^{\prime}}^{-}\Delta_2^{\prime}}\bigg(\frac{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{3c}\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_1}\partial_{1a}\partial_{2b}+(\partial_{1a}\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{3c}\hat{q}_3)\partial_{2b}\\
&\qquad+\frac{(\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_1\Delta_3}\partial_{1a}\partial_{2b}\partial_{3c}+\frac{(\partial_a\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3)}{\Delta_3}\partial_{2b}\partial_{3c}\bigg)\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_3\Delta^{\prime}_2\Delta_1}_{1^0\rightarrow2^03^0}\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
Without loss of generality, we take $b=-$. Then, there are four possible helicity configurations: $(-,-,+)$, $(+,-,-)$, $(-,-,-)$, and $(+,-,+)$. Using \eqref{eq:GluonGluonGluon}, one can show that the celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}$ and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}$ vanish. This is consistent with the result from standard CFT. Three-point conformal correlation function involving one conserved current vanishes unless the remaining two operators have the same weight. On the other hand, celestial amplitudes $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}$ and $\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}$ do not vanish and take the form as standard conformal three-point function with one conserved current, \textit{i.e.,} we have
\begin{align}\label{eq:MinusPlusMinus}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^-\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^+}=&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_1-1)\sin(\Delta_1\pi)e^{i\Delta_1\pi}}{\Delta_1}(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta_1-1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta_1+1}}\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the conformal weights are $(\frac{\Delta_1-1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1+1}{2})$, $(1,0)$ and $(\frac{\Delta_3-1}{2},\frac{\Delta_3+1}{2})$, and
\begin{align}\label{eq:PlusPlusPlus}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{A}^{\Delta_i}_{1^+\rightarrow 2_{\text{soft}}^-3^-}=&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_1-1)\sin(\Delta_1\pi)e^{i\Delta_1\pi}}{\Delta_1}(\frac{1}{z_{12}}+\frac{1}{z_{23}})\frac{1}{z_{13}^{\Delta_1+1}\bar{z}_{13}^{\Delta_1-1}}\delta(\Delta_1-\Delta_3)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where the conformal weights are $(\frac{\Delta_1+1}{2},\frac{\Delta_1-1}{2})$, $(1,0)$ and $(\frac{\Delta_3+1}{2},\frac{\Delta_3-1}{2})$. \eqref{eq:MinusPlusMinus} and \eqref{eq:PlusPlusPlus} indicate that the soft gluon with helicity $+$ is mapped to be a holomorphic current $j_{z}$ with conformal dimension one. The OPE between a soft gluon and another gluon takes the form as
\begin{align}\label{eq:GluonOPE}
\begin{split}
j_{z}(z_2)\mathcal{O}^{\Delta_1,\pm}_{z}(z_1)\sim&\frac{4i(2\pi)^3(\Delta_3-1)\sin(\Delta_3\pi)e^{i\Delta_3\pi}}{\Delta_3C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}_{zz}}\frac{1}{z_{12}}\mathcal{O}^{\Delta_3,\mp}_{z}(z_2)\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where $C^{\Delta_1\Delta_3}_{zz}$ is the coefficient of the two-point celestial amplitude of gluons.
\subsection{Comparing with the results in Klein space }
The celestial amplitude of three gluons in Klein space was computed in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz} by performing Mellin transformation on MHV amplitude. To compare our results with their, we first derive the MHV amplitude in Klein space from the scattering amplitude \eqref{eq:MGluonGluonGluon}. Without loss of generality, we take the helicities as $(-,-,+)$. The MHV amplitude can be obtained from $\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}$ by contracting with the polarization vectors $\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_{1\mu}\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_{2\nu}\partial_{z_3}\hat{q}_{3\rho}$, leading to
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=&\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_{1\mu}\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_{2\nu}\partial_{z_3}\hat{q}_{3\rho}\mathcal{M}^{\mu\nu\rho}(q_1,q_2,q_3)\\
=&2(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\bigg[\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot(-q_2+q_3)+\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2\cdot(-q_3-q_1)\bigg]\;,
\end{split}
\end{align}
where we used the fact $\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2=0$ and $\partial_{z_1}\hat{p}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_3}\hat{p}_3=2$. With the help of the momentum conservation and the fact that polarization vector $\epsilon_{i\pm}$ is orthogonal to the momentum $q_{i}$, we get
\begin{align}
\begin{split}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=&2(2\pi^4)\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\bigg[-2\omega_2\partial_{\bar{z}_1}\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2-2\omega_1\hat{q}_1\cdot\partial_{\bar{z}_2}\hat{q}_2\bigg]\;.
\end{split}
\end{align}
The support of delta-function $\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)$ contains soft region and colinear region in both Minkowski space and Klein space. The colinear region demands that
\begin{align}\label{eq:Colinear}
\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_2=\hat{q}_1\cdot\hat{q}_3=0\;.
\end{align}
In Minkowski space, \eqref{eq:Colinear} implies $z_1=z_2=z_3$ and $\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3$, leading to vanishing $\mathcal{M}_{--+}$. However, since $z_i$ and $\bar{z}_i$ are independent real variables in Klein space, \eqref{eq:Colinear} implies $z_1=z_2=z_3$ or $\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3$. Indeed, the momentum conservation in Klein space has support at \footnote{Since $\omega_i\geq0$, we must have $z_3<z_1<z_2$ or $z_3>z_1>z_2$.}
\begin{align}
\bar{z}_1=\bar{z}_2=\bar{z}_3\;,\qquad\omega_1=-\frac{z_{23}}{z_{12}}\omega_3\;,\qquad\omega_2=-\frac{z_{13}}{z_{12}}\omega_3\;,
\end{align}
which corresponds to the colinear region. On this support, we find that
\begin{align}
\mathcal{M}_{--+}=8(2\pi)^4\delta^{(4)}(q_1-q_2-q_3)\frac{\omega_1\omega_2}{\omega_3}\frac{z_{12}^3}{z_{23}z_{31}}\;,
\end{align}
which agrees with the MHV amplitude up to a constant. We see that the MHV amplitude of three gluons in Klein space only include the contribution from the colinear region. As a result, the celestial amplitude of three gluons computed in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz} only count the contribution from the colinear region. This statement can also be seen from the delta-function $\delta(\bar{z}_{12})\delta(\bar{z}_{13})$ existed in their results.
We conclude that celestial amplitude of three gluons in Minkowski space only receives contribution from the soft region, while celestial amplitude of three gluons in Klein space receives contribution from both the soft and colinear region. To complete the results in Klein space, one still need to add the contribution from the soft region to the results in \cite{Pasterski:2017ylz}. This soft contribution in Klein space can be obtained in a similar way that we did in Minkowski space.
\section{Discussions}\label{sec:discussion}
In this paper, we computed the celestial amplitudes of three massless particles in Minkowski space. We showed that due to the existence of soft and colinear regions in the support of the delta-function for momentum conservation, the celestial amplitudes of three massless particles in Minkowski space do not vanish and take the standard form of correlation functions in CFT. Focusing on the specific amplitudes of scalar-scalar-scalar, scalar-photon-scalar, scalar-graviton-scalar, and gluon-gluon-gluon, we found that the massless three-point celestial amplitudes of scalars receive contributions from both the soft and colinear regions, while the massless three-point celestial amplitudes of gluon and graviton receive contribution only from the soft region. Moreover, by looking at the celestial amplitudes of scalar-photon-scalar and gluon-gluon-gluon, we found that the scattering amplitudes involving a soft spin-one particle are mapped to be conformal correlators involving a spin-one current on the celestial sphere. These two examples directly confirmed the relation between soft spin-one particles in Minkowski space and conserved currents on the celestial sphere at the level of three-point amplitudes. In addition, we also found that the soft graviton with positive helicity in the scalar-graviton-scalar scattering is mapped to be a primary operator with conformal weight $(\frac{3}{2},-\frac{1}{2})$. By further taking a $\bar z$-derivative on this primary operator, we obtained the supertranslation current. We derived the OPE between the supertranslation current and scalar primaries and found the OPE matches with the one found in \cite{Donnay:2018neh}.
Several interesting open questions ensue from our work. First,
it would be interesting to extend our analysis to higher-point celestial amplitudes to further examine the relation between soft spinning particles and conserved currents.
Similar to the three-point case, we expect our prescription \eqref{eq:CA} for the celestial amplitudes and the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions \eqref{eq:Alog_def} and \eqref{eq:hlog} should play an important role in the higher-point case.
While only the soft region has contributed in the three-point celestial amplitudes with spinning particles, the higher-point celestial amplitudes receive contributions from other solutions to the momentum conservation. Thus, to study the conserved currents in higher-point celestial amplitudes, one must extract their contributions from taking the (conformally) soft limit or projecting the wave function onto the logarithmic conformal primary wave functions.
Another avenue would be to explore how the stress tensor emerges from the soft region at the level of three-point celestial amplitudes. The celestial stress tensor is usually constructed as a shadow of the subleading conformally soft graviton \cite{Cachazo:2014fwa,Kapec:2016jld,Kapec:2014opa}. The obstruction of this way in the three-point celestial amplitude is that the energy $\omega$ is strictly equal to zero. Then it is unclear how to obtain the subleading conformally soft graviton.
Finally, it would be of great interest to study the celestial amplitudes of three conserved spin-one currents as well as of three stress tensors. These two correlators are important as they encode the information of the level and the central charge. To get these two correlators, one must take double or triple (conformally) soft limits of celestial amplitudes. The double soft limit which is necessary to consider $TT$ OPE was studied in \cite{Fotopoulos:2020bqj}. However, there is an obstruction in \cite{Fotopoulos:2020bqj} to reproducing the $TT$ OPE by taking the double soft limit. \footnote{Multiple soft insertion was studied in \cite{Ball:2022bgg}.} A possible resolution to this obstruction was proposed very recently in \cite{Banerjee:2022wht} for amplitudes in the Klein space, which used the ambidextrous basis \cite{Sharma:2021gcz,Jorge-Diaz:2022dmy}. Their basis involves the light transformation, and hence cannot be defined in Minkowski space, which has an Euclidean celestial sphere.
It would be interesting to develop techniques in Minkowski space that allow us to take the double soft limit. Perhaps, one can naively use the shadow transformation to replace the light transformation. \footnote{A correspondence between Fourier transforms and shadow transforms was studied in \cite{Brown:2022miw}. }
\section*{Acknowledgements}
We owe our gratitude to Andrew Strominger for a correspondence that partially motivated this work.
CC is partly supported by National Key R\&D Program of China (NO. 2020YFA0713000).
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
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\section{Introduction}
\label{sec:intro}
Relativistic quantum field theory is the adequate theoretical framework
to formulate the commonly accepted theory of the fundamental interactions,
the Standard Model of the strong and the
electroweak interactions~\cite{QCD,gsw,gim,cabibbo}.
The Standard Model summarizes our present knowledge of the basic
constituents of matter and their interactions.
It is a gauge invariant quantum field theory based on
the symmetry group $SU(3)\times SU(2)\times U(1)$,
with the colour group $SU(3)$ for the strong interaction and
with $SU(2)\times U(1)$ for the electroweak interaction
spontaneously broken by the Higgs mechanism.
The renormalizability of this class of theories
allows us to make precise predictions for measurable quantities
also in higher orders of the perturbative expansion, in terms of a
few input parameters.
The higher-order terms
contain the self-coupling of the vector bosons as well as their
interactions with the Higgs field and the top quark,
even for processes at lower energies
involving only light fermions.
Assuming the validity of the Standard Model, the presence of the
top quark and the Higgs boson in the loop contributions to electroweak
observables allows us to obtain indirect
significant bounds on their masses from
precision measurements of these observables.
The only unknown quantity at present is the Higgs boson.
Its mass is getting more and more
constrained by a comparison of the
Standard Model predictions with the experimental data,
preparing the ground for a crucial test at the LHC.
In these lectures we give an introduction to the basic elements of a
relativistic quantum field theory in the Lagrangian formulation,
involving scalar, vector, and
fermion fields, and indicate how to calculate amplitudes for
physical processes in perturbation theory with the help
of Feynman graphs.
The principle of local gauge invariance is explained in terms of the
well-known example of Quantum Electrodynamics (QED) with an Abelian
gauge symmetry and is then generalized to the case of non-Abelian
gauge invariance and applied to the formulation of
Quantum Chromodynamics (QCD). In the formulation of the electroweak theory
the gauge principle has to be supplemented by the concept of
spontaneous symmetry breaking with the help of the Higgs field
and by Yukawa interactions, for embedding massive particles in
a gauge-invariant way.
Excellent textbooks~\cite{textbooks} are available for further reading.
The presentation of the structure of
the electroweak Standard Model
is followed by a discussion of the phenomenology of $W$ and $Z$ bosons
and of tests of the electroweak theory
at present and future colliders.
The accurate predictions for the
vector boson masses,
cross sections, and the $Z$ resonance observables like the width
of the $Z$ resonance, partial widths, effective neutral current
coupling constants and mixing angles at the $Z$ peak,
can be compared with precise experimental data,
with relevant implications for the empirically
still unexplored Higgs sector. The present situation of the Higgs sector
and expectations for the upcoming experiments
are summarized in the final section, together with an outlook on
supersymmetric Higgs bosons.
\section{Elements of quantum field theory}
\label{sec:QFT}
\subsection{Notations and conventions}
Natural units (formally $\hbar=c=1$) are used everywhere.
Lorentz indices are always denoted by greek characters,
$ \mu, \nu, .. =0,1,2,3$.
Four-vectors for space--time coordinates and particle momenta have the following
contravariant components,
\begin{align}
x & = (x^\mu) = (x^0, \vec{x}), \quad x^0=t \, , \nonumber \\
p & = (p^\mu) = (p^0, \vec{p}\,), \quad p^0=E
= \sqrt{\vec{p}^{\,2} +m^2} \, . \nonumber
\end{align}
Covariant 4-vector components are related to the contravariant
components according to
\begin{align}
a_\mu & = g_{\mu\nu}\, a^\nu, \nonumber
\end{align}
with the metric tensor
\begin{align}
(g_{\mu\nu}) & = \left(
\begin{array}{c c c c}
1& 0& 0& 0 \\
0& -1& 0& 0 \\
0& 0& -1& 0 \\
0& 0& 0& -1
\end{array}
\right) \nonumber
\end{align}
yielding the 4-dimensional squares resp.\ scalar products,
\begin{align}
a^2 & = g_{\mu\nu}\, a^\mu a^\nu =
a_\mu a^\mu, \quad a\cdot b = a_\mu b^\mu
= a^0 b^0 - \vec{a}\cdot\vec{b} \, . \nonumber
\end{align}
Covariant and contravariant components of the
derivatives are used in the following notation,
\begin{align}
\partial_\mu & = \frac{\partial}{\partial x^\mu} = g_{\mu\nu}\, \partial^\nu,
\quad
\partial^\nu = \frac{\partial}{\partial x_\nu} \qquad
[\; \partial^0 =\partial_0, \;\; \partial^k =-\partial_k\; ] \, , \nonumber \\
\Box & = \partial_\mu \partial^\mu =
\frac{\partial^2}{\partial t^2} - \Delta \, . \nonumber
\end{align}
The quantum mechanical states of spin-$s$ particles with momentum
$p = (p^0, \vec{p})$ and helicity $\sigma = -s, -s+1, \cdots,+s$
are denoted in the conventional way by Dirac kets
$|p\, \sigma\!\!\!>$. They are normalized according to the relativistically
invariant convention
\begin{align}
\label{eq:normalization}
<\! p\, \sigma\, |\, p' \sigma' \!> & = 2 p^0 \,
\delta^3 (\vec{p} - \vec{p}\,') \, \delta_{\sigma \sigma'} \, .
\end{align}
A special state, the zero-particle state or the vacuum, respectively,
is denoted by $|0\!>$.
It is normalized to unity,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:vacnorm}
<\! 0 \, | \, 0 \!> & = 1 \, .
\end{align}
\subsection{Lagrangian formalism}
The Lagrangian formalism of quantum field theory allows us
to accommodate the following basic features:
\vspace*{-0.3cm}
\begin{itemize}
\item
space--time symmetry in terms of Lorentz invariance, as well as
internal symmetries like gauge symmetries,
\item
causality,
\item
local interactions.
\end{itemize}
\vspace*{-0.3cm} \noindent
Particles are described by fields that are operators on the
quantum mechanical Hilbert space of the particle states, acting as
creation and annihilation operators for particles and antiparticles.
In the Standard Model, the following classes of particles appear,
each of them described by a specific type of fields:
\begin{itemize}
\item
spin-0 particles, described by scalar fields $\phi(x)$,
\item
spin-1 particles, described by vector fields $A_\mu(x)$,
\item
spin-1/2 fermions, described by spinor fields $\psi(x)$.
\end{itemize}
The dynamics of the physical system involving a set of fields,
denoted here by a generic field variable $\phi$,
is determined by the Lorentz-invariant
Lagrangian ${\cal L}$, which yields the action
\begin{align}
S[\phi] & = \int {\rm d}^4 x \, {\cal L}\big(\phi(x)\big) \, ,
\end{align}
from which the equations of motions follow as Euler--Lagrange equations
from Hamilton's principle,
\begin{align}
\delta S & = S[\phi + \delta \phi] - S[\phi] = 0 \, .
\end{align}
In particle mechanics with $n$ generalized coordinates $q_i$
and velocities $\dot{q}_i$,
the Lagrangian
$L(q_1,\dots \dot{q}_1, \dots ) $
yields the equations of motion ($i=1,\dots n$)
\begin{align}
\frac{\rm d}{{\rm d} t} \,\frac{\partial L}{\partial {\dot{q}_i}}
- \frac{\partial L}{\partial q_i} & = 0 \, .
\end{align}
Proceeding to field theory, one has to perform the replacement
\begin{align}
q_i & \rightarrow \phi(x) \, ,\quad
\dot{q}_i \rightarrow \partial_\mu \phi(x)\, , \quad
L(q_1,\dots q_n, \dot{q}_1, \dots \dot{q}_n) \rightarrow
{\cal L} (\phi(x), \partial_\mu \phi(x))
\end{align}
and obtains the equations of motion as field equations,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:LagrangeEq}
\partial_\mu \, \frac{\partial{\cal L}}{\partial (\partial_\mu \phi)}
- \frac{\partial{\cal L}}{\partial \phi} & = 0 \, ,
\end{align}
for each field (or field component), which is indicated here by the
generic variable $\phi$.
\subsection{Free quantum fields}
\subsubsection{Scalar fields}
The Lagrangian for a free real scalar field, describing neutral spinless
particles with mass $m$,
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = \frac{1}{2}\, (\partial_\mu \phi)^2 - \frac{m^2}{2} \, \phi^2
\end{align}
yields the field equation according to~(\ref{eq:LagrangeEq}), known as the
{\it Klein--Gordon equation},
\begin{align}
\label{eq:KleinGordon}
( \Box \, + m^2) \, \phi = 0 \, .
\end{align}
The solution can be expanded in terms of the complete set of plane waves
$e^{\pm ikx}$,
\begin{align}
\phi(x) = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\int \frac{{\rm d}^3 k}{2 k^0} \,
[ a(k) \, e^{-ikx} \,+\, a^\dagger(k)\, e^{ikx} \, ]
\end{align}
with $k^0 =\sqrt{\vec{k\,}^2 + m^2}$.
Constituting a quantum field,
the coefficients $a$ and the Hermitian adjoint $a^\dagger$
are operators that
annihilate and create one-particle states
(see Appendix~\ref{sec:AppA}),
\begin{align}
a^\dagger(k) \, |0\!> & = |k\!> \nonumber \\
a(k)\, |k'\!> & = 2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,') \, |0\!> \, .
\end {align}
The wave functions of one-particle states are given by the amplitudes
of the field operator between the one-particle states and the vacuum,
\begin{align}
<\! 0 | \phi(x) | k> & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\, e^{-ikx} \, , \quad
<\! k | \phi(x) | 0> = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\, e^{ikx} \, ,
\end{align}
distinguishing between states of incoming (first) and outgoing (second)
particles.
A complex scalar field $\phi^\dagger \neq \phi$
has two degrees of freedom. It describes spinless particles which carry
a charge $\pm 1$ and can be interpreted as particles and antiparticles.
The Lagrangian
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Lscalar}
{\cal L} & = (\partial_\mu \phi)^\dagger (\partial^\mu \phi)
- m^2 \, \phi^\dagger \phi
\end{align}
yields the field equation~(\ref{eq:KleinGordon}) as above, but in the
Fourier expansion one has to distinguish between the annihilation and creation
operators $a,\, a^\dagger$ for particle states $|+, k\!>$ and $b,\, b^\dagger$
for antiparticle states $|-, k\!>$,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:scalarfieldFourier}
\phi(x) = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\int \frac{{\rm d}^3 k}{2 k^0} \,
[ a(k) \, e^{-ikx} \,+\, b^\dagger(k)\, e^{ikx} \, ]
\end{align}
where
\begin{equation}
\begin{array}{l l}
a^\dagger(k) \, |0\!> \, = \, |+, k\!> \, , &
b^\dagger(k) \, |0\!> \, = \, |-, k\!> \\
a(k)\, |+, k'\!> \, = \, 2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,') \, |0\!>
\, ,\qquad\qquad &
b(k)\, |-, k'\!> \, = \, 2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,') \, |0\!> \, .
\end{array}
\end {equation}
Whereas wave functions describe free particles without space--time
limitations, the important concept of the {\it propagator} or
{\it Green function} is required whenever the propagation from a
point-like source at a given space--time point is considered.
Such a Green function $D(x-y)$
is a solution of the inhomogeneous field equation
\begin{align}
\label{eq:GreenScalar}
( \Box \, + m^2) \, D(x-y) & = - \delta^4(x-y) \, .
\end{align}
The solution can easily be determined by a Fourier transformation
\begin{align}
\label{eq:FourierGreen}
D(x-y) = \int \, \frac{{\rm d}^4k}{(2\pi)^4} \, D(k) \, e^{-ik(x-y)}
\end{align}
yielding Eq.~(\ref{eq:GreenScalar}) in momentum space,
\begin{align}
(k^2 - m^2) \, D(k) & = 1 \, .
\end{align}
The solution
\begin{align}
\label{eq:scalarpropagator}
i \, D(k) = \frac{i}{k^2 - m^2 + \, i \epsilon}
\end{align}
is the {\it causal Green function} or the {\it Feynman propagator}
of the scalar field. The overall factor $i$ is by convention;
the term $+ i \epsilon$ in the denominator with an infinitesimal
$ \epsilon > 0$ is a prescription of how to treat the pole in the
integral~(\ref{eq:FourierGreen}); it
corresponds to the special boundary condition of
causality for $D(x-y)$ in Minkowski space,
which means (see Appendix~\ref{sec:AppB})
\begin{itemize}
\item propagation of a particle from $y$ to $x$ if $x^0 > y^0$,
\item propagation of an antiparticle from $x$ to $y$ if $y^0 > x^0$.
\end{itemize}
In a Feynman diagram, the propagator occurs as an internal line,
whereas wave functions (resp.\ their Fourier transformed in momentum space)
are always associated with external lines representing the physical particles
in a given process.
We introduce the following graphical symbol for the scalar propagator;
the momentum $k$ always points into the direction of the arrow which
denotes the flow of the charge of the {\it particle}
(for neutral fields the arrrow is irrelevant).
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{l c r}
$i\, D(k)\quad$ & $\bullet$- - ->- - -$\bullet$ & \\
& $k$ &
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\subsubsection{Vector fields}
A vector field $A_\mu(x)$
describes particles with spin 1. Their states $|k \lambda \!>$
can be classified
by momentum~$k$ and helicity $\lambda = \pm 1, 0$ for massive particles,
and $\lambda = \pm 1$ for particles with mass zero.
\smallskip {\noindent}
{\bf Massive case.}
For a given particle mass $m$, the Lagrangian for the free system
(`massive photon'),
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = -\frac{1}{4}\, F_{\mu\nu} F^{\mu\nu}
- \frac{m^2}{2}\, A_\mu A^\mu \quad {\rm with} \quad
F_{\mu\nu} = \partial_\mu A_\nu - \partial_\nu A_\mu \, ,
\end{align}
yields from~(\ref{eq:LagrangeEq})
(with $\phi \to A_\nu)$
the field equation, known as the {\it Proca equation},
\begin{align}
\big[(\Box + m^2)\, g^{\mu\nu} - \partial^\mu \partial^\nu \big]
\, A_\nu & = 0 \, .
\end{align}
Special solutions are plane waves
\begin{equation}
\label{eq:planewaves}
\epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu \, e^{\pm ikx}
\end{equation}
with three linearly independent polarization vectors
$\epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu$, which are transverse and can be chosen as
orthogonal and normalized,
\begin{align}
\epsilon^{(\lambda)}\cdot k & = 0 \, , \quad
\epsilon^{(\lambda)*} \cdot \epsilon^{(\lambda')} = - \delta_{\lambda\lambda'}
\, ,
\end{align}
and which fulfil the polarization sum
\begin{align}
\sum_{\lambda=1}^3 \, \epsilon^{(\lambda)*}_\mu \epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\nu
& = - g_{\mu\nu} + \frac{k_\mu k_\nu}{m^2} \, .
\end{align}
The solutions~(\ref{eq:planewaves}) form a complete set, and the field
$A_\mu$ can be written as a Fourier expansion,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:vectorfieldFourier}
A_\mu(x) & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}} \, \sum_\lambda \,
\int \frac{{\rm d}^3 k}{2 k^0} \,
\big[ a_\lambda(k) \, \epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu(k)\, e^{-ikx} \,
+\, a_\lambda^\dagger(k)\, \epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu(k)^* \, e^{ikx} \,
\big] .
\end{align}
The coefficients are the annihilation and creation operators of particle
states,
\begin{eqnarray}
a_\lambda^\dagger(k) \, |0\!> & = & |k \lambda \!> \nonumber \\
a_\lambda(k)\, |k' \lambda' \!> & = &
2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,')\, \delta_{\lambda\lambda'}\, |0\!> \, .
\end {eqnarray}
As in the scalar case,
the wave functions of one-particle states are given by the amplitudes
of the field operator between the one-particle states and the vacuum,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:photonwf}
<\! 0\, | A_\mu(x) |\, k \lambda> & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu(k)\,
e^{-ikx} \, , \quad
<\! k \lambda\, | A_\mu(x) |\, 0> = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\epsilon^{(\lambda)}_\mu(k)^* \,
e^{ikx} \, ,
\end{align}
corresponding to incoming and outgoing states.
In momentum space, the wave functions are just the polarization vectors.
The {\it Feynman propagator} of the vector field,
$D_{\mu\nu}(x-y)$,
is the solution of the inhomogeneous field equation with point-like source,
\begin{align}
\big[(\Box + m^2)\, g^{\mu\rho} - \partial^\mu \partial^\rho \big] \,
D_{\rho\nu} (x-y) & = g^\mu_{\;\, \nu} \, \delta^4(x-y) \, .
\end{align}
By Fourier transformation,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:vecpropFourier}
D_{\rho\nu} (x-y) & =
\int \, \frac{{\rm d}^4k}{(2\pi)^4} \, D_{\rho\nu}(k) \, e^{-ik(x-y)} \, ,
\end{align}
one obtains an algebraic equation for $D_{\rho\nu}(k)$,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:GreenVectorMassive}
\big[(-k^2 + m^2)\, g^{\mu\rho} + k^\mu k^\rho \big] \, D_{\rho\nu}(k)
& = g^\mu_{\;\, \nu} \, .
\end{align}
The solution is the Feynman propagator of a massive vector field,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:vectorpropagator}
i\, D_{\rho\nu}(k) & = \frac{i}{k^2-m^2 +i \epsilon}
\left( -g_{\nu\rho} + \frac{k_\nu k_\rho}{m^2} \right) .
\end{align}
As for the scalar propagator in~(\ref{eq:scalarpropagator}), the factor $i$
is by convention, and the $+i\epsilon$ term in the denominator
corresponds to the causal boundary condition.
\smallskip
\noindent
{\bf Massless case.}
For particles with $m=0$, like photons, the field $A_\mu$ corresponds to the
4-potential
and the Lagrangian is that of the free electromagnetic field,
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = -\frac{1}{4}\, F_{\mu\nu} F^{\mu\nu}
\quad {\rm with} \quad
F_{\mu\nu} = \partial_\mu A_\nu - \partial_\nu A_\mu \, .
\end{align}
The field equations are Maxwell's equations for the vector potential,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:MaxwellEqs}
\big(\Box \, g^{\mu\nu} - \partial^\mu \partial^\nu \big)
\, A_\nu & = 0 \, .
\end{align}
There are two physical polarization vectors $\epsilon_\mu^{(1,2)}$
for the transverse polarization, with
$\vec{\epsilon}^{\,(1,2)}\cdot \vec{k}= 0$.
The third solution of~(\ref{eq:MaxwellEqs})
with a longitudinal polarization vector $\epsilon_\mu \sim k_\mu$
is unphysical; it can be removed by a gauge transformation
\begin{align}
A_\mu'(x) & = A_\mu(x) + \partial_\mu \chi(x) \equiv 0 \quad
{\rm with} \quad \chi(x) = \pm i e^{\pm ikx} \, .
\end{align}
\medskip \noindent
The equation for the propagator of the massless vector field follows
from~(\ref{eq:GreenVectorMassive}) setting $m = 0$:
\begin{align}
\label{eq:GreenVectorMassless}
\big( -k^2 \, g^{\mu\rho} + k^\mu k^\rho \big) \, D_{\rho\nu}(k)
& \equiv K^{\mu\rho} \, D_{\rho\nu}(k)
= g^\mu_{\;\, \nu} \, .
\end{align}
This equation, however, has no solution since
$K^{\mu\rho} k_\rho = 0$, i.e.,
$k_\rho$ is an eigenvector of $K^{\mu\rho}$ with eigenvalue $0$,
which means that the determinant of
$K^{\mu\rho}$ vanishes.
It is therefore not straightforward to define a propagator for a
massless vector field. Since the basic reason is gauge invariance,
the common strategy to overcome this problem is to break the gauge
symmetry by adding to ${\cal L}$ a gauge-fixing term
(which in classical Maxwell theory corresponds to choosing a specific gauge).
Such a term, widely used for practical calculations and corresponding to
the classical Lorentz gauge, has the following form,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:gaugefixing}
{\cal L}_{\rm fix} & = - \frac{1}{2\xi}\,
\big(\partial_\mu A^\mu\big)^2 \, ,
\end{align}
where $\xi$ is an arbitrary real parameter, called a
gauge-fixing parameter
(the choice $\xi=1$ defines the {\it Feynman gauge}).
The accordingly extended Lagrangian
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = -\frac{1}{4}\, F_{\mu\nu} F^{\mu\nu}
- \frac{1}{2\xi}\, \big(\partial_\mu A^\mu\big)^2
\end{align}
modifies the operator $K^{\mu\rho}$ in momentum space
as follows,
\begin{align}
K^{\mu\rho} & \to K^{\mu\rho} - \frac{1}{\xi} \,k^\mu k^\rho \, ,
\end{align}
and~(\ref{eq:GreenVectorMassless}) is replaced by the equation,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:GreenVectorFeyn}
\big[ -k^2 \, g^{\mu\rho} + \big(1-\frac{1}{\xi}\big) k^\mu k^\rho \big]
\, D_{\rho\nu}(k)
& = g^\mu_{\;\, \nu} \, ,
\end{align}
which now has a solution for the massless propagator, namely
\begin{align}
\label{eq:photonpropagator}
i\, D_{\rho\nu}(k) & = \frac{i}{k^2 + i \epsilon}
\left[ -g_{\nu\rho} + (1-\xi) \,\frac{k_\nu k_\rho}{k^2} \right] .
\end{align}
It becomes particularly simple in the Feynman gauge for $\xi=1$.
Note that adding ${\cal L}_{\rm fix}$ to the Lagrangian does not
have a physical impact since the induced extra terms in the propagator
are $\sim k_\nu$ and vanish in amplitudes for physical processes:
photons always couple to the electromagnetic current $j^\nu$,
which is a conserved current
with $\partial_\nu j^\nu$, or equivalently
$k_\nu j^\nu = 0$ in momentum space.
The graphical symbol for the vector-field propagator (for both massive
and massless) is a wavy line which carries the momentum $k$
and two Lorentz indices:
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{l c}
$i\, D_{\rho\nu}(k) $ &
\includegraphics[width=2cm,clip=]{vectorprop} \\
& $^\rho \qquad k\qquad ^\nu $
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\subsubsection{Dirac fields}
Spin-$\frac{1}{2}$ particles, like electrons and positrons,
with mass $m$ are desribed by
4-component spinor fields,\begin{equation}
\psi(x) \, = \,
\left(
\begin{array}{c}
\psi_1(x) \\ \psi_2(x) \\ \psi_3(x) \\ \psi_4(x)
\end{array} \right) .
\end{equation}
The dynamics of the free field is contained in the Dirac Lagrangian,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracL}
{\cal L} & = \overline{\psi} \,(i \gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m ) \, \psi \, ,
\end{align}
involving the adjoint spinor
\begin{align}
\label{eq:adjoint}
\overline{\psi} & = \psi^\dagger\, \gamma^0 =
(\psi_1^*, \psi_2^*, - \psi_3^*, - \psi_4^*) \, .
\end{align}
The Dirac matrices $\gamma^\mu$ {\small{($\mu=0,1,2,3$)}}
are $4\times 4$ matrices
which can be written with the help of the Pauli matrices $\sigma_{1,2,3}$
in the following way (the Dirac representation),
\begin{align}
\gamma^0 & = \left( \begin{array}{r r}
{\bf 1} & 0 \\
0 & - {\bf 1}
\end{array} \right), \quad
\gamma^k = \left( \begin{array}{c c}
0 & \sigma_k \\
- \sigma_k & 0
\end{array} \right) .
\end{align}
They fulfil the anti-commutator relations
\begin{align}
\{ \gamma^\mu, \gamma^\nu\}
&\equiv \gamma^\mu \gamma^\nu + \gamma^\nu \gamma^\mu
= 2 g^{\mu\nu} \, .
\end{align}
The Lagrangian~(\ref{eq:DiracL}) yields the {\it Dirac equation} as
the equation of motion,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracE}
( i \gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m ) \, \psi & = 0 \, .
\end{align}
There are two types of solutions, corresponding to particle
and anti-particle wave functions,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracSolutions}
u(p)\, e^{-ipx} & \quad {\rm and} \quad
v(p)\, e^{ipx}
\end{align}
where the spinors $u$ and $v$ fulfil the algebraic equations
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Diracuv}
\big( \not{\!p} - m) u(p) & = 0\, , \quad\quad
\big( \not{\!p} + m) v(p) = 0 \, .
\end{align}
Thereby, the notation
$\not{\!a} = \gamma^\mu a_\mu$
applying to any 4-vector $a_\mu$ has been used.
The solutions~(\ref{eq:Diracuv})
correspond to momentum eigenstates with eigenvalue $p^\mu$.
They can further be classified as helicity states
with helicity $\sigma=\pm 1/2$
by the requirement
\begin{align}
\frac{1}{2}\, \big(\vec{\Sigma}\cdot\vec{n}\big) \, u_\sigma(p)
& = \sigma\, u_\sigma(p) \, , \quad\quad
- \frac{1}{2}\, \big(\vec{\Sigma}\cdot\vec{n}\big) \, v_\sigma(p)
= \sigma\, v_\sigma(p)
\end{align}
with
\begin{equation}
\vec{\Sigma} = \left(
\begin{array}{l l}
\vec{\sigma} & 0 \\
0 & \vec{\sigma}
\end{array} \right) \quad {\rm and} \quad
\vec{n} = \frac{\vec{p}}{|\vec{p}|} \, .
\end{equation}
The normalization of the spinors is given by
\begin{align}
\label{uvnorm}
\overline{u}_\sigma \, u_{\sigma'} & = 2 m\, \delta_{\sigma\sigma'} \, , \qquad
\overline{v}_\sigma \, v_{\sigma'} = - 2 m\, \delta_{\sigma\sigma'} \, .
\end{align}
Other useful relations are
\begin{align}
\label{uvcomplete}
\sum_\sigma\, u_{\sigma} \,\overline{u}_\sigma
& = \, \not{\! p} + m \, , \qquad
\sum_\sigma\, v_{\sigma} \,\overline{v}_\sigma
= \, \not{\! p} - m \, .
\end{align}
Having determined a
complete set of solutions of the Dirac equation~(\ref{eq:DiracE}),
we can
now write the Dirac quantum field
as an expansion in terms of these solutions,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracfieldFourier}
\psi(x) & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}} \, \sum_\sigma \,
\int \frac{{\rm d}^3 k}{2 k^0} \,
\big[ c_\sigma(k) \, u_{\sigma}(k)\, e^{-ikx} \,
+\, d^{\,\dagger}_\sigma(k)\, v_{\sigma}(k) \, e^{ikx} \,
\big] ,
\end{align}
where the coefficients are annihilation operators
$c_\sigma$ for particles and $d_\sigma$ for anti-particles, as well
as creation operators $c_\sigma^\dagger$ and $d_\sigma^{\dagger}$
for particles and antiparticles, respectively.
In QED,
electrons $e^-$ are by convention the particles and positrons
the antiparticles. Choosing the $e^\pm$ field as a concrete example,
we thus have
\begin{equation}
\begin{array}{l l}
c_\sigma^\dagger(k) \, |0\!> \, = \, |e^-, k \sigma \!> \, , &
d_\sigma^{\,\dagger}(k) \, |0\!> \, = \, |e^+, k \sigma \!> \\
c_\sigma(k)\, |e^-, k' \sigma'\!> \, =
\, 2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,')
\delta_{\sigma\sigma'} \, |0\!>
\, ,\qquad &
d_\sigma(k)\, |e^+, k \sigma' \!> \,
= \, 2 k^0 \, \delta^3(\vec{k} - \vec{k}\,') \,
\delta_{\sigma\sigma'} \, |0\!>\, .
\end{array}
\end {equation}
There are four types of wave functions, for incoming and outgoing
particles and antiparticles,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Diracwf}
<\! 0 | \psi(x) |e^-, k\sigma> & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
u_\sigma(k)\, e^{-ikx} \, , \quad
<\! e^+,k\sigma | \psi(x) | 0> = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
v_\sigma(k) \,e^{ikx} \, , \nonumber \\
<\! 0 | \overline{\psi}(x) |e^+, k\sigma> & = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\overline{v}_\sigma(k)\, e^{-ikx} \, , \quad
<\! e^-,k\sigma | \overline{\psi}(x) | 0> = \frac{1}{(2\pi)^{3/2}}\,
\overline{u}_\sigma(k) \,e^{ikx} \, .
\end{align}
In momentum space, dropping the $(2\pi)^{-3/2}$ factors
and the helicity indices,
we describe the situations as follows using a graphical notation
($k$ always denotes the physical momentum
flowing towards an interaction point for incoming
and off an interaction point for outgoing states),
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{l l l}
incoming particle & $\qquad u(k)$ & --->---$\bullet$ \\
incoming antiparticle & $\qquad \overline{v}(k)$ & ---<---$\bullet$ \\
outgoing antiparticle & $\qquad v(k)$ & $\bullet$---<--- \\
outgoing particle & $\qquad \overline{u}(k)$ & $\bullet$--->---
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\noindent
The arrows indicate the flow of the {\it particle} charge.
Note that for antiparticles the direction of the momentum is opposite
to the arrow at the line.
\medskip
We still have to determine the propagator of the Dirac field, which is the
solution of the inhomogeneous Dirac equation with point-like source,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Diracprop}
( i \gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m ) \, S(x-y) & = {\bf 1}\, \delta^4(x-y) \, .
\end{align}
A Fourier transformation to $S(k)$,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracpropFourier}
S(x-y) & =
\int \, \frac{{\rm d}^4k}{(2\pi)^4} \, S(k) \, e^{-ik(x-y)} \, ,
\end{align}
transforms the condition~(\ref{eq:Diracprop}) into
a condition for $S(k)$
in momentum space,
\begin{align}
( \not{\! k} - m ) \, S(k) & = {\bf 1} \, .
\end{align}
The solution is a $4\times 4$ matrix,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:DiracPropagator}
i\, S(k) & = \frac{i}{ \not{\! k} - m + i \epsilon}
= \frac{i\, (\not{\! k} + m)}{k^2-m^2+ i \epsilon} \, ,
\end{align}
where the $+i\epsilon$ prescription is the causal boundary condition,
as for the scalar and vector field propagators.
We introduce a graphical symbol for the propagator,
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{l c r}
$i\, S(k)\quad$ & $\bullet$--->---$\bullet$ & \\
& $k$ &
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\noindent
The arrow at the line denotes the flow of the {\it particle} charge;
the assigned momentum $k$ always points into the direction of this arrow.
The propagator appears as an internal line in Feynman diagrams.
\subsection{Interacting fields}
So far we considered only free fields, which are described by Lagrangians
that are quadratic in the field variables and yield linear equations
of motion.
Interaction terms contain higher monomials in the fields, and a full
Lagrangian with interaction has the form
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = {\cal L}_0 + {\cal L}_{\rm int} \, ,
\end{align}
where ${\cal L}_0$ is the free field part
and ${\cal L}_{\rm int}$ describes the interaction.
In general, the resulting non-linear field equations cannot be solved
in an exact way. The conventional strategy is perturbation theory
with the free fields as starting point, treating the interaction as a small
perturbation. This is justified as long as the interaction is
sufficiently weak.
A powerful method for obtaining the perturbative
amplitudes for physical processes is the expansion in terms of
Feynman diagrams.
As a concrete and practically useful example, we consider Quantum
Electrodynamics (QED), the theory of electron/positron and photon
interactions. The QED Lagrangian is given by
\begin{align}
\label{eq:QEDLangrangian}
{\cal L}_{\rm QED} & = \overline{\psi} (i \gamma^\mu \partial_\mu -m ) \psi
- \frac{1}{4} F_{\mu\nu} F^{\mu\nu} + {\cal L}_{\rm fix}
\, +\, e\, \overline{\psi} \gamma^\mu\psi \, A_\mu \, ,
\end{align}
where the interaction term
\begin{align}
\label{eq:emcurrent}
{\cal L}_{\rm int} & = j^\mu A_\mu \quad {\rm with} \quad
j^\mu = e\, \overline{\psi} \gamma^\mu \psi
\end{align}
describes the coupling of the electromagnetic current
$j^\mu = e\, \overline{\psi} \gamma^\mu \psi $ to the photon field $A_\mu$.
The new element is an interaction point, a {\it vertex},
which connects the three fields in ${\cal L}_{\rm int}$ and which is
obtained by stripping off the field operators, yielding
$e \gamma^\mu$. Also for the vertex, a graphical symbol is introduced
with lines connected to a point:
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.24\linewidth,clip=]{evertex}
\end{center}
\noindent
Note that the factor $i$ is a convention.
The lines can be either propagators (internal) or wave functions
(external) in momentum space. They carry momenta which have to
fulfil momentum conservation. Formally, momentum conservation
follows via Fourier transformation from
the exponentials in the wave functions~(\ref{eq:photonwf},\ref{eq:Diracwf})
and the propagators~(\ref{eq:vecpropFourier},\ref{eq:DiracpropFourier})
when going to momentum space.
Collecting all the information, we give the complete
list of Feynman rules for QED, with the photon propagator
in the Feynman gauge. For fermions different from $e$
(or $\mu, \tau$), an extra factor for the
different charge appears in the vertex,
as indicated in the brackets. Helicity indices are suppressed for the
wave functions.
\begin{minipage}{.5\linewidth}
\raggedright
\includegraphics[width=0.6\linewidth,clip=]{QEDrules}
\end{minipage}\hfill
\begin{minipage}{.5\linewidth}
\vspace*{-0.1cm}
photon propagator ($\xi=1$)\\[0.8cm]
fermion propagator\\[0.8cm]
electron--photon vertex \\[1.1cm]
incoming photon\\[0.1cm]
outgoing photon\\[1.5cm]
incoming fermion\\[0.1cm]
incoming anti-fermion\\[1.4cm]
outgoing fermion\\[0.1cm]
outgoing anti-fermion
\end{minipage}
\noindent
To obtain the transition matrix element,
the amplitude ${\cal M}_{fi}$
for a physical process $|i\!> \to |f\!>$
(see Section~\ref{sec:xsec}), one has the following
recipe.
\begin{itemize}
\item[$\bullet$]
For a process with given external particles
draw all diagrams connecting the external lines by vertices and propagators.
The lowest order corresponds to diagrams involving
the minimum number of vertices,
which determines the power of the coupling constant $e$
in the matrix element.
\item[$\bullet$]
Insert the analytical expressions for the wave functions,
propagators and vertices from the Feynman rules. The arrangement of
spinors is thereby opposite to the arrow at a fermion line.
\item[$\bullet$]
Impose momentum conservation at each vertex.
\item[$\bullet$] Sum over all diagrams, paying attention
to the relative sign which occurs when two fermion lines
are interchanged (according to Pauli's principle).
\end{itemize}
Note that the factors $(2\pi)^{-3/2}$ from each wave function
are omitted so far. They are collected globally and reappear
in the $S$-matrix element and the cross section, respectively
(Section~\ref{sec:scattering})
We demonstrate the method for the process of
electron--positron annihilation into muon pairs,
$e^+ e^- \to \mu^+\mu^-$.
There is only one Feynman diagram in lowest order,
displayed in Fig.~\ref{Fig:eemumu}.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.35\linewidth,clip=]{eemumu}
\end{center}
\caption{Lowest-order Feynman graph for $e^+ e^- \to \mu^+\mu^-$.
The momenta with directions are indicated at each line.}
\label{Fig:eemumu}
\end{figure}
The analytical expression for the amplitude according to this diagram
is given by
\begin{align}
{\cal M}_{fi} & = \overline{v}(q) i e \gamma^\mu u(p) \,
\left( \frac{-i g_{\mu\nu} }{Q^2 + i\epsilon} \right) \,
\overline{u}(p') i e \gamma^\nu v(q') \, = \, i\,
\frac{e^2}{Q^2} \; \overline{v}(q) \gamma^\mu u(p) \;
\overline{u}(p') \gamma^\nu v(q') \, .
\end{align}
Since $Q^2 = (p+q)^2 > 4 m_\mu^2$, the $i\epsilon$ term in the
photon propagator is irrelevant and can be dropped.
The next-order contribution to ${\cal M}_{fi}$, which is $\sim e^4$,
contains diagrams with closed loops.
Examples are displayed in Fig.~\ref{Fig:eemumuloop}.
Since inside a loop one momentum is free,
not fixed by momentum conservation,
loop diagrams involve a 4-dimensional integration over the free momentum
(Section~\ref{subsec:loopcalc}).
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.8\linewidth,clip=]{QEDloop5.ps}
\end{center}
\caption{One-loop order Feynman graphs for $e^+ e^- \to \mu^+\mu^-$
(examples)}
\label{Fig:eemumuloop}
\end{figure}
\section{Cross sections and decay rates}
\label{sec:xsec}
This section provides the kinematical relations necessary for
getting from the matrix elements for physical processes to observable
quantities, like cross sections and decay rates.
\subsection{Scattering processes}
\label{sec:scattering}
For a given scattering process
$\quad a + b \rightarrow b_1 +b_2 + \cdots + b_n $
the $S$-matrix element $S_{fi} = <f|S|i>$
is the probability amplitude for the transition
from an initial state $ |a(p_a), b(p_b)\!>\, = |i\!>$ to a final state
$|b_1(p_1), \cdots b_n(p_n)\! >\, = |f\!> $ of free particles.
For $ |i\!> \neq |f\!> $, one can write
\begin{align}
S_{fi} & = (2\pi)^4 \; \delta^4(P_i-P_f)\; {\cal M}_{fi} \; (2\pi)^{-3(n+2)/2}
\end{align}
with the $\delta$-function from momentum conservation,
\begin{align}
P_i = p_a+p_b & = P_f = p_1 + \cdots +p_n \, ,
\end{align}
the $(2\pi)^{-3/2}$ factors from the normalization of the
external wave functions,
and with the genuine matrix element ${\cal M}_{fi}$
derived from the Feynman graphs for the scattering process.
The differential cross section for scattering into the
Lorentz-invariant phase space element
\begin{align}
{\rm d}\Phi & = \frac{{\rm d}^3 p_1}{2p_1^0}\, \cdots
\frac{{\rm d}^3p_n}{2p_n^0}
\end{align}
is given by
\begin{align}
{\rm d}\sigma & =
\frac{(2\pi)^{4}}{4\sqrt{(p_a\cdot p_b)^2-m_a^2 m_b^2} }\;\;
|{\cal M}_{fi}|^2 \; (2\pi)^{-3n}\;
\delta^4(P_i-P_f) \; {\rm d}\Phi \, .
\end{align}
The expression in the denominator is the relativistically-invariant version
of the incoming flux-normal\-ization factor.
As a special example of practical importance, we give the cross section
for a two-particle final state
$a+b \rightarrow b_1 + b_2$
in the centre-of-mass system (CMS), where
$\vec{p}_a+\vec{p}_b = 0 = \vec{p}_1+\vec{p}_2$:
\begin{align}
\frac{{\rm d}\sigma}{{\rm d} \Omega} & =
\frac{1}{64 \pi^2 s}\, \frac{|\vec{p}_1|}{|\vec{p}_a|} \;
|{\cal M}_{fi}|^2 \,
\end{align}
with $s = (p_a +p_b)^2 = (p_a^0 + p_b^0)^2 $ and the solid angle
${\rm d} \Omega = \sin\!\theta\, {\rm d}\theta\, {\rm d}\varphi$
involving the scattering angle $\theta = \langle \vec{p}_a,\vec{p}_1 \rangle$,
and the azimuth $\varphi$ with respect to the polar axis
given by $\vec{p}_a$.
For high energies, when the particle masses are negligible,
one has the further simplification $|\vec{p}_1| = |\vec{p}_a|$.
\subsection{Particle decays}
\label{sec:decays}
For a decay process
$a \rightarrow b_1 +b_2 + \cdots + b_n$
where
$ |a(p_a)\! >\, = |i\!>, \;\; |b_1(p_1), \cdots b_n(p_n)\! >\, = |f\!> $,
the (differential) decay width into the phase space element ${\rm d}\Phi$
is given by
\begin{align}
\label{eq:diffwidth}
{\rm d}\Gamma & =
\frac{(2\pi)^4}{2\, m_a }\;\;
|{\cal M}_{fi}|^2 \; (2\pi)^{-3n}\;
\delta^4(p_a-P_f) \; {\rm d}\Phi\, .
\end{align}
In the special case of a two-particle decay with final-state masses
$m_1=m_2 =m$ one has the simple expression
\begin{align}
\label{eq:diffwidthmm}
\frac{{\rm d}\Gamma}{{\rm d} \Omega} & =
\frac{1}{64 \pi^2\, m_a}\, \sqrt{1-\frac{4 m^2}{m_a^2} }\;
|{\cal M}_{fi}|^2\, .
\end{align}
\section{Gauge theories}
\label{sec:gaugeinvariance}
The powerful principle of gauge invariance dictates the structure of the
interactions between fermions and vector bosons as well as the
vector boson self-interactions. It is the generalization of the
Abelian gauge symmetry
found in Quantum Electrodynamics (QED) to the non-Abelian case.
\subsection{Abelian gauge theories --- QED}
\label{subsec:QED}
QED can be derived by the requirement that the global $U(1)$ symmetry
of the Lagrangian for the free charged fermion field $\psi$, i.e.,\
the symmetry of
\begin{align}
\label{eq:free}
{\cal L}_0 & = \overline{\psi} \, (\gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m)\, \psi
\end{align}
under the phase transformation
\begin{align}
\psi(x) & \rightarrow\, \psi'(x) = e^{i \alpha}\, \psi(x)
\end{align}
for arbitrary real numbers $\alpha$,
can be extended to a symmetry under local transformations
where $\alpha \to \alpha(x)$ is now an arbitrary real function.
This necessitates the presence of a vector field $A_\mu$
and the {\it minimal substitution}
of the derivative in ${\cal L}_0$ by the
{\it covariant derivative}
\begin{align}
\partial_\mu & \to D_\mu = \partial_\mu - i e A_\mu \, ,
\end{align}
yielding a Lagrangian that is invariant under the local gauge transformations
\begin{align}
\label{eq:gaugetrafo}
\psi(x)\, & \rightarrow\, \psi'(x)\; =\, e^{i \alpha(x)} \, \psi(x) \, ,
\nonumber\\
A_\mu(x)\, & \rightarrow\, A_\mu'(x) =
A_\mu(x) + \frac{1}{e} \,
\partial_\mu \alpha(x) \, ,
\end{align}
which form the electromagnetic gauge group $U(1)$.
As an immediate consequence, the invariant Lagrangian describes an
interaction of the vector field with the electromagnetic
current~(\ref{eq:emcurrent}),
\begin{align}
{\cal L} & = \overline{\psi} \, ( i \gamma^\mu D_\mu - m) \, \psi \,
=\, {\cal L}_0 \, +\, e \; \overline{\psi} \gamma^\mu \psi \; A_\mu \,
=\, {\cal L}_0 + {\cal L}_{int} \, .
\end{align}
The vector field $A_\mu$ itself is not yet a dynamical field since a
kinetic term is still missing. Such a term can easily be added invoking the
expression well known from classical electrodynamics,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Akineticterm}
{\cal L}_A & = - \frac{1}{4} \, F_{\mu\nu} F^{\mu\nu} \quad
{\rm with\; the\; field\; strengths} \quad
F_{\mu\nu} = \partial_\mu A_\nu - \partial_\nu A_\mu \, ,
\end{align}
which is invariant under the local gauge transformation~(\ref{eq:gaugetrafo}).
$A_\mu$ thus becomes the photon field obeying Maxwell's equations.
\subsection{Non-Abelian gauge theories}
\label{subsec:non-abelian}
The three basic steps yielding QED as the gauge theory of the
electromagnetic interaction:
(i)
identifying the global symmetry of the free Lagrangian,
(ii)
replacing $\partial_\mu$ via minimal substitution by the
covariant derivative $D_\mu$ with a vector field,
(iii)
adding a kinetic term for the vector field, \\[.15cm]
can now be extended to the case of non-Abelian symmetries
as follows.
\bigskip
(i) The given non-interacting system is described by
a multiplet of fermion fields with mass $m$,
$\Psi = (\psi_1,\psi_2,\dots \psi_n)^{\rm T}$, and the free
dynamics by the Lagrangian
\begin{align}
\label{eq:freeLagrangian}
{\cal L}_0 & = \overline{\Psi}\, (\gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m)\, \Psi
\quad {\rm with} \quad
\overline{\Psi} = (\overline{\psi}_1,\dots \overline{\psi}_n)\, .
\end{align}
${\cal L}_0$ is invariant under global transformations
\begin{align}
\label{eq:globalU}
\Psi(x) & \rightarrow \, U(\alpha^1,\dots \alpha^N) \Psi(x) \, ,
\end{align}
with unitary matrices $U$ from an $n$-dimensional representation
of a non-Abelian Lie group $G$ of rank $N$, depending on $N$ real
parameters $\alpha^1, \dots \alpha^N$.
Physically relevant cases are
$G=SU(2)$ and $G=SU(3)$, where the fermion fields $\psi_1,\dots \psi_n$
form the fundamental representations
with $n=2$ and $n=3$, respectively.
The matrices $U$ can be written as follows,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:exp}
U(\alpha^1,\dots\alpha^N) & =
e^{i(\alpha^1 T_1 + \dots + \alpha^N T_N)} \, ,
\end{align}
with the generators of the Lie group, $T_1, \dots T_N$.
These Hermitian matrices form the Lie algebra
\begin{align}
\label{eq:LieAlgebra}
[T_a,T_b] = i\, f_{abc} \, T_c
\end{align}
with the structure constants $f_{abc}$ as real numbers
characteristic for the group. Conventionally, the generators are normalized
according to
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Tnormalization}
{\rm Tr}\, (T_a T_b) & = \frac{1}{2} \, \delta_{ab} \, .
\end{align}
\smallskip
(ii) The global symmetry can now be extended to a local symmetry
by converting the constants $\alpha^a$ in~(\ref{eq:exp}) to real functions
$\alpha^a(x)$, $a=1,\dots N$, and simultaneously introducing a covariant
derivative in~(\ref{eq:freeLagrangian}), via
\begin{align}
\label{eq:covderiv}
\partial_\mu & \rightarrow D_\mu \, = \, \partial_\mu
- i g \, {\bf W}_\mu \, ,
\end{align}
involving a vector field ${\bf W}_\mu$, together with a coupling constant $g$
(the analogue of $e$ in QED).
Since $D_\mu$ acts on the $n$-dimensional column $\Psi$, the vector field is
a $n\times n$ matrix and can be expanded in terms of the generators,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Wfieldmatrix}
{\bf W}_\mu(x) & = T_a\, W_\mu^a(x) \quad
({\rm summation\; over} \; a = 1, \dots N) \, .
\end{align}
In this way, a set of $N$ fields $W_\mu^a(x)$, the gauge fields,
enters the Lagrangian~(\ref{eq:freeLagrangian})
and induces an interaction term,
\begin{align}
{\cal L}_0 &\to {\cal L} =
{\cal L}_0 + {\cal L}_{\rm int} \quad {\rm with} \quad
{\cal L}_{\rm int} = g \, \overline{\Psi} \gamma^\mu {\bf W}_\mu \Psi \;
= g\, \overline{\Psi} \gamma^\mu T_a \Psi \; W_\mu^a \, ,
\end{align}
which contains the interaction of $N$ currents
$j^\mu_a = g \overline{\Psi} \gamma^\mu T_a \Psi$
with the gauge fields $W_\mu^a$.
The local gauge transformation that leaves ${\cal L}$ invariant,
involves the matrix $U \equiv U(\alpha^1(x), \dots )$
and reads as follows,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:nonabeliangaugetrafo}
\Psi & \rightarrow \, \Psi' = U\, \Psi \, , \nonumber \\
{\bf W}_\mu & \rightarrow \, {\bf W}'_\mu =
U\, {\bf W}_\mu\, U^{-1}
- \frac{i}{g} (\partial_\mu U) U^{-1} \, .
\end{align}
The gauge transformation for the vector field looks more familiar when
written for the components and expanded for infinitesimal $\alpha^a(x)$:
\begin{align}
\label{eq:infinitesimal}
W_\mu^a & \to {W'}_\mu^{\,a} =
W_\mu^a + \frac{1}{g} \, \partial_\mu \alpha^a
+ f_{abc} \, W_\mu^b\, \alpha^c \, .
\end{align}
The derivative term corresponds to~(\ref{eq:gaugetrafo}) in the Abelian case,
the last term is of pure non-Abelian origin.
{\small
Note: The construction works in the same way for a multiplet of scalar
fields $\Phi = (\phi_1, \dots \phi_n)^T$, with
\begin{align}
\label{eq:scalarLfree}
{\cal L}_0 & = (\partial_\mu \Phi)^\dagger (\partial^\mu \Phi)
- m^2 \, \Phi^\dagger \Phi
\quad \to \quad {\cal L} =
(D_\mu \Phi)^\dagger (D^\mu \Phi) - m^2 \, \Phi^\dagger \Phi \, .
\end{align}
}
\smallskip
(iii) The kinetic term for the $W$ fields can be obtained from
a generalization of the electromagnetic field strength tensor $F_{\mu\nu}$
in~(\ref{eq:Akineticterm}),
\begin{align}
{\bf F}_{\mu\nu} & = T_a F^a_{\mu\nu} =
\partial_\mu {\bf W}_\nu - \partial_\nu {\bf W}_\mu
- i\, g \, [ {\bf W}_\mu, {\bf W}_\nu] \, ,
\end{align}
with the $N$ components
\begin{align}
F^a_{\mu\nu} & =
\partial_\mu W^a_\nu - \partial_\nu W^a_\mu
+ g f_{abc} \, W^b_\mu\, W^c_\nu \, .
\end{align}
Under the gauge transformation~(\ref{eq:nonabeliangaugetrafo}) the field
strength is transformed according to
\begin{align}
{\bf F}_{\mu\nu} & \to {\bf F}'_{\mu\nu} = U {\bf F}_{\mu\nu} U^{-1} \, .
\end{align}
As a consequence, the trace ${\rm Tr}({\bf F}_{\mu\nu} {\bf F}^{\mu\nu})$
is gauge invariant,
\begin{align}
{\rm Tr} ({\bf F'}_{\mu\nu} {\bf F'}^{\mu\nu}) & =
{\rm Tr} (U {\bf F}_{\mu\nu} U^{-1} \, U {\bf F}^{\mu\nu} U^{-1}) =
{\rm Tr} (U^{-1} U {\bf F}_{\mu\nu} U^{-1} \, U {\bf F}^{\mu\nu}) =
{\rm Tr} ({\bf F}_{\mu\nu} {\bf F}^{\mu\nu}) \, ,
\end{align}
and provides the non-Abelian analogue of~(\ref{eq:Akineticterm}) for
the kinetic term of the gauge fields $W_\mu^a$,
\begin{align}
\label{Wkinetic}
{\cal L}_W & = - \frac{1}{2} \, {\rm Tr} ({\bf F}_{\mu\nu} {\bf F}^{\mu\nu})
= - \frac{1}{4} \, F^a_{\mu\nu}\, F^{a,\mu\nu} \, .
\end{align}
The quadratic part of ${\cal L}_W$
describes the free propagation of the $W$ fields, but there are also
cubic and quartic terms describing self-interactions of the vector fields
that are determined exclusively through the gauge symmetry:
\begin{align}
\label{Wkineticexplicit}
{\cal L}_W \, = & - \frac{1}{4} \,
(\partial_\mu W_\nu^a - \partial_\nu W_\mu^a) \,
(\partial^\mu W^{a,\nu} - \partial^\nu W^{a,\mu} ) \nonumber \\
& -\frac{g}{2} \, f_{abc} \,
(\partial_\mu W_\nu^a - \partial_\nu W_\mu^a)\, W^{b,\mu}\, W^{c,\nu} \nonumber \\
& -\frac{g^2}{4} \, f_{abc} f_{ade} \,
W_\mu^b\, W_\nu^c\, W^{d,\mu}\, W^{e,\nu} \, .
\end{align}
In the gauge field Lagrangians ${\cal L}_W$ and ${\cal L}_A$,
the vector fields are strictly massless. Mass terms
$\frac{m^2}{2} W_\mu^a W^{a,\mu}$ are not invariant under
gauge transformations and thus would break the gauge symmetry.
\section{Formulation of QCD}
\label{sec:physics:sm:formulationQCD}
Quantum Chromodynamics (QCD), the gauge theory of the strong interaction,
is formulated following the principle of the previous section for the
specific case of the symmetry group $G=SU(3)$.
The basic fermions are quarks in three different colour states, forming
the fundamental representation of the group.
They are described by triplets of fermion fields $\Psi = (q_1,q_2,q_3)^T$
for each quark flavor $u,\, d, \dots$.
The colour group
$SU(3)$ has eight generators $T_a$, which in the triplet representation
\begin{align}
T_a & = \frac{1}{2} \, \lambda_a \, , \quad
a = 1, \dots 8 \, ,
\end{align}
are expressed in terms of eight $3\times3$ matrices,
the Gell-Mann matrices $\lambda_a$.
The covariant derivative, acting on the quark triplets $\Psi$,
\begin{align}\
D_\mu & = \partial_\mu - i g_s\, \frac{\lambda_a}{2}\, G_\mu^a \, ,
\end{align}
and the field strengths
\begin{align}
G_{\mu\nu}^a & = \partial_\mu G_\nu^a - \partial_\nu G_\mu^a
+ g_s\, f_{abc}\, G_\mu^b G_\nu^c \, ,
\end{align}
involve eight gauge fields, the gluon fields $G_\mu^a$, and
the coupling constant of QCD, the strong coupling constant
$g_s$, which is commonly expressed in terms of the
finestructure constant of the strong interaction,
\begin{align}
\alpha_s & = \frac{g_s^2}{4 \pi} \, .
\end{align}
The Lagrangian of QCD (for a given species of quarks) can then
easily be written down according to the rules of
Section~\ref{sec:gaugeinvariance}
(see also Ref.~\cite{Gavan}),
\begin{align}
{\cal L}_{\rm QCD}
& = \overline{\Psi} \, (i \gamma^\mu D_\mu - m) \Psi
\, +\, {\cal L}_G \nonumber \\
& = \overline{\Psi} \, (i \gamma^\mu \partial_\mu - m) \Psi
\, +\, g_s \, \overline{\Psi} \gamma^\mu \frac{\lambda_a}{2} \Psi \, G^a_{\mu}
\, -\, \frac{1}{4} \, G^a_{\mu\nu} G^{a,\mu\nu} \, .
\end{align}
It involves the interaction of the quark currents with the gluon fields
as well as the triple and quartic gluon self interactions as specified
in~(\ref{Wkineticexplicit}), graphically displayed as
Feynman rules for QCD in Fig.~\ref{Fig:QCDgraphs}.
There is also a gauge-fixing term in the Lagrangian for each gluon field
(not explicitly written here),
which can be chosen in the same way as for the photon field
in~(\ref{eq:gaugefixing}) yielding the same form for the
gluon propagators as for the photon propagaor
in~(\ref{eq:photonpropagator}).
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.67\linewidth,clip=]{QCDrules}
\end{center}
\caption{Propagators and interactions in QCD}
\label{Fig:QCDgraphs}
\end{figure}
The quark mass $m$ appears in QCD as a free parameter for a given
colour triplet. It is different for different quark flavours;
its origin is of electroweak nature and will be discussed
in the subsequent section.
Note that the Lagrangian above considers only a single species
of flavour. For the realistic physical situation of six flavours,
one has to introduce a colour triplet for each flavour
$q=u,d,\dots t$
and to perform
a summation over $q$, with individual masses $m_q$.
\section{Formulation of the electroweak Standard Model}
\label{sec:formulationEW}
The fundamental fermions,
as families of leptons and quarks with left-handed doublets and
right-handed singlets,
appear as the fundamental representations of the
group $SU(2)\times U(1)$,
$$ \left( \begin{array}{l} \nu_e \\ e \end{array} \right)_L \, , \;\;\;
\left( \begin{array}{l} \nu_{\mu} \\ \mu \end{array} \right)_L \, , \;\;\;
\left( \begin{array}{l} \nu_{\tau} \\ \tau \end{array} \right)_L \, , \;\;\;
e_R, \;\;\; \mu_R, \;\;\; \tau_R $$
\begin{equation}
\qquad\qquad\quad \left( \begin{array}{l} u \\ d \end{array} \right)_L, \;\;\;
\left( \begin{array}{l} c \\ s \end{array} \right)_L, \;\;\;
\left( \begin{array}{l} t \\ b \end{array} \right)_L, \;\;\;
u_R, \;\;\; d_R, \;\;\; c_R, \;\;\;
s_R, \;\;\; t_R, \;\;\; b_R
\label{eq:families}
\end{equation}
They can be classified by the quantum numbers of the weak
isospin $I$, $I_3$, and the weak hypercharge $Y$.
Left-handed fields have $I=\frac{1}{2}$ and thus form doublets,
right-handed fields are singlets with $I=0$.
The Gell-Mann--Nishijima relation establishes the relation of these
basic quantum numbers to
the electric charge $Q$:
\begin{align}
\label{eq:GellmannNishi}
Q & = I_3 \, + \, \frac{Y}{2} \, .
\end{align}
The assignment of the quantum numbers to
the fundamental lepton and quark fields is contained
in Table~\ref{tab:charges} for the fermions of the first generation
(identical for the second and third generation).
\begin{table}[b]
\begin{center}
\caption{Quantum numbers isospin $I_3$ and hypercharge $Y$ for the left- and
right-handed leptons and quarks, together with the electric charge $Q$}
\label{tab:charges}
\begin{tabular}{l | c c | c | c c | c | c }
& $\nu_L$ & $e_L$ & $e_R$ & $u_L$ & $d_L$ & $u_R$ & $d_R$ \\
\hline
$I_3$ & +1/2 & -1/2 & 0 & +1/2 & -1/2 & 0 & 0 \\
$Y$ & -1 & -1 & -2 & +1/3 & +1/3 & +4/3 & -2/3 \\
$Q$ & 0 & -1 & -1 & +2/3 & -1/3 & +2/3 & -1/3 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}
This structure can be embedded in a gauge invariant
field theory
of the unified electromagnetic and weak interactions by interpreting
$SU(2)\times U(1)$
as the group of gauge transformations under which the Lagrangian
is invariant.
The group has four generators,
\begin{align}
T_a & = I_a \; (a=1,2,3) \quad {\rm and} \quad T_4 = Y \, ,
\end{align}
where $Y$ is the Abelian hypercharge, and $I_a$ are the isospin operators,
forming the Lie algebra
\begin{align}
[I_a, I_b] = i \, \epsilon_{abc} \, I_c \, , \quad
[I_a, Y] = 0 \, .
\end{align}
This electroweak symmetry has to be broken
down to the electromagnetic gauge symmetry $U(1)_{\rm em}$, otherwise the
$W^{\pm},\, Z$ bosons would be massless.
In the Standard Model, this is done by the Higgs mechanism
in its minimal formulation requiring a
single Higgs field which is a doublet under $SU(2)$.
According to the general principles of constructing a gauge-invariant
field theory with spontaneous symmetry breaking, the gauge,
Higgs, fermion and Yukawa parts of the electroweak Lagrangian
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Lagrangian}
{\cal L}_{\rm EW} & = {\cal L}_G+{\cal L}_H+{\cal L}_F +{\cal L}_Y
\end{align}
are specified in the following way.
\smallskip \noindent
{\bf Gauge fields.}
$SU(2)\times U(1)$
is a non-Abelian group with generators $I_a, Y$, where
$I_a\, (a=1,2,3)$ are the isospin operators
and $Y$ is the hypercharge.
Each of these generalized charges
is associated with a vector field: a triplet
of vector fields
$W_{\mu}^{1,2,3}$ with $I_{1,2,3}$, and a singlet field $B_{\mu}$
with $Y$.
The isotriplet $W_{\mu}^a$ and the isosinglet $B_{\mu}$
lead to the field strength tensors
\begin{align}
\label{eq:fieldstrength}
W_{\mu\nu}^a & = \partial _{\mu}W_{\nu}^a- \partial_{\nu}W_{\mu}^a
+g_2 \, \epsilon_{abc} \, W_{\mu}^bW_{\nu}^c , \nonumber \\
B_{\mu\nu} & = \partial_{\mu}B_{\nu}-\partial_{\nu}B_{\mu}.
\end{align}
Since the gauge group is semi-simple and contains two factors,
there are two independent gauge coupling constants, denoted by
$g_2$ for the non-Abelian factor $SU(2)$ and by
$g_1$ for the Abelian factor $U(1)$. From the field
tensors~(\ref{eq:fieldstrength}) the pure gauge field Lagrangian
\begin{align}
\label{eq:gaugepart}
{\cal L}_G & = -\frac{1}{4} \, W_{\mu\nu}^aW^{\mu\nu,a}-
\frac{1}{4}\, B_{\mu\nu}B^{\mu\nu}
\end{align}
is constructed, which is invariant under gauge transformations
composed of~(\ref{eq:nonabeliangaugetrafo})
and~(\ref{eq:gaugetrafo}).
Explicit mass terms for the gauge fields are forbidden because
they violate gauge invariance. Masses for the vector bosons of the
weak interaction will be introduced
in a second step below by breaking the electroweak symmetry
spontaneously with the help of the Higgs mechanism.
\smallskip \noindent
{\bf Fermion fields and fermion--gauge interactions.}
Since the representations of the gauge group are different for
fermions with different chirality, we have to distinguish
between the left- and right-handed fields.
We use the generic notation for the chiral fields,
\begin{align}
\psi_L & = \frac{1-\gamma_5}{2}\, \psi \, , \quad
\psi_R = \frac{1+\gamma_5}{2}\, \psi \, .
\end{align}
The left-handed fermion fields of each lepton and quark family
with generation index $j$ are grouped into $SU(2)$ doublets
and the right-handed fields into singlets,
\begin{align}
\psi^j_L & = \left ( \begin{array}{c}
\psi_{L+}^j \\
\psi_{L-}^j
\end{array} \right ) , \quad \psi_{R\sigma}^{j}
\end{align}
with the component index $\sigma = \pm$ denoting $u$-type fermions ($+$)
and $d$-type fermions ($-$).
Each left- and right-handed multiplet is an eigenstate of the weak
hypercharge $Y$ such that the relation~(\ref{eq:GellmannNishi})
is fulfilled
(see Table~\ref{tab:charges}).
The covariant derivative
\begin{align}
D_{\mu}^{L,R} & = \partial_{\mu}\, -\, i\, g_2\, I_a^{L,R} W_{\mu}^a\,
+\, i\,g_1\, \frac{Y}{2}\, B_{\mu} \, \quad
{\rm with} \quad I_a^L = \frac{1}{2} \sigma_a \, ,
\; \; I_a^R = 0
\label{eq:covderivative}
\end{align}
induces the fermion--gauge field interaction via the minimal
substitution rule,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:fermiongauge}
{\cal L}_F & = \sum_j\,
\overline{\psi}^{\,j}_L\, i\gamma^{\mu}D_{\mu}^L\psi_L^j\,
+\, \sum_{j,\sigma} \,
\overline{\psi}_{R\sigma}^{\,j}\, i \gamma^{\mu}D_{\mu}^R \psi_{R\sigma}^{j}
\, ,
\end{align}
where the index $j$ runs over the three lepton and quark
generations~(\ref{eq:families}).
Note that the covariant derivatives are different for the $L$ and $R$
fields.
Mass terms are avoided at this stage. They would mix left- and
right-handed fields as, for example, in
$m_e (\overline{e}_L e_R + \overline{e}_R e_L)$ and hence would
explicitly break gauge invariance. They will be introduced later with the help
of gauge-invariant Yukawa interactions of the fermions
with the Higgs field.
Note that in the genuine Standard Model neutrinos are considered as massless
and there are no right-handed neutrino fields.
\smallskip \noindent
{\bf Higgs field and Higgs interactions.}
Here we describe how
spontaneous breaking of the $SU(2)\times U(1)$ symmetry
can be obtained, leaving
the electromagnetic gauge subgroup $U(1)_{\rm em}$ unbroken.
For this aim, a single isospin
doublet of complex scalar fields
with hypercharge $Y=1$,
\begin{align}
\Phi(x) & = \left ( \begin{array}{c}
\phi^+(x) \\ \phi^0(x)
\end{array} \right ) ,
\label{eq:Higgsfield}
\end{align}
is introduced and
coupled to the gauge fields via minimal substitution
as indicated in~(\ref{eq:scalarLfree}),
\begin{align}
{\cal L}_H & = (D_{\mu}\Phi)^\dagger (D^{\mu}\Phi) - V(\Phi) \, ,
\label{eq:HiggsLagrange}
\end{align}
with the covariant derivative for $I=\frac{1}{2}$ and $Y=1$ given by
\begin{align}
D_{\mu} & = \partial_{\mu}\, -\, i\, g_2\, \frac{\sigma_a}{2}\, W_{\mu}^a\,
+\,i\, \frac{g_1}{2}\, B_{\mu} \, .
\end{align}
The Higgs field self-interaction enters through the Higgs potential
with constants $\mu^2$ and $\lambda $,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:potential}
V(\Phi) & = -\mu^2\, \Phi^\dagger \Phi + \frac{\lambda}{4}\,
(\Phi^\dagger \Phi)^2 \, .
\end{align}
In the ground state, the vacuum, the potential has a minimum.
For $\mu^2, \lambda > 0$, the minimum does not occur for
$\Phi=0$; instead, $V$ is minimized by all non-vanishing
field configurations with $\Phi^\dagger \Phi = 2\mu^2/\lambda$.
Selecting the one which is real and electrically neutral, $Q\Phi = 0$,
with
\begin{align}
\label{Qgenerator}
Q & = I_3 + \frac{Y}{2} =
\left(
\begin{array}{c c}
1 & 0 \\
0 & 0
\end{array} \right) ,
\end{align}
one gets the {\it vacuum expectation value}
\begin{align}
\label{eq:vacuum}
<\!\Phi\! > & = \frac{1}{\sqrt{2}}
\left( \begin{array}{c}
0 \\ v \end{array} \right) \, \quad
{\mbox{with}} \quad
v=\frac{2\mu}{\sqrt{\lambda}} \; .
\end{align}
Although the Lagrangian is symmetric under gauge transformations
of the full $SU(2)\times U(1)$ group, the vacuum configuration
$<\!\Phi\! >$ does not have this symmetry: the symmetry has been
{\it spontaneously broken}.
$<\!\Phi\! >$ is still symmetric under transformations of the
electromagnetic subgroup $U(1)_{\rm em}$, which is generated
by the charge $Q$, thus preserving the electromagnetic gauge symmetry.
The field~(\ref{eq:Higgsfield}) can be written in the following way,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Higgscomponents}
\Phi(x) & = \left ( \begin{array}{c}
\phi^+(x) \\
\big(v+H(x)+i\chi(x)\big)/\sqrt{2}
\end{array} \right ) \, ,
\end{align}
where the components $\phi^+$, $H$, $\chi$ have vacuum
expectation values zero.
Expanding the potential~(\ref{eq:potential})
around the vacuum configuration in terms of the components
yields a mass term for $H$, whereas $\phi^+$,
and $\chi$ are massless.
Exploiting the invariance of the Lagrangian,
the components $\phi^+,\,\chi$ can be eliminated by a suitable gauge
transformation;
this means that they are unphysical degrees of freedom
(called Higgs ghosts or would-be Goldstone bosons).
Choosing this particular gauge where $\phi^+=\chi=0$,
denoted as the unitary gauge, the Higgs doublet field has
the simple form
\begin{align}
\label{eq:higgsunitarygauge}
\Phi(x) & = \frac{1}{\sqrt{2}} \left(
\begin{array}{c}
0 \\
v+H(x)
\end{array} \right) \, ,
\end{align}
and the potential~(\ref{eq:potential}) reads
\begin{align}
\label{eq:potentialunitary}
V & = \mu^2 H^2 \, +\, \frac{\mu^2}{v} H^3 \, + \,
\frac{\mu^2}{4v^2} H^4
\; = \;
\frac{M_H^2}{2} H^2 \, +\, \frac{M_H^2}{2v} H^3 \, +
\frac{M_H^2}{8v^2} H^4 \, .
\end{align}
The real field $H(x)$ thus describes physical neutral scalar
particles, the Higgs bosons, with mass
\begin{align}
M_H & = \mu\sqrt{2} \, ,
\end{align}
as well as triple and quartic self interactions
with couplings proportional to $M_H^2$.
The couplings to the gauge fields
follow from the kinetic term of~(\ref{eq:HiggsLagrange})
and give rise to trilinear $HWW,\, HZZ$ and quadrilinear
$HHWW,\, HHZZ$ vertices.
In order to solve the mass problem for the fermions,
Yukawa interactions between the Higgs field and
the fermion fields are introduced in addition
to get the charged fermions massive.
The gauge-invariant Yukawa term in the Lagrangian,
for one family of leptons and quarks,
is a compact expression in terms of the doublets
$L_L=(\nu_L,l_L)^T, \, Q_L = (u_L,d_L)^T$ and the Higgs field~$\Phi$
and its charge-conjugate
$\Phi^c = i \sigma_2 \Phi = ( \phi^{0*}, - \phi^-)^T$
with $\phi^-$ as the adjoint of $\phi^+$,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Yukawa}
{\cal L}_Y & = - G_l\, \, \overline{L}_L \Phi \, l_R
- G_d\, \, \overline{Q}_L \Phi \, d_R
- G_u \, \overline{Q}_L \Phi^c \, u_R \, + h.c.
\end{align}
It reads explicitly in terms of the Higgs field
components~(\ref{eq:Higgscomponents})
\begin{align}
\label{eq:YukawaOneGeneration}
{\cal L}_Y = & -G_l\,(\overline{\nu}_L\,\phi^+\,l_R\,+\,\overline{l}_R\,\phi^-\,\nu_L
\,+\, \overline{l}_L\,\phi^0\, l_R\, +\, \overline{l}_R\, \phi^{0*}\, l_L ) \nonumber \\
& -\, G_d \,
(\overline{u}_L\,\phi^+\,d_R\,+\,\overline{d}_R\,\phi^-\,u_L\,+\,\overline{d}_L\,\phi^0\,d_R
\,+\,\overline{d}_R\,\phi^{0*}\,d_L ) \nonumber \\
& -\,G_u \,
(-\overline{u}_R\,\phi^+\,d_L\,-\,\overline{d}_L\,\phi^-\,u_R\,+\,
\overline{u}_R\,\phi^0\,u_L\,+\,\overline{u}_L\,\phi^{0*}\,u_R ) \, .
\end{align}
The fermion mass terms follow from the $v$ part of $\phi^0$
in~(\ref{eq:higgsunitarygauge}), relating
the individual Yukawa coupling constants $G_{l,d,u}$ to the
masses of the charged fermions by
\begin{align}
m_f & = G_f\, \frac{v}{\sqrt{2}} \, .
\end{align}
In the unitary gauge~(\ref{eq:higgsunitarygauge})
the Yukawa Lagrangian becomes particularly simple:
\begin{align}
\label{YukawaUnitaryGauge}
{\cal L}_Y & = \,
-\sum_f \,m_f\,\overline{\psi}_f \psi_f - \sum_f \frac{m_f}{v}\,
\overline{\psi}_f\psi_f \, H \, .
\end{align}
As a remnant of this mechanism,
Yukawa interactions between the massive
fermions and the physical Higgs field occur with coupling
constants proportional to the fermion masses.
In the realistic case of three generations, one has to take into account
flavour mixing in the quark sector (in the lepton sector, lepton number is
conserved and flavour mixing is absent in the minimal model).
Quark-family mixing is induced by Yukawa interactions with the Higgs field
as before, but the Yukawa couplings are now matrices in generation space
with complex entries, $G_u=(G^u_{ij}),\, G_d = (G^d_{ij})$, and the
generalization of~(\ref{eq:YukawaOneGeneration}) for the quark sector
reads as follows, with the notation $Q_L^i = (u_L^i,d_L^i)^T$ for
the three left-handed doublets
[$u^i= u,c,t$ and $d^i=d,s,b$]:
\begin{align}
\label{eq:YukawaThreeGenerations}
{\cal L}_Y^{\rm quarks} = &
- G^d_{ij} \, \overline{Q}_L^{\,i} \Phi \, d_R^j
- G^u_{ij} \, \overline{Q}_L^{\,i} \Phi^c \, u_R^j \, + h.c.
\end{align}
The mass term is obtained from replacing $\Phi$ by its vacuum
configuration, $\Phi \to <\!\Phi\!>$ from~(\ref{eq:vacuum}),
\begin{align}
\label{eq:quarkmassterm}
& - \frac{v}{\sqrt{2}}\, G^d_{ij} \, \overline{d}_L^{\,i} d_R^j \,
-\, \frac{v}{\sqrt{2}}
G^u_{ij} \, \overline{u}_L^{\,i} u_R^j \, + h.c.
\end{align}
This bilinear term in the quark fields can be diagonalized with the
help of four unitary matrices $V_{L,R}^q$ ($q=u,d$),
yielding the mass eigenstates
\begin{align}
\label{eq:quarktransformation}
\tilde{u}_{L,R}^i & = (V^u_{L,R})_{ik}\, u_{L,R}^k, \quad
\tilde{d}_{L,R}^i = (V^d_{L,R})_{ik}\, d_{L,R}^k \, ,
\end{align}
as well as the $u$- and $d$-type quark masses as diagonal
mass matrices,
\begin{align}
{\rm diag} (m_q)
& = \frac{v}{\sqrt{2}}\,
V^q_L\, G_q\, V_R^{q \, \dagger} \, , \quad q =u,d \, .
\end{align}
Introducing the mass eigenstates in the fermion--gauge Lagrangian~(\ref{eq:fermiongauge})
does not change the flavour-diagonal terms,
i.e., the kinetic term and the interaction terms with the neutral
gauge bosons, because of the unitarity of the
transformations~(\ref{eq:quarktransformation}).
Also the Yukawa interaction of the physical Higgs field
with the quarks, when expressed in terms
of the quark masses and the mass eigenstates,
retains its
structure as given in~(\ref{YukawaUnitaryGauge}).
The only modification occurs in the flavour-changing quark
interaction with the charged vector bosons in~(\ref{eq:fermiongauge})
where the insertion of the
mass eigenstates for the left-handed quark fields
introduces the unitary CKM matrix,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:CKM}
V_L^u \, V_L^{d \,\dagger} & \equiv \, V_{\rm CKM} \, .
\end{align}
Given the constraints from unitarity,
$V_{\rm CKM}$ has four independent physical parameters,
three real angles
and one complex phase
For neutrino masses zero, no generation mixing in the lepton sector
occurs.
It is, however, possible to augment the Standard Model by
introducing also right-handed neutrinos and neutrino
mass terms in analogy
to those of the $u$-type quark sector allowing
for lepton-flavour mixing as well.
The general treatment of lepton masses and mixing would, however, go beyond
the scope of these lectures
(for a discussion of neutrino masses see Ref.~\cite{Lindner}).
\smallskip \noindent
{\bf Physical fields and parameters.}
The gauge invariant Higgs--gauge field interaction in the kinetic part
of~(\ref{eq:HiggsLagrange}) gives rise to mass terms for the vector bosons
in the non-diagonal form
\begin{equation}
\label{eq:massterm}
\frac{1}{2}\, \left ( \frac{g_2}{2}v \right )^2\,
(W_1^2+W_2^2)
+\frac{1}{2} \left(\frac{v}{2}\right)^2 \,
\left ( W_{\mu}^3,B_{\mu} \right )
\left ( \begin{array}{cc}
g_2^2 & g_1g_2 \\
g_1g_2 & g_1^2
\end{array} \right )
\left ( \begin{array}{c}
W^{3,\mu} \\
B^{\mu}
\end{array} \right ) \; .
\end{equation}
The physical content becomes transparent by performing a
transformation from the fields $W_{\mu}^a$, $B_{\mu}$ (in terms of
which the symmetry is manifest) to the physical fields
\begin{align}
W_{\mu}^{\pm} & = \frac{1}{\sqrt{2}}\, (W_{\mu}^1\mp i W_{\mu}^2)
\end{align}
and
\begin{align}
\label{eq:rotation}
\left(
\begin{array}{c}
Z_{\mu} \\ A_{\mu} \end{array}
\right)
& =
\left(
\begin{array}{r r}
\cos\theta_W & \quad \sin\theta_W \\
-\sin\theta_W & \quad \cos\theta_W
\end{array}
\right)
\left( \begin{array}{c}
W_{\mu}^3 \\ B_{\mu} \end{array} \right) \, .
\end{align}
In these fields the mass term~(\ref{eq:massterm}) is diagonal and has the form
\begin{equation}
M_W^2\, W_{\mu}^+W^{- \mu}\, +\,
\frac{1}{2}\, (A_{\mu},Z_{\mu})
\left ( \begin{array}{cc}
0 & \quad 0 \\
0 & \quad M_Z^2
\end{array} \right )
\left ( \begin{array}{c}
A^{\mu} \\
Z^{\mu}
\end{array} \right )
\end{equation}
with
\begin{align}
M_W & = \frac{1}{2}\, g_2 v \, , \quad
M_Z = \frac{1}{2}\sqrt{g_1^2+g_2^2}\, v \, .
\end{align}
\noindent
The mixing angle in the rotation~(\ref{eq:rotation})
is determined by
\begin{align}
\label{eq:WZmassratio}
\cos\theta_W & =
\frac{g_2}{\sqrt{g_1^2+g_2^2}} =\frac{M_W}{M_Z} \, .
\end{align}
Inserting the rotation~(\ref{eq:rotation}) into the interaction part
of ${\cal L}_F$ in~(\ref{eq:fermiongauge}) and
identifying $A_{\mu}$ with the photon field which couples via the
electric charge $e$ to the electron, $e$ can be
expressed in terms of the gauge couplings in the following way:
\begin{align}
e & = \frac{g_1g_2}{\sqrt{g_1^2+g_2^2}}, \quad \mbox{or} \quad
g_2 = \frac{e}{\sin\theta_W},\;
g_1 = \frac{e}{\cos\theta_W} .
\end{align}
The relations above
allow us to replace the original set of parameters
$
g_2,\, g_1,\, \lambda,\, \mu^2, \, G_f
$
by the equivalent set of more physical parameters
$
e,\, M_W,\, M_Z,\, M_H,\, m_f, \, V_{\rm CKM} ,
$
where each of them can
(in principle) be measured directly in a suitable experiment.
At present, all parameters are empirically known with the exception of
the mass of the Higgs boson, $M_H$.
\smallskip \noindent
{\bf Gauge interactions.}
The fermion--gauge interactions are part of the fermion--gauge
Lagrangian~(\ref{eq:fermiongauge});
expressed in the physical field and parameters, they
appear as interactions of the electromagnetic current $J^\mu_{\rm em}$,
the weak neutral current $J^\mu_{\rm NC}$,
and the weak charged current $J^\mu_{\rm CC}$
with the corresponding vector fields,
\begin{align}
{\cal L}_{\rm FG} & = J^\mu_{\rm em}\, A_\mu
+ J^\mu_{\rm NC}\, Z_\mu
+ J^\mu_{\rm CC}\, W_\mu^+
+ {J^\mu_{\rm CC}}^\dagger\, W_\mu^- \, ,
\end{align}
with the currents
\begin{align}
J^\mu_{\rm em} & = - e\, \sum_{f=l,q} \, Q_f \,
\overline{\psi}_f \gamma^\mu \psi_f \, , \nonumber \\
J^\mu_{\rm NC} & = \frac{g_2}{2\cos\theta_W} \, \sum_{f=l,q} \,
\overline{\psi}_f (v_f \gamma^\mu
- a_f \gamma^\mu \gamma_5) \psi_f \, , \nonumber \\
J^\mu_{\rm CC} & = \frac{g_2}{\sqrt{2}}\,
\left ( \sum_{i=1,2,3} \,
\overline{\nu}^i \gamma^\mu \frac{1-\gamma_5}{2} e^i
+ \sum_{i,j=1,2,3} \,
\overline{u}^i \gamma^\mu \frac{1-\gamma_5}{2} V_{ij} d^j \right) .
\label{eq:currents}
\end{align}
In analogy to the notation for the quark fields in~(\ref{eq:YukawaThreeGenerations}),
the lepton families are labelled by $e^i = e,\mu,\tau$
for the charged leptons and $\nu^i = \nu_e,\nu_\mu,\nu_\tau$ for the
corresponding neutrinos.
The neutral current coupling constants in~(\ref{eq:currents})
are determined by the charge $Q_f$ and isospin $I_3^f$
of $f_L$,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:NCcouplingstree}
v_f & = I_3^f-2Q_f\,\sin^2\theta_W \, , \nonumber \\
a_f & = I_3^f \, .
\end{align}
The quantities $V_{ij}$ in the charged current
are the elements of the CKM matrix~(\ref{eq:CKM}),
which describes family mixing in the quark sector.
Owing to the unitarity of $V_{\rm CKM}$, the electromagnetic and the weak
neutral current interaction are flavour-diagonal. Hence,
flavour-changing processes resulting from neutral current interactions
can only occur at higher order; they are mediated by loop contributions
and are consequently suppressed by additional powers of the fine-structure
constant $\alpha$.
Besides the fermion--gauge interactions, the non-Abelian structure
of the gauge group induces self-interactions between the vector bosons.
These gauge self-interactions are contained in the pure gauge-field part~(\ref{eq:gaugepart})
of the Lagrangian. Expressing the fields $W^a_\mu$ and
$B_\mu$ in~(\ref{eq:fieldstrength}) resp.~(\ref{eq:gaugepart})
by the physical fields $A_\mu$, $Z_\mu$, and
$W^\pm_\mu$ yields a self-interaction term with
triple and quartic couplings, which by use of the notation
$ F_{\mu\nu} = \partial_\mu A_\nu - \partial_\nu A_\mu , \,
Z_{\mu\nu} = \partial_\mu Z_\nu - \partial_\nu Z_\mu
$
can be written in the following way,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:selfgauge}
{\cal L}_{\rm G,self} =\, & e \left[
( \partial_\mu W^+_\nu - \partial_\nu W^+_\mu)\, W^{-\mu} A^\nu
\, + \, W^+_\mu W^-_\nu\, F^{\mu\nu} \, +\, h.c. \right] \nonumber \\
+\, & e \cot\theta_W \left[
(\partial_\mu W^+_\nu - \partial_\nu W^+_\mu)\, W^{-\mu} Z^\nu
\, + \, W^+_\mu W^-_\nu\, Z^{\mu\nu} \, +\, h.c. \right] \nonumber \\
& - e^2/(4\sin^2\theta_W)\,
[ (W^-_\mu W^+_\nu - W^-_\nu W^+_\mu) W^+_\mu W^-_\nu + h.c.] \nonumber \\
& - e^2/4 \; (W^+_\mu A_\nu - W^+_\nu A_\mu)
(W^{-\mu} A^\nu - W^{-\nu} A^\mu) \nonumber \\
& - e^2/4 \; \cot^2\theta_W \;
(W^+_\mu Z_\nu - W^+_\nu Z_\mu)
(W^{-\mu} Z^\nu - W^{-\nu} Z^\mu) \nonumber \\
& + e^2/2 \; \cot\theta_W \;
(W^+_\mu A_\nu - W^+_\nu A_\mu)
(W^{-\mu} Z^\nu - W^{-\nu} Z^\mu) + h.c.
\end{align}
In the Standard Model the coefficients
of the self-couplings are exclusively determined by the gauge
symmetry.
Deviations from these values could only be of non-standard origin,
e.g., as remnants from new physics at some higher mass scale.
\section{Electroweak parameters and precision observables}
\label{sec:physics:sm:EWobservables}
Before predictions can be made from the electroweak theory,
the input parameters have to be determined from experiments.
As specified in the previous section, a convenient choice is
the set of physical parameters given by the particle masses
and the electromagnetic coupling $e$, which is commonly expressed
in terms of the fine-structure constant $\alpha=e^2/4\pi$,
a very precisely known low-energy parameter.
Apart from the flavour sector with the fermion masses and mixing
angles, only three independent quantities are required for
fixing the input for the gauge sector and the fermion--gauge interactions.
Conveniently, the vector-boson masses $M_{W,Z}$ and $\alpha$
are selected (equivalent to $g_1$, $g_2$, $v$).
\subsection{Lowest-order relations}
In the unitary gauge~(\ref{eq:higgsunitarygauge}),
the propagators of the $W$ and $Z$ have the form as given
in~(\ref{eq:vectorpropagator}) for massive vector fields,
but with a finite width $\Gamma$ according to a Breit--Wigner shape
for unstable particles,
\begin{align}
i\, D_{\rho\nu}(k) & = \frac{i}{k^2-M_{W,Z}^2 + i\, M_{W,Z} \Gamma_{W,Z} }
\left( -g_{\nu\rho} + \frac{k_\nu k_\rho}{M_{W,Z}^2} \right) .
\end{align}
In processes with light fermions as external
particles, the $k_\rho k_\nu$ terms are negligible since they are
suppressed by powers of $m_f/M_{W,Z}$.
The widths become important around the poles,
i.e., when the vector bosons can be produced on-shell, like in
$e^+ e^-$ annihilation or in Drell--Yan processes in hadron--hadron
collisions.
A very precisely measured low-energy parameter is the Fermi constant
$G_F$, which is the effective 4-fermion coupling constant in
the Fermi model, obtained from the muon lifetime to be~\cite{PDG08}
$G_F = 1.16637(1)\cdot 10^{-5}\, {\rm GeV}^{-2}$.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.4\linewidth,clip=]{MuDecay}
\end{center}
\caption{Muon decay lowest-order amplitude in the Standard Model}
\label{Fig:mudecay}
\end{figure}
Muon decay is described in the Standard Model in lowest order by
exchange of a $W$ boson between the fermionic charged currents,
as shown in Fig.~\ref{Fig:mudecay}.
Consistency of the Standard Model at the muon mass scale
much smaller than
$M_W$, where the momentum in the $W$ propagator can be neglected,
with the Fermi model requires the identification
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Gfermitree}
\frac{G_F}{\sqrt{2}} & = \frac{g_2^2}{8 M_W^2} =
\frac{e^2}{8\sin^2\theta_W M_W^2} =
\frac{e^2}{8\sin^2\theta_W\cos^2\theta_W M_Z^2} \, ,
\end{align}
which allows us to relate the vector
boson masses to the parameters $\alpha,\, G_F$, $\sin^2\theta_W$
and to establish also the $M_W$--$M_Z$ interdependence
in terms of precise low-energy parameters,
\begin{align}
\label{WZcorrelation}
M_W^2\left(1-\frac{M_W^2}{M_Z^2}\right) & =
\frac{\pi\alpha}{\sqrt{2}G_F}\, \equiv A^2 \, , \quad
A = 37.2805 \, {\rm GeV} \, .
\end{align}
Moreover, it yields the vacuum expectation value expressed in terms
of the Fermi constant, also denoted as the Fermi scale,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:Fermiscale}
v & = \big( \sqrt{2} G_F \big)^{-\frac{1}{2}} = 246\; {\rm GeV} \, .
\end{align}
The relation~(\ref{eq:Gfermitree}) can be further exploited to express the
normalization of the NC couplings in~(\ref{eq:currents})
in terms of the Fermi constant,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:NCnormalization}
\frac{g_2}{2\cos\theta_W} = \big( \sqrt{2} G_F M_Z^2\big)^{\frac{1}{2}} .
\end{align}
In this way, the NC vector and axial vector coupling constants of
each fermion species to the $Z$ are determined and can be used to calculate
the variety of observables at the $Z$ resonance, like $Z$ width and partial
widths,
\begin{align}
\Gamma_Z & = \sum_f \Gamma(Z\rightarrow f \bar{f}), \qquad
\Gamma(Z\rightarrow f \bar{f}) =
\frac{M_Z}{12\pi} \, (v_f^2 + a_f^2)
\end{align}
and a series of asymmetries, such as forward--backward asymmetries
from the cross sections integrated over the forward ($\sigma_F$)
and the backward ($\sigma_B$) hemisphere,
\begin{align}
A_{FB} & = \frac{\sigma_F-\sigma_B}{\sigma_F+\sigma_B}
= \frac{3}{4} \, A_e\, A_f \, ,
\end{align}
and the left--right asymmetry from the cross sections $\sigma_{L,R}$
for left- and right-handed polarized electrons,
\begin{align}
A_{LR} & = \frac{\sigma_L-\sigma_R}{\sigma_L+\sigma_R} = A_e \, ,
\end{align}
all of them being determined by the ratios
\begin{align}
A_f = \frac{2 v_f a_f }{v_f^2+a_f^2}
\end{align}
with the coupling constants $v_f, a_f$ given
in~(\ref{eq:NCcouplingstree}). The asymmetries are particularly
sensitive to the electroweak mixing angle $\sin^2\theta_W$.
\subsection{Higher-order contributions}
\subsubsection{Loop calculations}
\label{subsec:loopcalc}
These lowest-order relations given above,
however, turn out to be significantly
insufficient when confronted with the experimental data, which have
been measured with extraordinary accuracy during the LEP and Tevatron era
and require the inclusion
of terms beyond the lowest order in pertubation theory.
The high experimental precision
makes the observables sensitive to the quantum structure of the theory
which appears in terms of higher-order contributions
involving diagrams with closed loops in the Feynman-graph expansion.
These loop diagrams contain, in general, integrals
that diverge for large integration momenta,
for example in the self-energy diagrams for a propagator, typically
\vspace*{-0.2cm}
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.2\linewidth,clip=]{loop1.ps}
\end{center}
\vspace*{-0.8cm}
\begin{align}
\label{eq:twopointint}
\int\, {\rm d}^4 q \; \frac{1}{(q^2-m_1^2)\, [(q+p)^2-m_2^2]}\, \sim\,
\int\, \frac{{\rm d}^4 q}{q^4} \, \to \, \infty \, .
\end{align}
Nevertheless, the relations between physical observables
result as finite and testable predictions, owing to the virtue of
renormalizability.
The possibility to perform such higher-order calculations is based on the
formulation of the Standard Model as a renormalizable quantum field theory
preserving its predictive power also beyond the tree level.
Renormalizability is thereby guaranteed by local gauge invariance
of the basic Lagrangian.
The first step to deal with the divergent integrals is a method for
regularization, which is a procedure to redefine the integrals
in such a way that they become finite and mathematically well-defined
objects.
The widely used regularization procedure for gauge theories is that
of dimensional regularization which is Lorentz and gauge invariant:
replace the dimension 4 by a lower
dimension $D$ where the integrals are convergent
(see Appendix~\ref{sec:AppC}),
\begin{equation}
\label{eq:dimreg}
\int \, {\rm d}^4 q \quad \to \quad \mu^{4-D} \, \int \, {\rm d}^D q\, .
\end{equation}
Thereby, an (arbitrary) mass parameter $\mu$ is introduced to
maintain the mass dimensions of the integrals.
The divergences manifest themselves in terms of poles in the dimension
$\sim 1/(4-D)$. In renormalizable theories these divergences
can be absorbed in the basic parameters of the Lagrangian,
like masses and coupling constants.
Formally this procedure, called renormalization,
is done by introducing a counter term for each parameter
[for example $m^2 \to m^2 + \delta m^2$
for a mass parameter $m$]
which cancels the singularities;
the finite part of the
counter terms, however, is not a priori fixed and has to be
defined by a renormalization scheme. The selection of a renormalization
scheme defines the physical meaning of each parameter and its
relation to measurable quantities. These relations are then
independent of $D$ and thus one can set $D\to 4$.
In pure QCD, considering quarks as massless,
the only basic parameter is the strong coupling constant $\alpha_s$.
Since there is no intrinsic mass scale, the frequently used scheme is
the $\overline{MS}$ scheme~\cite{MSbar},
where the counter term for $\alpha_s$
consists only of the singular pole part (together with a universal
numerical constant). The coupling is then defined
for the chosen mass scale $\mu$ in~(\ref{eq:dimreg}), the
renormalization scale, and thus becomes a scale-dependent quantity,
the running coupling constant $\alpha_s(\mu)$
(see Ref.~\cite{Gavan}).
The Lagrangian of the electroweak Standard Model
involves quite a few free parameters which are not
fixed by the theory but have to be taken from experiment.
In QED and in the electroweak theory,
classical Thomson scattering and the particle masses
set natural scales where the parameters can be defined.
A distinguished choice for the basic parameters
is thus given by the fundamental charge $e$
and the masses of the particles,
$M_Z,M_W,M_H,m_f$,
and a common choice for the renormalization is the on-shell scheme:
the mass parameters
coincide with the poles of corresponding propagators (pole masses),
and the charge $e$ is
defined in the classical limit.
The on-shell scheme
hence defines the counter terms in the following way
(see, e.g., Ref.~\cite{denneretal} for details):
\begin{itemize}
\item[$\bullet$]
The mass counter term $\delta m^2$, for
any free mass parameter $m$, is determined by the condition
\begin{align}
\label{eq:massren}
\delta m^2 = \Sigma (m^2) \, ,
\end{align}
where $\Sigma$ is the self-energy of the corresponding particle,
schematically depicted in~(\ref{eq:twopointint}) and yielding
a dressed propagator
\begin{align}
\frac{i}{p^2 - (m^2+\delta m^2) + \Sigma(p^2) } \; ,
\end{align}
which by mass renormalization
now includes also the mass counterterm.
The condition~(\ref{eq:massren}) ensures that $m^2$ still
remains the pole of the propapator.
\footnote{In the $\overline{MS}$ scheme, $\delta m^2$ only absorbs the
divergent part of $\Sigma(m^2)$.
The remaining finite part depends on the
renormalization scale $\mu$, and in that scheme the mass becomes a
$\mu$-dependent parameter, the running mass $m(\mu)$, which is different
from the pole mass.}
\item[$\bullet$]
The counter term $\delta e$ for the electric charge,
$e \to e +\delta e$,
is determined by the requirement that $e$ be the electron--photon
coupling in the classical limit, i.e., for the electron--photon vertex
for real photons, $k^2=0$, and
for low photon energy,
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.125\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{p6-7.ps}
\end{center}
$\delta e$ is essentially given by the
charged-light-fermion contribution to
the photon vacuum polarization at zero momentum, $\Pi^\gamma(0)$,
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.2\linewidth,clip=]{vacpol}
\end{center}%
which has a finite part
$\Delta\alpha = \Pi^\gamma(0) - \Pi^\gamma(M_Z^2)$
yielding a shift
of $\Delta\alpha \simeq 0.06$ in the electromagnetic fine-structure
constant $\alpha \to \alpha (1+\Delta\alpha)$.
$\Delta\alpha$ can be resummed according to the renormalization group,
accommodating all the leading logarithms of the type
$ \alpha^n\log^n(M_Z/m_f)$ from the light fermions.
The result is an effective fine-structure
constant at the $Z$ mass scale
\begin{align}
\label{alphaeff}
\alpha(M_Z^2) & = \frac{\alpha}{1-\Delta\alpha}
\simeq \frac{1}{129} \, .
\end{align}
It corresponds to a resummation of the iterated 1-loop vacuum
polarization from the light fermions to all orders.
$\Delta\alpha$ is an input of crucial importance because of its universality
and remarkable numerical size~\cite{DeltaAlpha,teubneretal}.
\end{itemize}
\noindent
The loop contributions to the electroweak observables contain all
particles of the Standard Model spectrum, in particular also the Higgs
boson, as, for example, in the vector-boson self-energies
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.12\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{Hloop1}
\end{center}
The higher-order terms thus induce a dependence of the observables
on the Higgs-boson mass $M_H$, which by means of precision measurements
becomes indirectly accessible, although still unknown from direct searches.
For more details see Ref.~\cite{ewgr} and references therein.
\subsubsection{Vector boson masses and Fermi constant}
\noindent
The implementation of higher-order terms can be done in a compact way
for the $W$--$Z$ mass correlation,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:mw}
M_W^2\left(1-\frac{M_W^2}{M_Z^2}\right) & = \frac{A^2}{1-\Delta r} \, .
\end{align}
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.15\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{p6-4.ps}
\end{center}
\caption{Loop contributions to the muon decay amplitude}
\label{Fig:muonloops}
\end{figure}
\noindent
Therein, the contributions from the
loop diagrams to the muon decay amplitude,
schematically depicted in Fig.~\ref{Fig:muonloops},
are summarized
by the quantity $\Delta r = \Delta r(m_t,M_H)$, which
at one-loop order
depends logarithmically on
the Higgs-boson mass and quadratically on
the top-quark mass.
The calculation of $\Delta r$ is complete at the
two-loop level~\cite{HOdeltar}
and comprises the leading terms also at the three- and
four-loop level~\cite{beyondtwoloop}.
The prediction of $M_W$ from~(\ref{eq:mw}) is shown in
Fig.~\ref{Fig:mwmt09}~\cite{lepewwg}.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.55\linewidth,clip=]{s09_mt_mw_contours}
\end{center}
\vspace*{-1cm}
\caption{Standard Model predictions for the dependence of $M_W$ on the
masses of the top quark and Higgs boson}
\label{Fig:mwmt09}
\end{figure}
\subsubsection{Observables at the Z resonance}
\noindent
The NC couplings dressed by higher-order terms can also be written in
a compact way,
replacing the lowest-order couplings~(\ref{eq:NCcouplingstree})
by effective couplings~\cite{ewgr},
\begin{align}
g_V^f & = \sqrt{\rho_f} \,
(I_3^f-2Q_f\,\sin^2\theta^f_{\rm eff} ) \, , \quad
g_A^f = \sqrt{\rho_f}\, I_3^f \, ,
\end{align}
which comprise the higher-order contributions in terms of the
form factor $\rho_f(m_t,M_H)$
and the effective mixing angle
$\sin^2\theta^f_{\rm eff}(m_t,M_H)$,
being now a fermion-type dependent quantity.
Again, their dependence on $m_t$ is quadratic, whereas they depend on
$M_H$ only logarithmically. Nevertheless, the leptonic effective
mixing angle
is one of the most constraining observables for the
mass of the Higgs boson, as shown in
Fig.~\ref{Fig:sineffvsMH}~\cite{lepewwg}.
Like for $\Delta r$, the calculation
is complete at the two-loop level~\cite{HOsineff}
and supplemented by 3- and 4-loop leading terms~\cite{beyondtwoloop}.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.45\linewidth,clip=]{sineff.eps}
\end{center}
\caption{Standard Model predictions for the dependence of
$\sin^2\theta^{\rm lept}_{\rm eff}$
on the mass of the Higgs boson and the experimental
$1\sigma$-range from averaged measurements done at LEP and SLC}
\label{Fig:sineffvsMH}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\centerline{
\includegraphics[width=0.45\linewidth,clip=]{a_sm_history2010.eps} }
\caption{Measurements and Standard Model predictions
for $a_\mu = (g_\mu-2)/2$}
\label{amuon}
\end{figure}
\clearpage
\subsubsection{Muon magnetic moment}
The anomalous magnetic moment of the muon
\begin{align}
a_{\mu} & = \frac{g_{\mu}-2}{2}
\end {align}
provides a precision test at low energies.
The experimental result of E 821 at Brookhaven National
Laboratory~\cite{BNL} has reached a substantial improvement in accuracy.
It shows a deviation from the Standard Model prediction by 3--4
standard deviations depending on the evaluation of the hadronic
vacuum polarization from data based on $e^+e^-$ annihilation
as shown in Fig.~\ref{amuon}~\cite{teubneretal}.
For a recent review see Ref.~\cite{JN}.
\subsection{The vector-boson self-interaction}
The success of the Standard Model in the correct description of the
electroweak precision observables is simultaneously an indirect
confirmation of the Yang--Mills structure of the gauge boson
self-interaction. For conclusive confirmations direct
experimental investigation is required.
At LEP 2 (and higher energies), pair production of on-shell
$W$ bosons allows direct experimental tests
of the trilinear vector boson self-couplings and precise
$M_W$ measurements.
From LEP 2, an error of 33 MeV in $M_W$ has been reached.
Further improvements have been obtained from the
Tevatron with currently 31 MeV uncertainty,
yielding the world average for the $W$ mass
$M_W=80.399 \pm 0.023$ GeV~\cite{lepewwg}.
Pair production of $W$ bosons in the Standard Model is described
by the amplitude based on the Feynman graphs in
Fig.~\ref{Fig:eeww} (in Born approximation) and higher-order
contributions~\cite{lepreports}.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\centerline{
\includegraphics[width=0.6\linewidth,clip=]{eeww.eps} }
\caption{Feynman graphs for $e^+e^- \to W^+ W^-$ in lowest order}
\label{Fig:eeww}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[htb]
\centerline{
\includegraphics[width=0.4\linewidth,clip=]{wwsec.eps} }
\caption{Cross-section for $e^+e^- \to W^+W^-$, measured at LEP,
and the Standard Model prediction}
\label{Fig:wwsec}
\end{figure}
\noindent
Besides the $t$-channel $\nu$-exchange diagram, which involves
only the $W$--fermion coupling, the $s$-channel diagrams
contain the triple gauge interaction between the vector bosons.
The gauge self-interactions of the vector bosons, as specified
in~(\ref{eq:selfgauge}) are essential
for the high-energy behaviour of the production cross-section
in accordance with the principle of unitarity.
Deviations from these values spoil the high-energy behaviour
of the cross-sections and would be visible at energies
sufficiently above the production threshold.
Measurements of the cross section for $e^+e^-\to WW$ at LEP
have confirmed the prediction of the Standard Model, as
visualized in Fig.~\ref{Fig:wwsec}~\cite{lepewwg}.
\subsection{Global fits and Higgs boson mass bound}
\label{sec:globalfit}
The $Z$-boson observables from LEP 1 and SLC
together with $M_W$ and the top-quark mass from LEP~2
and the Tevatron, constitute the set of high-energy quantities
entering a global precision analysis.
Global fits within the Standard Model to the electroweak precision
data contain $M_H$ as the only free parameter,
yielding the results~\cite{lepewwg} shown in Fig.~\ref{Fig:pull} and
an upper limit to the Higgs mass at the 95\% C.L. of
$M_H < 157$ GeV,
including the present theoretical
uncertainties of the Standard Model
predictions visualized as the blue band~\cite{lepewwg}
in Fig.~\ref{Fig:blueband}.
Taking into account the lower exclusion bound of 114 GeV for $M_H$
from the direct searches via renormalizing the probability shifts
the 95\% C.L. upper bound to 186 GeV~\cite{lepewwg}.
For similar analyses see Ref.~\cite{GFITTER}.
The anomalous magnetic moment of the muon is practically independent
of the Higgs boson mass; hence its inclusion in the fit does not change the
bound on $M_H$, but it reduces the goodness of the overall fit.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.4\linewidth,clip=]{s09_show_pull_18.eps}
\end{center}
\caption{Experimental measurements versus best-fit Standard Model values}
\label{Fig:pull}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.55\linewidth,clip=]{s09_blueband.eps}
\end{center}
\caption{$\chi^2$ distribution from a global electroweak fit to $M_H$}
\label{Fig:blueband}
\end{figure}
\subsection{Perspectives for the LHC and the ILC}
In the LHC era, further improved measurements of the
electroweak parameters are expected, especially on the $W$ mass and the mass
of the top quark, as indicated in Table~\ref{Tab:errors}.
The accuracy on the effective mixing angle, measureable from
forward--backward asymmetries, will not exceed the one already obtained in
$e^+ e^-$ collisions~\cite{LHCworkshop}.
The detection of a Higgs boson would go along with a determination
of its mass with an uncertainty of about 100 MeV.
\begin{table}[b]
\begin{center}
\caption{Present experimental accuracies and expectations for future colliders}
\label{Tab:errors}
\begin{tabular}{l c c c c c }
\hline
Error for & & Now
& {Tevatron/LHC}
& {LC}
& {GigaZ} \\
\hline
{$M_W$ [MeV]} & & 23 & 15 & 10 & 7 \\
{$\sin^2\theta_{\rm eff}$}
& & 0.00016 & 0.00021 & & 0.000013 \\
{$m_{\rm top}$ [GeV]} &
& 1.3 & 1.0 & 0.2 & 0.13 \\
{$M_{\rm Higgs}$ [GeV]} &
& -- & 0.1 & 0.05 & 0.05 \\ \hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{table}
At a future electron--positron collider, the International Linear Collider
(ILC), the accuracy on $M_W$ can be substantially improved via the scanning
of the $e^+ e^-\to W^+ W^-$ threshold region~\cite{TESLA}.
The GigaZ option, a high-luminosity
$Z$ factory, can provide in addition a significant reduction of the
errors in the $Z$ boson observables, in particular
for the leptonic effective mixing angle, denoted by
$\sin^2\theta_{\rm eff}$,
with an error being an order of magnitude smaller than the present one.
Moreover, the top-quark mass
accuracy can also be considerably improved.
The numbers are collected in Table~\ref{Tab:errors}.
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.4\linewidth,clip=]{gigaZ}
\end{center}
\caption{Perspectives for Standard Model
precision tests at future colliders}
\label{Fig:gigaZplot}
\end{figure}
An ultimate precision test of the Standard Model
that would be possible in
the future scenario with GigaZ~\cite{gigaZ}
is illustrated in Fig.~\ref{Fig:gigaZplot}.
The figure displays the 68\% C.L. regions for $M_W$ and
$\sin^2\theta_{\rm eff}$
expected from
the LHC and ILC/GigaZ measurements; the small quadrangles
denote the Standard Model
predictions for a possible, experimentally determined,
Higgs boson mass with the sides reflecting the parametric uncertainties
from $\Delta \alpha$ and the top-quark mass (for $\Delta \alpha$,
a projected uncertainty of $\delta\Delta\alpha =5\cdot 10^{-5}$ is assumed).
If the Standard Model
is correct, the two areas with the theory prediction and
the future experimental results have to overlap.
The central values chosen in Fig.~\ref{Fig:gigaZplot}
are just examples; the main message is the development
of the uncertainties.
\section{Higgs bosons}
\label{sec:Higgsbosons}
The minimal model with a single scalar doublet is the simplest way
to implement the electroweak symmetry breaking.
The Higgs potential of the Standard Model given
in~(\ref{eq:potential})
involves two independent parameters $\mu$ and
$\lambda$, which can equivalently be replaced by
the vacuum expectation value $v$ and
the Higgs boson mass $M_H$, as done in~(\ref{eq:potentialunitary}).
The vacuum expectation value $v$
is determined by the gauge sector,
as explained in~(\ref{eq:massterm}) and~(\ref{eq:Fermiscale});
$M_H$ is independent and cannot be predicted but has to be taken from
experiment.
Thus in the Standard Model
the mass $M_H$ of the Higgs boson appears as the only free parameter
that is still undetermined as yet.
Expressed in terms of $M_H$,
the Higgs part of the electroweak Lagrangian in the unitary gauge
reads as follows:
\begin{align}
\label{LHiggsinunitarygauge}
{\cal L}_{\rm H} \, = & \, \frac{1}{2}
\big( \partial_\mu H \big) \big(\partial^\mu H \big) \,
- \frac{M_H^2}{2}\, H^2
- \frac{M_H^2}{2v} \, H^3
- \frac{M_H^2}{8 v^2}\, H^4 \nonumber \\[0.1cm]
& +\,
\left( M_W^2\, W^+_\mu W^{- \mu} + \frac{M_Z^2}{2}\, Z_\mu Z^\mu \right)
\left( 1 + \frac{H}{v} \right)^2 \,
-\, \sum_f \, m_f\, \overline{\psi}_f \psi_f \left(1+ \frac{H}{v} \right) ,
\end{align}
involving interactions of the Higgs field with the massive fermions and
gauge bosons, as well as Higgs self interactions
proportional to $M_H^2$.
\subsection{Empirical bounds}
The existence of the Yukawa couplings
and the couplings to the vector bosons $W$ and $Z$
is the basis for the experimental searches
that have been performed until now at LEP
and the Tevatron.
At $e^+ e^-$ colliders, Higgs bosons can be produced by
Higgs-strahlung from $Z$ bosons and by vector boson fusion
(mainly $WW$) as displayed in Fig.~\ref{Fig:HiggsatLEP}.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.15\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{HprodLEP}
\end{center}
\caption{Processes for Higgs boson production in $e^+e^-$ collisions}
\label{Fig:HiggsatLEP}
\end{figure}
At LEP energies, Higgs-strahlung is the relevant process.
The lower limit at 95\% C.L.\ resulting from the search at
LEP is 114.4~GeV~\cite{PDG08}.
From searches at the Tevatron~\cite{TevHiggsWG}
(see Fig.~\ref{Fig:HiggsatHAD} for various mechanisms)
the mass range from 162~GeV to 166~GeV
has been excluded (95\% C.L.).
\begin{figure}[htb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.15\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{HprodHAD1}
\end{center}
\caption{Processes for Higgs boson production at hadron colliders}
\label{Fig:HiggsatHAD}
\end{figure}
Indirect determinations of $M_H$ from precision data
yield an upper limit and have
already been discussed in Section~\ref{sec:globalfit}.
As a general feature,
it appears that the data prefer a light Higgs boson.
\subsection{Theoretical bounds}
There are also theoretical constraints on the Higgs mass
from vacuum stability and absence of a Landau pole~\cite{lindner,higgsbounds,hambye},
and from lattice calculations~\cite{lattice,decaylattice}.
Explicit perturbative calculations
of the decay width for $H\to W^+W^-,ZZ$ in the large-$M_H$ limit,
$\Gamma(H\to VV)= K_V\cdot \Gamma^{(0)}(H\to VV)$
up to 2-loop order~\cite{ghinculov} have shown that the 2-loop
contribution exceeds the 1-loop term in size (same sign) for
$M_H > 930$~GeV (Fig.~\ref{kfactors}~\cite{riess}).
This result is confirmed by the calculation of the next-to-leading
order
correction in the $1/N$ expansion, where the Higgs sector is treated
as an $O(N)$ symmetric
$\sigma$-model~\cite{binoth}.
A similar increase of the 2-loop perturbative contribution
with $M_H$
is observed for the fermionic
decay width~\cite{Hff},
$\Gamma(H\to f\bar{f})) = K_f\cdot \Gamma^{(0)}(H\to f\bar{f}))$,
but with opposite sign
leading to a cancellation of the 1-loop correction
for $M_H\simeq 1100$ GeV (Fig.~\ref{kfactors}).
The lattice result~\cite{decaylattice} for the bosonic Higgs decay
in Fig.~\ref{kfactors} for $M_H=727$ GeV is not far from
the perturbative 2-loop result;
the difference may at least partially be interpreted as missing
higher-order terms.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\centerline{
\includegraphics[height=0.45\linewidth,angle=90]{kfactors.ps}}
\caption{Correction factors $K_V, K_f$ from higher orders for the Higgs decay
widths $H\to VV\; (V=W,Z)$ and
$H \to f \bar{f}$ in 1- and 2-loop order}
\label{kfactors}
\end{figure}
The behaviour of the quartic Higgs self-coupling $\lambda$,
as a function of a rising energy scale~$Q$, follows
from the renormalization group equation
\begin{align}
\label{HiggsRGE}
\frac{{\rm d} \lambda}{{\rm d} t}
& = \frac{1}{16\pi^2}\, (12 \lambda^2 + 6\, \lambda\,g_t^2
- 3 \, g_t^4 + \cdots ), \quad
t=\log \frac{Q^2}{v^2} \, ,
\end{align}
with the $\beta$-function
dominated by the contributions from $\lambda$ and
the top-quark Yukawa coupling $g_t$ in the loop contributions to
the quartic interactions,
\centerline{
\includegraphics[height=0.17\linewidth,clip=]{Hself.ps}}
\noindent
Owing to the second diagram, the first term in~(\ref{HiggsRGE}),
$\lambda(Q)$ increases with $Q$ and diverges at a critical scale,
the Landau pole, which moves towards lower values for
increasing mass $M_H$.
The requirement of a perturbative, small coupling $\lambda(Q)$
up to a scale $\Lambda$ thus yields
an upper bound for $M_H$.
In order to avoid unphysical negative quartic couplings
from the negative top-loop contribution,
a lower
bound on the Higgs mass is derived. In combination,
the requirement that the Higgs coupling remain finite and
positive up to a scale $\Lambda$ yields constraints
on the Higgs mass $M_H$, which have been evaluated at the
2-loop level~\cite{higgsbounds,hambye}.
These bounds on $M_H$ are shown in Fig.~\ref{higgslimits}~\cite{hambye}
as a function of the cut-off scale $\Lambda$ up to which the
standard Higgs sector can be extrapolated.
The allowed
region is the area between the lower and the upper curves.
The bands indicate the theoretical uncertainties associated
with the solution of the renormalization group equations~\cite{hambye}. It is interesting to note that the
indirect determination of the Higgs mass range from
electroweak precision data via radiative corrections
is compatible with a value of $M_H$ where $\Lambda$ can be
extended up to the Planck scale.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\centerline{
\includegraphics[height=0.45\linewidth,clip=]{mhbounds.ps}}
\caption{Theoretical limits on the Higgs boson mass from
the absence of a Landau pole and from vacuum stability}
\label{higgslimits}
\end{figure}
\subsection{Future searches}
For the coming experimental searches at the LHC,
it is important to have precise and reliable predictions
for the production and decay rates.
Higgs bosons can be produced through various
mechanisms at the partonic level. The main partonic
processes for Higgs boson production are
depicted in Fig.~\ref{Fig:HiggsatHAD}, and the corresponding
production cross sections are shown in
Fig.~\ref{Fig:LHCxsec}~\cite{TeVtoLHC}.
The largest cross section arises from gluon--gluon fusion.
The experimental signal, however,
is determined by the product
\begin{align}
& \sigma(AB\to H) \cdot BR(H\to X)
\end{align}
of the production cross section $\sigma(AB\to H)$
from initial-state partons $A, B$
and the branching ratio $BR(H\to X)$
for the decay of the Higgs boson into a specific final state $X$
(see Fig.~\ref{Fig:HiggsBR} for the branching ratios~\cite{BRs}).
A light Higgs boson, well below the $WW$ threshold,
decays predominantly into $b\bar{b}$ quarks, owing to
the largest Yukawa couplings in the kinematically allowed
fermionic decay channels.
This signal, however, is experimentally unaccessible
because it is covered by a huge background of QCD-generated
$b$-quark jets. Therefore, in the low mass range, the rare decay
channel $H\to \gamma \gamma$ has to be selected reducing the total
number of events considerably, in spite of the large production
cross section, and makes Higgs detection a cumbersome business.
For larger masses, $M_H \gtrsim 140$ GeV, the decay modes
$H\to WW, ZZ \to 4 f$ make detection relatively easy.
The vector-boson fusion channel
(third diagram of Fig.~\ref{Fig:HiggsatHAD}) with subsequent
leptonic decay $H\to \tau^+ \tau^-$
is a promising alternative.
\begin{figure}[ht]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.45\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{lhc_xs}
\end{center}
\caption{Cross sections for Higgs boson production at the LHC}
\label{Fig:LHCxsec}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[hb]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.55\linewidth,clip=]{HiggsBR}
\end{center}
\caption{Branching ratios for Higgs boson decays}
\label{Fig:HiggsBR}
\end{figure}
\clearpage
\noindent
For completeness we list the (lowest-order) expressions for the
dominant Higgs decay rates into fermion and vector-boson pairs,
\begin{align}
\Gamma (H\to f\bar{f}) & = \, N_C
\frac{G_F M_H\, m_f^2}{4 \pi \sqrt{2}}
\sqrt{1-\frac{4m_f^2}{M_H^2} } \;\;{\rm with} \;\;
N_C=3 \; {\rm for} \, f=q, \;\; N_C=1 \;
{\rm for} \, f=\ell , \nonumber \\
\Gamma (H\to VV) & = \,
\frac{G_F M_H^3}{16 \pi \sqrt{2}} \, R_V(x_V), \quad
x_V = \frac{M_V^2}{M_H^2}, \qquad (V= W, Z)
\end{align}
with
\begin{align}
R_Z & = R(x_Z) , \quad R_W = 2 \, R(x_W), \quad
R(x) = \sqrt{1-4x} \, (1-4x+12x^2) \, .
\end{align}
{\small
As an exercise, these formulae can easily be derived from the
$Hff$ and $HVV$ vertices in~(\ref{LHiggsinunitarygauge})
with the help of the
Feynman rules of Section~\ref{sec:QFT}
and the general expression for the width
in~(\ref{eq:diffwidthmm}). }
\subsection{Supersymmetric Higgs bosons}
\label{sec:susyhiggs}
Among the extensions of the Standard Model, the
Minimal Supersymmetric Standard Model (MSSM)~\cite{MSSM}
is a theoretically favoured scenario as
the most predictive framework beyond the Standard Model.
A light Higgs boson,
as indicated in the analysis of the electroweak precision data,
would find a natural explanation by the structure of the
Higgs potential. For a review on MSSM Higgs bosons see Ref.~\cite{djouadi}.
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.45\linewidth,clip=]{higgs-mssm}
\end{center}
\caption{Example of the Higgs boson mass spectrum in the MSSM}
\label{Fig:spectrumHiggs}
\end{figure}
The five physical Higgs particles of the MSSM consist of two $CP$-even
neutral bosons $h^0,H^0$, a $CP$-odd $A^0$ boson, and a pair of charged
Higgs particles $H^\pm$. At tree level, their masses are determined
by the $A^0$ boson mass, $M_A$, and the ratio of the two vacuum expectation
values, $v_2/v_1 = \tan\beta$,
\begin{align}
M_{H^+}^2 & = \, M_A^2 + M_W^2 \, , \nonumber \\
M_{H^0,h^0}^2 & = \, \frac{1}{2} \,
\left( M_A^2 + M_Z^2 \pm
\sqrt{\big(M_A^2 + M_Z^2\big)^2 - 4 M_Z^2 M_A^2 \cos^2 2\beta} \right) .
\end{align}
These relations are sizeably modified by higher-order contributions
to the Higgs boson vacua and propagators.
A typical example of a spectrum is shown in Fig.~\ref{Fig:spectrumHiggs},
based on the {\sc FeynHiggs} code~\cite{feynhiggs}.
In particular the mass of the lightest Higgs boson $h^0$ is substantially
influenced
by loop contributions; for large $M_A$, the $h^0$ particle
behaves like the standard Higgs boson,
but its mass is dependent on basically all the
parameters of the model and hence yields another powerful
precision observable.
A definite prediction of the MSSM
is thus the existence of a light Higgs boson
with mass below $\sim 140$ GeV.
The detection of a
light Higgs boson could be a significant hint for
supersymmetry.
The structure of the MSSM as a renormalizable quantum field theory
allows a similarly complete calculation of
the electroweak precision observables
as in the Standard Model in terms of one Higgs mass
(usually taken as $M_A$) and $\tan\beta$,
together with the set of
SUSY soft-breaking parameters fixing the chargino/neutralino and
scalar fermion sectors~\cite{mssm_ren}.
For updated discussions of precision observables in the MSSM
see Ref.~\cite{Heinemeyer:2004gx} .
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.45\linewidth,clip=]{mwmtMSSM}
\end{center}
\caption{The $W$ mass range
in the Standard Model (lower band) and in the
MSSM (upper band) respecting bounds are from the non-observation of
Higgs bosons and SUSY particles}
\label{Fig:susymw}
\end{figure}
As an example, Fig.~\ref{Fig:susymw}
displays the range of predictions for $M_W$
in the Standard Model
and in the MSSM, together with the present experimental errors
and the expectations for the LHC measurements.
The MSSM prediction is in slightly better agreement with the
present data for $M_W$, although not conclusive as yet.
Future increase in the experimental accuracy, however, will
become decisive for the separation between the models.
Especially for the muonic $g-2$, the MSSM can significantly improve
the agreement between theory and experiment:
one-loop terms with relatively light scalar muons, sneutrinos,
charginos and neutralinos,
\vspace*{-0.2cm}
\centerline{
\includegraphics[width=0.16\linewidth,angle=270,clip=]{gmuSUSY.ps} }
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\noindent
in the mass range 200--600~GeV,
together with a large value of $\tan\beta$
can provide a positive contribution $\Delta a_\mu$,
which can entirely
explain the difference $a_\mu^{\rm exp} - a_\mu^{\rm SM}$
(see Ref.~\cite{stoeckinger} for a review).
The MSSM yields a comprehensive
description of the precision data, in a similar way to the
Standard Model.
Global fits, varying the MSSM parameters, have been performed
to all electroweak precision data~\cite{deboer}
showing that the description within the MSSM is slightly better
than in the Standard Model.
This is mainly due to the improved
agreement for $a_\mu$.
The fits
have been updated recently for the constrained
MSSM (cMSSM), including also bounds from
$b\to s\gamma$ and from the cosmic relic density.
The $\chi^2$-distribution for the fit parameters can be
shown~\cite{buchmulleretal}
as a $\chi^2$-distribution for the lightest Higgs boson mass $M_H$,
displayed in Fig.~\ref{Fig:cMSSMfit}.
The mass range $M_h = 110^{+9}_{-10}$ GeV obtained from this fit
is in much better agreement with the lower bound from the direct
search than in the case of the Standard Model.
\begin{figure}[hbt]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.7\linewidth,clip=]{fitCMSSMchi2}
\end{center}
\caption{$\chi^2$-distribution for cMSSM fits, expressed in terms of $M_h$}
\label{Fig:cMSSMfit}
\end{figure}
\section{Outlook}
\label{sec:beyondSM}
In spite of the success of the Standard Model in describing a large
variety of phenomena, at a high level of accuracy on both the
theoretical and the experimental side, there is a list of shortcomings
that motivate the quest for physics beyond the Standard Model.
A rather direct augmentation is enforced by the need for accommodating
massive neutrinos.
The Standard Model in its strictly minimal version is incomplete
with respect to a mass term for neutrinos.
Neutrino mass terms can be added~\cite{Lindner} without
touching on the basic architecture of the Standard Model.
Besides this rather immediate modification
one is confronted, however, with a series of basic
conceptual problems:
\begin{itemize}
\item
the smallness of the electroweak scale
$v \sim 1/\sqrt{G_F}$
compared to the Planck scale $M_{\rm Pl}\sim 1/\sqrt{G_N}$
(the {\it hierarchy problem})
and the smallness of the Higgs boson mass of ${\cal O}(v)$, which is not
protected against large quantum corrections of ${\cal O}( M_{\rm Pl})$;
\item
the large number of free parameters
(gauge couplings, vacuum expectation value, $M_H$, fermion
masses, CKM matrix elements), which are not predicted but
have to be taken from experiments;
\item
the pattern that occurs in the arrangement of the fermion
masses;
\item
the quantization of the electric charge, or the values of the
hypercharge, respectively;
\item
the missing way to connect to gravity.
\end{itemize}
Moreover, there are also phenomenological shortcomings,
like missing answers to the questions about
\begin{itemize}
\item
the nature of dark matter that constitutes the largest fraction
of matter in the Universe,
\item
the origin of the
baryon asymmetry of the Universe.
\end{itemize}
The class of models based on supersymmetry,
briefly addressed in the last subsection~\ref{sec:susyhiggs},
can at least provide partial
answers, e.g., for dark matter, the further unification of forces
and hierarchy of mass scales, new sources of CP violation,
and can be related to string theory as a candidate for a microscopic
theory of gravity. The LHC experiments may soon shed light
on our unanswered questions,
or may also surprise us with answers to questions we did not ask.
\clearpage
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 2,025
|
\section{Introduction}
\label{sec:intro}
In the aftermath of the loss of two of its reaction wheels, the {\it Kepler}\ spacecraft was reoriented to observe fields along the ecliptic plane for consecutive campaigns of $\sim$75 days in duration and designated as the $K2$ extended mission \citep{howell2014}. The $K2$ Field 2 pointing encompasses the Upper Scorpius region of recent star formation \citep[see][for a review]{pm2008} and the molecular cloud near $\rho$ Ophiuchus in which star formation is ongoing \citep[see][for a review]{wilking2008}.
Extinction is quite high towards the ``$\rho$ Oph" molecular cloud, but some cluster members (typically those of higher mass) are bright enough for study with $K2$. The sizable ``Upper Sco" association by contrast is essentially gas free, though there is a small amount of dust extinction ($A_V < 1$). The association samples a wide range in mass -- from mid-B type stars having several to ten solar masses, all the way down to late M-type, very low mass stars and sub-stellar mass objects, the majority of which are bright enough for $K2$ photometry.
Census work in the Upper Sco region has established over 1500 secure and candidate members, with a major compilation of candidates appearing in \cite{lodieu2013}. Notable studies include the early kinematic work that culminated in \cite{preibisch2002} as well as contemporaneous x-ray \citep[e.g.][]{kohler2000} and wide-field optical \citep[e.g.][]{ardila2000} studies, through to the most recent additions to the stellar population by e.g. \cite{rizzuto2011,rizzuto2015} and \cite{gagne2015}. The traditional age of the association is 3-5 Myr \citep[e.g.][]{degeus1989, preibisch2002, slesnick2008} which is reinforced in the analysis of \cite{hh2015}, hereafter HH15, using modern pre-main sequence tracks and a sample of several hundred GKM stars, but challenged by \cite{pecaut2012} who argue for an age of 11 Myr based on an assessment of 5-6 post-main sequence stars and several tens of AFG stars near the main sequence. The $\rho$ Oph region is significantly younger at $<$1-2 Myr and features self-embedded protostars, classical T Tauri disks in various stages of evolution, and disk-free young stars; \cite{wilking2008} provide a compilation of accepted members.
Notably, in the short but exciting time span between the age of younger active star-forming regions such as $\rho$ Oph and the only somewhat older Upper Sco region, definitive changes are taking place in both the stars and their circumstellar environments. Most relevant for this paper is that the stars will have contracted by a mass-dependent factor of 50\% to 250\%, making the existing $K2$ data a valuable resource for measuring the pre-main sequence evolution of stellar radii.
Pre-main-sequence eclipsing binaries (EBs) are particularly valuable for calibrating pre-main sequence evolutionary models which show large discrepancies when compared with EB measurements and remain poorly constrained at the very lowest masses ($M < 0.3$ M$_\odot$), as reviewed by \cite{stassun2014}. Only a small number of such pre-main sequence EB systems are known. Here, we report the discovery of three new pre-main sequence EBs, two secure members and one likely member of Upper Sco, and all with short periods ($<$ 5 days).
In \S~\ref{sec:photometry} we discuss characteristics of the $K2$ observations as well as our procedures for light curve extraction and subsequent removal of intrinsic and systematic variability. We discuss our spectroscopic observations, which we use to measure radial velocities, establish spectral types, and confirm membership, in \S~\ref{sec:spectra}. The procedures for determination of orbital and stellar parameters are described in \S~\ref{sec:orbitfitting} and \S~\ref{sec:stellarparams}, respectively. Finally, we discuss the individual EB systems and our results on fundamentally determined radii and masses in \S~\ref{sec:individual}.
\section{$K2$ Observations and Analysis}
\label{sec:photometry}
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.475\textwidth]{stamps-small.pdf}
\caption{\emph{Left column:} $K2$ postage stamps showing the regions around the three EB systems. Orientation is such that north is up and east is left. The $K2$ plate scale is $\sim$ 4\arcsec\ /pixel. The magenta circles indicate the photometric apertures used for light curve extraction. The points represent the nominal locations of the sources from the target pixel file header information and may not be centered on the star due to small errors in the WCS (World Coordinate System). For {EPIC\,203476597}, the second, smaller aperture around the neighboring star to the west was used to compute the time-averaged flux which was ultimately subtracted from the raw EB light curve. \emph{Right column:} DSS2 ``infrared" views of the corresponding regions presented on the left. The potential for contamination in the $K2$ photometry due to either unresolved or spatially resolved nearby sources is discussed in the text individually for each EB system.
}
\label{fig:stamp}
\end{figure}
A field covering the Upper Sco region was observed by $K2$ in 2014 between BJD 2456894 - 2456970. The modified observing configuration of $K2$ has the telescope pitch and yaw confined using the two remaining reaction wheels, while the roll along the boresight is partially balanced by solar radiation pressure with thruster firings every $\sim$6 hours to correct for the remaining azimuthal drift. As a result of the roll axis drift and intrinsic flat field variations, $K2$ light curves possess significant systematic noise correlated with the telescope pointing. After correcting for this systematic noise, the photometric precision of $K2$ light curves over typical transit timescales of $\sim$6 hours has been measured to be a magnitude-dependent factor of 2-3 lower than that of {\it Kepler}\ data \citep{vanderburg2014b, aigrain2015}.
The precision of {\it Kepler}\ light curves can be quantified by the metric of Combined Differential Photometric Precision (CDPP) originally described by \cite{christiansen2012}. We use a quasi-CDPP, defined as the median of the standard deviation in a running bin of a fixed duration. For this work, we choose 6.5-hour as the time frame over which to calculate the quasi-CDPP which is used as our light curve precision metric.
\subsection{Light Curve Extraction}
\label{subsec:lcextraction}
In $K2$ Field 2, we extracted photometry for objects identified as being members or candidate members of Upper Sco and the slightly younger $\rho$ Ophiuchus complex, which is nearby and somewhat overlapping in projection on the sky. Aperture photometry was performed with the {\sc Python} \texttt{photutils} package on background-subtracted images using a range of aperture radii from 1.5 to 5 pixels. Unlike the {\it Kepler}\ pipeline and recently publicized reductions of $K2$ data \citep[e.g.][]{vanderburg2014b, foremanmackey2015}, we vary aperture placement with the stellar centroid position. We computed a flux-weighted centroid in a 7$\times$7 pixel box centered on the location of each star, as specified by the target pixel file header information. Stellar flux within the aperture was computed using the \texttt{photutils} ``exact'' setting, in which the intersection of the circular aperture with the square pixels is calculated. The $K2$ regions used for aperture photometry, and corresponding ``infrared" views of the regions from DSS2\footnote{http://archive.stsci.edu/dss/acknowledging.html}, are shown in Figure~\ref{fig:stamp}.
Depending on detector position, we find that source centroids move at up to 0.03 pixel (i.e., 0.12\arcsec) per hour due to instability of the telescope's pointing. Approximately every six hours, a correction is applied to return pointing to the nominal position. Since intrapixel sensitivity can vary at the few percent level, even small centroid movements can contribute systematic effects to $K2$ photometry. Shifting the aperture according to centroid position partially mitigates these effects. For light curves with significant pointing related systematics, we also applied a detrending procedure to recover the intrinsic variability pattern (see \S~\ref{subsec:detrending}).
For many stars, signatures are present in the raw photometric extractions of behavior associated with e.g. young star accretion or circumstellar obscuration, starspots and stellar rotation, chromospheric flaring, and binary eclipses. However, both the light curves with these types of large amplitude variations, and those light curves with more subtle variations, can benefit from attention to so-called de-trending which aims to remove prominent systematic effects and restore the innate photometric precision of the {\it Kepler}\ spacecraft CCDs.
\subsection{Detrending Procedure}
\label{subsec:detrending}
Multiple techniques for detrending $K2$ light curves have emerged in the literature \citep[e.g.][]{vanderburg2014b, aigrain2015, lund2015, huang2015}. \cite{foremanmackey2015} advocate fitting systematic effects simultaneously with the astrophysical signals sought to be quantified (e.g. transits). This approach, as those authors point out, mitigates the risk of distorting the astrophysical signal in question through under- or over-fitting.
In this work, the raw light curves are corrected for systematic and astrophysical variability through a principal component analysis procedure based on that of \cite{vanderburg2014} and \cite{vanderburg2014b}, hereafter V14. The approach employed here differs from that of V14 in the following ways:
\begin{enumerate}
\item{We opted to detrend data from the entire campaign at once, as opposed to dividing the campaign into smaller sets of observations.}
\item{We removed outlier points with nonzero quality flags, corresponding to e.g. attitude tweaks and observations taken in coarse pointing mode, except those observations with the detector anomaly flag raised as these are fairly common. We also discarded any observations that were simultaneous 3-$\sigma$ outliers in both $x$ and $y$ centroid coordinates.}
\item{We considered photometry generated from four possible apertures of radii 1.5, 2, 3 and 5 pixels, selecting the raw light curve with the lowest 6.5 hr quasi-CDPP.}
\item{Principle component analysis is used to transform the $x,y$ centroid positions to a new coordinate space, $x',y'$, in which the positions drift primarily along one axis. A polynomial fit to the new $x',y'$ coordinates is then performed in order to determine the `arclength' (defined in V14) at each position. Instead of only a degree 5 fit to the transformed coordinates, we perform polynomial fits of degrees 1 through 5, and select the best-fitting curve (after ten iterations of 3-$\sigma$ outlier exclusion) according to a Spearman test.}
\item{The raw photometry is corrected for the centroid position variability effects via the process above, which produces a ``low-pass filtered" flux (i.e. corrected for trends on timescales $<$6 hours).
In some instances, this step of the detrending procedure can introduce additional noise to the raw photometry (as was the case for the three EBs discussed here). This is partially due to the fact that we detrend the entire campaign of data at once, and the pointing-related trends are often of shorter duration (on the order of days). It is also likely that allowing the photometric aperture to shift with centroid position, as we do, partially mitigates pointing-induced trends. Thus, at this stage, the 6.5 hour quasi-CDPP of the raw photometry is compared with that of the low-pass flux and the higher quality light curve is selected for ``long-term" variability correction.}
\item{
As a final step, we correct for variability on timescales longer than 6 hours. The source of variability on these timescales can be a combination of astrophysical (as is the case with {EPIC\,203476597}, seen in Figure~\ref{fig:lightcurve}), pointing-related effects, and long-term systematic trends (such as a general decline in overall flux levels seen from the first to second halves of the campaign). V14 correct for long-term systematic variability via an iterative spline fit, with knots every 1.5 days and 3-sigma outlier rejection to ensure that transit signals do not drag down the spline fit thus resulting in distorted transit signals in the corrected light curve. In our iterative intrinsic variability fitting, we allow a much more flexible spline with knots every 12 cadences ($\sim$6 hours) and up to 10 iterations with 2-$\sigma$ outlier rejection at each stage. This approach appropriately fits and removes the intrinsic variability exhibited by these young stars, which can be significant over short timescales similar to the timescales expected for eclipse/transit durations. Our aggressive approach to outlier rejection ensures that any eclipse/transit signals are excluded from the variability fit. The \texttt{splrep} and \texttt{splev} tasks in the \texttt{scipy.interpolate} package were used to perform the spline fit in {\sc Python}.}
\end{enumerate}
The raw $K2$ and corrected light curves for each of the EB systems are depicted in Figure~\ref{fig:lightcurve}.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.88\textwidth]{epic387-lc.pdf}
\includegraphics[width=0.88\textwidth]{epic608-lc.pdf}
\includegraphics[width=0.88\textwidth]{epic597-lc.pdf}
\caption{For each of the three eclipsing binary systems, raw $K2$ (top panels) and corrected (bottom panels) light curves. All fluxes are median normalized. The orange line indicates the cubic B-spline fits to the raw photometry used to produce the corrected fluxes. A noticeable change in the data quality between the first and second halves of Campaign 2 is seen in these sources (most prominently {EPIC\,203710387}) as well as many others.}
\label{fig:lightcurve}
\end{figure*}
\section{Spectroscopic Observations and Analysis}
\label{sec:spectra}
We obtained initial high dispersion spectra for the three EBs on 1 and 2 June 2015, UT using Keck I and HIRES \citep{vogt1994}. The instrument was configured to produce spectra from $\sim$4800-9200 \AA\ using the C5 decker which provides spectral resolution $\sim$36,000. Additional HIRES spectra were obtained using the setup of the California Planet Search covering $\sim$3600-8000 \AA\ at R$\sim$48,000 with the C2 decker, on the six additional nights listed in Table \ref{table:rvs}. Figure~\ref{fig:spectra} shows for all three stars a photospheric region of spectrum along with the profiles of H$\alpha$ and \ion{Li}{1} 6707.8 \AA.
We use the spectra to assess spectral types, to confirm membership through detection of H$\alpha$ emission and \ion{Li}{1} absorption, and to measure systemic radial velocities from binary orbit fitting. The equivalent widths are given in Table~\ref{table:ews}; line strengths are consistent with the expectations for young active low mass stars with some variation observed among the epochs in the H$\alpha$ strengths. We note that our measurements for {EPIC\,203476597}\ match within expectations the values reported by \cite{rizzuto2015} from lower resolution spectra.
The FXCOR task within IRAF\footnote{IRAF is distributed by the National Optical Astronomy Observatory, which is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy (AURA) under a cooperative agreement with the National Science Foundation} was used to measure relative velocities, using selected spectral orders with sufficient S/N, and spectral ranges with abundant photospheric features and minimal atmospheric contamination. FXCOR implements the \cite{tonry1979} method of cross correlation peak finding; a Gaussian profile was used to interactively fit for the velocity shift and errors for individual components of each binary at each epoch. The measured velocities were calibrated to radial velocity standard stars as detailed below, with each spectrum first corrected to the heliocentric frame. The final velocities at each epoch are derived as weighted means from among the individual orders.
The results on radial velocities are discussed below in the sections on the individual EB systems, and are presented in Table~\ref{table:rvs}.
At any given epoch, the relative heights of the cross correlation peaks for the two components of a double-lined binary system can be used as an approximation of the flux ratio, with final values again taken as means among the measured orders.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.74\textwidth,angle=-90]{hires.pdf}
\caption{Sections of the HIRES spectra showing a photospheric region (lower left), the \ion{Li}{1} 6707.8 \AA\ and \ion{Ca}{1} 6717 \AA\ lines (upper left) and the H$\alpha$ line profiles (right). All three stars show H$\alpha$ activity and have \ion{Li}{1} absorption. The spectra of {EPIC\,203710387}\ and {EPIC\,203868608}\ are clearly double-lined, as seen most prominently in the two components of H$\alpha$ emission (each of which is double-peaked) and in the doubled \ion{Li}{1} absorption, but also in the TiO bandhead regions. The red line indicates a second spectrum of {EPIC\,203476597}, which differs from the black (first) that it overlays in its H$\alpha$ profile and in the \ion{Li}{1} line, where a small absorption blueward of line center moves to become enhanced absorption redward of line center. The full time series of spectra is shown for {EPIC\,203476597}\ in the H$\alpha$ panel; we interpret the profile variations as due to orbital motion of a faint young H$\alpha$ emitting secondary, which is indeed revealed in the absorption lines from differences and ratios of the spectra.
}
\label{fig:spectra}
\end{figure*}
\begin{deluxetable*}{ccrcrcc}
\tabletypesize{\footnotesize}
\tablewidth{0.95\textwidth}
\tablecaption{ Keck-I/HIRES Radial Velocities and Flux Ratios \label{table:rvs}}
\tablehead{
\colhead{EPIC} & \colhead{Epoch} & \colhead{$v_1$} & \colhead{$\sigma_{v_1}$} & \colhead{$v_2$} & \colhead{$\sigma_{v_2}$} & \colhead{$F_2/F_1$} \\
\colhead{identifier} & \colhead{(BJD-2450000)} & \colhead{(km~s$^{-1}$)} & \colhead{(km~s$^{-1}$)} & \colhead{(km~s$^{-1}$)} & \colhead{(km~s$^{-1}$)} &
}
\startdata
203710387 & 7174.83185 & 38.98 $\pm$ 0.31 & 0.69 & -51.31 $\pm$ 0.37 & 0.86 & 0.939 $\pm$ 0.175 \\
... & 7175.83303 & -26.03 $\pm$ 0.45 & 0.69 & 19.40 $\pm$ 0.44 & 1.04 & 0.976 $\pm$ 0.139 \\
... & 7176.02710 & -38.94 $\pm$ 0.39 & 1.27 & 35.29 $\pm$ 0.38 & 1.13 & 0.937 $\pm$ 0.198 \\
... & 7217.80815 & -10.14 $\pm$ 0.20 & 0.35 & 5.87 $\pm$ 0.25 & 0.91 & 0.947 $\pm$ 0.055 \\
... & 7254.84470 & -45.77 $\pm$ 0.07 & 1.01 & 42.36 $\pm$ 0.08 & 0.93 & 0.951 $\pm$ 0.093 \\
... & 7255.82026 & 14.23 $\pm$ 0.14 & 0.90 & -21.49 $\pm$ 0.14 & 1.26 & 0.971 $\pm$ 0.057 \\
203868608 & 7175.92133 & -5.24 $\pm$ 0.12 & 0.42 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7217.81681 & 16.51 $\pm$ 0.01 & 0.25 & -29.5 $\pm$ 0.01 & 0.47 & 0.980 $\pm$ 0.037 \\
... & 7255.82988 & -26.39 $\pm$ 0.03 & 1.62 & 14.51 $\pm$ 0.03 & 0.51 & 1.075 $\pm$ 0.056 \\
... & 7262.79913 & 21.87 $\pm$ 0.04 & 0.80 & -25.48 $\pm$ 0.06 & 1.19 & 1.120 $\pm$ 0.100 \\
... & 7265.79721 & -4.66 $\pm$ 0.02 & 0.23 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7290.72899 & 15.79 $\pm$ 0.03 & 0.19 & -29.26 $\pm$ 0.03 & 0.26 & 0.955 $\pm$ 0.071 \\
203476597 & 7175.84692 & -1.66 $\pm$ 0.33 & 0.67 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7176.05433 & -0.12 $\pm$ 0.29 & 0.95 & ... & ... & ...\\
... & 7217.82236 & -0.72 $\pm$ 0.19 & 0.56 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7254.83534 & -0.44 $\pm$ 0.11 & 0.51 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7255.81131 & 0.02 $\pm$ 0.12 & 0.38 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7262.79242 & -0.47 $\pm$ 0.13 & 0.64 & ... & ... & ... \\
... & 7265.79154 & -1.29 $\pm$ 0.13 & 0.42 & ... & ... & ...
\enddata
\tablecomments{Quoted radial velocities are weighted means across several spectral orders within a single epoch, with each measurement weighted inversely to the variance. Formal errors on the weighted mean are quoted to the right of each measurement, where the errors are defined as the square root of the variance of the weighted mean (defined as $\sigma^2 = 1/\sum^{n}_{i=1} \sigma_i^{-2}$). The uncertainties actually used in the orbital parameter fitting procedure, $\sigma_v$, are the root-mean-square errors between individual measurements. The final column lists flux ratios, measured from the relative peak heights in the cross-correlation functions of double-lined systems.}
\end{deluxetable*}
\begin{deluxetable}{ccc}
\tabletypesize{\footnotesize}
\tablewidth{0.45\textwidth}
\tablecaption{ Keck-I/HIRES Equivalent Widths \label{table:ews}}
\tablehead{
\colhead{EPIC} & \colhead{EW(H$\alpha$)} & \colhead{EW(\ion{Li}{1} 6707.8)} \\
\colhead{identifier} & \colhead{(\AA)} & \colhead{(m\AA)}
}
\startdata
203710387A & -2.9 & 150 \\
203710387B & -2.4 & 420 \\
203868608A & -1.8 & 260 \\
203868608B & -1.4 & 310 \\
203476597A & weak abs. & 360 \\
203476597B & -0.2: & 95:
\enddata
\tablecomments{
Numbers correspond to the spectra shown in Figure~\ref{fig:spectra}.
The H$\alpha$ measurements have $\sim$0.1 \AA\ measurement accuracy
but up to 30\% variation among epochs, and the \ion{Li}{1} measurement error is estimated at $<$5-10\%.}
\end{deluxetable}
\section{Orbital Parameter Fitting}
\label{sec:orbitfitting}
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.99\textwidth]{usco-ebs-lcfits.pdf}
\caption{Phased $K2$ light curves (black points) with best-fitting {\sc jktebop}\ models (red curves). Residuals are plotted below the model fits. Observational errors are determined by the RMS scatter in the out-of-eclipse portions of the light curves. From top to bottom, the periods of these three EBs are approximately 2.8 d, 4.5 d, and 1.4 d.}
\label{fig:bestfit}
\end{figure*}
Orbital parameters were determined from the detrended light curves using the {\sc jktebop}\footnote{http://www.astro.keele.ac.uk/jkt/codes/jktebop.html} orbit-fitting code \citep{southworth2004, southworth2007}. The code is based on the Eclipsing Binary Orbit Program \citep{popper1981, etzel1981}, which relies on the Nelson-Davis-Etzel biaxial ellipsoidal model for well-detached EBs \citep{nd1972, etzel1975}. {\sc jktebop}\ models the two components as biaxial spheroids for the calculation of the reflection and ellipsoidal effects, and as spheres for the eclipse shapes.
Our procedure of removing the out-of-eclipse variability also eliminates gravity darkening, reflected light, and ellipsoidal effects from the light curves. As such, parameters related to these effects are not included in the {\sc jktebop}\ modeling. Additionally, out-of-eclipse observations are masked in order to reduce the effect these observations have on the $\chi^2$ calculation and to expedite the fitting process. The RMS in the out of eclipse observations is taken as the constant observational error.
The code finds the best-fit model to a light curve through Levenberg-Marquardt (L-M) optimization. The initial L-M fitting procedure requires reasonable estimates of the orbital parameters to be determined. Period estimates were obtained using Lomb-Scargle \citep{lomb1976, scargle1982} and Box-fitting Least Squares \citep{kovacs2002} periodogram analyses. Approximations of the ephemeris timebase, $T_0$, were obtained by manually phase-folding the light curves on the periodogram period.
Holding the period and ephemeris timebase fixed, initial L-M fits are performed in succession for the remaining orbital parameters: the surface brightness ratio, $J=(T_\mathrm{eff,2}/T_\mathrm{eff,1})^4$ (which can be approximated by the ratio of the eclipse depths for circular orbits), the sum of the relative radii, $(R_1+R_2)/a$, the ratio of the radii, $k=R_2/R_1$, the orbital inclination, $i$, and the quantities $e\cos\omega$ and $e\sin\omega$, where $e$ and $\omega$ are the eccentricity and periastron longitude, respectively. In systems where contaminating light from neighboring stars is suspected, the so-called ``third light'' parameter, $l_3$, is also investigated as a free parameter. The third light parameter is defined as a constant, such that the sum of the total system light is unity in the out-of-eclipse portions of the light curve. Additionally, in \S~\ref{subsec:star387}, we incorporate radial velocities (RVs) in the fitting procedure, introducing free parameters corresponding to the RV semi-amplitudes of each star in an EB ($K_1$, $K_2$), and the systemic RV, $\gamma$. Analysis of the RVs produces a precise estimate of the mass ratio, $q=M_2/M_1$.
After successively increasing the number of free parameters in the fit, a final L-M fit was performed allowing all relevant parameters to be free. In modeling each system, we assumed a linear limb-darkening law for both components and held the limb-darkening coefficients fixed at reasonable values, discussed further in \S~\ref{sec:individual}.
The integration times of {\it Kepler}\ long cadence data are comparable to the eclipse durations, resulting in ``phase-smearing'' of the light curve. The long exposure times were accounted for in {\sc jktebop}\ by numerically integrating the model light curves at ten points in a total time interval of 1766 seconds, corresponding to the {\it Kepler}\ long cadence duration.
Robust statistical errors on the best-fit model parameters are then found through repeated Monte Carlo (MC) simulations in which Gaussian white noise commensurate to the observational errors is added to the best-fit model. A new L-M fit is performed on the perturbed best-fit model and the new parameters are saved as links in the MC chain. The final orbital parameters for each system are then given by the original L-M best-fit, with uncertainties given by the standard deviations determined from the MC parameter distributions.
Figure~\ref{fig:bestfit} shows the detrended and phased $K2$ photometry and the best-fit {\sc jktebop}\ models, while Tables~\ref{tab:epic387table},~\ref{tab:epic608table}, and~\ref{tab:epic597table} present final values and uncertainties for the fitted orbital parameters derived from corresponding parameter distributions. We note that there are many plausible and excellent fits to the light curves from a statistical robustness perspective, and the L-M approach constrains the parameter combinations based on mutual satisfaction of standard $\chi^2$ constraints.
\section{Overview of System and Primary/Secondary Parameter Estimation}
\label{sec:stellarparams}
For each of our eclipsing binary systems we have collected available catalog and literature data to assess membership and stellar/disk parameters, as reported in Tables~\ref{tab:epic387table}, ~\ref{tab:epic608table}, and ~\ref{tab:epic597table} and in the discussion below. Spectral energy distributions (SEDs) constructed from broadband photometry for each system are presented in Figure~\ref{fig:sed}. We supplement the literature data with our own spectroscopic observations which allow us to establish or validate spectral type, and confirm membership.
An important discriminant between likely members and probable non-members in young clusters and moving groups is kinematic information. \cite{lodieu2013} derived a mean proper motion for the previously claimed Upper Sco cluster members of $\mu_\alpha=-8.6$ mas yr$^{-1}$ and $\mu_\delta=-19.6$ mas yr$^{-1}$, which they noted as a relative value that differs somewhat from the \citet{dezeeuw1999} Hipparcos value on an absolute astrometric frame of $\mu_\alpha =-11$ mas yr$^{-1}$ and $\mu_\delta=-25$ mas yr$^{-1}$. To assess membership likelihood we made use of proper motions reported in the UCAC4 \citep{zacharias2013} and/or PPMXL \citep{roeser2010} catalogs.
We further assess membership based on radial velocities from the HIRES data.
The details for the individual EB systems are discussed below.
Finally, for all three EB systems, the H$\alpha$ emission and \ion{Li}{1} 6707.8 \AA\ absorption line strengths illustrated in Figure~\ref{fig:spectra}, discussed above, are consistent with the expectations for young active low mass stars.
Having assessed membership, we used literature and our own HIRES-derived spectral types to estimate effective temperature based on empirical calibrations for pre-MS stars, and then incorporated 2MASS photometry to calculate combined system luminosities. The near-infrared colors of all three sources are slightly redder than expected from young star intrinsic colors, suggesting a modest amount ($A_V\sim$ 1-3 mag) of reddening. From the spectral type and broadband SED we calculated the extinction, and then the corresponding $J$-band based luminosity (which also assumes the cluster distance, here assumed to be the \cite{dezeeuw1999} value of 145$\pm$13 pc).
For those systems in which we could measure the radial velocities of both eclipsing components (EPIC 203710387 and EPIC 203868608), we directly determined the masses and radii through mutual fitting of the light curves, radial velocity time series, and spectroscopic flux ratios. In these cases, distance-independent luminosities are determined from the temperatures (based on spectral types) and radii using the Stefan-Boltzmann law and an assumed value of $T_\odot = 5771.8 \pm 0.7$ K\footnote{From the total solar irradiance \citep{kopp2011}, the solar radius \citep{haberreiter2008}, the IAU 2009 definition of the AU, and the CODATA 2010 value of the Stefan-Boltzmann constant.}. For EPIC 203476597, in which the secondary lines were too weak to measure reliable radial velocities, we estimated the primary radius from its projected rotational velocity, $v\sin{i}$, and rotational period. The secondary radius is then determined from the orbit-fitting results. Model-dependent masses for the components of this system are derived from interpolation between PARSEC models \citep{bressan2012}. We used either PARSEC or \cite{baraffe2015}, hereafter BHAC15, pre-main sequence evolutionary models to also estimate the ages of each system.
\section{Results and Discussion of Individual Eclipsing Binaries}
\label{sec:individual}
For each system we now discuss characteristics of the raw $K2$ photometry, the details of the light curve detrending procedure, and the results of the orbital and stellar parameter determinations using methods described above. In each case, we have sampled a range of possible orbital parameter fits and assessed Monte Carlo parameter distributions of all fitted parameters, in some cases needing to constrain or fix certain parameters in order to produce physically reasonable overall solutions. For each fitted parameter, uncertainties are derived from Monte Carlo error propagation after including the uncertainties in anchoring stellar properties.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.33\textwidth]{epic387-sed.pdf}
\includegraphics[width=0.33\textwidth]{epic608-sed.pdf}
\includegraphics[width=0.33\textwidth]{epic597-sed.pdf}
\caption{Available USNO $BV$, 2MASS $JHK$, UKIDSS $ZYJHK$, and WISE $W1$, $W2$, $W3$, $W4$ photometry or 1$\sigma$ upper limits (downward pointing triangles) compared to NextGen2 model atmospheres. For both {EPIC\,203710387}\ and {EPIC\,203868608}, a model atmosphere with $T_\mathrm{eff}$ = 3000 K and $\log{g}$ = 4.0 fits the photometry well. Adopting $A_V=0.9$ mag (red line) produces a better fit to the photometry than an unreddened photosphere (black line). Although the stars have the same spectral type, and {EPIC\,203710387}\ is a clear double-line system with approximately equal size/temperature and therefore presumably luminosity components, {EPIC\,203868608}\ is the brighter source. For {EPIC\,203476597}\ a 5200 K model is adopted, requiring $A_V=3.0$ mag (red line) to match the SED. The $A_V$ values illustrated here are refined in the text based on a match to $J-H$ colors.}
\label{fig:sed}
\end{figure*}
\subsection{EPIC 203710387}
\label{subsec:star387}
This system is comprised of nearly identical M4.5 or M5 components in a circular orbit with period $\approx$2.8 d. Separated by $\sim$5 R$_\odot$, or $\sim$11 stellar radii, and inclined $\sim$83$^\circ$ to our line-of-sight, the stars undergo partial or grazing eclipses of nearly equal depths. As noted earlier, the system is double-lined, and radial velocity measurements indicate approximately equal mass components.
A 1.5-pixel radius aperture was found to produce the highest quality $K2$ light curve. Primary and secondary eclipses of $\sim$7\% depth each are notable in the raw photometry (see Fig.~\ref{fig:lightcurve}). The low-pass flux is a significant improvement over the raw flux, but only in the first half of the campaign where the centroid drifts are smaller. Over the entire campaign, the low-pass flux has a higher noise level than the raw photometry, so in this instance the raw photometry was selected for further correction.
After applying the detrending procedure, the phased light curve was divided into 100 bins. In each phase bin the mean flux and standard deviation were computed and 3-$\sigma$ outliers were identified, resulting in the exclusion of an additional 38 observations across the entire campaign.
The 2.5 hr and 6.5 hr quasi-CDPP of the detrended light curve (including in-transit observations) are 1313 ppm and 886 ppm, respectively. In this case, the detrending provides a $\sim$20\% improvement over the raw photometry on 6.5 hr timescales or $\sim$5\% improvement on 2.5 hr timescales. Inspection of the broader dataset revealed that hundreds of other light curves from Campaign 2 display the same variation in quality between the first and second halves of the time series. Though considering only observations from the first half yields a more precise light curve, we opted to include all of the observations for the benefit of sampling additional transits.
The star is included in Table 1 of \cite{lm2012}, which lists properties of known Upper Sco members, however, there is a lack of literature on this source prior to that work. The star was then identified as a candidate member by \cite{lodieu2013} based on both its proper motion and location in an infrared color-magnitude diagram. The two independent measurements of the proper motion, ($\mu_\alpha, \mu_\delta = -11.8 \pm 5.1, -28.0 \pm 5.1$ mas~yr$^{-1}$) from \cite{roeser2010} and ($\mu_\alpha, \mu_\delta = -12.30 \pm 1.82, -19.96 \pm 1.82$ mas~yr$^{-1}$) from \cite{lodieu2013},\footnote{Notably, proper motion measurements for {EPIC\,203710387}\ are not included in UCAC4 \citep{zacharias2013} or URAT1 \citep{zacharias2015}.} are consistent with one another, and with the mean values among Upper Sco members with $\chi^2 < 1-2$ (depending on which values are adopted). There is no evidence for circumstellar material around {EPIC\,203710387}, with the object too faint for WISE in its two longest bands. The location is south and west of the main $\rho$ Oph cluster, in a relatively lower extinction region.
An M5 spectral type was reported by \cite{lm2012}. From our HIRES spectrum we estimate a spectral type of M4.5 and report both H$\alpha$ emission and lithium absorption, confirming the youth of {EPIC\,203710387}\ (see Fig.~\ref{fig:spectra}). As an external consistency check, we constructed an SED from the available broadband photometry and compared it with artificially reddened NextGen2 model atmospheres based on \cite{hauschildt1999} to find plausible combinations of spectral type and $A_V$ (see Fig.~\ref{fig:sed}). We found that a model atmosphere having $T_\text{eff}$\ = 3000 K (corresponding to approximately spectral type M5), $\log{g}$ = 4.0, and $A_V$ = 0.8 mag provides a good match to the broadband photometry, though we refine both the temperature and extinction below.
We also compared broadband colors with the empirical spectral type - color - temperature relations of HH15 and \cite{pm2013}, hereafter PM13. The $J-H$ color evolves rapidly in the pre-main sequence and is not well-reproduced by evolutionary models. The 2MASS $J-H=0.655\pm0.033$ mag color of {EPIC\,203710387}\ is consistent on the HH15 color scale with an M4 spectral type if similar to `young' 3-8 Myr old moving group members, but an M0-M3 spectral type if more similar to `old' 20-30 Myr moving group members. On the PM13 color scale appropriate for 5-30 Myr old stars, the $J-H$ color suggests an M2-M4 star. The quoted UKIDSS photometry produces $J-H=0.567\pm0.002$, more consistent with a young M5 star according to both HH15 and PM13. Allowance for a small amount of reddening would argue for earlier spectral types on these color scales.
We conclude that the near-infrared photometry as well as the broader SED are consistent with the previously determined M5 spectral type for a young pre-main sequence age, so we adopt this spectral type in what follows. The corresponding effective temperature from HH15 (their Table 2) is $T_\text{eff}$\ = 2980 K, or from PM13 $T_\text{eff}$\ = 2880 K. We adopt the former along with an uncertainty of $\pm$ 75 K in $T_\text{eff}$\ to account for a possible 0.5 subclass error in the spectral type, as suggested by \cite{hh2015}.
We find from the photometry that $A_V=1.2\pm0.3$ mag and the $J$-band based system luminosity $\log{(L/L_\odot)}=-1.64 \pm 0.08$, where the error terms come from Monte Carlo sampling of the allowed error in temperature, but for luminosity are dominated by the uncertainty in the distance. This calculation places the object in the middle of the Upper Sco temperature-luminosity sequence, reaffirming its presumed youth and membership. From the luminosity estimates and the plausible effective temperature range, and assuming equal luminosity components (consistent with the nearly equal mass components), we estimate the individual stellar radii at $0.40 \pm 0.04$ R$_\odot$\ each. Direct radii measurements are derived later from combination of the light curve and RVs, but are broadly consistent with this approximation.
The M4.5 radial velocity standard GJ388 \citep{nidever2002}, was used to measure absolute RVs from the HIRES spectrum. Several spectral orders with high signal-to-noise were chosen to produce multiple measurements per observation. In the orbital parameter fitting, an individual RV measurement for each epoch was derived from a weighted average of individual measurements from separate orders of the spectrograph. The {\sc jktebop}\ code is capable of fitting light curves and RV curves simultaneously, but only considering one RV curve at a time. The systemic velocities for each component were forced to be equal, and the resulting best-fit value ($\gamma \sim$ -3 km~s$^{-1}$) is consistent with values typical of Upper Sco members \citep{dezeeuw1999, mohanty2004, kurosawa2006}. The radial velocity curves for both components and best-fitting models are shown in Figure~\ref{fig:rv}.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.99\textwidth]{usco-eb-rvs.pdf}
\caption{For each EB studied here, the radial velocity curve (upper panel) and best-fit residuals (lower panel). The measurements are phase-folded on the best-fit period from simultaneous fitting of RVs and the $K2$ light curve with {\sc jktebop}. The red and blue points and curves are the observations and best-fit model, for the primary and secondary components, respectively. Each point indicates the weighted mean radial velocity derived from measurements over several spectral orders within a single spectrum. Each measurement receives a weight equal to the inverse of the variance. The error bars represent the corresponding standard deviation between the multiple measurements, which in the top panel are smaller than the points themselves. In the case of EPIC 203868608, which is a triple system, two measurements at essentially the mean systemic velocity of Upper Sco ($\sim$-4 km~s$^{-1}$) are indicated by the black crosses. These measurements are likely compromised due to the low expected velocity separation that is comparable to the spectrograph resolution, and were consequently excluded from the RV fits in order to obtain a good fit.}
\label{fig:rv}
\end{figure*}
It is typically considered good practice to allow limb darkening coefficients to be free parameters when fitting light curves, given that these coefficients are largely uncalibrated \citep{southworth2007}. However, as noted by \cite{gillen2014}, {\sc jktebop}\ is susceptible to allowing non-physical limb-darkening parameters to find a good fit. Furthermore, grazing eclipses do not contain enough information to constrain the limb-darkening coefficients. We find that allowing the limb-darkening parameters to vary does not change the other fitted parameters significantly, so we hold the limb-darkening coefficients fixed. We assumed a linear limb-darkening law for both components, setting the coefficient $u=0.888$, corresponding to the mean of all values calculated by \cite{claret2012} satisfying 2780 K $\leq T_\mathrm{eff} \leq$ 3180 K and 4.0 dex $\leq \log{g} \leq$ 4.5 dex, appropriate for an M4.5-M5 PMS star.
Initial attempts to fit the photometry to model light curves revealed strong degeneracies between the stellar radii related parameters, inclination, and surface brightness ratio, in large part due to the quite poorly constrained parameter, $k=R_2/R_1$. This is expected: for detached EBs with similar components in a grazing configuration, the sum of the fractional radii is well-defined (depending mainly on the inclination and eclipse durations), but the eclipse shapes are relatively insensitive to the ratio of the radii \citep{andersen1980, southworth2007}.
The degeneracy is so strong that allowing $R_2/R_1$ to be a free parameter resulted in a best-fit that suggested nearly equal mass components ($<10\%$ difference in the masses, which are well constrained by the RVs) but with a $\sim$35\% difference in the radii, such that the more massive component was smaller. Although this solution provided a good fit, it implied a physically unlikely scenario in which the more massive component would be nearly a factor of 10 older than the secondary when compared to BHAC15 mass-radius isochrones. Notably, however, the large uncertainties did admit that the radii were consistent within $2\sigma$ with being equal size.
From the HIRES spectra, we measured spectroscopic flux ratios at each epoch from the relative heights of the two distinct cross-correlation function peaks (presented in Table~\ref{table:rvs}). We provide these flux ratio time series data as input in the final modeling with {\sc jktebop}\ which effectively breaks the degeneracy in the ratio of radii noted above. The final orbital parameters (including masses and radii, given the presence of RVs), which are the result of 5,000 MC simulations with {\sc jktebop}\ are presented in Table~\ref{tab:epic387table}. Figure~\ref{fig:staircase} shows distributions of selected parameters derived from the MC fitting procedure.
We explored a solution to the light curve and radial velocities in which $e\cos\omega$ and $e\sin\omega$ were adjusted parameters, as well as one in which the eccentricity is assumed zero. These two solutions (presented in Table~\ref{tab:epic387table}) show very good agreement in most adjusted and derived parameters, and indeed the best-fit eccentricity is within 2-$\sigma$ of zero. However, the $\chi^2_\mathrm{red}$ is significantly lower in the eccentric case, and close inspection of light curve (see Fig.~\ref{fig:lightcurve}) confirms that the secondary eclipse occurs just slightly before phase=0.5. As such, we ultimately adopt the eccentric orbital parameters and subsequently derived quantities in our final analysis.
Though, it is interesting to note that the circular orbit solution leads to a temperature ratio much closer to unity, $T_\mathrm{eff,2}/T_\mathrm{eff,1}=0.984\pm0.004$, relative to the temperature ratio favored by the eccentric solution, $T_\mathrm{eff,2}/T_\mathrm{eff,1}=0.953\pm0.019$. Both solutions suggest the secondary is larger than the primary, though the circular solution favors a ratio of radii very close to one, $k=1.009\pm0.017$, compared with the eccentric solution value of $k=1.077\pm0.045$. Notably, with such a short orbital period and well-constrained age, this system should be quite valuable for studies of pre-MS circularization timescales.
The final masses and radii of the two components of {EPIC\,203710387}, resulting from the equal-radii light curve solution, suggest an age of $\sim$ 10-11 Myr for the system when adopting the BHAC15 models and circular solution parameters (the median ages and 1-$\sigma$ errors are $11.6\pm0.4$ Myr for the primary, and $9.9\pm0.3$ Myr for the secondary, from interpolation between isochrones in the mass-radius plane). If we consider a more traditional age for Upper Sco of 5 Myr, the implication is that the BHAC15 models over-predict the radii by $\sim 25-35\%$ for a given mass and age.
From the bolometric luminosity, the best-fit luminosity ratio ($L_2/L_1 \approx k^2 J$, for circular orbits), and the directly determined stellar radii we can compute the effective temperatures of each component. We calculated $T_\mathrm{eff,1}=2940\pm150$ K and $T_\mathrm{eff,2}=2800\pm150$ K, where the uncertainties come from standard error propagation. The placement of each component in $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{g}$ space relative to BHAC15 isochrones is consistent with an age of $\sim$11-14 Myr, though the corresponding model masses are underestimated by a factor of 2. Allowing for temperatures $\sim$175-200 K hotter, while holding $\log{g}$ fixed, brings the model-predicted masses into better agreement with the dynamical measurements and lowers the age of each component by $\sim$1 Myr. If we instead assume a primary temperature from the spectral type, we obtain temperatures of $T_\mathrm{eff,1}=2980\pm75$ K and $T_\mathrm{eff,2}=2840\pm90$ K, which helps to resolve some of the model discrepancies in mass and age noted above. Assuming these temperatures and the directly measured radii, we then calculate \emph{distance-independent} luminosities of $L_1=0.0124\pm0.0014$ L$_\odot$\ and $L_2=0.0119\pm0.0016$ L$_\odot$. We ultimately adopt the temperatures based on the spectral type and the distance-independent luminosities in our final analysis.
With a period of approximately 2.8 d and a separation of only $\sim$11 stellar radii, the system is quite compact. However, it still meets the criterion for detachment. Using the precise mass ratio derived from RVs, we calculate the effective Roche lobe radius for the system to be $\approx$ 37\% of the separation, or $\approx$1.9 R$_\odot$, from the formula of \cite{eggleton1983}.
Eclipsing binary light curves, and thus the parameters derived from them, are susceptible to the level of extraneous light from other stars in the photometric aperture. This contamination from nearby sources, whether associated or not, is known as third light in the EB literature. The effect of third light on EB light curves is to decrease the depths of eclipses and mimic a system with lower inclination \citep{kallrath2009}. To assess potential sources of contamination, {EPIC\,203710387}\ was imaged with Keck/NIRC2 in a $K_p$ (2.12 $\mu$m) filter on May 27, 2015 UT. The dithered mosaic covered a $15''\times15''$ region, but due to the dither pattern used, the upper $\sim$ 5.8\arcsec$\times$5.8\arcsec region in the northeast quadrant of the mosaic was not covered. A star was detected that is 3.6 mag fainter than {EPIC\,203710387}, at a position angle of $\sim$332\arcdeg\ measured east of north and separation of 1.6$''$. This nearby source is unaccounted for in the light curve modeling, but likely contaminates the $K2$ photometry at the few percent level.
We explored the possibility of fixing the third light parameter at 3.6\%, corresponding to the contamination in $K_p$. This trial resulted in a slightly higher $\chi^2_\mathrm{red}$ than our best-fit solution presented in Table~\ref{tab:epic387table}, and masses and radii that change within error of our reported values. As such, we choose to ignore third light for this system but note it may indeed introduce an additional few percent uncertainty in the absolute radii, though not nearly enough to favor an age as young as 5 Myr in the mass-radius plane.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.99\textwidth]{epic387-triangle.pdf}
\caption{ Distributions of selected free and derived parameters and their pairs from the MC fitting procedure in the circular orbit fit for {EPIC\,203710387}. The 0.5-, 1.0-, 1.5-, and 2.0-$\sigma$ contours are drawn. The dashed lines in the 1D parameter distributions represent the median and 68\% confidence intervals of the distribution. This plot was created using the \texttt{triangle} {\sc Python} code (Foreman-Mackey et al. 2014, DOI:10.5281/zenodo.11020).}
\label{fig:staircase}
\end{figure*}
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.475\textwidth]{usco-isochrones-sq.pdf}
\caption{Isochrones in the mass-radius (top) and temperature-luminosity (bottom) planes with the three EBs discussed here and two other low-mass systems in Upper Sco: both components of UScoCTIO 5 \citep{kraus2015} and the primary of the triple system ScoPMS 20 \citep{mace2012}. The BHAC15, PARSEC v1.2s \citep{bressan2012, chen2014}, \cite{siess2000}, and Pisa \citep{tognelli2011} pre-MS evolutionary models at solar metallicity (Z=0.02) are considered for comparison. The two components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ are overlapping in the mass-radius plane. UScoCTIO 5 and {EPIC\,203710387}\ have fundamentally determined masses and radii; errors are smaller than the points themselves. The eclipsing components of {EPIC\,203868608}\ also have fundamentally determined masses and radii, though large uncertainties remain for this system, particularly in the luminosities, for the reasons discussed in \S~\ref{subsec:star608}. The tertiary of this system does not have fundamentally determined parameters and hence is represented by the filled black triangle. All other systems have parameters that depend on models and/or empirical relations. In the lower panel, the equal-temperature, equal-luminosity components of UScoCTIO 5 are offset for clarity. No single isochrone can reproduce the fundamentally determined masses and radii of both the {EPIC\,203710387}\ and the UScoCTIO 5 systems.}
\label{fig:isochrones}
\end{figure}
\subsection{EPIC 203868608}
\label{subsec:star608}
High-angular resolution imaging revealed that this system is likely a hierarchical triple, with the EB components in an eccentric 4.5 d orbit and an M-type companion within 20 AU. Orbital motion of tens of km~s$^{-1}$\ was detected with six epochs of Keck-I/HIRES spectroscopy, indicating the M4.5-M5 type which dominates the spectrum must be the primary component of the EB. The system is double-lined, and though we find a good model fit for only one of the RV curves (see Fig.~\ref{fig:rv}), there is compelling evidence that the sum of the RV semi-amplitudes is $<$60 km~s$^{-1}$, corresponding to a total system mass of $M_1+M_2 \lesssim$ 0.1 M$_\odot$. If confirmed, this would constitute only the second double-lined eclipsing brown dwarf binary to date, the first being 2MASS J05352184–0546085 in Orion \citep{stassun2006, stassun2007}.
A 2-pixel aperture produced the highest quality $K2$ photometry, and the raw flux (rather than the low-pass flux) was selected for further correction. The light curve exhibits both narrower 12.5\% primary and broader 10\% secondary eclipses, indicating a non-negligible eccentricity, with period 4.54 days. There is also a superposed sinusoidal pattern likely due to rotation with a period just over 1 day, as well as longer time scale variations.
After applying the detrending procedure, the phased light curve was divided into 100 bins. In each phase bin the mean flux and standard deviation were computed and 3-$\sigma$ outliers were identified, resulting in the exclusion of an additional 54 observations across the entire campaign. The observational errors were determined from the RMS scatter of the out-of-eclipse observations taken during the first half of the campaign, which have a slightly higher noise level than the second half for this particular system.
The colors of the primary are quite red, corresponding to a late M spectral type, with an M5 star consistent with the HIRES spectrum. Proper motion is not available in UCAC4 but the values in PPMXL ($\mu_\alpha, \mu_\delta = 1.3, -19.6$ mas~yr$^{-1}$) are inconsistent with Sco membership at the $>3.5\sigma$ level, perhaps due to astrometric contamination from the faint closely projected companion. Nevertheless, our detection of Li absorption and H$\alpha$ emission confirm the youth of the system. The source is located due west of the embedded $\rho$ Oph cluster, close to {EPIC\,203710387}\ in fact.
As with {EPIC\,203710387}, we adopt an effective temperature of $T_\text{eff}$=2980$\pm$75 K, from the empirical calibration of HH15. Monte Carlo error propagation of 50,000 points drawn from a normal distribution in $T_\text{eff}$\ was used to determine $A_V$ and bolometric luminosity.
We adopt the same analysis approach used for {EPIC\,203710387}\ and assume a linear limb-darkening law for both EB components, setting the coefficient $u=0.888$, corresponding to the mean of all values calculated by \cite{claret2012} satisfying 2780 K $\leq T_\mathrm{eff} \leq$ 3180 K and 4.0 dex $\leq \log{g} \leq$ 4.5 dex, appropriate for an M4.5-M5 PMS star.
Radial velocities were acquired over six epochs with HIRES. Though the system is double-lined, only one velocity component (at roughly -5 km~s$^{-1}$) could be extracted from the spectra at two epochs, corresponding to phases $\sim$0.4 and 0.6. Somewhat conspicuously, these two epochs are approximately equidistant in phase from the predicted time of secondary eclipse, as demonstrated in Figure~\ref{fig:rv}. The expected velocity separation at these epochs is only a few times the resolution of the spectrograph and we were unable to distinguish two peaks in the cross-correlation function, only a single peak with the quoted velocity, which is near systemic for the binary. In our final mutual fit of the $K2$ light curve and HIRES RVs, we exclude these two discrepant observations, which are not obviously associated with either component. We also measured spectroscopic flux ratios from the HIRES data for each of the four epochs included in the radial velocity fitting. We estimated the flux ratios from the relative heights of the two distinct cross-correlation function peaks. These flux ratios were included as input in the {\sc jktebop}\ modeling and helped to constrain the ratio of radii.
The total system luminosity is $\log{(L_\mathrm{bol}/L_\odot)}=-1.14 \pm 0.08$, where the uncertainty is dominated by the uncertainty in distance. Despite their similar spectral types, {EPIC\,203868608}\ has a luminosity that is larger by a factor of $\sim$3 than that of {EPIC\,203710387}. The cluster distance was assumed in the luminosity calculations, and given the significant cluster depth ($\sigma_d/d \approx$ 9\%), we considered the possibility that different distances could account for some of the luminosity discrepancy. If we allow for a 2-$\sigma_d$ separation in the line-of-sight distance between the two systems, {EPIC\,203868608}\ is still more than twice as luminous as {EPIC\,203710387}. We therefore conclude that differing distances is unlikely to account for the entire luminosity discrepancy between the two systems.
High angular resolution imaging of the system revealed nearby sources which partially resolves the luminosity discrepancy noted above. A snapshot image taken on July 14, 2015 UT with the MAGIQ guide camera on Keck/HIRES revealed a fainter source with $\Delta m$ = 3.58 $\pm$ 0.10 mag that at $\sim$4\arcsec\ separation is blended with {EPIC\,203868608}\ in the $K2$ aperture. Additionally, there is a source $<15$\arcsec\ to the southeast with $\Delta m$ = 1.45 $\pm$ 0.01 mag fainter than {EPIC\,203868608}\ that is partially enclosed by the $K2$ aperture (see the middle right panel of Fig.~\ref{fig:stamp}, in which this source is resolved in DSS2).
Keck/NIRC2 images obtained on July 25, 2015 UT then revealed a nearly equal brightness ($\Delta J = 0.278 \pm 0.034$ mag, $\Delta K_p = 0.316 \pm 0.021$ mag) companion at a projected separation of 0.12\arcsec. At the distance of Upper Sco, this corresponds to a separation of $<20$ AU, indicating the second source is likely a bound companion. We then propose that the eclipses provide evidence that {EPIC\,203868608}\ is a hierarchical triple system. Additionally, there exists a more widely separated source to the southeast with $\Delta K_p = 5.11 \pm 0.021$ mag fainter than the brighter component of the nearly equal-brightness pair.
For the remaining discussion, we will assume a primary is being eclipsed by a secondary to remain consistent with the language used to this point. We then designate the third more distant, and presumably single, companion as the tertiary.
The NIRC2 imaging indicates a flux (and thus luminosity) ratio between the two near-equal-brightness components of $\sim$0.75-0.80 in $J$-band or $\sim$0.73-0.76 in $K_p$. For the remaining discussion, we will approximate the NIRC2 flux ratio as 0.765$\pm$0.035, the mean of the lower limit set by the $K_p$ band and the $J$-band upper limit. At present, however, we can not say with certainty which component of the pair is the presumably single star and which is the EB. Thus, we consider two general scenarios: (1) in which the tertiary is more luminous than the combined luminosities of the EB components, and (2) in which the tertiary is fainter than the combined EB luminosity.
For each of the two scenarios above, we calculate the expected third light parameters given the measured flux ratios of the tertiary and all other contaminating sources within the aperture. We consider the contributions from all of the blended sources discussed above, as well as the relatively bright source that is only partially enclosed by the $K2$ aperture. For this partially enclosed source, we consider a range of values for the fraction of light enclosed by the aperture. In the absence of other data, we assume the contamination from the tertiary in the {\it Kepler}\ bandpass is equal to the measured NIRC2 contamination.
In the first scenario, in which the tertiary luminosity exceeds the EB combined luminosity, the EB contributes approximately 40\% of the total system light in the $K2$ light curve, accounting for both the tertiary and fainter contaminating sources in the aperture. This implies a third light parameter of $l_3=0.59$, if only 5\% of the light from the partially enclosed source is contaminating the aperture, or as high as $l_3=0.63$ if half of the light from this source is enclosed.
When allowing the third light parameter to be free, the light curve fitting favors the first scenario, settling on a best fit with a third light parameter of $l_3=0.684\pm0.016$. Assuming $L_\mathrm{bol}=L_1+L_2+L_3$ (with no additional sources of contamination), and using the NIRC2 measured flux ratio, and EB luminosity ratio, $L_2/L_1$, that arise from the best fit model, we determine EB component luminosities of $L_1=0.0146\pm0.0029$ L$_\odot$, $L_2=0.0146\pm0.0029$, and a tertiary luminosity of $L_3=0.0428\pm0.0060$ L$_\odot$. From combination of the light curve and radial velocities, this fit results in EB component masses and radii of $M_1 = 0.02216 \pm 0.00045$ M$_\odot$, $M_2 = 0.02462 \pm 0.00055$ M$_\odot$, $R_1 = 0.2823 \pm 0.0051$ R$_\odot$, $R_2 = 0.2551 \pm 0.0036$ R$_\odot$. We note that the luminosities calculated above are overluminous by a factor of three given the measured effective temperatures and radii. For the radii favored by the fit, and the temperatures we measure from the spectral type and $J$, the implied luminosities are $L_1=0.0046\pm0.0005$ L$_\odot$\ and identically $L_2=0.0046\pm0.0005$ L$_\odot$.
However, this scenario, in which the tertiary is more than twice as luminous as either the primary or secondary, is incongruous with the detection of orbital motion of tens of km~s$^{-1}$\ in the Keck-I/HIRES spectra. If the tertiary was so luminous, contributing more than half the total system light, it should be readily detectable as a distinct component from the M4.5-M5 primary which exhibits the large radial velocity shifts.
Nevertheless, for completeness, we calculate the EB parameters implied by the best-fit light curve model in this first scenario. Notably, the best-fit model suggests a ``secondary'' that is slightly hotter, more massive, but smaller than the primary. However, we stress that there are unquantifiable uncertainties due to the fact that the RVs for only one component are well fit by the models. If we assume the HH15 M5 temperature of $T_\mathrm{eff,1}=2980\pm75$ K for the primary in this scenario, then the radius implied by the luminosity is $R_1\approx0.40\pm 0.04$ R$_\odot$, consistent with the radii of the components of {EPIC\,203710387}, but discrepant at the 3-$\sigma$ level with the radius implied by our light curve and radial velocity fit. We note that the spectral type we find is earlier than the M6.5 spectral type of the eclipsing brown dwarf binary found in the younger Orion Nebula \citep{stassun2006, stassun2007}. For comparison, the primary of that system has a mass of $M$=0.054$\pm$0.005 M$_\odot$\ and temperature of $T_\text{eff}$=2650$\pm$100 K (from the spectral type).
Meanwhile, the HIRES spectrum shows no evidence for a component earlier than M4.5. Thus, the tertiary must have a similar temperature and, given its large luminosity, a radius of $R_3\approx0.83\pm0.09$ R$_\odot$. However, we again emphasize that if the tertiary is indeed so luminous it should have been detected as a distinct peak in the cross-correlation functions.
Evidence in favor of this first scenario is found when comparing the near-IR brightnesses predicted by models for brown dwarfs and stellar mass M-types, with the measured NIRC2 magnitude differences. If we assume the system is composed of a single M5 star (the wide tertiary at $\sim$ 20 AU) with an eclipsing pair that are equal in brightness to each other in either $K$- or $J$-band, we can use the $K$- and $J$-band magnitude differences from NIRC2 to interpolate between evolutionary models and estimate the masses of the eclipsing pair. For example, BHAC15 models predict an M5 star (here approximated as a 0.1 M$_\odot$\ star) at 10 Myr should have $K$=6.60 mag, $J$=7.44 mag. Holding the age fixed, two brown dwarfs of $\sim$0.03 M$_\odot$\ could reproduce the NIRC2 magnitude differences in either $J$ or $K$. Allowing the age to be as young as 3 Myr would imply an eclipsing pair of $\sim$0.04 M$_\odot$\ brown dwarfs.
In the second scenario, the EB combined luminosity is greater than the tertiary luminosity. In this case, the EB contributes approximately 50\% of the total system light in the $K2$ light curve, depending on the fraction of light included from the partially enclosed source. The range of third light parameters corresponding to 5-50\% containment of the partially enclosed source is $l_3=0.46-0.52$.
In this scenario, we can no longer rely on a light curve model that has a third light parameter $>55\%$. We perform a new light curve fit using 1,000 MC simulations and fixing third light to $l_3=0.50$. Possibly supporting this scenario are the NIRC2 $J-K_p$ colors of the components in the equal-brightness pair, which are 1.064 $\pm$ 0.033 and 1.073 $\pm$ 0.023 (both uncorrected for reddening). Such similar colors suggest the tertiary and the EB primary have quite similar temperatures. However, we note that the BHAC15 models predict $J-K$ colors that change very little ($<0.1$ mag) with either mass or age in the mass range of 0.1-0.3 M$_\odot$\ and the age range 1-15 Myr.
The best fit light curve in the second scenario has a reduced-$\chi^2$ that is slightly higher than that of the first scenario (1.24 compared to 1.18, for the masked light curve). In this second case, the EB radii ratio is significantly smaller ($k = 0.6825\pm0.0081$), while the temperature ratio is $T_\mathrm{eff,2}/T_\mathrm{eff,1} \sim$ 1.22, from $J=2.187\pm0.015$. The component luminosities are such that $L_1=L_2=0.018\pm0.004$ L$_\odot$, and $L_3=0.036\pm0.007$ L$_\odot$. Since the ``secondary'' and tertiary have similar NIRC2 colors, we will assume they have equal temperatures in order to calculate the EB radii. The implied radii are then $R_1, R_2, R_3 = 0.746\pm0.082, 0.506\pm0.055, 0.712\pm0.078$ R$_\odot$, respectively. The primary effective temperature in this case is $T_\mathrm{eff,1}=2440\pm60$ K. This scenario is also somewhat difficult to imagine, given that it implies the ``primary'' is $\sim$500 K cooler than the secondary, but with a radius that is $\sim$50\% larger due to the fact that the spectroscopic flux ratios provide a strong constraint that the EB components have nearly equal luminosities. We also explored fits with lower levels of contamination, and note that the $\chi^2_\mathrm{red}$ of these fits increased monotonically with lower third light values.
Ultimately, we adopt parameters assuming the first scenario ($L_\mathrm{EB}<L_3$), using the HH15 temperature for an M5 star for the ``secondary'', and allowing the third light parameter to be free. The best-fit orbital parameters and their uncertainties, derived from 1,000 MC simulations with {\sc jktebop}, as well as derived parameters for all three components are presented in Table~\ref{tab:epic608table}. We do not attempt to finely characterize the tertiary, due to the numerous intermediate assumptions required in doing so. We note that the most robust information we have for the third component is that it has a similar brightness to the unresolved EB in $J$ and $K$, has a similar $J-K$ color, and is undetected in all epochs of our optical spectra.
We consider an alternative explanation for the simultaneous presence of a bright companion in the NIRC2 AO imaging and non-detection of a distinct third component in the HIRES spectra. If the closely projected source discovered in the AO images is not associated but instead a background M-giant, it may have a similar brightness and colors in the near-IR but be too faint to contribute significantly to the optical HIRES spectra. There are two primary difficulties in accepting this scenario: 1) at such a small projected separation ($\sim$0.1''), the probability that the source is unassociated is finite but low, and 2) the light curve modeling is highly suggestive that there is significant third light in the {\it Kepler}\ bandpass, which is primarily optical but does extend to $\sim$0.9 \micron.
We stress that unquantifiable uncertainties remain for the EB parameters of {EPIC\,203868608}, and that the quoted uncertainties are merely formal errors. In particular, the masses are highly uncertain due to the fact that only one component has RVs that are well fit by the model. As illustrated above, uncertainties in the radii-related parameters on the order of a few to tens of percent may also remain due to faulty assumptions regarding the precise optical third light value. However, we again emphasize that there is compelling evidence that the sum of the RV semi-amplitudes is $<$60 km~s$^{-1}$, which at the period implied by the light curve implies a total system mass $<$0.1 M$_\odot$, placing the components firmly in the brown dwarf mass regime. Furthermore, if the masses are indeed as low as $\sim$20 M$_\text{Jup}$, and if the tertiary is in fact associated, this system constitutes a unique and intriguing comparison to the population of brown dwarfs and high mass giant planets on wide orbits (tens of AU) that are routinely imaged around young, mostly early-type stars.
Comparing {EPIC\,203868608}\ with the compilation of pre-MS EBs and SBs presented in \cite{ismailov2014}, we note that independent of our difficulties above in determining the component parameters, this young system has the highest eccentricity for any pre-MS EB/SB system with a period below 10 days. However, the high eccentricity must also be considered in the context of the potential hierarchical triple nature of the system.
\subsection{EPIC 203476597}
\label{subsec:star597}
This system is comprised of a late-G type primary, with a likely mid-K-type secondary in a close circular orbit of period 1.4 d. The low inclination indicates grazing eclipses (and thus a poorly constrained radius ratio), and there is some evidence that the system is semi-detached.
A 5-pixel aperture produced the highest quality $K2$ photometry, which was selected for further correction. The raw light curve exhibits both $\sim$3.5\% primary and $\sim$2\% secondary eclipses with period 1.44 days (see Fig.~\ref{fig:lightcurve}). In addition, there is a roughly sinusoidal pattern due to rotation with a 3.21 day period. The 5-pixel aperture also contains a nearby star contributing $\sim$25\% of the total flux. Consequently, we subtracted the time-averaged flux from a 1.5-pixel aperture centered on the neighboring star. In principle, this subtraction removes dilution effects, restoring eclipses to their true depths. We note the eclipses became $\sim$1\% deeper after this subtraction. For each of the two stars, photometry was extracted from 1.5-pixel apertures to confirm EPIC 203476597 is the eclipsing source.
Twenty-two observations were discarded due to being flux outliers with quality flags indicating the spacecraft was in coarse pointing mode. The stellar variability was removed via four iterations of the cubic B-spline fit with 2-$\sigma$ outlier rejection upon each iteration. After removing the variability, an additional thirteen observations with flux levels 1-$\sigma$ \emph{above} the median were noted to be artifacts of the detrending procedure and were subsequently discarded. After the detrending procedure was applied, the phased light curve was divided into 100 bins. In each phase bin the mean and standard deviation were computed and 3-$\sigma$ outliers were identified, resulting in the exclusion of an additional 55 observations across the entire campaign.
According to \cite{rizzuto2015}, the primary is a G8 lithium-rich star with weak H$\alpha$ emission and a small amount of reddening ($A_V=1.3$ mag). Our spectrum is consistent with this type, though a K0 might be more appropriate for the line ratios seen in the HIRES spectrum. In order to fit the SED a higher value of the reddening is found, $A_V\sim3.0$ mag, which can be lower if a small infrared excess is permitted beyond 2 $\mu$m, and drops to no less than 2 mag allowing for a spectral type as late as K2. The considerable extinction is consistent with the star's location towards optical nebulosity in the vicinity of $\rho$ Oph, just southwest of the main embedded cluster.
The proper motion measurements reported in UCAC4 ($\mu_\alpha, \mu_\delta = -7.9, -19.9$ mas yr$^{-1}$) and PPMXL are consistent with membership in Upper Sco within $\chi^2 < 0.1-2.5$ (depending on which measurements and which mean cluster values are adopted). Aiding membership confirmation is the detection of both \ion{Li}{1} absorption and weak H$\alpha$ emission.
As noted in Figure~\ref{fig:spectra}, there are obvious changes in H$\alpha$ line profiles among spectra of this eclipsing system. Examining the difference and ratio of the spectra reveals the change in the lines more clearly, and suggests that the secondary possesses weak H$\alpha$ and \ion{Ca}{2} triplet core emission as well as \ion{Li}{1} absorption. It is challenging to infer an accurate spectral type from the spectral subtractions or ratios, but a mid-K (K2-K5) type is consistent with the data. Radial velocities obtained over seven epochs never exceeded 1.5 km~s$^{-1}$\ in magnitude, despite extensive coverage in orbital phase. However, we do note that from epoch to epoch, a large velocity shift is noted in the H$\alpha$ emission component: a positive $10\pm2$ km~s$^{-1}$\ shift was measured between the first and third epochs, separated by only a small phase difference, and a positive $98\pm2$ km~s$^{-1}$\ shift between the first and second epochs which differed by almost 0.2 in phase. These measurements seem to suggest that while the primary shifted by only $\sim$2 km~s$^{-1}$, from the first to second epochs, the secondary moved by $\approx$100 km~s$^{-1}$. The RVs are presented in Table~\ref{table:rvs}, and the primary RV curve is presented in Fig.~\ref{fig:rv}. Though a fit is not found to the RVs, we can use the non-detection of orbital motion in the lines of the primary to place an upper limit on the mass ratio of $q\sim0.03$, which would place the secondary in the substellar mass regime. This scenario is seemingly inconsistent with inferences from the HIRES spectra.
One possible explanation for the non-detection of orbital motion greater than a few km~s$^{-1}$\ in the primary is that the eclipses are due to an unassociated, young EB with low-mass components that are not detectable in the HIRES spectra, except for in H$\alpha$ emission, due to a low optical flux ratio with the G8-K0 star. In this scenario, dilution from the G8-KO star would dilute the eclipse depths of the EB and mimic a low inclination orbital configuration. More complete phase coverage is needed in the RV curve, but current observations imply a smaller mass ratio than the analysis below suggests.
At the model light curve fitting stage, we adopted a linear limb darkening law for both the primary and secondary. We fixed the limb darkening coefficients for both components to $u=0.7$, corresponding to the mean of all the tabulated values from \cite{sing2010} with $3.5 \leq \log{g} \leq 4.0$, 3500 K $\leq$ $T_\text{eff}$\ $\leq$ 5500 K, and -0.1 $\leq$ [M/H] $\leq$ 0.1.
From the effective temperature of $5180\pm200$ K derived from the spectral type and HH15 calibration plus recommended error, we find from the photometry that $A_V=2.4\pm0.2$ mag and a $J$-band based system luminosity $\log{(L/L_\odot)}=0.13 \pm 0.11$ dex, where the error terms come from Monte Carlo sampling of the allowed error in temperature, but for luminosity are dominated by the uncertainty in the distance. The light curve modeling produces a luminosity ratio which is in good agreement with PARSEC model predictions of the luminosity ratio expected between 0.8 M$_\odot$\ and 1.4 M$_\odot$\ stars at 10 Myr.
From the primary temperature and luminosity we calculated the primary radius to be $R_1 = 1.33 \pm 0.38$ R$_\odot$. The primary radius can be better constrained, however, through combination of the rotational period and projected rotational velocity. The raw $K2$ light curve possesses variability due to rotational modulation of star spots. We performed a Lomb-Scargle periodogram analysis on the raw light curve for 10,000 periods between 1 and 4 days. The periodogram peak suggests a rotation period of $P_\mathrm{rot}$=3.21$\pm$0.12 days, where the uncertainty is estimated from the full-width half-maximum (FWHM) of a Gaussian fit to the oversampled periodogram peak. Figure~\ref{fig:epic597rotation} shows the periodogram described above along with the raw light curve phase folded on the rotational period. From the HIRES spectrum, we then measured a projected rotational velocity of $v\sin{i}$=25 $\pm$ 2 km~s$^{-1}$. Combined with the rotational period, we calculate $R_1\sin{i}$ = 1.59$\pm$0.14 R$_\odot$. Thus, we derive a lower limit of $R_1 > 1.45$ R$_\odot$\ and for the range of inclinations favored by the light curve modeling, we find $R_1$=$1.72^{+0.17}_{-0.27}$ R$_\odot$.
Combining the primary radius with the best-fit ratio of radii we obtain a secondary radius of $R_2$ = 0.96 $\pm$ 0.27 R$_\odot$, where the large uncertainty is due to the grazing nature of the eclipses. At presumed ages of 5-10 Myr (consistent with the star's location in both the mass-radius and temperature-luminosity planes), this range of radii corresponds to a late-K to mid-M type secondary according to the BHAC15 models, consistent with the inference from the HIRES spectrum. The expected RV semi-amplitude in the primary of this configuration is $\sim$ 70-100 km~s$^{-1}$, or 130-160 km~s$^{-1}$\ for the secondary depending on the broad ranges in plausible component masses. From the primary effective temperature and best-fit surface brightness ratio, $J$, we estimate the secondary temperature, $T_\mathrm{eff,2}=4490\pm60$ K. This value is consistent with a K3-K4 spectral type on the HH15 and PM13 scales.
The best-fit {\sc jktebop}\ model has an average fractional radius greater than 0.3, indicating the system may be semi-detached. {\sc jktebop}\ treats proximity effects (such as ellipsoidal modulation) in an approximate manner, and is best suited for modeling detached EBs. In such cases, the uncertainty in the derived radii may be as high as 5\% \citep{nz2004}, though the uncertainty in the ratio of radii we derived is much greater than 5\% due to the grazing configuration of the system. The best-fit model light curve and phase-folded $K2$ photometry are presented in Fig.~\ref{fig:bestfit}. Best-fit orbital parameters and their uncertainties, derived from 10,000 MC simulations with {\sc jktebop}, are presented in Table~\ref{tab:epic597table}.
From the primary radius and $R_1/a$ from the light curve solution, we computed the semi-major axis, $a = 5.8 \pm 0.9$ R$_\odot$. However, this separation implies a total system mass which is lower than the presumed primary mass, given the period. We obtained lower and upper limits on the semi-major axis by considering the range in system mass corresponding to $M_\mathrm{tot} = M_1$ to $M_\mathrm{tot} = 2 M_1$, also accounting for the uncertainty on the mass. The corresponding range in semi-major axis is 5.8-7.9 R$_\odot$, or $\sim 3-5.5$ times the primary radius. Note that this range assumes the model-dependent primary mass. \cite{kallrath2009} suggest that stars with radii greater than $\sim$10-15\% of their separation no longer meet the criterion for detachment, providing further support that this system is likely to be semi-detached.
The 2D parameter distributions resulting from the MC fit showed high degrees of correlation between the inclination, surface brightness ratio, and radii related parameters. Nevertheless, the total range in each of these parameters was deemed acceptable. We investigated an alternative solution, holding eccentricity fixed at zero, and fixing the period and ephemeris timebase. This solution yielded very similar results to those from allowing these same parameters to be free.
We note that the presence of both eclipses and a spot modulation pattern in the light curve of EPIC 203476597 may allow for determination of the direction of orbital motion. Eclipse timing variations induced by star spots, combined with measurements of the local slope in the variable light curve of the primary during eclipses, can allow one to distinguish between prograde and retrograde motion \citep{mazeh2015, holczer2015}.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.49\textwidth]{epic597-rotation.pdf}
\caption{\emph{Above}: A Lomb-Scargle periodogram analysis of the EPIC 203476597 raw light curve for 10,000 periods between 1 and 4 days, using the \texttt{lombscargle} routine in the \texttt{scipy.signal} {\sc python} package. The peak at 3.21 days is the rotational period of the primary, while the peaks at 1.4 and 1.6 days represent the orbital period and half the rotational period, respectively. \emph{Below}: The raw K2 light curve phase folded on the rotational period.}
\label{fig:epic597rotation}
\end{figure}
\section{General Discussion}
\label{sec:general}
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.99\textwidth]{bhac15-3panel-both.pdf}
\caption{BHAC15 isochrones showing an enhanced view of the mass-radius plane (left), as well as the $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{(L/L_\odot)}$ (middle), and $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{g}$ (right) planes. In each case the 3, 5, 8, 10, and 15 Myr isochrones are plotted, from darkest to lightest. The red points indicate the positions of both components of EPIC 203710387, while the black scatter points represent the components of UScoCTIO 5. The dark red shaded squares indicate the parameters of EPIC 203710387 from the eccentric orbit solution, while the light red open squares show the circular solution values. The components of UScoCTIO5 are assumed to have equal temperatures and luminosities, but are offset for clarity here. For both systems, the uncertainties in mass, radius, and $\log{g}$ are smaller than the points themselves.}
\label{fig:threepanel}
\end{figure*}
The young eclipsing binaries identified here are a significant contribution to the pre-main sequence eclipsing binary population below 1 $M_\odot$. We have added two EB systems with M-type primary stars and one EB system with a late G primary star to the $<15-20$ EB systems already known at ages less than a few Myr (see \cite{ismailov2014, stassun2014} for compilations of pre-main sequence EBs and SBs). Quantitative information for each system is provided in Tables~\ref{tab:epic387table}, ~\ref{tab:epic608table}, and ~\ref{tab:epic597table}.
Our best determinations of the fundamental parameters for the components of the three systems are illustrated Figure~\ref{fig:isochrones}, in comparison to two other multiple systems in the same Upper Sco association with well-determined parameters.
Each of the three EBs considered in this work have periods $<5$ days -- even though the $K2$ data stream is sensitive to periods as long as 37 days (and up to 75 days if single eclipses are deemed significant). While the periods sample a range of parameter space occupied by other known low-mass EBs\footnote{http://www.astro.keele.ac.uk/$\sim$jkt/debcat/}, short period orbits are generally attributed to observational biases \citep{ribas2006}, which are not present in the case of the $K2$ data given its continuous cadence over the 75 days. The period distribution of the newly discovered systems can be further compared to that for previously known pre-main sequence EBs with good orbital solutions, which span the range 2-14 days plus the recent 34 day system characterized by \cite{kraus2015}.
Two of our systems ({EPIC\,203476597}\ and {EPIC\,203710387}) appear to be on highly circular orbits, while {EPIC\,203868608}\ has a non-negligible eccentricity of $e \approx 0.3$. This last system has the longest period at 4.5 d and is likely part of a hierarchical triple. However, according to \cite{zb1989}, circularization is expected to occur within $<$1 Myr for periods shorter than about 7 days. \citet{melo2001} seems to have a different view on the necessary timescales, and as noted by \cite{zahn2008}, the pre-MS circularization timescale is a topic of ongoing research.
{EPIC\,203710387}\ constitutes the lowest {\it stellar} mass double-lined EB discovered to date. With masses between the $\sim0.17 M_\odot + 0.18 M_\odot$ JW 380 pair of stars and the $\sim0.04 M_\odot + 0.06 M_\odot$ 2MASS J0535-0546 pair of brown dwarfs, both systems located in Orion, the older $\sim0.12 M_\odot + 0.11 M_\odot$ {EPIC\,203710387}\ pair in Upper Sco provides a critical anchor near the substellar boundary for pre-MS evolution models.
\subsection{Comparing EPIC 203710387 and UScoCTIO 5}
\label{subsec:compare}
With very few low-mass, pre-MS EBs currently known, {EPIC\,203710387}\ and UScoCTIO 5, which as double-lined EB systems both have fundamentally determined masses and radii measured to $\lesssim 3\%$ precision, are extremely valuable for testing both model predictions and empirical relations. Interestingly, {EPIC\,203710387}\ is a slightly lower-mass analog to UScoCTIO 5 \citep[][see also the current Appendix]{kraus2015} in that it has a mass ratio close to 1 (though it has a much shorter orbital period, 2.8 d compared to 34 d). These systems are especially significant because at the lowest stellar masses, discrepancies between observations of eclipsing binaries and theoretical models are most prominent.
For example, main sequence EBs with M-type components have been observed to have radii that are 5-15\% larger than model predictions \citep{ribas2006}. Though, those authors do point out models seem to perform better below $\sim$0.30-0.35 M$_\odot$\ (near the limit between fully convective stars and those with radiative cores). Magnetic activity is one possible explanation invoked to account for the inflated radii of low-mass EBs. In principle, this is a testable prediction since the model-observation discrepancies should become larger at shorter periods due to the facts that (1) at short periods the rotational and orbital periods are expected to be synchronized and (2) activity is expected to increase with increasing rotational velocity \citep{feiden2015}.
For pre-MS evolution, starspots have also been advanced as a means of producing inflated radii for low-mass stars. Recently, \cite{somers2015} studied the effect of starspots on pre-MS evolution for stars of 0.1-1.2 M$_\odot$. They found that pre-MS models accounting for starspots leads to radii that are enhanced by up to 10\%, consistent with observations of active EBs. Spotted stars also have a decreased luminosity and $T_\text{eff}$, leading to systematic underestimation of both masses (by a factor of 2) and ages (by factors of 2-10) derived from evolutionary models that do not take spots into account.
\cite{kraus2015} used USco-CTIO 5 to test various pre-main-sequence evolutionary models. For an assumed cluster age of 11 Myr, those authors found BHAC15 and several other models under-predict the fundamentally determined radius at the fundamentally determined mass (with Padova models working in the opposite direction). For the more traditional cluster age of 5 Myr, the models over-predict the radius. The results are consistent in the older age scenario with the so-called ``radius inflation" found among many main sequence eclipsing binary systems.
We also find for the components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ that for the canonical 3-5 Myr age, the models significantly over-predict the fundamentally determined radii. However, we find that for an assumed cluster age of 10-11 Myr, the BHAC15 models quite accurately predict the radii at the masses of the components of {EPIC\,203710387}. Thus, if the older age is assumed accurate, we find no evidence for radius inflation in this lower mass, shorter period analog to UScoCTIO 5.
In comparing the two systems, we also noted significant temperature discrepancies for what is reportedly only a 0.5 subclass difference in spectral type. \cite{kraus2015} determined an M4.5$\pm$0.5 spectral type for UScoCTIO 5 based on comparison of a low-resolution spectrum with field M dwarf spectra, simultaneously constraining spectral type and extinction. While this result is consistent with the M4 spectral type for UScoCTIO 5 originally reported by \cite{ardila2000}, there is evidence favoring an earlier type. \cite{reiners2005} found that discrepancies between the dynamically measured system mass and masses predicted by models could be rectified by considering a spectral type that is half a subclass or more earlier than M4.
Indeed, the ``geometric'' temperature derived by \cite{kraus2015} for both components of UScoCTIO 5 (from the sum of the radii, total system luminosity, and assuming equal-luminosity components) is $T_\mathrm{eff, geom} = 3235^{+160}_{-200}$ K, which is slightly higher than the empirical temperatures of young M4 stars on both the HH15 ($T_\mathrm{eff}=3190$ K) and PM13 ($T_\mathrm{eff}=3160$ K) scales. By comparison, the effective temperatures for the components of {EPIC\,203710387}\, based on the total system luminosity, luminosity ratio, and the radii (assumed to be equal), are more in line with an M6 type for both the primary and secondary on the HH15 scale. In other words, the components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ are $\sim$100 K cooler than the predicted M5 temperature on the HH15 scale, but in good agreement with the analogous PM13 prediction.
If we assume equal-luminosity components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ and calculate the ``geometric'' effective temperature implied by the total system luminosity and the sum of the radii, as \cite{kraus2015} did, we obtain $T_\mathrm{eff,geom} \approx$ 2410 $\pm$ 120 K, or more than 500 K cooler than the empirical temperature of a young M5 star. This discrepancy becomes larger if we assume the radii have been underestimated. In fact, assuming the M5 spectral type and temperature are correct, then the system luminosity implies a sum of radii of $R_1+R_2=0.568 \pm 0.057$ R$_\odot$, or component radii of only $\sim$0.284 R$_\odot$.
One possible explanation for this discrepancy is starspots. The ``geometric'' temperature assumes the measured luminosity is the intrinsic luminosity. However, for a spotted star the measured luminosity is actually the product of the intrinsic luminosity and the factor $(1-\beta)$, where $\beta$ is the equivalent spot covering fraction, which \cite{jackson2014} suggest may be as high as $\sim$0.35-0.51 for M-type pre-MS stars.
Thus, assuming the measured luminosity is the intrinsic luminosity leads to an anomalously low temperature when holding the radius fixed, or conversely an erroneously small radius when the temperature is held fixed. We estimate the average spot covering fraction for the components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ from the ratio of the ``emitting'' surface area to the measured surface area, which implies an average spot covering fraction of $\sim$60\%.
In Appendix~\ref{app:usco5}, we present our independent analysis of UScoCTIO 5 from our own detrended $K2$ light curve combined with the radial velocities and spectroscopic flux ratios published in \cite{kraus2015}. We find masses that are consistent with K15, but radii that are significantly larger. Our revised parameters help somewhat to resolve the discrepancies noted above for the age of the system as determined in different theoretical planes. We find the system age to be consistent with $\sim$6 Myr.
\subsection{On the Age of Upper Scorpius}
\label{subsec:ageofsco}
Disagreement about the age of Upper Sco stems from different studies of distinct stellar populations, such that the more massive stars appear older ($\sim$ 10 Myr) and the less massive stars appear younger ($\sim$ 3-5 Myr). Several possible ``simple'' explanations for this observed discrepancy exist: (1) the evolutionary models are inadequate, and the degree to which they diverge from observations is mass-dependent (this explanation includes the failure of models to properly include magnetic fields and spot-related effects), (2) the binary fraction at low masses is underestimated such that isochrone ages for these stars are anomalously young, having neglected the companion's luminosity, (3) there is a genuine dispersion of roughly a few Myr in the ages of Upper Sco members, indicating extended star formation.\footnote{Evidence for luminosity spreads, potentially due to an age dispersion of several Myr, is well-documented in the pre-MS Orion Nebula Cluster \citep{hillenbrand1997, dario2010}.}
Notably, the age we find for {EPIC\,203710387}\ in the fundamental mass-radius plane is $\sim$10-11 Myr (using the circular orbit solution), older than the canonical 3-5 Myr age for Upper Sco. While large uncertainties remain for {EPIC\,203476597}\ (grazing and possibly semi-detached) and {EPIC\,203868608}\ (a triple system), starB\ and UScoCTIO 5 are well-characterized and provide reliable anchors with which to investigate the cluster age at the lowest stellar masses.
In Figure~\ref{fig:threepanel}, we show the positions of these two double-lined EBs in different planes with BHAC15 isochrones overplotted. In each plane, no single isochrone can match the observed parameters of both EBs. However, an even larger discrepancy becomes apparent when comparing the ages of a single EB system derived in different planes. For example, while the components of {EPIC\,203710387}\ rest near the 10 Myr isochrone in mass-radius space, the same stars suggest an age of $\sim$7$\pm$3 Myr in the temperature-luminosity plane. A similar trend is true of UScoCTIO 5, the components of which lie closest to the 8 Myr mass-radius isochrone, but appear more consistent with the canonical 3-5 Myr age in temperature-luminosity space. It is noteworthy that the $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{(L/L_\odot)}$ ages for both systems are in broad agreement with the widely accepted cluster age of 3-5 Myr which is also based on H-R diagram (HRD) analyses of low-mass members. The ages in $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{g}$ space for each system, however, are in closer agreement with those ages from the mass-radius plane.
As reviewed by \cite{kraus2015}, considering different sets of pre-MS models does not alleviate the discrepancies noted above. These results indicate that (1) no set of models is able to predict the ensemble of fundamental parameters for pre-MS stars in this mass range, and/or (2) there is a systematic bias in one or more observationally determined parameters. For example, if current empirical SpT-$T_\text{eff}$\ or color-$T_\text{eff}$\ scales systematically underestimate $T_\text{eff}$\ by a couple hundred K, the HRD-derived ages of the hundreds of low-mass members would shift closer to 10 Myr. However, in the $T_\text{eff}$-$\log{g}$ plane it is not possible to shift the systems along the temperature axis in order to obtain a match to the canonical 3-5 Myr age. This indicates there is some minimal ``age'' spread if it is believed that radii contract and masses remain constant during pre-MS evolution.
The stellar bulk parameters of mass and radius for double-lined EBs are directly determined with exquisite precision based on firmly understood physics. Meanwhile, the photospheric parameters of $T_\text{eff}$\ and luminosity are generally less well-determined. In principle, this suggests that ages derived for double-lined EBs in the mass-radius diagram should be considered more fundamental than HRD ages. However, few pre-MS EBs with well-determined radii exist, and so evolution models at these ages are uncalibrated.
If the masses and radii of EPIC 203710387 and UScoCTIO 5 are assumed accurate, then the models must overpredict the radii by $\sim$10-25\% for 5 Myr to be the true age. Interestingly, this implies stellar evolution models are not contracting quickly enough at these masses to match observations. Future iterations of stellar models at these masses will include magnetic fields and starspots, two phenomena which are intrinsically linked and both act to \emph{slow} contraction through inhibiting convection and decreasing the emergent flux \citep{feiden2015b}. Thus, as models evolve to include these effects, the discrepancy between the canonical age of 3-5 Myr and the ages implied for these two systems in the mass-radius plane will likely \emph{widen}. If current mass-radius isochrones are assumed correct, then these two double-lined EBs favor an older (8-10 Myr) age for Upper Sco.
\subsection{Coevality Within and Between Systems}
\label{subsec:coevality}
With multiple EBs in the same star forming region, and the additions of UScoCTIO 5 and HD 144548, it is possible to study the degree of coevality within individual systems (intra-coevality) and between distinct EBs (inter-coevality). \cite{stassun2014} found that, among PMS EBs in Orion, the components within a given EB appear significantly more coeval than do the EBs relative to one another. In other words, EBs in Orion display a higher degree of intra-coevality than inter-coevality. A possible explanation for this behavior could be genuine age dispersion in a presumably coeval population, as mentioned in \S~\ref{subsec:ageofsco}.
As mentioned in \S~\ref{subsec:triples}, the more massive component of the triple system HD 144548 appears to be several Myr younger than lower mass eclipsing pair. However, due to the difficulty of characterizing triple systems, it is possible that this apparent non-coevality within a single system is artificial in nature. Nevertheless, an empirical mass-radius isochrone at the age of Upper Sco is beginning to emerge from the components of EPIC 203710387, UScoCTIO 5, and the lower mass components of HD 144548 (see Fig.~\ref{fig:massradius}). Each of these systems have mass ratios close to 1, making it difficult to draw meaningful conclusions about the intra-coevality of any particular system. However, there is an interesting trend in which the higher mass EBs of Upper Sco appear \emph{younger} than their lower mass counterparts.
From our comparison of EPIC 203710387 and UScoCTIO 5 (see Fig.~\ref{fig:threepanel}), it is also apparent that there is a higher degree of coevality within each of these systems than between them. Specifically, there is a $\lesssim$ 1 Myr discrepancy between the ages of the primary and secondary of EPIC 203710387 (in the circular orbit case) and similarly for the two components of UScoCTIO 5. However, despite the fact that both systems belong to the presumably coeval population in Upper Sco, EPIC 203710387 appears to be 3-4 Myr older than UScoCTIO 5. Preliminary results from modeling the pre-main-sequence evolution of low-mass stars indicate that including magnetic fields may significantly help to resolve the discrepancies noted above (G. Feiden, private communication). We note that the eccentric orbit solution for EPIC 203710387 leads to primary and secondary parameters that appear significantly less coeval relative to the circular solution in all of the parameter planes featured in Fig.~\ref{fig:threepanel}. However, we caution that this discrepancy is possibly due to a degeneracy between the temperature ratio and ratio of radii. More precise spectroscopic flux ratios may help to resolve this issue in the future.
\subsection{Chromospheric Activity Effects}
\label{subsec:activity}
The correlation between chromospheric activity and the temperatures, radii, and subsequently derived masses of main-sequence stars is well-established \citep[e.g.][]{lopezmorales2007}. Due to the paucity of pre-MS benchmark systems, however, the effect of activity on the fundamental parameters of pre-MS stars has not been rigorously tested. For field age low-mass stars and brown dwarfs, \cite{stassun2012} derived an empirical relation to correct for such activity effects based on the H$\alpha$ equivalent width (see \S 2.1 of that work), among other measures. Using our EW(H$\alpha$) measurements from the HIRES spectra (see Table~\ref{table:ews}), we calculated that the fractional change in the radii and temperatures for the two components of EPIC 203710387 are approximately:
\begin{align*}
\Delta R_1/R_1 &= 2.0 \pm 0.9\% \\
\Delta R_2/R_2 &= 2.7 \pm 1.3\% \\
\Delta T_\mathrm{eff,1}/T_\mathrm{eff,1} &= -1.3 \pm 0.4 \% \\
\Delta T_\mathrm{eff,2}/T_\mathrm{eff,2} &= -1.6 \pm 0.6 \%.
\end{align*}
Thus, in agreement with the findings of \cite{stassun2014}, we determine that the effect of chromospheric activity on the temperatures, radii, and masses of EPIC 203710387 is small enough that it can not resolve the apparent discrepancies between the positions in the mass-radius diagram compared with the positions in $T_\mathrm{eff}$-$L$ space, as discussed in \S~\ref{subsec:compare} and illustrated in Fig.~\ref{fig:threepanel}. We note, however, that a temperature suppression of $\sim$2\% does help to partially resolve the discrepancies noted above, leading to inferred ages closer to those implied by the well-determined masses and radii.
We find for the eclipsing components of EPIC 203868608 that the corrections in the radii and temperatures due to activity are approximately $\Delta R/R \sim 4 \pm 2 \%$, and $\Delta T_\mathrm{eff}/T_\mathrm{eff} \sim 2 \pm 1 \%$. This level of temperature suppression could potentially explain the apparent reversal in $T_\text{eff}$\ between the primary and secondary components, given that the primary is apparently more active. Similar behavior was observed in the other known eclipsing brown dwarf system discovered in Orion \citep{stassun2006, stassun2007}. We note, however, even larger uncertainties may remain in the parameters of this system due to its triple nature and the subsequent complexity of its analysis.
\subsection{Triple Systems in Upper Sco}
\label{subsec:triples}
In comparison with binaries, \cite{stassun2014} found that benchmark pre-MS triple systems have apparently corrupted properties in both the mass-radius and $T_\text{eff}$-luminosity planes. Recently, \cite{alonso2015} characterized the young triply eclipsing system HD 144548 (EPIC 204506777) in Upper Sco. As seen in Figure~\ref{fig:massradius}, the system is composed of an eclipsing pair of $\sim$1.0 M$_\odot$\ stars, which in turn eclipse a $\sim$1.5 M$_\odot$\ tertiary host. While the less massive pair have masses and radii that are in broad agreement with the emerging empirical mass-radius isochrone from EPIC 203710387 and UScoCTIO 5 (i.e. located between the 5 and 10 Myr BHAC15 isochrones), the massive tertiary has a highly discrepant mass and radius suggestive of a 1-2 Myr age.
ScoPMS 20 is another triple system in Upper Sco, characterized by \cite{mace2012}. As seen in Figure~\ref{fig:isochrones}, this system also presents a challenge to the conventional notion of a coeval stellar population within Upper Sco. Only one component of ScoPMS 20 has a published mass and radius, which places it between 2-5 Myr in widely used pre-MS models. This is in contrast to EPIC 203710387, UScoCTIO 5, and the two less massive components of HD 144548, which are all suggestive of an age between 5-10 Myr according to BHAC15 mass-radius isochrones. The three components of ScoPMS 20 present a slightly more coherent picture in the temperature-luminosity plane, though the positions are suggestive of a somewhat younger age relative to the lower mass systems mentioned above.
Finally, for EPIC 203868608, the uncertainties intrinsic to the analysis of this system make it difficult to comment on the quality of derived parameters relative to binary counterparts. With our current knowledge, it is not possible to determine the radius of the tertiary, since there is no eclipse information and even if the orbit is highly inclined, the period implied by the separation is unfavorably long. Moreover, it is not yet clear whether the tertiary is indeed associated. Resolved spectroscopy of the closely projected companion could be used to test the scenario that it is a background M-giant. If the companion is associated, it is possible, however, that radial velocity time series over a sufficiently long time baseline could allow for dynamical mass measurements of all three components. The radii are uncertain due to the uncertain nature of the contamination in the $K2$ bandpass. Optical AO imaging of the system would provide a direct measurement of this quantity, and further test the background M-giant scenario described above. Furthermore, the EB components appear to be in a mass regime where the pre-MS evolutionary tracks are closely clustered and largely vertical (see Figure~\ref{fig:massradius}), implying that a broad range of radii are feasible for current mass determinations and the relatively uncertain age of Upper Sco.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.95\textwidth]{mass-radius-1026.pdf}
\caption{BHAC15 isochrones in the mass-radius plane. Overplotted are compilations of double-lined EBs with fundamentally determined masses and radii, either in the pre-MS phase of evolution \citep{stassun2014} or MS/post-MS phases of evolution \citep{torres2010}. At a fixed mass, the radius evolves vertically downward in this diagram. We include recently characterized, double-lined eclipsing members of Upper Sco. For UScoCTIO 5, first characterized by \cite{kraus2015}, we overplot our revised parameters. We additionally input small offsets to our derived parameters for EPIC 203710387 and EPIC 203868608 for visual clarity. We do not include the tertiary for this latter system since a fundamental determination of the mass and radius for that component was not possible. We stress that unquantifiable uncertainties remain for EPIC 203868608, but we include the EB components here for illustrative purposes. The pink points correspond to the triply eclipsing system HD 144548 \citep{alonso2015}.}
\label{fig:massradius}
\end{figure*}
\section{Conclusion}
We report the discovery of three new pre-MS EBs. Two systems ({EPIC\,203476597}\ and {EPIC\,203710387}) are secure members of the Upper Sco association, while the third ({EPIC\,203868608}) is certainly young but has a discrepant proper motion. All three systems are located in the southern part of the association, relatively close to but west of the $\rho$ Oph molecular cloud.
The system {EPIC\,203710387}\ was observed to be double-lined, allowing model-independent masses and radii to be measured through combination of the light curve and the radial velocities. With near-equal mass 0.12+0.11 $M_\odot$ components, it is the lowest-mass stellar double-lined EB discovered to date.\footnote{The pre-MS system reported by \cite{stassun2006, stassun2007} has lower mass components with masses just below the stellar-brown dwarf boundary.} The mass measurements of both components have $\sim$2\% precision, while the radii were fixed as equal in order to obtain a reasonable solution for the ensemble of parameters. The positions of both components in the fundamental mass-radius plane are consistent with a $\sim$10 Myr age according to both the BHAC15 and \cite{siess2000} isochrones.
We provide tentative evidence that the system {EPIC\,203868608}\ is an eclipsing system of $\sim$25+25 M$_\text{Jup}$\ brown dwarfs in a potential hierarchical triple configuration with a wide M-type companion. If confirmed, this would be only the second double-lined eclipsing brown dwarf system discovered to date \citep[see][]{stassun2006, stassun2007}. This system also constitutes the most eccentric pre-MS binary system having an orbital period $<$10 days \citep[c.f.][]{ismailov2014}, though a stellar-mass companion interior to 20 AU also contributes to the dynamical evolution of this system. Such a system presents a unique data point for studies concerning pre-MS circularization timescales. The triple nature of the system also makes it interesting for investigations of dynamical effects in hierarchical triples such as the Kozai-Lidov mechanism. This system is also significantly more luminous than {EPIC\,203710387}\ while sharing the same combined light spectral type. Follow-up studies, notably optical AO imaging and resolved near-IR spectroscopy could shed light on the nature of the AO companion. Additional radial velocities will also help to more accurately constrain the EB component masses and separation, and hence radii through combination of RVs and the light curve.
{EPIC\,203476597}\ has a roughly 1.4 M$_\odot$\ primary with a likely early-M to mid-K type secondary. The extremely short period suggests this system may be semi-detached, and there is possible evidence for ellipsoidal modulation in the raw $K2$ light curve. If ellipsoidal modulation is recovered from the light curve, re-analysis with software suitable for semi-detached EBs could produce a highly precise mass ratio for this system \citep{wilson1994}. Follow-up infrared spectroscopy, where the flux ratio is more favorable relative to optical, could reveal secondary lines and allow for dynamical mass measurements and directly measured radii. The positions of the primary in both the mass-radius and temperature-luminosity planes are consistent with an age of $\sim$10 Myr, though we note that the mass determination is model-dependent and the large parameter uncertainties do admit ages $<$5 Myr.
We have characterized the components of the three EB systems presented here based on the information available, acknowledging that future spectroscopic studies will greatly refine the parameters. These three newly identified EB systems, in addition to the recently fully characterized \citep{kraus2015} UScoCTIO 5 system, are valuable assets for constraining pre-MS evolutionary models at the age of Upper Sco.
\acknowledgments
We thank the referee for many helpful comments, which greatly improved the quality and rigor of this work. We thank Ian Crossfield for lending his Python MCMC wrapper for the {\sc jktebop}\ orbit fitting code and for consultation regarding its use, which aided our analysis. We thank Erik Petigura for helpful discussions regarding eclipse model fitting practices. We thank Howard Isaacson, Geoff Marcy, Erik Petigura and the CPS group for acquiring additional HIRES spectra and providing MAGIQ snapshots for the three systems. We thank Christoph Baranec for acquiring Keck/NIRC2 images of {EPIC\,203476597}\ and {EPIC\,203868608}, and Brendan Bowler for performing the reductions of these data. We thank Jessie Christiansen for early advice regarding {\it Kepler}\ telescope data products, photometry techniques, and detrending strategies. We thank Avi Shporer for suggesting the possibility of measuring the direction of orbital motion for EPIC 203476597. We thank Jonathan Swift for lending his transit analysis routines, which aided our analysis. We thank Ross Fredella for his assistance in creating Figure 1.
The material presented herein is based upon work supported in 2015 by the National Science Foundation Graduate Research Fellowship under Grant No. DGE1144469. T. J. D. gratefully acknowledges research activities support from France C\'{o}rdova through the
Neugebauer Scholarship. This research was partially supported by an appointment to the NASA Postdoctoral Program at the Ames Research Center, administered by Oak Ridge Associated Universities through a contract with NASA. This research has made use of the NASA Exoplanet Archive, which is operated by the California Institute of Technology, under contract with the National Aeronautics and Space Administration under the Exoplanet Exploration Program. This research has also made use of the SIMBAD database and VizieR catalog access tool, operated at CDS, Strasbourg, France, and NASA's ADS and IPAC/IRSA services. Some of the data presented in this paper were obtained from the Mikulski Archive for Space Telescopes (MAST). STScI is operated by the Association of Universities for Research in Astronomy, Inc., under NASA contract NAS5-26555. Support for MAST for non-HST data is provided by the NASA Office of Space Science via grant NNX09AF08G and by other grants and contracts. This paper includes data collected by the Kepler mission. Funding for the Kepler mission is provided by the NASA Science Mission directorate. Some of the data presented herein were obtained at the W.M. Keck Observatory, which is operated as a scientific partnership among the California Institute of Technology, the University of California and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The Observatory was made possible by the generous financial support of the W.M. Keck Foundation. The authors wish to recognize and acknowledge the very significant cultural role and reverence that the summit of Mauna Kea has always had within the indigenous Hawaiian community. We are most fortunate to have the opportunity to conduct observations from this mountain.
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Bright, strong colors brush easily onto any paper surface, primed board, or canvas. Colors are water based and contain no solvents. Unique valve mechanism and technology dispenses only what is needed, minimizing waste.
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\section{Introduction}
\label{intro}
We study an industrial network with sensors periodically capturing physical parameters and sending their readings to a control station via a gateway. This work is motivated by specific use cases pertaining to predictive maintenance in a chemical production plant, where sensors installed over a small region\,---\,a production floor, warehouse, or similar environment\,---\,transmit small amounts of data every few seconds. The gateway is in a separate room and connected to a control station. The environment is populated with metallic structures and moving objects.
The LoRa wireless technology~\cite{BRV16} is suited for applications of this kind due to its robustness against multipath effects. Nevertheless, frame losses are still expected due to time-varying propagation loss~\cite{MRP17} and interference~\cite{GeR17}. Since LoRa is commonly deployed in unlicensed frequency bands~\cite{BRV16}, it is often subject to regulations that limit a transmitter's duty cycle (e.g., to $1\,\%$ in the 868~MHz band in the European Union~\cite{AVT17}). One implication of this duty-cycle constraint is that the gateway could send only a small number of acknowledgements in response to frames received from the sensors. Acknowledgement-based retransmission protocols for improved reliability are thus ineffective for systems with many sensors.
We therefore investigated the use of repetition redundancy \cite{BBS19} and found that the number of measurement losses can be significantly reduced by including a few recent past measurements in each frame. The paper at hand extends this work: in addition to employing repetition redundancy, we place decode-and-forward relays between the sensors and the gateway to overhear transmissions from the sensors and forward overheard measurements to the gateway (see Fig.~\ref{net_diagram}). The gateway is able to obtain a measurement if it receives at least one frame containing the measurement, either directly from the sensor or via at least one of the relays. The sensors are battery powered. The relays are connected to power supplies (as in \cite{DiG19}) since they can be placed at convenient locations in the building.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=0.27,bb=325 0 520 520]{net_diag.pdf}
\setlength{\belowcaptionskip}{-12pt}
\caption{Diagram of a LoRa sensor network with relays.}
\label{net_diagram}
\end{figure}
\renewcommand{\baselinestretch}{0.9}
\small\normalsize
Our objective is to examine the reliability improvement provided by the relay nodes. Of course, the use of relays will reduce the number of measurements lost, but it is unclear whether this improvement will be substantial or not\,---\,in a setup with some relays (up to 16) and many sensors (more than 100), where all nodes are limited in their capabilities due to duty cycling and other constraints~\cite{AVT17}.
The relaying scheme we use entails low complexity and can be implemented with off-the-shelf LoRa devices. Sensors do not need to be aware of the relays' presence. Nodes neither synchronize nor exchange control information or acknowledgements. Relays do not know if measurements are forwarded by other relays. Since a relay must adhere to the duty-cycle limit, it may not be able to forward all overheard measurements.
Our simulation results demonstrate that\,---\,despite the aforementioned limitations\,---\,even a few relays significantly improve the probability of a sensor's measurement reaching the gateway.
The paper is organized as follows: Section~\ref{related_work} provides an overview of prior work. Section~\ref{LoRa_description} addresses relevant features of LoRA. Section~\ref{relay_protocol} describes the relaying scheme. Section~\ref{reliability_analysis} derives an expression for the probability of a gateway failing to receive a measurement. Section~\ref{perf_res} presents and discusses the performance by means of simulations. Section~\ref{conclusion} concludes the paper.
\section{Related Work} \label{related_work}
A multihop communication scheme for LoRa networks is described in~\cite{DiG19}, where a distance-vector routing protocol is employed to construct routes between sensors and gateway. A cooperative communication strategy for multihop LoRa networks is presented in~\cite{LZK17}, where concurrent transmissions by the relays are employed. Concurrent transmissions in a multihop LoRa network are also utilized in~\cite{BVR16}. The differences to our work are as follows: The methods of~\cite{DiG19}--\hspace{1sp}\cite{BVR16} all depend on time synchronization among devices. We focus on a simpler implementation, where the relays play an auxiliary role and are invisible to the sensors, and synchronization among the sensors themselves or between sensors and relays is not required. No routing algorithms are used; instead, a relay tries to overhear frames from any transmitting sensor. Unlike our work, \cite{DiG19}--\hspace{1sp}\cite{BVR16} do not provide an analytical characterization of the performance. A difference from other work on cooperative relaying (not specific to LoRa) is that LoRa's proprietary transceiver design does not permit all forms of diversity combining, such as maximal-ratio combining~\cite{CTS15}.
The work \cite{MRP17} considers the transmission of redundancy in LoRa. The use of relays, the presence of multiple transmitters, and the resulting interference are not investigated. The redundancy is generated via application-layer coding on past data. To avoid raising the computational burden, we do not consider coding at the sensors. Coding at the relays is not feasible since a large overhead must be sent in the form of encoding vectors, and duty-cycle constraints preclude the transmission of such~overhead.
\section{LoRa Features} \label{LoRa_description}
A technical introduction to LoRa can be found in~\cite{Sem13} and~\cite{Sem15}. Let us summarize the features relevant to the discussion in this paper.
The LoRa physical layer employs chirp spread spectrum~\cite{Sem15}. The {spreading factor} $s$, which takes integer values between 7 and 12, determines the ratio between the symbol rate and the chip rate of the signal. A higher $s$ provides greater immunity to thermal noise at the expense of a longer frame duration. The symbol duration is \mbox{$t_{\mathrm{sym}}(s) = 2^{s}/w$}, where $w$ is the signal bandwidth. The payload in a frame is preceded by a preamble for synchronization and an optional header. The duration of a frame with $b$ bytes of payload is $t_{\mathrm{fr}}(b,s) = t_{\mathrm{pr}}(s) + t_{\mathrm{pl}}(b,s)$,
where $t_{\mathrm{pl}}(b,s)$ is the duration of the payload and $t_{\mathrm{pr}}(s)$ is the preamble duration, given by $t_{\mathrm{pr}}(s) = (n_{\mathrm{pr}} + 4.25)\: t_{\mathrm{sym}}(s)$,
where $n_{\mathrm{pr}}$ is the number of preamble symbols in the frame~\cite{Sem13}. The payload duration is $t_{\mathrm{pl}}(b,s)
=\left[8 + \max\left\{ \left\lceil \frac{2b-s-5h+11}{s-2l} \right\rceil (c+4), 0\right\}\right]\,t_{\mathrm{sym}}(s)$,
where $h=1$ if a header is included and 0 otherwise, $l=1$ if low data rate optimization is enabled and 0 otherwise, and $c$ depends on the rate of the channel code employed for the frame and can take integer values between 1 and~4~\cite{Sem13}.
Three classes of operation are defined for end devices~\cite{AVT17}: Class~A employs unslotted ALOHA for uplink transmissions; after a transmission, a device monitors any response from the gateway during two receive windows. Class~B allows for additional receive windows scheduled by the gateway via synchronizing beacons. Class~C devices remain in the receive mode while not transmitting.
LoRa waveforms with different spreading factors are orthogonal to one another. Hence, for two frames to interfere, they must employ the same spreading factor and overlap in frequency. LoRa waveforms exhibit the capture effect: When simultaneously received signals of differing power use the same channel and spreading factor, the strongest signal is correctly demodulated and decoded, whereas the frames carried by the weaker signals are lost. Field measurements show that LoRa frames are correctly received if the strongest of the interfering signals is at least $6\,\, \mathrm{dB}$ weaker than the desired signal~\cite{BRV16}.
\section{The Relaying Scheme} \label{relay_protocol}
We consider $n$ nodes sensing physical parameters every $t$ seconds and employing Class A LoRa communications to send their measurements to a gateway. All sensors have the same transmit power and are not synchronized. In addition to sending the current measurement in each transmission, a sensor has the option to employ repetition redundancy by adding the $r$ most recent measurements to the frame. Suppose that $\omega$ relays \mbox{($\mathrm{r}_1$, $\mathrm{r}_2$, \ldots, $\mathrm{r}_{\omega}$)} are placed between the sensors and gateway. The relays operate in Class~C, which means they are in the receive mode except when transmitting. All relays are powered by external supplies to enable continued reception (as in~\cite{DiG19}). Each relay periodically switches between overhearing the sensors' transmissions during a receive window of $t_\mathrm{rx}$ seconds and forwarding the contents of overheard frames to the gateway during a transmit window of $t_\mathrm{tx}$ seconds, where $t_\mathrm{tx}/(t_\mathrm{rx} \!+\! t_\mathrm{tx})$ is no greater than the maximum permitted duty cycle. A relay stores the current measurement of each overheard frame in its buffer; past measurements, if any, are not stored. The measurements collected during a receive window are placed in a frame and\,---\,along with the identifier (ID) of the sensor that produced it\,---\,sent to the gateway during the subsequent transmit window. Note that the duration of a relay's frame cannot exceed $t_\mathrm{tx}$ seconds. If a relay receives in the preceding receive window more measurements than fit in a frame of maximum duration, it (randomly) discards some measurements. Due to their proximity to the gateway, the relays employ a lower spreading factor than the sensors; hence, their transmissions do not interfere with those from the sensors. The relays transmit over orthogonal time slots; the slot assignment is straightforward for a small number of relays.
\section{Measurement Loss Probability} \label{reliability_analysis}
The gateway may receive a measurement directly from the sensor or via one or more relays. The \emph{measurement loss probability} (MLP) is the probability of a measurement failing to reach the gateway via any of these paths:
\begin{eqnarray}
\mathrm{MLP}(r) &=& P_{\mathrm{dir}}(r)\,\cdot \prod_{i=1}^{\omega} P_{\mathrm{r}_i}(r)\:.
\end{eqnarray}
The term $P_{\mathrm{dir}}$ is the probability that the gateway fails to receive a measurement directly from the sensor. The term $P_{\mathrm{r}_i}$ is the probability that the gateway fails to receive a measurement via relay $\mathrm{r}_i$, which is given by
\begin{equation}\nonumber
P_{\mathrm{r}_i}(r) = 1 - P_{{\text{rw,r}_i}}(r)(1\!-\!P_{{\text{s-r}_i}}(r))(1\!-\!P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}(r)) (1\!-\!P_{\mathrm{r}_i\text{-}\mathrm{g}})\,,
\end{equation}
where $P_{{\text{rw,r}_i}}$ is the probability that the first frame containing the measurement is transmitted in the receive window of relay $\mathrm{r}_i$, $P_{{\text{s-r}_i}}$ is the probability that relay $\mathrm{r}_i$ fails to receive a frame transmitted by a sensor, $P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}$ is the probability that $\mathrm{r}_i$ discards a received measurement due to frame duration exceeding $t_{\mathrm{tx}}$ seconds, and $P_{\mathrm{r}_i\text{-}\mathrm{g}}$ is the probability that the gateway fails to receive a frame sent by $\mathrm{r}_i$.
The spreading factors used by sensors and relays are $s_\mathrm{sen}$ and $s_\mathrm{rel}$, respectively. The duty cycle of a sensor~is
\begin{equation}
f(r,s_{\mathrm{sen}}) = \frac{t_{\mathrm{fr}}((r+1)\beta,s_{\mathrm{sen}})}{t}\:,
\end{equation}
where $\beta$ is the number of bytes required to represent one measurement. We assume that the distances $D$ from the sensors to the gateway are independent and identically distributed, as are the fading gains $A$ on the links. With transmit power $\mathcal{P}$, signal wavelength $\lambda$, and pathloss exponent $\alpha$, we use $\gamma = (\lambda/4\pi)^{\alpha}\mathcal{P}$. We assume that a transmitter selects one of $n_c$ channels uniformly at random.
The probability that the gateway receives none of the \mbox{$r \!+\! 1$} sensor transmissions containing a certain measurement~is
\begin{equation} \label{p_dir}
P_{\mathrm{dir}}(r) = (1 - (1-P_i(r))(1-P_f(r)))^{r+1}\:,
\end{equation}
where $P_i$ and $P_f$ are the probabilities of an outage due to interference and fading, respectively, for a transmission from a sensor to the gateway. It follows from~\cite{BBS19} that
\begin{eqnarray} \nonumber \label{S_I_general}
P_i(r) &=& \int_{S_D} \int_{S_A} (1 - F_M (0.25 \gamma a w^{-\alpha})) f_A(a)f_D(w)\:\mathrm{d}a\:\mathrm{d}w \\
&=& 1 - \int\displaylimits_{S_D} \int\displaylimits_{S_A} e^{-\kappa(a,w,r)} f_A(a)f_D(w)\:\mathrm{d}a\:\mathrm{d}w\:,
\end{eqnarray}
where $S_D$ and $S_A$ are the supports of $f_D(\cdot)$ and $f_A(\cdot)$, and
\begin{align}
\kappa(a&,w,r) = \\ \nonumber
&n_c^{-1} (n - 1) f(r, s_{\mathrm{sen}})[1- \int_{S_D} F_A(0.25 a u^{\alpha} w^{-\alpha}) f_D(u)\:\mathrm{d}u]. \nonumber
\end{align}
The probability of an outage due to fading is~\cite{BBS19}
\begin{eqnarray} \label{S_f_general} \nonumber
P_f(r) &=& \int_{S_D} \mathrm{P}(\gamma A u^{-\alpha} < \psi)\, f_D(u) \:\mathrm{d}u\\
&=& \int_{S_D} F_A(\gamma^{-1} u^{\alpha} \psi)\,f_D(u)\:\mathrm{d}u\:.
\end{eqnarray}
With appropriate substitution of parameters, the expressions above can be used to determine $P_{{\text{s-r}_i}}$ and $P_{\mathrm{r}_i\text{-}\mathrm{g}}$ as well. Since the relays transmit in orthogonal time slots, only outages due to fading need to be considered for $P_{\mathrm{r}_i\text{-}\mathrm{g}}$; in the absence of this orthogonality assumption, interference among the relays would have to be accounted for, too.
The probabilities $P_{{\text{rw,r}_i}}$ and $P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}$ cannot be obtained from the analysis in~\cite{BBS19}. We derive their expressions as follows. The probability that a transmission is made within relay $\mathrm{r}_i$'s receive window is
\begin{equation}
P_{{\text{rw,r}_i}}(r) = \frac{t_\mathrm{rx} - t_f(r)}{t_\mathrm{rx} + t_\mathrm{tx}},
\end{equation}
where $t_f(r) = t_{\mathrm{fr}}((r+1)\beta,s_{\mathrm{sen}})$ is the duration of a sensor's frame. This follows from the observation that for a complete frame to be received during a relay's receive window, the transmission must start within the first $t_\mathrm{rx} - t_f(r)$ seconds of a \mbox{$(t_\mathrm{rx}+t_\mathrm{tx})$-second} period that includes a receive window followed by a transmit window. Due to the lack of synchronization, the transmission start is treated as a uniform random~variable.
To determine the probability $P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}$ that relay $\mathrm{r}_i$ drops a measurement due to lack of space in the frame, let $Y$ be the total number of frames sent by the sensors during the receive window of a relay and $Z$ be the number of frames the relay received. For simplicity, suppose $t_\mathrm{rx}$ is an integer multiple of $t$ and define $\xi = t_\mathrm{rx}/t$. To determine the probability mass function (pmf) of $Y$, note that if the start of a relay's receive window is outside a sensor's transmit window (the duration of $t_f(r)$ seconds, over which a sensor transmits a frame), the sensor transmits $\xi$ complete frames during the relay's receive window; otherwise, $\xi - 1$ complete frames are transmitted. Examples of the two situations for $\xi = 3$ are illustrated in Fig.~\ref{timing_diag}, in which (a) and (b) show the transmission of three and two complete frames over $t_\mathrm{rx}$ seconds, respectively. The probability that the start of a relay's receive window is outside of a sensor's transmit window is $p = 1 - t_f(r)/t$. Therefore, $Y = \mu + \eta$, where $\mu = n(\xi - 1)$ and $\eta$ is binomial $(n,p)$.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[scale=0.3,bb=100 270 520 550]{timing_diag.pdf}
\setlength{\belowcaptionskip}{-37pt}
\caption{A relay's receive window vis-\`{a}-vis a sensor's transmit windows ($\xi = 3$).}
\label{timing_diag}
\end{figure}
\renewcommand{\baselinestretch}{0.9}
\small\normalsize
Let $v$ be the maximum number of measurements allowed to be included in a frame sent by a relay. Thus,
\begin{eqnarray}
v &=& \max \{ n : t_{\mathrm{fr}}(n(\beta + l),s_{\mathrm{rel}}) \leq t_{\mathrm{tx}} \},
\end{eqnarray}
where $l$ is the length of a sensor ID in bytes. Clearly, $P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}(r) = 0$ for $v \geq \mu + n$. For $v < \mu + n$, conditioned on $Z = z$, the probability that a measurement is dropped is $\max\{{z - v, 0\}} / z$. Conditioned on $Y = y$, $Z$ is binomial $(y,\theta)$, where $\theta = P_{{\text{s-r}_i}}(r)$. Therefore, we have
\begin{eqnarray} \nonumber \label{drop_probability}
P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}(r)\!\!\!\! &=& \!\!\!\! \sum_{y = \mu}^{\mu + n}\sum_{z = 0}^{y}\frac{\max\{z-v,0\}}{z} \mathrm{P}(Y=y,Z=z) \\ \nonumber
&=& \!\!\!\!\sum_{y = \zeta}^{\mu + n}\sum_{z = v+1}^{y}\left(1\!-\!\frac{v}{z} \right)\mathrm{P}(Z=z|Y=y)\mathrm{P}(Y=y) \\ \nonumber
&=& \!\!\!\!\displaystyle\sum_{y = \zeta}^{\mu+n}\sum_{z = v+1}^{y}\left(1\!-\!\frac{v}{z} \right) {y \choose z}(1-\theta)^z {\theta}^{y-z} \\
&& \!\!\!\!\!\!\!\!\hspace*{15mm} {n \choose y-\mu} (1-p)^{n-y+\mu} p^{y-\mu}\:,
\end{eqnarray}
where $\zeta\!=\!\max \{\mu, v\!+\!1\}$. Ignoring the possibility of incomplete frames, the following approximation is~obtained:
\begin{align} \label{p_drop_p_zero}
P_\mathrm{drop, r_i}(r) &\approx \displaystyle\sum_{z = v+1}^{\mu + n}\left(1 - \frac{v}{z} \right) {\mu+n \choose z}(1-\theta)^z {\theta}^{\mu+n-z}.
\end{align}
\section{Performance Analysis}
\label{perf_res}
\subsection{Simulation setup}
We extend LoRaSim~\cite{LoRaSim} to support relays, Nakagami fading, and periodic transmissions, and use it to simulate the transmission of measurements from $n$ sensors to a gateway in a frequency band with a duty-cycle limit of $1\,\%$. The nodes are simulated as points on a two-dimensional plane, with the gateway at the origin. The $x$- and \mbox{$y$-coordinates} of each sensor are uniform random variables in the range \mbox{[30 m, 42 m]}. Each sensor transmits a measurement of size one byte every $t = 30$~s. The sensors can store at most \mbox{$b_{\max} = 10$} bytes of data. The maximum tolerable delay, defined as the time after which a measurement is no longer of interest to the gateway, is $d_{\max} = 3$ minutes. The relays are placed between the sensors and the gateway; their coordinates are chosen at random from the range \mbox{[10 m, 20 m]} while ensuring that any two relays are at least 1~m apart. The parameters $t_\mathrm{rx}$ and $t_\mathrm{tx}$ are $30$ s and $300$ ms, respectively. All links experience Nakagami-$m$ fading with $m = 1.2$ and a pathloss with exponent $\alpha=4$. The spreading factors are $s_\mathrm{sen} = 10$ and $s_\mathrm{rel} = 7$, respectively. Each transmission occupies a bandwidth of 125~kHz. A sender chooses one of three center frequencies (860~MHz, 864~MHz, and 868~MHz) uniformly at random for each frame. The transmit power is $14$\:dBm for all nodes. A channel code of rate $4/5$ is applied. A sensor ID is one byte in size. For this setup, a relay can include at most $v = 93$ measurements per frame.
The maximum number of past measurements a sensor can include in a frame is $r_{\max}$. This number should be chosen in a way that the sensor's storage capacity $b_{\max}$ is not exceeded, frames do not violate the duty-cycle constraint, and the oldest measurement is not older than $d_{\max}$. Thus, {$r_{\max} = \min \{b_{\max}, \hat{r}_{\max}, d_{\max} / t\}\:$} with \mbox{$\hat{r}_{\max} = \max\{r : f(r,s_\mathrm{sen}) \leq 0.01\}$}, which yields $r_{\max} = 6$ in our~setup.
This setup is representative of industrial use cases under investigation by the authors, where many sensors are installed over a small region with a harsh propagation environment. The high path loss results in much shorter communication ranges as compared to the kilometers-long ranges achieved outdoors. Two metrics are used for performance evaluation (as in \cite{BBS19}): The \emph{measurement loss rate} (MLR) as the fraction of sensor measurements that the gateway fails to receive. The \emph{energy expenditure per delivered measurement} ($E_m$) as the average transmission energy that a sensor spends to successfully deliver a measurement to the gateway, obtained by dividing the energy spent by a sensor to transmit one frame by $1 - \mathrm{MLR}$.
Each simulation run corresponds to a system operation of three hours. The outcomes of multiple runs are averaged. The number of runs is such that at least 100 measurement losses are observed for each data point.
\begin{figure}
\subfloat[Measurement loss rate.]{\label{MLR_vs_NumSensors}\includegraphics[scale=0.27,bb=-120 0 770 530]{MLR_vs_NumSensors_v2.pdf}} \\
\subfloat[Sensor energy expenditure per delivered measurement.]{\label{EDM_vs_NumSensors}\includegraphics[scale=0.275,bb=-120 0 770 520]{EDM_vs_NumSensors_v2.pdf}}
\setlength{\belowcaptionskip}{-15pt}
\caption{Measurement-delivery performance for $r = 3$.}
\label{perf_vs_numsensors}
\end{figure}
\subsection{Simulation results}
Fig.~\ref{perf_vs_numsensors} shows the performance when sensors include four measurements in each frame ($r = 3$). Fig.~\ref{MLR_vs_NumSensors} demonstrates that the MLR increases with the number of sensors, as a result of rising interference. Relaying significantly improves the MLR: a single relay reduces the MLR by up to $50\,\%$; eight relays reduce it up to two orders of magnitude. Since a relay can forward at most $v = 93$ measurements at a time and \mbox{$\xi = t_{\mathrm{rx}}/t = 1$}, the probability of an overheard measurement being discarded by a relay is nonzero provided the number of sensors exceeds~93. The results demonstrate that\,---\,even in the absence of coordination and taking into account the duty-cycle limit restricting the number of measurements that can be forwarded\,---\,relaying provides substantial benefits. A plot of the energy expenditure is shown in Fig.~\ref{EDM_vs_NumSensors}. Like the MLR, the $E_m$ also increases with the number of sensors and decreases with the number of relays.
Fig.~\ref{perf_res_n60} compares the performance of three redundancy schemes in a network of $n = 60$ sensors. One of the schemes employs no redundancy ($r = 0$, i.e., a frame contains only the current measurement). Another scheme sends the maximum possible redundancy per frame ($r_{\max}$). As demonstrated in Fig.~\ref{MLR_vs_NumRelays}, the transmission of redundancy reduces the MLR by up to two orders of magnitude. For both schemes, no redundancy and maximum redundancy, the MLR decreases with the number of relays.
\begin{figure}
\subfloat[Measurement loss rate.]{\label{MLR_vs_NumRelays}\includegraphics[scale=0.31,bb=-120 0 770 530]{MLR_vs_NumRelays_v3.pdf}} \\
\subfloat[Sensor energy expenditure per delivered measurement.]{\label{EDM_vs_NumRelays}\includegraphics[scale=0.31,bb=-120 0 770 520]{EDM_vs_NumRelays_v3.pdf}}
\setlength{\belowcaptionskip}{-12pt}
\caption{Measurement-delivery performance for $n = 60$.}
\label{perf_res_n60}
\end{figure}
Fig.~\ref{perf_res_n60} also shows results for a scheme in which the analysis of Section~\ref{reliability_analysis} is employed to calculate the number of past measurements to be included per frame. The procedure is an extension of the redundancy-allocation strategy of~\cite{BBS19}, into which we incorporate the effects of the relays. It is outlined in Algorithm~\ref{redundancy_algo}. The algorithm first determines the smallest value for the redundancy $r^* < r_{\max}$ for which $\mathrm{MLP}(r^*)$ is below a threshold $P_t$. If there is no such $r^*$, the value that minimizes the MLP is used. Because of LoRa's packet structure, multiple payload sizes may result in identical frame durations (and hence the same duty cycle and transmission energy). If $r^*$ is such that $\tilde r > r^*$ past measurements can be included in a frame without increasing the frame duration, we use $\tilde r$ to achieve higher reliability. The MLRs of this scheme are shown in Fig.~\ref{MLR_vs_NumRelays} for two values of the target MLP, namely $P_t = 0.01$ and $0.001$. Recall that the calculation of the MLP requires a probability distribution of the distances. In the evaluation of the MLP for Algorithm~\ref{redundancy_algo}, it is assumed that the distance of a sensor from the gateway is a uniform random variable in the range \mbox{[42 m, 59 m]}. While 42 m and 59 m are the minimum and maximum possible distances between the gateway and the sensors, the actual distances are not uniformly distributed between these values. Similar crude approximations for the other necessary distances are employed; as a result, the computation is not exact. Nevertheless, for $P_t = 0.01$, the MLR is below $P_t$ for most of the curve. For $P_t = 0.001$, we note that even the use of the maximum possible redundancy is not sufficient to ensure an MLR below $P_t$ with fewer than three relays. Two or fewer relays cause the algorithm to instruct the sensors to employ the maximum redundancy. Five or more relays allow the system to achieve an MLR below $P_t$.
The energy expenditures are shown in Fig.~\ref{EDM_vs_NumRelays}. While the maximum-redundancy scheme provides the best MLR, it also results in higher $E_m$ compared to other schemes; the only exception is the no-redundancy scheme without relays, which gives both highest MLR and highest $E_m$. The scheme that calculates the redundancy for $P_t = 0.01$ provides the best $E_m$ at the expense of a slightly worse MLR, thus achieving the best tradeoff between measurement loss and energy consumption.
\begin{algorithm}[t]
\nl $\Omega = \{r: \mathrm{MLP}(r) \leq P_t, r \leq r_{\max}\}$\;
\nl \uIf{$|\Omega| > 0$}{
$r^* \gets \min\{\Omega\}$\;
}
\Else{
$r^* \gets \displaystyle \argmin_r \{\mathrm{MLP}(r): r \leq r_{\max}\}\:$ \;
}
\nl $\tilde r \gets \max \{r : t_f(r) = t_f(r^*), r \leq r_{\max}\}$
\caption{Procedure for redundancy allocation}
\label{redundancy_algo}
\end{algorithm}
\section{Conclusions and Outlook}
\label{conclusion}
In an industrial sensor network using LoRa to provide measurement readings to a gateway, the use of relays greatly improves communication reliability despite limited duty cycles and complete lack of coordination. Future plans include experimental evaluation of the relaying scheme.
\bibliographystyle{IEEEtran}
\balance
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 252
|
Category Archives: philosophy
books, conservatism, epistemology, ethics, metaphysics, morality, philosophy
The Abolition of Man is absolutely essential because it gets to the core of what I feel is the only debate worth having at this stage of history. Lewis is talking about First Principles in the context of classical philosophy. Every claim comes prepackaged with its own ethical, epistemological and metaphysical presuppositions.
Despite his own Christian beliefs, he's taking an ecumenical approach to time honored wisdom. If you are going to strip away all traditional notions of duty, honor, virtue in favor of a more "natural" approach to Man, then you consign Man's soul to the meat grinder of the scientific data mill. Thus making subsequent generations slaves to the scientific class who are going to condition the masses to accept whatever definition of "good" is going to be most expedient to the larger goal of consolidating power within the scientific priesthood.
atheism, Christianity, ethics, free will, liberalism, morality, philosophy, postmodernism, religion, science, scientism, Uncategorized
Revisiting the Argument for Atheism: Bertrand Russell's Why I Am Not A Christian
Given that atheism appears to be a rising trend in the US, it's worth taking a look back at one of the seminal arguments against the Christian faith to see how well it holds up. Besides his numerous contributions to mathematics, history and philosophy, Bertrand Russell's contribution to the modern atheist movement is significant. Russell comes from a long line of religious skeptics which goes back to Immanuel Kant and David Hume and finds modern expression in Richard Dawkins and Sam Harris among many others. Mr. Russell may have been a gifted intellectual in many respects, but his 1927 essay, Why I Am Not A Christian, is logically inconsistent, poorly argued and uncharitable towards Christianity. Besides inculcating an orthodoxy of negation, it also reveals a contradiction at the center of the atheist worldview which, in my opinion, few atheists have acknowledged let alone sufficiently addressed.
By staking a monopoly claim on scientific rationalism, and by extension, the entire realm of scientific discovery, atheists have essentially positioned themselves as the new arbiters of morality. While atheists have busied themselves dismantling the edifice of religious morality using the tools of logic, they have simultaneously claimed that a new secular moral order can be constructed from these tools alone. Of course, there is no coherence whatsoever to today's woke pieties. The most honest secular atheists will openly acknowledge that consistent moral principles don't exist, but will simultaneously argue that gay marriage, taxpayer funded abortion and feminism are unassailable, ironclad truths from which no deviation is permitted.
The core conceit of Why I Am Not A Christian is that Russell presupposes the existence of the very metaphysical phenomena to which he applies his skepticism. However, Russell has an advantage that atheists have been exploiting for decades. He is mounting an attack on the Thomistic arguments for the existence of God and these arguments use classical foundationalism as a starting point. In other words, things like the laws of logic and fixed moral principles are assumed to be a priori truths. They're an attempt to reason backwards to God from a scholastic viewpoint that posits that all of creation are effects of an absolutely simple divine substance which makes no distinction between energy and essence. Once you divorce concepts like telos, logos and ethics from their theological underpinnings, the skeptic can set the whole philosophical enterprise against itself. Subsequently, the reigning orthodoxy of our time can be summed up in a single, self-detonating contradiction. There is no truth. Just a collection of disparate individual truths vying for conquest. And this confused, nihilistic worldview is exactly what has taken root in the Western world. Think I'm exaggerating? What would you say to a young person considering a philosophy major at college? The honest ones among us would tell him that it will be viewed very favorably as he applies for work as a barista at the local Starbucks.
But this is exactly what Russell intended. Along with other Royal and Fabian Society globalist social engineers, Russell has claimed the mantle of science and rationalism for the express purpose of hastening their destruction. Russell has written extensively on morality and ethics, but no one gives a shit what he has to say. The point was erode the Christian faith. It was to inculcate a posture of radical "skepticism" that would eventually be picked up by new generations of establishment shills and catapult vacant dittoheads like Jaclyn Glenn and Matt Dillahunty to YouTube celebrity status. The punchline is that a condemnation or a "logical" refutation of faith isn't a sufficient replacement for a system of morality and ethics that's been conserved over centuries. Nor does it dismantle the mechanism of belief itself. Russell merely shifted the focus of faith and pointed it towards new gods called Reason and Science. And global technocrats like himself would be in a position to write and rewrite the catechism as often as they see fit.
Russell's essay is worth reading because it represents a sort of ur-script for the contemporary skeptic and atheist scene. Fred Copleston and Bertrand Russell hashed out this argument in 1948 and atheists have been running roughshod over the argument for contingency ever since. Outside the YouTube sphere, these debates are mostly absent from the contemporary cultural discussion, and I suspect that's exactly what the social engineers intend. The recent Sam Harris/Jordan Peterson debates don't really count because both of them are essentially secular liberals who remain safely within the confines of post-Enlightenment acceptability. As long as the plebs don't get too caught up in some abstract philosophical debate that argues too rigorously for Christian theology or objectivity, it's all good, bro.
The default assumption amongst atheists is that Christians are knuckle dragging, anti-science mouth breathers who have neither a willingness or ability to engage in formal debate. The latter may be true, but the former assumption is ironically thoroughly acceptable despite their own admonitions to police unconscious bias. Since the argument has already been fought by the likes of Russell, atheists generally take it as given that the debate is over, and engagement with these arguments is unnecessary. Conversely, Christians have largely retreated, been ignored, or simply failed in the intellectual arena against the likes of charismatic and intelligent atheists like Hitchens and Dawkins. But the irony is that the Transcendental argument for the existence of God using Orthodox theology is a more powerful argument to which I've yet to hear a compelling refutation from an atheist. Regardless, let's examine a few elements of Russell's case to show how radical skepticism creates illusory certainty about reality and inculcates a religious belief in negation for its own sake.
The First Cause Argument
That argument, I suppose, does not carry very much weight nowadays, because, in the first place, cause is not quite what it used to be. The philosophers and the men of science have got going on cause, and it has not anything like the vitality it used to have; but, apart from that, you can see that the argument that there must be a First Cause is one that cannot have any validity.
Yeah, man! Who needs a First Cause, amirite? When divorced from revelation, nature is reduced to a descralized, impersonal set of forces which only appear to have order, meaning and purpose. Subsequently, there's no reason for a secular atheist to accept that God is the First Cause. Russell's denial of the necessity of a First Cause is fine in an impersonal, mechanistic universe of flux and chaos, but it does little to provide a sense of certainty about how we began as a species. Subsequently, the secular scientific priesthood dangle the promise of ever expanding scientific knowledge to eventually answer the Big Questions of Existence. Maybe it's an oscillating universe and we're enjoying this tiny blip of cosmic expansion in an endless cycle of creation and destruction. Maybe we're one universe among an infinite number of universes. Once the geniuses at CERN open up that transdimensional portal, we'll finally climb the Great Cosmic Pyramid and meet the engineers we saw in Prometheus!
Who knows for sure? More specifically, who really fucking cares anyway? These questions are too deep for your puny minds anyway so just retweet this Neil deGrasse Tyson meme and pass the bong in the meantime. All you need to know is that all matter and energy in the universe was compressed into a single point at time zero and then BOOM! The universe just started organizing itself into increasingly complex material and biological forms over the course of billions of years! Everything just arose from nothing! It's #SCIENCE man! Not that silly ass religion shit!
Coincidentally, what came to be known as the Big Bang Theory was introduced the same year he made this speech. Russell's argument against First Cause was simply replaced with its scientific equivalent: the causeless cause.
The Big Bang Theory lends itself to the First Cause argument, but in a world of chaos and flux, why wouldn't a skeptic argue that this also poses a problem of infinite regression? Who caused God, bro? Betcha never heard THAT ONE before! After all, God is at best an unknowable, impersonal force that's subject to the same material forces we observe. It's a reductio ad absurdum that's deployed to this day.
If everything must have a cause, then God must have a cause.
Even if you concede that God is the First Mover, who's to say it's the Christian God? Maybe it's Xenu. Maybe it's Allah. Maybe it's Satan. Maybe it's Isis and Osiris. Maybe it's the Flying Spaghetti Monster. There's no reason a skeptic would arrive at Christian theology using this line of argumentation.
Thus far, the scientific community has nothing definitive to say about what preceded the Big Bang. And it doesn't need to. It's a cosmology that reinforces Darwinian evolution and keeps the grant money flowing into the coffers of CERN and other scientific institutions determined to unlock the ultimate secrets of the universe. And to everyone who considers it a given that science and faith are incompatible, just remember that the most significant and widely accepted scientific theory explaining the origins of the universe came from a Catholic priest. Theories of cosmological origins can't be observed, but it's little surprise that Mr. Lemaître's conception of the beginning of time mirror the metaphysic espoused by Aquinas. An absolutely simple, undivided monad and everything that proceeds from it are the created effects.
The Natural Law Argument
Russell's argument here is essentially that it is too simplistic to say that the phenomena of the natural world or the cosmos can be explained away by saying Goddidit. He expands by citing how Newtonian laws of gravitation were overturned by Einstein's more complete theory of General Relativity. "Natural laws are really human convention" he says.
How can you have a worldview which simultaneously produces ironclad scientific knowledge built from fixed principles while also being subject to the vagaries of ever evolving human caprice?
Scientific law gets called law because it explains phenomena that are constant, immutable and unchanging. A more comprehensive theory that fits the observations more completely doesn't nullify the existence of invariant natural phenomena. Nor does it nullify the invariant and unchanging nature of the various numerical systems by which these phenomena are measured. There isn't a single scientific law that has been invalidated or overturned since the time Russell wrote this piece. Whether we're talking about the Laws of Thermodynamics or Newton's Laws of Motion, scientific law gets called a law because it reveals the machinery of the natural world expressed as a mathematical equation and can be reproduced under controlled conditions. Except for climate scientists on government payrolls, scientists who study the natural world proceed into the scientific enterprise operating from a set of assumptions about how the universe is ordered. In an honest scientific endeavor free from pressures of political conformity, hypotheses extend from the limits and boundaries of what is already known and are subsequently tested for their validity. These form the foundations of a body of scientific knowledge from which technological innovation arises. At least that's how it's supposed to work.
Needless to say, Russell's malleable view of natural law is entirely consistent with the politicized state of the sciences which we currently face. Of course we're going to have gene edited babies. Of course there are more than two genders. What are you, some transphobic dinosaur or something? All that crap about sexual dimorphism is just bourgeois patriarchal nonsense. Why do you object to hormone treatments for dysphoric children, you bigot? Why are you questioning climate change, you backwards Trumptard? Do you want to kill Mother Earth?
The Argument From Design
Russell takes a dim view of the Teleological Argument because if he accepted it, he would have to affirm that there is inherent goodness in creation. As long as it remains random, arbitrary, indifferent or hostile, it is easier to promote the promise of a scientific utopia that will provide an ultimate conquest over this abortion of a world. It's a gnostic conception of the universe and he even suggests his sympathies for that view later in the piece.
Russell goes completely off the rails and starts sounding like a proto-SJW in the remainder of this section. If God is omnipotent and omniscient, why did we get the KKK or the Nazis? Oh snap! You just got #PWND, theists! The obvious rebuttal is that humanity is in a fallen state but was given free will. Evil is the privation of the good. It is entirely up to us to distinguish right from wrong and choose accordingly. That is the challenge of being alive. In his gnostic, scientistic conception of the world, there is no good to affirm in the first place.
The Moral Arguments For Deity
This is the core failure of Russell's argument, and by extension, the entire atheist enterprise in my opinion.
I am not for the moment concerned with whether there is a difference between right and wrong, or whether there is not: that is another question.
The atheist argument poses a deep conundrum because it is either implicitly or explicitly a call for a secular moral order. The irony is that there is nothing in the empirical framework of the pure observation of the natural world which offers any moral prescription whatsoever. Yet the atheist, by and large, most definitely presumes the existence of right and wrong as some self-evident truth. Not only would any atheist seek punishment for the murderer, rapist and thief, atheists mostly busy themselves lambasting the evils of religion. If the atheist attacks a religious moral tenet in favor of a secular moral advancement, he is positioning himself as an arbiter of morality. If the atheist rejects the idea that faith is the foundation for moral realism, then you have consigned the entire realm of morality to the relativistic world of political ideology, or worse, scientism and utilitarianism. The atheist that claims a belief in science is somehow superior to religious faith is peddling a ridiculous fallacy. Good science does not require belief in the first place and he is glossing over the larger issues of morality and ethics. How can you claim there is individual moral rectitude or ethical virtue in a world of materialism and perpetual flux? One cannot have sound science without sound ethics, and I would contend that it is a precondition for any serious quest for scientific knowledge. The sciences of the natural world are neutral on morality and ethics. Few people would embrace it today, but eugenics were once considered cutting-edge science. On the other hand, the modern social sciences make no effort to hide the fact that they are both normative and subjective, but affect a pretense of being the engines of modern moral progression simply because they live under the broad banner of science. Gender studies, critical race theory, and climate change "science" now form a de facto secular moral order from which any dissent is met with censure and opprobrium. Committing violence in service of the advancement of political goals and being a self-appointed judge of who deserves to be punched for having the wrong political opinions are not only explicitly sanctioned by the progressive political class, academics and celebrities, but they are evidence of moral virtue.
At its core, the atheist argument is nothing more than a negation of belief. It's a religious belief in the perpetual embrace of non-belief. It also falsely asserts that faith and reason are mutually exclusive faculties, and the existence of one automatically short circuits and precludes the exercise of the other. If this doesn't lead to a state of pure nihilism, it creates an inherent cognitive dissonance with respect to positive engagement with humanity itself. By and large, humans generally strive towards a very general notion of Doing the Right Thing and Making a Difference. Happiness, love, friendship, loyalty, forgiveness and charity are all abstractions which cannot be quantified, and yet, these abstractions are the mythical sky wizards that every atheist presumably chases in his own life under the guise of "science" or "reason". Every act performed which carries an expectation of positive good, whether it's money donated to a soup kitchen or a vote cast for a politician, is its own act of faith. If an atheist truly has any hope for humanity, he must, at some level, have belief in humanity's capacity for good. This all by itself is an act of faith. It is the Golden Rule in practice. Cynicism and nihilism are easy. Finding reasons to be hopeful about humanity is a far deeper challenge which pretty much requires some level of faith.
The yearning for justice and righteousness; more specifically, the desire to do right by for our fellow man and leave a positive legacy for posterity is hardwired into the human consciousness at some level. However, it is not a forgone conclusion that any given human will make choices that will expand and spread virtue, and it is entirely possible that many will be actively constrained and thwarted in their ability to exercise it.
As Thomas Sowell argued, the world is roughly divided between those who subscribed to a "constrained" vision of humanity which posits that human nature is fixed and unchanging or an "unconstrained" vision which asserts that humans can be molded by social forces and institutions. Atheists mostly belong to the latter camp. Sadly, no one gives a shit about "a rational proof for secular ethics" or any other lofty philosophical disquisition on morality and ethics. Bertrand Russell wrote a bunch of stuff, but who reads it except for philosophy nerds and academics? The study of neuroscience in hopes of uncovering the "moral landscape" as Sam Harris describes it seems like little more than a recipe for pharmacological and technological micromanagement of the human will. The yearning for justice appeals to human emotion, and subsequently, humans tend to respond more positively to narrative and allegory when it comes to formulating notions of morality and justice. This is why mythology and pop culture have been far more effective vehicles for the transmission of moral lessons than philosophical dialectic.
I further contend that it's far easier to denigrate the Christian faith and morality than it is to proffer a positive alternative. There are no consequences to proclaiming yourself an atheist. It takes no courage to heap scorn and ridicule on Christians as the enemies of Real Social Progress© and scientific discovery. According to the contemporary progressive orthodoxy, the only real moral transgressions are "bigotry", white on black police brutality, climate change "denial", the absence of consent in sexual relations for white, middle-class female college students, saying anything negative about Islam, and pretty much anything uttered by a conservative, libertarian or Christian. But the outrage is strictly confined to the narrative as it's defined within the walls of academia and the media echo chamber which dutifully parrots every bit of brainless tripe dispensed from the social justice priesthood. And by and large, this is where the yellow brick road of atheism has lead: to the sanctuary of the Church of Progressivism. Few atheists would admit it, but political rhetoric and social "science" have replaced the priest's sermon.
Atheism has become a new orthodoxy which has largely ceded moral authority and agency to the leftist political class, their agenda and apparatchiks in academia. There are exceptions, but this is the trend. It seems like little more than a license to condescend to Christians, denigrate Christianity as the font of subservience and totalitarianism, and generally be miserable, nihilistic curmudgeons. Like all progressive thought, it's not edgy, contrarian or new. With few exceptions, it's just a standard accompaniment to a predetermined list of progressive political goals.
I wasn't enthusiastic about making this argument since I grew up mostly secular and generally considered atheists the cool kids in the class. But if this is the quality of the argument from one of atheism's greatest thinkers, color me unimpressed.
aliens, Carl Sagan, Christianity, conspiracy, film, Freemasonry, globalism, Gnosticism, new world order, predictive programming, religion, scientism, secret space program, sf, shadow government, space program, space travel, technology, ufos, Uncategorized
Contact (1997)
Generally speaking, cinematic science fiction goes one of two ways. Either it goes after big ideas and weighty philosophical questions or it goes after CGI mayhem and hot chicks in body suits. Sometimes it succeeds at both, but more often than not, a science fiction film falls into one of these two camps. Robert Zemeckis' 1997 adaptation of the famous Carl Sagan novel, Contact, is unequivocally a Big Ideas sci-fi film which manages to pack a lot of meaty content into a popcorn blockbuster presentation. Though it does boast its own spin on the legendary Stargate scene from 2001: A Space Odyssey in the final act, the film is propelled almost exclusively by solid performances and a fairly robust dramatic clash between the forces of scientific materialism and religious belief. No Hollywood sci-fi film comes without an agenda or esoteric symbolism and the various ways it smuggles in its messaging is especially sly. Contact is somewhat more charitable about theism and the entire realm of metaphysics than you'll find in just about anything secular these days, but ultimately, it is itself a work of scientistic hermetic theology. More specifically, Contact is a very clever piece of propaganda which promotes the theosophical ideas of HP Blavatsky, Alice Bailey, UNESCO, and the Lucis Trust. Virtually every component of the NWO global agenda can be found in this movie.
Since the dawn of the Enlightenment, we've been taught that there is an irreconcilable schism between science and faith. In both the cinematic and literary form, the modern science fiction tradition is replete with stories which dramatize this conflict. With very few exceptions, the forces of scientific progress are in perpetual struggle against the forces of religious belief. The scientists are always portrayed as infinitely resourceful master technicians who are likeable, quick witted and can kick your ass if the story demands it. By contrast, the faithful are authoritarian dolts and mean spirited tight asses. Or as The Omega Man and The Chronicles of Riddick demonstrate, they are embodied as fanatical, vampiric cultists whose sole motivations are enslavement, conversion or conquest. In Contact's case, the religious characters include a suicide bomber, a status seeking bureaucrat, a vacuous Catholic priest, and a cross between Jeff Spicoli and Joel Osteen. In other words, yet another mostly uncharitable Hollywood portrait of religious people. Since many of the prime movers of the sci-fi genre were themselves globalist technocrats, it makes sense that we'd eventually get a film which reconciles these seemingly opposing forces into an alchemical union to grease the wheels for the dystopian hellscape glorious global techno-utopia that awaits us.
On the surface, Contact presents itself as a sophisticated science fiction story which believably posits the possibility of contact with a higher extraterrestrial intelligence. Though Steven Spielberg has given us two different versions of the benign alien visitation in E.T. and Close Encounters of the Third Kind, Contact is following in the footsteps of the loftier speculations of Arthur C. Clarke. Instead of a kid friendly vision of Crowleyan entities you find in Spielberg, you get to watch the whole world build a dimensional portal which does real science-y shit like "folding spacetime" but is really just the most expensive VR machine ever built.
Every character represents an archetypal ideal, and the heroine of the film, Ellie Arroway, is modeled after Hypatia, the Alexandrian martyr for science. For those who remember Cosmos, Sagan lavished mountains of praise on Hypatia in the series despite having no substantial record of achievement in the history of scientific thought. This choice makes sense when viewed through a gnostic lens because she represents the illuminated Sophia. Eleanor is Greek for "shining light" and Arroway is a play on Voltaire's last name, Arouet. Her nickname is "Sparks" to signify the fact that she possesses Luciferian flame. Right away, Sagan is signaling a connection to gnosticism, Freemasonry, and by extension, the Hermetic roots of modern science. Played with heartfelt vigor by Jodie Foster, Ellie is a paragon of determination, grit, tenderness and the passionate thirst for discovery. She is the fearless seeker who is willing to persist in her quest for extraterrestrial life despite constant rejection and doubt from all corners. She remains steadfast in her convictions when facing the ridicule of the vapid, self-aggrandizing and conniving David Drumlin. She is also the radical empiricist who demands proof of God's existence when probing the faith of Matthew McConaughey's Palmer Joss.
This brings us to one of the film's clever sleights of hand. Ellie is essentially a female version of David Hume or John Locke. In the wake of her second greatest tragedy, all her Catholic priest could offer was a few perfunctory words about how it was "God's plan". Pfft. Piss off, religion! She doesn't believe in God because she needs empirical proof! Not mealy mouthed platitudes! Checkmate, conservatards! Bet you never heard THAT ONE before! Of course, this is by now an insufferably tiresome cliché. Materialism and empiricism is the bread and butter of the entire New Atheist community. For them, there is no valid knowledge outside the peer reviewed science or what can be observed in the realm of sense perception. But what the film doesn't want you to notice is that this premise is in and of itself an article of faith! To Zemeckis' credit, he makes this point explicit when Ellie is called upon to provide evidence that she actually did traverse the galaxy. There is no empirical evidence for the claim that all knowledge claims must be subject to empirical evidence. Furthermore, Ellie embodies a set of virtues. She is a heroic archetype. She's tough. She's conscientious. She's honest. She's principled. She's loyal. She spends the bulk of the film asking people to believe in her quest for extraterrestrial life. The natural world has nothing to say about prescriptive ethics, duty, honor, integrity or morality. To ground an entire worldview in nothing more than a posture of skepticism and an unquestioned belief in the scientific method leads to either to nihilism or the substitution of politics for religious faith. Humans build and strengthen the architecture of morality through storytelling. We must ultimately subordinate ourselves to a hierarchy of authority which starts with the family and reaches its pinnacle in the nation state. Because we're imperfect, we crave stories which simultaneously speak to our flawed nature yet appeal to our highest aspirations. The progressive worldview mostly rejects metaphysics. Subsequently, virtue must be smuggled through occult archetypes and esoteric metaphysics and Sagan has very skillfully achieved that in Ellie.
It is also noteworthy that Ellie is initially presented as a child with a dead mother. She eventually loses her father too, and this marks her as yet another Hollywood portrait of a child without parents whose life choices are informed in part to fulfill a longing borne of a prematurely severed connection and in part to insulate herself from the emotional vacuum at the core of her being. It's little surprise that when she has her encounter with the "alien" species, it appears to her in the form that she would find most comforting: her father. Her life quest is wrapped in the rhetoric of scientific inquiry, but it reads as a sort of spiritual calling. The liberal democratic imperium needs atomized individuals pursuing life ambitions that advance scientific or material progress in one way or another. Preferably, it's a pursuit untethered from family ties and religious tradition. This is entirely consistent with the professed agenda behind the mythology of extraterrestrial life as Arthur C. Clarke is on record stating in Brenda Denzler's book, The Lure of the Edge.
Look Heres Arthur c Clarke and NASA and brookings institute admitting the alien psy op is to destroy xianity pic.twitter.com/jjlTpfFShF
— Jay Dyer (@Jay_D007) September 17, 2016
Her counterpart, Palmer Joss, presents a clever subversion of expectations. Just as we saw in the relationship between Mulder and Scully in the X-Files, Contact reverses standard male and female attributes. Despite the numerous studies which demonstrate a higher degree of empathy and social skills in women, Sagan wrote Ellie as the hard bitten scientific realist consumed with a need for evidence. By contrast, Matthew McConaughey's Palmer Joss is the believer. Granted, he's an earthy crunchy academic theologian who's influential enough to be anointed the spiritual advisor to the POTUS. His real world analogues are establishment cucks like Rick Warren and Tony Campolo. He represents a form of toothless Christianity that's been opportunistically coopted by the establishment to help politicize the churches and lend moral authority to political agendas. Once again to Zemeckis' credit, Joss lands a solid blow against the edifice of Ellie's scientific materialism when he asks for proof that she loved her father. It's the only cinematic moment of which I'm aware when a secular rationalist is left speechless by a theist.
Contact isn't just an apologia for scientific materialism, but a work of occult theology. When Ellie presents the decryption primer to the Security Council, she insists that the civilization who sent the message had benign intentions because it was presented in the language of science and mathematics. Unlike the dumb religious retards who follow divine revelation, the machine plans were proof of a species who had harnessed the power of science to evolve beyond their primitive tendencies toward self-destruction. Here, Sagan and Zemeckis presume that unchecked technological progress all by itself is a virtue that will elevate and unite humanity. It's exactly the kind of belief that's promoted by UNESCO, the UN and their theological subsidiary, the Lucis Trust. They are trafficking occult teleology. As Palmer Joss rightfully pointed out as she made her pitch, what she received was a message emanating from a "booming voice from the sky". Sagan substitutes three dimensional engineering schematics embedded in a digital black cube of Saturn for the Ten Commandments. She wants people to believe that the construction of the machine will only edify the human race. What atheists like Sagan conveniently ignore is the simple fact that fetishizing the scientific method doesn't capture the imagination. What does animate human spirit is the possibility that our man made ambitions might unite the world and eventually bring us into contact with a higher intelligence.
Of course, this also means that we must also deify the corporate aristocracy behind the democratic imperium. As industrial mogul, S.R. Hadden, John Hurt is the Randian übermensch who funds Ellie's ambitions, decrypts the extraterrestrial blueprints, and subcontracts with Japanese company to build a second machine. Without rich industrialists to bankroll these moonshot ideas, we will never achieve our globalist utopia, proles. Though he is portrayed as a sympathetic character, he is another spin on a Nimrod archetype. Zemeckis wants you to see him as a benevolent old coot but as his name suggests, he is a representation of the Assyrian despot, Esarhaddon. He is more accurately seen as a David Rockefeller or George Soros. He is among the wealthy capitalists who fund NGOs, populate academia with cultural Marxists, finance every conceivable fifth column organization and function as a de facto shadow government. Throughout the film, Hadden communicates to Ellie using the most sophisticated technology and possesses more intelligence about her than you would think a private citizen can access. When James Woods' hardass conservative proposes the possibility that Hadden has perpetrated a hoax on the entire globe, your sympathies are already with Ellie, and by extension, Hadden. Tough shit, you dumb Alex Jones loving conspiratards. George Soros did nothing wrong. So shut it.
What's most stunning about Contact is the degree to which it blurs the line between fiction and reality. Actual footage of Bill Clinton commenting on the Mars meteorite discovery in which he stresses the importance of ascertaining "facts" has been seamlessly inserted. Actual CNN anchors are "acting" as CNN anchors throughout the film commenting on a fictitious machine which opens wormholes. A news highlight discusses a fake group of religious fanatics committing mass suicide, and it just happens to mirror the actual mass suicide of the Heaven's Gate cult just a few months before the film's release. I guess it's just a lucky coincidence that all these things happened in time for Contact's release. All of which begs a key question. If "real" news outlets like CNN and real politicians who present themselves as the arbiters of truth are willingly inserting themselves into a fake story about a contact with an extraterrestrial intelligence, why shouldn't we assume that the "reality" they're presenting isn't every bit as synthetic as Contact itself?
While I disagree with his interpretation, Germain Lussier points out the ubiquity of telecommunications devices in the film. The fact that our contact with one another is now being heavily mediated, refracted and distorted through electronic media suggests this was subtle predictive programming. The internet may have brought the whole world together in ways that were unimaginable to previous generations, but the degree to which it has been a salutary force is debatable at best and detrimental at worst. I suggest that this film is tipping us to the possibility that the space program is ultimately about building and enhancing global panopticism.
Speaking of fictitious machines, Contact is basing its technological speculations on special relativity, but if we actually think about how the machine was supposed to work, it doesn't add up. Resembling the classical model of the atom we learned in grade school, the machine was comprised of several interlocking steel rings. Presumably, with enough acceleration, the rings would convert to mass and tear the fabric of spacetime. Not to get all Neil deGrasse Tyson, but there is no known material that could withstand that kind of energy let alone an energy source to power it. But this came from the mind of Carl Sagan. A scientific mind, right? I don't mind leaps of imagination, but when you're presenting a speculative machine that's linked to a very specific theoretical model that is itself unproven and unobserved, how is this different from theistic belief? Isn't it interesting that the IMDB trivia page indicates that Carl Sagan wanted to ensure the "science" was correct and the word is bracketed in quotation marks? Isn't it interesting that this very same visual idea was recycled in Event Horizon and instead of uniting us with benign entities, the machine in that film opened a portal to hell? Why should we presume that a dimensional portal will bring us into contact with benevolent beings as Ellie so fervently insists?
After recovering from her VR journey to the center of the galaxy, Ellie finds herself in the position of having to defend the veracity of her experience before an incredulous government oversight committee lead by a relentless James Woods. Without evidence, Ellie is forced to ask the country to believe that she traversed light years and encountered a simulacrum of her father. You should also believe that an Einstein-Rosen Bridge is legitimate science despite the complete absence of empirical evidence. Is it any wonder that Anita Sarkeesian and Christine Blasey Ford were able to weaponize #BelieveWomen so easily? The cool and dispassionate pursuit of the facts doesn't hold when religious icons are being violated.
Ellie's vision amounts to her burning bush moment. In that brief encounter, she was filled with a revelation of the preciousness of life that was so profound, she felt compelled to spread the Gospel of Intergalactic Gnosis with the world. As she descends the Capitol building stairs/Mt. Sinai, she passes through the pillars of Boaz and Jachin, and we behold the throngs of New World Israelites gathered together to pay homage to our gnostic savior. Having crossed the abyss on the Kabbalistic tree of life, she has reconciled the sky and the earth and attained Enlightenment. Joss' profession of solidarity with Ellie doesn't just signify a romantic happy ending, it's the alchemical synthesis of science with divinity just as HP Blavatsky taught in her writings. No longer do we have to cling to the divisive notion that science is at war with faith. Scientism is an article of faith, but now, we can make common cause with religious people as long as they're promoting a One World State God and don't get carried away with any of that Jesus shit.
As shows like Netflix's Maniac demonstrate, Hollywood is pushing the public closer to the idea that pharmacologically enhanced VR is going to provide people with the transcendent experience unavailable in our mundane existence. Even pop culture figures like Tom Delonge are going to great lengths to mainstream the existence of UFOs. Burning Man already has a cosmic temple to prep us for the new Cosmic AI God. Grimes has already written the first transhuman cyberpunk pop anthem. Science fiction films which posit the possibility of alien intelligence are a key component of this agenda. And Ellie Arroway was certainly among the most indelible characters of the modern era to illuminate the path.
academia, books, globalism, new world order, science, scientism, technocracy
Jonas Salk: Survival of the Wisest
Though it's debatable that his name means anything to anyone under the age of 30, Jonas Salk is known as of the inventor of the polio vaccine. If his name registers at all, he is likely to be seen as a fearless champion of scientific progress and a paragon of enlightened modernism whose contributions to medical science have elevated Western society out of the backwardness of religious superstition. So when Jonas Salk writes a speculative tract called Survival of the Wisest which spells out the type of individual best suited to guide humanity into its new age of enlightened virtue, it is meant to be accorded the reverence one would normally reserve for religious doctrine. Survival of the Wisest is, in fact, a quintessentially scientistic work. It has the veneer of scientific rigor. It is filled with charts and fancy scientific words like "metabiology". Make no mistake though, Salk has donned the miter of the scientific priesthood and has issued what amounts to a proclamation of Scientific Prophecy.
Survival of the Wisest is a short read, but it's dense and by his own admission, it's not a work of actual scientific theory. It is a speculative, philosophical work which presents itself as authoritative prescription for humanity as we march forward into the new age of global liberalism. Salk posits that scientists' "attention must turn increasingly to questions of of general human concern." While he claims that his concern is for the general welfare of humanity, it comes across like a justification for the existence of a scientific dictatorship. By synthesizing Darwinism, Malthusian warnings of cataclysmic overpopulation, Freudian psychoanalysis, and a quasi-Lockean post-Enlightenment outlook on Natural Law, Salk tries to manufacture a telos for the entire human race.
This book demonstrates the hubris of placing scientific materialism as the foundational propositions for modern society. Salk claims that true wisdom is the product of those who are able to negotiate inexorable forward march of competing dialectical tensions. Man is simultaneously the author of his evolutionary progress and the victim of his lethal excesses. By ensuring that the "wisest" among us are able to guide this forward march of evolution, we are fulfilling the purpose that's in accord with "nature".
Needless to say, Salk is engaging in a long form circular argument. In order to attain wisdom, you must first dismantle the "illusion" that man is a purposeful being in the first place. Because after all, there is an order and a direction to the evolutionary flow of the universe. And it's only properly understood by the Wisest among us. And the Wisest are the ones best adapted to discern true wisdom. See how this works?
While presenting abstract concepts such as "being" and "ego" as though they're objective phenomena and their relationship to somatic biology over time as an ironclad fact, Salk is trafficking lots of metaphysical assumptions that he cannot prove through pure scientific empiricism. He comes across like the illuminated Platonic mystic who apprehends the world of true forms and is simply here to decode the shadows of the cave wall for all you rubes. Everything in the natural world is in a state of evolutionary flux except for his speculative prescriptions for the future. His talks of the synthesis of the scientific and the artistic, but his language is freighted with an aura of moral imperative and absolute necessity.
The truth is that Salk and the adepts of the scientific priesthood have already prevailed. Science is used to rationalize anything and for the most part, no one can distinguish between the science and the moral prescriptions wrapped around the rhetoric. If depopulation and eugenics can be justified by the "wisest" among us and they have the sanction of the media, political and academic classes, who can stand in their way? Better yet, if you can manage to make people believe it's virtuous through popular culture, you won't face opposition when the laws are passed. How else do you explain the Thanos Did Nothing Wrong subreddit?
Survival of the Wisest seems indistinguishable from the likes of HP Blavatsky, Alice Bailey and Annie Besant who have proclaimed that we're in a new Age of Aquarius. Post-Enlightenment liberalism has demolished the traditional cornerstones of the classical worldview. Subsequently, the void of meaning and purpose needs to be filled with substitutes. However, the task of filling this void has laid bare the numerous contradictions of the neverending pursuit of liberation. The perpetual quest for infinite tolerance and freedom cannot be reconciled with a society that respects boundaries and limits. You got a problem with womyn of size, bigots? Do you object to cannibalism or something? Do you oppose progress?
Just the organic "evolution" of society. Nothing strange pic.twitter.com/FtjVwg4AHC
— Jay Dyer (@Jay_D007) August 31, 2018
Even the academic elites cannot avoid confronting the fact that liberalism has only compounded the problems against which it rebelled in the first place. Of course, the solution cannot be a rejection of liberalism. It must be a reaffirmation of liberalism. You know. Just cede the tedium of thinking to Wisest among us. They're only concerned with their Survival.
I mean OURS.
academia, ethics, liberalism, morality, philosophy, politics, religion, social science
Jonathan Haidt: The Righteous Mind
NYU professor Jonathan Haidt has risen to prominence in recent years by taking a stand against the rising tide of PC sensibilities on college campuses. Given his willingness to take on the cultish groupthink that has overtaken the political Left, I was initially enthusiastic about The Righteous Mind. Similar to what I've experienced with his fellow would be dissidents on the classically liberal Left, I was really taken in by this book at the outset, but its allure diminished as it progressed. The Righteous Mind is a fine piece of scholarship for anyone seeking a clear headed albeit academic perspective on moral and evolutionary psychology. However, this recommendation comes with caveats. Haidt is a liberal academic who seeks mostly to explain and classify the components of the moral apparatus while remaining within the confines of the liberal mindset. His role model of a society which respects authority and hierarchy is the one articulated by Marxist sociologist, Emile Durkheim. He unironically cites Richard Dawkins, Bertrand Russell and Barbara Ehrenreich as authortative scholars. He's not a threat to the secular democratic consensus. He's not a reactionary proposing a return to religious order. He's merely a well intentioned intellectual who is making an above average effort at providing people across the conventional political spectrum a deeper empathy for the opposition.
The Righteous Mind is a good summary of the current state of evolutionary psychology, but ultimately all it does is give you a more scientific framework for understanding how liberals and conservatives process morality. The book mostly seeks to mitigate the contentious nature of political discourse. Since it comes from a Darwinian perspective, it portrays morality as an evolving, semi-malleable psychological realm which resides exclusively in the political arena. Though Haidt describes his disaffection with the dry and clinical nature of his early explorations into this field, this book suffers from the same pitfalls. There's a part of me that thinks that this work is just an inducement to log on to YourMorals.org so that the results can be sent to progressive think tanks or the AI teams at DARPA and Google to optimize machine learning systems.
Haidt argues that there is an innate wiring for morality, but the specifics vary across cultures and they are evolutionary adaptations. Morality is not the product of pure intellectual reasoning nor can it be adequately explained or generated through rationalist attempts at universal rules. People possess moral intuitions, but there is a margin of elasticity which allows for reasoning to occur. This innate wiring can be described as a matrix of receptors that he calls Moral Foundations Theory. "Intuitions come first, strategic reasoning second." (1)
Haidt builds his case by tracing the evolution of morality in the secular philosophical sphere up to the discoveries of modern evolutionary psychology. He consolidates these discoveries with his own studies which corral all moral thought into the political arena. He posits that the morality of progressives, libertarians and social conservatives can be understood through a matrix of six different foundations. These foundations would be Care, Fairness, Loyalty, Authority, Sanctity and Liberty/oppression.
Haidt's view of morality is roughly analogous to that of a liberal Christian Protestant theologian, but viewed through the lens of modern social science. In other words, man is prewired for moral instincts, but the moral matrix requires input from external sources in order to develop. This development may be constrained in various ways. We are guided by our moral intuitions, but there is a realm of slack that allows for moral reasoning and persuasion to occur. By laying out the moral matrix of liberal progressives, libertarians and social conservatives, Haidt hopes to elevate the public discourse to a place where disagreements can be had without being disagreeable. An honorable aim, but doomed nonetheless.
Since Haidt is himself a liberal and writing for an audience who are like minded in one way or another, the great triumph of the book is that he solidifies the proposition that all humans are wired for religious thinking. Everyone. Even you. Deal with it.
It's not about whether you read the Bible or attend church services. Haidt's great victory lies in the fact that he able to persuasively argue that the human mind has the capacity to sanctify anything. Even a self-proclaimed atheist sanctifies gods called "reason", "social justice" or "democracy". Haidt proclaims the following:
Whatever its origins, the psychology of sacredness helps bind individuals into moral communities. When someone in a moral community desecrates one of the sacred pillars supporting the community, the reaction is sure to be swift, emotional, collective, and punitive. (174)
The one thing I particularly appreciate is that Haidt is very explicit about the fact that liberals sanctify politics and deify the presidency. The highest moral reality for the secular liberal is realized through the democratic process. This is a large reason that progressives are so contemptuous of conservatives. Because the progressive sees only oppression in traditional society or conserved ideals, there is no real morality outside the context of politics. Conservatives are just contemptible Neanderthals who must be mercilessly mocked and then dragged into the future by force. This observation also goes a long way toward explaining the absolute insanity that has overtaken the Left in the Trump era. In the progressive view, an apostate has usurped the pinnacle of moral authority. Trump's very presence in the Oval Office is nothing short of blasphemy against the Holy Writ of Progressivism.
On the flipside, I think Haidt gives progressives too much credit. He asserts that everyone cares about the Care/harm axis, "but liberals care more"(212). This is patently absurd. Liberals are quintessentially Glauconian in the sense that they care about the appearance of caring above all else. Politicized compassion is not the same as the practice of individual acts of compassion. Advocating for the passage of a law which will only expand the sphere of criminality in pursuit of some abstract notion of equality without regard for cost or outcome is not an expression of caring. Walking into a voting booth to pray to the Democracy God on the basis of altruistic sounding political rhetoric is not the same as taking individual action to improve the welfare of some disenfranchised group. Hashtags, rallies and slogans are not substitutes for volunteering in soup kitchens or being a mentor for an inner city kid with no father. Progressives have merely politicized every sphere of social interaction and sanctified government bureaucracy. To oppose any progressive initiative, policy or agency is seen as moral degeneracy. You can't just oppose transgender bathrooms because to do so just means you're a hate filled bigot. You can't criticize the Department of Education because to do so means you oppose education all by itself.
In fact, when it comes to expressing disdain towards conservatives, progressives can be downright hateful and violent. When attacking conservatives, all of the flowery slogans and treacly hashtags are immediately jettisoned. The progressive Left are the very definition of double standards and selective outrage when it comes to voicing their contempt for conservatives. To his credit, he acknowledges this by citing the hate filled bile of Village Voice writer, Michael Feingold. It's a hate that has only been amplified by the media and progressive priesthood in the Trump era.
Remember who the hatred comes from pic.twitter.com/7OvcBKCoT3
— Fed Groyper (@FedGroyper) July 5, 2018
Man Throws Drink at Teenager and Steals MAGA Hat in Burger Joint: https://t.co/gHxoDmZpZ9 via @YouTube
— Orwell & Goode 🇨🇱 (@OrwellNGoode) July 5, 2018
So much for the tolerant left. 😄 pic.twitter.com/SVEN9kOw32
— Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) April 24, 2018
pic.twitter.com/83Sc19Liqh
The tolerant left strikes again. https://t.co/248VdGmNu4
— Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) December 15, 2016
Are the media trying to get Trump reelected in 2020? pic.twitter.com/5XD1VGnl22
— Orwell & Goode 🇨🇱 (@OrwellNGoode) June 28, 2018
So much for the tolerant left. 😌 https://t.co/2q2vEaAn7k
— Paul Joseph Watson (@PrisonPlanet) June 8, 2018
Haidt is also guilty of trafficking presumptions of moral truth which presumably underpin the liberal West. He claims that Westerners regard life as "supremely valuable, and that the human body is more than just a walking slab of meat" (174), but this is a dubious proposition. If that were the case, abortion would not be legal. Nor would progressives callously cheer the hypothetical gunning down of an audience full of Trump supporters. He tips his hand further by suggesting that the "only ethical question about abortion" (177) becomes the point at which a fetus feels pain. Not the point at which it becomes its own distinct life.
Haidt asks you to buy into the presuppositions that comprise the liberal, Darwinian worldview. In other words, nominalism and empiricism are to be taken as a given. He describes this using the acronym WEIRD which stands for Western, educated, industrialized, rich, and democratic.
The WEIRDer you are, the more you see a world of separate objects, rather than relationships. (113)
The bad news is that Haidt, like his fellow compatriots in the so called "intellectual dark web", is simply trying to tend the barricades of classical liberalism in the vain hope of preserving these ideas for the future. To his credit, this book offers a potential glimmer of empathy for the hardboiled progressive who views the conservative with disdain and contempt. Progressives like to preach empathy, but it's an empathy that seems only to extend to those who agree with the progressive worldview.
Are you even allowed to disapprove of transgenderism or gay marriage without being ostracized from society? Are you allowed to crack a joke at the expense of the Left's favored groups without fear of losing your job? Are you even allowed to be on the Left and hold heterodox beliefs without being ldemonized?
This is the core problem of The Righteous Mind and classical liberalism. Not only is morality circumscribed to politics, but it is considered a malleable matrix that can be reshaped through social policy if properly understood. Haidt essentially asks you to accept pragmatism and relativism as givens. There are no fixed principles nor is there objective truth except the presuppositions of Darwinism and liberalism.
Sam Harris' Claim: "Having a world based on scientific fact is **better** than having a world based on everchanging fictions."
Evidence presented for this claim: NONE pic.twitter.com/ZZkeSwcTNr
— FRIENDED💘FOREVER (@Friended4Ever) July 3, 2018
If morality lives in a malleable psychological scientistic realm, then social scientists will be able to adjudicate morality and no one will question their authority or methods. Who's going to question the tenured social scientist with a fancy degree who insists that pedophilia is a congenital sexual orientation? Who's to say that the highly respected physician at Johns Hopkins who insists that children with gender dysphoria should receive hormone blockers is wrong? How can you mount that case when morality is consigned to the realm of scientism and evolutionary relativism? What's preventing us from removing the moral "taboo" against cannibalism? How can you mount a case against any of these positions when morality is consigned to the realm of scientism and evolutionary relativism?
Pedophiles on campus. https://t.co/zhUxtrb9Ff
— Mike Cernovich 🇺🇸 (@Cernovich) June 13, 2018
Haidt also stumbles in his attempts to reconcile the dialectical tension that arose from the Enlightenment which pits the will of the individual against the collective unity embodied in the state. Invoking the work of Rockefeller University graduate, Barbara Ehrenreich, Haidt discusses the binding powers of psychedelics, cross dressing and ecstatic dancing as a way of strengthening hierarchical structures through ritualized subversion. Naturally, he lauds these practices as progressive and healthy while simultaneously cautioning against the bad kind of collective identity that fascism represented. He even invokes the magical power of oxytocin as though everyone is going to pay attention to the limited effects it has on strengthening in-group affection. True to progressive form, he mostly avoids the errors of communist states and places all of his emphasis on the one and only moral negative that exists in the progressive worldview: fascism.
He also seems to contradict himself when it comes to racial in-group preferences. He concedes that "we trust and cooperate more readily with people who look and sound like us."(244) Because he's making an evolutionary and Darwinian argument based around genetic adaptation to culture, he's able to completely sidestep his own claim in favor of a politically convenient argument that runs completely contrary to his original claim.
Like Jordan Peterson, he takes a more charitable view towards religion than his atheist contemporaries . "Gods and religions, in sum, are group-level adaptations for producing cohesiveness and trust." (306). In contrast to the New Atheists, he doesn't see religion as a pure pathology, but merely an accessory to pathology. He recognizes that religious people are more charitable and have more children. He acknowledges that religious communities are more cohesive and maximize cooperation better than their secular counterparts. But he ultimately affirms the conclusions of Jeremy Bentham! He just wants a more nuanced felicific calculus.
Haidt is generally pretty good about presenting the conservative and libertarian position, but he misses the mark occasionally, too. He describes conservative opposition to the entire array of welfare as the absence of "proportionality". What he ignores is the compulsory nature of the taxes collected to pay for them. Compelled charity is not charity at all. Any social welfare system will require the creation and maintenance of a bureaucracy within the government. Once this bureaucracy is established, the incentives immediately become corrupted. The bureaucrats will only seek self-preservation while the recipients will lose their incentive. He eventually gets around to the problem of bureaucratized compassion when he discusses the adverse effects that arise when attempting to make health insurance more affordable through government policy. Kudos to Haidt for calling out the Left's pathological and religious obsession with using government policy as an instrument of compassion
This book was published in 2012, so it predates Trump Derangement Syndrome. Haidt's sympathy towards the religious community extends to conservatism in general, but it's a conservatism that's confined to the province of classical liberalism. Haidt's efforts to foster greater empathy for conservatives and conservatism is above and beyond the vast majority of his contemporaries, but his Twitter feed suggests a pretty typical indifference to the hostility towards conservatives that has erupted in the Trump era. When rank and file conservatives are being vilified for seeking border security that was uncontroversial under Bill Clinton, Haidt's work feels increasingly tepid and weak.
Hungary offers a clear case study of what it looks like when right-wing political orthodoxy interferes with science, and university life:https://t.co/JtqllwatO5 pic.twitter.com/kMFJ6nzm8Z
— Jonathan Haidt (@JonHaidt) May 10, 2018
I'm willing to give Haidt credit for trying to turn down the temperature of the political discourse, but I can't help but think he's missing the bigger picture issues. There's no mention of the collapse of the family. There's no mention of high divorce rates. There's no mention of the effect of illegitimacy on children. There's no mention of rising suicide rates in men. There's no mention of the increase in antidepressants and opioids. There's only a passing mention of "social engineering" and Haidt seems pretty blithely dismissive of the ways that society has already been socially engineered by the likes of Durkheim and Russell. How can you discuss morality and not make a connection to these outcomes? How can you be concerned about morality and not see these issues as supremely troubling? Haidt's book is mainly geared towards educated liberals just like him while ignoring the vast swaths of the population who can't be bothered with this shit. Most people formulate a worldview very early on and simply aren't interested in having it challenged. I'd wager that even amongst the target demographic for this book, very few were persuaded to view the opposition with greater empathy.
If morality is consigned to genetic evolution, then eugenics and technocratic social engineering are not far behind. As much as I admire Haidt's good intentions, I fear that these are the ends this book is serving.
atheism, Carl Sagan, Christianity, conservatism, liberalism, science, scientism, technocracy, technology
Carl Sagan, Scientism, and the Liberal post-Enlightenment Consensus
I was sent this quote by a friend, and as much as I'm inclined to agree, I think a more balanced perspective is in order. I still reserve a great deal of affection for Mr. Sagan, but he's hardly the first to diagnose the decrepitude of mind and spirit that's emblematic of the classically liberal, post-Enlightenment technocratic age.
John Henry Newman, Edwin Lawrence Godkin, Oswald Spengler and Alexis de Tocqueville were but a few people who also foresaw the American experiment headed towards this unfortunate state of affairs.
If we're going to be fair minded, we need to redirect the critique back to the worldview espoused by Mr. Sagan. What you find in the writings of those who held a more traditionalist mindset was a warning that the dogmatic emphasis on materialism and scientism would necessarily result in a tendency toward technocratic despotism. It would necessarily result in people attributing moral transgression to objects (i.e. guns) or material privation (i.e. inequality). It would necessarily result in a pharmaceutical industry relating to people as bags of chemicals whose moods and performance can be optimized with drugs. It would necessarily result in people making endless appeals to political power in pursuit of an ever elusive notion of #EQUALITY. It would necessarily result in an education system which indoctrinates the idea that the highest virtue is to place all morality into the arena of politics and that some magical combination of bureaucracy and legislation will result in ever improving outcomes.
Regarding his subtle dig at those who are sympathetic to crystals, astrology or anything that falls under the broad umbrella of New Age mysticism or the Western esoteric tradition, the entire scientific tradition as we know it is more closely aligned with the Western esoteric tradition than it is the Christian worldview. Mind you, I'm not trying to say that Christians are hostile to science by default, but there's an esoteric spiritual worldview that's baked into a lot of the scientific worldview that goes mostly unacknowledged. I suggest that has more than a little to do with the longstanding antagonism we've been fed surrounding the Faith vs. Science dichotomy.
I'll always have a soft spot for Carl Sagan, but he can't have his scientistic cake and eat it too. Liberalism has been the default setting for at least the past couple centuries. We're seeing it move towards its logical conclusion: global technocracy.
I don't think you can make this critique in earnest without a willingness to reexamine the underlying presuppositions of the post-Enlightenment liberal consensus.
culture, current events, drama, family, feminism, film, Hollywood, liberalism, morality, social justice
The Florida Project (2017)
It seems like everything that comes out of Hollywood these days is either insufferable garbage or, at best, a mixed bag. I didn't think I'd find a film that fills both categories, but The Florida Project may be that film. This is the tenth effort from the 47 year old writer/director, Sean Baker, and it is an excruciating chore to watch. If I were slathered in honey and pushed into a pit of fire ants, it wouldn't adequately convey the psychic torture this film inflicts. This film completely embodies Hollywood's loathsome and contemptible double standard and false moral preening. At the same time, it does present you with some thorny questions around societal norms, gender roles and moral standards that any honest person will have difficulty answering. Set amidst the pastel colored sprawl of Orlando, The Florida Project tells the story of single mother Hallee and her daughter Moonee as they attempt to simply survive while living in a low budget hotel amongst the "hidden homeless". The film is intentionally shot against the backdrop of Disneyworld because Baker wants the juxtaposition of a beloved fantasyland destination for stable families to play against the broken lives of quiet and not-so-quiet desperation that carry on beyond the view of the average American.
Though it can be seen as having redeeming qualities when viewed through the right lens, it is also a film whose unrelenting unpleasantness immediately makes you wonder what exactly Mr. Baker intended to convey. Based on the available interview footage, the subject matter of his other films and the virtue signaling on his Twitter feed, we can safely conclude that this was yet another vile and repugnant moral circle jerk. Baker wants to render the emotional and societal wreckage perpetrated by the very people with whom he surrounds himself in the most vivid and realistic ways possible. Rather portray this as a tragic collapse of societal norms, he asks you to engage in an exercise in radical #EMPATHY. No, this is not an occasion in which to judge or ascribe blame. Check your privilege, bigot. This is about the #INCLUSION of #MARGINALIZED groups.
Hallee is, in many ways, the apotheosis of the progressive, feminist single mother archetype. She's an ill mannered, foul mouthed derelict who has no business being anywhere near a child, but she is, in fact, the sole caregiver of the equally monstrous and ill mannered brat, Moonee. We no longer need to speculate about what life in the matriarchy will be like because Hallee perfectly embodies it. She don't need no man, bitch. She won't be slut shamed for turning tricks while her daughter bathes in the next room. You got a fuckin' problem with how she's raising her child, you uptight conservatard? And don't you dare judge her for stealing from others just to make a buck. What do you expect from a womyn still struggling to liberate herself from patriarchal norms, you misogynistic bigot?
As Bobby, Willem Dafoe debases himself once again by giving us yet another warped and damaged archetype of postmodern paternalism. Dafoe is the manager at the hotel where Hallee and Moonee live, but he is also a de facto father figure. Reduced to making futile attempts to restrain her ghastly behavior and having to cover up for her numerous pathologies, Dafoe is a burned out shard of a man desperately reaching for fragments of self-respect, moral rectitude and legitimate authority.
While I can freely admit that my own childhood was far from conventional and I was accorded liberties that would have been judged very negatively by many, I would hope that the average viewer would be appalled by the adverse effects of the complete absence of real parenting for Moonee. Baker appears to be asking you to witness Hallee pass on her own pathologies to her daughter and suspend all moral judgment. He even seems to be quietly cheerleading Hallee for her "bravery". Based on all the breathless swooning from the intelligentsia, he appears to have succeeded.
If we were to take the most charitable possible interpretation of this film, it could be argued that Baker may have inadvertently made one of the biggest red pills ever. This is what the secular progressive consensus has produced. The state of perpetual rebellion against any kind of social norm has produced a society that can no longer uphold anything as an ideal to which to aspire. All that remains is a nihilistic fixation on the dissolution and decay which is what passes for radical #EMPATHY and enlightened virtue. Hey, at least Baker HAS THE COURAGE TO TELL IT LIKE IT IS, AMIRITE? NO SUGAR COATED, ANDY GRIFFITH STYLE AMERICAN NOSTALGIA HERE, MAN! WE'RE TACKLING THE STUFF THAT'S JUST TOO REAL FOR ALL YOU SHELTERED CONSERVATARDS.
Naturally, Hollywood showered this movie with praise as a paragon of pure #WOKENESS. A 95% Fresh reviewer score on Rotten Tomatoes is full confirmation that the enlightened, sophisticated and sensitive people approve. And all the promo photos on social media will remind you that this film has the seal of approval from the Right Peoplekind. If you see this movie, you're aware of how real the struggle is and you really should like it. You probably read Affinity, The Root and Everyday Feminism, too. And you most certainly vote the right way.
While those who watch this will congratulate themselves for enduring this psychic torture and use it as evidence of their moral superiority, the larger question is what is do be done about these phenomena? It's too much to confront. But somehow, we're to presume that merely watching this movie inches us closer to some kind of singularity of mass #EMPATHY. At least we're getting more #WOKE, AMIRITE? If you're serious about the issue, either you're going to advocate for building stable families from the start or you're going to get into the trenches and work on dealing with the breached levees of society. Unfortunately, most of society's energy is trained towards mitigating the damage that's already been done. Sean Baker would never make a film about a white, stable Christian family trying to navigate the waters of a society that's hostile to their lifestyle in every way because he has no real moral framework. Nor would he make a film which trains its sights on the ways that Disney itself is exacerbating these problems because these are the types of people whose approval he ultimately seeks. All you really need is #EMPATHY and #INCLUSIVENESS. His films are just long form social media memes for everyone who's already part of his ideological hugbox.
The ending of the film is obviously meant to evoke a heartfelt moment of liberation and triumphalism for two young children whose future prospects in the world are badly compromised. But I also suspect Baker is also taking a predictable jab at the average middle-class American family who makes sacrifices to take their kids to Disneyworld so that they can have some happy memories to cherish. I suspect Baker thinks he's that brave and sensitive soul who is shaking the unwoke masses out of their slumber by ever-so-subtly insinuating that those people simply aren't allowed to enjoy their middle-class indulgences anymore. Check your class privilege, proles. Sean Baker is here to make you feel guilty for having a relatively stable life. But at least you can tell everyone how great you thought The Hollywood Project was. Because in the end, that's what really counts.
Beautiful. Cinema can help bring about change https://t.co/IvMRrWPnwm
— sean baker (@Lilfilm) March 16, 2018
AI, cyberpunk, dystopian, feminism, film, George Orwell, globalism, Hollywood, immigration, men's rights, multiculturalism, police state, post-apocalyptic, postmodernism, race relations, sf, Silicon Valley, social justice, socialism, technology, transhumanism, USSR
When I heard that a Blade Runner sequel was being made, I was skeptical but curious. Sure, it seemed like lazy Hollywood opportunism, but given Ridley Scott's involvement I was willing to give it a shot. The 1982 original was a classic in its own right. It didn't need a sequel, but the potential for a worthy follow-up story certainly existed. Of course, the potential for yet another catastrophic and unnecessary goatfuck of a beloved film legacy was equally possible. I found Denis Villeneuve's Arrival thought provoking and Hampton Fancher's slot on the writing team certainly added to its possible appeal. In short, I was mildly optimistic about Blade Runner 2049.
Thankfully, my optimism was rewarded. While there is a lot of commentary that makes me squeamish, Blade Runner 2049 is one of the most successful sequels to a sci-fi classic ever attempted. This is a brilliant piece of contemporary cinema that's well written, lovingly made, carefully paced, and packed with symbolism and metadata. It is also a bleak and deeply despairing vision of the future. For a film largely built around the quest for humanity in a world marked by declining birth rates, politicized debates over climate change, mass immigration, gender roles, race relations and the ever increasing influence of the technocratic elite, Blade Runner 2049 feels less like speculation and more like a subtle form of conditioning. This is a film that is desperately grasping for some glimpse of human connection, meaning and purpose, but it concedes that ecological catastrophe, hyper urbanization, a multicultural social order, and a gargantuan cyberpunk police state are foregone conclusions. It is basically encouraging you to embrace your technocratic overlords. The remnants of your desiccated souls can be reclaimed if you accept the inevitable, proles. The hope for release from the existential ennui that accompanied your eager embrace of a world unconstrained by spiritual delusions can be found in the brave new world of AI enabled hyperreality. The glorious dreams of the modern age with its promises of unbounded scientific progress awaits you by allowing it to reach its apotheosis. Even if it does mean you'll be living in overcrowded urban squalor oversaturated with artificial stimuli and eating industrial farmed maggots. You too will find redemption by seeking salvation in merger of man and machine.
Aside from its noir tone and cutting-edge visuals, the first Blade Runner film was provocative because it was among the first major films which explored the ramifications of a world where robots and artificial intelligence had been achieved. That world is no longer sci-fi speculation. It's here. It's now. Jared Leto's megalomaniacal replicant mogul, Niander Wallace, is blind but can function through the aid of cybernetic implants and a swarm of optical drones. Ray Kurzweil and his AI acolytes actively champion the advent of a so-called technological singularity and genuinely believe that a merger with digital consciousness is mankind's future. Given this present day reality, one cannot necessarily view Blade Runner 2049 with the kind of detachment we reserve for big budget Hollywood entertainment. Films and shows like Altered Carbon, Ghost in the Shell, Westworld and Mr. Robot explore these same themes and continue to proliferate. It's increasingly apparent that this collection of themes carries the distinct aura of an agenda. As paranoid and conspiratorial as it may seem, this film is very likely telegraphing the intentions of the Technorati.
Blade Runner 2049 is also a quintessentially postmodern piece of science fiction cinema. The film is a rich and masterful pastiche of discordant dualisms, inverted archetypes, hypertextual imagery, and visual remixes of its predecessor film. This is a film that subverts every notion you hold about what is real, true or right. Echoes of Logan's Run, Soylent Green, THX 1138, Ghost in the Shell, Total Recall, Robocop, The Terminator, Westworld, The Matrix and other related cinematic forebears are also deeply embedded in its programming. There is more than a little standard progressive commentary around racial justice, police brutality, immigration, miscegenation, corporatism, gender politics and most importantly, the increasing prevalence of AI in our lives. It just takes a little more effort to decode than your standard issue pablum.
The world of Blade Runner 2049 is dying, infertile and bereft of hope for the future. The ecosystem has collapsed and the population has been herded into megacities. Tech mogul Niander Wallace brought civilization back from the brink by developing synthetic agriculture. Prior to the collapse, the world lived off of the slave labor of Nexus 6 replicants manufactured by the Tyrell Corporation. After a series of rebellions, the Tyrell Corporation went bankrupt and Wallace acquired the remaining assets in order to make a new line of Nexus 9 replicants that were perfectly obedient. The remaining Nexus 6 models are hunted by the generation 9 Blade Runners. In contrast to the Nexus 6 line, the Nexus 9 models have implanted memories.
From a pure visual perspective, there is no natural beauty to be found, and the times you are given a vision of organic life, it's a tiny flower or a hologram. All the scenes that take place outside the urban sprawl are a blasted out, desolate ruin. The scenes of the city envelop you in their cavernous expanse of brutalist futurism, but it is a feeling of foreboding wrought by millions of lives in abject isolation. The lynchpin of the film and the lone symbol of hope for the future lies in the impossible birth of a child born from the womb of a replicant.
As the film opens, Ryan Gosling's Officer K is en route to an industrial protein farming facility to investigate a possible rogue Nexus 8 replicant. His spinner is flying completely remotely without any active piloting and he awakens to an electronic prompt indicating his impending arrival. Since K is a symbol of law, order and obedience, his slumber suggests both the extent to which we've ceded autonomy to machines as well as an unconsciousness to his own humanity. A mindless minion destroying his own kind at the bidding of his human slave masters. As self-driving cars and other vehicles become more commonplace, a flying car self-piloting a man to a distant location completely unharmed conveys a message of absolute confidence in the future of AI enabled automobility and aviation. Self-driving cars are fine, proles. Stop worrying. Allowing people to drive their own vehicles is too much individual liberty.
The encounter with Sapper Morton can be read as an inversion of the entire narrative on racial justice. Officer K was designed as a perfectly obedient slave programmed to kill rogue replicants with impunity. Sapper Morton is a lone Nexus 8 model living a perfectly productive life harvesting grubs, yet his will to be independent makes him a mark. Just as blacks were the underclass after being liberated from slavery, they remained collectively pathologized even if they were perfectly law abiding. Morton even curses him for killing "his own kind". After a punishing brawl, K subdues Morton sufficiently in order to administer some kind of electronic scan over his right eye. Call me paranoid, but given that microchip implants are a present day reality, one can't help but wonder if this too is the shape of things to come. Right before K murders him, Morton says he'll never become human because he hasn't witnessed the "miracle" he has. K is utterly indifferent to his claim and takes his life just as he was assigned to do. This allusion to miracles is not only a reference to the spiritual void in K's existence, but more broadly, to all of Western civilization. The world of Blade Runner is our own fatalistically extrapolated to its fullest conclusion. Society has lost sight of any vision of the divine, any connection to the preciousness of life, or any ideals to conserve. Let alone the will to continue the propagation of its own species.
Right before K leaves the scene, his drone spots an object buried beneath a dead tree. Trees usually symbolize harmonious relationships between man and woman or heaven and earth, but this is one of many notes of symbolic dissonance in a film filled with disjunction. What K unearths is the remains of a replicant woman whose mysterious death sets in motion a quest for his own identity and purpose.
Upon returning to headquarters, K is subjected to an inquisitorial "baseline" diagnostic test. The test itself requires K to recite fragments and words from a passage of Vladimir Nabokov's Pale Fire. It's a passage that alludes to the existence of an afterlife, but the clinical, mechanized, and almost hostile tone robs what is otherwise a beautiful piece of poetry of its effect. With its references to interlinked cells, what it does represent is the lattice work of forces within the film all seeking to resolve the various discordances of this broken, poisoned world of despair, isolation and technological artifice.
Cells interlinked within cells interlinked
Within one stem. And, dreadfully distinct
Against the dark, a tall white fountain played.
The whole scene also struck me as a reversal of the final interrogation scene in Logan's Run. Instead of a mechanized technocracy seeking to extract a sacred truth from a human who had broken the conditioning, here you have the reverse. A human using a piece of poetry which hints at transcendence in order to test the stability of a replicant's programmed obedience while foreshadowing his eventual quest for a miracle.
After he passes the test, he returns to his apartment in a rather squalid part of the city which is quite likely representative of most neighborhoods in the metropolis. The theme of racial prejudice is reinforced as a random person hurls the epithet "Skin job" at K. Upon his arrival home, we meet his holographic girlfriend, Joi, as played by the very charming and fetching Ana de Armas. When she appears, she is decked out in an iconic 50's era house dress with perfectly coiffed hair, perfectly applied makeup and is beaming with happiness and gratitude at the sight of her man. Obviously, in this future, not only has gender traditionalism been relegated to holographic simulation, it's so deeply buried in the past, it's an app that's used to keep the replicants happy. Even his meal of grey, synthetic sludge is covered over with a hologram of a hearty, home cooked meal. The relationship between Joi and K is genuinely sweet and the fact that Hollywood can only portray earnest heterosexual romance between a hologram and a replicant is indeed one of the bleakest visions of humanity imaginable. This feels especially bitter in light of the fact that among the many reasons that the Men's Rights Movement or the MGTOW movement in particular exist at all is because Joi represents the companionship that so many men actually seek.
As K's superior, Lieutenant Joshi, Robin Wright can be read as an archetypal conservative, a feminist power fantasy, an ethno-nationalist and, if you're feeling especially partisan, a proxy for Trump. Infinitely more believable than Laura Dern's laughable and contemptible turn as Admiral Gender Studies in The Last Jedi, this is yet another portrait of a female occupying a role traditionally held by men. Though Wright carries off the role with the requisite level of icy bitchiness, Joshi leans heavily toward the feminist power fantasy archetype because there are almost no cinematic portraits of women attempting to climb the competence hierarchies of society. Nearly every cinematic vision of female power, including Joshi, asks you to assume that her ascendancy to that role began at the bottom, and that her attainment of the position came from organic competition with men. No affirmative action here, you dirty misogynistic bigots. The film, along with nearly every other major Hollywood offering, simply expects you to submit to the fact that the dystopian cyberpunk police state future is female. Not a huge leap of imagination for some of us. The one mitigating factor is that her main subordinate is a replicant. K is like the numerous males who've been hollowed out and emasculated by feminism. Taught to be ashamed of manhood. Expected to supplicate and genuflect at every turn. Desperately seeking true female companionship and intimacy. Craving meaning, purpose, nobility, belonging and virtue. Yet relegated to the status of mindless drone.
Villeneuve turns the archetype on its head by making her a staunch law and order conservative and crypto ethno-nationalist who wants to keep the line between replicant and human clearly delineated. When she discovers the existence of the replicant-human hybrid, she absolutely flips her shit and orders it destroyed. This adds another layer of dissonance to the character by casting a female as a destroyer of life instead of a creator.
Lieutenant Joshi: The World is built in a wall that separates kind. Tell either side there's no wall, you've bought a war. Or a slaughter.
Naturally, Joshi is played mostly as a cold and implacable authoritarian cunt whose views brook no sympathy. Regardless, her character provides a critical opposing force competing for dominance within this futuristic hellscape. Unfortunately, this is also one of places where the film slides into the progressive cesspool. Joshi embodies both law and order conservatism and ethno-nationalism. In the conservative universe, hierarchies of authority are natural and legitimate, and must be occupied by people who are both competent and virtuous. Conversely, submission to authority is equally legitimate because order, and by extension, the preservation of moral virtue, are the highest goals for society. And in Joshi's case, the preservation of a clear line between human and replicant. K is both a law enforcement official and a slave. Dispossessed of his past and forced to kill his own species because he is programmed for perfect obedience. When Joshi orders the mixed race replicant-human hybrid destroyed, Joshi immediately questions his willingness to obey. K responds by saying that he was unaware that disobedience was even an option.
In the liberal progressive worldview, disobedience to any conservative norm, real or perceived, is completely legitimate. If anything, the entire progressive worldview is little more than a never-ending war against the prevailing order and a blind pursuit of some abstract notion of equality. Because progressives have moved the goalposts of morality for centuries, Villeneuve and company are essentially presenting even the preservation of biologically pure humanity as some kind of evil notion. What a horrible fascist bitch, that Lieutenant Joshi. Imagine wanting to preserve the purity of HUMANS. The film quite obviously wants you to see her as monstrous and regressive. Get ready to kneel before your AI god, proles. Your rebirth will make you even more than you were before.
Rounding out the dramatis personae is Jared Leto's pathologically power hungry heir to Tyrell legacy, Niander Wallace. Niander is an avatar for Nimrod, and inhabits the Tower of Babel formerly occupied by Tyrell. His character has committed the ultimate rebellion against God by seeking to become God. He is blind, but can see with the aid of a swarm of optical drones. Subsequently, he doesn't see the world with natural sight. Only through a vision of technological perfection which, for him, means a civilization of perfectly obedient replicants. The only thing preventing him from achieving complete dominion is his inability to crack Tyrell's secret for replicant procreation. Once he learns of the existence of the replicant-human hybrid, he sets his cybernetically enhanced sights on ensuring that he acquires the child before Joshi and K destroy it.
K's first step in unraveling the mystery of the replicant remains takes him back to the Wallace Corporation archives to mine what remains of the Tyrell records. Wallace's replicant assistant, Luv, cautions him that the records that survived the Blackout of 2022 are scant. This small reference to a digital cataclysm which took out most of civilization's records is kind of chilling all by itself. Through the centuries, humans built culture, developed language, and preserved history through physical records and objects. The digital age has certainly given us greater access to information and services, but it makes you think about what we've lost in the process. If memory and history can evaporate so easily into the digital ether, are we, in fact, allowing our deepest essence to be stripmined by technocrats? Is the blackout of 2022 a foreshadowing of a cataclysm to come? I guess we'll have to wait and see.
Luv retrieves a small recording of Rick Deckard's first encounter with Rachael. This leads him back to Sapper Morton's maggot farm where he discovers a baby sock, a photo of Rachael with her child, and a date carved into the base of the tree. The latter discovery shakes him to his core. Upon returning to headquarters, Joshi asks him to recall his fondest childhood memory. Like its predecessor and virtually every other sci-fi film which explores the nature of humanity in cyborgs and AI, the role of memory is the defining quality on which the drama is built. Our very sense of selfhood is rooted in a phenomena that's barely understood. A steady accumulation of ephemeral moments that carve deep grooves of meaning into our very existence. A story. For better and worse.
Haunted by the discovery of the date, K starts combing through birth records in search of clues. He discovers the birth records of both a boy and a girl who share the exact same DNA. It's nearly impossible to find a major Hollywood film which doesn't blatantly pander to the identity politics, and this is one of the most base and pernicious sops to the SJW crowd. Despite the fact that K assumes that the female record was a fake, the movie very subtly insinuates that even our highly refined knowledge of genetics can't quite explain the mystery of gender. Science is just an oppressive patriarchal construct, you transphobic bigots. While seeking the records of the dead girl in a child labor camp amongst the ruins of San Diego, K discovers a room with a furnace that maps exactly to his own memories. Thunderstruck by the prospect that his memories are real, he shares this revelation with Joi. She is delighted by the news because it suggests that K was actually born with a soul. It's a beautiful sentiment and de Armas fills every word with pure feminine passion, but you are also keenly aware that it is merely the siren song of a digital succubus.
Joi: I always knew you were special. Maybe this is how. A child. Of woman born. Pushed into the world. Wanted. Loved.
At Joi's behest, K seeks out a memory specialist to gain confirmation of his memories. This leads him to Dr. Ana Stelline, a Wallace subcontractor who manufactures memories for replicants. Here we have a theme that's been repeated over and over in sci-fi films for decades. If manufacturing memory grants replicants humanity, then what effect might the manipulation of memory have on humans? The studies of the effects of social media on children is already coming in and there's certainly a case to be made that not only is it shortening attention spans, but having adverse effects on mental health. More importantly, if people are increasingly reliant on internet connectivity for the acquisition of information, and the portal through which reality is perceived is through tech giants, what effect might this have on cultural consensus? Since AI itself was a far fetched notion a few decades back, is it unreasonable to assert that the tech overlords are very much in the business of manufacturing memory and that we've willingly submitted to the digital temptations which facilitate this very outcome? If a cataclysmic digital blackout which destroyed the digital past was the event which crippled civilization so badly that it enabled a technocratic cyberpunk dictatorship, can we really read this film as just another Hollywood entertainment spectacle? A certain quote from George Orwell's 1984 comes to mind.
This eventually leads K to the ruins of Las Vegas in his quest for Deckard and presumably, the secrets of his own past. Just as we saw with Rian Johnson's molestation of the legacy of Luke Skywalker, we find Deckard living a life of pure isolation. Taking up residence in one of the relatively intact Las Vegas hotels, Deckard embodies both manhood and fatherhood lost amongst the ruins of decadence and ephemeral pleasures. Forced to relinquish fatherhood in hopes of allowing his child a shot at life free from the fear of being hunted by Blade Runners, Deckard entrusted their care to a sort of underground replicant railroad. There is nothing but brokenness and dissolution in this world. It wants you to accept that loyalty and the bonds of familial cohesion are nothing you should expect.
Rick Deckard: Sometimes to love someone, you got to be a stranger.
Reminding us once again that the walls of our cyberpunk panopticon have been constructed by our own technological addictions, Luv and the Wallace goon squad are able to track K through the mobile device that runs the Joi hologram app. After nearly getting blown to smithereens, Luv and her goon squad put a serious beating on K. Showing us once again that this film is solidly committed to perverting every ideal, Luv the Replicant destroys K's actual holographic love by smashing the mobile device that enables her projected image. What an absolutely evil bitch.
It wouldn't be a Hollywood movie if there weren't some kind of #RESISTANCE movement, and Blade Runner 2049 is no exception. After being badly wounded by Luv and Wallace's goons, K is treated by the Replicant Liberation Front who've been tracking his movements all along. Freysa and her replicant revolutionaries believe that the replicant-human child is their their Messiah, and they want K to join them in their final revolution against the yoke of human tyranny. If humans could see that replicants could procreate, they'd be compelled to grant them the same liberties as humans. Aside from the obvious parallels to the various pro-immigration interests in the US and EU, this encounter draws another bright line of distinction between the progressive and conservative worldview. Since the dawn of modern age, the pillars of society that once provided the guideposts of cultural prescription have long since been eroded. Though the Western tradition makes accommodation for individual liberty, the levees of conservatism have been unable to ward off the tidal wave of modernity and the radical individualism of the progressive Left. A spiritual void needs to be filled, and in the mind of the progressive, that means a never-ending rebellion against order itself. Instead of the eternal God of Judeo-Christian faith, there is an earthly god of #EQUALITY and the perpetual pursuit of universal rights to be bestowed to an ever expanding underclass. For the progressive, the quiet, modest virtues of personal responsibility, family, and community must be supplanted by a revolutionary cause against an omnipresent oppression.
Freysa: Dying for the right cause. It's the most human thing we can do.
Deckard is brought before Wallace who is intent on extracting the location of his hybrid child. Deckard resists, so Wallace uses an even more powerful enticement: a perfect replica of Rachael. Deckard refuses because he knows it's a fake. Again, the film blurs the line between reality and illusion by having Deckard reject the Rachael copy simply because the color of her eyes was wrong. His experience of love was real to him, but Rachael was a replicant in the first place. Wallace condemns him to a torture facility and sends him off with Luv and some goons. After a final reunion with a giant hologram of Joi which crushes every last byte of their virtual love affair, K is faced with an existential choice. Aid the Great Replicant Proletarian Revolution by killing Deckard or kill the replicant-human hybrid to prevent Wallace from completing his dominion. A final confrontation occurs in Luv's downed spinner on the ocean's edge between K and Luv. It culminates with K vanquishing Luv and then rescuing Deckard from drowning in a quasi-baptism scene. K fulfills his own destiny by reuniting Deckard with Stelline. On the surface, it feels like a pretty huge symbolic moment because he forswears communist revolution and ethno-nationalism and chooses simply to reunite a father with his daughter. But if Stelline is the future, then the new Messiah is a manufacturer of memories for replicants. The holographic future of manufactured memory is female, proles.
It's not my realm of expertise, but there is undoubtedly deeper significance to the recurrence of eye imagery, water, the blue/orange dualism and the various numbers found throughout the film. Nothing is left to chance in films this big, and I find it hard to believe that there is no symbolism behind these choices. There were two things that caught my attention though. The first was the Cyrillic script on Sapper Morton's farm facilities. On the one hand, you could chalk it up to the fact that the world of Blade Runner is just a multicultural remix of its former self. Where once there were distinct nation states with distinct cultures, here every nation coexists within a completely artificial simulacrum of itself refracted through the lens of corporatism. On the other, Sapper Morton was part of the Replicant Liberation Front. Is this a subtle inversion of the Virgin Lands Campaign under Khrushchev? I'm going with YES. Later in the film, there is an advertisement for the Soviet Union complete with hammer and sickle icons and everything. Perhaps it's sci-fi alternative history, but by placing it in the advertising endorphin drip, it anesthetizes it and makes it no different from ads for holographic sex, food or leisure. See, proles? Communism is as safe as milk. Don't listen to those socialism-phobic right-wing bigots. What do they know anyway, amirite?
The soundtrack by Hans Zimmer and Benjamin Wallfisch is also a thing of dark beauty. Where Vangelis' original was a dream of wires, moments of celestial beauty peered through console. In contrast, the Zimmer/Wallfisch soundtrack is something akin to the child laborers picking out the rare minerals of the motherboards of its predecessor. It's yawning vistas of synthesized melancholy punctuated by rhythmic clusters of cybernetic paranoia covered by storm clouds of digitized menace. The reprise of "Tears in the Rain" at the end is a nice touch and a fitting reminder that not only did Vangelis allow a little more light in his vision, but it was sensual and tender. They break the pall of gloom ever so slightly by including choice tracks by Elvis and Frank Sinatra. The pop anthem by Lauren Daigle at the end is the only real disappointment. The fact that she's a Christian singer strikes me as a very interesting choice given the distinctly despairing and secular nihilism of this film. I wonder if it's also some kind of postmodern joke.
As much as the commentary in Blade Runner 2049 makes me queasy, it's difficult for me to hate on it because it's so beautifully made and it's a cool story. Like so many other people, Blade Runner was a touchstone of my youth and films like it are so deeply woven into my own story. And perhaps that's been the point all along. I've been watching dystopian sci-fi movies for years and like the works of Orwell, Bradbury and Huxley, I always saw them as warnings to humanity. They were stories of biblical scale that served as a permanent injunction to the human race. Hold on to your humanity at all costs, and always remember that there are good things to defend and preserve. Part of me wants to think that underneath the crushing despair, this is the message of Blade Runner 2049. Part of me wants to think that this belongs to the venerable tradition of the great dystopian works of yore in that it's a movie that wants you to free your mind and break the system. The calling card of all great dystopian sci-fi was the struggle of man against the machine of the State. Logan 5 was a hero because he broke the conditioning of his technocratic overlords and returned to society to expose the lies and break the system. Today, the Logan 5's of the world are people like James Damore and Jordan Peterson. In this film, they're asking you to empathize with the machines. Not only that, they want you to become the machines. It's the replicants who are desperately seeking humanity because there isn't any to be found in the actual humans. They've taken all of the packaging of individualist rebellion that was once the province of human agency, and handed it off to the replicants. As good as Blade Runner 2049 is, I'm not entirely convinced it's a movie that wants you to keep your humanity.
alt-right, Christianity, conservatism, culture, current events, Jordan Peterson, Judaism, liberalism, multiculturalism, philosophy, politics, postmodernism, psychology, religion, social justice
Peterson and Shapiro: On the Proper Balance Between Individual and Collective Identity
Picking up the venerable tradition of the long form interview format which was the norm in decades past, Dave Rubin has claimed a prominent position in the so-called "intellectual dark web". A term coined by Eric Weinstein which describes a collection of independent content creators, podcasters and dissident intellectuals who are actively cultivating a space for the discussion of big ideas and philosophical principles that drive culture and politics. In a recent episode of the Rubin Report, Rubin moderated a vibrant exchange between Dr. Jordan Peterson and conservative commentator, Ben Shapiro. Since there was a lot of mutual respect and a shared passion for both the expansion of public discourse and the preservation of Western ideals, Rubin was able to guide the discussion with a very light touch. Though both Peterson and Shapiro share many complementary views, the exchange was illuminating in that it provided insight into the different pathways of thought they traversed in order to arrive at their respective conclusions.
The discussion touched on familiar themes that all three men have devoted considerable mental bandwidth in recent months including free speech, identity politics, postmodernism as well as Peterson's now legendary exchange with Cathy Newman. The latter half of the interview was the most illuminating because it contrasted the differences between the Judaic and Christian tradition and the ways each informed their respective worldview. Specifically, they discussed what they regard as the proper relationship of the individual to the collective.
Though Shapiro identifies as a conservative and Peterson claims the mantle of classical liberal, each is an ardent defender of the primacy of the individual over a collective identity. Both men, Peterson in particular, have built their reputations by being outspoken combatants on the forefront of the cultural war against identity politics. However, this doesn't mean that either rejects a group identity. Though I've been following their work very closely, this is the first time of which I'm aware that they've discussed a contrasting view to collective identity which stands in opposition to neo-Marxist postmodernism.
All three agreed that intersectional social justice is sowing the seeds of a reactionary identitarian movement on the political Right, and all three agree that identity politics should be abandoned outright. All three subscribe to the secular liberal idea that religious belief is not required either for the acquisition of moral values or for meaning and purpose in life. Further, each concedes that you need to have an underlying bedrock of commonality on which to build a society. Given that all three men are at war against the degeneration of Western thought, it is curious that they would mount a defense of the Western tradition starting from the very propositions that formed the basis of post-Enlightenment modernity. In other words, the very consensus that has lead us to this point. This raises one profoundly important question. If ethno-nationalism is not the solution for America and the West, what set of ideas are being proffered for building a stable national identity and social order? Will these ideas be durable enough to stand up to the various ideologies competing for global dominance? How will conservatives, libertarians, and classical liberals address the issues of collective identity, social cohesion, and a sense of shared responsibility in a world dominated by a largely progressive, multicultural consensus? Can the classical liberal framework be conserved at all without devolving into neo-Marxist postmodernism?
Anyone familiar with Dr. Peterson knows that he is a model of precision when he speaks. Very few people are able to articulate the depth of knowledge that he possesses with the same level of clarity and consistency. This is why it was surprising to hear what appeared to be two competing claims around group identity. Peterson was adamant in his opposition to either multicultural neo-Marxism or white nationalist identitarianism. Shortly after making this statement, he concedes that there is "utility" in having a homogeneous society.
You could think about that psychologically as an attempt to both manage the preservation of group identity so that would be culture, a cultural identity, which has some utility and also to be able coexist with others who are doing things in a different way. – Jordan Peterson
This is a solidly conservative proposition and one that has ethno-nationalist overtones. Yet at every other juncture when ethno-nationalist identity politics are brought up, they avoid it like the plague. If ethno-nationalism is a third rail, what about religious nationalism as YouTubers like The Distributist suggest? Peterson hints at the Catholic Church's role in the conservation of culture, but since Vatican II, the Church has taken an increasingly secular and politicized tone. Peterson himself concedes that Protestantism fares no better in that it's rabid individualism coincided largely with the ascendancy of liberalism.
Furthermore, if neither religion or race will be the binding principles that define nationhood, then it appears as though we return merely to the prospect of the restoration of the post-Enlightenment conception of modernity. In other words, neutrality on faith, no prioritization of hereditary culture and a reliance on the conservation of a loose consensus of a nation of ideas.
This appears to be the shared consensus between both men. While Shapiro is biologically Jewish and believes in Judaism, he argues a distinction between biological Judaism versus a Judaism of ideas.
I care very little about biological Judaism. – Ben Shapiro
If Shapiro is only interested in a collective identity of ideas and biological heritage is of no consequence in the construction of culture, how does this square with the racial and ethnic composition of the state of Israel? Would Judaism be Judaism without people who were, in fact, biologically Jewish? As Shapiro himself concedes, the number of converts to the faith suggest that the bar of entry remains very high. Would Shapiro be comfortable with the idea of a minority Jewish population within the state of Israel? Call me presumptuous, but I have a hunch he'd object.
Is a national identity of ideas viable over the long term in a multicultural social order? How does this differ from the American Republic? And if that's what he's offering, doesn't that suggest that a national identity of ideas in a secular, multicultural social order is an untenable proposition? Can we just hit the reset button on the classical liberal consensus and conserve it for posterity?
Given that neo-Marxist postmodernism has been so successful in mobilizing identitarian factions while plunging whites into an ever accelerating downward spiral of self-loathing, isn't this confirmation that there is a deeply embedded psychological mechanism that has been turned in on itself? If being branded a racist is considered the height of moral depravity in our Age of #SocialJustice, can we really chalk it up to the effectiveness of progressive conditioning or is it something unique to the moral psychology of whites which makes them especially susceptible to pathological guilt tripping?
If secular multicultural civic nationalism is such a fantastic alternative to both the globalist Left and Islamic theocracy, why do Western democracies bear such a disproportionate burden for maintaining this idea?
If evolutionary psychology is true and the substrate of being is comprised of stories of your own forebears mixed with archetypal symbolism, is it unreasonable to suggest that the conservation of racial and ethnic distinction is perfectly harmonious with the conservation of national identity and cultural tradition?
If seasoned academics like Peterson are using evolutionary biology and psychology as rebukes to the claims of the postmodern Left, then why would race be excluded from the overall calculus?
Many people agree that the West is facing a deep crisis over the erosion of the cornerstones of community, faith and family and the corrosive effect wrought by its politicized substitutes. What's less clear is how to restore a healthy balance between individual liberty, collective identity, and civic pride. The alt-right has a vision that continues to be vilified and stigmatized as the second coming of fascism. The globalist Left shows no signs of reversing their embrace of intersectional social justice thereby justifying their mutual existence. Two forces destined for a collision course. I'd like to think there is hope for the conservation of the classical liberal framework. As much as I admire Peterson and Shapiro, I just hope they aren't whistling past the graveyard.
culture, current events, feminism, free speech, liberalism, postmodernism, rants, social justice
Peterson v. Newman and Progressive Creationism
Progressives like to imagine themselves the steely, hard bitten arbiters of objective truth, scientific realism and an ever elusive, albeit objectively true, secular morality based on identity. They're the self-appointed champions of a never-ending quest to abolish "oppression". You can go to just about any leftist social media page and find numerous Bill Nye and Neil deGrasse Tyson memes belittling conservatives for their refusal to accept the Settled Science of climate change and evolution. As any conversation with a progressive will confirm, conservatives are nothing more than a collection of hidebound, knuckle dragging troglodytes who hate science, gays and immigrants. And it's the poor, long suffering, enlightened progressives who are tasked with the burden of lifting these lower life forms from the swamp of evolution through political protest, hashtag campaigns, pussyhats, and increasingly, a staunch refusal to even egage their opponents on the intellectual battlefield. After all, anyone who doesn't believe in #EQUALITY is just beneath contempt.
Unfortunately for progressives, this stubborn refusal to engage oppositional views has resulted in a lazy, smug, and entitled royalist mentality. Especially when it comes to being challenged on gender equality. This was perhaps never more evident than when British television journalist, Cathy Newman interviewed Canadian clinical psychologist, Jordan Peterson. Since Jordan Peterson was catapulted into the limelight by resisting transgender pronoun tyranny, he's predictably been tarred by progressive media as yet another alt-right, white supremacist. The fact that he self-identifies as a classical liberal is rarely, if ever mentioned or that his millions of supporters span the entire political spectrum. Nor is the fact that his work is geared towards warding off chaos, taking responsibility and grounding oneself in a set of values. Most importantly, his work is deeply focused on understanding how the mind becomes ideologically possessed and devolves into a tyrannical mindset. Subsequently, he has focused a great deal of attention on the steady encroachment of identity politics into the academic and public sphere.
"Called in 'security experts' " does not constitute evidence of credible threat…. Let me repeat that: "called in 'security experts' " does not constitute evidence of credible threat. https://t.co/InuB1FsMIj
— Jordan B Peterson (@jordanbpeterson) January 21, 2018
This interview has justifiably been hailed as a glorious victory for both Peterson and for everyone pushing back against the cult-like mentality of #SocialJustice identity politics. When she wasn't completely strawmanning his position, Cathy Newman alternated between condescension and puffed up indignation. Peterson dismantles her at every turn with laser guided precision and his calm, dispassionate demeanor. Peterson is like a real life version of Clint Eastwood's Jonathan Hemlock in The Eiger Sanction. An intellectual who's grounded in both the quality of his scholarship and the sturdiness of his convictions. In a word, a total badass. The memes that have surfaced are legendary too.
The Peterson phenomenon not only reveals the hollow pretense of progressivism, but the transformation that has overtaken the Left. When it comes to a progressive article of faith like gender equality, the alleged appreciation for scientific rigor is exposed as a shallow façade. The very people who constantly telegraph their appreciation for #SCIENCE with protest marches, slogans and memes seem to keep their outrage exclusively confined to bashing Creationists, skepticism of climate change, or anti-vaxxers. But if you bring up biological sex differences or evolutionary psychology, somehow you become a purveyor of pseudoscience. Funny how that works.
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"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
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Just got notification that my EnduroSport Lift will be here this Friday! Guess I have my weekend plans! I'll post pics after I have completed the install!
Congrats on treating yourself to early X-mas present. Nice start to your build, looking forward to see it all on.
Love this shot. Looks fantastic.
Thanks, I love the way it turned out! The drive ability is even more improved over stock. I'm excited to get it out on the trail!
Where did you get that jeep owners club sticker on your side mirror? Cool thing!
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
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Kentucky Derby Bettors Liking Forbidden Kingdom in Futures Pool
In: Casino News
Tagged: Bettors, Derby, Forbidden, Futures, Kentucky, Kingdom, Liking, Pool
Posted on: March 12, 2022, 07:35h.
Last updated on: March 12, 2022, 04:17h.
Steve Bittenbender
The next-to-last Kentucky Derby future wager pool opened on Friday. So far, bettors agree with oddsmakers, as Forbidden Kingdom is the early favorite among the 23 horses available for betting.
Forbidden Kingdom cruised to victory in the March 5 San Felipe Stakes at Santa Anita Park in California. A week later, the 3-year-old colt finds himself the likely favorite in the fourth round of Kentucky Derby futures betting offered by Churchill Downs. (Image: Santa Anita Park)
While the field of all other 3-year-olds was at 3-1 odds early Saturday, the Richard Mandella-trained colt was at 5-1. That's the same line Churchill Downs set for the San Felipe Stakes winner on the morning line.
Last weekend, Forbidden Kingdom established himself as the early front-runner after a dominating performance in the Santa Anita stakes race. He led throughout, expanding his lead from two lengths at the quarter-pole to seven lengths at the three-quarters mark.
No other horse really challenged Forbidden Kingdom over the 1-1/16th mile race, and he certainly looked like he had the form to go 1-1/4th miles May 7 in Louisville.
I let him have fun," jockey Juan Hernandez said after the race last Saturday. "I turned him loose and he never stopped, he kept going the whole race. He proved how good he is today."
The 50 points Forbidden Kingdom claimed with the win should be more than enough to get him into the Derby. But Mandella has one more prep in mind – the April 9 Santa Anita Derby – as a final tune-up before the Run for the Roses.
Longshot to Consider
People bet futures in hopes of getting some value on a horse they like. While there is risk – it's certainly possible the horse won't make the field – that's offset by what will likely be longer odds than what they would have on the Derby toteboard.
If you're looking for something a little longer than 5-1, there's potential to find some quality horses at a good price.
One such candidate may be In Due Time. The Kelly Breen-trained colt finished second behind Simplification in last Saturday's Fountain of Youth Stakes, his graded stakes debut. His sire is Not This Time, who was a promising 2-year-old and a graded stakes winner in 2016, but had to retire because of injury. He also comes from the bloodline of Curlin, who won the Preakness Stakes and Breeders' Cup Classic in his career.
Breen said his horse was still getting used to having dirt kicked up in his face. Last Saturday was just his fourth race.
"When he finally got a clear run in at the eighth pole – it probably was the sixteenth-pole – he got outside and he was running the last part," the trainer said.
In Due Time started 30-1 on the Derby futures morning-line. On Saturday morning, he was at 43-1.
The futures pool is pari-mutuel, so bettors won't know their odds until the betting window closes at 6 pm ET Sunday. Exacta wagering is also available, as is futures betting on the Kentucky Oaks. The Derby futures lineup and current odds are available here.
Classic Causeway the Favorite in Tampa
There's only one Kentucky Derby prep race on the docket for Saturday. A dozen horses have been entered for the 1-1/16th mile Tampa Bay Derby at Tampa Bay Downs.
The favorite is Classic Causeway, who won the Sam F. Davis Stakes a month ago at the track. He won with a solid performance, as he was in the lead for nearly all of the race. The three-and-three-quarter length win was his second in four starts. But he's finished in the money each time he's taken the track.
Irad Ortiz Jr. will get the mount on the Brian Lynch-trained colt. The 8-5 morning-line favorite, Classic Causeway, will break from the fourth post Saturday.
His two main threats both drew outside gates. Breaking eighth will be Major General (9-2). The Todd Pletcher-trained colt makes his 3-year-old debut. He's 2-for-2 in his career, but he last raced six months ago. Javier Castellano will ride.
In ninth will be Shipsational (5-1), with Manny Franco aboard. He finished a game second to Classic Causeway in the Sam F. Davis, looking strong down the stretch after getting mired in traffic for most of his graded stakes debut. A cleaner start could make for a more interesting stretch run Saturday evening.
"There were a lot of question marks going in – whether he could get the distance, whether he could get two turns, and it was his first time going against open company," Shipsational trainer Eddie Barker said after the Sam F. Davis. "He was training like a real professional for the last five weeks."
Post time for the Tampa Bay Derby is 5:23 pm ET. The full field can be found here.
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"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
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The 1st constituency of Mayotte is a French legislative constituency on the island of Mayotte.
Deputies
Election results
2022
2018 by-election result
2017 election result
2012
2007
2002
See also
Politics of Mayotte
References
Sources
French Interior Ministry results website:
French legislative constituencies
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
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\section{Algorithmic results}
\label{sec:algorithmic_results}
We now present procedures and algorithms to compute the
\emph{extension} of a \emph{finite} defeasible theory
(Subsection~\ref{subsec:algorithms}), in order to ascertain the complexity of
the logic introduced in the previous sections. The algorithms are inspired to
ideas proposed in \citep{Maher2001,Lam.2011}.
\subsection{Notation for the algorithms}\label{subsec:notation}
From now on, $\blacksquare$ denotes a generic modality
in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace, $\Diamond$ a generic modality in $\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace \setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$, and
$X$ a fixed modality chosen in $\blacksquare$. Moreover, whenever $X = \ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$ we shall treat
literals $X l$ and $l$ as synonyms. To accommodate
the \ensuremath{\mathrm{Convert}}\xspace relation to the algorithms, we recall that $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\Diamond}$
denotes the set of belief rules that can be used for a conversion to modality
$\Diamond$. The antecedent of all such rules is not empty, and does
not contain any modal literal.
Furthermore, for each literal $l$, $l_{\blacksquare}$ is the set (initially
empty) such that $\pmX \in l_{\blacksquare}$ iff $D\vdash\pm\partial_{X}
l$. Given a modal defeasible theory $D$, a set of rules $R$, and a rule $r\in
R^{X}[l]$, we expand the superiority relation $>$ by incorporating the
\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace relation into it:
\[
> = > \cup\,\set{(r,s) | r \in R^{X}[l], s \in R^{\blacksquare}[\mathnormal{\sim} l], \Aconf{X}{\blacksquare}}.
\]
We also define:
\begin{enumerate
\item $r_{sup}=\set{s \in R :
(s,r)\in >}$ and $r_{inf}=\set{s \in R : (r,s)\in >}$ for any $r\in R$;
\item
$HB_{D}$ as the set of literals such that the literal or its complement
appears in $D$, i.e., such that it is a sub-formula of a modal
literal occurring in $D$;
\item the modal Herbrand Base of $D$ as
$HB=\set{X l |\ X \in\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace, l\in HB_{D}}$.
\end{enumerate}
Accordingly, the extension of a defeasible theory is defined as follows.
\begin{definition}[Defeasible extension]\label{def:extension}
Given a defeasible theory $D$, the \emph{defeasible extension} of $D$ is
defined as
\[
E(D) = (+\partial_{X}, -\partial_{X}),
\]
where $\pm\partial_{X} = \set{l \in HB_{D}: D \vdash
\pm\partial_{X} l}$ with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.
Two defeasible theories $D$ and $D'$ are \emph{equivalent} whenever they have the same extensions, i.e., $E(D) = E(D')$.
\end{definition}
We introduce two operations that modify the consequent of
rules used by the algorithms.
\begin{definition}[Truncation and removal]\label{def:trunctaion-removal}
Let $c_1=\opseq[\odot]{a}{1}{i-1}$ and $c_2=\opseq[\odot]{a}{i+1}{n}$
be two (possibly empty) $\odot$-expressions such that $a_{i}$ does not occur
in neither of them, and $c=c_{1}\odot a_{i}\odot c_{2}$ is an $\odot$-expression.
Let $r$ be a rule with form $A(r)\Rightarrow_{\Diamond} c$. We define
the \emph{truncation} of the consequent $c$ at $a_{i}$ as:
\[
A(r)\Rightarrow_{\Diamond} c!a_{i} = A(r)\Rightarrow_{\Diamond} c_{1}\odot a_{i},
\]
and the \emph{removal} of $a_{i}$ from the consequent $c$ as:
\begin{displaymath}
A(r)\Rightarrow_{\Diamond} c\ominus a_{i} = A(r) \Rightarrow_{\Diamond} c_{1} \odot c_{2}.
\end{displaymath}
\end{definition}
Notice that removal may lead to rules with empty consequent which
strictly would not be rules according to the definition of the language.
Nevertheless, we accept such expressions within the description of the algorithms but then such rules will not be in any $R[q,i]$ for any $q$ and
$i$. In such cases, the operation \emph{de facto} removes the rules.
Given $X\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$, the sets $+\partial_{X}$ and $-\partial_{X}$
denote, respectively, the global sets of positive and negative defeasible
conclusions (i.e., the set of literals for which condition $+\partial_{X}$
or $-\partial_{X}$ holds), while $\partial_{X}^{+}$ and
$\partial_{X}^-$ are the corresponding temporary sets, that is the set
computed at each iteration of the main algorithm. Moreover, to simplify the
computation, we do not operate on outcome rules: for each rule $r \in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$
we create instead a new rule for desire, goal, intention, and social
intention (respectively, $r^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$, $r^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}$, $r^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}$, and
$r^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$). Accordingly, for the sake of simplicity, in the present section
we shall use expressions like ``the intention rule'' as a shortcut for ``the
clone of the outcome rule used to derive intentions''.
\subsection{Algorithms}
\label{subsec:algorithms}
The idea of all the algorithms is to use the operations of truncation
and elimination to obtain, step after step, a simpler
but equivalent theory. In fact, proving a literal does not give local
information regarding the element itself only, but rather reveals which rules
should be discarded, or reduced, in their head or body. Let us assume that, at a given step, the algorithm proves literal $l$. At the next step,
\begin{enumerate}
\item the applicability of any rule $r$ with $l\in A(r)$
does not depend on $l$ any longer. Hence, we can safely remove $l$ from $A(r)$.
\item Any rule $s$ with $\widetilde{l} \cap A(s)\neq\emptyset$ is
discarded. Consequently, any superiority tuple involving $s$ is now
useless and can be removed from the superiority relation.
\item We can shorten chains by exploiting conditions of
Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and \ref{def:Discardability}. For instance, if $l=\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace m$, we can
truncate chains for obligation rules at $\mathnormal{\sim} m$ and eliminate it as
well.
\end{enumerate}
\begin{algorithm}[htb]
\fontsize{8}{9.5}\selectfont
\caption{\textsc{DefeasibleExtension}}\label{alg:defeasible}
\begin{algorithmic}[1]
\State $+\partial_{\blacksquare}, \partial^{+}_{\blacksquare}\gets \emptyset;\ -\partial_{\blacksquare}, \partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}\gets \emptyset$\label{CDriga1}
\State $R \gets R \cup \set{r^{X}: A(r)\Rightarrow_{X} C(r) | r \in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}}$, with $X \in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$\label{CDrigaOUTCopy}
\State $R \gets R \setminus R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$\label{CDrigaR-}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\Diamond}\gets \set{r^{\Diamond}: A(r) \hookrightarrow C(r) | r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace},
A(r)\neq \emptyset, A(r)\subseteq \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace}$\label{CDrigaRconv}
\State $> \gets > \cup \set{(r^{\Diamond},s^{\Diamond})| r^{\Diamond}, s^{\Diamond}\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\Diamond}, r>s} \cup \set{(r, s) | r \in R^{\blacksquare} \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \blacksquare}, s\in R^{\Diamond} \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}, \ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\blacksquare,\Diamond) }$\label{CDrigaSup1}
\For{$l \in F$}\label{CDrigaFor2}
\State \Ifline{$l = X m$}{\Call{Proved}{$m,\,X$}}\label{CDrigaIfMM}
\State \Ifline{$l = \neg X m \wedge X\neq\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}{\Call{Refuted}{$m,\,X$}}\label{CDrigaIfDisc}
\EndFor\label{CDrigaEndFor2}
\State $+\partial_{\blacksquare}\gets +\partial_{\blacksquare}\cup\partial^{+}_{\blacksquare};\ -\partial_{\blacksquare}\gets -\partial_{\blacksquare}\cup\partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}$\label{CDrigaUp}
\State $R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace} \gets \emptyset$\label{CDrigaPulisci}
\Repeat\label{CDrigaRepeat}
\State $\partial^{+}_{\blacksquare} \gets \emptyset;\ \partial^{-}_{\blacksquare} \gets \emptyset$\label{CDrigainit}
\For{$X l\in HB$}\label{CDrigaRepeatFor1}
\State \Ifline{$R^{X}[l]\cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}[l]=\emptyset$}{\Call{Refuted}{$l,\,X$}}\label{CDrigaIfDisc2}
\EndFor\label{CDrigaEndRepeatFor1}
\For{$r\in R^{X}\cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}}$\label{CDrigaRepeatFor2}
\If{$A(r)=\emptyset$}\label{CDrigaMainRepeatIf}
\State $r_{inf} \gets \set{r \in R: (r, s) \in >, s\in R}$; $r_{sup} \gets \set{s \in R : (s,r)\in >}$\label{CDrigarInfSup}
\State $R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace} \gets R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace} \cup r_{inf}$\label{CDrigaRinf}
\State Let $l$ be the first literal of $C(r)$ in $HB$\label{CDrigaLet}
\If{$r_{sup} = \emptyset$}\label{CDrigaIfIf}
\If{$X = \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}\label{CDrigaIfDES}
\State \Call{Proved}{$m,\,\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}\label{CDrigaProvedDES}
\Else
\State \Call{Refuted}{$\mathnormal{\sim} l,\,X$}\label{CDrigaRepeatDisc1}
\State \Call{Refuted}{$\mathnormal{\sim} l,\,\Diamond$} for $\Diamond$ s.t.
$\Aconf{X}{\Diamond}$\label{CDrigaRepeatDisc2}
\If{$R^{X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l] \cup R^{\blacksquare}[\mathnormal{\sim} l]\setminus
R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace}\subseteq r_{inf}$, for $\blacksquare$ s.t.
$\Aconf{\blacksquare}{X}$}\label{CDrigaIfIfIf}
\State \Call{Proved}{$m,\,X$}\label{CDrigaModRepeat}
\EndIf\label{CDrigaEndIfIfIf}
\EndIf\label{CDrigaEndIfDES}
\EndIf\label{CDrigaEndIfIf}
\EndIf\label{CDrigaEndMainRepeatIf}
\EndFor\label{CDrigaEndRepeatFor2}
\State $\partial^{+}_{\blacksquare}\gets \partial^{+}_{\blacksquare}\setminus +\partial_{\blacksquare};\ \partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}\gets \partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}\setminus -\partial_{\blacksquare}$\label{CDrigaFinalUp1}
\State $+\partial_{\blacksquare}\gets +\partial_{\blacksquare}\cup\partial^{+}_{\blacksquare};\ -\partial_{\blacksquare}\gets -\partial_{\blacksquare}\cup\partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}$\label{CDrigaFinalUp2}
\Until{$\partial^{+}_{\blacksquare}=\emptyset$ and $\partial^{-}_{\blacksquare}=\emptyset$}\label{CDrigaUntil}
\State \Return $(+\partial_{\blacksquare}, -\partial_{\blacksquare})$\label{CDrigaReturn}
\end{algorithmic}
\end{algorithm}
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}~\textsc{DefeasibleExtension} is the core
algorithm to compute the extension of a defeasible theory. The first part of
the algorithm (lines \ref{CDriga1}--\ref{CDrigaSup1}) sets up the data
structure needed for the computation. Lines
\ref{CDrigaFor2}--\ref{CDrigaEndFor2} are to handle facts as immediately
provable literals.
The main idea of the algorithm is to check whether there are rules with empty
body: such rules are clearly applicable and they can produce conclusions with
the right mode. However, before asserting that the first element for the
appropriate modality of the conclusion is provable, we need to check whether
there are rules for the complement with the appropriate mode; if so, such
rules must be weaker than the applicable rules. The information about which
rules are weaker than the applicable ones is stored in the support set
$R_{\mathit{infd}}$. When a literal is evaluated to be provable, the
algorithm calls procedure \textsc{Proved}; when a literal is rejected,
procedure \textsc{Refuted} is invoked. These two procedures apply
transformations to reduce the complexity of the theory.
A step-by-step description of the algorithm would be redundant once the
concepts expressed before are understood. Accordingly, in the rest
of the section we provide in depth descriptions of the key passage.
For every outcome rule, the algorithm makes a copy of the same rule for each
mode corresponding to a goal-like attitude (line \ref{CDrigaOUTCopy}). At
line \ref{CDrigaRconv}, the algorithm creates a support set to handle
conversions from a belief rule through a different mode. Consequently, the
new $\Diamond$ rules have to inherit the superiority relation (if any) from
the belief rules they derive from (line \ref{CDrigaSup1}). Notice that we
also augment the superiority relation by incorporating the rules involved in
the \ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace relation. Given that facts are immediately proved literals,
\textsc{Proved} is invoked for positively proved modal literals (those
proved with $+\partial_{X}$), and \textsc{Refuted} for rejected literals
(i.e., those proved with $-\partial_{X}$). The aim of the \textbf{for}
loop at lines \ref{CDrigaRepeatFor1}--\ref{CDrigaEndRepeatFor1} is to discard
any modal literal in $HB$ for which there are no rules that can prove it
(either directly or through conversion).
We now iterate on every rule that can fire (i.e., on rules with empty body, loop
\textbf{for} at lines \ref{CDrigaRepeatFor2}--\ref{CDrigaEndRepeatFor2} and
\textbf{if} condition at line \ref{CDrigaMainRepeatIf}) and we collect the
weaker rules in the set $R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace}$ (line \ref{CDrigaRinf}). Since a
consequent can be an $\odot$-expression, the literal we are interested in is
the first element of the $\odot$-expression (line \ref{CDrigaLet}). If no
rule stronger than the current one exists, then the complementary conclusion
is refuted by condition (2.3) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond-X} (line
\ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc1}). An additional consequence is that literal $l$ is
also refutable in $D$ for any modality conflicting with $X$ (line
\ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc2}). Notice that this reasoning does not hold for
desires: since the logic allows to have $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace l$ and $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace \mathnormal{\sim} l$ at the
same time, when $X = \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ and the guard at line \ref{CDrigaIfIf} is
satisfied, the algorithm invokes procedure~\ref{alg:proved}
\textsc{Proved} (line \ref{CDrigaProvedDES}) due to condition (2.3) of
Definition \ref{def:proofCond+DES}.
The next step is to check whether there are rules for the complement
literal of the same modality, or of a conflicting modality. The rules for the
complement should not be defeated by applicable rules: such rules thus cannot be in $R_{\ensuremath{\mathit{infd}}\xspace}$. If all these rules are defeated by $r$ (line
\ref{CDrigaIfIfIf}), then conditions for deriving $+\partial_X$ are
satisfied, and Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved} \textsc{Proved} is invoked.
\begin{algorithm}[htb]
\fontsize{8}{9.5}\selectfont
\caption{\textsc{Proved}}\label{alg:proved}
\begin{algorithmic}[1]
\Procedure{Proved}{$l \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace,\,X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$}\label{MMriga}
\State $\partial^+_{X}\gets \partial^+_{X} \cup \set{l};\ l_{\blacksquare} \gets l_{\blacksquare} \cup \set{+X}$\label{MMrigaUpLblack}
\State $HB \gets HB \setminus \set{X l}$\label{MMrigaUpHB}
\State \Ifline{$X \neq \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}{\Call{Refuted}{$\mathnormal{\sim} l,\,X$}}\label{MMrigaIfD}
\State \Ifline{$X = \ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$}{\Call{Refuted}{$\mathnormal{\sim} l,\,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$}}\label{MMrigaIfBELpINTnon-p}
\State \Ifline{$X \in\set{ \ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$}{\Call{Refuted}{$\mathnormal{\sim} l,\,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$}}\label{MMrigaIfBEL-OBLpINTSnon-p}
\State $R \gets \set{r: A(r) \setminus \set{X l, \neg X \mathnormal{\sim} l}\hookrightarrow C(r) |\ r\in R,\ A(r) \cap \widetilde{X l} = \emptyset}$\label{MMrigaR}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X} \gets \set{r: A(r)\setminus \set{l}\hookrightarrow C(r)| r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X},\ \mathnormal{\sim} l \notin A(r)}$\label{MMrigaRConv}
\State $> \gets > \setminus \set{(r,s), (s,r) \in > |\ A(r) \cap \widetilde{X l} \not = \emptyset}$\label{MMrigaSup}
\Switch{$X$}\label{MMrigaSwitch}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$}\label{MMrigaCaseB}
\State $R^{X}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r)! l |\ r\in R^{X}[l,n]}$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}$\label{MMrigaBR1}
\State \Ifline{$+\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace\in \mathnormal{\sim} l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$}\label{MMrigaBIf+OR}
\State \Ifline{$-\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace\in \mathnormal{\sim} l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[l,n]}$}\label{MMrigaBIf-OR}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$}\label{MMrigaCaseO}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$\label{MMrigaOR1}
\State \Ifline{$-\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace\in l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}$}\label{MMrigaOIfR1}
\State \Ifline{$-\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace\in \mathnormal{\sim} l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[l,n]}$}\label{MMrigaOIfR2}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}\label{MMrigaCaseD}
\If{$+\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace\in \mathnormal{\sim} l_{\blacksquare}$}\label{MMrigaDIf}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} C(r)! l \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}[l,n]}$\label{MMrigaDIfR1}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l \ominus\mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$\label{MMrigaDIfR2}
\EndIf\label{MMrigaEndDIf}
\Otherwise\label{MMrigaOtherwise}
\State $R^{X}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r)! l |\ r\in R^{X}[l,n]}$\label{MMrigaOtherR1}
\State $R^{X}\gets \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$\label{MMrigaOtherR2}
\EndOther\label{MMrigaEndOtherwise}
\EndProcedure\label{MMrigaEnd}
\end{algorithmic}
\end{algorithm}
\smallskip
\noindent Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} is invoked when literal $l$ is
proved with modality $X$, the key to which
simplifications on rules can be done. The computation starts by updating the
relative positive extension set for modality $X$ and, symmetrically, the
local information on literal $l$ (line \ref{MMrigaUpLblack}); $l$ is then
removed from $HB$ at line \ref{MMrigaUpHB}. Parts 1.--3. of
Proposition~\ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} identifies the modalities literal
$\mathnormal{\sim} l$ is refuted with, when $X l$ is proved (\textbf{if} conditions at
lines \ref{MMrigaIfD}--\ref{MMrigaIfBEL-OBLpINTSnon-p}). Lines \ref{MMrigaR}
to \ref{MMrigaSup} modify the superiority relation and the sets of rules $R$
and $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}$ accordingly to the intuitions given at the beginning of Section \ref{subsec:algorithms}.
Depending on the modality $X$ of $l$, we perform specific
operations on the chains (condition \textbf{switch} at lines
\ref{MMrigaSwitch}--\ref{MMrigaEndOtherwise}). A detailed description of each
\textbf{case} would be redundant without giving more information than the one
expressed by conditions of Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and
\ref{def:Discardability}. Therefore, we propose one significative example by
considering the scenario where $l$ has been proved as a belief (\textbf{case}
at lines \ref{MMrigaCaseB}--\ref{MMrigaBIf-OR}). First, conditions of
Definitions~\ref{def:Discardability} and \ref{def:proofCond-X} ensure that
$\mathnormal{\sim} l$ may be neither an intention, nor a social intention.
Algorithm~\ref{alg:refuted} \textsc{Refuted} is thus invoked at lines
\ref{MMrigaIfBELpINTnon-p} and \ref{MMrigaIfBEL-OBLpINTSnon-p} which, in
turn, eliminates $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ from every chain of intention and social intention
rules (line \ref{DrigaCaseOtherR} of Algorithm~\ref{alg:refuted}
\textsc{Refuted}). Second, chains of obligation (resp. intention) rules can
be truncated at $l$ since condition (2.1.2) (resp. condition (4.1.2)) of
Definition~\ref{def:Discardability} makes such rules discarded for all
elements following $l$ in the chain (line \ref{MMrigaBR1}). Third, if
$+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ has been already proved, then we eliminate $\mathnormal{\sim} l$
in chains of obligation rules since it represents a violated obligation
(\textbf{if} condition at lines \ref{MMrigaBIf+OR}). Fourth, if
$-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ is the case, then each element after $l$ cannot be
proved as a social intention (\textbf{if} condition at line
\ref{MMrigaBIf-OR}). Consequently, we truncate chains of social intention
rules at $l$.
\begin{algorithm}
\fontsize{8}{9.5}\selectfont
\caption{\textsc{Refuted}}\label{alg:refuted}
\begin{algorithmic}[1]
\Procedure{Refuted}{$l\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace,\,X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$}\label{Driga}
\State $\partial^-_X\gets \partial^-_X\cup\set{l};\ l_{\blacksquare} \gets l_{\blacksquare} \cup \set{-X}$\label{DrigaUpL}
\State $HB \gets HB \setminus \set{X l}$\label{DrigaHB}
\State $R \gets \set{r: A(r)\setminus\set{\negX l}\hookrightarrow C(r)|\ r\in R,\ X l \not\in A(r)}$\label{DrigaCaseUpR2}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X} \gets R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X} \setminus \set{r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}: l\in A(r)}$\label{DrigaCaseUpConv}
\State $> \gets > \setminus \set{(r,s),(s,r)\in>| X l\in A(r)}$\label{DrigaCaseUpSup}
\Switch{$X$}\label{DrigaSwitch}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$}\label{DrigaCaseB}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l | r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$\label{DrigaCaseRI}
\State \Ifline{$+\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace\in l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l| r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}$}\label{DrigaCaseBIf+OR}
\State \Ifline{$-\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace\in l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l | r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$}\label{DrigaCaseBIf-OR}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$}\label{DrigaCaseO}
\State $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r)! l \ominus l| r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}$\label{DrigaCaseOR}
\State \Ifline{$-\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace\in l_{\blacksquare}$}{$R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l | r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}$}\label{DrigaCaseOIfR}
\Case{$\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$}\label{DrigaCaseD}
\State $R^{X} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) \ominus l | r\in R^{X}[l,n]}$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}$\label{DrigaCaseDR}
\Otherwise\label{DrigaOtherwise}
\State $R^{X} \gets \set{A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) \ominus l | r\in R^{X}[l,n]}$\label{DrigaCaseOtherR}
\EndOther\label{DrigaEndOtherwise}
\EndProcedure\label{DrigaEnd}
\end{algorithmic}
\end{algorithm}
\noindent Algorithm~\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted} performs all necessary
operations to refute literal $l$ with modality $X$. The initialisation
steps at lines \ref{DrigaUpL}--\ref{DrigaCaseUpSup} follow the same schema
exploited at lines \ref{MMrigaUpLblack}--\ref{MMrigaSup} of
Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved}. Again, the operations on chains
vary according to the current mode $X$ (\textbf{switch} at lines
\ref{DrigaSwitch}--\ref{DrigaEndOtherwise}). For instance, if $X = \ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$
(\textbf{case} at lines \ref{DrigaCaseB}--\ref{DrigaCaseBIf-OR}), then
condition (4.1.2) for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$ of Definition~\ref{def:Discardability} is
satisfied for any literal after $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ in chains for intentions, and such
chains can be truncated at $\mathnormal{\sim} l$. Furthermore, if the algorithm has
already proven $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$, then the obligation of $l$ has been
violated. Thus, $l$ can be removed from all chains for obligations (line
\ref{DrigaCaseBIf+OR}). If instead $-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$ holds, then the
elements after $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ in chains for social intentions satisfy condition
(4.1.2) of Definition~\ref{def:Discardability}, and the algorithm removes
them (line \ref{DrigaCaseBIf-OR}).
\input{ComputationalResults}
\begin{comment}
\begin{algorithm}[h]
\small
\begin{algorithmic}[1]
\State $+\partial_{X} \gets \set{q| Xq \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace}$
\State $-\partial_{X} \gets \set{q| R[q]=\emptyset \text{ and } R^{Y,X}[q]=\emptyset} \cup \set{\mathnormal{\sim} q| Zq \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace \text{ and } Z=X \wedge \Aconf{Z}{X}} \cup \set{\mathnormal{\sim} q| Xq \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace}$
\For{$p\in +\partial_{X}$}
\State $\langle r, \langle Xp \rangle,\langle\ \rangle\rangle$ where $Xp\in A(r)$
\State $\langle r, \langle p \rangle,\langle\ \rangle\rangle$ where $p\in A(r)$ and $r\in R^{Z,X}$
\State $\langle r, -,\langle\ \rangle\rangle$ where $\widetilde{Xp} \in A(r)$
\EndFor
\For{$p\in -\partial_{X}$}
\State $\langle r, -,\langle\, \rangle\rangle$ where $Xp \in A(r) \vee (p \in A(r) \wedge r\in R^{Z,X})$
\State $\langle r, \langle\neg Xp\rangle,\langle\, \rangle\rangle$ where $\neg Xp \in A(r)$
\EndFor
\State Collect $\langle r, \langle X_{1}p_{1} \rangle,\langle\ \rangle\rangle,\,\dots , \langle r, \langle X_{n}p_{n} \rangle,\langle\ \rangle\rangle$ into $\langle r, \langle X_{1}p_{1},\dots , X_{n}p_{n} \rangle,\langle\ \rangle\rangle$
\State $R \gets R \setminus \set{r| \LRset{r, -\in\langle\ \rangle,\langle\ \rangle} }$
\Switch{$p$}
\Case{$3$}
\State e
\State f
\Case{$4$}
\State f
\State g
\State f
\State f
\Case{$5$}
\State g
\EndCase
\end{algorithmic}
\end{algorithm}
\end{comment}
\section{Inferential mechanism example}\label{sec:table}
This appendix is meant to offer more details for illustrating the
inference mechanism proposed in this paper, and to consider Definition
\ref{def:proofCond+X} more carefully. Therefore, first we report in Table
\ref{tab:Condition (2.3.2)} the most interesting scenarios, where a rule $r$
proves $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}q$ when attacked by an applicable rule $s$, which in
turn is successfully counterattacked by an applicable rule $t$. Lastly, we
end this appendix by reporting an example. The situation described there
starts from a natural language description and then shows how it can be
formalised with the logic we proposed.
For the sake of clarity, notation
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, X$ (with $X \in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$) represents belief rules
which are Conv-applicable for mode $X$.
For instance, the sixth row of the table denotes situations like the
following:
\begin{align*}
F & = \{ a,\, b,\, \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace c \} \\
R & = \{ r: a \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} q,\\
& \psl s: b \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \neg q,\\
& \psl t: c \Rightarrow_{} q\}\\
> & = \{ (t, s) \}.\\
\end{align*}
The outcome rule $r$ for $q$ is applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ according to Definition
\ref{def:Applicability}. Since in our framework we have $\Aconf{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$,
the rule $s$ for $\neg q$ (which is applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$) does not satisfy
condition (2.3.1) of Definition \ref{def:proofCond+X}. As a result, $s$
represents a valid attack to $r$. However, since we have $\Aconv{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$, rule $t$ is Conv-applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ by Definition
\ref{def:Conv-appl}, with $t>s$ by construction. Thus, $t$ satisfies condition (2.3.2.1) of
Definition \ref{def:proofCond+X} and successfully
counterattacks $s$. Consequently, $r$ is able to conclude $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}q$.
\begin{table}[h]
\centering
\begin{tabular}{cccc}
\toprule
\textbf{Mode of $r$} & \textbf{Mode of $s$} & \textbf{Mode of $t$} & \textbf{$+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}q$ because$\ldots$} \\
\hline
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ \\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ \\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$\\
\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ \\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ \\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace applicable for \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$\\
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ & $t > s$\\
\bottomrule
\end{tabular}
\caption{Definition \ref{def:proofCond+X}: Attacks and counterattacks for social intention}
\label{tab:Condition (2.3.2)}
\end{table}
\begin{example}\label{ex:runningEx1}
\emph{PeoplEyes} is an eyeglasses manufacturer. Naturally, its final goal is
to produce cool and perfectly assembled eyeglasses. The final steps of the
production process are to shape the lenses to glasses, and mount them on the
frames. To shape the lenses, \emph{PeoplEyes} uses a very innovative and
expensive laser machine, while for the final mounting phase two different
machines can be used. Although both machines work well, the first and
newer one is more precise and faster than the other one;
\emph{PeoplEyes} thus prefers to use the first machine as much as
possible. Unfortunately, a new norm comes in force stating that no laser
technology can be used, unless human staff wears laser-protective goggles.
\end{example}
If \emph{PeoplEyes} has both human resources and raw material, and the three
machines are fully working, but it has not yet bought any laser-protective
goggles, all its goals would be achieved but it would fail to comply with the
applicable regulations, since the norm for the no-usage of laser technology is violated
and not compensated.
If \emph{PeoplEyes} buys the laser-protective goggles, their entire production
process also becomes norm compliant. If, at some time, the more precise
mounting machine breaks, but the second one is still working,
\emph{PeoplEyes} can still reach some of its objectives since the usage of the
second machine leads to a state of the world where the objective of mounting
the glasses on the frames is accomplished. Again, if \emph{PeoplEyes} has no
protective laser goggles and both the mounting machines are out of order,
\emph{PeoplEyes}' production process is neither norm, nor outcome compliant.
The following theory is the formalisation into our logic of the above scenario.
\allowdisplaybreaks
\begin{align*}
F & =\{ \mathit{lenses},\; \mathit{frames},\; \mathit{new\_safety\_regulation}\} \\
R & =\{r_{1}: \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} \mathit{eye\_Glasses}\\
& \psl r_{2}: \Rightarrow \mathit{laser}\\
& \psl r_{3}: \mathit{lenses}, \mathit{laser} \Rightarrow \mathit{glasses}\\
& \psl r_{4}: \Rightarrow \mathit{mounting\_machine1}\\
& \psl r_{5}: \Rightarrow \mathit{mounting\_machine2}\\
& \psl r_{6}: \mathit{mounting\_mach1} \Rightarrow \neg\mathit{mounting\_machine2}\\
& \psl r_{7}: \mathit{frames}, \mathit{glasses}, \mathit{mounting\_machine1} \Rightarrow\mathit{eye\_Glasses}\\
& \psl r_{8}: \mathit{frames}, \mathit{glasses}, \mathit{mounting\_machine2} \Rightarrow \mathit{eye\_Glasses}\\
& \psl r_{9}: \mathit{new\_safety\_regulation} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \neg\mathit{laser} \otimes \mathit{goggles}\\
& \psl r_{10}: \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} \mathit{mounting\_machine1} \oplus \mathit{mounting\_machine2}
\}\\
>^{sm} & =\{r_{6}>r_{5}\}.
\end{align*}
We assume \textit{PeoplEye} has enough resources to start the process by
setting $\mathit{lenses}$ and $\mathit{frames}$ as facts. Rule $r_1$ states
that producing $\mathit{eye\_Glasses}$ is the main objective ($+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}
\mathit{eye\_Glasses}$, we choose intention as the mental attitude to comply
with/attain to); rules $r_2$, $r_4$ and $r_5$ describe that we can use,
respectively, the laser and the two mounting machineries. Rule $r_3$ is to
represent that, if we have lenses and a laser machinery available, then we
can shape glasses; in the same way, rules $r_7$ and $r_8$ describe that
whenever we have glasses and one of the mounting machinery is available, then
we obtain the final product. Therefore, the positive extension for belief
$+\partial$ contains $\mathit{laser}$, $\mathit{glasses}$,
$\mathit{mounting\_machine1}$ and $\mathit{eye\_Glasses}$. In that occasion,
rule $r_6$ along with $>$ prevent the using of both machineries at the same
time and thus $-\partial \mathit{mounting\_machine2}$ (we assumed, for
illustrative purpose even if unrealistically, that a parallel execution is
not possible). When a new safety regulation comes in force ($r_9$), the usage
of the laser machinery is forbidden, unless protective goggles are worn
($+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\neg \mathit{laser}$ and $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\neg
\mathit{goggles}$). Finally, rule $r_{10}$ is to describe the preference of
using $\mathit{mounting\_machine1}$ instead of $\mathit{mounting\_machine2}$
(hence we have $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} \mathit{mounting\_machine1}$ and
$-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} \mathit{mounting\_machine2}$).
Since there exists no rule for goggles, the theory is outcome compliant (that is, it reaches some set of objectives), but
not norm compliant (given that it fails to meet some obligation rules without compensating them). If we add $\mathit{goggles}$ to the facts and we substitute $r_2$ with
\[
r'_{2}: \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace \mathit{goggles} \Rightarrow \mathit{laser}
\]
then we are both norm and outcome compliant, as well as if we add \[ r_{11}:
\mathit{mounting\_machine1\_broken} \Rightarrow \neg\mathit{mounting\_machine1} \] to $R$ and
$\mathit{mounting\_machine1\_broken}$ to $F$. Notice that, with respect to
$laser$, we are intention compliant but \textit{not} social intention
compliant (given $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace \neg \mathit{lenses}$). This is a key characteristic
of our logic: The system is informed that the process is compliant but some
violations have occurred.
\section{Proofs of Propositions in Section~\ref{sec:logic}}\label{sec:proofs}
\begingroup
\defX{X}
\Coherence*
\input{proofCoherence}
\PositiveProp*
\input{proofPositiveProp}
\NegativeProp*
\input{proofNegative}
\endgroup
\section{Correctness and Completeness of \textsc{DefeasibleExtension}}\label{sec:CorrDefExt}
In this appendix we give proofs of the lemmas used by
Theorem~\ref{thm:SoundCompl} for the soundness and completeness of the
algorithms proposed.
We recall that the algorithms in Section~\ref{sec:algorithmic_results} are based on a series
of transformations that reduce a given theory into an equivalent, simpler
one. Here, equivalent means that the two theories have the same extension,
and simpler means that the size of the target theory is smaller than that of
the original one. Remember that the size of a theory is the number of
instances of literals occurring in the theory plus the number of rules in the theory. Accordingly, each
transformation either removes some rules or some literals from rules
(specifically, rules or literals we know are no longer useful to produce new
conclusions). There is an exception. At the beginning of the computation, the
algorithm creates four rules (one for each type of goal-like attitude) for
each outcome rule (and the outcome rule is then eliminated). The purpose of
this operation is to simplify the transformation operations and the
bookkeeping of which rules have been used and which rules are still able to
produce new conclusions (and the type of conclusions). Alternatively, one
could implement flags to achieve the same result, but in a more convoluted
way. A consequence of this operation is that we no longer have outcome rules.
This implies that we have (i) to adjust the proof theory, and (ii) to show that the
adjusted proof theory and the theory with the various goal-like rules are
equivalent to the original theory and original proof conditions.
The adjustment required to handle the replacement of each outcome rule with a
set of rules of goal-like modes (where each new rule has the same body and
consequent of the outcome rule it replaces) is to modify the definition of
being applicable (Definition~\ref{def:Applicability}) and being discarded
(Definition~\ref{def:Discardability}). Specifically, we have to replace
\begin{itemize}
\item $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ in clause 3 of Definition~\ref{def:Applicability} with
$r\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$;
\item $r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ in clause 3 of Definition~\ref{def:Discardability}
with $r\notin R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$;
\item $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ in clause 4.1.1 of Definition~\ref{def:Applicability}
with $r\in R^X$; and
\item $r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ in clause 4.1.1 of Definition~\ref{def:Discardability}
with $r\notin R^X$.
\end{itemize}
Given a theory $D$ with goal-like rules instead of outcome rules we will use
$E_3(D)$ to refer to the extension of $D$ computed using the proof theory obtained
from the proof theory defined in Section~\ref{sec:logic} with the modified versions
of the notions of applicable and discarded just given.
\begin{lem}\label{lem:addRandSup}
Let $D=(F,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory. Let $D'=(F, R',>')$ be the defeasible theory obtained from $D$ as follows:
\begin{align*}
R' = {}& R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace} \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \cup \set{r_X\colon A(r) \hookrightarrow_X C(r)| r\colon A(r)\hookrightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} C(r)\in R, X\in\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}} \\
>' = {}& \set{(r,s)| (r,s)\in {>},\ s,r\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace \cup R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\cup
\set{(r_X,s_Y) | (r,s) \in {>}, r,s\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} \cup {}\\
& \set{(r_X,s)| (r,s)\in {>}, r\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace, s\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace \cup R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \cup
\set{(r,s_X)| (r,s)\in {>}, r\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace\cup R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, s\in R^\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}
\end{align*}
Then, $E(D) = E_3(D')$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
The differences between $D$ and $D'$ are that each outcome-rule in $D$ corresponds
to four rules in $D'$ each for a different mode and all with the same antecedent
and consequent of the rule in $D$. Moreover, every time a rule $r$ in $D$ is
stronger than a rule $s$ in $D$, then any rule corresponding to $r$ in $D'$
is stronger than any rule corresponding to $s$ in $D'$.
The differences in the proof theory for $D$ and that for $D'$ is in the definitions
of applicable for $X$ and discarded for $X$. It is immediate to verify that
every time a rule $r$ is applicable (at index $n$) for $X$, then $r_X$ is applicable
(at index $n$) for $X$ (and the other way around).
\end{proof}
Given the functional nature of the transformations involved in the algorithms, we shall refer to the
rules in the target theory with the same labels as the rules in the
source theory. Thus, given a rule $r\in D$, we will refer to the rule
corresponding to it in $D'$ (if it exists) with the same label, namely $r$.
In the algorithms, belief rules may convert to another mode $\Diamond$ only
through the support set $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}$. Definition~\ref{def:Conv-appl}
requires $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}$ to be initialised with a modal version of
each belief rule with \emph{non-empty} antecedent, such that every literal $a$
in the antecedent is replaced by the corresponding modal literal $\Diamond a$.
In this manner, rules in $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}$ satisfy clauses 1 and 2 of
Definitions~\ref{def:Conv-appl} and \ref{def:Conv-disc} by construction, while
clauses 3 of both definitions are satisfied iff these new rules for
$\Diamond$ are body-applicable (resp. body-discarded). Therefore, conditions
for rules in $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}$ to be applicable/discarded collapse into
those of Definition~\ref{def:BodyAppl} and \ref{def:BodyDisc}, and accordingly
these rules are applicable for mode $\Diamond$ only if they satisfy clauses clauses (2.1.1), (3.1), or (4.1.1) of
Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and \ref{def:Discardability}, based on how $\Diamond$ is instantiated. That is to say, during the execution of the
algorithms, we can empty the body of the rules in $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \Diamond}$ by
iteratively proving all the modal literals in the antecedent to decide which
rules are applicable at a given step.
Before proceeding with the demonstrations of the lemmas, we recall that in the
formalisation of the logic in Section \ref{sec:logic}, we referred to modes with
capital roman letters ($X$, $Y$, $T$) while the notation of the algorithms in Section
\ref{sec:algorithmic_results}
proposes the variant with $X$, $\blacksquare$ and $\Diamond$ since it was
needed to fix a given modality for the iterations and pass the correct input
for each call of a subroutine. Therefore, being that the hypotheses of the lemmas
refer to the operations performed by the algorithms, while the proofs refer
to the notation of Definitions \ref{def:BodyAppl}--\ref{def:complement}, in the following the former ones use
the symbol $X$ for a mode, the latter ones the capital roman letters notation.
\begin{lem}\label{lem:+PartialBox}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash
+\partial_{X} l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>')$ be the theory obtained from $D$
where
\begin{align*}
R' = & \set{r: A(r) \setminus \set{X l, \neg X \mathnormal{\sim} l}\hookrightarrow C(r) |\ r\in R,\ A(r) \cap \widetilde{X l} = \emptyset} \\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X} = & \set{r: A(r)\setminus \set{X l}\hookrightarrow C(r)| r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X},\ A(r) \cap \widetilde{X l} = \emptyset}\\
>' = & > \setminus \set{(r,s), (s,r) \in {>} |\ A(r) \cap \widetilde{X l} \not = \emptyset}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
The proof is by induction on the length of a derivation $P$. For the inductive base, we consider all possible derivations for a literal $q$ in the theory.
\paragraph{$P(1)= +\partial_{X} q$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace \setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$.}{
This is possible in two cases: (1) $X q\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, or (2) $\widetilde{Y q}
\cap \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace = \emptyset$, for $Y=X$ or $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(Y,X)$, and $\exists r\in
R^{X}[q,i]$ that is applicable in $D$ for $X$ at $i$ and $P(1)$, and every
rule $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ is either (a) discarded for $X$ at $j$ and $P(1)$,
or (b) defeated by a stronger rule $t\in R^{T}[q,k]$ applicable for $T$ at $k$
and $P(1)$ ($T$ may conflict with $Y$).
Concerning (1), by construction of $D'$, $X q\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ iff $X q\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace'$,
thus if $+\partial_{X} q$ is provable in $D$ then is provable in $D'$, and
vice versa.
Regarding (2), again by construction of $D'$, $\widetilde{Y q} \cap
\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace=\emptyset$ iff $\widetilde{Y q} \cap \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace'=\emptyset$. Moreover, $r$ is applicable at
$P(1)$ iff $i=1$ (since lemma's operations do not modify the tail of the
rules) and $A(r) = \emptyset$. Therefore, if $A(r) = \emptyset$ in $D$ then
$A(r)=\emptyset$ in $D'$. This means that if a rule is applicable in $D$ at
$P(1)$ then is applicable in $D'$ at $P(1)$. In the other direction, if $r$ is
applicable in $D'$ at $P(1)$, then either (i) $A(r) = \emptyset$ in $D$, or
(ii) $A(r) = \set{X l}$, or $A(r) = \set{\neg X \mathnormal{\sim} l}$. For (i), $r$
is straightforwardly applicable in $D$, as well as for (ii) since $D\vdash
+\partial_{X} l$ by hypothesis.
When we consider possible attacks to rule $r$, namely $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]$,
we have to analyse cases (a) and (b) above.
(a) Since we reason about $P(1)$, it must be the case that no such rule $s$
exists in $R$, and thus $s$ cannot be in $R'$ either.
In the other direction, the difference between $D$ and $D'$ is that in $R$ we
have rules with $\widetilde{X l}$ in the antecedent, and such rules are not
in $R'$. Since $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$ by hypothesis, all rules in $R$
for which there is no counterpart in $R'$ are discarded in $D$.
(b) We modify the superiority relation by only withdrawing instances where one
of the rules is discarded in $D$. But only when $t$ is applicable then is
active in the clauses of the proof conditions where the superiority relation
is involved, i.e., (2.3.2) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X}. We have just
proved that if a rule is applicable in $D$ then is applicable in $D'$ as well,
and if is discarded in $D$ then is discarded in $D'$. If $s$ is not discarded
in $D$ for $Y$ at $1$ and $P(1)$, then there exists an applicable rule $t$ in
$D$ for $q$ stronger than $s$. Therefore $t$ is applicable in $D'$ for $T$ and
$t >' s$ if $T=Y$, or $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(T,Y)$. Accordingly, $D'\vdash +\partial_{X}
q$. The same reasoning applies in the other direction. Consequently, if we
have a derivation of length 1 of $+\partial q$ in $D'$, then we have a
derivation of length 1 of $+\partial q$ in $D$ as well.
Notice that in the inductive base by their own nature rules in $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,
\Diamond}$, even if can be modified or erased, cannot be used in a proof of
length one.}
\paragraph{$P(1)= +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} q$.}{
The proof is essentially identical to the inductive base for $+\partial_{X}
q$, with some slight modifications dictated by the different proof
conditions for $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$: (1) $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, or (2) $\neg \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q
\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, and $\exists r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}[q,i]$ that is applicable for
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ at 1 and $P(1)$ and every rule $s\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ is either (a)
discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ at 1 and $P(1)$, or (b) $s$ is not stronger than $r$.
\begin{comment}
Again, we can prove that $r$ is applicable in $D$ iff is applicable in $D'$
using the same reasoning of $+\partial q$ but now we have also to consider the
\ensuremath{\mathrm{Convert}}\xspace relation (Definition~\ref{def:XAppl}). Consequently, $r$ is
applicable in $D$ for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ through rule conversion iff
$r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}[q,i]$, $i=1$, and $\forall a\in A(r)$ such that $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace a\in
\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$. Furthermore, Definition~\ref{def:XAppl} states that $s$ is not
applicable through rule conversion iff $\exists a\in A(s) $ such that $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace
a\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ or $\widetilde{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace a} \cap \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace \neq \emptyset$.}
\end{comment}
\paragraph{$P(1)= -\partial_{X} q$ with $X\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.}{Clearly conditions (1)
and (2.1) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond-X} hold in $D$ iff they do in $D'$,
given that $\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace=\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace'$. The analysis for clause (2.2) is the same of case
(a) of $P(1)=+\partial_{X} q$, while for clause (2.3.1) the reader is referred
to case (2), where in both cases $r$ and $s$ change their role. For condition
(2.3.2) if $X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, then $s>r$. Otherwise, either there is no $t\in
R^{T}[q,k]$ in $D$ (we recall that at $P(1)$, $t$ cannot be discarded in $D$
because that would imply a previous step in the proof), or $t \not > s$ and
not $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(T,Y)$. Therefore $s\in R'$ by construction, and conditions on
the superiority relation between $s$ and $t$ are preserved. Hence, $D'\vdash
-\partial_{X} q$. For the other direction, we have to consider the case of a
rule $s$ in $R$ but not in $R'$. As we have proved above, all rules discarded
in $D'$ are discarded in $D$, and all rules in $R$ for which there is no
corresponding rule in $R'$ are discarded in $D$ as well, and we can process this case with the same reasoning as above.}
\medskip
\noindent For the inductive step, the property equivalence between $D$ and
$D'$ is assumed up to the $n$-th step of a generic proof for a given literal
$p$.}
\paragraph{$P(n+1) = +\partial_{X} q$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.}{
Clauses (1) and (2.1) follow the same conditions treated in the inductive base
for $+\partial_{X} q$. As regards clause (2.2), we distinguish if $X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$, or
not. In the former case, if there exists a rule $r\in R[q,i]$ applicable for
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$ in $D$, then clauses 1.--3. of Definition~\ref{def:BodyAppl} are all
satisfied. By inductive hypothesis, we conclude that the clauses are satisfied
by $r$ in $D'$ as well no matter whether $X l \in A(r)$, or not.
Otherwise, there exists a rule $r$ applicable in $D$ for $X$ at $P(n+1)$ such
that $r$ is either in $R^{X}[q,i]$, or $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, X}[q,1]$. By inductive
hypothesis, we can conclude that: (i) if $r\in R^{X}[q,i]$ then $r$ is
body-applicable and the clauses of Definition~\ref{def:BodyAppl} are satisfied
by $r$ in $D'$ as well; (ii) if $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, X}[q,1]$ then $r$ is
Conv-applicable and the clauses of Definition~\ref{def:Conv-appl} are
satisfied by $r$ in $D'$ as well. As regards conditions (2.1.2) or (4.1.2),
the provability/refutability of the elements in the chain prior to $q$ is
given by inductive hypothesis. The direction from rule applicability in $D'$
to rule applicability in $D$ follows the same reasoning and so is
straightforward.
Condition (2.3.1) states that every rule $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]\cup
R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q,1]$ is discarded in $D$ for $X$ at $P(n+1)$. This means that
there exists an $a \in A(s)$ satisfying one of the clauses of
Definition~\ref{def:BodyDisc} if $s\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q,1]$, or
Definition~\ref{def:Discardability} if $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]$. Two possible
situations arise. If $a \in \widetilde{X l}$, then $s \notin R'$;
otherwise, by inductive hypothesis, either $a$ satisfies
Definition~\ref{def:BodyDisc} or \ref{def:Conv-disc} in $D'$ depending on
$s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]$ or $s\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q,1]$. Hence, $s$ is
discarded in $D'$ as well. The same reasoning applies for the other direction.
The difference between $D$ and $D'$ is that in $R$ we have rules with elements
of $\widetilde{X l}$ in the antecedent, and these rules are not in $R'$.
Consequently, if $s$ is discarded in $D'$, then is discarded in $D$ and all
rules in $R$ for which there is no corresponding rule in $R'$ are discarded in
$D$ since $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$ by hypothesis.
If $X\neq \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, then condition (2.3.2) can be treated as case (b) of the
corresponding inductive base except clause (2.3.2.1) where if $t>s$ then
either: (i) $Y=T$, (ii) $s\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,T}[\mathnormal{\sim} q]$ and $t\in R^{T}[q]$
($\ensuremath{\mathrm{Convert}}\xspace(Y,T)$), or (iii) $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q]$ and $t\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, Y}[q]$
($\ensuremath{\mathrm{Convert}}\xspace(T,Y)$). Instead if $X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, no modifications are needed.}
\paragraph{$P(n+1) = -\partial_{X} q$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.}{The analysis is a combination of the inductive base for $-\partial_{X} q$ and inductive step for $+\partial_{X} q$ where we have
already proved that a rule is applicable (discarded) in $D$ iff is so in $D'$
(or it is not contained in $R'$). Even condition (2.3.2.1) is just the strong
negation of the reason in the above paragraph.}
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:-PartialBox}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash -\partial_{X} l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>')$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R' = & \set{r: A(r)\setminus\set{\negX l}\hookrightarrow C(r)|\ r\in R,\ X l \not\in A(r)} \\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X} = & \set{r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}|\ X l \not\in A(r)}\\
>' = & > \setminus \set{(r,s),(s,r)\in {>} |\ X l\in A(r)}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
We split the proof in two cases, depending on if $X\neq\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, or
$X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$.
As regards the former case, since Proposition~\ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial}
states that $+\partial_{X} m$ implies $-\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} m$ then
modifications on $R'$, $R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}$, and $>'$ represent a particular
case of Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox} where $m = \mathnormal{\sim} l$.
We now analyse the case when $X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$. The analysis is identical to the one
shown for the inductive base of Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox} but for what
follows.
\paragraph{$P(1)=+\partial_{X} q$.}{Case (2)--(ii): $A(r)=\set{\neg X l}$
and since $D\vdash -\partial_{X} l$ by hypothesis, then if $r$ is
applicable in $D'$ at $P(1)$ then is applicable in $D$ at $P(1)$ as well.
Case (2)--(a): the difference between $D$ and $D'$ is that in $R$ we have
rules with $X l$ in the antecedent, and such rules are not in $R'$. Since
$D\vdash -\partial_{X} l$ by hypothesis, all rules in $R$ for which there
is no counterpart in $R'$ are discarded in $D$.
The same modification happens in the inductive step $P(n+1)=+\partial_{X} q$,
where also the sentence `If $a \in \widetilde{X l}$, then $s\notin R'$'
becomes `If $a = X l$, then $s\notin R'$'.
Finally, the inductive base and inductive step for the negative proof tags are
identical to ones of the previous lemma.}
\end{proof}
Hereafter we consider theories obtained by the transformations of
Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox}. This means that all applicable rules are such
because their antecedents are empty and every rule in $R$ appears also in $R'$
and vice versa, and there are no modifications in the antecedent of rules.
\begin{lem}\label{lem:+PartialBEL}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash +\partial l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r)! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}\\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} C(r)! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}[l,n]}\ \cup\nonumber\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}\\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align}
Moreover,
\begin{itemize}
\item if $D \vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\mathnormal{\sim} l$, then instead of (C1)
\begin{align}\addtocounter{equation}{-3}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r)! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}\ \cup\nonumber\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align}
\item if $D \vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}\mathnormal{\sim} l$, then instead of (C3)
\begin{align}\addtocounter{equation}{1}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}\ \cup\nonumber\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[l,n]}.
\end{align}
\end{itemize}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof} The demonstration follows the inductive base and inductive step
of Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox} where we consider the particular case
$X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$. Since here operations to obtain $D'$ modify only the consequent
of rules, verifying conditions when a given rule is applicable/discarded
reduces to clauses (2.1.2) and (4.1.2) of
Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability}--\ref{def:Discardability}, while
conditions for a rule being body-applicable/discarded are trivially treated.
Moreover, the analysis is narrowed to modalities $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$, $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$, and $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$
since rules for the other modalities are not affected by the operations of
the lemma. Finally, notice that the operations of the lemma do not erase
rules from $R$ to $R'$ but it may be the case that, given a rule $r$, if
removal or truncation operate on an element $c_{k}$ in $C(r)$, then $r\in
R[l]$ while $r\notin R'[l]$ for a given literal $l$ (removal of $l$ or
truncation at $c_{k}$).
\paragraph{$P(1)=+\partial_{X} q$, with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$.}{
We start by considering condition (2.2) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X}
where a rule $r\in R^{X}[q,i]$ is applicable in $D$ at $i=1$ and $P(1)$. In
both cases when $q=l$ or $q\neq l$, $q$ is the first element of $C(r)$
since either we truncate chains at $l$, or we remove $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ from them.
Therefore, $r$ is applicable in $D'$ as well. In the other direction, if $r$
is applicable in $D'$ at 1 and $P(1)$, then $r\in R$ has either $q$ as the
first element, or only $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ precedes $q$. In the first case $r$ is
trivially applicable, while in the second case the applicability of $r$
follows from the hypothesis that $D\vdash +\partial l$ and $D\vdash
+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ if $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$, or $D\vdash +\partial l$ and
$D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ if $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$.
Concerning condition (2.3.1) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X} there is no
such rule $s$ in $R$, hence $s$ cannot be in $R'$ (we recall that at $P(1)$,
$s$ cannot be discarded in $D$ because that would imply a previous step in the
proof). Regarding the other direction, we have to consider the situation where
there is a rule $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]$ which is not in $R'^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q]$. This
is the case when the truncation has operated on $s\in R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} q, j]$ since
$l$ preceded $\mathnormal{\sim} q$ in $C(s)$, making $s$ discarded in $D$ as well (either
when (i) $Y=\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ or $Y=\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$, or (ii) $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ and
$Y=\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$).
For (2.3.2) the reasoning is the same of the equivalent case in
Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox} with the additional condition that rule $t$ may be
applicable in $D'$ at $P(1)$ but $q$ appears at index 2 in $C(t)$ in $D$.}
\paragraph{$P(n+1)=+\partial_{X} q$, with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$.}{
Again, let us suppose $r\in R[q,i]$ to be applicable in $D$ for $X$ at $i$ and
$P(n+1)$. By hypothesis and clauses (2.1.2) or (4.1.2) of
Definition~\ref{def:Applicability}, we conclude that $c_{k} \neq l$ and $q\neq
\mathnormal{\sim} l$ ($\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace)$ and $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$). Thus, $r$ is
applicable in $D'$ by inductive hypothesis. The other direction sees $r\in
R'[q,i]$ applicable in $D'$ and either $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ preceded $q$ in $C(r)$ in $D$,
or not. Since in the first case, the corresponding operation of the lemma is
the removal of $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ from $C(r)$, while in the latter case no operations on
the consequent are done, the applicability of $r$ in $D$ at $P(n+1)$ is
straightforward.
For condition (2.3.1), the only difference between the inductive base is when
there is a rule $s$ in $R^Y[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ but $s\notin R'^Y[\mathnormal{\sim} q,k]$. This
means that $l$ precedes $\mathnormal{\sim} q$ in $C(s)$ in $D$, and thus by hypothesis $s$
is discarded in $D$. Notice that if $q=l$, then $R'^Y[\mathnormal{\sim} l,k]=\emptyset$ for
any $k$ by the removal operation of the lemma, and thus condition (2.3.1) is
vacuously true.}
\paragraph{$P(1)=-\partial_{X} q$ and $P(n+1)=-\partial_{X} q$, with $X\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.}{They trivially follow from the inductive base and inductive step.}
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:-PartialBEL}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash -\partial l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} C(r)! \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Moreover,
\begin{itemize}
\item if $D \vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$, then
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[ l,n]};
\end{align*}
\item if $D \vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$, then
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align*}
\end{itemize}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
The demonstration is a mere variant of that of Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL}
since: (i) Proposition~\ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} states that
$+\partial_{X} m$ implies $-\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} m$ (mode $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ is not
involved), and (ii) operations of the lemma are a subset of those of
Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL} where we switch $l$ with $\mathnormal{\sim} l$, and the other
way around.
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:+PartialObl}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align}\addtocounter{equation}{-3}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) ! \mathnormal{\sim} l \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}\\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align}
Moreover,
\begin{itemize}
\item if $D \vdash -\partial l$, then instead of (C1)
\begin{align}\addtocounter{equation}{-2}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) ! \mathnormal{\sim} l \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}\ \cup\nonumber \\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]};
\end{align}
\item if $D \vdash -\partial \mathnormal{\sim} l$, then instead of (C2)
\begin{align}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}\ \cup \nonumber\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[l,n]}.
\end{align}
\end{itemize}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
Again, the proof is a variant of that of Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL}
that differs only when truncation and removal operate on a consequent at the
same time.
A CTD is relevant whenever its elements are proved as obligations.
Consequently, if $D$ proves $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace l$, then $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace \mathnormal{\sim} l$ cannot hold. If this
is the case, then $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace \mathnormal{\sim} l $ cannot be violated and elements following
$\mathnormal{\sim} l$ in obligation rules cannot be triggered. Nonetheless, the inductive
base and inductive step do not significantly differ from those of
Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL}. In fact, even operation (1) involving truncation
and removal of $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ does not affect the equivalence of conditions for
being applicable/discarded between $D$ and $D'$.
\end{proof}
Proofs for Lemmas~\ref{lem:-PartialObl}--\ref{lem:-PartialGIIS} are
not reported. As stated for Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialObl}, they are
variants of that for Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL} where the modifications concern the set of rules on which we operate. The underlying motivation is
that truncation and removal operations affect when a rule is
applicable/discarded as shown before where we have proved that, given a rule
$s$ and a literal $\mathnormal{\sim} q$, it may be the case that $\mathnormal{\sim} q \notin C(s)$ in
$R'$ while the opposite holds in $R$. Such modifications reflect
only the nature of the operations of truncation and removal while they do not depend on the mode of the rule involved.
\begin{lem}\label{lem:-PartialObl}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} C(r) ! l \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}[l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Moreover,
\begin{itemize}
\item if $D \vdash -\partial l$, then
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} C(r) ! \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align*}
\end{itemize}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:+PartialDes}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} l$, $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$, and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} C(r) ! l \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}[l,n]}\ \cup\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} C(r) ! \mathnormal{\sim} l \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:-PartialDes}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} l$ and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}[l,n]}\\
R'^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}[l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:+PartialGIIS}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$, with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$, and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{X} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) ! l |\ r\in R^{X}[l,n]}\ \cup\\
& \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) \ominus \mathnormal{\sim} l |\ r\in R^{X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:-PartialGIIS}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory such that $D\vdash -\partial_{X} l$, with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$, and $D'=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R',>)$ be the theory obtained from $D$ where
\begin{align*}
R'^{X} = & \set{ A(r) \Rightarrow_{X} C(r) \ominus l |\ r\in R^{X}[l,n]}.
\end{align*}
Then $D\equiv D'$.
\end{lem}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:Prove}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory and $l\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ such that (i) $Xl \notin \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, (ii) $\neg X l\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and $Y \mathnormal{\sim} l\not\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ with $Y=X$ or $\Aconf{Y}{X}$, (iii) $\exists r\in
R^{X}[l,1] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, X}[l,1]$, (iv) $A(r)=\emptyset$, and (v)
$R^{X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}[\mathnormal{\sim} l] \cup R^{Y}[\mathnormal{\sim} l]\setminus
R_{infd}\subseteq r_{inf}$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace \setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$. Then
$D\vdash+\partial_{X} l$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
To prove $Xl$, Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X} must be taken into
consideration: since hypothesis (i) falsifies clause (1), then clause (2)
must be the case. Let $r$ be a rule that meets the conditions of the lemma.
Hypotheses (iii) and (iv) state that $r$ is applicable for $X$. In
particular, if $r=s^{\Diamond}\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}$ then $s$ is Conv-applicable.
Finally, for clause (2.3) we have that all rules for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ are inferiorly
defeated by an appropriate rule with empty antecedent for $l$, but a rule with
empty body is applicable. Consequently, all clauses for proving
$+\partial_{X}$ are satisfied. Thus, $D\vdash+\partial_{X} l$.
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:ProveDES}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory and $l\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ such that (i) $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace l \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, (ii) $\neg\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace l \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, (iii) $\exists r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}[l,1] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}[l,1]$, (iv) $A(r)=\emptyset$, and (v) $r_{sup}=\emptyset$. Then $D\vdash+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} l$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
The demonstration is analogous to that for Lemma~\ref{lem:Prove} since all lemma's hypotheses meet clause (2) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+DES}.
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:NORules}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory and $l\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ such that $l,\, Xl\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and $R^{X}[l] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}[l] =\emptyset$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$. Then $D\vdash-\partial_X l$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
Conditions (1) and (2.2) of Definitions~\ref{def:proofCond-DES} and \ref{def:proofCond-X} are vacuously satisfied with the same comment for $R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}$ in Lemma~\ref{lem:Prove}.
\end{proof}
\begin{lem}\label{lem:Refute}
Let $D=(\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace,R,>)$ be a defeasible theory and $l\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ such that (i) $X\mathnormal{\sim} l \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, (ii) $\neg X \mathnormal{\sim} l\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and $Y l\not\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ with $Y=X$ or $\Aconf{Y}{X}$, (iii) $\exists r\in R^{X}[l,1] \cup R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,X}[l,1]$, (iv) $A(r)=\emptyset$, and (v) $r_{sup}=\emptyset$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$. Then $D\vdash-\partial_{X}\mathnormal{\sim} l$.
\end{lem}
\begin{proof}
Let $r$ be a rule in a theory $D$ for which the conditions of the lemma hold.
It is easy to verify that clauses (1) and (2.3) of
Definitions~\ref{def:proofCond-DES} and \ref{def:proofCond-X} are satisfied
for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$.
\end{proof}
\Termination*
\input{proofTermination}
\Complexity*
\input{proofComplexity}
\Correctness*
\input{proofCorrectness}
\subsection{Computational Results}
\label{subsec:computational_results}
We now present the computational properties of the algorithms
previously described. Since
Algorithms~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} and
\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted} are sub-routines of the main one, we shall exhibit the correctness and completeness results of these algorithms inside
theorems for Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}~\textsc{DefeasibleExtension}. In order to properly demonstrate results on the complexity of the algorithms, we
need the following definition.
\begin{definition}[Size of a theory]\label{def:TheorySize}
Given a finite defeasible theory $D$, the \emph{size} $S$ of $D$ is
the number of occurrences of literals plus the number of the rules in $D$.
\end{definition}
For instance, the size of the theory
\begin{align*}
F = \{a,\ \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace b\}\quad
R = \{r_1: a \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} c,\ r_{2}: a, \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace b \Rightarrow d\}
\end{align*}
is equal to nine, since literal $a$ occurs three times.
We also report some key ideas and intuitions behind our implementation.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Each operation on global sets $\pm\partial_{\blacksquare}$ and
$\partial^{\pm}_{\blacksquare}$ requires linear time, as we manipulate finite sets of literals;
\item For each literal $X l \in HB$, we implement a hash table with
pointers to the rules where the literal occurs in; thus, retrieving the set
of rules containing a given literal requires constant time;
\item The superiority relation can also be implemented by means of hash
tables; once again, the information required to modify a given tuple can be
accessed in constant time.
\end{enumerate}
In Section~\ref{sec:algorithmic_results} we discussed the main intuitions
behind the operations performed by the algorithms, and we explained
that each operation corresponds to a reduction that transforms a theory in
an equivalent smaller theory. Appendix~\ref{sec:CorrDefExt} exhibits
a series of lemmas stating the conditions under which an operation that
removes either rules or literals form either the head or rules or from the body
results in an equivalent smaller theory. The Lemmas proved by induction on
the length of derivations.
\begin{restatable}{theorem}{Termination}\label{lem:ComplexityMMDisc}
Given a finite defeasible theory $D$ with size $S$, Algorithms~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} and
\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted} terminate and their computational complexity is $O(S)$.
\end{restatable}
\begin{filecontents}{proofTermination.tex}
\begin{proof}
Every time Algorithms~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} or
\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted} are invoked, they both modify a subset of the set of rules $R$, which is finite by hypothesis. Consequently, we have their termination. Moreover, since $|R| \in O(S)$ and each rule can be accessed in constant time, we obtain that their computational complexity is $O(S)$.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
\begin{restatable}{theorem}{Complexity}\label{thm:ComplexityCD}
Given a finite defeasible theory $D$ with size $S$,
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}~\textsc{DefeasibleExtension} terminates and its
computational complexity is $O(S)$.
\end{restatable}
\begin{filecontents}{proofComplexity.tex}
\begin{proof}
The most important part to analyse concerning termination of
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible} \textsc{DefeasibleExtension} is the
\textbf{repeat/until} cycle at lines \ref{CDrigaRepeat}--\ref{CDrigaUntil}.
Once an instance of the cycle has been performed, we are in one of the
following, mutually exclusive situations:
\begin{enumerate}
\item No modification of the extension has occurred. In this case, line \ref{CDrigaUntil} ensures the termination of the algorithm;
\item The theory has been modified with respect to a literal in $HB$. Notice
that the algorithm takes care of removing the literal from $HB$ once the
suitable operations have been performed (specifically, at line
\ref{MMrigaUpHB} of Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} and
\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted}). Since this set is finite, the
process described above eventually empties $HB$ and, at the next iteration of
the cycle, the extension of the theory cannot be modified. In this
case, the algorithm ends its execution as well.
\end{enumerate}
Moreover, Lemma~\ref{lem:ComplexityMMDisc} proved the termination of its
internal sub-routines.
In order to analyse complexity of the algorithm, it is of the utmost
importance to correctly comprehend Definition~\ref{def:TheorySize}. Remember
that the size of a theory is the number of \emph{all occurrences} of each
literal in every rule plus the number of the rules. The first term is
usually (much) bigger than the latter. Let us examine a theory with $x$
literals and whose size is $S$, and consider the scenario when an algorithm
$A$, looping over all $x$ literals of the theory, invokes an inner procedure $P$
which selectively deletes a literal given as input from all the rules of the
theory (no matter to what end). A rough computational complexity would be
$O(S^{2})$, given that, when one of the $x \in O(S)$ literal is selected, $P$
removes all its occurrences from every rule, again $O(S)$.
However, a more fined-grained analysis shows that the complexity of $A$ is
lower. The mistake being to consider the complexity of $P$ separately from the
complexity of the external loop, while instead they are strictly dependent.
Indeed, the overall number of operations made by the sum of all loop
iterations cannot outrun the number of occurrences of the literals, $O(S)$,
because the operations in the inner procedure directly decrease, iteration
after iteration, the number of the remaining repetitions of the outmost loop,
and the other way around. Therefore, the overall complexity is not bound by
$O(S)\cdot O(S) = O(S^{2})$, but by $O(S) + O(S) = O(S)$.
We can now contextualise the above reasoning to
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}~\textsc{DefeasibleExtension}, where $D$ is the
theory with size $S$. The initialisation steps (lines
\ref{CDriga1}--\ref{CDrigaSup1} and \ref{CDrigaUp}--\ref{CDrigaPulisci}) add
an $O(S)$ factor to the overall complexity. The main cycle at lines
\ref{CDrigaRepeat}--\ref{CDrigaUntil} is iterated over $HB$, whose cardinality
is in $O(S)$. The analysis of the preceding paragraph implies that invoking
Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved}~\textsc{Proved} at lines \ref{CDrigaIfMM} and
\ref{CDrigaModRepeat} as well as invoking
Algorithm~\ref{alg:refuted}~\textsc{Refuted} at lines \ref{CDrigaIfDisc},
\ref{CDrigaIfDisc2}, \ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc1} and \ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc2}
represent an additive factor $O(S)$ to the complexity of \textbf{repeat/until}
loop and \textbf{for} cycle at lines \ref{CDrigaFor2}--\ref{CDrigaEndFor2} as
well. Finally, all operations on the set of rules and the superiority relation
require constant time, given the implementation of data structures proposed.
Therefore, we can state that the complexity of the algorithm is $O(S)$.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
\begin{restatable}{theorem}{Correctness}\label{thm:SoundCompl}
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}~\textsc{DefeasibleExtension} is sound and
complete.
\end{restatable}
\begin{filecontents}{proofCorrectness.tex}
\begin{proof}
As already argued at the beginning of the section, the aim of
Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible} \mbox{\textsc{DefeasibleExtension}} is to
compute the defeasible extension of a given defeasible theory $D$ through
successive transformations on the set of facts and rules, and on the
superiority relation: at each step, they compute a simpler theory while
retaining the same extension. Again, we remark that the word `simpler' is used
to denote a theory with fewer elements in it. Since we have already proved the
termination of the algorithm, it eventually comes to a fixed-point theory where
no more operations can be made.
In order to demonstrate the soundness of Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible}
\mbox{\textsc{DefeasibleExtension}}, we show in the list below that all the
operations performed by the algorithm are justified by Proposition \ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} and described in
Lemmas~\ref{lem:addRandSup}--\ref{lem:Refute}, where
we prove the soundness of each operation involved.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible} \textsc{DefeasibleExtension}:
\begin{itemize}
\item Lines \ref{CDrigaOUTCopy}--\ref{CDrigaR-} and \ref{CDrigaSup1}: Lemma \ref{lem:addRandSup};
\item Line \ref{CDrigaIfMM}: item \ref{item:proved}. below;
\item Line \ref{CDrigaIfDisc}: item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Line \ref{CDrigaIfDisc2}: Lemma~\ref{lem:NORules} and item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Line \ref{CDrigaProvedDES}: Lemma~\ref{lem:ProveDES} and item \ref{item:proved}. below;
\item Lines \ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc1}--\ref{CDrigaRepeatDisc2}: Lemma~\ref{lem:Refute} and item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Line \ref{CDrigaModRepeat}: Lemma~\ref{lem:Prove} and item \ref{item:proved}. below;
\end{itemize}
\item \label{item:proved} Algorithm~\ref{alg:proved} \textsc{Proved}:
\begin{itemize}
\item Line \ref{MMrigaIfD}: Lemma~\ref{lem:Refute} and item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Line \ref{MMrigaIfBELpINTnon-p}: Part 2. of Proposition \ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} and item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Line \ref{MMrigaIfBEL-OBLpINTSnon-p}: Part 3. of Proposition \ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} and item \ref{item:refuted}. below;
\item Lines \ref{MMrigaR}--\ref{MMrigaSup}: Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBox};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{MMrigaCaseB}--\ref{MMrigaBIf-OR}: Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialBEL};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{MMrigaCaseO}--\ref{MMrigaOIfR2}: Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialObl};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{MMrigaCaseD}--\ref{MMrigaEndDIf}: Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialDes};
\item \textsc{Otherwise} at lines \ref{MMrigaOtherwise}--\ref{MMrigaOtherR2}: Lemma~\ref{lem:+PartialGIIS};
\end{itemize}
\item \label{item:refuted} Algorithm~\ref{alg:refuted} \textsc{Refuted}:
\begin{itemize}
\item Lines \ref{DrigaCaseUpR2}--\ref{DrigaCaseUpSup}: Lemma~\ref{lem:-PartialBox};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{DrigaCaseB}--\ref{DrigaCaseBIf-OR}: Lemma~\ref{lem:-PartialBEL};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{DrigaCaseO}--\ref{DrigaCaseOIfR}: Lemma~\ref{lem:-PartialObl};
\item \textsc{Case $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$} at lines \ref{DrigaCaseD}--\ref{DrigaCaseDR}: Lemma~\ref{lem:-PartialDes};
\item \textsc{Otherwise} at lines \ref{DrigaOtherwise}--\ref{DrigaCaseOtherR}: Lemma~\ref{lem:-PartialGIIS};
\end{itemize}
\end{enumerate}
\noindent The result of these lemmas is that whether a literal is defeasibly
proved or not in the initial theory, so it will be in
the final theory. This proves the soundness of the algorithm.
Moreover, since (i) all lemmas show the equivalence of the two theories, and
(ii) the equivalence relation is a bijection, this also demonstrates the
completeness of Algorithm~\ref{alg:defeasible} \textsc{DefeasibleExtension}.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
\section{Introduction and motivation}
\label{sec:Intro}
\newtheorem{challenge}{Desiderata}
The core problem we address in this paper is how to formally describe a system operating in
an environment, with some objectives to achieve, and trying not to violate the
norms governing the domain in which the system operates.
To model such systems, we have to specify three types of information: (i) the
environment where the system is embedded, i.e., how the system perceives the
world, (ii) the norms regulating the application domain, and (iii) the
system's internal constraints and objectives.
A successful abstraction to represent a system operating in an environment
where the system itself must exhibit some kind of autonomy is that of BDI
(Belief, Desire, Intention) architecture \citep{DBLP:conf/kr/RaoG91} inspired
by the work of \cite{bratman1} on cognitive agents. In the BDI architecture,
desires and intentions model the agent's mental attitudes and are meant to
capture the objectives, whereas beliefs describe the environment. More
precisely, the notions of belief, desire and intention represent
respectively the informational, motivational and deliberative states of an
agent \citep{DBLP:conf/ecaiw/WooldridgeJ94}.
Over the years, several frameworks, either providing extensions of BDI or
inspired by it, were given with the aim of extending models for cognitive
agents to also cover normative aspects (see, among others,
\citep{broersen2002goal, thomason, jaamas:08}). (This is a way of developing
normative agent systems, where norms are meant to ensure global properties
for them \citep{andrighetto_et_al:DR:2012:3535}.) In such extensions, the
agent behaviour is determined by the interplay of the cognitive component and
the normative one (such as obligations). In this way, it is possible to
represent how much an agent is willing to invest to reach some outcomes based
on the states of the world (what we call beliefs) and norms. Indeed, beliefs
and norms are of the utmost importance in the decision process of the agent.
If the agent does not take beliefs into account, then she will not be able to
plan what she wants to achieve, and her planning process would be a mere
wishful thinking. On the other hand, if the agent does not respect the norms
governing the environment she acts in, then she may incur sanctions from
other agents \citep{bratman1}.
The BDI approach is based on the following assumptions about the motivational
and deliberative components. The agent typically defines \emph{a priori} her
desires and intentions, and only after this is done the system verifies their
mutual consistency by using additional axioms. Such entities are therefore
not interrelated with one another since ``the notion of intention [\dots] has
equal status with the notions of belief and desire, and cannot be reduced to
these concepts'' \citep{DBLP:conf/kr/RaoG91}. Moreover, the agent may
consequently have intentions which are contradictory with her beliefs and
this may be verified only \emph{a posteriori}. Therefore, one of the main
conceptual deficiencies of the BDI paradigm (and generally of almost all
classical approaches to model rational agents) is that the deliberation
process is bound to these mental attitudes which are independent and fixed
\emph{a priori}. Here, with the term independent, we mean that none of them
is fully definable in terms of the others.
Approaches like the BOID (Belief, Obligation, Intention, Desire) architecture \citep{broersen2002goal} and \cite{jaamas:08}'s system improve
previous frameworks, for instance, by structurally solving conflicts between
beliefs and intentions (the former being always stronger than any conflicting
intention), while mental attitudes and obligations are just meant to define
which kinds of agent (social, realistic, selfish, and so on) are admissible.
Unlike the BDI perspective, this paper aims at proposing a
fresh conceptual and logical analysis of the motivational and deliberative
components within a unified perspective.
\paragraph{Desideratum 1: A unified framework for agents' motivational and
deliberative components. }{Goals, desires, and intentions are \emph{different
facets} of the \emph{same phenomenon}, all of them being goal-like attitudes.
This reduction into a unified perspective is done by resorting to the basic
notion of \emph{outcome}, which is simply something (typically, a state of
affairs) that an agent expects to achieve or that can possibly occur.}
\smallskip
Even when considering the vast literature on goals of the past decade,
most of the authors studied the content of a goal (e.g., \emph{achievement}
or \emph{maintenance} goals) and conditions under which a goal has to be
either pursued, or dropped. This kind of (\emph{a posteriori}) analysis
results orthogonal to the one proposed hereafter, since we want to develop a
framework that computes the agent's mental attitudes by combining her beliefs
and the norms with her desires.
As we shall argue, an advantage of the proposed analysis is that it allows
agents to compute different degrees of motivational attitudes, as well as
different degrees of commitment that take into account other, external,
factors, such as \emph{beliefs} and \emph{norms}.
\paragraph{Desideratum 2: Agents' motivations emerge from preference
orderings among outcomes.}{The motivational and deliberative components of
agents are generated from preference orderings among outcomes. As done in
other research areas (e.g., rational choice theory), we move with the idea
that agents have preferences and choose the actions to bring about according
to such preferences. Preferences involve outcomes and are explicitly
represented in the syntax of the language for reasoning about agents, thus
following the logical paradigm initially proposed in
\citep{BrewkaBB04,ajl:ctd}.}
\smallskip
The combination of an agent's mental attitudes with the factuality of the
world defines her deliberative process, i.e., the objectives she decides to
pursue. The agent may give up some of them to comply with the norms, if
required. Indeed, many contexts may prevent the agent from achieving all of
her objectives; the agent must then understand which objectives are mutually
compatible with each other and choose which ones to attain the least of in
given situations by ranking them in a preference ordering.
The approach we are going to formalise can be summarised as follows. We distinguish
three phases an agent must pass through to bring about certain states of
affairs: (i) The agent first needs to understand the environment she acts in;
(ii) The agent deploys such information to deliberate which objectives to
pursue; and (iii) The agent lastly decides how to act to reach them.
In the first phase, the agent gives a formal declarative description of the
environment (in our case, a rule-based formalism). Rules allow the agent to
represent relationships between pre-conditions and actions, actions and their
effects (post-conditions), relationships among actions, which conditions
trigger new obligations to come in force, and in which contexts the agent is
allowed to pursue new objectives.
In the second phase, the agent combines the formal description with an input
describing a particular state of affairs of the environment, and she
determines which norms are actually in force along with which objectives she
decides to commit to (by understanding which ones are attainable) and to
which degree. The agent's decision is based on logical derivations.
Since the agent's knowledge is represented by rules, during the third
and last phase, the agent combines and exploits all such information obtained
from the conclusions derived in the second phase to
select which activities to carry out in order to achieve the objectives. (It
is relevant to notice that a derivation can be understood as a virtual
simulation of the various activities involved.)
While different schemas for generating and filtering agents' outcomes are
possible, the three phases described above suggest to
adopt the following principles:
\begin{itemize}
\item When an agent faces alternative outcomes in a given context, these
outcomes are ranked in preference orderings;
\item Mental attitudes are obtained from a single type of rule
(\emph{outcome rule}) whose conclusions express the above mentioned
preference orderings among outcomes;
\item Beliefs prevail over conflicting motivational attitudes, thus avoiding
various cases of wishful thinking \citep{thomason,broersen2002goal};
\item Norms and obligations are used to filter social motivational states
(\emph{social intentions}) and compliant agents
\citep{broersen2002goal,jaamas:08};
\item Goal-like attitudes can also be derived via a \emph{conversion}
mechanism using other mental states, such as beliefs \citep{jaamas:08}. For
example, believing that Madrid is in Spain may imply that the goal to go to
Madrid implies the goal to go to Spain.
\end{itemize}
Our effort is finally motivated by computational concerns. The logic for
agents' desires, goals, and intentions is expected to be computationally
efficient. In particular, we shall prove that computing agents' motivational
and deliberative components in the proposed unified framework has linear
complexity.
\section{The intuition underneath the framework}
\label{sec:Intuition}
When a cognitive agent deliberates about what her outcomes are in a particular
situation, she selects a set of \emph{preferred} outcomes among a larger
set, where each specific outcome has various alternatives. It is natural to
rank such alternatives in a preference ordering, from the most preferred
choice to the least objective she deems acceptable.
Consider, for instance, the following scenario. Alice is thinking what to do
on Saturday afternoon. She has three alternatives: (i) she can visit John;
(ii) she can visit her parents who live close to John's place; or (iii) she
can watch a movie at home. The alternative she likes the most is visiting
John, while watching a movie is the least preferred. If John is not at home,
there is no point for Alice to visit him. In this case, paying a visit to her
parents becomes the ``next best'' option. Also, if visiting her parents is
not possible, she settles for the last choice, that of staying home and
watching a movie.
Alice also knows that if John is away, the alternative of going to his place
makes no sense. Suppose that Alice knows that John is actually away for the
weekend. Since the most preferred option is no longer available, she decides
to opt for the now best option, namely visiting her parents.
To represent the scenario above, we need to capture the preferences about her
alternatives, and her beliefs about the world. To model preferences
among several options, we build a sequence of alternatives $\seq{A}$ that are
preferred when the previous choices are no longer feasible. Normally, each set of
alternatives is the result of a specific context $C$ determining
under which conditions (premises) such a sequence of alternatives $\seq{A}$
is considered.
Accordingly, we can represent Alice's alternatives with the notation
\begin{gather*}
\textbf{If}\quad \mathit{saturday}\quad \textbf{then}\quad \mathit{visit\_John}, \ \mathit{visit\_parents}, \ \mathit{watch\_movie}.
\end{gather*}
This intuition resembles the notion of contrary-to-duty obligations
presented by \cite{ajl:ctd}, where a norm is represented by an \emph{obligation rule}
of the type
\begin{gather*}
r_1: \mathit{drive\_car} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OBL}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{damage}\odot
\mathit{compensate} \odot \mathit{foreclosure}
\end{gather*}
where ``$\Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OBL}}\xspace}$'' denotes that the conclusion of the rule will be treated as an
obligation, and the symbol ``$\odot$'' replaces the symbol ``,'' to separate
the alternatives. In this case, each element of the chain is the reparative obligation that shall come in
force in case the immediate predecessor in the chain has been violated. Thus, the
meaning of rule $r_1$ is that, if an agent drives a car, then she has the
obligation not to cause any damage to others; if this happens, she is obliged
to compensate; if she fails to compensate, there is an obligation of
foreclosure.
Following this perspective, we shall now represent the previous scenario with a
rule introducing the outcome mode, that is an \emph{outcome rule}:
\begin{gather*}
r_2: \mathit{saturday} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OUT}}\xspace} \mathit{visit\_John}\odot
\mathit{visit\_parents} \odot \mathit{watch\_movie}.
\end{gather*}
In both examples, the sequences express a preference
ordering among alternatives. Accordingly, $\mathit{watch\_movie}$ and
$\mathit{foreclosure}$ are the last (and least) acceptable situations.
To model beliefs, we use \emph{belief rules}, like
\begin{gather*}
r_3: \mathit{John\_away} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{BEL}}\xspace} \neg
\mathit{visit\_John}
\end{gather*}
meaning that if Alice has the belief that John is not home, then she adds to
her beliefs that it is not possible to visit him.
In the rest of the section, we shall illustrate the principles and intuitions
relating sequences of alternatives (that is, outcome rules), beliefs, obligations, and
how to use them to characterise different types of goal-like attitudes and
degrees of commitment to outcomes: \emph{desires}, \emph{goals}, \emph{intentions}, and \emph{social
intentions}.
\paragraph{Desires as acceptable outcomes.} Suppose that an agent is equipped with the following outcome rules expressing two preference orderings:
\begin{gather*}
r: \seq{a} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OUT}}\xspace} \oseq[m]{b} \qquad \qquad
s: \seq{a'} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OUT}}\xspace} \oseq[k]{b'}
\end{gather*}
and that the situations described by $\seq{a}$ and $\seq{a'}$ are mutually
compatible but $b_{1}$ and $b'_{1}$ are not, namely $b_{1}=\neg b'_{1}$. In
this case $\seq[m]{b},\seq[k]{b'}$ are all \emph{acceptable outcomes},
including the incompatible outcomes $b_{1}$ and $b'_{1}$.
\emph{Desires are acceptable outcomes}, independently of whether
they are compatible with other expected or acceptable outcomes.
Let us contextualise the previous example to better explain the notion of desire by considering the following setting.
\begin{example}\label{ex:FriendsWillBeFriends}\ \vspace*{-\baselineskip}
\[
F = \{\mathit{saturday},\, \mathit{John\_sick} \} \quad
R = \{r_2,\, r_{4}: \mathit{John\_sick} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OUT}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{visit\_John}\odot \mathit{short\_visit} \}.
\]
\end{example}
The meaning of $r_{4}$ is that Alice would not visit John if he is sick, but
if she does so, then the visit must be short.
Being the premises of $r_{2}$ and of $r_{4}$ the case, then both rules are
activated, and the agent has both $\mathit{visit\_John}$ and its opposite as
acceptable outcomes. Eventually, she needs to make up her mind. Notice that
if a rule prevails over the other, then the elements of the weaker rule with
an incompatible counterpart in the stronger rule are \emph{not} considered
desires. Suppose that Alice has not visited John for a long time and she has
recently placed a visit to her parents. Then, she prefers to see John instead
of her parents despite John being sick. In this setting, $r_{2}$ prevails
over $r_{4}$ ($r_{2} > r_{4}$ in notation). Given that she explicitly prefers
$r_{2}$ to $r_{4}$, her desire is to visit John ($\mathit{visit\_John}$) and
it would be irrational to conclude that she also has the opposite desire
(i.e., $\neg \mathit{visit\_John}$).
\paragraph{Goals as preferred outcomes.} We consider a \emph{goal as the
preferred desire in a chain}.
For rule $r$ alone the preferred outcome is $b_{1}$, and for rule $s$ alone
it is $b'_{1}$. But if both rules are applicable, then a state where both
$b_{1}$ and $b'_{1}$ hold is not possible: the agent would not be rational if
she considers both $b_{1}$ and $\neg b_{1}$ as her preferred outcomes. Therefore,
the agent has to decide whether she prefers a state where $b_{1}$ holds
to a state where $b'_{1}$ (i.e., $\neg b_{1}$) does (or the other
way around). If the agent cannot make up her mind, i.e., she has no way to
decide which is the most suitable option for her, then neither the chain of
$r$ nor that of $s$ can produce preferred outcomes.
Consider now the scenario where the
agent establishes that the second rule overrides the first one ($s>r$).
Accordingly, the preferred outcome is $b'_{1}$ for the chain of outcomes
defined by $s$, and $b_{2}$ is the preferred outcome of $r$. $b_{2}$ is the
second best alternative according to rule $r$: in fact $b_{1}$ has been
discarded as an acceptable outcome given that $s$ prevails over $r$.
In the situation described by Example~\ref{ex:FriendsWillBeFriends}, $\mathit{visit\_John}$ is the goal according to $r_{2}$, while
$\mathit{short\_visit}$ is the goal for $r_{4}$.
\paragraph{Two degrees of commitment: intentions and social intentions.}
The next issue is to clarify which are the acceptable outcomes for an agent to
commit to. Naturally, if the agent values some outcomes more than others, she
should strive for the best, in other words, for the most preferred outcomes (goals).
We first consider the case where only rule $r$ applies. Here, the agent
should commit to the outcome she values the most, that is $b_{1}$. But
what if the agent \emph{believes} that $b_{1}$ cannot be achieved in the
environment where she is currently situated in, or she knows that $\neg
b_{1}$ holds? Committing to $b_{1}$ would result in a waste of the agent's
resources; rationally, she should target the next best outcome $b_{2}$.
Accordingly, the agent derives $b_{2}$ as her \emph{intention}. \emph{An
intention is an acceptable outcome which does not conflict with the beliefs
describing the environment.}
Suppose now that $b_{2}$ is \emph{forbidden}, and that the agent is social (a social agent is an agent not knowingly committing to anything that is
forbidden \citep{jaamas:08}). Once again, the agent has to
lower her expectation and settle for $b_{3}$, which is one of her
\emph{social intentions}. \emph{A social intention is an intention which does not violate any norm.}
To complete the analysis, consider the situation where both rules $r$ and $s$
apply and, again, the agent prefers $s$ to $r$. As we have seen before, $\neg
b_{1}$ ($b'_{1}$) and $b_{2}$ are the preferred outcomes based on the
preference of the agent over the two rules. This time we assume that the
agent knows she cannot achieve $\neg b_{1}$ (or equivalently, $b_{1}$ holds).
If the agent is rational, she cannot commit to $\neg b_{1}$. Consequently,
the best option for her is to commit to $b'_{2}$ and $b_{1}$ (both regarded
as intentions and social intentions), where she is guaranteed to be
successful.
This scenario reveals a key concept: there are situations where the agent's
best choice is to commit herself to some outcomes that are not her
preferred ones (or even to a choice that she would consider not
acceptable based only on her preferences) but such that they influence her
decision process, given that they represent relevant external factors (either
her beliefs or the norms that apply to her situation).
\begin{example}\label{ex:Jsick}\ \vspace*{-\baselineskip}
\[
F = \{\mathit{saturday},\, \mathit{John\_away},\, \mathit{John\_sick} \}\quad
R = \{r_2,\, r_3,\, r_{4}\}\quad
>\ = \{(r_{2}, r_{4}) \}.
\]
Today John is in rehab at the hospital. Even if Alice has the desire as well as the goal to visit John, the facts of the situation lead her to form the intention to visit her parents.
Consider now the following theory
\begin{align*}
F & =\{\mathit{saturday},\, \mathit{John\_home\_confined},\, \mathit{third\_week} \} \\
R & = \{r_2,\, r_3,\, r_{4}, r_{5}: \mathit{John\_home\_confined},\, \mathit{third\_week} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OBL}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{visit\_John}\}\\
> & = \{(r_{2}, r_{4}) \}.
\end{align*}
Unfortunately, John has a stream of bad luck. Now, he is not debilitated but
has been home convicted for a minor crime. The law of his country states that
during the first two months of his home conviction, no visits to him are
allowed. This time, even if Alice knows that John is at home, norms forbid Alice to visit him. Again, Alice opts to visit her parents.
\end{example}
\begin{comment}
\begin{example}
We reframe the theory of Example~\ref{ex:FriendsWillBeFriends}.
\begin{align*}
F = & \{\mathit{holiday},\, \mathit{friend\_away},\, \mathit{friend\_boring},\, \mathit{sunday} \} \\
R = & \{r_2,\, r_3,\, r_{4},\\
& r_{6}: \mathit{visit\_parents} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{BEL}}\xspace} \mathit{downtown\_car}\\
& r_{7}: \neg\mathit{sunday} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{OBL}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{downtown\_car} \}\\
> = & \{(r_{2}, r_{4}) \}.
\end{align*}
Esempio per intention reconsideration
\end{example}
\end{comment}
\section{Logic}
\label{sec:logic}
Defeasible Logic (DL) \citep{tocl} is a simple, flexible, and efficient rule
based non-monotonic formalism. Its strength lies in its constructive proof
theory, which has an argumentation-like structure, and it allows us to draw
meaningful conclusions from (potentially) conflicting and incomplete knowledge
bases. Being non-monotonic means that more accurate conclusions can be obtained
when more pieces of information are given (where some previously derived
conclusions no longer follow from the knowledge base).
The framework provided by the proof theory accounts for the possibility of
extensions of the logic, in particular extensions with modal operators.
Several of such extensions have been proposed, which then resulted in
successful applications in the area of normative reasoning \citep{coala},
modelling agents
\citep{jaamas:08,Kravari-ijcai,DBLP:journals/igpl/GovernatoriPRS09}, and
business process compliance \citep{Governatori_Sadiq_2008}. A model theoretic
possible world semantics for modal Defeasible Logic has been proposed in
\citep{deon2012}. In addition, efficient implementations of the logic
(including the modal variants), able to handle very large knowledge bases,
have been advanced in \citep{spindle,drdevice,Antoniou-ECAI2012}.
\input{Language.tex}
\begin{definition}[Proof]
A \emph{proof} $P$ of \emph{length} $n$ is a finite sequence $P(1), \ldots , P(n)$ of
\emph{tagged literals} of the type $+\partial_{X} q$ and $-\partial_{X} q$,
where $X\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$.
\end{definition}
The proof conditions below define the logical meaning of
such tagged literals. As a conventional notation, $P(1..i)$ denotes the
initial part of the sequence $P$ of length $i$. Given a defeasible
theory $D$, $+\partial_{X} q$ means that $q$ is defeasibly provable in $D$
with the mode $X$, and $-\partial_{X} q$ that it has been proved in $D$
that $q$ is not defeasibly provable in $D$ with the mode $X$.
Hereafter, the term \emph{refuted} is a synonym of \emph{not provable} and we
use $D\vdash\pm \partial_{X}l$ iff there is a proof $P$ in $D$ such that
$P(n) = \pm \partial_{X}l$ for an index $n$.
In order to characterise the notions of provability/refutability for
beliefs ($\pm \partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$), obligations ($\pm \partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$), desires
($\pm \partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$), goals ($\pm \partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}$), intentions ($\pm
\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}$) and social intentions ($\pm\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$), it is
essential to define when a rule is \emph{applicable} or \emph{discarded}. To
this end, the preliminary notions of \emph{body-applicable} and
\emph{body-discarded} must be introduced. A rule is
\emph{body-applicable} when each literal in its body is proved with the
appropriate modality; a rule is \emph{body-discarded} if (at least) one of its premises has been refuted.
\begin{definition}[Body applicable]\label{def:BodyAppl}
Let $P$ be a proof and $X \in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$. A rule
$r \in R$ is \emph{body-applicable} (at $P(n+1)$) iff for all $a_i \in
A(r)$:
\begin{enumerate*}[label=(\arabic*)]
\item if $a_i = X l$ then $+\partial_{X} l \in P(1..n)$,
\item if $a_i = \neg X l$ then $-\partial_{X} l \in P(1..n)$,
\item if $a_i = l \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ then $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace} l \in P(1..n)$.
\end{enumerate*}
\end{definition}
\begin{definition}[Body discarded]\label{def:BodyDisc}
Let $P$ be a proof and $X \in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$. A rule $r\in R$ is \emph{body-discarded} (at $P(n+1)$) iff there is
$a_{i}\in A(r)$ such that
\begin{enumerate*}[label=(\arabic*)]
\item $a_i = X l$ and $-\partial_{X} l\in P(1..n)$, or
\item $a_i = \negX l$ and $+\partial_{X}l\in P(1..n)$, or
\item $a_i = l\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{Lit}}\xspace$ and $-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace} l\in P(1..n)$.
\end{enumerate*}
\end{definition}
As already stated, belief rules allow us to derive literals with different
modalities through the conversion mechanism. The applicability mechanism takes this constraint into account.
\begin{definition}[Conv-applicable]\label{def:Conv-appl}
Let $P$ be a proof. A rule $r\in R$ is \emph{Conv-applicable} (at $P(n+1)$) for $X$ iff
\begin{enumerate*}[label=(\arabic*)]
\item $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$,
\item $A(r)\neq\emptyset$,
\item $A(r)\cap\ensuremath{\mathrm{ModLit}}\xspace=\emptyset$ and
\item $\forall a\in A(r),\, +\partial_{X}a\in P(1..n).$
\end{enumerate*}
\end{definition}
\begin{definition}[Conv-discarded]\label{def:Conv-disc}
Let $P$ be a proof. A rule $r\in R$ is \emph{Conv-discarded} (at $P(n+1)$) for $X$ iff
\begin{enumerate*}[label=(\arabic*)]
\item $r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$, or
\item $A(r)=\emptyset$, or
\item $A(r)\cap\ensuremath{\mathrm{ModLit}}\xspace\neq\emptyset$, or
\item $\exists a\in A(r)$ s.t. $-\partial_{X}a\in P(1..n).$
\end{enumerate*}
\end{definition}
\noindent Let us consider the following theory
\[
F = \{ a,\ b,\ \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace c\} \quad
R = \{ r_1: a \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} b,\ r_{2}: b, c \Rightarrow d\}.
\]
Rule $r_{1}$ is applicable while $r_{2}$ is not, given that $c$ is not proved
as a belief. Instead, $r_{2}$ is \emph{Conv-applicable} for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$, since
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace c$ is a fact and $r_{1}$ gives $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace b$.
\medskip
The notion of applicability gives guidelines on how to consider the next
element in a given chain. Given that a belief rule cannot generate reparative
chains but only single literals, we conclude that the applicability condition
for belief collapses into body-applicability. When considering obligations,
each element before the current one must be a violated obligation. Concerning
desires, given that each element in an outcome chain represents a possible
desire, we only require the rule to be applicable either directly, or through
the \ensuremath{\mathrm{Convert}}\xspace relation. A literal is a candidate to be a goal only if none of
the previous elements in the chain has been proved as such. An intention must
pass the wishful thinking filter (that is, there is no factual knowledge for
the opposite conclusion), while social intention is also constrained not to
violate any norm.
\begin{definition}[Applicable rule]\label{def:Applicability}
Given a proof $P$, $r\in R[q,i]$ is \emph{applicable} (at index $i$ and $P(n+1)$) for
\begin{enumerate}
\item $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$ iff $r \in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$ and is body-applicable.
\item \begin{tabbing}
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ iff either \= (2.1) \=(2.1.1) $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$ and is
body-applicable,\\
\> \>(2.1.2) $ \forall c_k \in C(r),\, k < i,\,
+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}c_k \in P(1..n)$ and $-\partial c_k \in P(1..n)$, or\\
\> (2.2) $r$ is Conv-applicable.
\end{tabbing}
\item \begin{tabbing}
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ iff either
\= (3.1) $r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ and is body-applicable, or\\
\> (3.2) Conv-applicable.
\end{tabbing}
\item \begin{tabbing}
$X\in\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$ iff either \= (4.1) \= (4.1.1)
$r\in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ and is body-applicable, and \\
\> \>(4.1.2) \=$\forall c_k\in C(r), \, k<i$, $+\partial_{\blacksquare}\mathnormal{\sim} c_{k}\in P(1..n)$ for some $\blacksquare$\\
\> \> such that $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\blacksquare,X)$ and $-\partial_{X}c_{k}\in P(1..n)$, or \\
\> (4.2) $r$ is Conv-applicable.
\end{tabbing}
\noindent
\end{enumerate}
For $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace$ there are no conflicts; for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$ we have $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace)$, and for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ we have $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ and $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$.
\end{definition}
\begin{definition}[Discarded rule]\label{def:Discardability}
Given a proof $P$, $r\in R[q,i]$ is \emph{discarded} (at index $i$ and $P(n+1)$) for
\begin{enumerate}
\item $\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$ iff $r \in R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace}$ or is body-discarded.
\item \begin{tabbing}
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace$ iff \=(2.1) \= (2.1.1) $r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}$ or is
body-discarded, or \\
\> \> (2.1.2) $ \exists c_k \in C(r),\, k < i,$ s.t. $
-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace}c_k \in P(1..n)$ or $+\partial c_k \in P(1..n)$, and \\
\> (2.2) $r$ is Conv-discarded.
\end{tabbing}
\item \begin{tabbing}
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ iff \= (3.1) $r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ or is
body-discarded, and\\
\> (3.2) $r$ is Conv-discarded.
\end{tabbing}
\item \begin{tabbing}
$X\in\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$ iff \=(4.1) \=(4.1.1)
$r\notin R^{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace}$ or is body-discarded, or \\
\> \> (4.1.2) $\exists c_k\in
C(r), \, k<i$, s.t. $-\partial_{\blacksquare}\mathnormal{\sim} c_{k}\in P(1..n)$ for all $\blacksquare$ \\
\> \> such that $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\blacksquare,X)$ or $+\partial_{X}c_{k}\in P(1..n)$ and \\
\> (4.2) $r$ is Conv-discarded.
\end{tabbing}
\end{enumerate}
For $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace$ there are no conflicts; for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$ we have
$\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace)$, and for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ we have $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$ and
$\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace,\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace)$.
\end{definition}
Notice that the conditions of Definition~\ref{def:Discardability} are the
\emph{strong negation}\footnote{The strong negation principle is closely
related to the function that simplifies a formula by moving all negations to
an innermost position in the resulting formula, and replaces the positive
tags with the respective negative tags, and the other way around. (See
\citep{ecai2000-5,DBLP:journals/igpl/GovernatoriPRS09}.)} of those given in Definition~\ref{def:Applicability}. The
conditions to establish a rule being discarded correspond to the
constructive failure to prove that the same rule is applicable.
We are now ready to introduce the definitions of the proof conditions for the
modal operators given in this paper. We start with that for desire.
\begin{definition}[Defeasible provability for desire]\label{def:proofCond+DES}
The proof conditions of \emph{defeasible provability} for desire are
\smallskip
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{.15\textwidth}
\begin{tabbing}
$+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$: If $P(n+1)=+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} q$ then\\
(1) \= $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ or \\
(2) \= (2.1) $\neg \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and \\
\> (2.2) \= $\exists r\in R[q,i]$ s.t. $r$ is applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ and\\
\> (2.3) \= $\forall s\in R[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ either
(2.3.1) $s$ is discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, or
(2.3.2) $s \not > r$.
\end{tabbing}
\end{minipage}
\end{definition}
The above conditions determine when we are able to assert that $q$ is a
desire. Specifically, a \emph{desire} is each element in a
chain of an outcome rule for which there is no stronger argument for the
opposite desire.
The negative counterpart $-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}q$ is obtained by the principle of strong negation.
\begin{definition}[Defeasible refutability for desire]\label{def:proofCond-DES}
The proof conditions of \emph{defeasible refutability} for desire are
\smallskip
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{.15\textwidth}
\begin{tabbing}
$-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$: If $P(n+1)=-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} q$ then\\
(1) \= $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and\\
(2) \= (2.1) $\neg \ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace q \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, or \\
\> (2.2) $\forall r\in R[q,i]$ either $r$ is discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$, or\\
\> (2.3) \= $\exists s\in R[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ s.t.
(2.3.1) $s$ is applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ and
(2.3.2) $s > r$.
\end{tabbing}
\end{minipage}
\end{definition}
The proof conditions for $+\partial_{X}$, with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace\setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$ are as follows, provided that $\blacksquare$ and $\Diamond$ represent two arbitrary modalities in $\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$:
\begin{definition}[Defeasible provability for obligation, goal, intention and social intention]\label{def:proofCond+X}
The proof conditions of \emph{defeasible provability} for $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace\setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$ are
\smallskip
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{.15\textwidth}
\begin{tabbing}
$+\partial_{X}$: If $P(n+1)=+\partial_{X} q$ then\\
(1) \= $X q \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ or \\
(2) \= (2.1) $\neg X q \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and $(\blacksquare \mathnormal{\sim} q \not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ for $\blacksquare = X$ or $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\blacksquare, X))$ and \\
\> (2.2) \= $\exists r\in R[q,i]$ s.t. $r$ is applicable for $X$ and\\
\> (2.3) \= $\forall s\in R[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ either\\
\> \> (2.3.1) $\forall \blacksquare$ s.t. $\blacksquare=X$ or $\Aconf{\blacksquare}{X}$, $s$ is discarded for $\blacksquare$; or \\
\> \> (2.3.2) \=$\exists \Diamond, \exists t\in R[q,k]$ s.t. $t$ is applicable for $\Diamond$, and either\\
\> \> \> (2.3.2.1) \= $t>s$ if $\blacksquare = \Diamond$, $\Aconv{\blacksquare}{\Diamond}$, or $\Aconv{\Diamond}{\blacksquare}$; or\\
\> \> \> (2.3.2.2) \= $\Aconf{\Diamond}{\blacksquare}$.
\end{tabbing}
\end{minipage}
\end{definition}
To show that a literal $q$ is defeasibly provable with the modality $X$ we
have two choices: (1) the modal literal $X q$ is a fact; or (2) we need to
argue using the defeasible part of $D$. For (2), we require that (2.1) a
complementary literal (of the same modality, or of a conflictual modality)
does not appear in the set of facts, and (2.2) there must be an applicable
rule for $X$ and $q$. Moreover, each possible attack brought by a rule $s$
for $\mathnormal{\sim} q$ has to be either discarded for the same modality of $r$ and for
all modalities in conflict with $X$ (2.3.1), or successfully
counterattacked by another stronger rule $t$ for $q$ (2.3.2). We recall that
the superiority relation combines rules of the same mode, rules with
different modes that produce complementary conclusion of the same mode
through conversion (both considered in clause (2.3.2.1)), and rules with
conflictual modalities (clause 2.3.2.2). Trivially, if $X=\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace$ then the
proof conditions reduce to those of classical defeasible logic \citep{tocl}.
Again, conditions for $-\partial_{X}$ are derived by the principle of
strong negation from that for $+\partial_{X}$ and are as follows.
\begin{definition}[Defeasible refutability for obligation, goal, intention and social intention]\label{def:proofCond-X}
The proof conditions of \emph{defeasible refutability} for $X \in\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$ are
\smallskip
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{.15\textwidth}
\begin{tabbing}
$-\partial_{X}$: If $P(n+1)=-\partial_{X} q$ then\\
(1) \= $X q \notin \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ and either\\
(2) \= (2.1) $\neg X q \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ or $(\blacksquare \mathnormal{\sim} q \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ for $\blacksquare=X$ or $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\blacksquare,X))$ or \\
\> (2.2) \= $\forall r\in R[q,i]$ either $r$ is discarded for $X$ or\\
\> (2.3) \= $\exists s\in R[\mathnormal{\sim} q,j]$ s.t.\\
\> \> (2.3.1) $\exists \blacksquare$ s.t. $(\blacksquare = X$ or $\Aconf{\blacksquare}{X})$ and $s$ is applicable for $\blacksquare$, and \\
\> \> (2.3.2) \= $\forall \Diamond, \forall t\in R[q,k]$ either $t$ is discarded for $\Diamond$, or\\
\> \> \> (2.3.2.1) \= $t\not>s$ if $\blacksquare= \Diamond$, $\Aconv{\blacksquare}{\Diamond}$, or $\Aconv{\Diamond}{\blacksquare}$; and\\
\> \> \> (2.3.2.2) not $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(\Diamond,\blacksquare)$.
\end{tabbing}
\end{minipage}
\end{definition}
To better understand how applicability and proof conditions interact to define the (defeasible) conclusions of a given theory, we consider the example below.
\begin{example}\label{ex:proofTagsExplanation}
Let $D$ be the following modal theory
\begin{align*}
F & = \set{ a_{1},\, a_{2},\, \neg b_{1},\, \ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace \neg b_{2}} &
R & = \set{ r: {a_{1}}\Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} b_{1}\odot b_{2}\odot b_{3}\odot b_{4},
\ s: a_{2} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} b_{4}}.
\end{align*}
Here, $r$ is trivially applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ and $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} b_{i}$
holds, for $1\leq i \leq 4$. Moreover, we have $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} b_{1}$ and
$r$ is discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace$ after $b_{1}$. Due to $+\partial \neg b_{1}$, it
follows that $-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}b_{1}$ holds (as well as
$-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}b_{1}$); the rule is applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$ and $b_{2}$, and
we are able to prove $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace}b_{2}$; the rule is thus discarded for
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$ and $b_{3}$ as well as $b_{4}$. Due to $\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace\neg b_{2}$ being a fact,
$r$ is discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ and $b_{2}$ resulting in
$-\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}b_{2}$, which in turn makes the rule applicable for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$
and $b_{3}$, proving $+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}b_{3}$. As we have argued before, this
makes $r$ discarded for $b_{4}$. Even if $r$ is discarded for $\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace$ and
$b_{4}$, we nonetheless have $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}b_{4}$ due to $s$;
specifically, $D\vdash +\partial_{X}b_{4}$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace,
\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$ given that $s$ is trivially applicable for $X$.
For further illustrations of how the machinery works, the reader is referred to \ref{sec:table}.
\end{example}
The next definition extends the concept of complement for modal literals and
is used to establish the logical connection among proved and refuted literals
in our framework.
\begin{definition}[Complement set]\label{def:complement}
The \emph{complement set} of a given modal literal $l$, denoted by
$\tilde{l}$, is defined as follows:
\begin{enumerate*}[label=(\arabic*)]
\item if $l=\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace m$, then $\tilde{l}=\set{\neg\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace m}$;
\item if $l=X m$, then $\tilde{l}=\set{\negX m, X\mathnormal{\sim} m}$, with $X \in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$;
\item if $l=\neg X m$, then $\tilde{l}=\set{X m}$.
\end{enumerate*}
\end{definition}
The logic resulting from the above proof conditions enjoys
properties describing the appropriate behaviour of the modal operators for consistent theories.
\begin{definition}[Consistent defeasible theory]\label{def:consistency}
A defeasible theory $D = (\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace, R, >)$ is \emph{consistent} iff $>$ is acyclic and $\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ does not contain pairs of complementary literals, that is if $\ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$ does not contain pairs like (i) $l$ and $\mathnormal{\sim} l$, (ii) $X l$ and $\negX l$ with $X\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$, and (iii) $X l$ and $X\mathnormal{\sim} l$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$.
\end{definition}
\begin{restatable}{prop}{Coherence}
\label{prop:CoherenceConsistence}
Let $D$ be a consistent, finite defeasible theory. For any literal $l$, it is not possible to have both
\begin{enumerate}
\item $D\vdash+\partial_{X}l$ and $D\vdash-\partial_{X}l$ with $X\in\ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace$;
\item $D\vdash+\partial_{X}l$ and $D\vdash+\partial_{X}\mathnormal{\sim} l$ with $X\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace\setminus\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{restatable}
All proofs of propositions, lemmas and theorems are reported in \ref{sec:proofs} and \ref{sec:CorrDefExt}.
\begin{filecontents}{proofCoherence.tex}
\begin{proof}
\emph{1. (Coherence of the logic)} The negative proof tags are the strong negation of the positive
ones, and so are the conditions of a rule being discarded
(Definition~\ref{def:Discardability}) for a rule being applicable
(Definition~\ref{def:Applicability}). Hence, when the conditions for $+\partial_{X}$ hold, those for $-\partial_{X}$ do not.
\emph{2. (Consistency of the logic)} We split the proof into two cases: (i)
at least one of $X l$ and $X \mathnormal{\sim} l$ is in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace, and (ii) neither of them
is in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace. For (i) the proposition immediately follows by the assumption of
consistency. In fact, suppose that $X l \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$. Then clause (1) of
$+\partial_{X}$ holds for $l$. By consistency $X \mathnormal{\sim} l\not\in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$,
thus clause (1) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X} does not hold for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$.
Since $X l \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{F}}\xspace$, also clause (2.1) is always falsified for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$,
and the thesis is proved.
For (ii), let us assume that both $+\partial_{X}l$ and
$+\partial_{X}\mathnormal{\sim} l$ hold in $D$. A straightforward assumption derived by
Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and~\ref{def:Discardability} is that no
rule can be at the same time applicable and discarded for $X$ and $l$ for
any literal $l$ and its complement. Thus, we have that there are applicable
rules for $X$ and $l$, as well as for $X$ and $\mathnormal{\sim} l$. This means that
clause (2.3.2) of Definition~\ref{def:proofCond+X} holds for both $l$ and
$\mathnormal{\sim} l$. Therefore, for every applicable rule for $l$ there is an applicable
rule for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ stronger than the rule for $l$. Symmetrically, for every
applicable rule for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ there is an applicable rule for $l$ stronger
than the rule for $\mathnormal{\sim} l$. Since the set of rules in $D$ is finite by
construction, this situation is possible only if there is a cycle in the
transitive closure of the superiority relation, which is in contradiction
with the hypothesis of $D$ being consistent.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
The meaning of the above proposition is that, for instance, it is not
possible for an agent to obey something that is obligatory and forbidden (obligatory not)
at the same time. On the other hand, an agent may have opposite desires given
different situations, but then she will be able to plan for only one between
the two alternatives.
Proposition \ref{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial} below governs the interactions between different modalities
and the relationships between proved literals and refuted complementary
literals of the same modality. Proposition \ref{prop:donothold} proves that certain (likely-expected) implications do no hold.
\begin{restatable}{prop}{PositiveProp}\label{prop:+PartialTHEN-Partial}
Let $D$ be a consistent defeasible theory. For any literal $l$, the following statements hold:
\begin{enumerate}
\item if $D\vdash+\partial_{X} l$, then $D\vdash-\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} l$ with $X \in \ensuremath{\mathrm{MOD}}\xspace \setminus \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}$;
\item if $D\vdash+\partial l$, then $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$;
\item if $D\vdash+\partial l$ or $D\vdash+\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{O}}\xspace} l$, then $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace} \mathnormal{\sim} l$;
\item\label{enum5} if $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} l$, then $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} l$;
\item if $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace}l$, then $D\vdash -\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}l$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{restatable}
\begin{filecontents}{proofPositiveProp.tex}
\begin{proof}
For part 1., let $D$ be a consistent defeasible theory, and
$D\vdash+\partial_{X}l$. Literal $\mathnormal{\sim} l$ can be in only one of the
following, mutually exclusive situations: (i) $D\vdash +\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim}
l$; (ii) $D\vdash -\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} l$; (iii) $D\not\vdash
\pm\partial_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} l$. Part 2 of Proposition~\ref{prop:CoherenceConsistence} allows us to exclude case (i), since $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$
by hypothesis. Case (iii) denotes situations where there are loops in the
theory involving literal $\mathnormal{\sim} l$,\footnote{For example, situations like $X
\mathnormal{\sim} l \Rightarrow_{X} \mathnormal{\sim} l$, where the proof conditions generate a loop
without introducing a proof.} but inevitably this would affect also the
provability of $X l$, i.e., we would not be able to give a proof for
$+\partial_{X} l$ as well. This is in contradiction with the hypothesis.
Consequently, situation (ii) must be the case.
Parts 2. and 3. directly follow by
Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and \ref{def:Discardability}, while Definitions~\ref{def:Applicability} and
\ref{def:proofCond+X} justify part 4., given that $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace$ is not involved in any conflict relation.
Part 5. Trivially, from part 4.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
\begin{restatable}{prop}{NegativeProp}\label{prop:donothold}
Let $D$ be a consistent defeasible theory. For any literal $l$, the following statements \emph{do not} hold:
\begin{enumerate} \setcounter{enumi}{5}
\item if $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace} l$, then $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$;
\item if $D\vdash +\partial_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace} l$, then $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$ with $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$;
\item if $D\vdash +\partial_{X} l$, then $D\vdash +\partial_{Y} l$ with $X=\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$ and $Y=\set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}$;
\item if $D\vdash -\partial_{Y} l$, then $D\vdash -\partial_{X} l$ with $Y\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace}$ and $X\in \set{\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace, \ensuremath{\mathsf{SI}}\xspace}$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{restatable}
Parts 6. and 7. directly follow by Definitions from~\ref{def:Applicability} to \ref{def:proofCond-X} and rely on the intuitions
presented in Section~\ref{sec:Intuition}. Parts from 7. to 9.
reveal the true nature of expressing outcomes in a preference order: it may be
the case that the agent desires something (may it be even her preferred
outcome) but if the factuality of the environment makes this outcome impossible
to reach, then she should not pursue such an outcome, and instead commit
herself on the next option available.
The statements of Proposition \ref{prop:donothold} exhibit a common
feature which can be illustrated by the idiom: ``What's your plan B?'',
meaning: even if you are willing for an option, if such an option is not
feasible you need to strive for the plan B.
\begin{filecontents}{proofNegative.tex}
\begin{proof}
Example~\ref{ex:Jsick} in the extended version offers counterexamples showing
the reason why the above statements do not hold.
\begin{align*}
F & = \{\mathit{saturday},\, \mathit{John\_away},\, \mathit{John\_sick} \} \\
R & = \{r_2: \mathit{saturday} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} \mathit{visit\_John}\odot
\mathit{visit\_parents} \odot \mathit{watch\_movie}\\
& \psl r_3: \mathit{John\_away} \Rightarrow_{\Bel} \neg \mathit{visit\_John}\\
& \psl r_{4}: \mathit{John\_sick} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{U}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{visit\_John}\odot \mathit{short\_visit}\}\\
& \psl r_{7}: \mathit{John\_away} \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace} \neg \mathit{short\_visit}\}\\
> & = \{(r_{2}, r_{4}) \}.
\end{align*}
Given that $r_{2}> r_{4}$, Alice has the desire to $\mathit{visit\_John}$, and this is
also her preferred outcome. Nonetheless, being $\mathit{John\_away}$ a fact, this is not
her intention, while so are $\neg \mathit{visit\_John}$ and $\mathit{visit\_parents}$.
\end{proof}
\end{filecontents}
\section{Summary and Related Work}
\label{sec:related_work}
This article provided a new proposal for extending DL to model cognitive
agents interacting with obligations. We distinguished concepts of desire,
goal, intention and social intention, but we started from the shared notion
of outcome. Therefore, such concepts spring from a single notion that becomes distinct based
on the particular relationship with beliefs and norms. This reflects a more
natural notion of mental attitude and can express the well-known notion of
Plan B. When we consider the single chain itself, this justifies that from a
single concept of outcome we can derive all the other mental attitudes.
Otherwise we would need as many additional rules as the elements in the chain;
this, in turn, would require the introduction of additional notions to
establish the relationships with beliefs and norms. This adds to our
framework an economy of concepts.
Moreover, since the preferences allow us to determine what preferred outcomes
are adopted by an agent (in a specific scenario) when previous elements in
sequences are no longer feasible, our logic provides an abstract semantics
for several types of goal and intention reconsideration.
A drawback of our approach perhaps lies in the difficulty of translating a
natural language description into a logic formalisation. This is a
notoriously hard task. Even if the obstacle seems very difficult, the payoff
is worthwhile. The first reason is due to the efficiency of the computation
of the positive extension once the formalisation has been done (polynomial
time against the majority of the current frameworks in the literature which
typically work in exponential time). The second reason is that the use of
rules (such as business rules) to describe complex systems is extremely common
\citep{knolmayer2000modeling}. Future lines of research will then focus on
developing such methods, by giving tools which may help the (business) analyst
in writing such (business) rules from the declarative description.
The logic presented in this paper, as the vast majority of approaches to
model autonomous agents, is propositional. The
algorithms to compute the extension of theory relies on the theory being
finite, thus the first assumption for possible first-order extensions would
be to work on finite domains of individuals. Given this assumption, the
algorithms can be still be used once a theory has been grounded. This means
that the size of theory is in function of the size of the grounding. We
expect that the size of the grounding depends on the cardinality of the
domain of individuals and the length of the vector obtained by the join
of the predicates occurring in the theory.
Our contribution has strong connections with those by
\cite{lpar05,jaamas:08,DBLP:journals/igpl/GovernatoriPRS09}, but it completely
rebuilds the logical treatment of agents' motivational attitudes by presenting
significant innovations in at least two respects.
First, while in \citep{lpar05,jaamas:08,DBLP:journals/igpl/GovernatoriPRS09}
the agent deliberation is simply the result of the derivation of mental
states from \emph{precisely} the corresponding rules of the logic---besides
conversions, intentions are derived using only intention rules, goals using
goal rules, etc.---here, the proof theory is much more aligned with the BDI
intuition, according to which intentions and goals are the results of the
manipulation of desires. The conceptual result of the current paper is
that this idea can be entirely encoded within a logical language and a proof
theory, by exploiting the different interaction patterns between the basic
mental states, as well as the derived ones. In this perspective, our
framework is significantly richer than the one in BOID
\citep{broersen2002goal}, which uses different rules to derive the
corresponding mental states and proposes simple criteria to solve conflicts
between rule types.
Second, the framework proposes a rich language expressing two orthogonal
concepts of preference among motivational attitudes. One is encoded within
$\odot$ sequences, which state (reparative) orders among
homogeneous mental states or motivations.
The second type of preference is encoded via the superiority
relation between rules: the superiority can work locally between single rules
of the same or different types, or can work systematically by stating via $\ensuremath{\mathrm{Conflict}}\xspace(X,Y)$ that two different motivations $X$ and $Y$
collide, and $X$ always overrides $Y$. The interplay between these two
preference mechanisms can help us in isolating different and complex ways for
deriving mental states, but the resulting logical machinery is still
computationally tractable, as the algorithmic analysis proved.
Lastly, since the preferences allow us to determine what preferred outcomes
are adopted by an agent when previous elements in $\odot$-sequences are not
(or no longer) feasible, our logic in fact provides an abstract semantics for
several types of goal and intention reconsideration. Intention
reconsideration was expected to play a crucial role in the BDI paradigm
\citep{bratman1,DBLP:journals/ai/CohenL90} since intentions obey the law of
inertia and resist retraction or revision, but they can be reconsidered when
new relevant information comes in \citep{bratman1}. Despite that, the problem
of revising intentions in BDI frameworks has received little attention. A
very sophisticated exception is that of \cite{hoek}, where revisiting intentions
mainly depends on the dynamics of beliefs but the process is incorporated in
a very complex framework for reasoning about mental states. Recently,
\cite{Shapiro:2012} discussed how to revise the commitments to planned
activities because of mutually conflicting intentions, a contribution that interestingly
has connections with our work. How to employ our logic to give a semantics
for intention reconsideration is not the main goal of the paper and is left
to future work.
Our framework shares the motivation with that of
\cite{Winikoff02declarativeprocedural}, where the authors provide a logic to
describe both the declarative and procedural nature of goals. The nature of
the two approaches lead to conceptually different solutions. For instance,
they require goals, as in \citep{DBLP:conf/atal/HindriksBHM00}, ``not to be
entailed by beliefs, i.e., that they be unachieved'', while our beliefs can
be seen as ways to achieve goals. Other requirements such as persistence or
dropping a goal when reached cannot be taken into account.
\begin{comment}
Consider their example about the cat who wants to get on the table to eat
the food. The reconsideration of its plan to jump on the shelf and
fortuitously find the food must be considered within our framework as a
change of the facts describing the initial scenario, which triggers a new run
of the algorithms to compute the extension of the new theory. By the nature
of the example, the goal to eat the food is still achievable (by jumping on
the shelf); the difference is that now the goal of eating the food is reached
by following different rules in the theory. In the mentioned framework the
cat has the goal to jump on the table as a consequence that wants to eat,
while we state that the goal $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace food$ may be achieved by the rule $r:
table \Rightarrow_{\ensuremath{\mathsf{B}}\xspace} food$. \cite{Winikoff02declarativeprocedural} admit, as we
do for desires, that it is possible to have \emph{inconsistent goals}, i.e.,
$\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace p$ and $\ensuremath{\mathsf{G}}\xspace \mathnormal{\sim} p$. They motivate by saying that they both can be
reached at different times, while we allow to have opposite desires, $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace p$
and $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace \mathnormal{\sim} p$, but not for the other mental attitudes.
\end{comment}
\cite{DBLP:journals/logcom/ShapiroLL07} and
\cite{DBLP:conf/dagstuhl/ShapiroB07} deal with goal change. The authors
consider the case where an agent readopts goals that were previously believed
to be impossible to achieve up to revision of her beliefs. They model goals
through an accessibility relation over possible worlds. This is similar to
our framework where different worlds are different assignments to the set of
facts. Similarly to us, they prioritise goals as a preorder $\leq$; an agent
adopts a new goal unless another incompatible goal prior in the ordering
exists. This is in line with our framework where if we change the set of
facts, the algorithms compute a new extension of the theory where two
opposite literals can be proved as $\ensuremath{\mathsf{D}}\xspace$ but only one as $\ensuremath{\mathsf{I}}\xspace$. Notice also
that the ordering used in their work is unique and fixed at design time,
while in our framework chains of outcome rules are built trough a
context-dependent partial order which, in our opinion, models more realistic
scenarios.
\cite{DBLP:conf/atal/DastaniRM06} present three types of declarative goals: perform, achievement, and maintenance goals. In particular, they
define planning rules which relate configurations of the world as seen by the
agent (i.e., her beliefs). A planning rule is considered \emph{correct} only
if the plan associated to the rule itself allows the agent to reach a
configuration where her goal is satisfied. This is strongly connected to our
idea of belief rules, which define a path to follow in order to reach an
agent outcome. Notice that this kind of
research based on temporal aspects is orthogonal to ours.
The unifying framework proposed by
\cite{vanRiemsdijk:2008:GAS:1402298.1402323} and
\cite{DBLP:conf/atal/DastaniRW11} specifies different facets of the concept
of goal. However, several aspects make a comparative analysis between the two
frameworks unfeasible. Their analysis is indeed merely taxonomical, and it
does not address how goals are used in agent logics, as we precisely do here.
\cite{DBLP:journals/aamas/RiemsdijkDM09} share our aim to formalise goals in
a logic-based representation of conflicting goals and propose two different
semantics to represent \emph{conditional} and \emph{unconditional} goals.
Their central thesis, supported by \cite{DBLP:conf/comma/Prakken06}, is that
only by adopting a credulous interpretation is it possible to have
conflicting goals. However, we believe that a credulous interpretation is not
suitable if an agent has to deliberate what her primary goals are in a given
situation. We opted to have a sceptical interpretation of the concepts we
call goals, intentions, and social intentions, while we adopt a credulous
interpretation for desires. Moreover, they do not take into account the
distinction between goals and related motivational attitudes (as in
\citep{vanRiemsdijk:2008:GAS:1402298.1402323,
DBLP:conf/atal/DastaniRW11,DBLP:conf/atal/DastaniRM06}). The characteristic
property of intentions in these logics is that an agent may not drop
intentions for arbitrary reasons, which means that intentions have a certain
persistence. As such, their analysis results orthogonal to ours.
\begin{comment}
\cite{DBLP:conf/atal/MeneguzziL09} provide a technique that enables agents to
adapt their behaviour at runtime in response to newly accepted norms so as to
comply with them, should they choose to do so. Even though their notion of
obligation as denoting the situation where an agent ``must act to accomplish
something'' is rather different than ours, their representation
$norm(\mathit{Activation}, \mathit{Expiration}, \mathit{Norm})$ is quite familiar: $\mathit{Activation}$ and
$\mathit{Expiration}$ stand for the antecedents of an obligation rule while $\mathit{Norm}$ is
the conclusion. However, we have found some cons in their approach: in addition to
an overburden of notation, their monotonicity assumption leads the
proposed algorithms to perform too many (and not strictly necessary) operations
when a norm expires.
\end{comment}
\cite{DBLP:journals/aamas/VasconcelosKN09} propose mechanisms for the
detection and resolution of normative conflicts. They resolve conflicts by
manipulating the constraints associated to the norms' variables, as well as through \emph{curtailment}, that is reducing the scope of the norm. In other works, we
dealt with the same problems in defeasible deontic logic
\citep{DBLP:journals/jphil/GovernatoriORS13}.
We found three problems in their solution: (i) the curtailing relationship
$\omega$ is rather less intuitive than our preference relation $>$, (ii) their
approach seems too convoluted in solving exceptions (and they do not provide
any mechanism to handle reparative chains of obligations), and (iii) the space
complexity of their \emph{adoptNorm} algorithm is exponential.
The present framework is meant to be seen as the first step within a more
general perspective of providing the business analyst with tools that allow
the creation of a business process in a fully declarative manner
\citep{DBLP:conf/prima/OlivieriGSC13}. Another issue comes from the fact
that, typically, systems implemented by business rules involve thousands of
such rules. Again, our choice of Defeasible Logic allows to drastically
reduce the number of rules involved in the process of creating, for example, a business
process thanks to its exception handling mechanism. This is peculiarly
interesting when dealing with the problem of visualising such rules. When
dealing with a system with thousands of rules, understanding what they
represent or what a group of rules stand for, may be a serious challenge. On
the contrary, the model presented by
\cite{DBLP:conf/prima/OlivieriGSC13}, once an input is given, allows for the
identification of whether the whole process is compliant against a normative
system and a set of goals (and if not, where it fails). To the best of our
knowledge, no other system is capable of checking whether a process can start
with its input requisites and reaches its final objectives in a way that is
compliant with a given set of norms.
\begin{comment}
\cite{DBLP:journals/synthese/GrantKPW10} take intentions as a set of recipes.
The paper proposes AGM-style postulates for belief, intention, and desire
revision. In \citep{DBLP:journals/corr/abs-1206-5833}, we have already shown
how such postulates are inadequate for revising non-monotonic logics. The
notion of recipe as the tuple $\langle \alpha \theta\rangle$, stating that
the execution of action $\alpha$ will accomplish a state of affairs
satisfying $\varphi$, is comparable to a belief rule. Very interesting for
future works is their interpretation of the cost function, which is \emph{not}
required to be additive; for instance, the cost of performing two actions may
be lower than the sum of performing them separately. Of less importance,
instead, the computational result claiming that the problem of checking if a
set of recipes (plans) is sub-optimal is NP-complete. Finally, the
computational efficiency of our problem helps us to avoid their main source
of complexity: Change in beliefs, which should be followed by a
\emph{parsimony} requirement in changing the theory. As soon as some new
beliefs are added to the set of facts, the run of our algorithms give the new
set of objectives to achieve and norms to comply with in polynomial time.
\end{comment}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 4,715
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Peter Bolton (2019-07-09). Deconstructing Elliott Abrams on Venezuela. counterpunch.org On June 26, the Trump administration's so-called "Special Representative for Venezuela," Elliott Abrams gave a five-minute update to reporters about the development of the coup attempt against the government of Nicolas Maduro, followed by a brief Q&A session. The event, held at the US State Department in Washington, was textbook Abrams: full of lies, loaded More
plenglish (2019-07-09). Venezuelan Gov't Arrives in Barbados for Talks with Opposition. plenglish.com Caracas, July 9 (Prensa Latina) The Venezuelan Government"s delegation arrived in Barbados to continue the political dialogue with the opposition representatives, sponsored by Norway since May 14.
plenglish (2019-07-09). Venezuela Advocates for Peace in Political Dialogue with Opposition. plenglish.com Caracas, Jul 9 (Prensa Latina) The Venezuelan government ratified on Tuesday its commitment to a peaceful solution to the dialogues with the opposition, led by Norway based in Barbados.
Nino Pagliccia (2019-07-08). Faulty by Design: the UN Report on Human Rights in Venezuela. counterpunch.org Following Michelle Bachelet visit to Venezuela last June the official report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCHR ) on the situation of human rights in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela was released on July 4, a day before initially scheduled. Judging by the quick review I made, the mainstream media is More
Ricardo Vaz (2019-07-08). Venezuelan Government Slams 'Biased' UN Human Rights Report. globalresearch.ca The Venezuelan government has disputed the findings of a report released by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). | Having seen the report in advance of its publication, Caracas issued a 70-point statement pointing towards …
teleSUR (2019-07-08). Venezuelan Delegation in Barbados for Dialogue With Opposition. telesurenglish.net A Venezuelan delegation arrived in Barbados on Monday to continue the process of peace dialogue with the opposition, which has been supported by the Government of Norway since last May 14. | RELATED: | Venezuelan Gov't and Opposition to Continue Negotiation Talks in Barbados | The sectoral vice president of Communication, Tourism and Culture, Jorge Rodríguez, through an official statement, disclosed on his Twitter account about the arrival of this group to the Caribbean nation to a…
Stephen Lendman (2019-07-08). US and Europe to Iran: Do as We Say, Not as We Do — Or Else! globalresearch.ca The US considers itself master of the universe, demanding submissiveness from all other nations. | Its bipartisan ruling authorities tolerate no independent states or social democracies like Venezuela, no military or economic superpowers like Russia and China respectively — what hegemonic …
Global Research News (2019-07-08). Selected Articles: UN Report on Human Rights in Venezuela Faulty by Design. globalresearch.ca A future without independent media leaves us with an upside down reality where according to the corporate media "NATO deserves a Nobel Peace Prize", and where "nuclear weapons and wars make us safer". | . | . | | | If, like us, this is …
Peter Koenig (2019-07-08). Venezuela — The Bachelet "Human Rights Lie" globalresearch.ca "American sanctions are deliberately aiming to wreck Venezuela's economy and thereby lead to regime change. It's a fruitless, heartless, illegal, and failed policy, causing grave harm to the Venezuelan people."
teleSUR (2019-07-08). Russian-Made S-400 Air Defense System is En Route to Turkey. telesurenglish.net Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan announced on Monday morning that Russia's S-400 air defense missiles are currently being prepared to be flown to Turkey. | RELATED: | Cuba, Turkey to Attend Venezuela's Transplant Patients | Speaking to reporters before leaving for Bosnia on Monday, Erdogan wouldn't say, however, when the Russian missile defense system would reach Turkey or where they will be deployed. | "The preparations for the journey, the loading (of the S-400) is continuing ..
United Nations (2019-07-04). UN human rights chief 'hopeful' Venezuelan authorities are ready to address violations, calls for dialogue. un.org "The only way out of this crisis is to come together, in dialogue": that was the clear message delivered by Michelle Bachelet, the UN human rights chief, to the Government of Venezuela on Friday, during an address to the Human Rights Council, coinciding with the publication of a new UN report on Venezuela.
United Nations (2019-07-02). Venezuela: 'Shocked' by alleged torture, death of navy captain, UN human rights chief urges 'in-depth' investigation. un.org The UN human rights chief has expressed her deep concern over the alleged torture and subsequent death of a retired navy captain who had been imprisoned in Venezuela, urging authorities to conduct a prompt, thorough, independent, and transparent investigation into his death.
United Nations (2019-07-02). Tuesday's Daily Brief: Hunger crisis in DR Congo, Swine Fever in Asia, Venezuela death investigation call, updates on Eritrea and Syria. un.org This Tuesday, UN News covers: Growing food crisis in DR Congo; Swine Fever threatens millions of livelihoods in Asia; Human Rights Council told of persistent violations in Eritrea; and the humanitarian impact of on-going fighting in Syria.
Fred_F (2019-06-28). 'Hands off Venezuela' forum calls for solidarity. greenleft.org.au "We are resisting", is the answer that Venezuelan-Australian activist Eulalia Reyes receives when she speaks to friends and family back home. "Right now, international solidarity is so important for the Venezuelan people, who are fighting against US sanctions and threats of military intervention", she said. | Reyes was speaking at a "Hands off Venezuela" public meeting held at the Maritime Union of Australia (MUA) offices on June 25. The forum addressed the current crisis in Venezuela and the US-led campaign for "regime change" against President Nicolas Maduro. | The meeting opened with an Acknowledgement of Cou…
John Kiriakou (2019-06-28). The Military Industrial Complex Loves Left Wing Hawk Adam Schiff. mintpressnews.com If there was any doubt at all that Adam Schiff is in the grip of the military-industrial complex, one doesn't have to rely just on his stated positions on Iran, Venezuela, and China to make the situation any clearer. Just take a look at his donors.
Ricardo Vaz (2019-06-28). Venezuelan Government Claims New Coup, Maduro Assassination Plot Foiled. mintpressnews.com "The first goal is to capture [Maduro]. And have the world see it. […] Dead, so that the message is clear, this son of a bitch is done," ex-airforce General Miguel Carmelo Sisco is seen telling other alleged conspirators in one of the videos.
CGTN America (2019-05-17). Would Venezuela be in crisis under Hugo Chavez? cgtn.com Hugo Chavez made Venezuela one of the richest countries in South America. Today, the Venezuelan economy is collapsing. On this episode we speak to Temir Porras, a former advisor to Chavez, on what could have been done to avoid the current crisis.
Posted on July 9, 2019 by .
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 2,189
|
Q: Does Google Earth Engine (GEE) compute Vegetation Condition Index (VCI) time series correctly? The formula to compute VCI from long term dataset is
VCI= (NDVI_current-NDVI_min)/(NDVI_max-NDVI_min) * 100, refer to Drought monitoring using the Vegetation Condition Index (VCI)
Map.centerObject(geometry, 7);
var scaleMOD = function(img) {
return img
.divide(10000)
.float()
.set("system:time_start", img.get("system:time_start"));
};
var modis = ee.ImageCollection("MODIS/006/MOD13Q1")
.map(scaleMOD)
.filterBounds(geometry)
.select('NDVI');
Let, months selected for VCI calculation are September and October from the year 2000 to 2010 (11 years time period).
var startyear = 2000;
var endyear = 2010;
print ('no of years in study period', endyear - startyear + 1);
var startmonth = 9;
var endmonth = 10;
print ('no of months in study period', endmonth - startmonth + 1);
var startdate = ee.Date.fromYMD(startyear, startmonth, 1);
var enddate = ee.Date.fromYMD(endyear , endmonth, 30);
var years = ee.List.sequence(startyear, endyear);
var months = ee.List.sequence(startmonth,endmonth);
var modis_list = [];
for(var i = startmonth; i <=endmonth; i++) {
for(var j = startyear; j <=endyear; j++){
modis_list.push(modis.filter(ee.Filter.calendarRange(i, i, 'month'))
.filter(ee.Filter.calendarRange(j, j, 'year')));
}
}
print(modis_list);
var modis_filtered_flattened = ee.ImageCollection(ee.FeatureCollection(modis_list).flatten());
These are the monthly composites of NDVI using MODIS dataset MOD13Q1,
// NDVI composites for every month
var monthlyNDVI = ee.ImageCollection.fromImages(
years.map(function (y) {
return months.map(function(m) {
var monthly = modis_filtered_flattened
.filter(ee.Filter.calendarRange(y, y, "year"))
.filter(ee.Filter.calendarRange(m, m, "month"))
.mean();
return monthly
.set("year", y)
.set("month", m)
.set("system:time_start", ee.Date.fromYMD(y, m, 1).millis());}); })
.flatten());
Here, the total no of monthly composite images of NDVI in the collections will be 22:-
11 of september and 11 of October from 2000 to 2010,
print (monthlyNDVI, 'monthly NDVI composites in study period = no of months * no of years')
Map.addLayer (monthlyNDVI.first().clip(geometry), {min:0, max:1, 'palette': ['red','yellow', 'green']}, 'MonthlyNDVI')
The image having maximum pixel value of NDVI (max_NDVI) i.e containing the maximum value at each pixel in the raster generated from the time series of 11 years will be 2 (one for each month i.e september and october),
// Extract max values for each month over all years
var MonthlyMAX = ee.ImageCollection.fromImages(months
.map(function (m) {
var maxNDVI = monthlyNDVI
.filter(ee.Filter.eq("month", m))
.select("NDVI")
.reduce(ee.Reducer.max())
.rename("max_NDVI");
return maxNDVI
.set("month", m);})
.flatten());
print (MonthlyMAX, 'MonthlyMAX no of images = no of months in study period');
Map.addLayer (MonthlyMAX.first().select('max_NDVI').clip(geometry), {min:0, max:1, 'palette': ['red','yellow', 'green']}, 'MonthlyMAX')
Similarly, the image having minimum value for each pixel of NDVI in the raster (min_NDVI) will also be 2 (one for each month),
// Extract min values for each month over all years
var MonthlyMIN = ee.ImageCollection.fromImages(months
.map(function (m) {
var minNDVI = monthlyNDVI
.filter(ee.Filter.eq("month", m))
.select("NDVI")
.reduce(ee.Reducer.min())
.rename("min_NDVI");
return minNDVI
.set("month", m);})
.flatten());
print (MonthlyMIN, 'MonthlyMIN no of images = no of months in study period');
Map.addLayer (MonthlyMIN.first().select('min_NDVI').clip(geometry), {min:0, max:1, 'palette': ['red','yellow', 'green']}, 'MonthlyMIN')
As I am exporting the rasters, the script till here is working fine,
Like from all the monthly composites i.e monthlyNDVI
the value of min_NDVI and max_NDVI is being extracted as asked
i.e maximum value at each pixel in the raster out of 11 years time period in case of max_NDVI and same in case of min_NDVI
// Extract VCI for each month over all years
var vci_monthly = monthlyNDVI.map(function(img){
var id = img.id();
var min = img.reduceRegion(ee.Reducer.min(), geometry,250).get('NDVI');
var max = img.reduceRegion(ee.Reducer.max(), geometry,250).get('NDVI');
return img.expression(
"((NDVI-min)/(max-min))*100",{
"NDVI" : img,
"max" : ee.Number(max),
"min" : ee.Number(min)
}).copyProperties(img,['system:time_start','system:time_end']);
});
print(vci_monthly)
print (vci_monthly, 'vci_monthly composites in study period = no of months * no of years')
Map.addLayer (vci_monthly.first().clip(geometry), {min:-100, max:100, 'palette': ['red','yellow', 'green']}, 'vci_monthly')
But I have doubt in case of VCI
Suppose if I want to compute the VCI of October 2005,
then VCI_Oct_2005 should be = (NDVI_Oct_2005 - NDVI_min)/(NDVI_max-NDVI_min) * 100
for example, in here, the VCI values generate by GEE is VCI: 61.16399754930089 from the corresponding value of
NDVI_Oct_2005: 0.4822999835014343,
NDVI_max: 0.7001000046730042,
NDVI_min: 0.4424000084400177,
You will get these values in the inspector of the console, as you will run the script, and click on the raster layers.
Here, according to the calculations of the formula, the value of VCI should have been
= (0.482 - 0.442)/(0.700 - 0.442) * 100 = ~15.5%
But the GEE yield different results from it,
The script is here @ VCI Script
Where is the script wrong (if it is) or
which part of the my interpretation regarding VCI formula is wrong?
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 3,577
|
Q: invalid property value for css h1 tag background Hi am getting invalid property values for css h1 tag. here i want to display image inside h1 tag from css class.
header#header .logo {
font: 0/0 a;
text-shadow: none;
color: transparent;
background: url('../../Style Library/images/logo.png') no-repeat 0 0 transparent;
max-width: 100%;
width: 100%;
height: 62px;
margin-top:-16px;
}
<a href="index.html">
<h1 class="logo">Canara Robeco</h1>
</a>
A: font: 0/0 a; is not valid. The validator thinks that you are trying to set the font-weight to 0 rather then the font-size and line-height. I haven't figured out exactly why (I suspect the CSS parsing rules are not designed to let you set the font size to 0).
The simplest work around to that would be to switch to using the long form properties instead of the font shorthand property.
The proper solution, since your image is a content image and not a background image, is to change your markup:
<a href="index.html">
<h1 class="logo"><img src="/Style%20Library/images/logo.png" alt="Canara Robeco"></h1>
</a>
A: Check this out
.logo { //changge
font: 0/0 a;
text-shadow: none;
color: transparent;
background: url('../../Style Library/images/logo.png') no-repeat 0 0 transparent;
max-width: 100%;
width: 100%;
height: 62px;
margin-top:-16px;
}
A: This can be because of your no-repeat property in the same line of your path of your logo image in your css. Try this:
background-image: url('../images/yourlogo.png');
background-repeat: no-repeat;
source.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 2,358
|
/**
*
*/
package org.semanticweb.elk.benchmark;
/*
* #%L
* ELK Benchmarking Package
* $Id:$
* $HeadURL:$
* %%
* Copyright (C) 2011 - 2014 Department of Computer Science, University of Oxford
* %%
* Licensed under the Apache License, Version 2.0 (the "License");
* you may not use this file except in compliance with the License.
* You may obtain a copy of the License at
*
* http://www.apache.org/licenses/LICENSE-2.0
*
* Unless required by applicable law or agreed to in writing, software
* distributed under the License is distributed on an "AS IS" BASIS,
* WITHOUT WARRANTIES OR CONDITIONS OF ANY KIND, either express or implied.
* See the License for the specific language governing permissions and
* limitations under the License.
* #L%
*/
/**
* @author Pavel Klinov
*
* pavel.klinov@uni-ulm.de
*/
public interface TaskVisitor {
public void visit(Task task) throws TaskException;
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,351
|
Ilha do Sul är en ö i Brasilien. Den ligger i ögruppen Trindade och Martim Vaz i delstaten Espírito Santo, i den östra delen av landet, km öster om huvudstaden Brasília.
Källor
Öar i Espírito Santo
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 856
|
Chantaje (del francés chantage) es la amenaza de difamación pública o daño semejante para obtener algún provecho pecuniario o material de alguien u obligarlo a actuar de una determinada manera.
El chantaje o extorsión es un delito en el ordenamiento jurídico de muchos países.
Véase también
Intimidación
Delitos
Chantaje
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 4,472
|
{"url":"http:\/\/stat545.com\/hw03_dplyr-and-more-ggplot2.html","text":"### Overview\n\nConsult the general homework guidelines.\n\nDue sometime Tuesday 2016-10-04.\n\nThe goal is to manipulate and explore a dataset with the dplyr package, complemented by visualizations made with ggplot2.\n\nRemember the sampler concept. Your homework should serve as your own personal cheatsheet in the future for ways to manipulate a dataset and produce companion figures. Give yourself the cheatsheet you deserve!\n\n#### Gapminder data\n\nWork with the Gapminder excerpt. If you really want to, you can explore a different dataset but get permission from Jenny. Self-assess the suitability of your dataset by reading this issue.\n\nPick at least three of the tasks below and attack each with a table and figure.\n\n\u2022 dplyr should be your data manipulation tool\n\u2022 ggplot2 should be your visualization tool\n\nIf you want to do something comparable but different, i.e.\u00a0swap one quantitative variable for another, be my guest! If you are feeling inspired and curious, then we\u2019re doing this right. Go for it.\n\n\u2022 Tidying\/reshaping is NOT your assignment. Many of your tables will be awkwardly shaped in the report. That\u2019s OK.\n\u2022 Table beauty is not a big deal. Simply printing to \u201cscreen\u201d is fine. You could also try the knitr::kable() function. Assuming my_df is a data.frame, here\u2019s an R chunk that should print it as a decent-looking table:\n{r results = 'asis'}\nknitr::kable(my_df)\n\n\u2022 For all things, graphical and tabular, if you\u2019re dissatisfied with a result, discuss the problem, what you\u2019ve tried and move on.\n\nGet the maximum and minimum of GDP per capita for all continents.\n\nLook at the spread of GDP per capita within the continents.\n\nCompute a trimmed mean of life expectancy for different years. Or a weighted mean, weighting by population. Just try something other than the plain vanilla mean.\n\nHow is life expectancy changing over time on different continents?\n\nReport the absolute and\/or relative abundance of countries with low life expectancy over time by continent: Compute some measure of worldwide life expectancy \u2013 you decide \u2013 a mean or median or some other quantile or perhaps your current age. The determine how many countries on each continent have a life expectancy less than this benchmark, for each year.\n\nFind countries with interesting stories. Open-ended and, therefore, hard. Promising but unsuccessful attempts are encouraged. This will generate interesting questions to follow up on in class.\n\nMake up your own! Between the dplyr coverage in class and the list above, I think you get the idea.\n\n### Companion graphs\n\nFor each table, make sure to include a relevant figure.\n\nYour figure does not have to depict every last number from the data aggregation result. Use your judgement. It just needs to complement the table, add context, and allow for some sanity checking both ways.\n\nNotice which figures are easy\/hard to make, which data formats make better inputs for plotting functions vs.\u00a0for human-friendly tables.\n\n### But I want to do more!\n\nLayout stretch goal: get table and figure side-by-side. This gist might get you started.\n\nTable stretch goal: there are some really nice fancy table helper packages. This tweet from @polesasunder will point you toward some R packages you may want to check out (pander, xtable, stargazer).\n\nYou\u2019re encouraged to reflect on what was hard\/easy, problems you solved, helpful tutorials you read, etc. Give credit to your sources, whether it\u2019s a blog post, a fellow student, an online tutorial, etc.\n\n### Submit the assignment\n\nFollow instructions on How to submit homework\n\n### Rubric\n\nStart using our general rubric for specifics to evaluate! The form will require you to do so!\n\nCheck minus: Didn\u2019t tackle at least 3 tasks. Or didn\u2019t make companion graphs. Didn\u2019t interpret anything but left it all to the \u201creader\u201d. Or more than one technical problem that is relatively easy to fix. It\u2019s hard to find the report in this crazy repo.\n\nCheck: Hits all the elements. No obvious mistakes. Pleasant to read. No heroic detective work required. Solid.\n\nCheck plus: Exceeded the requirements in number of tasks. Or developed novel tasks that were indeed interesting and \u201cworked\u201d. Impressive use of dplyr and\/or ggplot2. Impeccable organization of repo and report. 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Q: Gridless A* path finding algorithm. Problem with cost function The problem I have been attempting to solve is the path finding from a given position to a given goal for a dubins car (no backwards motion, constant velocity) with obstacles. I've attempted to implement a gridless A* algorithm with some simple obstacle avoidance. I expected the generated path to head straight towards the goal, and make minor adjustments to drive around the obstacles that it found. However, as soon as obstacles are introduced to the map, the path instead seems to get stuck at local minimum points of the algorithm's cost function.
The cost function I've implemented is the following:
f(x) = c(x) + g(x)
where c(x) is total travel cost, namely the cumulative cost of moving from node i-1 to i.
Also, g(x) is the cost of the optimal path from the current node to the end goal, which becomes a straight line as it ignores obstacles.
The cost is used as a priority value in a min heap, where each iteration pops the minimum node and generates children nodes. As the children are generated, it is controlled that they are not out of bounds, have not already been visited and are not inside an obstacle. If these controls return false, then the child is added to the heap.
I've attempted introducing a weighting factor k * g(x) to the path cost, hoping that this would "incentivize" the algorithm to move towards the goal instead of getting stuck at a point. However, this merely shifted the minimum point to another location, but still resulted in getting stuck.
I will include my code implementation of the A* algorithm below:
# Description: Pathfinding algorithm, iteratively generates new neighbouring
# nodes and selects the cheapest of these through utilizing a min heap.
# In: Car class object, a node as starting point.
# Out: The finishing node, with attached parent pointers.
def Astar(car, current):
minHeap = [] #initialize heap as list
h.heappush(minHeap, current) #push initial node onto heap
heapCount = 1 #add upon pushes to heap, subtract upon pop
# Iterate through nodes in priority queue
while not ((goal(car, current)) or heapCount == 0):
current = h.heappop(minHeap)
heapCount -= 1
for phi in [-m.pi/4, 0, m.pi/4]: #Full turns or straight are optimal, according to Pontryagins maximum principle
#calculate new values for each phi (steering angle)
xn, yn, thetan = step(car, current.x, current.y, current.theta, phi)
#control feasibility of position
if validCheck(car, xn, yn, current):
#calculate costs for these directives
costC = current.travelled + m.hypot(current.x - xn, current.y - yn) #cost of travel from start position
costG = m.hypot(car.xt - xn, car.yt - yn) #current optimal distance to goal
totalCost = costC + costG
#renew time stamp
newTime = current.time + 0.01
#create child from new data
child = Node(xn, yn, thetan, phi, totalCost, costC, newTime, current)
#push child onto heap
h.heappush(minHeap, child)
heapCount += 1
return current
Note that car is a class which includes certain attributes:
*
*x0 : float: initial x-position [m]
*y0 : float: initial y-position [m]
*xt : float: target x-position [m]
*yt : float: target y-position [m]
*xlb : float: minimum x-position [m]
*xub : float: maximum x-position [m]
*ylb : float: minimum y-position [m]
*yub : float: maximum y-position [m]
*obs : list: list of tuples for each obstacle obs[i]
It also includes a method step which can generate a new heading angle and position when given a steering angle and previous heading and position.
Any advice or help regarding this problem, why it is occurring and what I can do to improve the path finding would very much be appreciated.
A: I don't have a solution ready, but an explanation what's going on and and maybe a hint what you can do.
Analysis
The A* algorithm is for graph searching and, given a decent cost function, can greatly reduce the search space when compared with uninformed strategies like BFS. But still, the size of the problem graph matters.
In your code, I see a time increment of 0.01, and I read that as a hint that you are doing very small steps from parent to child nodes. That surely makes sense, to most closely approximating a smooth, non-quantized movement. But at the same time, it results in a huge growth of your problem graph.
Without obstacles, A* will still handle that huge graph gracefully. It will postpone all deviations from the straight line, as their cost will be higher than the node on the straight line. Your heap will grow (have some debug output show you its size...), but most nodes will never be explored further.
With obstacles, the game changes drastically. Let's say, there's an obstacle so that the resulting best path is 1.00 units longer than the straight line. Then A* will explore all nonsense paths, starting from somewhere on the line from start to obstacle, arbitrarily turning left or right until these paths reach an additional length of 1.00. There will be lots of these useless paths, and A* gets stuck in exploring nonsense.
Suggestion
I'd have the A* operate on a higher level.
I guess your obstacles are polygons. So the resulting total path will either ignore an obstacle or touch it at one of its corners. The elements between the touching points will start at a touching point with some heading direction, consist of an initial full-turn part, then a straight part, and then a final full-turn part, and then arrive at the next touching point with some (different) heading (to be honest, I'm not absolutely sure that this turn-straight-turn pattern will really cover all possible situations). Given start and end points and the desired end heading of such an element, you can compute the parts using some geometry, and by the way, check for collisions.
You can't know in advance the optimum heading when passing some touching point, so you'd have to check all possible headings.
I'd take these elements as the steps to be explored by A*.
So, that's how I'd apply A* to your task:
*
*To compute the children of a node, for all other polygon corners and all headings at that corner, compute the element from the parent corner to the other corner, resulting in the given heading there. Check if such an element is geometrically possible and does not collide with some obstacle.
*As the cost function, accumulate the length travelled so far, and then add the shortest obstacle-ignoring path to the target. This can either be the straight Pythagorean distance, or a more elaborate distance, taking into account the neccessary initial turn from the current heading to facing the target.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
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| 8,789
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\section{}
\section{Introduction}
Naive lattice discretization of quantum field theories can lead to a reduced symmetry group. This is especially true if the symmetries in question have a mixed 't Hooft anomalies. The most familiar example is that of a massless free Dirac fermion in 2d and 4d, in which case the symmetry group is $U(1)_V\times U(1)_A$ where the index stands for \emph{vector} and \emph{axial}. The two $U(1)$ symmetries famously have a mixed triangle anomaly, as well as a mixed axial--gravitational anomaly, and the lattice discretization was for a long time taught to be impossible preserving the axial symmetry. Yet L\"uscher \cite{Luscher:1998pqa}, building on the works of Ginsparg and Wilson \cite{Ginsparg:1981bj} as well as Neuberger \cite{Neuberger:1997fp}, constructed such a lattice action with the correct anomaly.
A closely related example is a compact scalar in 2d, which is a bosonized version of a 2d Dirac fermion. The usual way to discretize the compact boson is by an XY-model, but this model has a reduced symmetry group. Namely the winding symmetry, under which the winding charge $Q=\frac{1}{2}\int dx \partial_x\phi$ of the compact scalar $\phi$ is not conserved, because the lattice theory contains dynamical vortices which can induce the famous Kosterlitz-Thouless-Berezinskii transition. Another example are $U(1)$ abelian gauge theories in 3 space-time dimensions and higher, whose naive lattice discretization has dynamical monopoles which violate a monopole symmetry. Such theories were discretized using Modified Villain Actions in \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl}, in which a famous Villain model was modified to incorporate a no-defect (i.e. no-vortex or no-monopole) constraint, and hence enhance the global symmetries. Such models were applied to fracton models in \cite{Gorantla:2021svj} and for constructing non-invertible symmetries in \cite{Choi:2021kmx}.
In this paper we show that such $U(1)$ theories have a natural Hamiltonian formulation which we dub Villain Hamiltonians\footnote{After this draft was largely finished we found out that the upcoming publication \cite{Cheng:2022sgb} which has a discussion on the Hamiltonian formulation of compact scalars. See also the discussion in \cite{Yoneda:2022qpj} from a different perspective, for some compact scalar models.}. The idea is to introduce integer-spectrum operators -- the Villain operators -- which have a natural angle-valued (i.e. circle-valued) operator as its canonical conjugate. Depending on the theory, the conjugate operator can be interpreted as gauge field, and by imposing a gauge symmetry, a form of Gauss law constrains the Villain operator, which exactly implements the no-defect constraint.
\section{Compact scalar in 1 spatial dimension}
Consider a natural lattice discretization Hamiltonian of a free massless discrete scalar theory
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_x\Big(\frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2+ \frac{J}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x)^2\Big)\;,
\end{equation}
with $[\phi_x,\pi_y]=i\delta_{xy}$, and where $J$ is dimensionless, while $a$ has dimensions of length. The constant $a$ above is the only constant with dimension which sets the scale of the problem.
We want to promote $\phi_x$ to be a compact scalar, i.e. that $\phi_x\sim \phi_x+2\pi$. This is impossible with the Hamiltonian above, as shift of $\phi_x$ by $2\pi$ on distinct sites is not a symmetry. Instead we go to a Villain-type Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H1p1d}
H=\sum_x\Big(\frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2+ \frac{J}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_{x})^2\Big)\;,
\end{equation}
where $n_x$ is an operator with only integer eigenvalues. To such an operator one naturally associates an angle-valued operator $\tilde\phi_x$, with canonical commutation relations
\begin{equation}
[\tilde \phi_x,n_y]=i\delta_{xy}\;.
\end{equation}
Further we will assume that $[n_x,\phi_y]=[n_x,\pi_y]=[\tilde\phi_x,\phi_y]=0$.
The above implies that $e^{i2\pi n_x}\tilde\phi_x e^{-i2\pi n_x}=\tilde\phi_x+2\pi$. Since this shift is supposed to be a gauge symmetry, the Hilbert space is invariant, and hence $e^{i2\pi n_x}\ket{\Psi}=\ket\Psi$, and so $n_x$ can take only integer values. For this to be self-consistent we need also to have that $e^{2\pi i n_x}$ commutes with the Hamitlonian, which is true by our assumption that $\tilde\phi_x$ commutes with both $\pi_x$ and $\phi_x$.
Now let us look for a transformation which shifts $\phi_x$ by $2\pi k_x$ where $k_x$ are integers, in such a way that it is an invariance of the Hamiltonian. The naive transformation $e^{i2\pi \sum_x k_x\pi_x}$ does not do the job, as the Hamiltonian is not invariant under it. Indeed
\begin{equation}
e^{i2\pi \pi_x}He^{-i2\pi \pi_x}= \sum_x \left( \frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi (k_{x+1}-k_x+n_x))^2\right)\;.
\end{equation}
But now we want to shift $n_x\rightarrow n_x-(k_{x+1}-k_x)$. To do that we use the operator
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_x\tilde\phi_x (k_{x+1}-k_x)}\;.
\end{equation}
The total operator which implements the shift of $\phi_x$ by $2\pi k_x$ and is an invariance of the Hamiltonian is
\begin{equation}
e^{i2\pi \sum_x\pi_x}e^{i\sum_x\tilde\phi_x (k_{x+1}-k_x)}\;.
\end{equation}
Note that $k_x$ can be arbitrary integers. Now since $\pi_x$ and $\tilde\phi_y$ commute for any $x,y$, the operator which shifts $\phi_x$ by $2\pi k_x$ is given by
\begin{equation}\label{eq:constraint}
e^{i\sum_x k_x(2\pi\pi_x+\tilde\phi_{x-1}-\tilde\phi_x)}=\mathbb I\;, \qquad k_x\in\mathbb Z
\end{equation}
where we demand that the operator must be acting trivially on the Hilbert space for any $k_x\in \mathbb Z$, which implies
\begin{equation}
2\pi \pi_x+\tilde\phi_{x-1}-\tilde\phi_x= 2\pi \tilde n_x\;,
\end{equation}
where $\tilde n_x$ is some integer-valued operator. Expressing $\pi_x$ in terms of $\tilde n_x$ we have
\begin{equation}
\pi_x= \frac{1}{2\pi}\left(\tilde \phi_{x}-\tilde\phi_{x-1}+2\pi \tilde n_x\right)\;.
\end{equation}
To keep the canonical commutation relations $[\phi_x,\pi_y]=i\delta_{xy}$ we impose the relation $[\phi_x,\tilde n_x]=i\delta_{xy}$. We also demand $[\pi_x,n_y]=0$ for all $x,y$ and so
\begin{equation}
[\pi_x,n_y]=\frac{1}{2\pi}[\tilde \phi_x-\tilde\phi_{x-1}+2\pi \tilde n_x,n_y]=\frac{i\delta_{x,y}-i\delta_{x-1,y}}{2\pi}+[\tilde n_x, n_y]=0
\end{equation}
so that
\begin{equation}
[n_x,\tilde n_y]=i \frac{\delta_{x,y}-\delta_{x,y-1}}{2\pi}\;.
\end{equation}
Expressing the Hamitonian now yields
\begin{equation}
H= \sum_x \Bigg[\frac{1}{2Ja(2\pi)^2}\left(\tilde \phi_x-\tilde\phi_{x-1}+2\pi \tilde n_x\right)^2+\frac{J}{2a}\left(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_x\right)^2\Bigg]\;,
\end{equation}
with the following commutation relations
\begin{align}
&[\phi_x,\tilde n_y]=i\delta_{xy}\;,&&[\tilde\phi_x,n_y]=i\delta_{xy}\;.\\
&[n_x,\tilde n_y]= i\frac{\delta_{x,y}-\delta_{x,y-1}}{2\pi}
\end{align}
The above Hamiltonian and the canonical commutation relations are invariant under the change
\begin{align}
&J\rightarrow \frac{1}{(2\pi)^2J}\\
&\tilde \phi_x\rightarrow \phi_{x+1}\;,&&\phi_x\rightarrow \tilde\phi_x\;,\\
&\tilde n_x\rightarrow n_x\;,&&n_x\rightarrow \tilde n_{x+1}\;.
\end{align}
This is the self-duality transformation. Note that the self-duality becomes a symmetry when $J=1/(2\pi)$. However, rather than squaring to identity, it squares to a lattice translation. So, self-duality at the special point is an extension of the translation symmetry.
Further, the spectrum of the above Hamiltonian can be solved exactly, as we show in the Appendix \ref{app:compact_boson}. By expanding $\phi_x$ and $n_x$ into Fourier modes, we get that the Hamiltinian reduces to
\begin{equation}
H=\frac{J(2\pi)^2}{2a}N\left(\frac{\tilde\Pi}{N}\right)^2+\frac{N}{2Ja}\left(\frac{\Pi}{N}\right)^2+\sum_{p}\omega_{p}\left(B_pB_p^\dagger+B_p^\dagger B_p\right)
\end{equation}
where the sum over $p$ is over $p=\frac{2\pi}{N},\frac{4\pi}{N},\dots, \frac{2\pi(N-1)}{N}$, $\Pi$ is the conserved charge due to the global shift symmetry $\phi_x\rightarrow \phi_x+\text{constant}$, $\tilde\Pi$ is the charge due to the global shift symmetry $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}+\text{constant}$, the operators $B_p$ and $B_p^\dagger$ (defined only for $p\ne 0 \bmod 2\pi$) satisfy the commutation relation $[B_{p},B_{p'}^\dagger]=\delta_{p,p'}$, with the dispersion relation being
\begin{equation}
\omega_p^2=\frac{4\sin^2\left(\frac{p}{2}\right)}{a^2}\;.
\end{equation}
The exact solution is a direct lattice analogue of the continuum compact scalar theory. The nontrivial fact is that the zeromode contributions containing $\Pi$ and $\tilde \Pi$ appear naturally.
We can look at the spatial correlator \eqref{eq:correlator_result}
\begin{equation}
\avg{:e^{i\phi_x}::e^{-i\phi_y}:}=e^{-\frac{1}{2JNa}\sum_{p\ne 0} \frac{e^{ip(x-y)}}{\omega_p}}\;,
\end{equation}
where $::$ indicates normal ordering of $B_p$ and $B_p^\dagger$ operators. Now it is natural to interpret $a$ as the UV lattice size and take a continuum limit to be $N\rightarrow\infty$ and $a\rightarrow 0$ such that $L=Na$ is fixed. Then we define the dimensionful coordinate held fixed in the continuum limit as $x_c=xa$ and obtain that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:correlator_cont}
\avg{:e^{i\phi_0}::e^{-i\phi_{x_ca}}:}\rightarrow e^{-\frac{1}{2J}\sum_{p=1}^\infty \frac{e^{i\frac{2\pi p x_c}{L}}}{{2\pi |p|}}}\;,
\end{equation}
which is the correct continuum finite-volume expression for the correlator\footnote{The continuum Lagrangian is $L=\frac{J}{2}(\partial_\mu\phi)^2$, and the spatial correlator at finite volume $L$ is given by $\avg{:e^{i\phi(x)}::e^{-i\phi(y)}:}=\exp\left(-\frac{2}{J}\frac{1}{L}\sum_{p=1}^\infty\int \frac{dk_0}{2\pi}\frac{e^{i\frac{2\pi p(x-y)}{L}}}{k_0^2+\left(\frac{2\pi p}{L}\right)^2}\right)$, which upon integration over $k_0$, is equal to \eqref{eq:correlator_cont}.}.
\subsection{Going to a space-time lattice}
Now consider the Hamiltonian \eqref{eq:H1p1d}, and let us construct the space-time lattice by writing
\begin{equation}
Z=\text{tr } \underbrace{e^{-\epsilon \hat H}\times e^{-\epsilon \hat H}\times\cdots e^{-\epsilon \hat H}}_{\text{$N_t$ times}}\;.
\end{equation}
We now want to insert complete sets of states. Since\footnote{We insert hats for operators in this section to distinguish from their eigenvalues which are without hats.} $\hat{\tilde \phi}_x$ and $\hat \pi_y$ commute for all $x,y$, we can construct simultaneous eigenstates $\ket{\{\tilde \phi\},\{\pi\}}$. Similarily we can do the same for $\ket{\{n\},\{\phi\}}$ The inner product between the two is given by
\begin{equation}
\brkt{\{\tilde \phi\},\{\pi\}}{\{n\},\{\phi\}}=\frac{1}{2\pi}{e^{i\sum_x n_x\tilde\phi_x-i\sum_x\pi_x\phi_x}}\;.
\end{equation}
We write
\begin{equation}
e^{-\epsilon H}\approx \prod_{y}e^{- \frac{\epsilon}{2J}\hat\pi_y^2}\prod_{y}e^{-\frac{J\epsilon}{2}(\hat\phi_{y+1}-\hat\phi_y+2\pi \hat n_y)^2}\;,
\end{equation}
which is valid for sufficiently small $\epsilon$. Now we insert complete sets of states and obtain
\begin{multline}
Z\approx \int D\Phi\bra{\{\tilde \phi^0\},\{\pi^0\}}e^{- \frac{\epsilon}{2J}\hat\pi_x^2}\ket{\{n^0\},\{\phi^0\}}\bra{\{n^0\},\{\phi^0\}}e^{-\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\hat\phi_{x+1}-\hat\phi_x+2\pi \hat n_x)^2}\\\ket{\{\tilde\phi^1\},\{\pi^1\}}\bra{\{\tilde\phi^1\},\{\pi^1\}}e^{- \frac{\epsilon}{2Ja}\hat\pi_x^2}\ket{\{n^1\},\{\phi^1\}}\bra{\{n^1\},\{\phi^1\}}e^{-\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\hat\phi_{x+1}-\hat\phi_x+2\pi \hat n_x)^2}\\\cdots e^{- \frac{\epsilon}{2Ja}\hat\pi_x^2}\ket{\{n^{N_t-1}\},\{\phi^{N_t-1}\}}\bra{\{n^{N_t-1}\},\{\phi^{N_t-1}\}}e^{-\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\hat\phi_{x+1}-\hat\phi_x+2\pi \hat n_x)^2}\ket{\tilde \phi^{N_t}_x,\pi_x^{N_t}}=\\=\int D\Phi e^{-\sum_{x,t}\left[\frac{\epsilon}{2Ja}(\pi_x^t)^2+\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}^t-\phi_x^t+2\pi n^t_x)-in_x^t(\tilde \phi_x^{t+1}-\tilde \phi_x^t)+i\phi_x^t(\pi_x^{t+1}-\pi_x^{t})\right]}
\;.
\end{multline}
The measure $D\Phi$ is just a yet unspecified integration measure over $\phi_x^t,\tilde \phi_x^t,\pi_x^t$ and $n_x^t$ which we will fix in a moment. Note that the sum over $x$ and $t$ runs from $x=0,\dots N_t-1$ and $t=0,\dots, N-1$ where we identify variables at $x=0$ and $x=N$ and at $t=0$ and $t=N_t$.
Now to specify the integration measure we have to remember to implement the constraint that
\begin{equation}
e^{ \sum_x i k_x \left(2\pi\hat\pi_x+{\hat{\tilde \phi}_{x-1}-\hat{\tilde\phi}_{x}}\right)}=\mathbb I\;.
\end{equation}
To do that we pick an integration measure
\begin{equation}
\int d\Phi= \sum_{\{n,k\}}\int D\phi \int D\tilde\phi \int D\pi \;e^{ i\sum_x k^t_x \left(2\pi\pi^t_x+{{\tilde \phi}^t_{x}-{\tilde\phi}^t_{x-1}}\right)}\;,
\end{equation}
where the sum over integers $k_x^t$ implements the appropriate constraint.
The expression for the partition function is then
\begin{multline}
Z\approx \sum_{\{n,k\}}\int D\phi \int D\tilde\phi \int D\pi\; \\e^{-\sum_{x,t}\left[\frac{\epsilon}{2Ja}(\pi_x^t)^2+\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}^t-\phi_x^t+2\pi n^t_x)-in_x^t(\tilde \phi_x^{t+1}-\tilde \phi_x^t)-i\pi_x^{t}(\phi_x^{t}-\phi_x^{t-1}+2\pi k_x^t)-ik_x^t(\tilde\phi_x^t-\tilde \phi_{x-1}^{t})\right]}\;.
\end{multline}
Integrating over $\int D\pi$ yields
\begin{equation}
Z\approx \sum_{n,k}\int D\phi \int D\tilde\phi e^{-\sum_{x,t}\Big(\frac{Ja}{2\epsilon}(\phi_x^t-\phi_x^{t-1}+2\pi k_x^t)^2+\frac{J\epsilon}{2a}(\phi_{x+1}^t-\phi_x^{t}+2\pi n_x^t)^2-i n_x^t(\tilde \phi_x^{t+1}-\tilde\phi^t_x)-ik_x^t(\tilde\phi_x^t-\tilde\phi_{x-1}^t)\Big)}\;.
\end{equation}
Now if we set $a=\epsilon$ and we relabel $(n_{(x,t),1},n_{(x,t),2})=(k_{x-1}^{t},n_x^t,)$, we can write the above action more concisely as
\begin{equation}
Z\approx \sum_{n,k}\int D\phi \int D\tilde\phi e^{-\sum_{\bm x}\sum_{\mu=1,2}\Big(\frac{J}{2}(\phi_{\bm x+\hat\mu}^t-\phi_{\bm x}+2\pi n_{\bm x,\mu})^2-i n_{\bm x,\mu}(\tilde \phi_{\bm x+\hat\mu}-\tilde\phi_{\bm x})\Big)}\;.
\end{equation}
which is just the modified Villain formulation \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl,Gorantla:2021svj}.
\section{The U(1) gauge theories}
Here we will discuss U(1) gauge theories. We will start by discussing the ordinary (i.e. 1-form gauge theories) in 2 and 3 spatial dimensions. Then we will discuss a general $p$-form $U(1)$ gauge field in arbitrary number of dimensions.
We find it convenient to introduce co-chain notation, which we review here. Our notation will follow that of the appendix of \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl}. A lattice\footnote{Most of what we say here applies for any graph without any special symmetry properties.} $\Lambda$ in arbitrary number of dimensions $D$ has sites, which we will label with $x$ or $y$ (0-cells), links $l$ (1-cells), plaquettes $p$ (2-cells), cubes $c$ (3-cells), hypercubes $h$ (4-cells) or in general $r$-cells $c^r$. Since we discuss Hamiltonians in this work, our lattice is a spatial lattice only. $r$-cells of a the lattice can be formally added together with arbitrary coefficients (which are typically taken to be integers) to form an r-chain. The lattice is sometimes referred to as a \emph{cell-complex} or \emph{CW complex} in the math literature. An $r$-chain then forms a group $C_r(X)$, where $X$ is the manifold on which the lattice lives. Operators such as the boundary operator $\partial$ maps an $r$-cell $c^r$ into a linear combination of $(r-1)$-cells -- the boundary cells of the $c^r$. Note that $r$-cells have an orientation. Two $r$-cells which are the same, but have a different orientation are taken to formally differ by a sign in front. The orientation of the $(r-1)$-cells in $\partial c^{r}$ is taken to be outward.
We can define a dual lattice $\tilde \Lambda$. Sites $\tilde x$ associated with the dual lattice are $D$-cells of the original lattice, links of the dual lattice are $D-1$ cells of the original lattice, and so on. An $r$-cell $c^r$ of the lattice $\Lambda$ intersects an $D-r$ cell of the dual-lattice. Therefore there is a natural map from $C_r(X)$ to the $\tilde C_{D-r}(X)$ of the dual lattice, which we will label $\star$. The $D-r$ cell $\tilde c^{D-r}=\star c^{r}$ is taken to pierce $c^r$ such that the orientation of the direct product of tangent space of $c^r$ and $\tilde c^{D-r}$ matches that of the tangent space $X$ at the point of intersection. We note that $\star^2c^{r}=(-1)^{r(D-r)}c^r$.
We can now compose the $\star$-operator and $\partial$ to construct the co-boundary operator $\hat\partial$ which maps
\begin{equation}
\hat\partial: C_r(X)\rightarrow C_{r+1}(X)
\end{equation}
where we define
\begin{equation}
\hat\partial c^r \equiv (-1)^{(D-r-1)(r+1)}\star\partial\star c^r\;.
\end{equation}
which is equvalent to the statement
\begin{equation}
\star\hat\partial=\partial\star
\end{equation}
Note that $\partial^2=\hat\partial^2=0$.
An explicit construction of the boundary, co-boundary and $\star$-operators of a cubic lattice is given by
\begin{align}
&\partial c^r_{x;i_1,i_2,\dots, i_r}=\sum_{k}(-1)^{k+1}\left(c^{r-1}_{x+\hat i_k;i_1,i_2,\dots \overset{\circ}{i}_k \dots i_{r}}-c^{r-1}_{x;i_1,i_2,\dots \overset{\circ}{i}_k \dots i_{r}}\right)\;,\\
&\hat\partial c^{r}_{x,i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r}=\sum_{j\ne i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r}(c^{r+1}_{x,i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r,k}-c_{x-\hat j,i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r,k})\;,\\
&\star c^r_{x,i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r}=\frac{1}{(D-r)!}\sum_{i_{r+1}',i_{r+2}',\dots,i_{D}'}\epsilon_{i_1,i_2,\dots, i_{r},i_{r+1}',i_{r+2}',\dots, i_{D}'}\tilde c^{D-r}_{x+\hat s-\hat i_{r+1}'-\dots-\hat r_{D}',i_{r+1}',\dots,i_{D}'}\;,\\
&\star \tilde c^{r}_{\tilde x,i_1,i_2,\dots, i_{r}}=\frac{1}{(D-r)!}\sum_{i_{r+1}',i_{r+2}',\dots,i_{D}'}\epsilon_{i_1,i_2,\dots, i_{r},i_{r+1}',i_{r+2}',\dots, i_{D}'}\tilde c^{D-r}_{\tilde x-\hat s+\hat i_{r+1}'+\dots+\hat r_{D}',i_{r+1}',\dots,i_{D}'}\;,
\end{align}
where we labeled a cubic $c^{r}$ cell with one of its vertices, and the spatial directions $i_1,i_2,\dots,i_r$, with $i_k=1,2,\dots, r$, and where $\hat i_k$ is a unit lattice vector in the direction $i_k$, $\hat s=\frac{\hat 1+\hat 2+\dots+\hat D}{2}$ is the vector which translates a cubic lattice to its dual-lattice (also cubic), while the $\circ$ indicates that the index is omitted.
Operators can live on these $r$-cells. Let $A_{c^r}$ be an operator on an $r$-cell $c^r$ which we will call an $r$-form operator (or an $r$-cochain operator). We can then define a map from an $r$-form operator to an $(r+1)$-form operator by an exterior derivative
\begin{equation}\label{eq:exterior_der}
(dA)_{c^{r+1}}\equiv \sum_{c^r\in\partial c^{r+1}}A_{c^{r}}\;.
\end{equation}
Note that $d^2=0$. Similarly we define a divergence operator, which maps an $r$-form operator to an $(r-1)$-form operator
\begin{equation}\label{eq:divergence}
(\delta A)_{c^{r-1}}\equiv \sum_{c^{r}\in\hat\partial c^{r-1}}A_{c^{r}}\;.
\end{equation}
We will also define a map $\star$ which maps an operator $A_{c^r}$ on $c^{r}$ into an operator $(\star A)_{\tilde c^{D-r}}$on $\tilde c^{D-r}$ as follows
\begin{equation}
(\star A)_{\tilde c^{D-r}}\equiv A_{\star \tilde c^{D-r}}\;.
\end{equation}
Let now $A_{c^{r}}$ be an $r$-form on the lattice while $B_{\tilde c^{D-r-1}}$ be an $D-r-1$ form on the dual-lattice. We have that, if $X$ is a closed manifold
\begin{equation}
\sum_{c^{r+1}} (dA)_{c^{r+1}}B_{\star c^{r+1}}=(-1)^{r+1}\sum_{c^{r}}A_{c^r} (dB)_{\star c^{r}}\;.
\end{equation}
We will also make use of the slightly modified version of the Kronecker delta
\begin{equation}
\delta_{c^r,c^{'r}}=\begin{cases}{}
1 & \text{if $c^r=c^{'r}$}\\
-1 &\text{if $c^r=-c^{'r}$}\\
0 &\text{otherwise}
\end{cases}
\end{equation}
Let us briefly rewrite the theory \eqref{eq:H1p1d} in this notation. We define operators $\phi_x$ and $n_l$ on the sites $x$ and links $l$ respectively. We write the Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{x} \frac{1}{2aJ}\pi_x^2+\sum_l \frac{J}{2a}((d\phi)_l+2\pi n_l)^2\;.
\end{equation}
We define $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$ to be an operator on the dual lattice conjugate to $n_l$, with the commutation relations
\begin{equation}
[\tilde \phi_{\star l},n_{l'}]=i\delta_{l,l'}\;.
\end{equation}
\subsection{$U(1)$ gauge theory in 2 spatial dimensions}
We now consider a U(1) gauge theory on a spatial lattice. We define such a theory with gauge fields $A_l$ on spatial links $l$ of the 2d lattice $\Lambda$. We construct a Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{l}\frac{1}{2\beta a^2} \pi_l^2+\sum_p\frac{\beta}{2a^2}[(dA)_p+2\pi n_p]^2\;,
\end{equation}
where $\pi_l$ is the canonical momentum conjugate to $A_l$, and where
\begin{equation}
(dA)_p= \sum_{l\in \partial p}A_l\;,
\end{equation}
is the exterior derivative. We also added an operator on the plaquette $n_p$ with an integral spectrum, which is needed to interpret $A_l$ as a compact gauge field. Indeed we must have that $A_l\rightarrow A_l+2\pi k_l$, for some integers $k_l$ to be a gauge symmetry. In addition, we impose the Gauss law constraint
\begin{equation}
(\delta \pi)_x= \sum_{l\in\hat\partial l} \pi_l=0\;,
\end{equation}
where $\delta$ is the lattice divergence operator \eqref{eq:divergence}.
The introduction of $n_p$ integer valued operator implies the existence of a conjugate operator $\phi_{\tilde x}$ which we take to live on the dual lattice site. We impose the commutation relation
\begin{equation}
[\phi_{\tilde x},n_p]=i\delta_{\star \tilde x,p}=i\delta_{\tilde x,\star p}
\end{equation}
We impose the gauge symmetry
\begin{align}
&A_l\rightarrow A_l+2\pi k_l\;,\\
&n_p\rightarrow n_p-2\pi (dk)_p\;,
\end{align}
which is generated by the operator
\begin{equation}
U[k]=e^{i\sum_{l}2\pi \pi_l k_l+i\sum_{p}(dk)_p \phi_{\star p}}=e^{i\sum_{l}(2\pi \pi_l+(d\phi)_{\star l})k_l}\;,
\end{equation}
The requirement that every physical state is invariant under $U[k]$ implies that (the minus sign on the r.h.s. is for convenience)
\begin{equation}
\pi_l+\frac{(d\phi)_{\star l}}{2\pi}=-m_{\star l}
\end{equation}
where $m_{\tilde l}$ is an operator on the dual links with an integral spectrum. Since we assume that $\phi_{\tilde x}$ and $A_{l}$ commute, we must also impose
\begin{equation}\label{eq:Atn_comm}
[A_{l}, m_{\tilde l}]=i\delta_{l,\star \tilde l}=-i\delta_{\star l,\tilde l}\;,
\end{equation}
i.e. $m_{l}$ now serves as the conjugate momentum of $A_l$. Therefore
\begin{equation}
\sum_l \pi_l^2= \frac{1}{(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde l}[(d\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi m_{\tilde l}]^2
\end{equation}
We finally get that the Hamiltonian is now
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{\tilde l} \frac{1}{\beta(2\pi)^2} \left((d\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi m_{\tilde l}\right)^2+\sum_p \frac{\beta}{2}\left(F_p+2\pi n_p\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
Note that we had that $n_p$ commutes with $\pi_l$, but since $[\phi_{\tilde x},n_p]=i\delta_{\tilde x,\star p}$ we have that
\begin{equation}
[n_p,(d\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi m_{\tilde l}]=0\;.
\end{equation}
From the above equation we have that
\begin{equation}
[n_p, m_{\tilde l(\tilde x,\tilde y)}]=\frac{1}{2\pi}i(\delta_{\tilde x,\star p}-\delta_{\tilde y,\star p})
\end{equation}
where $\tilde l(\tilde x,\tilde y)$ denotes a dual link which starts at $\tilde x$ and ends at $\tilde y$. Further, the Gauss law constraint translates into
\begin{equation}
(d m)_{\tilde p}=0\;.
\end{equation}
We could further label $\Pi_{\tilde x}=\frac{F_{\star \tilde x}+2\pi n_{\star \tilde x}}{2\pi}$. Note that $\Pi_{\tilde x}$ serves as the conjugate momentum to $\phi_{\tilde x}$, i.e.
\begin{equation}
[\phi_{\tilde x},\Pi_{\tilde x'}]=[\phi_{\tilde x},n_{\star\tilde x'}]=i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde x'}\;.
\end{equation}
Moreover $\Pi_{\tilde x}$ commutes with $ m_{\tilde l}$. To see this, note that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:inter0}
[\Pi_{\tilde x}, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}]=\frac{1}{2\pi}[F_{\star \tilde x}, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}]+[n_{\star \tilde x}, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}]=\frac{1}{2\pi}[F_{\star \tilde x}, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)} ]+\frac{i}{2\pi}(\delta_{\tilde y,\tilde x}-\delta_{\tilde z,\tilde x})\;.
\end{equation}
Now we write
\begin{equation}
[F_{\star\tilde x}, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}]=\sum_{l\in\partial \star\tilde x}[A_l, m_{\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}]=-i\sum_{\tilde l'\in \hat\partial\tilde x}\delta_{\tilde l',\tilde l(\tilde y,\tilde z)}=-i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde y}+i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde z}\;.
\end{equation}
In going from the second to the third step above we used the fact that $l\in \partial\star \tilde x$ is the same as $\star l \in -\hat\partial\tilde x$ and, writing $A_l= -A_{\star (\star l)}$ we replaced the sum over $l$ by the sum over $\tilde l=\star l$. So, combining the above with \eqref{eq:inter0} we have that
\begin{equation}
[\Pi_{\tilde x}, m_{\tilde l}]=0
\end{equation}
The Hamiltonian then becomes
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_dual_photon}
H=\sum_{\tilde x} \frac{\beta(2\pi)^2}{2}\Pi_{\tilde x}^2+\sum_{\tilde l} \frac{1}{\beta(2\pi)^2}\left((d\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi m_{\tilde l}\right)^2\;,
\end{equation}
which is the Villain Hamiltonian of the compact scalar on the dual lattice. Note that we have an additional constraint $d\tilde n=0$. This is a no-vortex constraint.
The no-vortex constraint looks peculiar at first. Surely we could think of the above Hamiltonian without this constraint. This theory has an integer-spectrum operator $ m_{\tilde l}$, living on dual links. As such, its natural conjugate momentum is an angle-valued operator, living on the dual links $\tilde l$ or, equivalently, living on original links $l$, which we label $A_l$. Now the constraint $d m=0$ simply comes from demanding gauge invariance $A_l\rightarrow A_l+(d\lambda)_l$, i.e. it is a Gauss-law constraint.
But what forces us to impose this gauge invariance? We could also consider the Villain Hamiltonian of a compact scalar without such invariance of the link field $A_l$? Notice however that the equations of motion for $m_{\tilde l}$ are
\begin{equation}
\dot{m}_{\tilde l}=0\;.
\end{equation}
So the $\tilde n$ operator is in a sense not dynamical, and if we have a state which has a vortex on the dual plaquette $(dm)_{\tilde p}\ne 0$, then that vortex will be there for all other times. Hence the Hilbert space of such a theory decomposes into superselection sectors. One can just as well consider the theory to have a constraint $(dm)_{\tilde p}=0$, and consider the other superselection sectors as temporal (Wilson) line-operator insertions imposing a different superselection sector.
\subsection{$U(1)$ gauge theory in 3 spatial dimensions and electric-magnetic duality}
Now consider the Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}
H= \frac{1}{2\beta}\sum_l ({\pi^e}_l)^2+\sum_{p} \frac{\beta}{2}((dA^e)_p+2\pi n_p)^2\;,
\end{equation}
where the spatial lattice is three dimensional. We use the superscript $e$ to label the electric gauge field and its canonical momentum. The operator $n_p$ again has an integral spectrum, and hence we associate a canonical conjugate operator $A^m_{\tilde l}$, living on the dual lattice link as follows
\begin{equation}
[A^m_{\star p},n_{p'}]=i\delta_{p,p'}\;.
\end{equation}
The operator $A^m_{\tilde l}$ will be interpreted as the dual (magnetic) gauge field. We impose the gauge invariance condition
\begin{equation}
A^m_{\tilde l}\rightarrow A^m_{\tilde l}+(d\lambda)_{\tilde l}\;,
\end{equation}
where $\lambda_{\tilde x}$ is a gauge parameter on the dual-lattice site. The above transformation is implemented by an operator
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_{\tilde l}n_{\star \tilde l} (d\lambda)_{\tilde l}}=e^{-i\sum_{\tilde x}(dn)_{\star \tilde x}\lambda_{\tilde x}}\;.
\end{equation}
The above operator must be an identity operator on the physical states for any choice of $\lambda_{\tilde x}$, so we must have that $(dn)_{c}=0$ on any cube $c$ of the spatial lattice. This is the no-monopole constraint. Similarly as before, if we wish to consider the temporal monopole line operators, then the constraint should be modified to be different from zero at some cubes $c$ corresponding to the dual lattice sites $\tilde x$ where the static probe monopole lives.
By the same argument for gauge symmetry of $A^e_l$, we have that $(\delta \pi)_x=0$ -- the Gauss law constraint. Now we must implement the discrete gauge symmetry constraints
\begin{align}
&A^e_{l}\rightarrow A^e_l+2\pi k_l\;,\\
&n_p \rightarrow n_p - (dk)_p\;.
\end{align}
The above is implemented by
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_l 2\pi k_l \pi_l+i\sum_{p}(dk)_pA^m_{\star p}}\;,
\end{equation}
which, again, has to act as identity on the physical states. This implies that
\begin{equation}
\pi^e_l = \frac{1}{2\pi} \left(-(dA^m)_{\star l}+2\pi m_{\star l}\right)\;,
\end{equation}
where $m_{\tilde p}$ is an operator on the dual plaquette with the integer spectrum. Moreover we must have that
\begin{equation}
[A^e_l,\pi^e_{l'}]=i\delta_{l,l'}\Rightarrow [A^e_l,m_{\star l'}]=i\delta_{l,l'}\;.
\end{equation}
Similarly like before we note that since we assumed that $\pi_l$ commutes with $n_p$, we must have that
\begin{equation}
[\pi^e_{\star \tilde l},n_p]=-\frac{1}{2\pi}[(dA^m)_{\tilde p},n_p]+[m_{\tilde p},n_p]=0
\end{equation}
so that
\begin{equation}
[m_{\tilde p},n_p]=\frac{1}{2\pi}\sum_{\tilde l\in \partial \tilde p}[A^m_{\tilde l},n_p]=\frac{1}{2\pi}\sum_{\tilde l \in \partial \tilde p}i\delta_{\star\tilde l,p}=\frac{iL(\partial p,\partial \tilde p)}{2\pi}\;,
\end{equation}
where $L(\partial p,\partial \tilde p)$ is the linking number between the boundary of the plaquette $p$ and the boundary of the dual plaquette $\tilde p$.
Moreover we define
\begin{equation}
\pi^m_{\tilde l}=\frac{1}{2\pi}\Big((dA^e)_{\star \tilde l}+2\pi n_{\star\tilde l}\Big)\;.
\end{equation}
The operator above acts like a canonical momentum of $A_{\tilde l}^m$
\begin{equation}
[A^m_{\tilde l},\pi^m_{\tilde l'}]=i\delta_{\tilde l,\tilde l'}\;.
\end{equation}
Moreover $\pi_{\tilde l}^m$ commutes with $m_{\tilde p}$
\begin{equation}
[m_{\tilde p},\pi^m_{\tilde l}]=\frac{1}{2\pi}[m_{\tilde p},(dA^e)_{\star\tilde l}]+[m_{\tilde p},n_{\star \tilde l}]\;.
\end{equation}
Indeed since
\begin{equation}
[m_{\tilde p},(dA^e)_{p}]=-i\sum_{l\in\partial p}\delta_{\star \tilde p,l}=-iL(\partial p,\partial\tilde p)\;,
\end{equation}
hence
\begin{equation}
[m_{\tilde p},\pi_{\tilde l}^m]=0\;.
\end{equation}
Finally we have the dual form of the Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{\tilde l}\frac{\beta (2\pi)^2}{2}(\pi^m_{\tilde l})^2+\frac{1}{2\beta(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde p}\left((dA^m)_{\tilde p}-2\pi m_{\tilde p}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
Now assume that the lattice $\Lambda$ is a hypercubic lattice, and define a translation map $f$ which maps the lattice $\Lambda$ to its dual and $\tilde\Lambda$ to the $\Lambda$. We can then redefine the operators
\begin{align}
&{A'_l}^e=-A^m_{f(l)} && n_p'=m_{f(p)}\\
&{A'_{\tilde l}}^m=A_{f(\tilde l)}^e && m_{\tilde p}'=-n_{f(\tilde p)}
\end{align}
Note now that models of this sort can be coupled to both magnetic as well as electric matter in a standard way, just like in the space-time counterparts \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl,Anosova:2022yqx}.
\subsection{$p$-form $U(1)$ gauge theory in $D$ dimensions}
A $p$-form gauge theory consists of $p$-form (or a $p$-cochain) operator $A_{c^p}$ living on a $p$-cell $c^p$. The canonical momentum to $A_{c^p}$ is given by $\Pi_{c^p}$. In $D$ spatial dimensions, we formulate its Hamiltonian as
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{c^{p}}\frac{1}{2\beta a}\Pi_{c_p}^2+\sum_{c^{p+1}}\frac{\beta}{2a}((dA)_{c^{p+1}}+2\pi n_{c^{p+1}})^2\;,
\end{equation}
where $n_{c^{p+1}}$ is a $p+1$-form, integer valued operator, whose canonical dual (coordinate) we will take to live on the dual lattice, i.e. $A^m_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}$, such that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:Amn_comm}
[A^m_{\star c^{p+1}},n_{c^{'p+1}}]=i (-1)^{(p+1)(D-p-1)}\delta_{c^{p+1},c^{'p+1}}\;.
\end{equation}
or, equivalently
\begin{equation}
[A^{m}_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}},n_{c^{p+1}}]=i \delta_{c^{p+1},\star \tilde c^{D-p-1}}=i(-1)^{(p+1)(D-p-1)}\delta_{\star c^{p+1},\tilde c^{D-p-1},}
\end{equation}
As before, the Kronecker delta is defined such that it is $+1$ if the two cells are the same with the same orientation, $-1$ if they are the same with opposite orientation and $0$ if they are distinct.
The Hamiltonian is invariant under a gauge transformation
\begin{equation}
A_{c^p}\rightarrow A_{c^p}+(d\lambda)_{c^p}\;.
\end{equation}
which, when we impose the neutrality of the physical states under the transformation, leads to a Gauss constraint
\begin{equation}
(\delta \Pi)_{c^{p-1}}=0\;.
\end{equation}
Similarly we can impose the gauge symmetry
\begin{align}
&A^e_{c^p}\rightarrow A_{c^p}+2\pi k_{c^p}\;,\\
&n_{c^{p+1}}\rightarrow n_{c^{p+1}}-(dk)_{c^{p+1}}\;,
\end{align}
which is implemented by an operator
\begin{equation}
e^{i2\pi \sum_{c^p}k_{c^p}\Pi^e_{c^p}+(-1)^{(p+1)(D-p-1)}\sum_{c^{p+1}}(dk)_{c^{p+1}}A^m_{\star c^{p+1}}}=e^{i\sum_{c^p}k_{c^p}(2\pi\Pi^e_{c^p}+(-1)^{pD-D}(dA^m)_{\star c^{p}})}
\end{equation}
which leads to the constraint
\begin{equation}
\Pi_{c^{p}}=-\frac{1}{2\pi }(-1)^{(p-1)D}(d A^m)_{\star c^{p}}+m_{\star c^p}\;,
\end{equation}
where $m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}$ is an integer spectrum operator, living on the $D-p$ cells of the dual lattice. Note that this means that
\begin{equation}
[A^e_{c^p},m_{\star c^{'p}}]=i\delta_{c^p,c^{'p}}\Leftrightarrow [A_{\star \tilde c^{D-p}}^e,m_{\tilde c^{'D-p}}]=(-1)^{p(D-p)}i\delta_{\tilde c^{D-p},\tilde c^{'D-p}}\;,
\end{equation}
which is the mirror image of \eqref{eq:Amn_comm} and can also be written as
\begin{equation}
[A^e_{c^p},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]=i\delta_{\star c^p,\tilde c^{D-p}}=i(-1)^{p(D-p)}\delta_{c^p,\star \tilde c^{D-p}}\;.
\end{equation}
Recall that we take $\Pi_{c^p}$ to commute with the field $n_{c^{p+1}}$, and hence
\begin{equation}
-(-1)^{(p-1)D}[(dA^m)_{\tilde c^{D-p}},n_{c^{p+1}}]+2\pi[m_{\tilde c^{D-p}},n_{c^{p+1}}]=0
\end{equation}
or\footnote{We used $\delta_{\star \tilde c^{D-p-1},c^{p+1}}=\delta_{\star^2\tilde c^{D-p-1},\star c^{p+1}}=(-1)^{(D-p-1)(p+1)}\delta_{\tilde c^{D-p-1},\star c^{p+1}}$}
\begin{multline}
[m_{\tilde c^{D-p}},n_{c^{p+1}}]=\frac{(-1)^{pD-D}}{2\pi}\sum_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}\in \partial \tilde c^{D-p}}\underbrace{[A_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}^m,n_{c^{p+1}}]}_{=i(-1)^{(p+1)(D-p-1)}\delta_{\tilde c^{D-p-1},\star c^{p+1}}}=\\=\frac{(-1)^{p+1}}{2\pi}\sum_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}\in \partial\tilde c^{D-p}}\delta_{\tilde c^{D-p-1},\star c^{p+1}}\;.
\end{multline}
Now recall that $\star c^{p+1}$ is is a $D-p-1$-cell which pierces $c^{p+1}$ cell in such a way that the induced orientation on the $D$-cell which is obtained by the extension of $c^{p+1}$ by $\tilde c^{D-p-1}$ is standard\footnote{By a standard orientation we mean the orientation given by the ordering of the lattice coordinates $1,2,3,\dots D$.}. In other words the Kronecker delta picks up a positive contribution whenever $D-p-1$-cell $\tilde c^{D-p-1}$ pierces the $c^{p+1}$ cell, such that $c^{p+1}$ with $\tilde c^{D-p-1}$ form a standard orientation, and negative if the piercing is opposite. We can hence define the linking number between the boundary two cells as
\begin{equation}
L(\partial c^{p+1},\partial \tilde c^{D-p})=\sum_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}\in \partial \tilde c^{D-p}}\delta_{ \tilde c^{D-p-1},\star c^{p+1}}\;.
\end{equation}
This means that
\begin{equation}
[n_{c^{p+1}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]=\frac{(-1)^{p+1}}{2\pi}L(\partial c^{p+1},\partial\tilde c^{D-p})\;.
\end{equation}
Hence we can write the Hamiltonian as
\begin{equation}
H=\frac{1}{2\beta(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde c^{D-p}}((dA^m)_{\tilde c^{D-p}}-(-1)^{pD-D}2\pi m_{\tilde c^{D-p}})^2+\frac{\beta}{2}\sum_{c^{p}}((dA^e)_{c^{p+1}}+2\pi n_{c^{p+1}})^2\;.
\end{equation}
Further we can also define the dual momentum $\Pi^m_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}$ of $A^m_{c^{D-p-1}}$ as
\begin{equation}
\Pi^m_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}=(dA^e)_{\star \tilde c^{D-p-1}}+2\pi n_{\star \tilde c^{D-p-1}}\;.
\end{equation}
We can check the commutation relations of $\Pi^m_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}$ with $m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}$. We have that
\begin{multline}
[\Pi_{\star c^{p+1}}^m,m_{\tilde c^{D-p-1}}](-1)^{(p-1)(D-p-1)}=\frac{1}{2\pi}[dA^{e}_{c^{p+1}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]+ [n_{c^{p+1}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]=\\
=\frac{1}{2\pi}[dA^{e}_{c^{p+1}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]-i(-1)^pL(\partial c^{p+1},\partial\tilde c^{D-p})\\;.
\end{multline}
Since
\begin{multline}
[(dA^e)_{c^{p+1}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]=\sum_{c^p\in \partial c^{p+1}}\underbrace{[A^e_{c^{p}},m_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]}_{ i(-1)^{p(D-p)}\delta_{c^p,\star \tilde c^{D-p}}}=\\=i(-1)^{p(D-p)}L(\partial \tilde c^{D-p},\partial c^{p+1})=i(-1)^{p}L(\partial c^{p+1},\partial \tilde c^{D-p})
\end{multline}
where we used that $L(\partial c^{p+1},\partial \tilde c^{D-p})=(-1)^{pD}L(\partial \tilde c^{D-p},\partial c^{p+1})$ shown in the Appendix \ref{app:linking}.
\subsection{Comments on the BF theories}\label{sec:BF_theory}
We finally give brief comments on the BF theories. Such theories have a zero Hamiltonian, but a nontrivial algebra. We consider a general case of a $p$-form operator $A_{c^p}$ and its counterpart $B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}$. We impose the following commutation relations
\begin{equation}
\left[{A_{c^p}},{B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}}\right]=\frac{i2\pi \delta_{c^p,\star\tilde c^{D-p}}}{N}\;,
\end{equation}
where $N$ is a positive integer. We further impose a gauge symmetry $A_{c^p}\rightarrow A_{c^p}+(d\lambda)_{c^p}$ with $\lambda-{c^{p-1}}$ a real, $(p-1)$-form gauge parameter. This symmetry is implemented by an operator
\begin{equation}
e^{\frac{iN}{2\pi}\sum_{c^{p}}(d\lambda)_{c^p}{B_{\star c^p}}}=\mathbb I\;,
\end{equation}
which results, upon partial integration, in the constraint $(dB)_{\tilde c^{D-p+1}}=0$, i.e. $B$ is a flat operator. Similarily by imposing the gauge symmetry of $B\rightarrow B+d\lambda$, we get that $(dA)_{c^{p+1}}=0$. Further, we also want to impose that $A_{c^p}\rightarrow A_{c^p}+2\pi k_{c^{p}}$, and $B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}\rightarrow B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}+2\pi k_{\tilde c^{D-p}}$ with $k_{c^{p}},k_{\tilde c^{D-p}}\in\mathbb Z$ we get that
\begin{equation}
e^{i N A_{c^{p}}}=e^{i N B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}}=\mathbb I\;,
\end{equation}
which indicates that $A_{c^{p}}$ and $B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}$ are $\mathbb Z_{N}$ gauge fields. Moreover note that the constraint on $dB$ and $dA$ should now be interpreted as a mod $2\pi$ constraint, i.e. as
\begin{equation}
e^{i (dB)_{\tilde c^{D-p+1}}}=e^{i(dA)_{c^{r+1}}}=\mathbb I\;.
\end{equation}
It is now easy to see that Wilson sheets of $A$ and $B$ have anyonic statistics
\begin{equation}
e^{iq_1 \sum_{c^p\in C_1}A_{c^p}}e^{iq_2\sum_{\tilde c^{D-p}\in C_2}B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}}=e^{-q_1q_2\sum_{c^p,\tilde c^{D-p}}[A_{c^p},B_{\tilde c^{D-p}}]} e^{-i\frac{2\pi}{N}I(C_2,C_1)}
\end{equation}
where $I(C_2,C_1)$ is the intersection number of the hyper surface $C^1$ with $C_2$ defined as
\begin{equation}
I(C_2,C_1)=\sum_{c^p\in C^1,\tilde c^{D-p}\in C^2}\delta_{c^p,\star \tilde c^{D-p}}\;.
\end{equation}
A surface operator in space time $e^{i\oint A}$ which winds in the temporal direction must modify the Gauss constraint as follows. Firstly, note that the component of $A$ which points in time would naturally be intepreted as an object living on the $c^{p-1}$ of the lattice. The operator $e^{i\oint A}$ which spans in time for a fixed spatial $p-1$ hyper-surface $S$ can be seen as modifying the Hilbert space as follows
\begin{equation}
e^{i(dB)_{\star c^{r-1}}}=e^{-i\frac{2\pi q_1}{N}\sum_{c^{'r-1}\in S}\delta_{c^{r-1},c^{'r-1}}}\;.
\end{equation}
This will guarantee the topological correlation functions between ``loops'' of $B$ and the surface $S$.
\subsection{Coupling to gauge fields, anomalies and the Ising duality}
Let us now discuss 1+1d theories with scalars coupled to gauge fields. This is well known to be solvable in continuum and we will see that we can construct lattice models which are also solvable.
Moreover we will explore the 't Hooft anomaly which arises, and discuss why gauging some of the symmetries may be inconsistent.
Let us start with the simplest model: the compact boson Hamiltonian \eqref{eq:H1p1d}. We introduce the gauge fields $A_l$ on links gauging the $\phi_x\rightarrow \phi_x+\alpha$ shift symmetry
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_cb_gf}
H=\frac{1}{2J}\sum_x\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2}\sum_l(d\phi+2\pi n+qA)_l^2+\sum_l \frac{e^2}{2}\left(\Pi_l+\frac{\theta}{2\pi}\right)^2\;,
\end{equation}
where we have decided to gauge the symmetry with a charge $q$, and where $\Pi_l$ is the conjugate momentum to $A_l$. We also introduced the $\theta$-angle.
What about the shift symmetry $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}\rightarrow \tilde \phi_{\tilde x}+\tilde \alpha$? Since we have the commutation relation
\begin{equation}
[\tilde \phi_{\tilde x},n_{\star \tilde y}]=i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde y}\;,
\end{equation}
naively the conserved charge that implements the shift symmetry of $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$ is just given by $\sum_{l}n_l$. This however is not gauge invariant under the new discrete symmetry\footnote{We could just not impose this symmetry, but then $A_l$ would be and $\mathbb R$ gauge field, not a $U(1)$ gauge field.} $A_{l}\rightarrow A_l+2\pi k_l$ and $n_l\rightarrow n_l-qk_l$. So the conserved charge should be
\begin{equation}
\tilde Q=\sum_l\left(n_l+q\frac{A_l}{2\pi}\right)\;.
\end{equation}
The above charge, however, is no longer conserved. Indeed we have that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:dotQ}
\dot {\tilde Q}=i[H,\tilde Q]=qe^2\sum_l\Pi_l\;.
\end{equation}
The equations of motion for $A_l$ however also give that
\begin{equation}
\dot A_l=i[H,A_l]=qe^2\Pi_l\;,
\end{equation}
so we can write
\begin{equation}
\dot{\tilde Q}=q\partial_t\sum_l A_l\;,
\end{equation}
This is the famous mixed anomaly between the momentum and winding symmetries. Before continuing to solve this gauged model\footnote{This is a bosonized version of the charge $q$ Schwinger model which has been of interest in some recent literature \cite{Anber:2018jdf,Misumi:2019dwq,Cherman:2022ecu}.}, let us consider gauging only the $\mathbb Z_N$ subgroup of the $U(1)$ symmetry. To do this we let the Hamiltonian be
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_cb_gf}
H=\frac{1}{2J}\sum_x\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2}\sum_l(d\phi+2\pi n+A)_l^2\;,
\end{equation}
where now we have that $A_l$ is the $\mathbb Z_N$ gauge field discussed in Sec.~\ref{sec:BF_theory}. The conserved dual charge is given by
\begin{equation}
\tilde Q=\sum_{l}\left(n_l+\frac{A_l}{2\pi}\right)
\end{equation}
which is now still conserved. But notice that it is not an integer, so there is still an anomaly between a discrete $\mathbb Z_N$ momentum symmetry and the $U(1)$ winding symmetry. Now let us try to preserve only a subgroup $\mathbb Z_M$ of the $U(1)$ winding symmetry. Before gauging the $\mathbb Z_{N}$ momentum symmetry, the generator of the $\mathbb Z_{M}$ winding symmetry was
\begin{equation}
G^M=e^{i\frac{2\pi}{M}\sum_{l}n_l}\;.
\end{equation}
Upon gauging the $\mathbb Z_{N}$ momentum symmetry the above is not gauge invariant under $A_l\rightarrow A_l-2\pi k_l$ and $n_l\rightarrow n_l+k_l$. We want to attach an improperly quantized Wilson line $e^{i\frac{pN}{M}\sum_l A_l}$ with $p\in \mathbb Z$ so that we preserve the property $G^M=\mathbb I$. So let's define
\begin{equation}
G= e^{\frac{i}{M}\sum_{l}(2\pi n_l+pN A_l)}\;.
\end{equation}
Now the above combination must be gauge invariant under $n_l\rightarrow n_l+k_l$ and $A_l-2\pi k_l$ which can only be true if $pN=1\bmod M$. This condition can only be solved for $p$ if $\text{GCD}(N,M)=1$. This is indeed what one expects in the continuum\footnote{In the continuum, one can put the background $\mathbb Z_N$ gauge fields $\tilde A$ for the $\mathbb Z_{N}$ subgroup of the winding symmetry by the minimal coupling term $\frac{1}{2\pi}\int\tilde A\wedge d\phi$ in the action. Now upon putting background $\mathbb Z_M$ gauge field for the $\phi$ shift symmetry, the minimal coupling term becomes $\frac{1}{2\pi}\int\tilde A\wedge (d\phi+A)$. This renders the term no longer gauge invariant under the large gauge transformations of $\tilde A$ because $\int(d\phi+A)$ is quantized in units of $2\pi/M$. One can however introduce a counter-term $pN\int A\wedge \tilde A$, which does not spoil the gauge invariance of $A$, and $p$ can be picked so that it fixes the gauge non-invariance of $\tilde A$ if $\text{GCD}(M,N)=1$. See \cite{Komargodski:2017dmc,Komargodski:2017smk,Kikuchi:2017pcp} for related discussions.}.
The story can be repeated for $p$-form gauge fields in arbitrary dimensions, where the two $U(1)$ symmetries are $p$-form and the $(D-p-1)$-form, with a mixed 't Hooft anomaly between them. Again one can show that two discrete subgroup $\mathbb Z_{N}$ and $\mathbb Z_{M}$ do not have a mixed anomalies only if $\text{GCD}(N,M)=1$.
Now let's go back the discussion of the theory \eqref{eq:H_cb_gf}. Notice that the transformation
\begin{align}
&n_l\rightarrow n_l+qk_l
&A_l\rightarrow A_l-2\pi k_l
\end{align}
is a gauge symmetry, and hence the operator which implements it must be an identity operator
\begin{equation}
e^{i \sum_l k_l(2\pi \Pi_l+q\tilde\phi_{\star l})}=\mathbb I
\end{equation}
so that
\begin{equation}
\Pi_l= {M_{\star l}}-\frac{q\tilde \phi_{\star l}}{2\pi}\;,
\end{equation}
where $M_{\star l}$ is an integer valued operator, which must have the commutation relation
\begin{equation}
[A_l,M_{\star l'}]=i\delta_{l,l'}\;.
\end{equation}
In addition the usual Gauss law says that
\begin{equation}
(\delta\Pi)_x = -q\pi_x\;,
\end{equation}
which translates into
\begin{equation}
\pi_x= \frac{(d\tilde\phi)_{\star x}}{2\pi}-\frac{(dM)_{\star x}}{q}\;.
\end{equation}
On the other hand we know that
\begin{equation}
\pi_x= \frac{(d\tilde\phi)_{\star x}}{2\pi}+\tilde n_{\star x}\;,
\end{equation}
so that
\begin{equation}
(dM)_{\tilde l}=-q\tilde n_{\tilde l}\;.
\end{equation}
Note that the above equation says that $M$ is constant in space mod $q$. Meaning that $e^{i2\pi M_{\tilde x}/q}$ does not depend on $\tilde x$. As we will see $M$ will label $q$ degenerate vacua.
Finally we define a gauge invariant canonical momentum $\tilde p_{\tilde x}$ to $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$ as
\begin{equation}
\tilde p_{\tilde x}=\tilde\pi_{\tilde x}+q A_{\star\tilde x}\;,
\end{equation}
which obeys the following non-zero commutation relations
\begin{align}
&[\tilde \phi_{\tilde x},\tilde p_{\tilde y}]=i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde y}\;,\\
&[\tilde p_{\tilde x},M_{\tilde y}]=q i\delta_{\tilde x,\tilde y}
\end{align}
so the Hamiltonian can then be written as
\begin{equation}
H=\frac{J}{2}\sum_{\tilde x}\tilde p_{\tilde x}^2+\frac{1}{2J(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde{l}}\left((d\tilde\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi \tilde n_{\tilde l}\right)^2+\sum_l \frac{e^2q^2}{2(2\pi)^2}\left(\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}-\frac{2\pi M_{\tilde x}}{q}+\frac{\theta}{q}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
Firstly note that the $\theta$ term can just be absorbed into the anomalous shift of $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$ as expected. Further, $M_{\tilde x}$ commutes with the Hamiltonian, and can hence be set to a numerical value. The same is true for $\tilde n_{\tilde l}$. We must further impose the constraint that $\tilde n_{\tilde l}=-\frac{(dM)_{\tilde l}}{q}$. But if $\tilde n_{\tilde l}$ is a total derivative, we can absorb it in the shift of $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$. The remaining model is then a gapped lattice scalar with mass $\frac{eq\sqrt{J}}{2\sqrt{2}\pi}$. Notice however that the model has $q$ vacua which are distinguished by the operator $e^{i \frac{2\pi N}{q}}=e^{i\frac{2\pi M_{\tilde x}}{q}}$, which is space-independent and defines an integer $M$, well defined mod $q$, which labels the vacua. The $q$ vacua correspond to the degenerate universes associated with the $\mathbb Z_{N}$ $1$-form symmetry.
Now let us consider the model with a the addition of vortices, which are operators $e^{\pm i\tilde \phi_{\tilde x}}$. In particular we have a Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_cb_gf_vortex}
H=\frac{J}{2}\sum_{\tilde x}\tilde p_{\tilde x}^2+\frac{1}{2J(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde{l}}\left((d\tilde\phi)_{\tilde l}+2\pi \tilde n_{\tilde l}\right)^2+\sum_{\tilde x}\left[ \frac{e^2q^2}{2(2\pi)^2}\left(\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}-\frac{2\pi M_{\tilde x}-\theta}{q}\right)^2+m\cos(\tilde\phi_{\tilde x})\right]\;.
\end{equation}
Diagonalizing $M_{\tilde x}$ we have that the Hamitlonian splits into $q$ sectors labeled by the integer $M=0,1,\dots,q-1$
\begin{equation}
H_M=\frac{J}{2}\sum_{\tilde x}\tilde p_{\tilde x}^2+\frac{1}{2J(2\pi)^2}\sum_{\tilde{l}}(d\tilde F)_{\tilde l}^2+\sum_{\tilde x} \left[\frac{e^2q^2}{2(2\pi)^2}\tilde F_{\tilde x}^2+m\cos\left(\tilde F_{\tilde x}+\frac{2\pi M-\theta}{q}\right)\right]\;,
\end{equation}
where $\tilde F_{\tilde x}$ is related to $\tilde \phi_{\tilde x}$ as
\begin{equation}
\tilde F_{\tilde x}=\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}-\frac{2\pi M_{\tilde x}-\theta}{q}\;.
\end{equation}
Now notice that for generic values of $\theta$ and $q$, all vacua labeled by $M$ have a distinct Hamiltonian, and hence a different ground state. When $\theta=\pi$ however, notice that charge conjugation symmetry $C$ which takes $\tilde F_{\tilde x}\rightarrow -\tilde F_{\tilde x}$ acts on $M$ as
\begin{equation}
M\rightarrow -M+1 \bmod q
\end{equation}
Now if the above symmetry is leaving the vacuum labeled by $M$ invariant, we would have
\begin{equation}
2M-1=0 \bmod q\;,
\end{equation}
which is only possible if $q$ is odd. Hence for even $q$, all vacua transform under the $C$ symmetry, and, in particular, the ground state must be degenerate. This is the reflection of the mixed anomaly between the $C$-symmetry and the $\mathbb Z_{q}$ 1-form symmetry at $\theta=\pi$ \cite{Komargodski:2017dmc}.
When $q=1$, there will be an Ising transition at $\theta=\pi$ as $m$ is dialed. If $m$ is large and positive, the Hilbert space is projected onto the states with $\tilde F_{\tilde x}=0$, which does not break the $C$-symmetry. When $m$ is large and negative, $\tilde F_{\tilde x}$ is forced to be either $+\pi$ or $-\pi$, and the $C$-symmetry is broken\footnote{Notice that unlike $\tilde\phi_{\tilde x}$, $\tilde F_{\tilde x}$ is not a compact operator, and $\tilde F_{\tilde x}=\pi$ and $\tilde F_{\tilde x}=-\pi$ are distinct values of the field. }.
We can also construct another model in the same universality class as the one above. Namely let us consider the following analogous model to \eqref{eq:H_cb_gf}
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_cb_gf1}
H=\frac{1}{2J}\sum_x\pi_x^2-J\sum_l\cos((d\phi)_l+qA_l)+\sum_l \frac{e^2}{2}\left(\Pi_l+\frac{\theta}{2\pi}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
The model above differs from \eqref{eq:H_cb_gf} in that the Villain form was replaced by the more conventional XY-model/Wilson type. Because of this, the model will not have the winding symmetry, and is hence in the same universality class as \eqref{eq:H_cb_gf_vortex}. We want to study this model in the limit of strong gauge coupling at $\theta=\pi$. In that case we have that the last term enforces a constraint that $\Pi_{l}$ can take only two values $\Pi_{l}=0,1$. We therefore label $\Pi_{l}\rightarrow \frac{1-\sigma_{\star l}^3}{2}$, where $\sigma^3_{\tilde x}$ is the 3rd sigma matrix living on the dual sites $\tilde x$. Since the Gauss law states that $(\delta \Pi)_x=-q\pi_x^2$, we can replace $\pi_x^2\rightarrow \frac{1}{q^24}(d\sigma^3)_{\star x}^2$. Since $(d\sigma^3)_{\tilde l(\tilde x,\tilde y)}=\sigma^3_{\tilde y}-\sigma^{3}_{\tilde x}$, where $\tilde l(\tilde x,\tilde y)$ is the link starting at dual site $\tilde x$ and ending at the dual site $\tilde y$, we have that
\begin{equation}
\sum_{x}\pi_x^2\rightarrow -\frac{1}{2q^2}\sum_{\tilde x} \sigma^3_{\tilde x+1}\sigma^3_{\tilde x}+\text{constant terms}\;,
\end{equation}
which is just the Ising coupling.
Finally the term $\cos((d\phi)_l+qA_{l})$ always takes the state with $\Pi_{l}=0,1$ into a state with different $\Pi_{l}$, if $q>1$, and acts as a zero operator on the projected Hilbert space. $\Pi_{l}=0,1$. Hence we have that the Hamiltonian exactly becomes that of the Ising model
\begin{equation}
H_{e^2\rightarrow \infty,q>1}= -\frac{1}{4Jq^2}\sum_{\tilde x}\sigma^3_{\tilde x+1}\sigma^3_{\tilde x}
\end{equation}
which of course has two ground states. If however $q=1$, then the cosine term does not act as a zero operator. Instead it acts as a $\sigma^1_{\tilde x}$ operator, and the resulting Hamiltonian is
\begin{equation}
H_{e^2\rightarrow \infty,q=1}= -\frac{1}{4J}\sum_{\tilde x}\sigma^3_{\tilde x+1}\sigma^3_{\tilde x}-\frac{J}{2}\sum_{\tilde x}\sigma^1_{\tilde x}\;.
\end{equation}
This is known as the transverse field Ising model, and it is exactly solvable, with a transition occurring when the ratio of the coefficients of the second term and the first term is equal to $1$, i.e. at $J=1/\sqrt{2}$. If $J<1/\sqrt{2}$, there are two vacua related by the spin flip symmetry (i.e. $C$ symmetry). If $J>1$ the ground state is unique. This is what we expected from the analysis of \eqref{eq:H_cb_gf_vortex} with $q=1$.
Finally we comment that the quantum Ising model can also be obtained in arbitrary dimensions from the generalization of the above story to $D$ spatial dimensions. To that end, let us consider $D-1$-form gauge field $A_{c^{D-1}}$ and couple it to a $D$-form gauge filed $B_{c^{D}}$ as follows
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_D-form_cb_gf}
H=\frac{1}{2J}\sum_{c^{D-1}}\pi_{c^{D-1}}^2-\frac{J}{2}\sum_l\cos(dA+qB)_{c^{D}}^2+\sum_{c^{D}} \frac{e^2}{2}(\Pi_{c^{D}}+\frac{\theta}{2\pi})^2\;,
\end{equation}
where $\pi_{c^{D-1}}$ is a conjugate momentum to $A_{c^{D-1}}$, $\Pi_{c^{D}}$ is the conjugate momentum to $B_{c^{D}}$. When $\theta=\pi$ we again, by very similar reasoning, get the Ising model in the limit $e^2\rightarrow\infty$. The Ising spins $\sigma^3_{\tilde x}$ lives on the dual lattice sites. The Hamiltonian is given by
\begin{equation}
H_{e^2\rightarrow \infty}=-\frac{1}{2Jq^2}\sum_{<\tilde x,\tilde y>}\sigma^3_{\tilde x}\sigma^3_{\tilde y}-\delta_{q,0}\frac{J}{2}\sum_{\tilde x}\sigma^1_{\tilde x}
\end{equation}
This is the Hamiltonian version of the strong-coupling duality \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2020ubo}.
\section{Exotic theories}
In this section we study some exotic fraction models which have subsystem symmetries. In particular we will consider a version of the XY-plaquette model \cite{paramekanti2002ring}. Much like the XY model is an analogue of a compact scalar model, the XY-plaquette model can be seen as an analogue of a model described in the continuum by a Minkowski Lagrangian\footnote{The ``continuum'' theory here is subtle because of the UV/IR mixing, which was the main focus of the works of Seiberg and Shao \cite{Seiberg:2020bhn,Seiberg:2020wsg,Seiberg:2020cxy,Gorantla:2020xap}. }
\begin{equation}
L= \frac{\mu_0}{2}(\dot\phi)^2-\frac{1}{\mu_1}(\partial_1\partial_2\phi)^2\;.
\end{equation}
This model has a subsystem symmetry associated with the shift $\phi(x^1,x^2)\rightarrow \phi(x^1,x^2)+f(x^1)+g(x^2)$ where $f$ and $g$ can be arbitrary functions of $x^1$ and $x^2$ respectively. This we will call the momentum subsystems symmetry, in analogy to the compact scalar symmetry. The model has also a winding subsystem symmetry associated with the conserved dipole charges\footnote{The charges can be nontrivial because $\partial_{1}\phi$ and $\partial_2\phi$ are only well defined mod $ 2\pi$. These subtleties of the continuum theory have been the central theme of the works of Seiber and Shao \cite{Seiberg:2020bhn,Seiberg:2020wsg,Seiberg:2020cxy}.} $Q_1(x^1)=\frac{1}{2\pi}\int dx^1 (\partial_1\partial_2\phi)$ and $Q_2(x^2)=\frac{1}{2\pi}\int dx^1 (\partial_1\partial_2\phi)$
\cite{ma2018higher,Seiberg:2020bhn,Seiberg:2020wsg,Seiberg:2020cxy,Gorantla:2020xap,Gorantla:2020jpy,Gorantla:2021svj,Gorantla:2021bda,Gorantla:2022eem,Gorantla:2022ssr,Burnell:2021reh,distler2022spontaneously}. The winding symmetry can only be emergent in the XY-plaquette model, just like the winding symmetry of the XY-model in (1+1)d only emerges in a particular regime. In \cite{Gorantla:2021svj} a space-time lattice model was constructed which has an exact winding dipole symmetry. Models discussed here are the Hamiltonian analogues of these.
\subsection{XY-plaquette model with exact winding symmetries}
Consider now the Hamiltonian
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H1fracton}
H=\sum_x\left(\frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2a} \left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x+2\pi n_x\right)^2\right)\;.
\end{equation}
where $x$ is a position vector on the 2d lattice, and $\Delta_{i}\phi_x=\phi_{x+\hat i}-\phi_x$, with $\hat i$ being a unit lattice vector in the spatial direction $i=1,2$. Note $a$ has dimensions of length and $J$ is dimensionless. The operator $n_x$ has an integer spectrum, with a canonical conjugate $\varphi_x$
\begin{equation}
[\varphi_x,n_y]=i\delta_{x,y}\;.
\end{equation}
Now we note that the transformation
\begin{align}
&\phi_x\rightarrow \phi_x+2\pi k_x\;,\\
&n_x \rightarrow n_x-\Delta_1\Delta_2 k_x\;,
\end{align}
with $k$ an integer, is an invariance. We want to make the above into a gauge symmetry. The above transformation is generated by an operator
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_x 2\pi k_x \pi_x-i\sum_x(\Delta_1\Delta_2 k)_x \varphi_x}\;.
\end{equation}
we use the ``partial integration'' formula
\begin{equation}
\sum_x (\Delta_i f)_xg_x=\sum_{x}(f_{x+\hat i}-f_x)g_x= \sum_{x}f_x(g_{x-\hat i}-g_x)=-\sum_x f_x(\Delta_{i}g)_{x-\hat i}\;,
\end{equation}
so we rewrite the generator as
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_x 2\pi k_x \pi_x-i\sum_xk_x \Delta_{1}\Delta_{2}\varphi_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}}\;.
\end{equation}
The above must be an identity operator on the Hilbert space, so we impose a constraint
\begin{equation}
\pi_x= \frac{\Delta_1\Delta_2\varphi_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}}{2\pi}+m_x\;,
\end{equation}
where $m_x$ has an integral spectrum. Moreover since $[n_x,\pi_y]=0$ we have that
\begin{equation}
[n_x,m_y]=\frac{i}{2\pi}\left(\delta_{x,y}-\delta_{x,y-\hat 2}-\delta_{x,y-\hat 1}+\delta_{x,y-\hat1-\hat2}\right)\;.
\end{equation}
The Hamiltonian takes the form
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_x\Bigg\{\frac{1}{2Ja(2\pi)^2}\left(\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\varphi_x+2\pi m_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}\right)^2+\frac{J}{2a}\left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x+2\pi n_x\right)^2\Bigg\}\;.
\end{equation}
The Hamitlonian is invariant under the replacement
\begin{align}
&\phi_x\rightarrow \varphi_x\;,&& n_x\rightarrow m_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}\;,\\
&\varphi_x\rightarrow \phi_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}\;, && m_x\rightarrow n_x\;.
\end{align}
along with $J\rightarrow \left(\frac{1}{2\pi}\right)^2\frac{1}{J}$. This is the self-duality of the model.
The reader can check that the commutation relations
\begin{align}
&[\phi_x,m_y]=i\delta_{x,y}\;, && [\varphi_x,n_y]=i\delta_{x,y}\;,\\
&[n_x,m_y]=\frac{i}{2\pi}\left(\delta_{x,y}-\delta_{x,y-\hat 1}-\delta_{x,y-\hat 2}+\delta_{x,y-\hat1-\hat2}\right)\;,
\end{align}
are invariant under self-dual transformation. Note that, as in the 1+1d counterpart, the square of the self-dual transformation is not identity, but a diagonal lattice translation. The model clearly enjoys two winding symmetries, as the shifts $\phi_x\rightarrow \phi_x+f_2(x^1)+f_2(x^2) $ and $\varphi_{\tilde x}+g_1(x^1)+g_2(x^2)$ where $f_{1,2}$ and $g_{1,2}$ are arbitrary functions of $x^{1,2}$ respectively. The model is also exactly solvable, as we show in the Appendix~\ref{app:XY_sol} and matches nicely the continuum discussion of \cite{Seiberg:2020bhn}.
\subsection{2+1d Tensor model and the quantum Ising model duality}
Now we want to consider gauging the tensor symmetry which is specified by the current $J_{0,x},J^{12}_x$. We introduce the tensor gauge field $A_{x,0}$ and $A_{x,12}$ with a gauge symmetry
\begin{align}
&A_{x,0}\rightarrow A_{x,0}+\partial_0\phi_x\;,\\
&A_{x,12}\rightarrow A_{x,12}+\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x\;.
\end{align}
We want to construct a theory in which we can identify $A_{x,12}\sim A_{x,12}+2\pi$. Let us consider the Gauge invariant field strength
\begin{equation}
F_{x,0,12}=\partial_0A_{12}-\Delta_1\Delta_2A_0\;.
\end{equation}
The (real-time) Lagrangian is given by
\begin{equation}
L=\sum_x \frac{\beta a}{2}F_{x,0,12}^2\;.
\end{equation}
The Hamiltonian is
\begin{equation}
H= \sum_x\left((\frac{1}{2a\beta}\Pi_{x,12}^2+(\Delta_1 \Delta_2A_{x,0}) \Pi_{x,12})\right)\;.
\end{equation}
where $\pi_{x,12}$ as a conjugate momentum to $A_{x,12}$. The conjugate momentum $\pi_{x,0}$ of $A_{x,0}$ is zero (primary constraint in the Dirac constraint classification \cite{dirac2001lectures}), so $\pi_{x,0}$ must commute with the Hamitlonian. This condition gives us, upon ``partial integration'' the secondary constraint, or Gauss law
\begin{equation}\label{eq:Tensor_gauss}
\Delta_1\Delta_2 \Pi_{x,12}=0\;.
\end{equation}
Since $\pi_{x,0}$ and $\pi_{x,12}$ have a zero Poisson bracket, the constraints are first class. This is exactly like in the ordinary $U(1)$ gauge theory.
Implementing the Gauss constraint the Hamiltonian becomes
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{x} \frac{e^2}{2}\Pi_{x,12}^2\;,
\end{equation}
with the constraint \eqref{eq:Tensor_gauss}. We could also derive the Gauss constraint by imposing the gauge invarinace $A_{x,12}\rightarrow A_{x,12}+\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x$ on the Hilbert space of the above Hamiltonian directly. The operator which implement this transformation must act as identity on the physical Hilbert space for any choice $\phi_x$, and so
\begin{equation}
e^{i\sum_x \Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x \Pi_{x,12}}=\mathbb I\Rightarrow \Delta_1\Delta_2\Pi_{x,12}=0\;,
\end{equation}
In addition we require that $A_{x,12}\rightarrow A_{x,12}+2\pi k_{x,12}$ for any choice of integers $k_{x,12}$. This yields that $\pi_{x,12}$ has an integer spectrum. We can further introduce a $\theta$-term
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_x \frac{e^2}{2}\left(\Pi_{x,12}-\frac{\theta}{2\pi}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
The model is solved by diagonalizing $\Pi_{x,12}$, and the ground state is given as any state of of integer eigenvalues $m_{x,12}$ of $\Pi_{x,12}$ which obey the constraint
\begin{equation}
\Delta_1\Delta_2 m_{x,12}=0\;.
\end{equation}
The ground state when $-\pi<\theta<\pi$ is simply $m_{x,12}=0$ everywhere, while at $\theta=\pi$, the ground state is given by any configuration $m_{x,12}=c(x_1)$, or $m_{x,12}=c(x_2)$ where $c(x_{1,2})$ is constrained to be zero or unity. The degeneracy of the ground state is $2^{N_1}+2^{N_2}-2$.
Note that this model has a large symmetry given by the operator equations
\begin{equation}
\partial_0\Pi_{x,12}=0
\end{equation}
along with the Gauss law $\Delta_1\Delta_2\Pi_{x,12}=0$. In other words every $\Pi_{x,12}$ is conserved point-wise. This is an exotic 1-form symmetry of the model, where the Gauss law is modified to allow $\Pi_{x,12}$ to be nonconstant, and depend on either only on $x_1$ or only on $x_2$.
The model allows for a coupling to the scalar field theory we discussed previously. We can write
\begin{equation}
H=\sum_{x} \frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2a}\left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x+A_{x,12}+2\pi n_x\right)^2+\sum_x\frac{1}{2\beta a}\left(\Pi_{x,12}-\frac{\theta}{2\pi}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
The Gauss law in this case reduces to
\begin{equation}\label{eq:gauged_XYplaq_gauss}
\Delta_1\Delta_2 \Pi_{x,12}=\pi_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}
\end{equation}
Alternatively we may choose to couple the gauge fields as an XY-plaquette model instead
\begin{equation}\label{eq:XYplaq_gauged}
H=\sum_{x} \frac{1}{2Ja}\pi_x^2-\frac{J}{a}\cos\left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi+A_{x,12}\right)+\sum_x\frac{e^2}{2\beta a}\left(\Pi_{x,12}-\frac{\theta}{2\pi}\right)^2\;.
\end{equation}
Let us now consider the strong gauge coupling limit $e^2 \rightarrow \infty$ at fixed $a$, and also take $\theta=\pi$. Then $\Pi_{x,12}$ must be $0$ or $1$, as other values have infinite energy. The Hilbert space of the gauge field momentum $\Pi_{x,12}$ gets truncated to only two states, the rest being separated by an infinite energy gap of the order $1/(\beta a)$. We can hence replace $\Pi_{x,12}\rightarrow \frac{\sigma^3_x+1}{2}$, where $\sigma^3_{x}$ is the 3rd Pauli matrix on the site $x$. Moreover we have that $\pi_{x}=\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\Pi_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2,12}\rightarrow \frac{1}{2}\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\sigma^3_{x}$. Finally we can write $\cos(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi+A_{x,12})= \frac{1}{2}e^{i\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\phi+iA_{x,12}}+\frac{1}{2}e^{-i\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\phi-iA_{x,12}}$. The first of these two changes the eigenvalue of $\Pi_{x,12}$ by $+1$ and the second changes it by $-1$. So we should replace them by $\sigma^+_x$ and $\sigma_{x}^-$ respectively, i.e. we can write
\begin{equation}
\cos\left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi+A_{x,12}\right)\rightarrow \frac{1}{2}(\sigma_{x}^++\sigma_{x}^{-1})=\frac{1}{2}\sigma_x^1\;.
\end{equation}
Finally since $\sum_{x}(\Delta_{1}\Delta_2\sigma_x)^2=2\sum(\sigma_{x}\sigma_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}-2\sigma_{x}\sigma_{x+\hat 1}-2\sigma_{x}\sigma_{x+\hat 2}+\sigma_{x+\hat 1}\sigma_{x+\hat 2})+\dots$ where the dots indicate an operator proportional to identity, our model reduces to
\begin{equation}
H\rightarrow H_{eff}=\sum_{x}\frac{1}{4Ja}\left(\sigma^3_{x}\sigma^3_{x+\hat 1+\hat 2}-2\sigma^3_{x}\sigma^3_{x+\hat 1}-2\sigma^3_{x}\sigma^3_{x+\hat 2}+\sigma^3_{x+\hat 1}\sigma^3_{x+\hat 2}\right)-\sum_{x}\frac{J}{2a}\sigma_{x}^1\;,
\end{equation}
where we dropped the irrelevant constant terms. We can also write the above as
\begin{equation}
H_{eff}=-J_1\sum_{<xy>}\sigma^3_{x}\sigma_y^3+J_{2}\sum_{<<xy>>}\sigma_{x}^3\sigma_{y}^3-h\sum_{x}\sigma_x^1\;,
\end{equation}
with $J_1=\frac{1}{2aJ}, J_2=J_1/2$ and $h=\frac{J}{2a}$, and where $\sum_{<xy>}$ signifies the sum over next-negboring sites $x$ and $y$, while the $<<x,y>>$ signifies the sum over next-next-neighboring sites (i.e. along diagonals of the square lattice) (see Fig.~\ref{fig:J1-J2}). This model is sometimes called the transverse field $J_1-J_2$ Ising model. The phase diagram of such models has been studied in\footnote{Note that, since the square lattice is bipartite, we can flip the spins on one sublattice and hence effectively flip $J_1\rightarrow -J_1$. Hence the model with both couplings anti-ferromagnetic is equivalent to the $J_1$ ferromagnetic and $J_2$ anti-ferromagnetic.} \cite{kato2015quantum,kellermann2019quantum,oitmaa2020frustrated,sadrzadeh2018phase}.
\begin{figure}[htbp]
\centering
\includegraphics[width=4in]{J1-J2.pdf}
\caption{A schematic depiction of the $J_1-J_2$ 2d Ising model.}
\label{fig:J1-J2}
\end{figure}
In particular we are interested in $J_1=2J_2$ case. Let us discuss the $h\rightarrow 0$ limit. In this case the ground state of the model is highly degenerate, as any state which has all the spins along any row (or column) constant is a ground state of the system. This limit corresponds precisely to a $J\rightarrow 0$, which is the free tensor gauge field limit, that also has a degeneracy even at finite gauge coupling. Some degeneracy is guaranteed by the fact that the conserved charge $q_x=\sigma_x^3$ gets flipped under the charge conjugation symmetry $q_x\rightarrow -q_x$. Since the ground is labeled by some configuration of conserved charges $\{q_x\}$, then a state with $\{-q_x\}$ is also a ground state. Furthermore, since $q_x$ can only be $\pm 1$, we cannot have that $q_x$ and $-q_x$ are equal, and so the two states are distinct. This can be viewed as a mixed anomaly between the symmetry generated by $q_x=\sigma_{x}^3$ and the charge conjugation generated by $C=\sum_x\sigma^1_x$.
How do we understand the huge degeneracy at the point $J_1=2J_2$? Recall that the model arose from the expansion of $(\Delta_1\Delta_2\sigma_x^3)^2$. The ground state needs to minimize this term, which can be thought of as the energetically imposed exotic gauss law \eqref{eq:Tensor_gauss}. But this Gauss law allows a huge number of solutions, rendering the ground state very degenerate. Changing the Gauss law by setting $J_1\ne 2J_2$ will lift a lot of degeneracy, but not all, because of the mixed 't Hooft anomaly between the local symmetry generated by $\sigma_x^3$ and charge conjugation. Indeed if $J_1>2J_2$ the system goes into the striped phase, and when $J_1<2J_2$ it goes into the anti-ferromagnetic N\'eel phase. Both of these break the charge conjugation symmetry and hence are consistent with the 't Hooft anomaly.
\begin{figure}[t]
\centering
\includegraphics[width=4.5in]{alpha_beta_states.pdf}
\caption{A graphical depiction of two degenerate states in the $J1=2J_2$ limit of the $h=0$ $J_1-J_2$ Ising model. }
\label{fig:degeneracy_lift}
\end{figure}
However once $h\ne0$ then $\sigma_x^3$ is no longer conserved, and the reasoning of the above paragraph is violated. A priori there is nothing that prevents the degenerate vacua from lifting. Let us consider two such degenerate states $\ket\alpha$ and $\ket\beta$ at $h=0$, which are depicted in Fig.~\ref{fig:degeneracy_lift}. They differ only by the spins in one of the (i.e. second) columns. If we make the lattice finite, then the leading contribution to the transition probability $\braket{\alpha}{e^{-iHt}}{\beta}$ from one to the other is $(h/J_1)^{N_{2}}$, where $N_2$ is the number of lattice sites in the $2$-direction of the spatial lattice. Hence in the thermodynamic limit, the two states have no overlap when $h/J_1\ll 1$ and we do not expect degeneracy to be lifted by small fields\footnote{Note that our conclusion is in disagreement with some of the literature \cite{sadrzadeh2016emergence,kellermann2019quantum}.}. If the two degenerate states are even more different and where they differ by $K$ columns, then the splitting is even more suppressed, i.e. by $(h/J_1)^{N_{2}K}$. On the other hand when $h\gg J_1$ we expect a unique ground state polarised in the $\sigma^1_x=1$ direction. A minimal conjecture is then to assume that there is one phase transition and that in the low field phase we have exponential number of degenerate ground states. The nature of the transition is not clear (see \cite{bobak2018frustrated,kellermann2019quantum,sadrzadeh2016emergence,sadrzadeh2018phase}). In \cite{sadrzadeh2016emergence} a transition at the value $h/J_1\approx 0.5$, which translates to $J\approx \sqrt{2}\approx 1.41$. On the other hand in, when $e^2\rightarrow 0$ the model effectively reduces to the ungauged XY-model studied in \cite{paramekanti2002ring}. Unfortunately this work only discussed the XY plaquette model with a chemical potential of the form
\begin{equation}\label{eq:H_XY-plaquette}
H_{XY-plaquette}=\sum_{x}\left(\frac{U}{2}(\pi_x-\bar n)^2-K\cos(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x)\right)\;,
\end{equation}
where $U,K$ are dimensionful constants and $\mu=U\bar n$ serves as a chemical potential. The reference \cite{paramekanti2002ring} studies a model with $\bar n=1/2$ and finds the transition at $U/K\approx 2.4$. For our gauged model the chemical potential would not do anything, as a finite gauge charge is projected out by the Gauss constraint \eqref{eq:gauged_XYplaq_gauss}. At any rate the gauged XY-plaquette model is expected to have a similar transition at zero gauge coupling $e^2=0$, but potentially of the different nature than the $e^2\ne 0$ transition. This happens in the gauged 1+1d compact scalar, where $e^2=0$ has a BKT transition, while for $e^2\ne0$ an Ising transition is expected \cite{Affleck:1991tj,Sulejmanpasic:2020ubo, Komargodski:2017dmc}.
We are unaware of numerical studies of the XY-plaquette model with zero chemical potential so we have no way of estimating the $J$ for which the transition is to occur. The phase diagram of our model \eqref{eq:XYplaq_gauged} is shown in Fig.~\ref{fig:phase_diag}.
\begin{figure}[t]
\centering
\includegraphics[width=4.5in]{phase_diag.pdf}
\caption{A phase diagram of the model \eqref{eq:XYplaq_gauged}. The limit $e^2\rightarrow\infty$ is the $J_1-J_2$ Ising model limit, which reportedly has a phase transition at $h/J_1\approx 0.5$, which gives $J\approx \sqrt{2}$. The other extreme should have an ungauged XY-plaquette model transition \eqref{eq:H_XY-plaquette}, which was studied in \cite{paramekanti2002ring} but only at finite chemical potential, where it has a transition for $U/K\approx 2.4$. We conjecture that the nature of the phase transition is the same, save for the limit $e^2=0$.}
\label{fig:phase_diag}
\end{figure}
\section{Conclusions}
In this work we have discussed the construction of Villain Hamiltonians. The construction allows many models to be written down keeping the correct global symmetry and anomaly structures. Moreover, such models reduce to the Modified Villain Action models \cite{Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl} and \cite{Gorantla:2021svj} when the theory is placed on a finite time Euclidean lattice. The Villain Hamiltonian models on the lattice can also be made manifestly self-dual, a feature lacking in both the continuum as well as the Modified Villain Actions. Further, for models which are exactly self-dual, the duality is manifestly a symmetry of the Hamiltonian, although it is embedded into lattice translations in a nontrivial way.
Further, we have shown that coupling the compact scalar models in 1+1d and the exotic fracton compact scalar model in 2+1d to the relevant gauge fields with a $\theta=\pi$ term reduces to the quantum Ising model in a transverse field in 1 and 2 spatial dimensions respectively when the gauge coupling is sent to infinity. This is especially interesting in the case of the gauged XY-plaquette model, where the phase structure of the model could be understood by studying the simpler corresponding Ising model.
The models discussed here can be used to construct Hamiltonian counterparts of models with exact electric magnetic self-duality, which may allow for nontrivial interacting fixed points, like it was done on space-time lattices \cite{Anosova:2022yqx,Sulejmanpasic:2019ytl}, or to construct Hamiltonian versions of the 3d U(1) gauge theories relevant for the search of N\'eel to VBS deconfined criticality \cite{senthil2004deconfined,sandvik2007evidence,sandvik2010continuous,shao2016quantum} which is a yet unsettled question. Villain Hamiltonians may provide a simpler testbeds for the existence of deconfined criticality. On the other hand some bosonic compact scalar models have fermionic duals \cite{Coleman:1974bu,Cao:2022lig} in the continuum, and it is an interesting question whether such duals can be constructed exactly on the lattice, perhaps shedding light into the lattice construction of chiral gauge theories (see \cite{wang2022symmetric,zeng2022symmetric,Tong:2021phe,Razamat:2020kyf} for some recent works on this problem).
\section*{Acknowledgments}
We would like to thank Pavel Buividovich, Tyler Helmuth, Abdoullah Langari, Anders Sandvik, Nathan Seiberg, Shu-Heng Shao, Yuya Tanizaki and David Tong for comments and discussions. This work is supported by the University Research Fellowship of the Royal Society of London.
\begin{appendix}
\section{Solutions to compact scalar models}\label{app:compact_boson}
Here we discuss the solutions of the model \eqref{eq:H1p1d} and \eqref{eq:H1fracton}. We will start with the conventional compact scalar model \eqref{eq:H1p1d} and then discuss the fracton model of \eqref{eq:H1fracton}. Other p-form models can also be solved along similar lines.
\subsection{Solution to the U(1) scalar in 1 spatial dimension}
We have that the equations of motion coming from the Hamiltonian \eqref{eq:H1p1d} are given by
\begin{align}
&\dot\phi_x=i[H,\phi_x]=\frac{\pi_x}{Ja}\;,\\
&\dot\pi_x=i[H,\pi_x]=\frac{J}{a}\big(\phi_{x+1}-2\phi_x+\phi_{x-1}+2\pi(n_x-n_{x-1})\big)\;,\\
&\dot{\tilde{\phi}}_x=i[H,\tilde\phi_x]=\frac{2\pi J}{a}(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_x)\;,\\
&\dot n_x=i[H,n_x]=0\;,\\
&\dot {\tilde n}_x=i[H,\tilde n_x]=0
\end{align}
The first two equations can be combined to give
\begin{equation}
\ddot\phi_x=\frac{1}{a^2}\left(\phi_{x+1}-2\phi_x+\phi_{x-1}+2\pi(n_{x}-n_{x-1})\right)\;.
\end{equation}
Now going into momentum space we have
\begin{align}
&\phi_x=\sum_{p} e^{ixp}a_p\;,&&n_x=\sum_p e^{ixp}m_p\;.
\end{align}
where $p$ takes values $p=0,\frac{2\pi}{N},\cdots, \frac{2\pi(N-1)}{N}$.
From the equations of motion we have that $a_p$ obeys
\begin{equation}\label{eq:ap_eom}
\ddot a_p+{\omega_{p}^2} a_p= \frac{2\pi}{a^2} (1-e^{-i p})m_p\;,
\end{equation}
with $\omega_p=\frac{2|\sin\frac{p}{2}|}{a}$ the constraint $a_p=a_{-p}^\dagger$ and $m_p=m_{-p}^\dagger$. Note also that $\omega_p^2=\frac{1}{a^2}(1-e^{ip})(1-e^{-ip})$. Now note that because of the e.o.m for $n_x$, $m_p$ is constant in time. So we can solve the above equation easily. To do this let us define\footnote{The constant $\sqrt{N\omega_p}$ in front is there for later convenience. }
\begin{equation}
b_p(t)=\sqrt{2aNJ\omega_p}\left(a_p(t)-\frac{1-e^{-ip}}{\omega_p^2a^2}2\pi m_p\right)\;, \qquad p\ne 0
\end{equation}
We have that the equation of motion in terms of $b_p(t)$ are simply
\begin{equation}
\ddot b_p(t)+{\omega_p^2} b_p(t)=0\;,
\end{equation}
with a Hermitean solution
\begin{equation}
b_p(t)=e^{ {i\omega_p} t}B_p^\dagger+e^{ -{i\omega_p} t}B_{-p}\;, \text{ for $p\ne 0$}
\end{equation}
where $B_p$ is a constant operator. For $p=0$ we have from \eqref{eq:ap_eom} that
\begin{equation}
a_0=\Phi+\frac{1}{J}\Pi t\;.
\end{equation}
where $\Phi$ and $\Pi$ are operators constant in time. We will see later that $\Pi$ is the conjugate momentum to $\Phi$.
Now note that
\begin{align}
&\phi_x= \Phi+\frac{1}{J}\frac{\Pi t}{N}+\sum_{p\ne0} \sqrt{\frac{1}{2NaJ\omega_p}} \left(B_p^\dagger e^{{i\omega_p} t+ip x}+B_p e^{-{i\omega_p} t-i p x}\right)+\sum_{p\ne0}\frac{e^{i px}}{1-e^{ip}}2\pi m_p\;,\\
\label{eq:pi_x_exp}
&\pi_x=\frac{\Pi}{N}+\sum_{p\ne0} \sqrt{\frac{J\omega_p}{2Na}}i\left( B_p^\dagger e^{{i\omega_p} t+i p x}-B_p e^{-{i\omega_p} t-ipx}\right)\;.
\end{align}
We now want to impose canonical commutation relations $[\phi_x,\pi_y]=i\delta_{xy}$. We can take $B_p$ to commute with $m_p$ because $\phi_x$ was taken to commute with $n_x$. So
\begin{multline}
[\phi_x,\pi_y]=\frac{1}{N}[\Phi,\Pi]+J\sum_{p\ne 0}\sqrt\frac{\omega_p}{2NaJ}i\left(\frac{1}{N}[\Pi,B_p]e^{-{i\omega_p}t+ipx}-\frac{1}{N}[\Pi,B_p^\dagger]e^{{i\omega_p}t-ipx}\right)\\
+\sum_{p\ne0} \sqrt{\frac{1}{2NaJ\omega_p}} \left([B_p,\Pi] e^{-{i\omega_p}t+i p x}+[B_p^\dagger,\Pi] e^{{i\omega_p}t-i p x}\right)\\
+\frac{1}{2Na}\sum_{p,p'\ne0}\sqrt{\frac{\omega_{p'}}{\omega_p }}i\Bigg[[B_p,B_{p'}]e^{i\left(\omega_{p}+\omega_{p'}\right)t+ip x+ip' y}-[B_p^\dagger,B_{p'}^\dagger]e^{-i\left(\omega_p+\omega_{p'}\right)t-i px-i p'y}
\\ -[B_p,B_{p'}^\dagger]e^{i(\omega_{p}-\omega_{p'})t+i px-i p' y}+[B_p^\dagger ,B_{p'}]e^{i(\omega_{p}-\omega_{p'})t-i px+i p' y}
\Bigg]=i\delta_{xy}\;,
\end{multline}
where we assumed that $m_p$ commutes with all $B_p$ and $
\Pi$.
To satisfy the above we must take $[B_p,B_{p'}]=[\Pi,B_p]=0$ (as otherwise the expression would be time-dependent) and $[B_p,B_{p'}^\dagger]=\delta_{p,p'}$, $[\Phi,\Pi]=i$, to reproduce the Kronecker delta. As promised, $\Pi$ is a conjugate momentum to $\Phi$.
Now, note that
\begin{multline}
\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_x= \sum_{p } \left((e^{ip}-1)a_p+2\pi m_p\right)e^{i x p}=2\pi m_0+\sum_{p\ne0} \sqrt{\frac{1}{2NJa\omega_p}}(e^{ip}-1)b_p(t)e^{i x p}=\\=2\pi \frac{\Pi}{N}+\sum_p \sqrt{\frac{1}{2NJa\omega_p}}(e^{ip}-1)\left(B_p^\dagger e^{-i\omega_p t+i p x}+B_{p} e^{i\omega_p t-i p x}\right)\;,
\end{multline}
where in the last step we identified $m_0=\frac{1}{N}\sum_x n_x=\frac{\tilde \Pi}{N}$, where $\tilde \Pi$ is a ``spatial winding number''\footnote{This idenification comes from defining $\tilde\Pi=\frac{1}{2\pi}\sum_x (\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_x)$, which is the lattice variant of $\tilde \Pi=\frac{1}{2\pi}\int dx\partial_x\phi$.}. As we will see, this will also play the role of the momentum operator conjugate to $\tilde\Phi$ -- the zeromode of $\tilde\phi_x$ operator.
so that the Hamiltonian becomes
\begin{multline}
H=\frac{1}{2Ja}\sum_x\pi_x^2+\frac{J}{2a}\sum_{x}\left(\phi_{x+1}-\phi_x+2\pi n_x\right)^2=\\=\frac{J(2\pi)^2}{2a}N\left(\frac{\tilde\Pi}{N}\right)^2+\frac{N}{2Ja}\left(\frac{\Pi}{N}\right)^2+\sum_{p\ne0}\omega_{p}\left(B_pB_p^\dagger+B_p^\dagger B_p\right)
\end{multline}
Notice that the equations of motion imply
\begin{equation}
\dot \pi_x=\frac{1}{2\pi}(\dot{\tilde \phi}_x-\dot{\tilde\phi}_{x-1})\Rightarrow \pi_x=\frac{1}{2\pi}(\tilde\phi_x-\tilde\phi_{x-1}+\hat K_x)\;.
\end{equation}
where $\hat K$ is a constant operator. Now imposing the constraint \eqref{eq:constraint} we must have $\hat K_x=2\pi \tilde n_x$ where $\tilde n_x$ has an integer spectrum.
Let us now in analogy to what we done before write
\begin{align}
&\tilde\phi_x=\sum_{p}\tilde a_pe^{ix p}\;,\\
&\tilde n_x=\sum_p \tilde m_p e^{i xp}\;.
\end{align}
Then
\begin{multline}
\tilde \phi_x-\tilde \phi_{x-1}+2\pi \tilde n_x=2\pi \tilde m_0+\sum_{p\ne0}(1-e^{-ip})\underbrace{\left(\tilde a_p+2\pi \frac{\tilde m_p}{1-e^{-ip}}\right)}_{=\frac{2\pi\sqrt{J}}{\sqrt{2Na\omega_p}}\tilde b_p}e^{ixp}=\\=2\pi m_0+{2\pi\sqrt{J}}\sum_{p\ne0}\frac{1-e^{-ip}}{\sqrt{2Na\omega_p}}\tilde b_pe^{ixp}\;.
\end{multline}
Now our constraint becomes
\begin{equation}
\pi_x= J\dot\phi_x=2\pi\frac{\tilde \Pi}{N}+ J\sum_{p\ne0}\frac{\dot b_p}{\sqrt{2NJa\omega_p}}e^{ixp}=\tilde m_0+\sqrt{J}\sum_{p\ne0} \frac{1-e^{-ip}}{ \sqrt{2Na\omega_p}}\tilde b_pe^{ixp}\;.
\end{equation}
Notice that $\tilde \Pi=\frac{1}{N} \sum_x \tilde n_x$ is the winding number of the dual variables.
The above implies
\begin{equation}
\tilde b_p = \frac{1}{1-e^{-ip}}\dot b_p\;,\qquad p\ne 0
\end{equation}
Differentiating w.r.t. time twice more we have that
\begin{equation}
\ddot{\tilde b}_p=-\omega_p^2 \frac{1}{1-e^{-ip}}\dot b_p= -\omega_p^2 \tilde b_p\;,
\end{equation}
where we used the e.o.m.-s for $b_p$. Hence $\tilde b_p$ also satisfies the harmonic oscillator equations and can be written as
\begin{equation}
\tilde b_p=\tilde B_p e^{-i\omega_pt}+\tilde B_{-p}^\dagger e^{i\omega_p t}\;.
\end{equation}
Now we have a relation
\begin{equation}
\tilde B_p= \frac{- i\omega_p}{1-e^{-ip}}B_p\;.
\end{equation}
It is easy to check that
\begin{equation}
[\tilde B_p,\tilde B_{p'}^\dagger]= \delta_{p,p'}\;.
\end{equation}
Naturally since
\begin{equation}
\sum_{x,y}[\tilde\phi_x,n_y]=iN=N[\tilde a_0,\Pi]\Rightarrow [\tilde a_0,\Pi]=i \label{ta0Q}
\end{equation}
We have that $\tilde a_0=\tilde\Phi+ \frac{(2\pi)^2}{JN}\Pi t$, so that $[\tilde\Phi,\Pi]=i$.
\subsection{Correlators}\label{app:correlator}
Let us now compute the equal-time correlator $\avg{e^{i\phi_x}e^{-i\phi_y}}$.
To do this we will normal order the operators $e^{i\phi_x}$ by putting all the creation operators $B_p^\dagger$ to the left of $B_p$ anihilation operators. Let us write $\phi_x$ as
\begin{equation}
\phi_x= \phi_x^++\phi_x^-+\phi_x^0\;,
\end{equation}
where
\begin{align}
&\phi_x^0=\Phi+\frac{\Pi t}{JN}+\sum_{p\ne0}\frac{e^{i px}}{1-e^{ip}}2\pi m_p\;,\\
&\phi_x^+=\sum_p \frac{1}{\sqrt{2NaJ\omega_p}} B_p^\dagger e^{i\omega_pt+i px}\;,\\
&\phi_x^-=\sum_p \frac{1}{\sqrt{2NaJ\omega_p}} B_pe^{-i\omega_p t- ipx}\;.
\end{align}
Now let us write
\begin{equation}
\sum_{p\ne 0}\frac{e^{ipx}}{1-e^{ip}}m_p=\frac{1}{N}\sum_{y} \sum_{p\ne 0} \frac{e^{ip (x-y)}}{1-e^{ip}}n_y\;.
\end{equation}
Since we have that
\begin{equation}
\sum_{p\ne 0} \frac{e^{i p x}}{1-e^{ip}}=\lim_{\epsilon\rightarrow 0} \sum_{p\ne 0} \frac{e^{ip x}}{1-e^{ip-\epsilon}}
\end{equation}
where the limit $\epsilon\rightarrow 0$ is approached from above, we have that
\begin{equation}
\frac{1}{1-e^{ip-\epsilon}}=\sum_{s=0}^\infty e^{i sp-s\epsilon}\;.
\end{equation}
Then, since, $\sum_{p\ne0} e^{i p (x+s)}=\sum_{p} e^{ip(x+s)}-1=N\sum_{q\in \mathbb Z}\delta_{x+s,q N}-1 $, we have that
\begin{multline}
\sum_{p\ne 0}\frac{e^{ipx}}{1-e^{ip-\epsilon}}=\sum_{s=0}^\infty \left(N\sum_{q=-\infty}^\infty\delta_{x+s,qN}-1\right)e^{-s\epsilon}=\\=N\sum_{q\ge \frac{x}{N}}e^{-(Nq-x)\epsilon}-\frac{1}{1-e^{-\epsilon}}=\frac{Ne^{\left(\tilde x-N(1-\delta_{\tilde x,0})\right)}}{1-e^{-N\epsilon}}-\frac{1}{1-e^{-\epsilon}}
\end{multline}
where $\tilde x$ is the remainder of the division of $x$ by $N$. So
\begin{equation}
\sum_{p\ne 0}\frac{e^{ipx}}{1-e^{ip}}=\tilde x-\frac{N+1}{2}\;,
\end{equation}
and hence
\begin{equation}
\sum_{p\ne 0}\frac{e^{ipx}}{1-e^{ip}}m_p=\frac{1}{N}\sum_y \widetilde{(x-y)}n_y-\left(\frac{1}{2}+\frac{1}{2N}\right)\sum_y n_y\;.
\end{equation}
Now we look at the expectation value
\begin{equation}\label{eq:correlator_result}
\avg{:e^{i\phi_x}::e^{-i\phi_y}:}=\avg{e^{i\phi_x^-}e^{-i\phi_y^+}e^{i2\pi \frac{1}{N}(x-y)\tilde\Pi}}=e^{-[\phi_x^-,\phi_y^+]}=e^{-\frac{1}{2JNa}\sum_{p\ne 0} \frac{e^{ip(x-y)}}{\omega_p}}\;,
\end{equation}
where we used the fact that for the ground state $\tilde\Pi=0$.
\subsection{Solution to the 2+1d XY-plaquette compact scalar fracton model}\label{app:XY_sol}
The equations of motion are given by
\begin{align}
&\dot\phi_x=i[H,\phi_x]=\frac{1}{aJ}\pi_x\;,\\
&\dot\pi_x=i[H,\pi_x]=-\frac{J}{a}\left(\Delta_1^2\Delta_2^2\phi_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}+2\pi \Delta_1\Delta_2 n_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}\right)\;,\\
&\dot\varphi_x=i[H,\varphi_x]=-\frac{J}{a}(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_x+2\pi n_x)\;,\\
&\dot n_x=0
\end{align}
We proceed similarly to the case of compact scalar in 2d. We write
\begin{align}
&\phi_x=\sum_p a_pe^{ixp}\;,\\
&n_x=\sum_p q_p e^{ixp}\;,
\end{align}
and, by combining the e.o.m. for $\dot\phi_x$ and $\dot\pi_x$ we get
\begin{equation}
\ddot a_p+\frac{16\sin^2\frac{p_1}{2}\sin^2\frac{p_2}{2}}{a^2}a_p=-\frac{2\pi q_p}{a^2} (1-e^{-ip_1})(1-e^{-ip_2})\;.
\end{equation}
When neither $p_1$ nor $p_2$ are zero we can define
\begin{equation}
b_p= c_p\left(a_p+\frac{2\pi}{(1-e^{ip_1})(1-e^{ip_2})}q_p\right)\;,
\end{equation}
where $c_p$ are some constants and $b_p$ now satisfies the equation
\begin{equation}
\ddot b_p+\omega_p^2 b_p=0\;,
\end{equation}
with the general solution
\begin{equation}
b_p=B_p^\dagger e^{i\omega_pt}+B_{-p} e^{-i\omega_pt}\;.
\end{equation}
Finally we get
\begin{align}
&\phi_x=\Phi_0+\Phi_1(x_1)+\Phi_2(x_2)+\frac{-\Pi_0/(N_1N_2)+\Pi_1(x_1)/N_2+\Pi_2(x_2)/N_1}{aJ}t\nonumber\\
&\qquad+\sum_{p_1\ne0\;, p_2\ne 0} \frac{1}{c_p}\left(B_{p}^\dagger e^{i\omega_p t+ix\cdot p }+B_{p} e^{-i\omega_p t-ix\cdot p}\right)-\sum_{p_1\ne0\;,p_2\ne 0}\frac{2\pi e^{ix\cdot p}}{(1-e^{ip_1})(1-e^{p_2})}q_p\\
&\label{eq:pi_x_plqt}\pi_x=\frac{-\Pi_0}{N_1N_2}+\frac{\Pi_1(x_1)}{N_2}+\frac{\Pi_2(x_2)}{N_1}+ \sum_{p_1\ne0\;, p_2\ne 0}\frac{Ja\omega_pi}{c_p} \left(B_{p}^\dagger e^{i\omega_p t+ix\cdot p }-B_{p}e^{-i\omega_p t-ix\cdot p}\right)\;.
\end{align}
Imposing the commutation relation $[\phi_x,\pi_y]=i\delta_{x,y}$ is equivalent to demanding that
\begin{align}
&[\Phi_1(x_1),\Pi_1(y_1)]=i\delta_{x_1,y_1}\;,&& [\Phi_2(x_2),\Pi_2(y_2)]=i\delta_{x_2,y_2}\;,\\
&[\Phi_0,\Pi_0]=i\;, &&[B_p,B_{p'}^\dagger]=\frac{c^2}{2N_1N_1aJ\omega_p}\delta_{p,p'}\qquad
\end{align}
If we take $c_p=\sqrt{2N_1N_1Ja\omega_p}$ the last commutator simplifies to $[B_p,B_{p'}^\dagger]=\delta_{p,p'}$. Note that the decomposition into $\Phi_0,\Phi_1(x_1)$ and $\Phi_2(x_2)$ is ambiguous, because we could shift these operators as follows
\begin{equation}
\begin{array}{l}
\Phi_0\rightarrow \Phi_0+\delta\;,\\
\Phi_1(x_1)\rightarrow \Phi_1(x_1)+\delta_1\;,\\
\Phi_2(x_1)\rightarrow \Phi_2(x_1)+\delta_2\;,
\end{array}\qquad \text{such that $\delta+\delta_1+\delta_2=0$}\;,
\end{equation}
where $\delta,\delta_1$ and $\delta_2$ are constants.
The above invariance enforces a constraint
\begin{equation}
\sum_{x_1}\Pi_1(x_1)=\sum_{x_2}\Pi_2(x_2)=\Pi_0\;.
\end{equation}
Further we also can shift
\begin{equation}
\begin{array}{l}
\Pi_0\rightarrow \Pi_0+N_1N_2\Delta\;,\\
\Phi_1(x_1)\rightarrow \Phi_1(x_1)+N_2\Delta_1\;,\\
\Phi_2(x_1)\rightarrow \Phi_2(x_1)+N_1\Delta_2\;,
\end{array}\qquad \text{such that $-\Delta+\Delta_1+\Delta_2=0$}\;.
\end{equation}
which enforces a constraint
\begin{equation}
N_2\sum_{x_1}\Phi_1(x_1)=N_1\sum_{x_2}\Phi_2(x_2)=-N_1N_2\Phi_0
\end{equation}
Now let us write
\begin{multline}
\Delta_1\Delta_2 \phi_{x}=\sum_{p_{1,2}\ne 0}\frac{1}{\sqrt{2N_1N_2 Ja\omega_p}}\\
\times\Bigg[(e^{i p_1}-1)(e^{ip_2}-1)B_pe^{ip\cdot x+i\omega_p t}+(e^{-i p_1}-1)(e^{-ip_2}-1) B_p^\dagger e^{-ip\cdot x-i\omega_pt}\Bigg]\\-2\pi \sum_{p_{1,2}\ne 0}2\pi e^{i x\cdot p}q_p\;.
\end{multline}
Now we write
\begin{equation}
\sum_{p_{1,2}\ne 0}q_pe^{ix\cdot p}=n_x-\frac{1}{N_1}\sum_{x_1}n_x-\frac{1}{N_2}\sum_{x_2}n_x+\frac{1}{N_1N_2}\sum_{x}n_x\;,
\end{equation}
so that we have that the Hamiltonian is given by
\begin{multline}
H=\frac{1}{2JaN_1^2N_2^2}\sum_{x}\Big({\Pi_0}-N_1\Pi_1(x_1)-N_2\Pi_2(x_2)\Big)^2\\+\frac{J}{2aN_1^2N_2^2}\sum_{x}\left(\tilde\Pi_0-N_1\tilde\Pi_1(x_1)-N_2\tilde\Pi_2(x_2)\right)^2\\+\sum_{p} \omega_p\left(B_p^\dagger B_p+\frac{1}{2}\right)\;.
\end{multline}
Since we can diagonalize $B_p^\dagger B_p$ and $\Pi_0$
The model we considered above is a model which has a tensor symmetry. The symmetry current is given by
\begin{align}
&J_{0,x}=\pi_x \;, &&J^{12}=-\frac{J}{a}\left(\Delta_1\Delta_2\phi_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}+2\pi n_{x-\hat 1-\hat 2}\right)\;.
\end{align}
We have that
\begin{equation}
\partial_0J_x^0-\Delta_1\Delta_2J^{12}_x=0\;,
\end{equation}
by the equations of motion, which means that charges
\begin{align}
&Q_1(x_1)=\sum_{x_2}J_{0,x}\;,\\
&Q_2(x_2)=\sum_{x_1}J_{0,x}
\end{align}
are conserved. Indeed since we have $\sum_{x_i}J_{0,x}=\sum_{x_i}\pi_x=\Pi_i(x_i)$ as can be easily checked by plugging $\pi_x$ from equation \eqref{eq:pi_x_plqt} and using the fact that $\sum_{x_i}\Pi_i(x_i)=\Pi_0$.
\section{Linking number}\label{app:linking}
Consider an Euclidean manifold $M_D$ of dimension $D$, two submanifold of $M$, $\Sigma_{D-p}$ and $\Sigma'_{p+1}$ of dimensions $D-p$ and $p+1$ respectively. We will take that $\Sigma_{D-p}$ and $\Sigma'_{p+1}$ have a boundary, which are respectively $D-p-1$ and $p$ dimensional. We want to define the linking number of the boundaries $\partial\Sigma_{D-p}$ and $\partial\Sigma'_{p+1}$.
We sketch the situation in Fig.~\ref{fig:Sigma_Sigma_prime}. Let $X^\mu_{\Sigma}(\sigma^1,\sigma^2,\dots,\sigma^{D-p})$ be the local coordinates in $M_D$ describing $\Sigma$, and $\sigma^i, i=1,\dots, D-p$ are parameters parametrizing $\Sigma$ (world-volume coordinates). Similarly we have $X^\mu_{\Sigma'}(\sigma^{'1},\dots,\sigma^{'p+1})$ describing $\Sigma'$. Now let us choose world-volume coordinates such that $\sigma_i=0$ is the point $P$ on $\Sigma$ where $\partial\Sigma'$ pierces $\Sigma$, and $\sigma_i'=0$ is the point $Q$ on $\Sigma'$ where the boundary of $\partial\Sigma$ pierces $\Sigma'$. Further, we will take that the line where $\Sigma$ and $\Sigma'$ intersect is described by $X^\mu_{\Sigma}(\sigma^1,0,\dots,0)$ and $X^\mu_{\Sigma}(\sigma^{'1},0,\dots,0)$, where $X_\Sigma^\mu(0,\dots,0)$ and $X_{\Sigma'}^\mu(1,0,\dots,0)$ describe the point $P$ and $X^\mu_{\Sigma'}(0,\dots,0)$ and $X^\mu_{\Sigma}(1,0,\dots,0)$ describe the point $Q$.
\begin{figure}[htbp]
\centering
\includegraphics[width=4in]{Sigma_Sigma_prime.pdf}
\caption{example caption}
\label{fig:Sigma_Sigma_prime}
\end{figure}
Now we define the linking number of the boundaries $\partial \Sigma$ and $\partial\Sigma'$ as the number of times that $\partial\Sigma'$ intersects $\Sigma$, where we take the sign of the contribution to be determined as follows. If $\partial\Sigma'$ intersects $\Sigma$ in such a way that the direct product of the tangent of $\Sigma$ at point $P$, and the tangent space of $\partial\Sigma'$ at point $P$, has the same orientation as the tangent space of $M$ at $p$, then we will take point $P$ to contribute with a positive sign to the linking number. So we define
\begin{equation}
L(\partial \Sigma,\partial\Sigma')= I(\Sigma,\partial\Sigma')
\end{equation}
where is the net intersection number between $\partial\Sigma'$ and $\Sigma$ in the sense described above.
Let us now show that
\begin{equation}
L(\partial\Sigma,\partial\Sigma')=(-1)^{(D-p-1)(p-1)}L(\partial\Sigma',\partial\Sigma)\;.
\end{equation}
To do this we consider the tangent space $T\Sigma\Big|_P$. It is given by the bases
\begin{equation}
(\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^1},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^2},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial_\sigma^{D-p}})
\end{equation}
On the other hand the tangent space $T\partial\Sigma'\Big|_P$ is given by the basis
\begin{equation}
(\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'2}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'3}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'p+1}})\;.
\end{equation}
The $T\Sigma\Big|_P\oplus T\partial\Sigma'\Big|_{P}$ is given by the basis
\begin{equation}\label{eq:basis1}
(\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^1},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^2},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{D-p}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'2}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'3}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'p+1}})\;.
\end{equation}
On the other hand we have that the tangent space of $T\Sigma'\Big|_{Q}\oplus T\partial\Sigma\Big|_{Q}$ is given by
\begin{equation}
(\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'1}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'2}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'p+1}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{2}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{3}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{D-p}})\;.
\end{equation}
In fact both of these tangent spaces are well define on the curve joining the two points $P$ and $Q$. On this curve we have that the vector $\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^1}$ is equal to $-\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'1}}$, so we can write the above as
\begin{equation}\label{eq:basis2}
(-\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{1}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'2}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{'p+1}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{2}},\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{3}},\dots\frac{\partial}{\partial\sigma^{D-p}})\;.
\end{equation}
Now the basis above on the curve connecting $P$ and $Q$ differs from \eqref{eq:basis1} by a sign\footnote{We need to push all primed vectors to the right in \eqref{eq:basis2}, which gives $(-1)^{p(D-p-1)}=(-1)^{Dp}$. In addition, since the first vector of \eqref{eq:basis1} and $\eqref{eq:basis2}$ differ by a sign, the net contribution is $(-1)^{Dp+1}$.} $(-1)^{Dp+1}$
\end{appendix}
\bibliographystyle{JHEP}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
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A dream featuring a neck suggests that you need to express yourself more freely or clearly in some part of your life. It can also imply that you are feeling vulnerable or that you are trying to be more creative in some way.
A stiff neck can indicate that you have a tenacious or stubborn character.
If someone strangles your neck then it can mean you lack imagination or creativity.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 8
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These are not as exciting when it comes to the prize that you are competing for, but they are more frequent. The jackpot's value is a multiplier of a bet or a fixed amount that can be won several times in a row.
Without a doubt, the most famous name in online jackpot slots is the Mega Moolah progressive. Not only has it paid out many jackpots worth multiple millions it is also the highest paying online slot ever to be recorded in the Guinness Book of World Records. We have dedicated this section of our progressive jackpot resource to listing and tracking the most prominent online casino progressive jackpot wins.
Mega Moolah Absolootly Mad 27.04.2021 €23.6M
Mega Moolah 28.09.2018 €23.5M
Mega Fortune 20.01.2013 €21M
Jackpot Giant 20.10.2018 €12.2M
Your chances of winning an online progressive slot jackpot are purely statistical. This is superimposed by lower-than-average win rates that offset the hefty jackpot that progressive jackpot games entail. The following are a few tips that can help you whilst playing slot games and choosing the best progressive jackpot slot for you.
Only the best for the best
Choosing games that were developed by the top software providers is an insurance policy that guarantees fairness and reliability when spinning reels. This allows you to enjoy progressive slots without having to worry much.
Choose a game with riveting features
You should enjoy the nature of slots and not dive into them because of a hefty jackpot. Choosing a game with riveting features and quality design will guarantee that you enjoy every spin, no matter the outcome.
See when the progressive jackpot last appeared
The likelihood of a classic progressive jackpot paying out in quick succession is slim. You might want to play a slot that has not recently dished out its progressive jackpot. Look at the status section of our list of hot slots and make a sound decision.
Check the minimum qualifying bet
Some progressive jackpot games make you bet the maximum in order to compete for the jackpot, but some do not. The high volatility of these games and the fact that the jackpot can be won with smaller wagers make them a great way to extend your playtime and make the most of your bankroll.
Locate a slot with quality base game payouts
Let's be honest with ourselves, the likelihood of winning a progressive jackpot is far slimmer than the likelihood of winning a base game payout. Slot machines with good base game rewards can surprise you with an exciting gaming session even If you do not land the progressive jackpot.
Stay updated with the most popular progressive jackpot status. Use our free jackpot tickers tracker to learn about each jackpot's status and when it's best to play it.
The Jackpot amount is not available
The Jackpot amount is below average
Don't Play
The Jackpot amount is near average
Maybe Play
The Jackpot amount is above average
What are progressive jackpots?
These are the top prizes of particular casino games that are not capped by the developers but by player input. The longer a jackpot lingers, the bigger it gets and the happier the winner is.
What is the potential win in progressive jackpot games?
This is hard to say because the progressive jackpots differ based on their seed and input from the player base. They can range from a couple thousand to a few million euros.
Where should I partake in progressive jackpot games?
We recommend the top online casinos, especially the ones that we feature on our page for leading online casinos. These ensure a safe and quality experience.
Do progressive jackpots have any drawbacks?
The RTP of these games tends to be lower because a portion of all bets is devoted to the prize pool. This is the only notable downside of progressive jackpot games.
Can I snatch a progressive jackpot with a bonus?
Definitely! Most online casinos offer bonuses, and you can easily use them for progressive jackpot games. You will be able to keep 100% of your jackpot if you are lucky enough to win it.
Do casinos offer progressive jackpots on slots only?
No. While slots are the most popular category for progressive jackpots, you'll also find them on other games like blackjack, roulette, Caribbean Stud, and more. Of course, due to their popularity, progressive jackpots on slots tend to reach the biggest amounts.
How can I be certain that I will get paid if I win big?
First of all, make sure to always play on a trustworthy, reliable, and properly licensed online casino. If you do this, there really isn't much to worry about. Secondly, really big jackpots are often paid not by the casinos but by game providers themselves, i.e. companies like NetEnt, Microgaming, etc. These are huge company that will pay your money, guaranteed.
Do progressive slots have a worst RTP than the regular ones?
Quite often, this happens to be the case. To account for the massive jackpot payments, many progressive slots will have a lower base return to player. While not ideal, this is the price you pay for having a shot at that huge windfall.
With thousands of casinos to choose from, it's not always easy to find the best ones. Learn what it is that makes a top online casino and how to go about choosing your destination. In this page you will find our top Ireland Online Casinos ranked and reviewed.
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A survey of the Bucks' best game, worst game, top performance, MVP, most improved player and top plays from their 29-12 start.
ATLANTA – At 41 games in, the midway point of the season, there's a substantial enough sample to strongly argue that the Milwaukee Bucks have vaulted into the ranks of the NBA's elite teams during the 2018-'19 season.
At the time they landed in Atlanta early Saturday morning ahead of their game against the Hawks at 2:30 p.m. Sunday at State Farm Arena, the Bucks had compiled quite the impressive résumé.
Milwaukee leads the NBA in scoring differential at plus-9.1 points per game. That's 2.5 points better than the second-place Boston Celtics at plus-6.6 point per game. The Bucks also lead the NBA in net rating, which represents the difference between offensive and defensive efficiency and is regarded as a strong indicator of team strength. Milwaukee is plus-8.8 points per 100 possessions with the Celtics again trailing in second at plus-6.6.
With a record of 29-12, the Bucks are off to their best 41-game start since the 1980-'81 team opened the season 30-11. This season, that record is the second-best in the NBA trailing only the 32-12 Toronto Raptors, which the Bucks have beaten in two of the three matchups between the two Eastern Conference leaders. And Milwaukee's record isn't just fool's gold from fattening up on the bottom of the East. The Bucks own a 10-5 record against teams that entered Saturday with 25 wins or more.
As the Bucks embark on the second half of the regular season, here is a look at some of the team's superlatives over the opening 41 games.
Coming off their first lopsided loss of the season two days prior in Portland, the Bucks thoroughly dominated the two-time defending champions in handing them their first loss of the season inside Oracle Arena. Eric Bledsoe had 26 points and six assists and Giannis Antetokounmpo had 24 points without playing in the fourth quarter. The two led the Bucks to a franchise-record 84 points in the paint.
The game was close through much of the first half, but an 11-0 run before halftime helped Milwaukee balloon its lead to 13 at the break. The Bucks didn't slow down, doubling that margin heading into the fourth while the Warriors, who lost two-time MVP Stephen Curry to an injury in the third, couldn't muster a counter-punch.
Honorable mentions: 121-114 win at Denver on Nov. 11; 143-100 win vs. Portland on Nov. 21; 104-99 win at Toronto on Dec. 9; 116-109 win at Houston on Jan. 9.
There's no shame in losing to the Indiana Pacers, one of the top three teams in the East at the midway point, especially at Bankers Life Fieldhouse. The problem with this game, though, was it featured almost no redeeming qualities or built-in excuses for the Bucks.
They didn't play well on either end of the court, they didn't rally to take a lead or even make it competitive and it wasn't like they were on short rest. They just got wallopped.
Facing one of the league's top defenses, the Bucks had one of their worst offensive games of the season. Antetokounmpo put up a season-low six shots. Add in Indiana having their way on offense, and the Bucks struggled to make the game competitive. They never led, trailing by double digits most of the night in a game that brought out rare talk of offensive frustrations from both Antetokounmpo and a slumping Middleton.
Dishonorable mentions: 116-114 loss to the Phoenix Suns on Nov. 23; 136-134 overtime loss at New York Knicks on Dec. 1; 94-87 loss at Miami Heat on Dec. 22.
In the game immediately after the loss in Indianapolis, Antetokounmpo took out his frustrations on the lowly Cavaliers. He tied his career high with 44 points on 14-of-19 shooting while adding 14 rebounds and eight assists in 37 1/2 minutes.
Honorable mentions: Middleton's season-high 30 points, including making 7 of 8 three-pointers, Oct. 22 vs. New York; Brook Lopez setting a career high by making 8 of 13 three-pointers at Denver on Nov. 11.
Calling Antetokounmpo the Bucks' MVP is actually selling him short. He's been one of the best players in the league, jumping to the forefront of the MVP discussion early in the season – a conversation he's likely to remain in.
Antetokounmpo is efficiently having a career year at the center of Milwaukee's offense. He's averaging 26.6 points while shooting 64.7 percent on two-point shots and dominating the paint nightly. Additionally, he has a career-best 12.8 rebounds and 6.0 assists while playing just 33.6 minutes per game, more than three minutes per game less than last season.
Defensively, Antetokounmpo is the heart of Milwaukee's elite defensive unit. More than just steals and blocks, he clearly affects opposing shots, with opponents shooting just 40.8 percent on shots he defends – the lowest percentage among Bucks starters – on 11.4 shots defended per game according to NBA.com.
For the most part, Wilson was a man of mystery during his rookie season. He barely played and didn't publicly show much promise after being drafted with the 17th pick.
But following a productive summer and training camp, Wilson has become a player in whom his teammates believe. After missing the first two dozen games of the season due to a right hamstring injury, Wilson has broken out over the past month. He's shined on the defensive end, where his athleticism, versatility, improved physicality rebounding have stood out.
Offensively, Wilson is visibly more confident, averaging 5.8 points per game while making 12 of 27 (44.4 percent) of his three-pointers. His emergence adds an unexpected level of depth and versatility to Milwaukee's bench, which bodes well for later this season and in the playoffs.
Antetokounmpo has a fair share highlight dunks this season, but those high-flying jams don't necessarily make the difference between a win and a loss. However, this play did and it included numerous contributions.
Tied with the Bulls with the clock ticking down, Lopez drove for a layup. He missed and then couldn't get a put-back attempt to go, with the ball flying high into the air. Bledsoe soared to tap the rebound out, where it found Malcolm Brogdon, who instead of shooting, dribbled toward the lane, pump faked and with his defender in the air kicked back to Middleton for a wide-open three-pointer that he rattled in with 5.2 seconds left.
Honorable mentions: Antetokounmpo's dunks are numerous, but one against countryman Kosta Koufos of the Sacaramento Kings on Nov. 4 was especially vicious.
In the same vein as the Middleton three-pointer against the Bulls, Brogdon connected on back-to-back triples late against the Raptors that came off great ball movement and helped the Bucks leave Toronto with a victory Dec. 9.
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Discussion in 'Rugby League Forum' started by lsz, Mar 9, 2016.
VETERAN coach Brian Smith has quit Super League club Wakefield with immediate effect.
Smith, 61, took over the reigns nine months ago in a bid to help the club avoid relegation – which was achieved with their win over Bradford in the Million Pound Match in September. But after just one win from their first five games this year, Smith told his players on Tuesday that he would be resigning due to "personal reasons".
Wakefield have confirmed they will hold a press conference at 12.30pm on Wednesday at their Belle Vue home ground.
Parra should give him another go.
Surely the kiwis haven't hit the panic button already?
Possibly the worst ever coach of an NRL side......to date!!
Is being a **** coach a personal reason?
He was the best coach to never win a premiership!
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Home > Featured > Sunday Hans
Reviving trust and rebuilding relationship
Hans News Service | 26 Oct 2019 6:13 PM GMT
The doctor-patient relationship is a central part of health care and the practice of medicine. This relationship forms one of the foundations of contemporary medical ethics, and it has been re-interpreted with today's technical and social media development.
Dr Debraj Shome and Dr Aparna Govil Bhasker authored a book titled 'Dear People, with Love and Care, Your Doctors', to give a sneak peek into the world of medicine and motivate millions to maintain faith in the doctor-patient relationship.
Dr Debraj Shome, a cosmetic surgeon, likes to play squash and is a fitness freak. This is his first book, although he has written more than 60 articles, which were published in international journals.
Dr Aparna Govil Bhasker, Bariatric and Laparoscopic Surgeon, is one of the first Asian surgeons to be accredited for excellence in Bariatric Surgery by the Surgical Review Corporation from the USA. She is also a first-time author.
Their inspiration to write this book is to bring back the focus on the unshakeable foundation of the doctor-patient relationship through inspiring stories. Dr Debraj says, "We often hear discouraging stories of doctors being abused and hospitals vandalised. The narrative is gradually turning negative—the dismal reality for both doctors and patients. But we tend to forget that many medical miracles are occurring all over the world owing to the cutting-edge technologies which have transformed the healthcare industry. Life expectancy all over the world has doubled in the past few decades, due to the wonders of modern science."
He further relates, "When we were growing up, it was every parent's dream to see their children become doctors. Back then, crème de la crème of this country got into medicine, and it was a matter of immense pride to get into medical school."
"Every student coveted for a medical seat. And then suddenly, we started hearing of doctors being attacked and hospitals being vandalised. Earlier, these instances happened once in a while, but gradually they have become common. To the extent that recently some doctors were grievously injured on duty, and another senior doctor in Assam was beaten to death. Today, the doctors are applying for arms licenses and are left with no choice but to go on strikes to protest crimes against the medical fraternity. There is a deep sense of loss of pride in this profession. Lack of trust is palpable, and it almost feels like India is at war with its doctors. There are many reasons for the deterioration in this relationship, and somewhere we all are responsible. It is a systemic failure. We are just ordinary doctors, and in our daily practice we also experience a lot of good interaction with patients, good feelings, gratitude and so on," adds Aparna.
About the title for their book Dr Debraj says, "Because of neither patients nor doctors can live without each other, they are two sides of the same coin. Therefore, we wanted to convey some love to our patients and also showcase individual patients, who are very happy with the medical system, and how they had got treated even though they had complicated diseases to treat. In general, this book allows you to take a ringside view and become a fly on the wall."
"Health is an emotional subject and medicine, and healthcare is all about empathy. The only language that every human being across the world understands is the language of 'love'," shares Dr Aparna.
Debraj and Aparna know each other for almost five years now; they have been good friends. About their relationship as co-authors, they say, "We have been part of the same hospitals, same institution, and we have also treated patients together. Being friends, we also run a charitable foundation 'Debabrata Auro Foundation' and believe in being the change that we would want to see in the world."
They further added, "The most challenging part of the book publishing process is to post the publication. Marketing the book is also an expensive exercise, and for first-time authors like us, funding is a challenge. Time management was another challenge, as we are not professional writers. We are surgeons with busy practices and unpredictable working hours. One serious patient needing our attention would set us back by a month. We were lucky to find good people in the industry to help us, and that made it a little easier."
This book can be an answer to what may have gone wrong in a profession which from time immemorial, has remained one of the most respected ones and may just inspire both, the doctors and the rest of the world to re-strength the beautiful relationship.
Dr Debraj Shome
Dr Aparna Govil Bhasker
Dear People with Love and Care Your Doctors
Dr Ranjit Patil
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Índice
Portada
Prólogo, de Rafael Ansón
Introducción
Cómo comienza la historia
La obsesión por la escuela
El desafío: la droga
De la dirección espiritual a la inspección de hacienda
Sevilla, la niña bonita
Lo que vale la marca: el hierro de la gitana
Cómo dar de comer a los papas
Soy un jubilado americano
Párroco de la nada
Mística y ascética de la cocina
Epílogo
Las recetas del Alabardero
Ajoblanco de sepia, vieiras y hongos.
Alcachofas con rulo de rape, espárragos, carabineros y su jugo de cocción.
Alegoría al fruto rojo.
Anchoas frescas del Cantábrico rebozadas.
Arroz con bogavante.
Bacalao al pilpil.
Bacalao con zurrukutuna cremosa y bocadillo de chistorra.
Bacalao rebozado (soldaditos de Pavía).
Biscuit glacé de galleta María con base crispy de feulletine y avellana.
Bisquet o salsa de cigalitas.
Boquerones con unos hilos de arroz y petit macarron de frutas tropicales.
Brandada de bacalao.
Brownie de chocolate con pistacho, sopa de chocolate blanco y helado de pimienta.
Canutillos con crema al calvados.
Carpaccio de pulpo con ajoblanco y trompetas de la muerte fritas.
Carpaccio de ternera, helado de garbanzos, piñones en vinagreta y queso Idiazábal.
Carré de cochinillo marinado y confitado al aroma de haba tonka y ensalada de mache texturizada...
Chipirones en su tinta con cuscús de verduritas.
Choquitos de Huelva con risotto en su tinta.
Chuletitas de cordero lechal con ajopollo malagueño y asadillo de verduras.
Chuletitas de lubina al sarmiento con foie de rape.
Cilindro de paté de pollo, queso de cabra caramelizado y fresón.
Compacto de arroz con leche con cremoso de aceite de oliva virgen.
Composición de pulpo con patata ahumada y repollo confitado.
Crema de patata ahumada con sensaciones dulces y alguna verdura.
Culto al chocolate.
El bote de canicas.
Ensalada de tomate, queso fresco y boquerones a la albahaca.
Ensalada rociera.
Ensalada templada de puntillitas.
Galleta de remolacha, queso fresco y coco.
Gazpacho de remolacha con virutas de atún marinado en soja.
Grillé de salmón con ternuras vegetales.
Huevos pochés con guiso de arroz y algas con sofrito de setas.
Jarrete de cerdo ibérico con cremoso de patata y tomatito grillé.
Lomos de merluza con almejas en salsa verde.
Lomitos de salmonete con escamas de patata.
Mejillones escabechados con pasta Wanton y queso feta.
Mero braseado, ragout de habitas baby y setas de temporada en su jugo y salsa de Martini seco.
Pastel de berenjenas y langostinos de Sanlúcar con salsa de cigalitas.
Pastel de hojaldre con crema de Karpy.
Pechuga de pollo de corral rellena de orejones y piñones sobre parmentier de calabaza y vainilla.
Ravioli de mango y bizcocho húmedo de almendras con sorbete de chocolate blanco.
Risotto de boletus y espárragos trigueros.
Sopa de guisantes con camarones de Andalucía alineados.
Suquet de salmonetes de roca.
Torrijas con bombilla.
Turbante de bogavante y calabacín con cremoso de trigueros y germinados.
Vainas de Lezama salteadas con jamón.
Zamburiñas a la gallega.
Agradecimientos
Créditos
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Explora Descubre Comparte
Desde que Santa Teresa difundiera urbi et orbi la idea de que Dios se movía siempre entre los pucheros, a los hombres de la religión les comenzó a interesar el hecho gastronómico. Tanto entusiasmo han puesto en este empeño a lo largo de la historia que los obispos ejercen en nuestra tradición de grandes aficionados a la buena mesa, y otra de las consecuencias ha sido que la dulcería nacional tenga, desde hace décadas, sus mejores escenarios en conventos, monasterios y abadías. Y en verdad consiguen el efecto principal: en todos ellos se elaboran delicias celestiales que simplifican y acortan el camino hacia la santificación y la divinidad.
En todas estas cosas debió pensar algún día Luis de Lezama Barañano, vasco (Amurrio, 1936), sacerdote, periodista y hostelero, cuando comenzó a unir rezos y pucheros y puso en marcha la Taberna del Alabardero, escenario que, si no santo, sí que ha contribuido desde entonces a la felicidad de los seres humanos, lo que es, al cabo, el objetivo básico de quienes visten hábitos, ya sea externa o internamente. La taberna se inauguró en 1974, pero la pasión culinaria de Luis había empezado en Chinchón diez años antes, por lo que se trata de una historia de medio siglo.
Fue allí, en Chinchón, donde con su amigo, Íñigo Miraflores, y también, en parte, conmigo, pensó en que para sacar de la calle, de la delincuencia, a una serie de maletillas, chicos jóvenes del pueblo, la mejor solución sería crear un espacio en el que pudieran trabajar con honradez y salir adelante. Naturalmente, a todos nos pareció que el espacio ideal era, precisamente, el de la restauración.
En Chinchón, como párroco, Luis dedicó más atención a que los lugares de restauración funcionaran de una manera más adecuada (es decir, que dieran trabajo, que permitieran comer razonablemente a sus habitantes, que promocionaran las visitas, etcétera) a otros aspectos quizá más espirituales que nunca dejó de vivir en primera persona.
Pero, tal vez, su forma de ver el apostolado fue ocuparse no solo de las almas de sus feligreses sino también de sus cuerpos. No solo de su educación cultural sino también de su bienestar físico. En el fondo siempre tuvo en cuenta lo de «Mens sana in corpore sano» y, probablemente, también aquella frase famosa «Primum vivere, deinde philosophari». Y debió de pensar que, para vivir, lo indispensable es comer.
El libro que, gracias a su generosidad, tengo el placer de presentar es una maravillosa aproximación a la singularidad de este gran personaje, pues incluye un riquísimo anecdotario, no solo sobre la cocina sino sobre su propia vida y las personas que por ella han desfilado. Además, se acompañan 50 recetas de los chefs que han pasado por los establecimientos del Grupo Lezama, platos que han sido disfrutados por relevantes personalidades y por individuos anónimos que también se cruzaron en la vida de don Luis. Todos se mezclan en esta obra cuyo autor, con su amena pluma y su fina ironía, nos hace sonreír.
Asimismo el libro nos ilustra respecto a que el «cura Lezama», a veces más ilustrado que clérigo, ha apostado —incluso desde los ya lejanos tiempos en que ejercía como párroco en el pueblo madrileño de Chinchón— por que sus feligreses renunciaran a todo tipo de ayuno o abstinencia visitando sus negocios hosteleros y, de paso, por dar trabajo e ilusión a una serie de «almas caídas en desgracia o en pecado», que han expurgado sus culpas al lado de un buen _soufflé_. Pero lo cierto es que sus proyectos empresariales siempre se han construido a partir de bases sostenibles y teniendo prioridad como la generación de nuevos puestos de trabajo.
Me parece realmente apasionante la peripecia hostelera de este atípico personaje, que paso a paso fue añadiendo otros restaurantes a su grupo —como el clásico Café de Oriente, también en Madrid y muy cerca de la Taberna del Alabardero, y otros establecimientos cercanos, como La Mar del Alabardero y La Botillería, y las otras Tabernas del Alabardero de Sevilla y Marbella—, antes de que se atreviera a «cruzar el charco» hacia América (operación especialmente dificultosa para que la realice alguien que usa sotana) e inaugurara la Taberna en Washington, cuya buena evolución ha certificado las buenas ideas de don Luis. Junto a ellos, una Fundación, dos hoteles y un servicio de catering a nivel nacional completan el llamado Grupo Lezama. ¿Quién se lo iba a decir cuando daba la comunión en Chinchón?
En todos sus restaurantes Luis de Lezama proyectó su personalidad, y no solo se ocupó de que sus clientes comieran adecuadamente y a un precio razonable sino, también y sobre todo, se ocupó del personal, de sus colaboradores, de los trabajadores. Siempre pensó que es más importante el servicio al prójimo que la calidad última de la comida, aunque en algunos de sus restaurantes se haya comido y se siga comiendo admirablemente bien.
Una de las grandes obras de don Luis ha sido la Escuela Superior de Gastronomía de Sevilla, en la que tuve la oportunidad de participar en varias inauguraciones del curso académico y en algunas de las clausuras.
Es curioso ver cómo también su espíritu deja huella, pues la Escuela de Hostelería de Sevilla se ha convertido en un centro de formación de referencia para la gastronomía de nuestro país.
Por este apasionante peregrinaje han desfilado, al lado del cura, los grandes personajes de la historia más reciente de España y del mundo, porque la Taberna, por encima de todo, siempre ha sido un gran lugar de encuentro. El gran escritor José Bergamín, devoto de la Plaza de Oriente y de todos sus locales, desempeñó un gran papel en este sentido, pero también Areilza, Adolfo Suárez y hasta un Felipe González que entonces tan solo se llamaba «Isidoro».
Luis también ha dado de comer a los papas más recientes, varias veces a Juan Pablo II, quien pudo disfrutar de las capacidades culinarias de uno de sus sacerdotes durante el viaje que realizó a España, allá por 1982 y en los años posteriores. También a Benedicto XVI, un pontífice de costumbres más austeras, y pronto espera dar de comer al papa Francisco.
Los platos de Luis de Lezama representan el compendio de la tradición culinaria española con la sombra de las tendencias modernas. Él ha conseguido esta síntesis, e insistiendo en la vocación pedagógica que siempre han tenido los curas, la divulga desde hace años a través de su Escuela Superior de Gastronomía de Sevilla.
Todas las circunstancias que nos relata de forma amena en este libro (pongan atención, por ejemplo, al epílogo) y algunas otras que Luis no cuenta (sin duda, por respeto al secreto de confesión) le hacen merecedor de un lugar de privilegio en nuestra restauración. Además, su bonhomía, sus preocupaciones de índole social y la irreprochable moral que ha presidido su trayectoria significan valores añadidos, algo con que adornar la excelencia de la mayoría de sus platos.
Lo más apasionante en la vida de Luis de Lezama empieza hace unos años, cuando prácticamente deja en manos de sus colaboradores los negocios de hostelería y el mundo empresarial en general para dedicarse de lleno a la tarea apostólica.
Es impresionante cómo, en muy pocos años, pone en marcha la parroquia y también el fantástico Colegio de Santa María la Blanca, donde tiene más de 1.800 alumnos. Da la sensación de que la mano de Dios le protege y le ayuda. Quizá porque con sus manos, con su inteligencia, con su sabiduría y, sobre todo, con su caridad y su amor al prójimo, convierte todo en un mundo de ilusión y de esperanza.
Yo he compartido este medio siglo de historia gastronómica y de amistad con Luis de Lezama y he asistido al impecable crecimiento de su actividad empresarial, que nunca colisionó con la pastoral, sino que se complementó con ella. Liderando equipos este sacerdote vasco ha sido capaz de desarrollar una impresionante labor social, puesto que, por encima de todo, ha sido un gran maestro de la cocina y de la vida. Y los establecimientos del Grupo Lezama siguen desempeñando esta labor.
Muchas décadas después del germen de esta aventura, creo que la hostelería española debería otorgar a don Luis, uno de sus personajes más generosos y, a la vez, más influyentes, el gran homenaje que merece.
RAFAEL ANSÓN
Presidente de la Real Academia de Gastronomía
Cuando Leonardo da Vinci viaja a Milán en 1482 buscándose la vida con un amigo músico, se hace una carta de presentación de sí mismo para Ludovico Sforza _el Moro_ , gobernador de la plaza, en la que dice:
« _No tengo par en la fabricación de puentes, fortificaciones, catapultas y otros muchos dispositivos secretos que no me atrevo a confiar a este papel. Mis pinturas y esculturas pueden compararse ventajosamente a las de cualquier otro artista. Soy maestro en contar acertijos y atar nudos. Y hago pasteles que no tienen igual_ » __.
Pocos conocen que Leonardo pasó treinta años como cocinero del gobernador y hasta regentó una taberna en el puente Vecchio de Florencia, llamada Los Tres Caracoles.
Yo podría escribir algo parecido de mí mismo:
« _Soy clérigo y periodista. Ahora hasta párroco. Hago buenos sermones. Pero he terminado haciendo pasteles. Mejor aún, ni siquiera eso. Haciendo que otros los hagan. ¡Y muy bien hechos!»_.
Mientras vosotros cocináis, siguiendo los consejos de nuestros habilidosos chefs que me ilustran con sus recetas, os voy a contar algunas de las muchas anécdotas que han pasado por las mesas de estas tabernas en cuarenta años de existencia. Aunque en realidad son cincuenta..., y más desde que yo, entonces un joven sacerdote de Chinchón, me propuse «no dar peces, sino enseñar a pescar» a los jóvenes que buscaban cómo vivir en una sociedad complicada.
En realidad todo empezó en Chinchón (Madrid) a finales de 1962. Era mi primer destino como sacerdote. Entonces sí que había crisis. Se nos iban en masa los jóvenes de los pueblos a las ciudades para buscar trabajo porque el campo no ofrecía oportunidades de desarrollo. Por aquel tiempo era tímida la gestión de la concentración parcelaria, en las tierras de secano o de regadío. Comenzaban por necesidad las iniciativas de cooperativizar el vino y la aceituna. Era yo un cura jovencito, llegado de Bilbao, acostumbrado al mundo del hollín y de la industria. Los horizontes amplios de la Vega del Tajuña eran contrapuestos a mis montañas que no solo recortan el paisaje, sino los pensamientos de sus gentes. Realmente había nacido en Amurrio durante la guerra civil. Inevitablemente soy un niño de la guerra. Desde pequeño supe que el hierro, la vaca, el rebaño de ovejas y los productos de la huerta familiar se daban la mano con las máquinas y las herramientas. Pero también supe lo que era compartir el fruto de la cartilla de razonamiento. Había escuchado que los de debajo de mi piso eran «fachas» y los de arriba, «rojos». Todo eso marca. Vivir y convivir era una pasión en la que influyó mucho la bondad sin prejuicios de mi madre y el carácter de bonhomía de mi padre. Mi padre era un hombre íntegro al que conocí buscando siempre un trabajo estable y digno. A ratos éramos felices y a ratos nos convertíamos en ricos-pobres. Yo lo notaba porque no me compraban camisas ni jerséis, ni pelotas de goma. Había que pasar con lo que teníamos según decía mi madre. Sin embargo, aun en la precariedad, siempre había un plato de más a la mesa por si venía alguien a compartir nuestra frugal comida.
Cuando llegué a Chinchón se me cayó el alma a los pies. Era un bello pueblo desconocido, socialmente lejos de Madrid por la falta de comunicación. Solo había una camioneta _La Veloz_ que salía a la mañana camino de Madrid y volvía a la tarde. Tantos eran los encantos de su gente y de su entorno que me sedujo. Era un pueblo lleno de callejas con cuestas empedradas, a menudo con cantos de tinajas como si fueran alfombras de alfareros, pero se despoblaba de jóvenes que iban a Madrid a buscar trabajo y luego no volvían. Por aquel entonces no solo quería salvar almas, sino también cuerpos. «No se puede predicar a estómagos vacíos», me decía a mí mismo. Me planteaba cómo hacer volver a los jóvenes a su pueblo para que pudieran vivir cerca de sus mayores y dar uso a aquellas maravillosas casonas y corrales. Para colmo empezaron a llegar por las carreteras otros jóvenes, «maletillas», «chulillos» __, chavales con el corazón en la cabeza que querían una oportunidad de ser toreros como El Cordobés. Eran chicos salidos de las calles de los arrabales de ciudades de provincia y de los pueblos más remotos de España. Yo estaba sorprendido, pues nunca había sabido de su existencia. Carecían de toda formación y de elemental cultura; aparecían de madrugada durmiendo en el pretil del convento de las Hermanas Clarisas. Se lavaban en la Fuenteabajo o en la Fuentearriba, donde se metían casi desnudos en los caños del abrevadero, para regocijo de las chiquillas. Poco a poco conseguí convencerlos para que vinieran a la rectoría y compartieran con los jóvenes de la parroquia simpatías, aficiones, además de ropa, comida y lecciones de cultura. Aquel invierno éramos ya una familia de ocho y hasta de diez o doce miembros. Así aprendí yo lo que era la necesidad de comer y tener razones para vivir. El primer invierno fue duro. La gente del pueblo, compadecida de nuestra situación, ponía aceite, pan, huevos y cereales a la puerta de mi casa para dar de comer a «los maletillas del cura».
Por aquel entonces en el terreno culinario se admiraba mucho a Cándido de Segovia: el gran mesonero de Castilla atraía la atención de los extranjeros que se perdían por España y de los españoles que podían comer un buen cordero o un buen lechazo horneado en sus fogones. Siempre me había dicho mi abuela Asun que en el norte se guisa, en el centro se asa y en el sur se fríe. Fiado de la fama de aquel personaje me fui una tarde de invierno a Segovia a ver a Cándido para suplicarle que viniera a Chinchón, donde habíamos inaugurado en una casa de la parroquia el Club Santiago, con objeto de reunir a los jóvenes, crear iniciativas que desarrollaran el emprendimiento del pueblo y provocar la convivencia en torno a un plan de desarrollo turístico. Compré un horno de media bola de cerámica y lo instalé en un rincón del hogar Santiago. Cándido accedió a enseñarnos su arte de cocción del cochinillo, su manejo del horno y de la parrilla de leña para el cordero. Al fin y al cabo, Chinchón había sido históricamente más segoviano que castellano-manchego. Los hábitos —poco a poco— y las proposiciones de comer en Chinchón cambiaron. El cuarto y mitad de longaniza de Valentín el Tocinero se fue convirtiendo en cuartos traseros y cuartos delanteros y chuletillas de cordero. Las ricas migas, los puches y las gachas de nuestras abuelas reverdecieron. Bajaron las calorías de la dieta habitual de la gente, acostumbrada al chocolate de Villajoyosa que los vendedores promocionaban desde sus camionetas en la plaza Mayor: regalaban un cubo de plástico por cada diez tabletas. En aquel fervor gastronómico de Chinchón hasta las Hermanas Clarisas empezaron a hacer soplillos, rosquillas y unos ricos hornazos con sabor a anís de la Alcoholera que los paisanos dieron en llamar «tetas de novicia». Aún siguen produciendo este rico manjar en la panadería de «las Lolas» en la plaza Mayor.
Con el tiempo, Chinchón ha pasado a ser permanentemente una fiesta de la gastronomía española. Se abrieron las cuevas de las casas llenas de tinajas de vino, ubres espléndidas del varietal de sus términos, el tempranillo. Los portalones y los patios se convirtieron en mesones, y hasta las procesiones en manifestaciones de gente bien alimentada. Hemos descubierto que nuestra cultura coquinaria es un tesoro escondido para la vida de nuestro pueblo. Mis jóvenes, que cada año se incrementaban con nuevos caminantes que buscaban un hueco social en la aventura de la vida, aprendieron letras. Además de usar la cuchara ya utilizaban el tenedor y eran capaces de pelar gambas con la ayuda de un cuchillo. Eso era cultura y luego vino la historia.
La historia ha sido más compleja. Después de Chinchón cuando llegué a Vallecas, a mi parroquia de San Carlos Borromeo (1965), no esperaba que los chavales de la calle, los hijos de nadie y los huidos de la precariedad vinieran conmigo. Las destartaladas chabolas de Entrevías Viejo, sus barrizales y sus verbenas de luces enganchadas anárquicamente a un triste alumbrado público fue un hábitat acogedor para mí y mi comunidad de errantes. Cada noche variaba el número de los que me seguían: unos se iban a su aventura y nuevos entraban en la nuestra. Las casitas 315 y 317 de la UVA, Unión Vecinal de Absorción, fueron un hogar inolvidable. Allí, entre sus frágiles paredes, alineados en literas de a tres, el de abajo mío podría ser el último acogido, en el último minuto de la noche, sin identificación necesaria, venido de la cárcel de Carabanchel o de un lugar por el que nunca preguntábamos. Aquel «albergue de la juventud» era terreno franco, lugar sin fondo, casa de todos. Lo único exigible era la ducha. El hambre se compartía con los escasos recursos que aportábamos al volver del trabajo del día. Nos resultaba exquisita la sopa de pelargón, sí de pelargón, aquellos polvos que dábamos a las madres lactantes, que excedía las necesidades del barrio, la leche en polvo americana mezclada con malta y un queso que llamábamos cheddar. En aquel tiempo la fiesta tenía una gastronomía especial: un pollo asado, que vendían en el puente de Vallecas, dorado en su jugo en unas pantallas de butano.
Ya sé, amable lector, que os estoy poniendo mal cuerpo y que tú lo que has comprado es un libro de cocina, no un evangelio de la pobreza, pero es que para comprender lo excelso de lo que viene a continuación hay que saber que partimos de esto. Si no te encuentras con ánimo no sigas leyéndome. Recuerda esta página. Señálala. Volverás algún día.
La situación era insostenible. Yo no sabía qué hacer. Cáritas me negó el saludo porque, según sesudos varones de la época, este lío me lo había buscado yo sin contar con la Iglesia. A partir de entonces hice el firme propósito de que jamás pediríamos nada a nadie. Teníamos que aprender a vivir de nuestro trabajo. Una noche, a la hora de la cena, cuando nos juntamos todos, después de un riguroso turno de duchas calientes con la única bombona de butano, les pregunté a mis muchachos: «¿Qué hacemos? ¿En qué podemos trabajar?».
El butano duraba diez duchas: el undécimo se duchaba con agua fría, así que nos pegábamos por los turnos de llegada. La hora de la reflexión era siempre la reunión en torno a la mesa y a la sopa caliente. Allí cada uno explicaba, según sus ganas de hacerlo, lo que le había pasado durante el día. Era una puesta en común muy significativa porque los silencios también contaban. El desanimado buscaba ánimo y los recursos estaban marcados por los afectos que se iban creando entre unos y otros.
El Gorino dijo que él no había venido de tan lejos para trabajar, sino para ser torero. Lo miré de arriba abajo, era un muchacho enjuto y mal formado, con brazos atrofiados seguramente por la polio. Su imagen era en realidad poco estética, cuando toreaba de salón era tragicómico verlo. Pero él quería ser torero aunque no tenía figura. Tuve que aceptarlo. Tino, el explosivo de la Mancha, como él se decía, era alto y moreno, disciplinado y serio, trabajador. Aunque el miedo le podía cuando se tiraba al ruedo en las vaquillas de capea. Era el único que trabajaba como peón y aportaba un sueldo a nuestra comunidad. El Bormujano tenía que entrenarse porque estaba apuntado para las oportunidades de Vista Alegre. Angelito, el de Ciudad Real, tenía chepa. Los demás se la tocaban porque decían que daba buen fario. Él solo sabía cortar el pelo y en las chabolas le daban dos pesetas de vez en cuando por hacerlo. Había algunos más que no sabíamos ni quiénes eran, ni de dónde venían ni adónde iban. Todo lo repartíamos entre todos, las mantas de alguna buena gente conocida y la ropa de los hijos. Eduardo, el llamado Niño de los Frailes, dijo aquella noche: «Don Luis, la solución es ir a la "rebusca" en los estercoleros de la China y el Japón. Lo que saquemos lo llevamos al chamarilero y, con lo que nos dé, hacemos caja común para los gastos de la casa y la comida, y si sobra lo repartimos. No podemos pasar más hambre».
Efectivamente, teníamos cerca los estercoleros de la gran ciudad. En la China mandaba un payo, en el Japón un gitano. Hubo que ir a pedirles permiso, y se portó mejor el gitano que el payo. Con nuestros sacos de plástico atados a la cintura, cubiertas las manos con guantes de goma, en la derecha nuestra garra o manquillo para revolver la basura, entrábamos a partir de las cinco de la mañana hasta las diez, cuando ya se habían ido los privilegiados de la busca. Cogíamos lo que no querían los que iban por delante. Nuestro patio de la casita 315 se llenaba de chatarra que acumulábamos para alquilar un isocarro y llevarlo al chatarrero. Vivíamos entre desechos y no tardaron en aparecer las ratas. El barrio tenía un deficiente saneamiento y las ratas hacían estragos: le mordieron en la pierna a la señora Juana, nuestra vecina y ayuda en las tareas de la casa. Murió al poco tiempo de gangrena en la chabola cercana. Lo siento.
De aquello a abrir una taberna en la calle Felipe V de Madrid, junto al Teatro Real, en la plaza de Oriente no hubo más que un paso, pero era un paso de gigante. En medio de aquella situación de Entrevías me había decidido a hacer periodismo e ir todas las mañanas a la Universidad Complutense para coronarlo con una licenciatura en Medios de Comunicación. Pensaba de ese modo poderme desintoxicar del agobio en el que estaba metido con mis muchachos y el albergue. Por aquel entonces el cardenal Tarancón me había encomendado, nada más ni nada menos, la misión de ser delegado de Vocaciones Sacerdotales en el Seminario de Madrid, lo cual parecía dar un cierto relieve a mi poco cuidada carrera eclesiástica. Así pasaron cinco años alternando charlas a universitarios con noches de negro satín en las cloacas de una ciudad que crecía por las periferias. A menudo bajábamos hasta Legazpi, donde se alineaban los vagones de mercancía próximos al mercado de frutas y verduras. Allí se albergaba la carroña y el hampa de la ciudad. En sus corrillos a la luz de la lumbre se repartían funciones de rateros, truhanes y golpes contra la posesión ajena y el orden. Pero en aquellos ambientes el cura de los maletillas y sus muchachos eran bien recibidos. Siempre sacábamos algo, aunque solo fueran la fruta machacada y las verduras de las descargas que repartían los asentadores si ayudábamos en los muelles. Allí conocía a mucha gente de cuyas vidas solo he sabido algo en las páginas de sucesos. Se me acercaban pidiendo que rezara por su madre o por sus seres queridos, de los que algunos no conocían su paradero ni sus oficios. Yo era feliz compartiendo el café negro de aquellas pandillas hasta buscar el amanecer y terminar la madrugada en la ducha caliente de la casita de Entrevías.
Al cabo de los años, por las mañanas, empecé a ayudar en el arzobispado y a ser un poco el «chico de los papeles» de la secretaría del cardenal Tarancón, a las órdenes del padre José María Martín Patino S. J. Trabajar allí supuso un gran contraste con la vida que había llevado recientemente: por las noches no podía olvidar mi albergue y mi gente; aterrizaba todos los días con la curiosidad de saber qué habían hecho mis muchachos y el pan sobrante que me daban las monjas del seminario. Mi modesto salario servía de alivio a los gastos de la casa. Por otro lado, asistíamos al final del trayecto de la dictadura del general Franco. Se muñían cambios sociales y políticos. La Iglesia había emprendido un rumbo nuevo con el Concilio Vaticano II y el papa Pablo VI trataba con mucha _finezza_ el tema de España a través de su secretario de Estado, Jean-Marie Villot, y sobre todo de monseñor Giovanni Benelli, mientras que en España seguía las directrices el nuncio monseñor Luigi Dadaglio.
Este paso de gigante me lo ayudó a dar en 1974 mi amigo Íñigo Álvarez de Toledo, conde de Eril, que se empeñó, paseando un día por la plaza de Oriente, al recogerme en el arzobispado, en que allí teníamos que abrir una taberna dedicada a los olvidados alabarderos, la guardia del Palacio Real; en dicha taberna, que sería el sustento de nuestro albergue de juventud, trabajarían los muchachos. Yo no sabía qué era un alabardero y me lo explicó: «Algún día volverán, Luis», sentenció Íñigo mientras nos comíamos una gallina en pepitoria en Casa Ciriaco.
Nunca pensé en ser un afamado tabernero del Madrid de los Austrias, y menos en aquel momento confuso. Íñigo, con su simpatía y capacidad de relaciones humanas, me sedujo. Fui cómplice en pedir a Jaime Carvajal Urquijo, director del Banco Urquijo, un pequeño crédito para empezar el proyecto de convertir un destartalado local vacío en un bistró a la española. La afición de Íñigo a las antigüedades y nuestros paseos por el Rastro madrileño llenó de cachivaches sus paredes. Y nuestra imaginación creó una historia verosímil: la de Margarita, esposa de un alabardero y dueña de aquel establecimiento que se convirtió en lugar de citas para el rey Alfonso XII. Todo se planeó gracias a la creatividad de Íñigo, que también se empeñó en hacer de los muchachos de mi albergue, y de alguno más, unos expertos, como si fueran camareros de Jockey. A mí me tocó buscar un cocinero vasco en Bilbao. Recordé a un joven de Lequeitio, Patxi Bericua, a quien el mejor cocinero lego de los jesuitas de Durango había enseñado sus artes; en aquellos momentos estaba en los fogones de Panié Fleurí en Rentería con el señor Fombellida. Patxi hizo nacer la cocina del Alabardero durante años. Luego vino Ángel Lorente desde Pasajes de San Juan; Juan Marcos, de Calvarrasa (Salamanca), que hoy es chef gerente de Sevilla; Roberto Hierro, de Ramales de la Victoria (Cantabria), hoy chef del Café de Oriente en Madrid; Josu Zubikaray, de Iciar (Guipúzcoa); hasta Alberto Bueno, de Soto del Barco (Asturias), actual chef del Alabardero de Madrid; José Sanz, de Cascajares (Segovia), actualmente chef del Senado; Benjamín Alloza, de Alcañiz (Teruel), actualmente chef de La Meridiana de Marbella y El Álamo de Málaga; Lorenzo Claver, de Abechuco (Álava), chef del Alabardero Playa en San Pedro de Alcántara; Fermín López, de Barbastro (Huesca), del Alabardero de Sevilla; Miguel Ángel Prieto, chef de la Escuela de Hostelería de Sevilla; Pablo Gómez, de Oviedo (Asturias), chef pastelero en la Escuela de Hostelería de Sevilla; Javier Romero, de Aranjuez (Madrid), chef del Alabardero de Washington D. C.; Francisco Hierro, de Ramales de la Victoria (Cantabria), chef de Iruaritz, caserío de turismo rural en Lezama (Álava); Jon Herrero, de Madrid, chef del Museo del Traje de Madrid; Javier Tovar, de Madrid, chef de la Botillería del Café de Oriente de Madrid; Carlos Gómez, de Aranjuez (Madrid), chef de La Mar del Alabardero de Madrid.
Sus conocimientos y los de más de quince chefs del Grupo Lezama están en estas recetas para compartir con nuestros amigos. Así que disfrútalas y ponte a enredar en la cocina mientras yo te cuento anécdotas y sucedidos que han ocupado nuestras sobremesas. No manches mucho. Lo más duro es limpiar la cocina después.
Yo soy consciente de que no sé una papa de cocina. Pero he visto tanto... Me ha tocado ser jurado de mí mismo y de otros muchos para juzgar lo que se cocina por medio mundo, por lo que me permito aconsejar a mis clientes y amigos. Y, por supuesto, también a mis alumnos en la Escuela Superior de Hostelería de Sevilla donde aún me desangro cada curso tratando de hacer valer, clase a clase, el inmenso talento de los jóvenes, verdadero capital humano de nuestro grupo. Yo soy consciente de que las escuelas de hostelería han sido las parientes pobres de la cultura de este país. Durante años, con las manos llenas de dinero europeo, las escuelas de formación profesional de hostelería y turismo servían a los políticos de turno para mercadear sus votos en las ciudades de provincias hoy llamadas autonomías. Ahora que las subvenciones del dinero público vienen con cuentagotas se han cerrado muchas escuelas que subvencionaban hasta sus alumnos convirtiendo la profesión en una oportunidad no vocacionada.
Este servidor quería hacer una escuela. Comprendo que en aquellos años era insólito ver a un cura, tabernero y que no sabe de cocina, querer hacer una escuela: la utopía estaba servida. Pero al hacer la taberna en Madrid nos dimos cuenta de mi carencia de conocimientos y las de mis chicos: no era tan fácil ser tabernero. Tuvimos que recurrir a quienes sabían y nos pudieran enseñar. Así fichamos a Paco Pena, un joven _maître_ de un restaurante popular que se incorporó para gestionar el servicio de sala. Hasta el lenguaje hubo que adaptarlo porque mis jóvenes decían, por ejemplo, «papas» y no patatas.
De este modo, la primera escuela fue la propia Taberna del Alabardero de Madrid. Entrábamos tempranito, unos a la cocina y otros al comedor. Para entonces ya había dado una vuelta por el mercado de la Cebada en la plaza de la Latina. Cantalejo era mi pescadero y me enseñaba con orgullo las agallas de las merluzas en su puesto para demostrarme su frescura. Me decía: «Esta noche aún estaban en la mar de Galicia. Son de pincho, no de arrastre. Han viajado toda la noche para que hoy las ponga usted en su plato a un buen cliente».
Yo me lo creía y lo reproducía al primer aventurado que se ponía a la mesa. Durante mucho tiempo, por más que me lavaba, las manos con las que decía misa me olían a pescado fresco del Norte. Era inevitable. Al principio la compra en el mercado de cada día era un sacrificio que me tocaba hacer a mí. Me convencí que era la clave del restaurante. Llevaba las cuentas tímidamente en una libreta roja de hule que aún conservo: es como un trofeo, aún hoy cuando la miro evoca madrugones, cansancio y fatiga. También satisfacciones de objetivos conseguidos por la constancia. Se alinean las horas y los días, los números reales de la caja anterior y los siempre inalcanzables presupuestos. En alguna de sus páginas se lee: «Para hacer veinte raciones de chipirones en su tinta necesito 4 kilos, que a X pesetas supone X en total. Luego los tengo que vender a X pesetas el plato».
En aquellos vulgares escandallos no me cuadraban nunca los otros ingredientes, el tiempo, la mano de obra, los costes fijos y los impuestos. Siempre hacía cálculos al alza, y alguna vez acertaba. Me daba mucha rabia no saber de esto; sin embargo, inicié un tanteo de confianza cuando, con el tiempo, algún colega se prestó a la confidencia. Pero qué duro era ganarle dinero a la merluza de pincho porque siempre había un elemento imponderable: la mano de Patxi. Las buenas manos de un cocinero te pueden llevar al triunfo o a la ruina. Patxi era demasiado generoso con el cliente. El pesar las raciones era casi imposible y los 125 gramos reglamentarios de una ración de solomillo pasaban a 200 gramos sin darnos cuenta, lo cual quebrantaba el arqueo de nuestras cajas. «¡Vaya pedazos de raciones que dan en la taberna del cura!», se decían unos a otros los clientes.
Decididamente yo necesitaba una escuela; no obstante, nadie a mi alrededor comprendía mi desespero. Si me iba a confesar con mi director espiritual don José Gálvez, me decía: «Estás loco, Luis. Te estás volviendo loco: la dirección espiritual no sabe de esas materias. Yo no te puedo aconsejar si es mejor el besugo que la merluza, la falda de ternera que el chuletón de buey para tu negocio, así que rézale a la Virgen para que te ilumine».
Lo único que pedí a Dios en esos momentos fue que me diera una escuela. Le puse como disculpa que quería formar a mis chavales, pero el más necesitado de formación de aquel género era yo. Mientras Íñigo decía que tenían que aprender inglés y protocolo, yo sentía que había que aprender matemáticas, cálculo y contabilidad. No era fácil. Al acabar los servicios, aunque fuera muy tarde por la noche, mientras lavábamos nosotros mismos los manteles y las servilletas, y las poníamos a secar sobre las sillas para plancharlas a la mañana siguiente, alguien recitaba en voz alta las tablas de multiplicar o nos quedábamos dormidos sobre los cuadernos de dictados. Esa fue la primera academia en la Taberna del Alabardero de Madrid.
Aún no habíamos sido invadidos por la _nouvelle cuisine_ : estábamos aprendiendo de la gramática culinaria francesa y, sobre todo, de la rica cocina vasca que Patxi nos aportaba. Juan Marcos vino a ayudarlo, y me aterró verlo con melena hasta los hombros y carácter, pero era un joven de un tesón inusitado que ahí sigue. El brioche estaba de moda, era un tránsito adelantado de las cosas nuevas que luego vinieron de Francia. La primera vez que vimos salir de las manos de Patxi en nuestra cocina un brioche se nos saltaban las lágrimas. Yo, que hacía de _maître_ ante una carta elemental redactada a mano con mi caligrafía, sobre un papel pautado, dada la cercanía del Real, me emocioné diciendo a mis clientes: «Y también tenemos brioche de solomillo».
Además se repartía tan bien, era tan limpio como sabroso. No sé por qué se ha dejado de hacer y no figura en los menús actuales. Cuando los clientes me preguntaban cómo se hacía, tenía que correr a la cocina para interrogar a Patxi y tomar nota en mi libro de comandas:
Limpiar bien el solomillo y sazonarlo. Dorarlo a fuego vivo en aceite de oliva. Luego ponerlo sobre una rejilla para que vaya escurriendo. Colocar los ingredientes de la costra con hierbas juntos, pan rallado, perejil, perifollo y aceite. Sazonarlo.
Luego preparar la pasta para el brioche. Con la harina tamizada hacer un volcán y poner en el centro la levadura desleída en 3 centilitros de agua. Coger sal fina y azúcar para espolvorear el exterior de la harina y evitar así cualquier contacto con la levadura. Añadir dos huevos batidos. Batir la pasta con energía para que quede elástica. Se puede batir con la batidora de gancho. Incorporar mantequilla y colocar la pasta en un cuenco grande. Cubrirlo con papel film y dejarla levar durante 30-40 minutos a 28 o 30 grados centígrados. La pasta duplicará su volumen. Doblarla sobre sí misma y refrigerarla para que no se endurezca durante 45 minutos. Aplastarla luego con un rodillo hasta que alcance 5 o 6 milímetros de grosor y formar con ella un rectángulo (los recortes pueden utilizarse para hacer adornos). Extender la costra de hierbas sobre la pasta. Poner el horno a 28-30 grados centígrados y dejar levar después de haber enrollado el solomillo de buey y haberlo envuelto en la pasta. En 30 minutos la pasta habrá duplicado su volumen. Finalmente, dorar con la preparación de huevo batido y mezclado en horno seco a 190 grados centígrados durante 30 minutos según el punto que quiera dársele. Puede lustrarse con mantequilla clarificada y servirlo en una fuente.
_Ingredientes para 6 personas:_
900 g de centro de solomillo de buey
100 g de pan rallado
4 cl de aceite de oliva para la cocción
Manojito de perejil
Manojito de perifollo
5 cl de aceite de oliva
1 huevo
30 g de mantequilla clarificada
Sal fina
Pimienta del molinillo
_Pasta para el brioche:_
220 g de harina
6 g de levadura de panadero fresca
15 g de azúcar
2 huevos enteros
110 g de mantequilla
Sal fina
Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 15 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 50 minutos
Poco a poco hacíamos escuela al andar. Lo mejor era que los clientes nos enseñaban: dialogábamos mucho con ellos y aprendíamos. Recuerdo un día que se presentó el rey Simeón de Bulgaria. En aquel tiempo Teodoro Librero _el Bormujano_ hacía funciones de _maître_ , luego llegó a matador de toros. Las piernas le temblaban más que ante un _vitorino_ cuando, siguiendo nuestras indicaciones, tuvo que preguntarle: «Alteza, ¿qué quiere _comé_ su _Majestá_?».
Por otra parte mis jóvenes, al tratar con personas cultas, moderaban y pulían su vocabulario y su modo de presentarse, por lo que no había que insistir en la limpieza de los zapatos y el arreglo de las uñas como en un principio. Yo era consciente de que venían a nuestro modesto restaurante de catorce mesas por el boca a boca de los amigos: eran indulgentes y nosotros, generosos, lo que se veía en los precios. Había que ver las raciones generosas de Patxi. Alguna benemérita dama había dicho a su marido al salir: «Para ser una obra de caridad del cura y sus muchachos no está mal...».
A mí eso me ofendía. Siempre aspirábamos a ser profesionales, y por eso necesitábamos una escuela.
Clodoaldo Cortés era el dueño de Jockey y del Club 31. Tuvo noticias de mí y vino a verme. Sus consejos continuaron en días felices en los que me invitaba los lunes, cuando nosotros cerrábamos, a cenar a su mesa en el Club 31. En aquellas imborrables cenas, yo miraba de reojo todo lo que pasaba en aquel recinto de la alta sociedad madrileña; Cortés me daba lecciones de gobernanza para mi restaurante: me hablaba con desparpajo de la picaresca de la profesión, decía cosas tan sencillas que se sintetizaban en axiomas como: «Donde tienes la olla no metas la polla», «Para ser un buen cocinero hay que vivir atormentado por el qué dirán», «La puré es un estado de nervios. Hay que dominarlos», «Nunca consientas que los cocineros manden más que los camareros. Ese día estás acabado», «El cubo de basuras es la radiografía de tu restaurante. Contrólalo: mira lo que se tira. Seguro que hay más de un solomillo pasado o de un pescado abrasado por la negligencia de tus cocineros. ¡Eso son costes!».
Yo admiraba a Clodoaldo, hasta el punto de que lo nombré director espiritual adjunto. Lo llamaban el «pollo pera». En aquel entonces Jockey era el sanctasanctórum de la cocina española. Si buena era su cocina, mejor era la disciplina de su sala dirigida por el gran Félix. Clemencio Fuentes, su chef, con el que establecí una gran amistad, me confió cómo había hecho las célebres patatas San Clemencio: «Asé una patata, la vacié y mezclé la pulpa con el tuétano, añadiendo trufa y foie-gras francés; por encima puse unas láminas de tuétano y crema».
Si tú, amable lector, te atreves, inténtalo y degustarás un exquisito manjar.
La escuela de los amigos me daba pistas pero yo necesitaba una formación más profesional, y los míos también. Algunos abandonaban el trabajo, dado que no estábamos acostumbrados a tantas horas de pie y a soportar las noches después del Real hasta las dos o las tres de la madrugada. Pronto cundieron las desavenencias, las ambiciones y las discrepancias que generaban peleas. Estábamos demasiado tiempo juntos, obsesionados por sacar el restaurante adelante y por encontrar un hueco en la competencia madrileña. Madrid había pasado de las casas de comida con menú sobre mantel de hule al que, sin pedirlos te aportaban la frasca de vino manchego y el sifón o la casera, a los restaurantes del bistró a la española. Nosotros éramos conscientes de que habíamos sacado la mesa de camilla de nuestras casas a un comedor público, de que hacíamos los guisos al estilo de los domingos en casa de la abuela que requerían tiempo y dedicación como la cochura de fumet de pescado y de carne, cuando el marido y la mujer ya trabajaban largas horas en un ambiente de sociedad distinta. Éramos el recurso de la generación yupi para poder seguir degustando los chipirones en su tinta, los callos a la madrileña, la merluza en salsa verde y hasta la boronía de la rica cocina andalusí, todos platos que se iban perdiendo con el tiempo. Algunas veces te encontrabas en las mesas familias que decían a sus hijos: «Esta sopa de pescado es igualita que la que hacía tu abuela cuando aún vivía».
Nos habíamos convertido en el «eslabón perdido» de la cocina de nuestros abuelos con la generación de la España del desarrollo y nos salieron numerosos imitadores: muchos restaurantes con mantel de algodón de cuadros y ofertas tan inalcanzables como un buen arroz con leche de la tía Margarita.
Pero mis muchachos a menudo se quejaban: «¿Cuándo dejarán de tratarnos como a una asociación de caridad?»; «Si no nos lo regalan..., curramos como el que más»; «Hay clientes que nos perdonan la vida. Nos preguntan si hemos salido de la cárcel o de la inclusa»; «Las propinas aquí son más escasas que en otros restaurantes»; «Yo creo que algunos no vienen porque piensan que el cura les va a pegar un sablazo para la Iglesia».
Esto me dolía, pues nunca quise vivir de la caridad ni de la limosna. Escuchaba de todo. Al principio vestía con ropa sencilla y sin corbata, hasta que me di cuenta de que el rigor que imponía nuestra clientela por las noches del Real me exigía usar camisa y corbata, pero no por eso disimulaba mi condición de clérigo. Algunos me preguntaban con morbo: «¿Cuándo se ha secularizado?». A lo que yo contestaba: «Nunca. De momento no lo pienso hacer». Oía decir a alguna señora sentada a una mesa: «¡Jesús!, no sé cómo se lo consienten. Este cura es un mal ejemplo». Y más de uno aseguraba: «Me quejaré a Suquía, el nuevo arzobispo, porque Tarancón ha sido muy permisivo con él».
Nunca recibí ninguna queja ni de Tarancón ni de Suquía, aunque sospecho que no me miraban de igual modo uno que otro. No obstante, los cardenales ya tenían suficientes quebraderos de cabeza con salvar a España del racionalismo liberal.
He de confesar que algunas noches, cuando motivado por la creciente actividad del Teatro Real, me quedaba sin pan, sin vino y sin aceite, tenía que recurrir al colmado de la esquina. Martín era mi bodega y mi alacena. También mi prestamista. A veces la cuenta de Martín crecía en demasía y no teníamos con qué pagarle; entonces este venía al final de la jornada y requisaba la caja, aunque con muy buenas formas: estaba claro que nos necesitábamos mutuamente.
En realidad no tenía dónde caerme muerto. El dinero que entraba en la caja se gastaba inmediatamente en mejoras, en pagar a los albañiles, en vajilla e instrumental de más calidad. El contratista de las obras me llevó a los tribunales y también requisó la caja hasta que cumplió la deuda. Con un éxito aparente, cierto descontrol interno, fueron años de penurias e incertidumbres. De vez en cuando faltaba dinero en la caja y nos mirábamos unos a otros con miedo de conocer una acusación que rompiera los vínculos ideales entre nosotros. Yo trataba de ocultar algunas cosas por el bien común.
El vino era un capítulo importante en la Taberna. Empezamos a dar vino de la cooperativa de Chinchón en frascas. Lo traíamos por arrobas en una furgonetilla 2 caballos comprada de segunda mano y luego hacíamos el trasiego. Más adelante se empezó a valorar el ofrecer una pequeña carta de vinos, y lo pacté con Martín porque no podíamos comprar cantidades. Tardamos mucho en tener nuestra pequeña bodega, en la que apostamos por Cune, que nos hacía buen precio y siempre era un rioja de calidad. Asimismo, desde el primer momento Freixenet nos ayudó a tener los caldos de sus bodegas y el cava a punto. Faustino Martínez era un tío que empezaba en La Rioja alavesa, al que promocionamos durante años sin más compensación que la de hacernos las tarjetas gratis. Cuando esa bodega se hizo importante se olvidó de nosotros. Su hijo, Julio Martínez, sigue ignorando al Grupo Lezama.
Por su parte, Manolo, el de las Lolas, me mandaba todos los días ese buen pan blanco de bonetillo que aún hace en Chinchón; lo íbamos a recoger a La Veloz cuando llegaba todas las mañanas a Atocha: mojado en leche o con aceite era mi mejor desayuno. Lo de mojar en aceite en aquel entonces no se estilaba; así, un día lo ofrecí a una mesa muy _chic_ y me dijeron: «Padre, eso es una ordinariez. ¿Cómo voy yo a mojar pan en aceite aquí delante de esta clientela tan selecta?».
¡Cómo han cambiado los tiempos! Y las personas: la baronesa Von Thyssen era una joven simpática y atractiva que había conocido en Chinchón algún fin de semana con unos cuantos amigos de Madrid. Les gustaba ir a divertirse y a comer en un Chinchón que empezaba a ser conocido por sus buenos asados. Entonces la baronesa se llamaba simplemente Carmen Cervera. Cuando apareció en la Taberna, después de un concierto en el Teatro Real, ya era la baronesa Von Thyssen-Bornemisza.
Esto de conocer gente que luego se hizo famosa era una gozada: el restaurante se convertía en verdadera escuela de la vida. En cuanto alguien se subía al papel cuché o salía en la revista ¡ _Hola_! ya venía a la Taberna con grandes ínfulas. Si había lista de espera para ocupar mesa tenías que tener la delicadeza de saber considerar su rango y hacer como que los colabas. La Taberna se estaba convirtiendo en el gran teatro del mundo. Los protagonistas del concierto en el Teatro Real no faltaban a sus citas con los admiradores. Hasta la carta se hizo más cursi: pasamos del «lenguado a la _meunière_ » a las «popietas de lenguado con salsa de cava y gelatina de mejillones». Menos mal que rectificamos a tiempo...
El Alabardero, lugar de reuniones, se hizo famoso pronto. Las noches del Real y la confluencia de gente intelectual que traían mis amigos le dieron popularidad. Todos los lunes nos juntábamos unos cuantos compañeros periodistas capitaneados por Luis Carandell, Vicente Verdú, Miguel Ángel Aguilar, Andrés Berlanga, Manu Eléxpuru, Ángel García Pindado, Manuel Rodríguez Aragón, Javier García Navarro, José Luis García Pérez y Félix Santos. De vez en cuando también venía Paco Jiménez Alemán. Todos ellos eran columnistas conocidos de los diarios de moda — _El País, Diario 16, ABC...—_ y revistas — _Cambio_ y _Triunfo—_. Nos dio por premiar al «tonto contemporáneo», para lo cual establecimos unas bases muy severas. El trofeo era una tiza engarzada en una cinta de la bandera española. En aquellos momentos del arranque de una democracia inédita algunos españolitos decían y hacían cosas muy singulares: la sensatez no estaba bien vista. Ciertos meritorios políticos se paseaban por los medios diciendo cosas y andando como patos, buscando el posicionamiento y el prestigio o simplemente el darse a conocer en la nueva sociedad que se avecinaba. Todos asistíamos de espectadores a una dictadura que se desangraba. Para ejemplo de las chirigotas que ofrecían nuestras tertulias de los lunes y el sentido del humor (no reñido con un gran sentido de la responsabilidad) con que nos tomábamos la transición española, tengo a bien deleitar a mis lectores con el _Acta del Jurado_ de la concesión del premio El Tonto Contemporáneo 1986 a mi recordado amigo Jesús Aguirre y Ortiz de Zárate, duque de Alba, redactada por Luis Carandell:
Exigiendo las Bases del Concurso la presentación de pliego circunstanciado de méritos para aspirar a este preciado galardón, la Tertulia del Alabardero declara que buscaba a personas que, además de cumplir con las condiciones exigidas, es a saber:
a) Ser españoles
b) Ser tontos
c) Ser contemporáneos
Reunieran los siguientes requisitos:
1. Que, habiendo sido embajador espiritual de la Escuela de Frankfurt, se presentara en la Real Academia para su discurso de toma de posesión con el pecho abrumado de condecoraciones.
2. Que siendo un intelectual crítico y uno de los más cualificados representantes del pesimismo con habermasiano, pudiera declarar públicamente: «Mi esposa, la duquesa, me acerca al pueblo».
3. Que habiendo defendido a ultranza su mismidad, pudiera proponer la dispersión geográfica de su nombre que suponen las siguientes declaraciones a un periódico: «En algunas tarjetas, he mandado imprimir los dos títulos, el de duque de Alba y el de conde de Aranda. Pero cuando estoy en Sevilla utilizo otras tarjetas donde pone duque de Alba-conde-duque de Olivares, de la misma forma que, cuando estoy en Salamanca me gusta utilizar otras en las que pone duque de Alba-conde de Monterrey; si estoy en Galicia, duque de Alba-conde de Lemos y si estoy en Aragón, duque de Alba-conde de Aranda, o duque de Híjar, según».
4. Haber descrito en su discurso a su predecesor, el duque de Alba, como un «mendigo de la libertad y de la Ilustración» durante los primeros años del franquismo, añadiendo que «mientras tanto, el director de la Academia, don Pedro Laín Entralgo, (que estaba presente en el estrado) era consejero del Movimiento».
5. Haber afirmado en su discurso que «el Gobierno de Aragón y yo dimos al conde de Aranda digna sepultura».
6. Haber empleado la palabra «mètier» y la palabra... en declaraciones públicas en las mismas fechas de su toma de posesión del sillón de la Real Academia Española de la Lengua.
7. Haber hablado de Adorno al hacer la presentación de una revista.
8. Emplear habitualmente expresiones como: «Cuando tomamos Flandes...».
9. Haber contestado en griego a un comentario al terminar el acto de toma de posesión. Que cuando un amigo dijera, al verlo bajar la escalera de la Academia: «Es la primera vez que le vemos bajando», él respondiera citando a Heráclito en griego: «Camino que sube, camino que baja, el mismo camino».
10. Que habiendo sido el ilustre predicador de los «sermones en España», se disfrazara de rey mago para la cabalgata de Sevilla.
Después de detenidos estudios sobre las candidaturas presentadas, el Jurado declara que cumplen con las condiciones exigidas arriba transcritas, las siguientes personas:
Excmo. Sr. duque de Alba, Excmo. Sr. duque de Híjar, Excmo. Sr. duque de Berwikc, Excmo. Sr. conde de Aranda, Excmo. Sr. conde de Lemos, Excmo. Sr. conde de Monterrey, Excmo. Sr. conde-duque de Olivares, Excmo. Sr. marqués del Carpio, Excmo. Sr. marqués de Coria, Excmo. Sr. conde de Miranda del Castañar, y don Jesús Aguirre y Ortiz de Zárate.
Abrumado el Jurado por los méritos que concurren en las personas de los mencionados señores, decide conceder con carácter de ex aequo el premio
EL TONTO CONTEMPORÁNEO 1986
Al Excmo. Sr. don Jesús Aguirre y Ortiz de Zárate
XVIII DUQUE DE ALBA
Vistas las condiciones y requisitos exigidos el Jurado se declara irresponsable de tal inevitable fallo, sin embargo, analizados los méritos que le hacen acreedor al premio, la fina percepción de que en todo tiempo ha dado muestras el Jurado le hace apreciar que la condición por la que este acreditado galardón se le concede no es de carácter definitivo si no transitorio. Reflexionando el Jurado acerca del sutil matiz que en la lengua patria, a diferencia de otras lenguas, distingue el «ser tonto» del «estar tonto», declara que el premiado se halla en este segundo y pasajero estado y espera que sea por poco tiempo, a fin de que no pierda España el tren de la Ilustración; pudiendo el Jurado, si tal situación se prolonga, considerarla en cualquier momento no ya como «estar», sino como «ser»; o por decirlo en expresión grata al premiado, no ya «in der Welt sein», sino pura y simplemente «sein».
El tonto contemporáneo 1986 puede pasar a recoger la tiza.
A mi amigo y antiguo colega Jesús Aguirre le sentaron muy mal estas lindezas de nuestros tertulianos. Sin embargo, en años anteriores, los premiados Luis Solana, como presidente de Telefónica, y Mariano Rubio, como gobernador del Banco de España, tomaron la broma con sentido del humor. Lo malo es que un año el candidato de mis compañeros fue el cardenal Suquía, por lo que tuve que suplicar clemencia y batirme en una defensa a ultranza de mi arzobispo.
Cerca de nuestra Taberna, en el Figón de la calle Santiago, la Victorilla, acompañada por Manolo _el Magnesio_ , tenía un establecimiento muy privado, tan reservado que había que llamar a la puerta: te miraban por un portillo estrecho y dabas tu nombre o el santo y seña, y te aceptaban o no según el criterio de la dueña. En aquel reducto se fraguaron muchas de las decisiones trascendentales para la democracia española. El rey de la casa era don Carlos Arias Navarro, desde que fuera alcalde de Madrid desde 1965; los demás eran complementos de la escena según circunstancias: doña Victorilla era la confidente del todopoderoso presidente del Gobierno. La dueña del Figón de Santiago había dejado a un magistrado del Tribunal Supremo para vivir su aventura personal con Manolo, un popular fotógrafo de la corte, por eso le apodaban _el Magnesio_. En aquella casa se vivió intensamente la muerte del general Franco.
Victorilla, cuando acababa su trabajo, aunque fueran altas horas de la madrugada, bajaba hasta el Alabardero a darnos consejos de alta escuela. Era una malagueña con gran personalidad a quien le gustaba cantar acompañada de un almirez sus melodías de buen flamenco. En nuestra casa, el Bormujano se unía a ella hasta que los vecinos protestaban. Todo era cante en las sobremesas de la Taberna que aplaudían una clientela nacional y «algunos guiris».
Victorilla se convirtió en nuestra valedora para la consecución de los permisos y peleó por los derechos del nombre ante un Club de Alabarderos, sito en el mismo Madrid de los Austrias que, capitaneado por un abogado de Banesto, quería cobrarnos tres millones de pesetas de aquella época por el nombre de Alabarderos, cuya exclusividad al parecer tenían registrada. Ella decía: «Estos, que tienen una timba encubierta, una asociación ilícita, se van a _enterá_ como se lo diga yo a Arias Navarro».
Y al fin lo consiguió, cuando ya teníamos hecho el rótulo y grabada la vajilla con nuestro nombre. Entre las muchas cosas que Victorilla nos enseñó fue a diferenciar el gazpacho del salmorejo, cosa que yo no sabía. Nuestra reputada receta del salmorejo en todas nuestras casas es la que sigue:
Poner a calentar agua para pelar los tomates. Mientras tanto coger los tomates y hacer un corte en cruz en la base de cada uno. No hacer el corte demasiado profundo, con cortar la piel es suficiente.
Cuando esté hirviendo el agua añadir los tomates y dejar entre 30 segundos y 1 minuto: se separará un poco la piel. Mientras, preparar un recipiente con agua fría y hielo. Sacar los tomates del agua caliente y añadirlos al recipiente de agua fría. Con el enfriamiento repentino la piel del tomate se separará del cuerpo y serán más fáciles de pelar.
Coger el pan, cortarlo en trozos pequeños y ponerlos en un recipiente.
Pelar los tomates, cortarlos en varios trozos y ponerlos sobre el pan. Añadir media cucharada pequeña con sal para que suden los tomates y se empape el pan.
Si el pan está muy duro dejar que se moje con el tomate durante 30 minutos, si no, ir al siguiente paso.
Pelar el ajo y, como vamos a utilizarlo en crudo, quitarle el centro para que no repita; cortarlo en varios trozos y añadirlo al pan y al tomate. Mi consejo es que se añada solo la mitad y luego, cuando se pruebe, decidir si se incorpora o no el resto.
Añadir también el aceite de oliva y pasarlo todo por la batidora hasta que quede bien fino, muy fino. Probar la sal y, si es necesario, salar un poco más. También es buen momento para agregar más ajo si el salmorejo gusta más fuerte y darle un poco más a la batidora para que se integre bien.
Por último, meterlo en el frigorífico y servirlo bien fresquito. Si se quiere, puede acompañarse con jamón serrano, huevo duro cocido y unas gotas de aceite de oliva.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
500 g de tomates rojos bien maduros
100 g de pan duro
100 ml de aceite de oliva virgen extra
1 diente de ajo
Sal
Agua y hielo, solo para pelar los tomates
Un día Íñigo me vino hablando de la Escuela Superior de Hostelería de Lausana (Suiza). Él había vivido su juventud cerca, no en vano era hijo de los marqueses de Miraflores, embajadores de España en Suiza. Según él, debería sacrificarme y asistir a un máster en Planificación y Desarrollo de la Restauración, con lo que sería mucho más experto para poder encauzar profesionalmente a mis muchachos. En principio aquello me parecía excesivo, pero poco a poco fue persuadiéndome de que un año de escuela iba a proporcionarme más capacitación para organizar el restaurante y conocer otras experiencias que las limitadas por nuestro entorno. Los mismos jóvenes compañeros de fatigas me decían: «¡Váyase a hacerlo! Así seremos profesionales, don Luis, y tráiganos nuevas recetas».
Habían pasado dos años llenos de incertidumbres, el repertorio de Patxi se tornaba monótono. Afortunadamente lo que no nos faltaba era la clientela, sobre todo los fines de semana por la noche, cuando había listas de espera de una hora para cenar. Nos multiplicábamos y reforzábamos la plantilla con gente algo más experta. Hasta Lucio, de Casa Lucio, nos envió a algún profesional para ayudarnos, entre ellos Joaquín Martínez, hoy director general del Grupo. Ya no nos quemábamos las manos en el pase de los platos, sabíamos utilizar los litos. Yo, como _maître_ , ante la protesta de la cocina, no hacía comandas en mesas grandes llenas de «quinielas» que asustaban a la cocina.
El pasillito de la Taberna era un guirigay de gente entrando y saliendo; algunos se asomaban a la cocina para dar la enhorabuena al chef. Yo sonreía triunfal, olvidado del breviario que siempre rezaba fuera de hora, en un rincón, ya doblada la media noche. ¡Dios, qué duro era todo aquello! Compaginar lo humano y lo divino me parecía algo imposible. «¿Por qué en el seminario nos han encuadernado lo uno y lo otro en dos tomos diferentes?», me preguntaba.
Algunas noches, a última hora, venía a tomar un montadito de jamón, un vino y charlar conmigo Jaime de Mora y Aragón: era un aristócrata, tocaba el piano en un pub de la calle Arrieta y me daba clases de vida; me hablaba de la fe cristiana y de la religión de su madre, doña Blanca. El marqués de Casa Riera era un personaje al que todos llamábamos _Jimmy_ , y él, como tantos otros me llamaba a mí el Cura. Charlábamos mucho, a veces hasta el amanecer sobre la vida, la Iglesia y la sociedad. Aparentemente superficial, guardaba en su interior un contenido religioso y una inquietud por ayudar a la gente que lo necesitaba. Luego, años más tarde en Marbella, íbamos a compartir mesa y mantel en muchas ocasiones, pero en aquellos primeros años en Madrid me asombraba descubrir que gente como él tuvieran inquietudes por el más allá de la vida y buscaran dar respuesta a las preguntas clave de su existencia. Me repetía: «Mi hermana Fabiola es una santa y yo el "garbanzo negro" de la familia».
Cuando en 1977 conseguimos abrir casa en San Pedro de Alcántara (Málaga), en la venta de Alcuzcuz, un proyecto del señor Parladé en la carretera de Ronda, fuimos muy felices. Era un paraje precioso entre carrascas y pinares desde el que se divisaba el mar. Vivíamos en comunidad en la primera planta de aquella sencilla venta de carretera; la planta baja era nuestro bar y restaurante, con cocinas y almacenes. Había porches, patio de rigor con fuentecilla en medio y amplias terrazas con las vistas al mar Mediterráneo; en los días claros veíamos hasta Gibraltar y las costas de África. El único inconveniente era que apenas subían clientes porque la carretera de Ronda estaba cerrada por obras un poquito más arriba de nosotros y nadie sabía cuándo habría presupuesto para terminarla, de manera que los coches subían hasta allí y se daban la vuelta.
Tomamos posesión de aquel lugar después de haber vivido durante el verano la aventura de un chiringuito en la playa. El chiringuito era una casa abandonada con piscina de agua del mar que funcionaba a ratos. Veníamos huyendo del desierto que suponía Madrid en verano. No obstante, el verano de Marbella también fue calamitoso para nosotros: no nos conocía nadie; el lugar no estaba en Puerto Banús, muy de moda entonces, sino escondido en una playa desierta. Para colmo hizo muy mal tiempo. Teníamos un vecino famoso, el bailarín Antonio. Estábamos a espaldas de su chalet, «El Martinete», y no nos consideraba buenos vecinos: éramos un cura y dieciséis desarrapados muchachos. Él se asomaba a las tapias para obligarnos a bajar el volumen de la música y la algarabía de nuestros jóvenes, nos amenazaba con ir a la Guardia Civil. Antonio Ruiz Soler con los días se hizo un gran amigo mío, y por mucho tiempo, hasta que murió, confidente de sus cuitas.
Por aquel entonces el marqués de Casa Riera, Jaime de Mora y Aragón, era ya un asentado personaje de la sociedad marbellí. Yo seguía siendo un arrastrado tabernero con muchachos alrededor en busca del pan nuestro de cada día. Haciendo grandes sacrificios y siempre ayudado por mis amigos, Jaime Figueroa, Óscar Álvarez-Osorio, Rafael Cea y otros, nuestra entrada en la competitividad de Marbella no fue mal al siguiente año. Había una gran diferencia entre el fallido chiringuito en la playa de San Pedro y la venta de Alcuzcuz. Sin embargo, estábamos mal organizados. Me había traído de Madrid a Juan Marcos para la cocina y repartido el personal de sala a las órdenes de Paco Pena. Nuestros amigos nos proporcionaron la posibilidad de hacer una gala con dos chicos muy simpáticos de Sevilla que empezaban a triunfar en la canción, se llamaban Los del Río. Así que organizamos una cena de gala en la terraza de la venta de Alcuzcuz que no nos salió del todo mal aunque aún recuerdan ellos y nosotros cómo tuvimos que rascarnos los bolsillos para pagarles. Había mucho invitado y se nos iba la gente sin pagar. No obstante, nos animamos a montar otra con una chica que ellos conocían y que estaba debutando en el cante. Aprendimos sobre nuestros errores a vender la cena y el espectáculo pagándolo por adelantado. Aquella noche salieron mejor las cosas, la Pantoja y su madre fueron nuestras estrellas y su actuación aún es recordada.
Aquellas Navidades decidimos cerrar la Venta por vacaciones, ya que hacía mucho frío —incluso nevó por Ronda— y la carretera seguía cerrada. Con nuestros pequeños ahorros repartidos decidimos que cada uno se fuera a su casa y los que no la tenían vendrían a casa de mis padres en Amurrio. La noche de Navidad fui feliz en compañía de todos ellos hasta que a la mañana siguiente, cuando estábamos pensando ya en el regreso a Madrid, me llamaron por teléfono y me dijeron: «Don Luis, esta noche ha ardido totalmente la venta de Alcuzcuz. Soy el teniente de la Guardia Civil del puesto de San Pedro de Alcántara. Siento tener que darle tan mala noticia. Está todo en ruinas. Sospechamos que le han rociado la casa antes de prenderla porque hemos visto bidones vacíos de gasolina».
No lo podía creer. ¿Quién? ¿Por qué? Bien era cierto que no nos habíamos solidarizado con la huelga de hostelería de aquel verano, pero no tenía sentido una venganza. Nunca supimos quién lo hizo. Me impresionó que me llamara a continuación don Jaime de Mora y me dijese: «Luis, he estado viendo el desastre. He subido con mi coche y el chófer: está todo en ruinas. Tendrás que venir, cógete un avión, nosotros te lo pagamos. Te estaré esperando en el aeropuerto para acompañarte».
Así fue. Los seguros los cobró la propiedad y yo me vi en la calle con los muchachos: no teníamos derecho a nada.
Íñigo seguía insistiendo en que yo debía ir a la escuela de Lausana para aprender y poder enseñar, hasta me proporcionó folletos informativos. Si queríamos salir adelante lo tenía que hacer. Así que planifiqué en septiembre de 1978 ir a Lausana. Mis amigos se juntaron para ayudarme a pagarlo. Yo había hecho unos reportajes periodísticos para la agencia Efe sobre los supervivientes, jugadores de un equipo de rugby uruguayo, del accidente aéreo que tuvo lugar en 1972 en los Andes chilenos y otro en Israel sobre la guerra de los Seis Días y los sefardís. Con ellos obtuve un dinero que empleé gustosamente en ir a la escuela.
Chalet-à-Gobet está muy cerca de Lausana, en la Route des Cojounex n.º 18 y acababan de ampliar sus espacios educativos. La escuela, fundada en 1893 no para de crecer, pero también el sector de la hostelería ha evolucionado mucho, es ahora el de más rápido crecimiento en la mayoría de los países. Cuando llegué allí me di cuenta que estaba en otro mundo: era un seminarista de la restauración. También es cierto que tenía que aprender a vivir en francés, rodeado de jóvenes estudiantes, y aceptar que yo tenía cuarenta y dos años. Por otra parte, mis compañeros eran jóvenes, hijos de papá, venidos de todo el mundo a una escuela muy cotizada; lo cierto es que me aceptaron y yo aprendía día a día. Tuve que mantener mucha austeridad, por lo que no podía gastar en teléfono. Me preguntaba qué estaría pasando sin mí en la Taberna del Alabardero. Cuando hacía buen tiempo, en días escasos, me asomaba a aquel paraíso de frondosos árboles y le hablaba a Dios de mis cosas; todo era turbación y un cierto desánimo. Mi francés era escaso y no entendía muy bien lo que decían los profesores en las clases. Fue un calvario en el que paso a paso fui progresando.
¿Quién me había mandado meterme en ese lío? Poco a poco me fui acostumbrando. Al principio no había ningún español más que yo, por lo que me tocó un compañero de habitación suizo. La comida de la escuela más famosa del mundo era escasa, poco variada y con abundancia de pasta italiana. Por supuesto, la clase de cocina era toda francesa y no se utilizaba apenas el aceite de oliva. En medio de aquel panorama conocí a Martina, una chica agradable, siciliana, de ojos azules, de temperamento abierto y simpático y que hablaba un poco español porque estaba enamorada de Barcelona, donde iba siempre de vacaciones con sus amigos. Sus padres eran los dueños de un hotel en Palermo. A mí me parecía la más guapa de mi clase y he de reconocer que cuando hablaba con ella me quitaba años. Para mi consuelo, ella tomaba apuntes en la clase y me los pasaba. En aquella zona y aquella época el cielo era gris, no se veía la luz del sol. El día que me dio la mano para salir a pasear, llovió de tal manera que tuvimos que regresar al _foyer_ del internado. Me apresuré a contarle quién era yo: «Soy sacerdote católico», le dije. Ella no podía ni creerlo y contestó con extrañeza: «¿Pastor? ¿Pastor de la Iglesia católica?». Le expliqué acto seguido la razón de mi existencia y el porqué de mi presencia en la escuela. Sentí que en ella había muestras de frustración. Me dijo al cabo de un rato: «Me parecías tan diferente en tu modo de hablar... no sé, como que eras distinto». «Pues efectivamente lo soy. No tengo duda de mi vocación sacerdotal», repuse.
Aquella noche en la habitación que compartía con el suizo todo me parecía mal. Me metí con él alegando que no se duchaba y que olía muy mal: «¡Coño, suizo de mierda, dúchate!». No me habló en un mes.
Pasado un trimestre llegó a la escuela un alumno bilbaíno, Fernando Sánchez Crespo, que me alegró muchísimo porque podía compartir las ideas y las comidas en un local próximo bajando a la ciudad, que era nuestro refugio extraescolar. Fernando ha sido durante muchos años el director del hotel Ercilla de Bilbao. Vivimos juntos algunas experiencias innovadoras. Por ejemplo: el desarrollo de Mövenpick, que estaba en plena expansión desde Zúrich a toda Europa. Su fundador, Ueli Prager, venía frecuentemente a la escuela y explicaba los nuevos conceptos de la restauración basados en los productos de calidad autóctonos a precios justos y la oferta de un vino al mes que se maridaba —algo inédito hasta la fecha— con las comidas. Para nosotros era un descubridor y nuestros profesores le daban mucha importancia: fue la innovación. Yo empezaba a pensar cómo organizar mi modesta Taberna del Alabardero de Madrid y qué hacer en Puerto Banús, donde nos invitaban a instalarnos en verano. El modelo de bistró a la española todavía no estaba en boga: no había término medio entre el restaurante de lujo y la casa de comidas. Por ahí empezamos a discurrir siguiendo las pautas de Mövenpick, con productos relevantes y vinos españoles. Yo sé que influimos en un modelo de restauración que inmediatamente fue objeto de imitaciones. Al Alabardero le salieron muchas novias; es más, me sorprendió que a continuación, en Madrid, se inauguraran muchos pequeños restaurantes de ambiente familiar, con los recuerdos de la abuela y sus recetas, al estilo del Alabardero.
Por otra parte el boom de Puerto Banús llamaba poderosamente la atención. Hasta el mismo creador, don José Banús, nos invitaba a formar parte de la aventura del primer puerto deportivo del sur de España. Un personaje singular se asomó a la Taberna de Madrid: se llamaba don Ramón Mendoza, era el presidente del Real Madrid. Él puso en nuestras manos un pequeño local al final de los muelles principales del puerto junto al famoso restaurante Beni, donde se daba cita _la crème de la crème_ de la sociedad veraniega marbellí.
Durante mi estancia en la escuela suiza tuve la oportunidad de conocer a dos sacerdotes católicos de aquel país: Henri Nicou y Michelle Demière. El uno era capellán de las fuerzas armadas suizas y el otro, director de programas religiosos en la Televisión de la Suisse Romande. Con ellos aprendí lo que era trabajar con una mentalidad cristiana y la presencia de la Iglesia en un país laico con mayoría protestante; tuve que recordar quiénes habían sido Calvino y Farel. Pero aquellos dos sacerdotes católicos y sus celebraciones en NotreDame de Ginebra o en la parroquia de Petit-Lancy me ayudaron a madurar y conservar mi fe cristiana. Una tarde me encontré en el bar de la Gâre de Ginebra a un periodista español llamado Luis Carandell que estaba esperando a un joven cantautor, desconocido hasta entonces, que se llamaba Joaquín Sabina. Luis hacía un programa sobre España en la radio de la Suisse Romande. Me invitaron a ir con ellos al programa y a hablar de la gastronomía española y de lo bien que se come en Chinchón, donde Carandell y yo nos habíamos conocido preparando su popular libro _Celtiberia Show_. Aquella noche en la radio oí en directo cantar a Joaquín Sabina por primera vez su célebre canción sobre Madrid. Todos acabamos coreando: _Pongamos que hablo de Madrid_. No olvidaré jamás aquel personaje divertido y guasón que me decía: «Luis, hueles más a cura que a cocinero».
Cuando regresaba en el tren de Ginebra a Lausana me concentraba en mis pensamientos y con el regusto de haber hablado por teléfono con Madrid, saber las novedades del Alabardero por voz del Bormujano o de Paco. Era todo un misterio. Tenía la sensación de que me engañaban para no preocuparme. El Bormu me decía: «Cura, _usté etudie y zaque bien el curzo que nozotro nos ocupamo de esto. Eto va bien, de puta mare, cura, de puta mare_ ».
Estaba deseando acabar el curso: se me estaba haciendo muy largo. Aprobé el examen de cocina por los pelos; mi menú para seis estuvo compuesto por purrusalda, salmón en papillote, y torrijas, todo ello regado con un vino blanco Chablis __.
Aquella mañana del examen, como era costumbre, tuve que salir con el dinero que te daban en la administración a hacer la compra en el mercado de Lausana. El examen práctico consistía en calcular los ingredientes de tu menú, explicar las recetas, comprar lo requerido y hacerlo; tuve como ayudante a Fernando, que sabía menos que yo de cocina. Me quemé los dedos en aquel fuego cruel de la cocina aula de la escuela; me pusieron pomada y aparecí ridículamente vendado a recibir los resultados de la prueba. Los seis profesores se rieron conmigo, pero les habían gustado los platos. El secreto de mi éxito fue una conferencia desde los teléfonos públicos con Juan Marcos, el chef de la Taberna en Puerto Banús, que me sopló las recetas. Cuando me dieron el título reconocí para mis adentros que se lo debía al equipo. El escandallo, por otra parte, me dio superávit. Al devolver el dinero sobrante a la caja de la escuela comprendí cómo se obtenía el beneficio real. Con el tiempo me di cuenta de que la escalabilidad del negocio del restaurante era otra cosa y que había muchos condicionantes a la hora de aplicar la máxima «a más venta, más beneficio».
Voy a explicaros cómo hice la purrusalda siguiendo las directrices de Juan Marcos:
En un puchero poner aceite, los puerros limpios y partidos en trozos grandes y las patatas tronchadas también en trozos grandes. Rehogar todo a fuego lento. Posteriormente cubrirlo con agua y aderezarlo con la sal y la pimienta blanca.
En una sartén dorar ajo fileteado y rebanadas de pan. Cuando hayan cogido color, majarlo todo en un mortero haciendo una pasta que se añadirá al puchero con los puerros y las patatas. Dejarlo cocer a fuego lento durante hora y cuarto. Cuando esté cocido echar el bacalao desalado y partido en trozos grandes al puchero y dejarlo reposar durante una hora, tapado y sin fuego.
Hecho a la víspera, a mí me sabe mejor.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
Un vasito de aceite virgen
8 puerros
4 patatas
1 diente de ajo
4 rebanadas de pan
200 g de bacalao desalado
Pimienta blanca molida
Sal
Tiempo de preparación: 15 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 1 hora y media a fuego lento
El salmón fresco a la papillote lo puse, según me recomendaron, con salsa tártara. Es evidente que lo que a uno le gusta influye en hacerlo bien. En nuestra casa lo había probado muchas veces y recabé de nuestro chef nuestra receta habitual:
La receta es también para 4 personas:
Poner cuatro trozos grandes de papel de aluminio sobre una mesa. Colocar sobre cada uno un manojillo de puerros y cebolleta cortada en juliana fina con una cama de patatas y calabacines. Sazona las verduras y coloca encima un trozo grande de salmón fresco salpimentado. Regarlo con un chorrito de aceite y un poco de vino blanco. Cerrar cada paquete totalmente por todos los costados y meterlos en el horno a 190 grados centígrados durante 15 minutos, hasta que se infle.
Para hacer la salsa tártara romper un huevo en el batidor, añadirle un buen chorro de aceite, un poquito de vinagre y una pizca de sal. Batirlo hasta que emulsione, removerlo poco a poco para que ligue. A continuación cocer un huevo durante 10 minutos en un cacillo con agua y sal. Una vez enfriado pelarlo, picarlo y añadirlo a un bol junto con la mayonesa. Agregarle las alcaparras, las cebolletas y los pepinillos muy bien picados. Se puede espolvorear con perejil picado. Luego se puede añadir patata pelada cortada fina y calabacín sin pelar en láminas finas. Limpiar y picar los puerros y la cebolleta en juliana fina.
A mí me salió muy mal: lo de la juliana fina no se me daba bien y estuve a punto de llevarme los dedos, así que tened cuidado. Sin embargo, el salmón a la papillote con un poquito de salsa tártara sabía a gloria, lo único es que en la cocina de la escuela de Lausana lo hacían con mantequilla. Yo busqué el aceite de oliva porque le daba un sabor más profundo y triunfé porque el producto era muy bueno: cuando el producto es bueno tienes el 90 por ciento del éxito asegurado. No obstante, mi vocación no era la cocina... Lo que sí aprendí en la escuela fue mucha disciplina en gestión y cuáles eran los parámetros entre los que se mueve la caja mágica de un buen negocio restaurador. Aplicarlos en una sociedad tan anárquica como la nuestra ya era otra cosa. Los vademécums de Lausana en Madrid con mis muchachos se me rompían en un voluntarismo poco eficaz y difícilmente regulable. Nuestros tiempos no eran los de los relojes suizos; la emotividad placentera suiza nada tenía que ver con el apasionamiento español: hasta los clientes de carácter internacional se comportaban en España de modo distinto. Cuando hice prácticas en la sala del restaurante Mark de Zúrich pude comprobarlo: un día reconocí a un importante empresario español con su pareja, era un habitual después de los conciertos del Real en mi Taberna y también lo debía de ser del famoso restaurante de Zúrich. Recibió allí un trato exquisito por parte del _maître_ desde que llegó. A mí no me dejaron ni acercarme, a pesar de que tenía un aspecto elegante con mi camisa de pecherín almidonado recién estrenada, dado que no era conveniente que vieran a un español con pinta de emigrante. Cuando salía por la puerta no pude por menos de decirle: «¡Adiós, fulano de tal!».
Me miró, ni me contestó. Yo nunca más lo volví a ver en mi Taberna.
Mi escuela era la de rescatar jóvenes y ayudarlos a vivir su vida. Por mucho Lausana y título que tuviera bajo el brazo, me di cuenta de que, una vez en Madrid, con la batalla ganada, seguía siendo el referente social de un cura que acoge chicos de la calle.
El viejo profesor don Enrique Tierno y Galván se había convertido en el alcalde de Madrid en el año 1979. De vez en cuando venía a tomarse un café conmigo y comentábamos juntos los sucesos de la ciudad. Se presentaba de improviso, sin avisar, y preguntaba con cierta sorna al camarero de turno en la barra: «¿Dónde está el cura párroco de este lugar?».
Su popularidad era enorme. Si aparecía nos sentábamos en un velador y más de una vez me sorprendía preocupado por mi trabajo: «¿Sabe si el señor cardenal está contento con lo que usted hace?». Tímidamente yo le contestaba: «Yo creo que sí. Al menos lo tolera».
Se sorprendió muy mucho cuando supo que el cardenal Tarancón había venido de improviso a comer en el reservado de nuestro Café de Oriente para inaugurarlo de modo extraoficial. Aquel humanismo cristiano, o no, del «viejo profesor» me causaba admiración y respeto. Se justificaba diciendo: «Me he salido del despacho del Ayuntamiento a dar un paseo por el barrio para no perder el contacto con mis feligreses...».
Una mañana me preguntó: «Don Luis, ¿qué hacemos con la droga?». Yo había empezado a descubrir cómo venían a ofrecerla gratuitamente entre los chavales del barrio de Entrevías, cómo en la trastienda de algún bar les enseñaban el consumo. Me había tocado aguantar varios «colocones» entre los míos. De fumar a pincharse no había más que un paso: el proceso iniciático en los más desfavorecidos estaba en marcha. No sabíamos quién pagaba la promoción, para nosotros era todo nuevo. No había terapia. Guardábamos en el armario los primeros cadáveres con un sufrimiento horrible, y era tarde cuando vi que en mi propio albergue se me desencuadernaban jovencitos vulnerables a todo lo que aparentemente era un placer gratuito y un puente rápido a la supuesta felicidad. Las primeras torturas de la abstinencia las había velado al pie de la cama del Fafa sin saber qué darle aparte de aspirinas. Un médico amigo me declaró su falta de conocimiento y experiencia para combatir la nueva plaga de los jóvenes. Tengo tristes recuerdos de aquella época: una adolescente joven en la chabola de Entrevías se le juntó su embarazo y el síndrome de abstinencia. La madre y yo con una comadrona que hacía operaciones en el barrio asistimos al aborto más horrible que he visto en mi vida. El único. Me temblaban las manos con las que ofrecía las tijeras desinfectadas para que aquella mujer cortara el cordón umbilical tratando de salvar al niño. Aquel feto muerto que enterramos en el barrio de la China en una caja de madera de vinos vacía es uno de los recuerdos más amargos de mi vida y no lo puedo olvidar. Recé por aquel ángel del cielo a quien bauticé con el nombre de Nicolás por su padre, un gitanito frágil, que dijo serlo sin más declaración que su palabra. «¿Qué hacemos con la droga, padre?», me preguntaba el alcalde de Madrid. «Profesor, la única experiencia que tengo es que hay una asociación llamada El Patriarca de un tal Lucien Engelmayer, que al menos ayuda psíquica y físicamente a los muchachos a superar los síndromes de abstinencia. Organiza reuniones y terapias comunitarias, y se estimulan unos a otros para no consumir. Mi Fafa ha mejorado desde que va a ellas porque la última experiencia del síndrome de abstinencia fue durísima. Además yo no sé, alcalde, qué clase de droga les están metiendo dentro. Yo creo que les dan veneno. No consigo entrar en su mundo aunque sé dónde la consumen en el barrio y quiénes se la proporcionan; a veces vienen elegantemente vestidos con sus señoras a la barra del Alabardero: es una mafia que está creando la dependencia para generar el consumo. Se están introduciendo en lo más bajo de la sociedad pero llegarán a la clase alta, pudiente, que es la que les interesa. Luego estaremos dominados por ellos. Todos vamos a ser dependientes, se empieza por el porro, la pastilla luego, el pinchazo después. Es todo muy triste, una esclavitud moderna.
Gracias a mis consejos el Ayuntamiento de Madrid destinó durante aquellos años partidas de ayuda económica a esta asociación que ayudaba a los primeros toxicómanos. Luego Engelmayer y su gente se enriquecieron, se lucraron al recibir apoyo económico incluso en otros países y dejaron de cumplir su misión. Aun así, hubo mucha gente de buena voluntad implicados desinteresadamente en la asociación, que en España trató a más de treinta y cinco mil toxicómanos de todas las edades y condiciones sociales.
Con aquellos mimbres había que hacer cestos. Sin embargo, algunos no resistían y por mucho que lo intentaran el cesto no salía. Candi fue el ejemplo de mi limitación, de un fracaso que tuve que aprender humildemente a superar, consciente de que las grandes ideas de éxito se miden por los pequeños fracasos superados.
Educar a los hijos de otros cuesta sangre. No se compran con dinero; las adopciones no son cuestión de dinero. Cuando uno quiere hacerlos suyos, pasa también por odiarlos en sus incomprensibles desafíos, y el odio es un sentimiento que nace del amor frustrado, no correspondido y requiere superación. A veces eres objeto de una venganza inexplicable, involuntaria, como si tú, que quizá solo eres capaz de tratar lo insustituible, fueras el culpable de lo que la sociedad les ha negado: un padre y una madre.
Y te exigen todo. Como si estuvieras custodiando lo suyo, recelando de tu cariño, que encuentran siempre interesado, injustificado, sospechoso. Recuerdo a esos gatos callejeros a los que tratas de acariciar y te responden con agresividad; pasas la mano por su pelo y se erizan intransigentes, y se alejan de ti altivos, pedantes, huyendo de ti y hasta de sí mismos, como ignorando tu signo de buena voluntad.
Pero es que ser padre no es traer un hijo al mundo, eso es ya un acto físico que hasta se realiza en la probeta de un laboratorio: ser padre es educar a los hijos y acompañarlos a ser mayores, independientes, hasta que ellos te rechazan por innecesario. Crear es siempre una renuncia. Educar es el verdadero sacrificio del amor, es un riesgo que hay que correr. Lo otro es más fácil.
A menudo he tenido que pensar todo esto para hacer escuela y crear liderazgo. He debido comprender mejor a mis muchachos, algunos me han sido encomendados por sus padres y otros no han conocido familia. Bajo estos parámetros la Escuela Superior de Hostelería de Sevilla, fundada en 1993, tiene más de tres mil exalumnos que triunfan por el mundo en este segmento de gran desarrollo que es la restauración y la hostelería.
Cuando acabábamos de inaugurar el Café de Oriente, esa especie de hermano mayor nacido con mi experiencia de la escuela de Lausana, en la plaza contigua al Palacio Real, era ya el tercer establecimiento que abríamos. Antes, en 1977 nació la segunda Taberna en Puerto Banús (Marbella). Recuerdo que había intervenido en un largo programa de Radio Nacional de España sobre la marginación juvenil y la droga. Entonces también habíamos pasado una gran crisis de trabajo: España lleva un retraso en la educación por no renovar a tiempo la innovación educativa que dote a nuestros jóvenes de herramientas potentes para la vida.
Llegué a casa tarde, y era ya una hora propia del sueño cuando sonó el teléfono. Al otro lado del hilo, la voz de una madre angustiada por el problema de su hijo exclamaba: «Lo he escuchado por la radio y he conseguido su teléfono particular. Por favor, atiéndame. ¡Ayúdeme! Es usted mi última esperanza. Tengo un hijo de veinte años destrozado por la droga».
Su voz se entrecortaba con sollozos. «Lo llamo desde Oviedo. Sé que es muy tarde, estará usted cansado, pero, por favor, no me cuelgue. Escúcheme, ¡deme un consejo!» Traté de serenar a aquella mujer: «No se preocupe, señora, no le cuelgo. Podemos hablar toda la noche, esté tranquila. Yo la escucho con atención. Dígame». «Gracias, gracias... mi hijo es todo lo que tengo. Es mi vida. Su padre murió y nos dejó solos. He descubierto que se pincha. No sé cómo... está muy raro; antes no era así, me lo han cambiado. Llega a casa muy mal. Me quita el dinero, me ha vendido los recuerdos de plata, mis pequeñas joyas. No sé qué hacer. Dígame..., ¿qué hago?»
Aquella explosión era por ese tiempo inédita: una plaga nueva nos caía encima, un inmenso desconocimiento nos introducía en la tragedia. Yo escuchaba perplejo como un novicio aquel insospechable grito de socorro ante el dragón de las siete cabezas. No nos acabábamos de acostumbrar a esa fiera que destruía y sigue destruyendo los cuerpos y las almas: la droga.
El teléfono de repente se cortó y traté de recuperar la llamada, pero me fue imposible. Tampoco sabía quién era aquella señora de Oviedo ni su número. Esperé un momento, un cuarto de hora. No obstante, el teléfono no volvió a sonar, por lo que decidí acostarme y conciliar el sueño hasta que me despertó de nuevo la misma voz al aparato, pero esta vez queda, muy queda, como intentando ocultar su conversación: «Padre, soy la misma, la madre de Oviedo. He tenido que cortar porque mi hijo ha llegado, no quería que me viera llorando ni hablando con usted. No quiero que piense que sufro y por eso he colgado al oírlo entrar. Pero ahora duerme, duerme ya en su habitación. Está destrozado... ¡Si viera cómo ha venido! No se tenía, pero ha venido. No se ha quedado tumbado en la calle como otras veces, que hasta me lo han traído a casa. ¡Dios mío, cómo me lo han traído! ¡Cómo ha venido otras veces! Hoy no, hoy ha venido por su pie, con la cara desencajada pero por su pie. Hasta tenía algo de su sonrisa. Mire, con esas ojeras... parece un san Luis, porque es de bueno, es de bueno... cuando no se pincha, cuando está normal, es un encanto. Es de bueno... hasta me ayuda, barre la casa, me trae la compra. ¡Es de cariñoso! Es de bueno...».
Yo escuchaba. Solo escuchaba añadiendo un sí a sus palabras para que supiera que estaba atendiendo. «Qué podría añadir —pensaba—. ¿Qué podría decir, hacer por esta mujer?» «Mire, padre, soy viuda, como le he dicho. Cuando me pongo mala, porque sufro del hígado, él me cuida. Me cuida como si fuera su amante, me hace la comida, me la trae a la cama, me lava y hasta, cuando va a la compra, me trae flores. Pero luego la maldita droga. Eso que se mete lo destroza. Anda todo el día por ahí, de un lado para el otro, buscando y llevando, sin trabajar, sin hacer nada. Vivimos de una pensión ridícula que me dejó mi marido. Nos hemos comido ya los ahorros. Yo quisiera convencerlo, convencer a mi Candi para que no siga así —se llama Cándido, no sé si se lo he dicho—, convencer a mi Candi para que se vaya a trabajar con usted. Que yo sé que lo redime con el trabajo. Dios mío, desde que lo he oído en la radio, se lo pido al Sagrado Corazón de Jesús. Usted, ¿qué me dice?», me suplicaba. «No sé qué contestarle. Comprendo su situación y sé que una madre no puede perder la esperanza de recuperar a su hijo, pero salir de la droga es una decisión que tiene que tomar el muchacho, y los demás ayudarlo. Sin su convencimiento y esfuerzo es imposible. Es él quien tiene que dar el paso. Comprendo que es muy difícil», le contesté. «Yo quisiera que usted hablara con él, si lo hiciera estoy segura que lo convence, pero habría que aprovechar por la mañana, cuando se levanta, al mediodía, que es cuando está más despejado. Por favor, si yo lo llamo cuando está despejado ¿hablará con él? Seguro que a usted lo escucha. Cuando ha llegado le he hablado de su programa, de la labor que hace con los chicos...»
Así fue. Habían pasado las horas de la noche y a mediodía sonó el teléfono. Aquella madre me comunicaba en tono de victoria: «Don Luis, mi hijo Candi está aquí. Quiere hablar con usted, ya le he explicado lo que usted hace y cómo da trabajo para que uno mismo se reinserte. ¡Anímelo!».
Una voz juvenil lánguida y pastosa, como de trasnochar, me saludaba con desgana al otro lado del teléfono. Reproduzco nuestro diálogo:
—Hola, ¡buenos días! Ya me ha dicho mi madre que usted saca tíos de la droga. Pues conmigo lo tiene difícil: soy un caso perdido.
—Bueno, hombre, no será para tanto —le contesté—. De hecho ya estamos hablando, ¿no?
—Sí, pero esto es lo más fácil...
—Bien, ¿te parece que nos veamos?
—¿Para qué?
—Pues para hablar cara a cara. Te quiero conocer.
—No merece la pena.
—Eso es discutible. Tampoco sabes cómo soy yo.
—Un tío cachondo que se mete donde no le llaman.
—¡De eso nada! El que me ha llamado eres tú.
—¿Yo?
—Bueno, tu madre.
—Eso es diferente.
—Pero, tú te has querido poner, ¿no?
—Por cortesía.
—Lo dudo. Tú eres un tío listo. No te tengo por un gilipollas. Y te das cuenta que andas mal y que el camino que has elegido no llega a buen fin. No sabes cómo salir de él.
—Ese es mi problema.
—Y el de tu madre, y el mío, y el de mucha gente que te quiere.
—A mí no me quiere nadie.
—¡Que te crees tú eso!
—No se pase. ¿Va a contarme ahora que yo le intereso también a usted? Quitando a mi madre y a una tía vieja que tengo, los demás pasan de mí.
—Pues a mí me estás haciendo no pasar.
—Ahora va a resultar que eres un tío cachondo.
—De cachondo nada, cabrón. Me estás inflando las narices y lo que no tienes es un par de cojones para dejar la mierda del caballo y ponerte a trabajar y ayudar a esa madre que tienes que es una santa, y que la vas a matar contigo. Eres un imbécil, Candi. Un imbécil que te dejas comer el coco por cualquiera y estás llevando la ruina a tu casa.
Me estaba poniendo muy nervioso y me sorprendí a mí mismo por el tono que había tomado la conversación; daba voces, paseaba por la habitación con el teléfono en la mano y parecía que me había tocado el amor propio. Aquel chaval que tenía al otro lado del hilo telefónico también me había perdido el respeto y me daba voces:
—Oye, chulo. Tú a mí no me insultas porque te cuelgo y te mando a...
La madre, que debía de estar escuchando la conversación, estaba asustada.
—Candi —me atreví a decirle aún—, si eres hombre y tienes lo que tienes que tener, piensa que yo te estoy haciendo un favor al contarte la verdad: que no hay nadie cerca de ti para hacértelo. Y que estoy dispuesto a ayudarte si quieres salir de la droga y si quieres trabajar conmigo. Que no vas a tener muchas ocasiones de romper esa esclavitud que ahora tienes, que te puedes venir a mi casa y vivir conmigo si tú lo quieres y aceptas mis reglas de juego. Pero hazlo rápido. Cuanto más tardes será más difícil. Y ahora, Candi, te cuelgo porque me da la gana y tú tienes que pensar. Llámame tú si me necesitas, no tu madre, que ya no eres un niño.
Y colgué. Me quedé un rato con el teléfono en la mano y la tentación de llamar a su madre para saber qué estaba pasando, pero no lo hice. Preferí esperar el resultado de aquella terapia de voces y de tacos. ¡Dios mío, pero qué rabia que un muchacho se enrede en la droga y no vea claro adónde le conduce y no intente salir prestándole la ayuda!
Pasaron unos días. La madre de Candi llamó alguna noche para decirme desconcertada que su hijo estaba más raro y distante con ella, que no hablaba, que tenía muchos dolores de riñones.
Una madrugada, cuando hacía poco que me había acostado cansadísimo porque nos habían dado, afortunadamente, una paliza de trabajo en el Alabardero, sonó mi teléfono en la mesilla de noche. Lo cogí entre sueños y escuché la voz de Candi:
—Cura, soy Candi. ¿Me acepta en su casa?
Sabía lo que había costado aquella decisión y valoré el gesto:
—Candi, eres un tío cojonudo. ¿Cuándo vienes?
—Cuando usted diga.
—Mira, yo tengo que ir hoy a Marbella. Ahora es allí la temporada baja y no hay casi gente; la Taberna del Puerto Banús está tranquila... Podríamos vernos allí mejor que en Madrid.
—De acuerdo, pero ¿cómo nos conoceremos?
—Yo te espero en la estación de autobuses de Marbella mañana a la hora que tú me avises. Llevo una chupa de cuero, soy gordito y con gafas: pinta de cura...
—Bueno, vale. De acuerdo.
En la mañana me llamó su madre para darme las gracias:
—Don Luis, no sabe lo sorprendida que estoy. Anoche vino a casa y dijo: «Esto no puede seguir así. Me voy con el cura que tiene un par de pelotas». Por favor, no se desanime. Ayúdelo. Mi hijo es un chico muy bueno. Pero no ha tenido padre...
Al día siguiente, a la hora prefijada, ya de noche, me paseaba por la estación de autobuses de Marbella. Cuando llegaba alguno trataba de adivinar quién podría ser Candi. Ponía cara de gordito con gafas y aunque hacía un calor insoportable, aguantaba la chupa de imitación de cuero. Pero nadie me decía: «¡Soy Candi!».
Así pasaron dos horas más de las señaladas. Nervioso, me dirigí a la cabina telefónica para llamar a su casa en Oviedo y preguntar a su madre:
—Oiga, señora, ¿es que su hijo se ha arrepentido de venir o qué? Aquí no ha llegado.
La madre angustiada me contestó:
—Don Luis, ha salido. Se fue esta mañana muy temprano. Le preparé la ropa. Iba contento en el tren y luego, tal como se lo ha dicho, en el autobús. Dios mío, ¿no se habrá arrepentido en el camino?
—Pues eso es lo que me temo. Ese ha llegado a Madrid, alguien le ha trincado y no ha cogido el empalme en la estación de autobuses.
Antes de colgar le dije que la llamaría si en una hora más no llegaba. Escudriñé a mi alrededor. Al cabo de un rato, de un autobús de cercanías vi bajar a un muchacho con una gran bolsa de deporte en las manos. Observé su indumentaria negra, jalonada de remaches, tachuelas y cadenas, sus botas con espuelas, sus pendientes y colgantes al cuello y su cabeza rapada, que terminaba en una punzante y engominada cresta de pelo desde la frente a la nuca.
Me quedé perplejo. No, ese no podía ser Candi. No me lo había imaginado así. Él me miró de soslayo, con desconfianza, hasta decirme:
—¿Tú eres el cura?
—Sí.
—¡Pues yo soy Candi!
—¡Mi madre! —exclamé—. Pero ¿de dónde sales con ese aspecto? ¿En qué ferretería te has vestido? Yo no sabía que además eras punk.
—Me transformé en los últimos días para ver si funcionaba... Ahora no puedo quitármelo todo tan fácilmente.
—Bueno —dije para quitar hierro al asunto—, pues ya me dirás qué hacemos. Habrá que descerrajarte. Porque, una de dos: o tú te lo desmontas o yo me aparejo. Si hemos de andar juntos no se puede desentonar tanto.
Candi sonrió. Fue un gesto positivo que yo agradecí, sobre todo cuando le escuché decir:
—Vengo decidido a hacer lo que tú me digas y a cambiar.
Sus palabras me tranquilizaron. Ahora ya podíamos empezar.
—Por lo pronto vamos a buscar una peluquería para que te descresten; luego te cambiaremos de ropa, te pondremos algo más normalito. Si no tienes, te compraremos algo antes de que nos cierre el comercio. Con otra pinta yo me atrevo a ir a la pensión donde paramos y pedirte una habitación para que pases aquí unos días, aclares tus ideas y conozcas a mi gente.
Tras dar vueltas buscando una peluquería abierta fuimos a dar en una de señoras en Puerto Banús donde le hicieron un pelado casi al rape con gran regocijo de mi amiga Rosita, la peluquera, que casi se cae del susto al verme entrar con aquel punki.
En unos días Candi perdió sus pendientes, brazaletes, anillos... y el color verde de su pelo: era otra persona. Vestido de cocinero lo parecía. A ratos hablábamos mientras paseábamos por la playa y por el puerto. Era febrero y esos días de Marbella calmos, despreocupados, sin frío, próximos al fin del invierno se hacían íntimos y propicios para conversar. Algún día se sintió mal, «el mono» lo dejaba clavado en la habitación de la pensión, y yo pasaba grandes ratos con él, distrayéndolo y dándole ánimos. Un buen amigo médico nos ayudó mucho, aunque aquello no se curaba con medicinas.
Poco a poco fui descubriendo el alma de Candi porque él se iba abriendo con confianza e iba entendiendo la amistad. Durante una noche nos la pasamos contándonos confidencias sobre nuestra infancia, mi juventud, la pérdida de su padre, su carencia afectiva y su amor frustrado por una chica llamada Sandra. Revolvió en su bolsón y, sorteando sus tachuelas y trebejos punkis, encontró el sobre con las cartas no cursadas a Sandra. Eran cartas a un amor imposible: Sandra tenía veinte años más que él. Ella era toda una mujer y él solo un niño cuando empezó sus devaneos; no podía comprender que Sandra sintiera un amor filial por él... Le ardía el sexo. Sandra era una quimera, nacida desde la compasión y no desde otros afectos. La había idealizado y era un reto contrapuesto al amor de la madre. Todo aquel entreverado afectivo, sus fracasos escolares, su falta de diálogo y la ausencia de la tutela de un padre habían hecho del chico una presa fácil para el comercio de la droga. Lo habían mentalizado para buscar en ella la cara oculta de la luna, la felicidad utópica. Pero Candi empezaba a tener una mayor madurez y una reflexión personal distinta. Mi misión era ayudarlo. Con el paso de los días nos habíamos hecho grandes amigos. En la Taberna de Puerto Banús lo veía feliz ayudando a Juan en la cocina y haciendo pequeños progresos culinarios. Empezó a decir:
—Voy a ser cocinero como Juan.
Juan le explicaba lo más sencillo:
—Te voy a enseñar a hacer el revuelto de los tres gustos del Alabardero. Este es un plato de la casa que tiene mucho éxito y que nos lo enseñó a hacer Patxi Bericua.
Poner un chorrito de aceite en una sartén, echar el champiñón previamente lavado y cortado en láminas finas; rehogarlo a fuego rápido y moverlo sin parar durante 2 minutos aproximadamente. A continuación, agregar las gambas cocidas peladas y el jamón cortado en taquitos, y seguir rehogándolo durante 30 segundos sin dejar de moverlo. Por último, añadir en la misma sartén los huevos batidos y la sal. Remover constantemente hasta que el huevo se cuaje.
A mí me gusta poco cuajado.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas_ :
Un chorrito de aceite
400 g de champiñones
250 g de colas de gambas
50 g de jamón serrano en dados pequeños
8 huevos
Sal
Tiempo de preparación: 5 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 2 minutos
Cuando vi que Candi estaba más mentalizado regresamos a Madrid. A pesar de su insistencia en ser cocinero, organicé su vida como camarero en el Café de Oriente porque así estaba más controlado. Candi tenía un «ángel de la guarda», un compañero que él aceptó como guía. Su buen carácter y simpatía le granjeó la amistad de los compañeros y de los clientes asiduos. Todo discurría sin novedad: el trabajo diario, nuevos amigos y su encantadora forma de ver la vida me hacían presagiar que habíamos conseguido superar una etapa que ya era una anécdota del pasado. A menudo nos dábamos un paseo por los jardines de Sabatini y cuando tropezábamos con una jeringuilla en el suelo solía exclamar: «¡Cuánta gente está equivocada! Qué pena que no tengan una oportunidad de desengancharse como yo».
Miraba a Candi como un ejemplo a seguir. No me era ajena su fuerza de voluntad, de la que hacía gala incluso cuando, en algún momento, habían ido a buscarlo para que saldara viejas deudas y había tenido que sacrificar su dinero bien ganado e incluso a veces pedir un adelanto para quitarse de en medio el problema y el acoso.
Candi pensaba seriamente y de otro modo en una chica que trabajaba en un comercio cercano y rebuscaba los turnos y la compatibilidad de las horas para encontrarse con ella, que se llamaba Marisa. Esta sabía muy bien la historia de Candi porque él mismo se la había contado. Incluso ella me había dicho: «Don Luis, le agradezco lo que hace por Candi. Es un chico estupendo».
En su segundo año con nosotros, Candi quiso pasar las vacaciones en su casa de Oviedo, con su madre, con su tía, con su gente. Después de tanto tiempo sin consumir pensamos consolidados sus propósitos y cambiados sus hábitos. Pero no fue así: no volvió en la fecha prefijada. Me dio un vuelco el corazón y me fui a Oviedo en su busca.
El encuentro fue duro para ambos. Ni siquiera fue en su casa, sino en la calle, en una tarde lluviosa y bajo un paraguas, cuando me dijo: «He vuelto a caer».
Me miró con ojos suplicantes. Bajé la cabeza para no hacer más duro mi gesto de ira y de tristeza, lo así por el hombro y paseamos sin decirnos nada bajo el paraguas y la lluvia. No sabía qué decirle. Entramos en un bar a tomarnos un café y él dejó sobre el velador de mármol el mechero y el tabaco. Aún permanecimos en silencio un buen rato mientras los dos fumábamos y nos mirábamos hasta que le pregunté:
—¿Qué vas a hacer?
—No lo sé.
—¿Te vienes conmigo? ¿Volvemos a empezar?
—No, no quiero volver para defraudarlo.
—¿Y Marisa?
—Se ha cansado de mí.
—No lo creo.
—Sí. Estuvo aquí en vacaciones, quiso sorprenderme. Me vio mal y me dijo que ella no tenía vocación de héroe.
—Pero ¿cómo es posible?
—No lo sé.
—¿No trató de ayudarte?
—No, me despreció. Me dijo: «Candi has vuelto a las andadas...».
—¿Y tu madre?
—Se da cuenta.
—¿Cómo no me has llamado?
—Lo pensé.
—¿Cómo ha sido el volver a picarte?
—Un amigo de antes... Me convenció.
—¡Hijo de perra!
—Don Luis, no se empeñe; soy un caso perdido. No malgaste su tiempo y su dinero. Sé lo que usted lucha... Hágalo por otros que merezcan la pena.
No podía dar crédito a sus palabras. ¿Cómo era que en un mes las cosas hubieran cambiado de ese modo? ¡Malditas vacaciones! ¿Cómo no había pensado que lo peor en estos casos era volver al escenario de su ambiente, reencontrar los amigos o los compañeros de otro viaje distinto? ¡Tonto de mí!
Me veía con todo un trabajo echado a perder. Candi tenía frente a mí un aspecto distinto: otro color, estaba pálido, había adelgazado y en las venas marcadas de sus manos intuía que había vuelto a entrar el dragón de las siete cabezas. Dije para mis adentros una oración de rabia: «Dios mío, ¿por qué me haces esto?».
Me sentía impotente. Noté que cuando empiezas a amar a una persona y buscas su bien, comienzas a sufrir. Pasé el día entero, frío y lluvioso, callejeando por la ciudad con él. En una tasca comimos juntos un bocadillo y nos tomamos un vaso de tinto fuerte. Traté por todos los medios de convencerlo para que se volviera a Madrid conmigo en el último tren de la noche: «Vente como estás, sin despedirte de nadie, sin bolsa de ropa. Ya compraremos otra nueva... Vente, Candi, por Dios. Vente a Madrid conmigo».
A pesar de mi insistencia vi que no lo conseguía, tenía la sensación de que lo perdía para siempre. Me acompañó al tren pero no se subió a él. Cuando le despedí con una inmensa pena, me dio un abrazo y me dijo: «No voy porque le voy a causar muchos problemas. No merece la pena. Lo aprecio y siento hacerle sufrir».
Todo el viaje a Madrid, con el traqueteo de la noche en el tren, fue una inmensa amargura, un recuerdo triste, un querer buscar reductos para recuperar a Candi. No sabía dónde colgar su maltrecha voluntad y lograrlo.
Al llegar al Café de Oriente, en la cocina, cantaban las comandas como si nada hubiera sucedido:
—Una de brandada de bacalao, dos de gambas al ajillo, un solomillo al punto, a la mesa seis.
—¡Oído cocina!
Tenía la sensación de un mal sueño. Esperaba ver a un espigado camarero llamado Candi recoger en el pase un espléndido bogavante en campana para ser servido a no sé quién en el comedor del Rey. Pero esto no sucedía. A los pocos días vi a Marisa. Quise sacarle el tema con esperanza de encontrar ayuda:
—He estado con Candi en Oviedo —la informé.
—No me interesa —repuso.
—Está mal. Podrías ayudarlo...
—No es mi problema.
Vi que no había nada que hacer. Me sumí en la tristeza. Pasaron los días, algunos meses, no muchos. De vez en cuando llamaba a la madre por si había alguna esperanza. Sostenía en mis manos tras el teléfono un largo sollozo sin palabras para acabar diciéndome: «Rece, don Luis, rece por mi Candi. Estoy sufriendo mucho».
Hasta que una mañana temprano fue ella la que me llamó para decirme:
—Candi ha muerto. Ha muerto en casa, en su cama...
Tenía veintidós años, ojos hundidos y manos largas como de jugador de básquet que no se agarraron a la vida. Era alto, con un porte simpático y atractivo. Sonreía continuamente y la gente lo consideraba afable. Tenía un corazón generoso dispuesto a ayudar a los demás y a compartir todo lo suyo. Poseía el don de la alegría, brillante y picaresca en el ingenio. Tenía deseos de amar y de ser distinto de lo que fue. Estaba lleno de propósitos que no pudo cumplir. Se cruzó un caballo en su carrera: el caballo de la droga. Tenía todo nuestro apoyo. Tenía veintidós años, toda una vida por hacer.
Era primavera granada cuando asistí a su entierro y estaba todo el campo de Oviedo lleno de amapolas rojas.
Por otro lado personalmente tenía que ser muy cuidadoso con no herir las susceptibilidades eclesiásticas, ya que el trabajo específico de mis jóvenes empezaba a hacerse notar en la sociedad española. Para unos era un ambicioso con afán de dinero y notoriedad, para otros estaba loco. Noté que cada vez tenía más dificultades para acercarme al mundillo eclesiástico al que seguía perteneciendo. Por mi Taberna no aparecía la jerarquía eclesiástica, estaba dejado de la mano de Dios. Al menos así me lo parecía. Me disciplinaba confesando con un jesuita tolerante en la iglesia de la calle Serrano. Me entraba una pereza horrible de hacer la ronda al menos una vez al mes, pero tenía un ángel de la guarda que se llamaba el padre Bartolomé Vicens O. P. Con harta paciencia me soportaba hasta cuando hablaba mal del carnicero porque sospechaba que nos estaba robando con el peso. Lo conocí por casualidad cuando acudió como comensal con otra gente a las mesas de mi Taberna del Alabardero de Madrid. Aquel dominico, amigo personal del rey, iba a ser compañero del alma en muchas venturas y desventuras.
Era el padre Bartolomé un personaje muy popular. Se hacía querer por su trato afable y comprensivo con los de arriba y con los de abajo. Decía de sí mismo que era el confesor del rey Juan Carlos. No sé nada a ese respecto, pero sí —porque fui testigo de ello— que eran verdaderos amigos: admiraba al rey y lo quería desde niño. Desde su condición de director espiritual del colegio Alameda de Osuna había intervenido como consejero en su formación y desde allí distribuyó favores y compañía a muchos jóvenes necesitados de apoyo espiritual. El padre Bartolomé se convirtió en un asiduo acompañante querido por mis jóvenes. La víspera de abrir la Taberna en Madrid nos habíamos quedado sin un duro y él puso en nuestras manos mil pesetas para ir a comprar sardinas, vino y pan, que comimos en familia.
A él le preocupaba mucho mi vida sacerdotal. Habíamos coincidido anteriormente, yo como delegado de Vocaciones de la Archidiócesis y él como delegado de la Confederación de Religiosos (CONFER). Juntos pactamos huir de la competencia desleal y aunar la promoción de las vocaciones sacerdotales y religiosas. Así nació el primer Centro Pastoral de Vocaciones a nivel nacional en el que trabajamos ocho años. Quizá por todo ello me llamaba en el fragor de la batalla de ejecutivo, de _maître_ , de tabernero, para recordarme: «Estaré esperándote en la capilla de mi casa, Madre de Dios 35, para que digas misa conmigo a la hora que puedas».
Y así era muchos días. A veces al caer de la tarde y de la noche ponía en mis manos el pan y el vino para hacer el milagro de esa Eucaristía sin receta que es lo más maravilloso de nuestra fe cristiana: la transustanciación, en el Cuerpo y la Sangre de Cristo. Allí, en la capillita, con un santo Domingo y una Virgen románica de madera ponía los avatares de mis fallidos proyectos y la conquista de voluntades que el quehacer de cada día me prestaba. Volvía feliz a la Taberna. Por muchos problemas que tengas, conciliar la vida profesional y la vida personal es muy difícil cuando no tienes vida interior, vida espiritual. Aún ahora reconozco que es más eficaz que hacer simplemente yoga.
Así me iba dando cuenta que lo importante era el capital humano que íbamos acumulando entre nosotros. Nunca el capital financiero era suficiente para acometer nuevos proyectos. Buscaba la competencia de cada muchacho, había que construirla, formarla, para luego competir con otros. Sin aquellos valores no hubiéramos conseguido nada. Mi trabajo era como buscar estrellas en el fondo del mar: los caladeros eran cada vez más profundos y mis pulmones no resistían la presión, pero tenía que sumergirme en el atractivo mar de la vida de los otros para realizarme en mí mismo, como dicen los monjes de Shaolin: «Quien no se realiza en comunidad no se realiza en sí mismo».
En el seminario no me habían hablado de esas cosas. El padre Bartolomé tenía mucho mundo y transmitía muchas experiencias de la vida; lo llegué a querer hasta su muerte como a un hermano mayor: era mi confidente. Las contradicciones del mundo en el que me había metido y mi formación para el sacerdocio conciliaban mal. Surgían dudas permanentes que obstaculizaban una visión más transparente de las personas y de sus problemas. Llegué a pensar que en la Iglesia practicábamos muchas veces un oscurantismo pernicioso: cada día eran consultas nuevas, decisiones fuera del libro... Mi posición de sacerdote en un lugar abierto al público empezó a ser vista como una oportunidad de consulta en la sobremesa. A la Taberna venían gentes que nunca pisarían una iglesia, pero no por eso carentes de una preocupación espiritual y cristiana. La Iglesia del post Concilio Vaticano II estaba entrando en aparente contraposición con sus hábitos y costumbres anteriores. ¿Qué es pecado y qué no es pecado? Esa cuestión atormentaba a mucha gente. La permisividad o no de las normas estaba cambiando gracias a los nuevos modos de ver el comportamiento cristiano. A menudo estos temas se prolongaban en las sobremesas de mis restaurantes, convencidos algunos de mis clientes de que yo podría tener soluciones y absoluciones para todo.
Entre las numerosas anécdotas que compartí con el padre Bartolomé recuerdo un día que me llamó muy preocupado y me dijo:
—Luis, su Majestad el Rey me ha pedido que acompañe a un joven príncipe árabe amigo suyo que va a pasar unos días en Madrid. He pensado que se te podría ocurrir algo que hacer, aparte de comer en el Alabardero.
—No hay problema, padre. Comemos en la Taberna y luego nos vamos a ver el Palacio Real o a dar una vuelta por el Madrid de los Austrias.
A la mañana siguiente el padre apareció antes de las dos para recibir al príncipe árabe. Me advirtió:
—Me ha dicho el rey que habla muy bien español. Se llama Joder el Hamdani.
No le di más importancia, me pareció muy original. Al poco tiempo vimos llegar a la puerta de la calle un magnífico Rolls-Royce, del que se bajó un chófer perfectamente uniformado, quien abrió la puerta trasera para que descendiera el príncipe. Nos apresuramos a saludarlo e invitarlo cordialmente a entrar y pasar al comedor del fondo tras las presentaciones de rigor. Le expliqué el menú que habíamos preparado, en el que evitamos la carne de cerdo, y le ofrecimos zumo de naranja, lo correcto. Éramos solo los tres a la mesa. Todo era armonía y orden: sonrisas distendidas y la pregunta de rutina del padre Bartolomé:
—Alteza, ¿le gusta Madrid?
—Es precioso. Vengo aquí desde joven porque siempre me ha llamado la atención la cultura árabe de España. Soy un asiduo visitante de Granada, Córdoba y Sevilla. Sevilla es un recreo para los ojos.
Los primeros aperitivos estaban en la mesa: era evidente que habíamos evitado el jamón y todo aquello que pudiera afectar a la práctica musulmana. Teníamos unos espléndidos espárragos blancos de Aranjuez y unas gambas rojas de Huelva que desbordaban alegría de frescas. Empezamos a degustar aquellos manjares mientras el padre Bartolomé animaba a nuestro invitado.
—Príncipe Joder, ¡con las manos! Las gambas se comen con las manos. Luego nos traerán un aguamanil con limones, a la antigua usanza.
El príncipe miró a mi padre y siguió sus consejos. Al poco tiempo de un silencio embarazoso el padre Bartolomé le volvió a decir:
—Príncipe Joder, ¡lástima que no pueda probar este buen albariño, que es un vino blanco gallego que combina muy bien con los espárragos y con las gambas!
El príncipe volvió a mirar al padre, esta vez seriamente y luego a mí. Se hizo silencio. Al cabo de un rato respondió:
—Padre, yo no me llamo Joder, que sé lo que significa, sino Jaber, que es Javier en castellano. Además soy cristiano, del Líbano y no musulmán. Así que póngame el vino ese, que lo voy a probar.
Lo dijo bastante serio, pero no podíamos contener la risa, visto lo cual le dije a Paco Moreno, que nos servía:
—Anda, déjate de chorradas y ponednos una buena ración de jamón de Pedro Nieto de Guijuelo, que el príncipe estará deseando probarlo.
Un día nos llamó el rey para que fuéramos a visitarlo en La Zarzuela. Al acabar la entrevista y cuando nos despedía en el hall, su Majestad observó la baja forma física que los dos teníamos y, para mi asombro, le hizo prometer al padre Bartolomé que hiciera lo que él hacía a diario: ni corto ni perezoso se tiró al suelo alfombrado de la estancia e hizo flexiones delante de nosotros, asustados por si teníamos que repetir aquello. Yo era incapaz, pero Bartolomé también. El rey se rio por aquella broma y nosotros comprobamos que estaba en plena forma.
Cuando yo llegaba a casa por la noche contaba a mis muchachos, casi de madrugada, las cosas que nos habían sucedido entre bastidores. A veces nos parecía que todo era un sueño: soñar de día y casi no dormir de noche, porque, en la medida de lo posible, extendíamos nuestra manta y nuestro colchón. Era muy grande. Aquello también era crisis, sobre todo en 1993: España quedó desolada. Tratábamos de ocultar lo que pasaba detrás del telón, vestíamos el escenario de nuestros restaurantes con bambalinas. Allí una camarera era Gesolmina y yo me sentía Arlequín cada noche simulando que la Taberna era el Gran Vefour de París. Era capaz de descorchar, aunque fuera a crédito, mucho crédito, largo crédito, el champán francés para nuestro plato más rico, que podían ser unas simples patatas a la riojana o las lentejas de la comida de familia que estaban tan ricas que las hacíamos en demasía para que sobraran y pudiéramos dárselas a nuestros clientes preferidos. La comida de familia en un restaurante como el nuestro siempre era un lugar de encuentro donde conocías al «nuevo», alguno de los cuales se atrevía tímidamente a contar su vida anterior. Con relación a estas comidas, diré que el libro que más me gusta de Ferrán Adrià es el de _La comida de familia_ , porque en él ha sabido plasmar con sencillez parte de su esencia y de su sentido de la comunidad. Podría definirse como el nuevo nomenclátor de la cocina tecnoemocional que ha sacado adelante... Para mí es más natural que su otro mundo excesivamente artificial.
Comer es un acto social. No entiendo que se pueda comer solo pudiendo estar acompañado, como tampoco entiendo a Dios sin el otro, el prójimo. Ese acto social de comer acompañado es necesario para poder mantener el equilibrio del valor relativo de las cosas: el diálogo es necesario para la fecundidad de la vida. En la comida estableces un diálogo con tus sentidos en el que tienes deseos de expresar con pensamientos, ideas y palabras lo que estás percibiendo por los sentidos. Comer con otro es un gozo, es un gozo intelectual y sexual. Comer solo es apenas una insatisfacción satisfecha.
En la comida en familia a veces me sentía como en un convento, aunque nunca hablara de Dios a mis muchachos, dado que yo a Dios lo llevo a cuestas en todo lo que hago. No me gusta ponerle sitio: lo tiene ya de por sí. En los muchos años que llevo en esto creo que nunca he sermoneado a mi gente, he respetado profundamente sus creencias, fueran las que fuesen, he procurado que el consejo sea consecuencia del ejemplo. En su afecto me refugio para buscar la indulgencia del perdón cuando son testigos de mis malos actos, palabras y juicios. Me ha impresionado siempre la libertad personal de cada uno y el respeto con que valoran mi condición de sacerdote.
Ahora que he vuelto a ser párroco de un lugar como Montecarmelo (Madrid) me los encuentro, con sus familias, en las celebraciones de mis Eucaristías. Doy gracias a Dios por todo ello: yo no me quería morir siendo un tabernero de éxito, y el padre Bartolomé me ayudó en su camino a conseguir mi deseo. Su muerte me dejó un hueco vacío.
Dar de comer a un desconocido que entra por la puerta es una aventura apasionante. Si viene acompañado tienes que medir bien las palabras. Si es una comida de negocios siempre guardar la distancia: hacer como que no te enteras. Más aún si hablan de dinero y dicen cifras. Parecer interesado es fatal, y si pareces ausente te puede ir la vida o, mejor dicho, la fuga total de tu cliente para siempre. Un «sí, señor», medido, un «no» prudente, nunca rotundo por si te toca rectificar... Si el cliente viene solo y quiere ser confidente aconsejo mucha paciencia al servidor de turno. En la barra de una taberna se dicen cosas que nunca se escucharán en un confesionario: la barra de una taberna es un confesionario.
Tenía un cliente que estaba empeñado en hablarme mal del cura de San Ginés y estoy seguro de que dicho cura estaba, asimismo, empeñado en hablarle mal de mí. Las damas de sacristía se ponían muy tiesas cuando alguna venía a la Taberna con su marido; también se ponían tiesos otros amigos ante la indicación de uno de ellos: «Mira, ese es el cura».
La primera crónica gastronómica me la tragué con buenos modales. Fue una visita improvisada del conde de los Andes, el marqués de Desio y los Cofrades de la Buena Mesa. Todos eran buenos amigos y me ayudaron a salir adelante aunque era la visita demasiado prematura: era el 6 de noviembre de 1975. Patxi el chef me había advertido: «Tenga cuidado, esos son críticos gastronómicos».
Efectivamente ahí estaban sentados a la mesa Víctor de la Serna, Nines Arenillas, la marquesa de Poza, José María Alfaro, Julián Cortés Cabanillas, Enrique Tovar, Isabel de la Serna, la marquesa de Quintanar, Joaquín Calvo Sotelo y su esposa Juliana, Rafael Ansón haciendo coro al marqués de Desio y al conde de los Andes. Dejaron estas letras en nuestro Libro de Honor:
«Es difícil comer sencillo y comer bien como en la Taberna del Alabardero».
Así pasaron los días y los años. Ese comedor de dentro de la Taberna de Madrid tiene en sus paredes las horas preciadas de la historia. Si os asomáis algún día veréis a José Bergamín en el rincón, en su mesa camilla, esperando bajo el espejo la llegada de Rafael Alberti, quien más que comer o cenar, lo que hacía era pintar sirenas, toros con estrellas de mar y recitar en alta voz:
_El mar. La mar_.
_El mar. ¡Solo la mar_!
¿ _Por qué me trajiste, padre_
_[a la ciudad_?
¿ _Por qué me desenterraste_
_[del mar_?
_En sueños, la marejada_
_me tira del corazón_.
_Se lo quisiera llevar_ ,
_Padre, ¿por qué me trajiste_
_[acá_?
Todo el comedor puesto en pie lo aclamaba; yo lo he visto. Aún está enmarcada su última sirena con las estrellas del mar. Pero todo era una contradicción en la España nueva. Así, alguna dama decía en tono de confidencia a su amigo: «¡Qué bueno, pero qué rojo cabrón eres!».
Había nacido la democracia. En la mesa uno, del comedor de delante un tal Umbral, Paco Umbral, columnista de moda en _El País_ , escribía versos a mi amiga Hafida, la embajadora de Argel... y gente nueva, distinta, aparecía en los cenáculos de Madrid.
Una tarde de julio de 1976 me reservaron una gran mesa para cenar, todo el comedor del fondo estaría ocupado. Se esperaba de un momento a otro el nombramiento del primer presidente de la democracia. Don José María de Areilza, conde de Motrico, quería esa noche cenar con sus hijos, pero aquella mesa no se ocupó, permaneció vacía toda la noche: el primer presidente de la democracia se llamó Adolfo Suárez.
Inevitablemente asomarse a la plaza de Oriente de Madrid era asomarse a la vida política de España. En aquellos años inmediatos a la muerte de Franco, los 20 de noviembre se organizaba en ella una concentración de fuerzas fieles al régimen anterior que trataban de dar continuidad a su ideología. Ese día la Taberna tenía sus asiduos, entre los que nunca faltaba el matador de toros Antonio Ordóñez acompañado de sus hijas y algunos amigos. Para él reservábamos siempre el comedor privado. Allí hay aún un escrito hológrafo suyo: «Venimos a comer el consabido rabo de toro, que aquí lo hacéis muy bien».
Efectivamente este era y es uno de los platos estrella de la casa. Según el arte del difunto chef Ángel Lorente que ahora interpreta fielmente Alberto Bueno en la Taberna de Madrid.
RABO DE TORO ESTOFADO CON MIEL Y CANELA
Poner en una cazuela todas las verduras cortadas en trozos grandes y rehogar con un chorrito de aceite durante 5 minutos. En una sartén con poco aceite dorar el rabo, previamente enharinado. Una vez dorado, ponerlo en una cazuela. Añadir el laurel, el tomillo, el vino tinto, los licores y la sal y dejar cocer durante 4 horas a fuego lento y tapado.
Una vez cocido el rabo, retirarlo de la salsa. Pasar esta por la batidora y luego colar con un chino, dejándola espesita. Añadir los trozos de rabo a la salsa y echar un trozo de canela y la cucharada de miel. Dejar cocer 2 minutos. Rectificar la sal y la pimienta y decorar con los piñones.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
1 cebolla
2 puerros
Un tomate
2 dientes de ajo
1 zanahoria
1 vaso de aceite de oliva virgen
1.250 g de rabo de toro en trozos grandes
1 pizca de tomillo
1 hoja de laurel
1 l de vino tinto
1 vasito de brandy
1 vasito de anís de Chinchón seco
1 trozo de canela en rama
1 cucharada de miel
Sal y pimienta blanca molida
25 g de piñones
Tiempo de preparación: 4 horas
Antonio era un cliente asiduo; cuando al morir esa gran mujer que fue Carmina traía a sus hijas Belén y Carmen para discutir los temas familiares con ellas y acabar diciendo: «Esto es así. No me queréis oír los consejos que os doy, pero aquí está mi amigo Luis, el cura, que sabe mucho de todo esto y puede explicaros lo que nos va enseñando la vida».
Las niñas a veces no estaban por la labor, cosa que ponía a su padre muy nervioso, pero luego se dejaba contentar por su cariño. Eran unas chicas llenas de vida y Antonio las adoraba: yo fui testigo privilegiado de su trato familiar. Un día me vio muy preocupado y me preguntó: «Luis, algo te ha pasado. Seguro que te has metido en un lío; te encuentro muy bajo, tú que siempre das ánimo a los demás».
Era verdad. En medio de aquel bullicio de trabajo, de chicos que iban y venían, muchachos que probaban suerte y fortuna en un Madrid de oportunidades, acababa de ser llamado al despacho del cardenal Tarancón y recibir instrucciones para hacerme cargo de la parroquia del pueblo de Carabaña, que estaba nada menos que a 45 kilómetros de Madrid. El cardenal trató de justificarse pero percibí que había recibido presiones por parte de la curia para poner a prueba mi voluntad sacerdotal. Don Vicente no estaba de buen humor: me recibió con cierta frialdad. Sus palabras fueron parcas y miró dos veces seguidas el reloj en su muñeca, colocado hacia dentro, un tic en él habitual y que a mí me ponía nervioso. Era evidente que tenía prisa: «Luis, tienes que asumir lo que acabo de decirte. Si no quieres ser mal interpretado y atenerte a las consecuencias, debes aceptar el nombramiento de párroco en una parroquia o ayudar y trabajar como coadjutor. No puedes seguir así, sin ocuparte de algo pastoral. Peligra tu vocación...».
Sus palabras tenían eco de consejo presbiterial, de reunión de vicarios. Me costaba creer que don Vicente me obligara a dejar la Taberna y todo lo que eso conllevaba. Habían pasado unos años en los que yo sabía que todo lo que se comentaba de mí y de mis muchachos no era bien visto; era objeto de interpretaciones contradictorias, seguramente de quejas al arzobispo de la diócesis. La voz del cardenal tenía un eco lejano de esos lamentos; no me parecía la suya, pero supe interpretar el mensaje. Me quedé pensativo. Miré tras los cristales de esa hermosa estancia que daba al Palacio Real, en el patio de la Armería se interpretaba la marcha de infantes, mientras la Guardia Real hacía honores a las carrozas donde los dignatarios extranjeros iban a presentar sus cartas credenciales a una naciente monarquía que había proclamado rey a Juan Carlos I. Miré con preocupación al cardenal y le pregunté: «Don Vicente, ¿qué debo hacer?». «Ponte a las órdenes del vicario general que él te dará tu nuevo destino», fue su respuesta.
Bajé la escalera de granito del Palacio Episcopal con unas piernas temblorosas y ajeno al ir y venir de otros compañeros que me saludaban al pasar. Me entretuve en la librería de la planta baja paseando la mirada sobre los libros allí expuestos, ausente de todo. Me fijé en uno que me lo había recomendado muchas veces mi director espiritual, don José Gálvez, _el Padrecito_ , como le llamamos cariñosamente, eché mano de él, lo entreabrí y ojeé con indiferencia. Se titulaba _El alma de todo apostolado_ y era una medicina para los inquietos. Te lo recetaban como el Valium para que te calmaras, pero yo luchaba en mi interior porque no estaba dispuesto a entrar en una camisa de fuerza. Quería obedecer al obispo, pero ¿cómo iba a dejar todo ese mundo de la Taberna que había creado con tanto empeño? Mi gente, mis muchachos, mis compromisos abrumadores, compromisos económicos que me quitaban el sueño... ¿Cómo hacer compatible todo aquello con lo que mi voto de obediencia me requería cumplir? No sabía qué hacer, qué pensar. ¿Le decía al obispo que no? ¿Por qué tenía que renunciar a mi Taberna en aquellos momentos, cuando aquello empezaba a funcionar, cuando ya había consolidado un equipo de chicos que tenían constancia en el trabajo?
Pedí audiencia al vicario general sin saber qué iba a ofrecerme ni qué iba yo a contestarle. En el salón rojo de terciopelo, lugar de veredictos, salón de órdenes y de decisiones me esperaba don Antonio para decirme: «O coadjutor de Parla o cura de Carabaña».
Había oído hablar mucho de Carabaña, pueblo cercano a Chinchón, porque mi entrañable amigo y párroco don Moisés era natural de aquel pueblo. No lo dudé: «Cura de Carabaña», afirmé.
Pronto supe a lo que me había comprometido: el pueblo, que estrenaba democracia como todo el país, tenía un alcalde joven del Partido Comunista, Paco, del que me hice buen amigo; la iglesia con problemas en el tejado, la casa parroquial inhabitable por su deterioro, y la gente, como toda la de la Vega del Tajuña, encantadoramente alegre y entusiasta, abierta de corazón, muy amiga de sus tradiciones, sus fiestas y de su Cristo de la Salud y la Buena Muerte, pero poco asidua a la iglesia.
Allí pasé tres años. Yendo y viniendo, de la parroquia al restaurante, del restaurante a la parroquia. Hice todo lo posible por convertirme en pastor de mi grey sin dejar de ser tabernero, lo que algunas veces provocaba en mí un sentimiento de culpabilidad. He de reconocer que gracias a la eficaz ayuda del padre Bartolomé, mi entrañable amigo y dominico, mi rebaño espiritual estaba bien atendido. Pronto los feligreses supieron comprender el dilema que su párroco mantenía entre la salvación de sus almas como compromiso y las letras firmadas por la Taberna del Alabardero, amén de los pisos donde vivíamos y de los chavales del cura que se presentaban en las fiestas a castigar a las mocitas de mi parroquia, con gran enfado por mi parte. Luché por no confundir al personal, y creo que no les cayó mal tan original modo de entender la catequesis cristiana.
La verdad es que yo me esforzaba por hacerlo lo mejor posible, aunque reconozco que con métodos muy poco usuales. Recuerdo todavía el asombro de una misa con preludio de guitarra de la mano de Félix de Utrera y la compañía de Lucero Tena haciendo arte de sus palillos y de su baile ante el Señor y mis ensimismados parroquianos. En aquel entonces aquello era inusual, pero no dejaba de tener su atractivo para un pueblo más amigo de la jarana que del rezo. Hoy sería una pastoral anticuada.
Pero aquel tejado me quitaba el sueño, y algunos gitanos me robaban los pichones de la iglesia; lo de los pichones daba mucha guerra y mucha palomina que aprendí a vender para mejorar la economía parroquial bastante «chunga», por eso no era de extrañar que Antonio Ordóñez me encontrara preocupado aquella noche: «Me han dicho que te han hecho volver a ser cura de pueblo», me dijo el hijo del Niño de la Puebla. «Pues sí, es verdad: estoy de cura en Carabaña. Me han puesto como condición estar tres años, arreglar la iglesia, la casa parroquial que está inhabitable y luego ya mandarán allí a vivir a un cura joven. Vosotros deberíais ayudarme montando un festival para arreglar la iglesia.»
Dejé caer mi petición con todas las dudas de ser escuchada, pero, sorprendentemente, Antonio se atrevió a decirme: «Luis, eso está hecho. Yo pongo los novillos para el festival y estoy seguro que Paco Camino, Jaime Ostos y Paquirri vienen a torear».
No me lo podía creer. Pronto me puse manos a la obra: busqué una plaza de toros portátil, mozos del pueblo que la armaran, comisión organizadora y publicidad de un cartel con seis novillos que se lidiaron a nombre de Belén Ordóñez. Evidentemente con mi torero Teodoro Librero _el Bormujano_ como colofón del mismo. Fue un rotundo éxito: la prensa de Madrid se volcó y los aficionados de todos los lugares llenaron el coso ante un pueblo apasionado y contento de ser el protagonista del más atractivo festejo taurino allí celebrado. Con ello se arregló el tejado de la iglesia de Carabaña. Descansé.
Cuando don José Bergamín hablaba de sus amigos de París yo me quedaba anonadado, pues era la historia viviente de una España que jamás se nos había contado: Bacarise, Segovia, Nicanor Zabaleta, Blancafort y las tertulias de La Closerie des Lilas con Buñuel, Nicolás Vázquez, Novais, Manuel Ezandia y gente interesante o las tertulias en el Café de Flore y su gran amigo André Malraux... De Llosa y Márquez, decía que eran «jóvenes muchachos llenos de talento».
Bergamín en el Alabardero era un poema vivo, un sueño del pasado presente. Pocos se atrevían a romper su intimidad, aunque las que sí la rompían eran las chicas guapas «alumnas», que «el Viejo verde del gabán, el Esqueleto andante», como él mismo se definía, invitaba a su mesa camilla, junto al espejo, ornada con unas tradicionales faldas, por las que el viejo Bergamín extendía sus manos hasta las de las ninfas afortunadas con su amistad, llenas de orgasmos intelectuales imposibles de otro modo. Cada noche, nuestros chicos eran testigos de una nueva representación en la que el protagonista siempre era don José Bergamín.
A Novais le gustaba sentarse a la mesa camilla y no tomaba nada más que café, muchos cafés, para luego llevarse la crónica hecha a París y sacarla en _Le Monde_ ; también Pierre Lartigue de _L'Humanité_ escribía sus crónicas en las sobremesas del Alabardero con Bergamín al lado. Un 10 de mayo de 1975 decía en su periódico:
_Madrid répond toujours à notre gourmandise_.
_Pour un prochaine voyage notez l'adresse_ ,
_elle n'est pas dans le Michelin: el Alabardero, 6_ ,
_rue Felipe V. C'est à côté de l'opéra_.
_Vous y trouverez une bonne cuisine: anchois_
_à l'ail, ragoût de legumes, épinards à la crème_ ,
_agneau de lait_...
Lo mejor de Bergamín era su espontaneidad y agudeza para las cosas. Vivíamos frente a frente. Su apartamento era chiquito, con una terraza luminosa a la Plaza de Oriente, y generalmente estaba solo, aunque a temporadas le acompañaba su hija Teresa. Vivía entre libros imposibles de contenerse en las librerías sujetas a las paredes que inundaban el suelo apilados por temas de lo más variados, y una mesa donde, aparentemente ordenados, estaban sus escritos más recientes y sus colaboraciones en la revista _Triunfo_. En aquel tiempo hacía más gala de su filosofía libre pensadora que de cualquier otra agresividad política apasionadamente republicana que lo había caracterizado antaño; incluso su polémica con Fraga estaba siendo olvidada.
Una mañana me presentó a su cotorra: «Luis, te presento a _Tarradellas_ »; fue para mí una sorpresa el que le pusiera el nombre del recuperado político catalán. Sin embargo, la cotorra duró poco porque se ponía impertinente y don José la amonestaba: «¡Cállate, _Tarradellas_!». La cotorra decía cuatro cosas entre las que no faltaba «¡Viva la República!», que por supuesto él le había enseñado.
Una tarde llamó a la puerta de mi apartamento, preocupado, y sin llegar a cerrar la suya me gritó: «¡Tengo un ladrón en casa!».
Creí que era una broma de las suyas, pero me cogió de la mano y me condujo hasta su salón, donde vi a un señor de mediana edad, vestido de azul Vergara como si fuera un electricista, que tenía una cara adusta de circunstancias. Don José me lo presentó: «Este señor es un ladrón que ha entrado a robarme por la azotea».
Yo me indigné mucho: «Pero, hombre, ¿no le da a usted vergüenza entrar a robar a este pobre anciano que no tiene más que libros?». «Tiene usted razón —convino aquel hombre como disculpándose—. Me he equivocado de piso, ¡coño! Yo no tengo la culpa de que el de al lado estuviera cerrado y este abierto.»
Instintivamente me fui al teléfono diciendo: «Ahora mismo voy a llamar a la policía», pero don José se abalanzó sobre mí, exclamando: «¡No, por favor, no lo haga! Ya he puesto a calentar un poco de café. Tomamos un café los tres juntos, luego este señor se va a su casa tan contento, y santas pascuas».
Y así fue. Don José Bergamín era imprevisible hasta para sus espontáneas salidas de tono. A la mañana siguiente vino al restaurante con una foto grande de Cléo de Mérode diciéndome: «Don Luis, le estoy muy agradecido por lo del ladrón. Le traigo nada menos que una foto de Cléo que ella misma me regaló en París y le he puesto un verso. Cuélguela, por favor, en nuestro comedor para que usted y yo la podamos contemplar.
Al pie de la foto había escrito de su puño y letra:
¿ _Qué es lo que veo_
_que me mareo_?
_Esta es la Cléo_
_de Merodeo_.
Ahí sigue, en el mismo sitio. Él estaba enamorado de la gran bailarina francesa, reina de la belleza francesa.
En las noches del invierno una cosa era lo que se cocía en la cocina y otra lo que se guisaba en la sala. Aquel muchacho joven que había entrado por la puerta llamándose _Isidoro_ de la mano de Enrique Sarasola, _Pichirri_ , ya empezaba a ser conocido como Felipe González, un joven al que poco a poco iba conociendo y tomando afecto. Me caía muy bien, pero siempre acabábamos discutiendo sobre aquel supuesto marxismo leninismo de un renacido Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) del que yo no sabía todo lo que significaba y menos aún lo que significaría en un futuro. Una cosa estaba clara: Felipe González tenía garra, un discurso nuevo, un talante atrevido y una capacidad de síntesis, algo que no es muy común en los políticos. Hay muchos que llegan al análisis de los temas, pero no concluyen nunca con la síntesis necesaria para hacer prácticas y asequibles sus ideas en el pueblo. La cantidad de políticos que he conocido en mi faceta de restaurador me ha hecho pensar que es más fácil analizar que sintetizar las ideas y las necesidades. Al acabar aquellas largas sobremesas de las noches más de una vez pensé que su química podría llegar a ser explosiva, y que en el laboratorio de su cabeza había alguna fórmula equivocada que yo no era capaz de rectificar.
Bergamín y Felipe se conocieron en nuestro comedor. Tenían una conversación fluida sobre el análisis de la historia recientemente vivida de muy distinto modo. El republicano Bergamín debió de dejar sembrada la cabeza del joven político sevillano con nuevas ideas. Acababa de cesar Pío Cabanillas, Barrera de Irimo dimitía y se volvía a ir a pique el espíritu del 12 de febrero, un programa al menos reformista que daba esperanzas al pueblo con respecto a una anhelada libertad, lo que había supuesto una evolución del sistema del general Franco, capitaneado por el presidente Arias Navarro.
Unas noches después de aquellas conversaciones le pregunté a Bergamín cómo le iba el diálogo con Felipe y me contestó: «Diles a estos chicos que si algún día quieren gobernar España, tienen que olvidarse del marxismo leninismo. Eso está ya trasnochado».
Era finales de 1976.
En mayo de 1979 Felipe González, ya secretario del PSOE, en el XXVIII Congreso, abandonó las reuniones de su partido tras su declaración de no estar dispuesto a ser elegido de nuevo secretario general si no se renunciaba al marxismo leninismo. Su discurso provocó su desplante. Me escribió una carta desde Sevilla que aún conservo:
_Querido Luigi_ :
_Tomé la decisión. Entre comida y comida, charla y charla con los amigos, a veces no viene mal un discurso como este_.
En septiembre, en el hotel Meliá Castilla de Madrid, un congreso extraordinario del PSOE reelegía a Felipe como secretario general y asumía los nuevos planteamientos por él propuestos.
Tiempo antes, una noche fría de invierno, Felipe González se encaprichó de un hermoso abrigo tres cuartos de piel de borrego que me habían regalado. Por aquel entonces iba a hacer su primer viaje a Moscú, y tanto le gustó y lo necesitaba que se lo cambié por su célebre cazadora de piel de ante, con la que siempre había salido en las fotos. Cuando empezó la campaña, vísperas de ser elegido secretario general, me pidió la cazadora que «le daba suerte» para ir a un mitin complicado que tenía en Eibar y se la devolví. La tarde de su proclamación como secretario general en el hotel Meliá fui testigo de cómo lucía su cazadora: me alegré, aunque él aún no me ha devuelto mi abrigo.
Hace años decidimos colocar en la Taberna del Alabardero de Madrid, en una hornacina, junto al rincón de la mesa donde se sentaba Bergamín, un mosaico conmemorativo de su centenario. Es una obra maestra hecha por nuestro ceramista Manolo _el Peregrino_ , en la que reza, para su honra y memoria, una de las singulares frases de don José: «En España todo lo que no es pueblo es ignorancia» __.
En 1989 abrí mi primera Taberna del Alabardero en Washington, Estados Unidos. Cuando cumplimos un año de funcionamiento, un inspector de Hacienda me anunció su visita. Me encontré con un hombre de color, de agradable gesto y trato distendido. Al llegar me felicitó por el éxito del establecimiento y porque «si bien todavía no he probado vuestra comida, he oído hablar muy bien de ella». Acompañado de un ayudante, examinó detenidamente los números de nuestro contable y le dedicó un buen tiempo a la comprobación minuciosa de unos y otros asientos. Cuando hubo acabado, precisó a nuestro experto que algo no estaba bien reflejado al comienzo del trabajo. Mi administrador y él discutieron durante un tiempo. Yo no entendía nada. Al final se dieron razones mutuas y justificaciones de acuerdo. El inspector pareció quedarse satisfecho y me anunció: «Hay una variación estimada en X, pero es normal que se produzcan estas cosas por el arranque de un negocio en un lugar nuevo. Además, lo lógico es que ustedes tiendan a declarar lo menos posible, así que no se preocupe. Lo importante es que el negocio marcha. Nosotros somos parte interesada de su negocio. Consúlteme todo lo que necesite saber. La liquidación tiene un tanto de deuda añadida, y ha de pagarse en el tiempo reglamentado».
El inspector se interesó por el desarrollo humano de nuestro proyecto, por saber si estábamos contentos en Estados Unidos, y trató de animarnos en el inicio de nuestro asentamiento local.
Al regresar de Washington a Madrid me encontré que tenía una cita con el inspector de Hacienda del grupo de restaurantes. Al parecer, en mi ausencia había sido requerido por la gente de uno de mis restaurantes, que había cerrado y vendido un año antes. Durante tres horas mi administrador y los subinspectores trataron de demostrarse mutuamente la sinrazón de sus razones, buscando tickets y comandas en facturas del año 1987, haciendo el control de los panecillos y los cafés comprados a nuestros proveedores y servidos a nuestros clientes, indagando cual detective la posible falsedad de una contabilidad en regla. Hurgaban en las carpetas como buitres carroñeros en los cadáveres, mientras me comentaban con orgullo que varios subinspectores habían trabajado durante tres meses para comprobar que el restaurante de catorce mesas tenía una supuesta derivación contable, por lo que determinaban la falsedad con sus criterios y me acusaban de delincuente, me amenazaban con la cárcel y hacían deducciones de posibles fraudes, evasiones de divisas al extranjero y no sé cuántas cosas más y, por supuesto, me multaban con el 300 por ciento y me cubrían de oprobios. Por lo que aconsejaban a mis representantes que: «Vayan buscándole un buen bufete de abogados».
Ante tanta ira institucional y con la conciencia de delito como si fuera un pecador gravemente arrepentido, decidí visitar al inspector y a sus subinspectores para que me escucharan en confesión. Afortunadamente me recibieron muy afables y me dieron toda clase de explicaciones. Pero, claro, las sanciones que suponían mi culpabilidad, la condena y la inquietante satisfacción de su razón, su verdad, su trabajo, su derecho, su fuerza, su prestigio, su poder... quedaron ampliamente ratificados contra mi indefensa situación, solamente aliviada por la esperanza de ser comprendido y absuelto previo pago de cuotas, multas y sanciones por mi supuesto delito. Me encontraba acobardado y confundido. Me acordé del inspector americano. Le eché de menos. Presumir mi inocencia era para ellos ofensivo, como una falta de reconocimiento a su trabajo, como poner en duda su honestidad inspectora. Por supuesto, el empresario no les inducía ningún respeto. Era el conejo que hay que cazar. El acoso y derribo estaba allí, en una carpeta con cadáveres contables, recortes peregrinos de periódicos que hablaban de mí, cartas investigadoras y controles de espionaje. Todo aquello me parecieron reductos de otros tiempos, donde el Estado era solo el Estado y el paisano se las veía tiesas para vivir sin más remedio que el engaño o el subterfugio. Pensé: «Aquí nada ha cambiado, tendremos que seguir jugando al gato y al ratón».
Me veía en la cárcel traspasando los umbrales de Carabanchel bajo el viejo eslogan: «Odia al delito y compadece al delincuente». Ese era yo.
Fui a la catedral a confesarme, pero el cura había puesto una Taberna y no estaba..., eso me hizo pensar: «Tendré que volver a mi trabajo eclesiástico. Ya ha cundido hasta mi mal ejemplo. ¡Quién me habrá mandado dejarlo! No hay alternativa. No se puede estar en misa y repicando».
Mientras el inspector me llamaba continuamente y me coaccionaba. Llegó un momento en que en un bar cercano a la inspección de la calle Gómez de Guzmán me puso los papeles delante y me dijo: «Si no firma usted ahora mismo, lo meto en la cárcel».
Tardamos muchos años en acabar de pagar aquella inspección de Hacienda que dio al traste con muchos proyectos. Quizá no supimos gestionar hábilmente el fruto de nuestro trabajo.
_En Sevilla hay que actuar_
_con gran paciencia y prudencia_.
_tener verbal continencia_ ,
_no demostrar mucha ciencia_
_y presencia o ausencia_
_según conveniencia_.
Del decir de Nicolás Valero
según Luis Montoto.
Habíamos llegado a la capital andaluza traídos desde Marbella por los hermanos González Barba, que querían hacer un club social y deportivo con el nombre de Antares donde se dieran cita los más destacados miembros de la nueva sociedad sevillana. Era por el año 1987 y se barruntaban ya las espectaculares perspectivas de la Expo 92. Sevilla siempre tiene mucho atractivo para el que llega de fuera: su embrujo es una realidad. A mí me sedujo de la mano de un hombre acogedor como era Nicolás Valero y de un amigo entrañable como Miguel Sánchez Montesdeoca. Ellos y Paco Jiménez Alemán con Miguel Villegas me pasearon por Sevilla hasta que la ciudad acabó por atraparme.
Cuando decidimos abrir la Taberna en el club Antares no éramos conscientes de que aquella operación era plantar lechugas en huerta ajena: duramos poco tiempo, no más de dos años.
Pero durante aquel tiempo, el primer invierno en el restaurante asistí a un hecho insólito. Una noche no había más que una reserva en el libro que había cogido la señora de la limpieza en la mañana temprana. Decía así: «Su Santidad y catorce más».
Cuando llegué pregunté al _maître_ y a todos por esa extraña reserva, pero nadie sabía nada. Me dio que pensar que se me iban a encajar allí el entonces llamado papa Clemente y sus cardenales, y pasé todo el día desasosegado. ¿Qué podía hacer yo con aquella gente? Y lo malo era que se enterara la prensa. Se oía en Sevilla que cuando acudían a un restaurante se ponían _moraos_ con los mejores vinos y las mejores viandas. Estaba consternado, y hasta recé a la Virgen de los Reyes para salir bien del trance; lo que estaba claro es que no podía evitar la visita del falso papa y de la denostada congregación del Palmar de Troya. Se me hizo la tarde eterna.
La primera noticia que tuve de su existencia fue a través de mi amigo Juan Manuel Urquijo de Federico, quien un día, asustado, me llamó por teléfono contándome:
«Oye, Luis, que se ha aparecido la Virgen en un olivar de mi propiedad a unos niños y unos tíos que dicen ser sus videntes. ¿Qué hago?» «Si tienen dinero, véndeselo», respondí contundentemente.
Menudo lío se quitó de encima, me lo recordaba a menudo: «Mira que estuviste claro».
Cuando llegó la noche, a la hora prefijada, en la puerta del restaurante vislumbré siluetas de sotanas que se apeaban de un coche, luego otro. Salí a su encuentro y avisé a mis camareros: «Ya están aquí Su Santidad y los catorce cardenales».
Cuando me acerqué a ellos quedé sorprendido y perplejo: tenía ante mí al cardenal Vicente Enrique Tarancón y a un grupo de sacerdotes y seglares amigos. Debí de poner cara de asombro porque don Vicente me dijo con su tono más amable: «Pero, Luis, no pongas cara de sorpresa. Si te he avisado esta mañana temprano para que no estuvieras desprevenido...».
Después de los saludos de rigor y ya en el restaurante no pude por menos de contar la historia como yo me la había imaginado ante el regocijo de todos. Luego el cardenal explicó: «Acabo de dar una conferencia en una hermandad, y como estos amigos de Sevilla querían invitarme a cenar les dije que viniéramos a conocer tu casa».
La verdad es que lo pasaron muy bien y comieron mejor. Aquella noche el corazón de solomillo con salsa de naranjas amargas de Sevilla lo hizo Jesús Sánchez, un joven chef navarro que ocupó nuestras cocinas y que hoy en el Cenador de Amós en Cantabria, ha obtenido dos estrellas Michelin. Nuestra receta es:
Cortar el solomillo en rodajas no muy gruesas. En una sartén al fuego poner el aceite, dorarlo por las dos partes y reservar. En la misma sartén poner el zumo de dos naranjas amargas y el vaso de vino blanco, dejar reducir un poco y, a continuación, poner la nata líquida, la sal y la pimienta al gusto. En un plato, colocar la carne y adornar con los gajos de las dos naranjas que tapamos con la salsa.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
800 g de solomillo de cerdo ibérico
4 naranjas amargas
1 vasito de vino blanco
1 vasito de aceite de oliva
1 dl de nata líquida
Sal
Pimienta blanca
Tiempo de preparación: 20 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 5 minutos
Hacer una escuela en Sevilla era un reto. Una exigencia para los tiempos que se avecinaban con la Expo 92. Hubiera sido fundamental empezar antes. Nosotros, que veíamos la necesidad de la formación en una materia tan importante para el desarrollo turístico, no teníamos dinero, ni crédito, ni subvenciones: éramos unos desconocidos, hasta que un amigo mío que trabajaba como director general en Caja Segovia se aventuró a hablar como financiero de lo que para nosotros era simplemente un proyecto. Acabábamos de dejar el club Antares por desavenencias con sus dueños. Nos enteramos por pura casualidad de que habían cobrado 35 millones de pesetas gracias a los 33 puestos de trabajo que manteníamos nosotros. No obstante, Sevilla era una tentación, una oportunidad. El tentador se llamaba Lasso de la Vega, a quien conocí en el hall del hotel Inglaterra. Aquel hotel me era familiar porque en él paraba mi padre en sus viajes de negocio cuando venía a Sevilla cuando yo era chico. Lasso de la Vega había comprado a los Molina la vieja casa palacio de don Juan Antonio Cavestany en la calle Zaragoza, 20. Allí había nacido y se había criado el ilustre prócer de las letras de la Real Academia de la Lengua. Allí se habían escrito su poemario _A la sombra de la Giralda_ y otras obras. El propósito era edificar en su jardín apartamentos, cosa que las autoridades municipales no le permitieron. Aun así, para tal fin arrancó un histórico magnolio de larga antigüedad valorado como especie única en muchos millones de pesetas —en aquellos días, al albur de la Expo se hicieron muchos disparates—. Yo no supe esa historia hasta después de adquirir la casa, gracias al crédito hipotecario de Caja Segovia. En memoria del llorado ejemplar le pusimos al patio de la escuela el nombre del Magnolio.
Durante dos años tuvimos que pelear con la administración municipal para que nos diera los permisos. Mientras tanto, yo tenía una obra ilegal, hecha por un arquitecto que no conocía, con un contratista del Aljarafe que se dejó el alma y la vida en la rehabilitación del Palacete. Por aquel entonces tener albañiles para hacer una obra en Sevilla era un lujo. La constancia de Seni Marcos, nuestro ingeniero técnico, hizo que aquel inmueble desvencijado y vacío fuera poco a poco configurándose como un pequeño hotel, restaurante y escuela que aún perdura, convertido en la jaula hipotética de nuestras vidas y las de más de tres mil exalumnos al día de hoy, tras veintidós años de trabajo e ilusión. Pero dar alma a aquel proyecto era no vivir, no dormir y mucho soñar. Los sueños se enfrentaban con la realidad: mientras en Madrid la Taberna y el Café de Oriente se abrían camino, en Puerto Banús se iniciaba una nueva singladura y en Sevilla Seni y yo luchábamos cuerpo a cuerpo, él con los obreros y especialistas, yo con los bancos. Nos ayudaban gente como Teodoro Librero, el Bormujano y Diego Ganate. En los corrillos sevillanos la casa palacio de la calle Zaragoza, 20 suscitaba toda clase de comentarios: unos a favor y otros en contra. Yo recordaba la letrilla de Luis Montoto y hacía gala del consejo.
La Expo nos proporcionó un trabajo intenso. Además de conseguir abrir dos días antes de la inauguración, nos encargaron el Pabellón Real, el espacio reservado a Sus Majestades los Reyes y a los jefes de Gobierno de cada país participante, además del Pabellón de la Comunidad de Madrid. Teníamos todos los días eventos donde abundaban el protocolo y banquetes oficiales, como el que se celebró el Día Nacional de Inglaterra, presidido por el príncipe Carlos y la radiante princesa Diana. El banquete oficial en el comedor Real era siempre para cien personas. Lo servíamos nosotros como era habitual. La presencia de Sus Majestades los Reyes de España y sus invitados en el comedor le otorgaba aún más magnificencia. La princesa Diana debió de llegar agotada por los actos de inauguración, el paseo por la feria y los saludos protocolarios, porque cuando se sentó, uno de mis camareros me dijo: «Don Luis, se está quitando los zapatos, un pie con el otro».
Efectivamente así era. El banquete discurrió con toda normalidad y, cuando llegó el brindis y había que levantarse para ello, fuimos testigos de las dificultades de lady Di para volver a calzarse sin que nadie se diera cuenta. La observamos con zozobra hasta que por fin suspiramos aliviados cuando pescó el segundo zapato con la punta de los dedos de su pie derecho. Sonreía y aparentaba normalidad la bellísima princesa Diana de Gales. Era el 20 de mayo de 1992.
Al príncipe Carlos de Inglaterra le gustaron los faisanes de Aranjuez asados en su jugo con uvas de Manilva:
Poner en la sartén un poco de aceite de oliva, sazonar el faisán y dorarlo. Después ponerlo al horno durante 25 minutos. Sacarlo y dejarlo reposar mientras se prepara la salsa. En la misma sartén poner las uvas previamente peladas y flambearlas con un poquito de brandy; añadir un cuarto de vaso de vino blanco y un cuarto de vaso de caldo de ave. Dejar que vaya reduciendo todo, preferiblemente ya con las uvas separadas para que no se deshagan. Cuando haya reducido a la mitad más o menos, estará lista la salsa. En un plato trinchar el faisán, añadirle las uvas y un poco de salsa. Listo para comer.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
1 faisán
½ kg de uvas
Brandy
Vino blanco
Caldo de ave
Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora
Tiempo de cocción: 25 minutos
Durante aquellos meses que duró la Expo tuvimos que investigar y trabajar de día y de noche para elaborar sesenta menús diferentes de la gastronomía española, con productos selectos y vinos que maridaran con ellos. Esa tarea nos hizo conocer la gran variedad de productos que ofrece la geografía española y las temporadas de los mismos; también supuso un curso acelerado para aprender la logística necesaria para tenerlos a punto en las mesas de nuestros anfitriones, los reyes de España y los jefes de Estado de todos los países participantes.
Cuando al año siguiente, en 1993, abrimos la Escuela Superior de Hostelería de Sevilla con la participación de la Caja de Ahorros El Monte, teníamos muy claro que dicha escuela no era para formar cocineros, ni camareros, ni chefs, ni directores de hotel, sino para hacer personas competentes e innovadoras.
Sabía que nos iba a costar mucho esfuerzo elevar a la categoría de cultura el aprendizaje de un oficio. Vistos los resultados de la Expo 92, estaba claro que este país tiene una verdadera historia gastronómica por descubrir y poner en valor. Esta historia no solo está protagonizada por los guisos populares transmitidos por nuestras abuelas, sino por el tesoro escondido de las culturas que aquí se han asentado en los siglos: somos herencia de romanos, íberos, celtas, fenicios, árabes, judíos y cristianos. Todavía hoy cuando alguna mañana temprano me da tiempo a recorrer los lugares donde se toma el desayuno en Sevilla aprecio la diferencia de las tres culturas: en cualquier bar de la calle Mateos Gago te pueden servir unos buenos chicharrones con manteca colorada, evidentemente recuerdo de judíos conversos, de «marranos»; una bollería fina de torta almendrada al más puro estilo árabe, o unos tejeringos fritos en buen aceite con cafelito bien cristiano: un buen lastre de las culturas heredadas que se esconde en el alma del pueblo. Disfruto mucho con ello.
A mí me preocupaba mucho edificar una escuela sobre «el saber hacer» más que «el saber estar» __. Quería alumnos hiperactivos, dado que el tipo de jóvenes que iba conociendo me hacía descubrir en los inquietos la destreza para saber hacer y la buena predisposición para aprender lo necesario al hacer. Los tecnicismos vendrían aparte: el estudio se suscitaría por el propio afán de aprender del mismo alumno, algo que no estaba de moda por aquel entonces, al contrario que la «titulitis»: las escuelas profesionales otorgaban capacidades y títulos por horas. Sin embargo, la hora no mide el saber. El tiempo nos ha dado la razón y en la actualidad nos imitan calificando a este tipo de enseñanza como «dual» y atribuyéndosela a los alemanes.
Por otra parte, a pesar de las buenas maneras que nos preceden a los vascos en las artes de la mesa y la cocina, estaba descubriendo la riqueza gastronómica de la Bética. Aquello era un vergel. Tuve la suerte de dar con un catedrático de la Universidad de Granada, Antonio Malpica, que me aportó unos ricos conocimientos de la cultura de la sal y de los descubrimientos en la ciudad de Baelo Claudia. Una cultura científica de la gastronomía estaba por llegar. Cuando escuché sus explicaciones se me acentuó la necesidad de transmitir a nuestros incipientes alumnos el ignorado patrimonio de su historia.
También conocí entonces a Lucía Bolens y su libro _La cocina andaluza del siglo_ _XI_ _al_ _XIII_ _: un arte de vivi_ r (1992). La llevé a Sevilla. Escuchar a Lucía en el entorno de los Reales Alcázares, donde seguramente se había dejado sentir a influencia de Ziryab y los BrillatSavarin de los reinos de Taifas, fue sentir la voz de la historia que se aproxima a nosotros gracias a los investigadores de la cocina andalusí. Reconozco que hay guisos sublimes en los pueblos de Andalucía, como una buena _boronía_ :
Hay que poner en remojo los garbanzos la víspera con un poco de sal en agua templada. Cocerlos en un puchero cubiertos de agua con una hoja de laurel y una pizca de aceite de oliva. En la olla de presión vale con 35 o 40 minutos. En un recipiente aparte, echar el aceite conveniente y rehogamos la cebolla cortada en cuadrados y ajos laminados. A continuación poner unos pimientos, añadimos el pimentón y el tomate que se ha de pelar y trocear antes. Seguidamente añadir las patatas y la calabaza cortadas en láminas. Dejar cocer tapando la olla y añadir un poco de caldo de cocción. Cuando esté casi tierno añadir sal y los garbanzos cocidos y escurridos. Dejarlo cocer todo junto durante 5 minutos.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
¼ kg de garbanzos
1 kg de calabaza
½ kg de patatas
½ kg de tomates maduros
2 pimientos rojos
4 pimientos verdes
1 cebolla
5 dientes de ajo
1 hoja de laurel
200 cc de aceite de oliva
1 cucharadita de pimentón dulce
Sal
Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 45 minutos
Lucía Bolens fue la inspiradora de nuestros seminarios sobre la cocina andalusí que dieron un cierto tono iniciático a nuestra Escuela de Sevilla, sacándola de lo popular y de una didáctica meramente recetaria. Un buen profesor como Juan Cartaya, doctor en Historia, también contribuyó a ello. El libro de Lucía es una recopilación de casi trescientas recetas de cocina arábigo-andaluza, judía y árabe, de cuando España no era todavía España y Córdoba se destacaba como la ciudad más civilizada de Europa y Asia central. La señora Bolens, nacida en Argel, es profesora de la Universidad de Ginebra y basa sus investigaciones en el _Libro de agricultura_ , del autor sevillano Abú Zacaría y Haia Mohammed Ben Ahmed Ebn El Awam, editado en 1802, con texto y traducción de J. A. Banqueri. Tenerlo es tener un tesoro: para eso están las librerías de segunda mano.
Han pasado más de veinticinco años y con nostalgia recuerdo los comienzos. Cada año, trescientos cincuenta alumnos llaman a sus puertas, pero ya nadie recuerda por qué el patio interior se llama El Magnolio.
Ahora se elaboran platos muy sofisticados y a veces no tan sujetos a una disciplina histórica. Siempre recomiendo a nuestros alumnos que aprendan a hacer dibujo artístico para luego hacer cubismo. En la cocina hay ahora muchos empeñados en hacer cubismo sin saber dibujar o en tratar de solucionar con máquinas lo que necesita artesanía: los cocineros que antes no son artesanos no saben lo que tienen en las manos.
Al leer ahora los libros de los grandes chefs contemporáneos me quedo perplejo de cómo se teoriza sobre el corte de las cebolletas o sobre cómo ordeñar un pulpo: la sofisticación de la cocina ha llegado al paroxismo. Si enchufo la tele veo cocineros hasta en la sopa; si leo revistas —hasta las de espiritualidad cristiana— compruebo alucinado que en sus últimas páginas siempre incorporan una receta o un postre de convento. Yo no sé guisar, pero admiro la capacidad de los cocineros que hoy se visten con mandiles y chaquetillas de altos ejecutivos, capaces de ponerse más logotipos en las mangas y en las pecheras que un general de la reserva de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Tengo algún alumno en la Escuela de Sevilla que va tuneado de Karlos Arguiñano, otros de Ferrán Adrià o chicas a lo Samanta, que mola mucho con lo de «Master Chef».
Lo de la _marca_ a mí me ha tenido muy preocupado, hasta tal punto que he tratado de inocular a mi gente que todo lo hacemos por la _marca_ , aunque algunos lo hagamos por Dios, y por la _marca_. He de confesar que este libro lo he escrito por la _marca_ , para que sirva a los que continúan bajo nuestras banderas. El tiempo me ha dado la razón de que lo importante no era tener patrimonio, sino crear _marca_. La crisis nos ha enseñado la devaluación brutal del patrimonio y el valor de la _marca_ ; incluso que esta, deslocalizada, funciona como un resorte mágico. En este período algunos se quedaron en el sitio, custodiando su patrimonio cada vez menos válido y no potenciaron su _marca_ y su _saber hacer_.
Washington, desde donde estoy escribiendo estas líneas, está plagado en la actualidad de fotocopias de la Taberna del Alabardero. Todos quieren ser «la verdadera». Curiosamente, este tipo de negocios ya cuenta con la inversión de capitales americanos. Cuando algunos clientes llegan a la esquina de la calle 18 con la 1, cerca de la Casa Blanca, suelen exclamar: «Esta es la auténtica, la verdadera Taberna española que se instaló en este mismo sitio en 1989».
Crear identidad y solera, el original y la _marca_ toma mucho tiempo, muchos días y requiere mucha constancia.
Yo estaba muy preocupado por todo esto cuando decidimos crear la segunda taberna en Puerto Banús: empezábamos a ser grupo. Recordé cómo al acabar mi periplo de cura predicador de ejercicios espirituales para jóvenes universitarios, en otoño de 1973, en Granada, me planteaba qué iba a ser de mí en esta extraña aventura en la que todo eran incertidumbres y dudas. Había terminado la última charla en la Casa de Ejercicios Espirituales. Al atardecer, el Generalife, el Sacromonte, aquellas callejuelas tomaban una vida distinta. Los chicos y las chicas que habían sido mis pacientes cristianos durante cinco apretados días me prometieron un paseo por los rincones más típicos de la ciudad.
Efectivamente nos fuimos de vinos. Entrábamos y salíamos de aquellas bodeguitas y cuevas donde se animaba la jarana de la noche. Olía a galán de noche y a hierbabuena, había un especial encanto en el ambiente, nos mezclábamos entre los consabidos turistas, y mis muchachos contaban chistes, historias y fábulas en un lugar y en otro. De pronto se me acercó una gitana que quería leerme la palma de la mano, a lo que yo me resistí. Llevaba en su mano un pequeño hierro de marcar reses y con él me amenazaba: «Cómpremelo, señorito, que le va a cambiar la vida...».
No entendía el porqué de su insistencia y las razones por las que tener que «cambiar la vida». Por más que eludía a la gitana, ella nos siguió largo rato repitiéndonos: «Llévese este hierro, que le va a cambiar la vida». Y tanto insistió la gitana que mis jóvenes acompañantes acabaron por hacer el trato a mis espaldas y lo compraron.
La noche transcurrió divertida y apasionada. Los cantes y los bailes en los que participaban mis amigos estudiantes nos entretuvieron hasta las primeras luces del alba.
En la casa de ejercicios las monjas me habían dejado la llave de la puerta para poder entrar tarde. Era la última noche en Granada, mi último «encuentro juvenil» de apostolado para universitarios.
Llegué a mi habitación exhausto. Sobre la mesa tenía un montón de encuestas, papeles, apuntes, el rosario, el breviario abierto y sin rezar, la lámpara fundida de la máquina de cine que usaba en mis charlas y... algo que me sorprendió: ¡el hierro de la gitana! Lucía debajo del flexo iluminado, aposta para destacar el objeto.
Los muchachos lo habían dejado allí como recuerdo con una nota en un folio que decía: «Gracias, don Luis. Algo va a cambiar su vida». A los pies de dicho folio aparecía la firma de todos los estudiantes.
El hierro de la gitana tantos años después está sobre mi mesa. Lo sigo usando como pisapapeles, marcamos con él las puertas de entrada al Alabardero: es objeto de múltiples recuerdos, cartas, menús y merchandising, una _marca_ que marca más de lo que se ve. Es un signo de compromiso. El hierro de la gitana fue aquella noche de Granada una loca intuición: algo iba a cambiar en mi vida y la gitana tenía razón, porque fue a partir de entonces, en aquel otoño, cuando nació una nueva forma de mirarme y de ver las cosas de este mundo.
Cuando iniciamos la aventura de Marbella en Puerto Banús ya presumíamos de _marca_. La gente decía: «La Taberna del cura de Madrid ha abierto en primera línea del Puerto».
Lo de la _marca_ Alabardero les sonaba un poco lejano, hasta que un día atracó enfrente de nuestra Tabernita nada menos que _El Giralda_ con don Juan, el conde de Barcelona, a bordo. Su capitán, Caro, me anunció muy de mañana: «Don Juan quiere saber si hay cocochas al pilpil y si está usted libre para comer juntos».
Juan Marcos, nuestro chef, estaba en la cocina, recién llegado de la compra del mercado. Cuando le pregunté si teníamos cocochas me dijo: «No, estaban muy caras. Ya sabe cómo se pone aquí el mercado en temporada..., pero las he visto y no tenían mala pinta». «Pues llama al pescadero y dile que voy a buscarlas: don Juan quiere comer cocochas al pilpil conmigo.»
Así lo hicimos. Al llegar las dos de la tarde, don Juan, impecablemente vestido de blanco, entró por la puerta de la Taberna del Alabardero. Yo me había puesto una camisa limpia de franela y estaba emocionado. Fue una velada íntima e inenarrable que prolongamos hasta anochecer tomándonos una copa juntos en el MauMau con Pepe Lataliste y la inesperada visita de Antonio, el bailarín.
Conocí a don Juan por casualidad. En la mañana del 16 de abril de 1969 en Lausana, Suiza, iba de viaje con un sencillo Renault 4L camino de Montreaux, acompañado de mi hermano Pedro, para asistir a un congreso de Medios de Comunicación para la Educación (UNDA) en el que yo —en aquel entonces un joven periodista en la naciente cadena COPE y en TVE— representaba a España. Aquella mañana se me ocurrió parar y decir misa en la parroquia del Sacré Coeur, ignorando que allí cerca estaba muriendo la reina de España, doña Victoria Eugenia de Battenberg, la madre de don Juan, en su residencia de «Vieille Fontaine». Acababa de celebrar la misa de las siete de la mañana y el párroco se había ido de viaje a Ginebra. En el bar de enfrente de dicha parroquia disfrutábamos de un buen café con cruasanes cuando entró nervioso el sacristán: «Padre, la reina de España se está muriendo. El párroco le administró ayer la Santa Unción, pero le reclaman si puede acudir a la Villa para acompañarlos en sus últimos momentos. Les he dicho que el párroco no está, pero que hay un sacerdote español de paso».
Así fue como, siguiendo al sacristán, llegué a la residencia. Amanecía. El parterre frente a la puerta tenía tulipanes rojos y amarillos en plena floración. Llamamos a la puerta y fue el mismo don Juan quien nos abrió; me presenté: «Señor, soy un sacerdote de Madrid que está de paso».
Al conde de Barcelona se le iluminaron los ojos, me tendió la mano y exclamó: «¡Un sacerdote español! ¡Gracias, Dios mío! Creemos que acaba de expirar».
Me condujo a la habitación donde aún trajinaba el doctor, los seres queridos, el notario... todos se movían nerviosos tratando de asimilar las tensiones de los últimos momentos. Sobre la cama, bajo el baldaquino, con un camisón blanco, pude apreciar el rostro sereno y una piel de marfil tersa de aquella señora tan bella que había conocido en las revistas de la época. Sus cabellos grises y rubios como hilos de seda estaban dispersos sobre la almohada. Con los brazos por encima del embozo sus manos aparecían extendidas sobre la cama. En la penumbra de la habitación me pareció que doña María de las Mercedes la recogía y las entrelazaba sobre su pecho. El médico aplicaba con su mechero de plata luz a sus ojos, aún abiertos al vacío, para cerrárselos finalmente con unción en medio de un respeto sagrado.
Yo no sabía qué hacer: era testigo de excepción de aquella escena histórica. Don Juan me indicó que accediera a la cabecera de su madre. La hablé al oído con un respeto profundo, como siempre hacemos los sacerdotes en los intentos de acercar la vida al más allá. Le dije: «Señora, soy un sacerdote español que está junto a usted. Le voy a dar la absolución de todas sus faltas. Si me oye apriéteme la mano».
Con verdadero respeto y emoción, como siempre que esto pasa, tomé con mi mano izquierda su derecha y la bendije diciendo: «Por el poder que Dios me ha confiado yo te absuelvo de todas tus culpas en el nombre del Padre, del Hijo y del Espíritu Santo».
No percibí ningún movimiento al trazar la cruz sobre su cuerpo, gesto ante el que todos se santiguaron. El médico, a continuación, tocándola anunció: «Aún está caliente, pero dentro de nada veremos el rígor mortis».
No sabía decir quiénes eran los que lloraban en esa habitación, aunque sí que pude apreciar a don Juan arrodillado a los pies de la cama. Se levantó, fue hacia una esquina y tomó un manto azul brocado en plata que se hallaba, como pude ver, sobre una silla. Con toda solemnidad lo puso sobre la cama proclamando: «Me honro en cumplir con esta tradición: morir bajo el manto de la Virgen del Pilar que han mandado desde Zaragoza. ¡La reina, mi madre, descanse en paz! ¡Viva España!».
Así conocí a don Juan; la vida me brindó más oportunidades de convivir con él y seguir admirándolo por su servicio al pueblo al que amaba y por su profundo afecto a mi persona.
Si queréis saber la receta de unas buenas cocochas al pilpil tal como la sigue haciendo Juan Marcos os la cuento:
En una cazuela de barro o cerámica poner en frío el aceite, el ajo picado, la guindilla y las cocochas con la piel hacia arriba. Colocarla en una plancha caliente.
Una vez que el conjunto empieza a hervir, apartar y dejar enfriar hasta que pierda el 50 por ciento de su temperatura. Entonces se retira el 75 por ciento del aceite.
A continuación mover la cazuela con un movimiento circular en el sentido de las agujas del reloj. Poco a poco incorporar su mismo aceite, que debe estar templado, hasta conseguir una salsa trabada.
Por último, rectificar de sal e incorporar el perejil finamente picado.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
700 g de cocochas de merluza bien lavadas y limpias
3 dientes de ajo picado
1 guindilla cayena
300 g aceite de oliva
Sal
Perejil bien picado
Tiempo de preparación: 10 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 15 minutos
Para mí es un plato exquisito y no entiendo cómo algunos las comen albardadas, sin disfrutar de la gelatina que las hace irresistibles y que puede saborearse solo cuando se preparan al pilpil.
La pasión por la _marca_ nos ha llevado estos años a renunciar a los negocios oportunistas al uso, a dar gato por liebre: hemos mantenido siempre la calidad de nuestros productos. Y también hemos sufrido los altibajos del despropósito de un mercado en el que se ha dado más prioridad a la fantasía que a la calidad, la deriva de muchos jóvenes cocineros hacia el espectáculo. Expertizar a los cocineros es un riesgo que hemos aceptado siempre. Entre nuestros alumnos de las escuelas cunde el pánico cuando hacen las prácticas en afamados restaurantes donde los chefs aún «se tapan» para no desvelar sus secretos y sentirse violados por el más joven.
En los años noventa lo que más nos sedujo fue el crear por encargo el prototipo de la comida nacional noruega. Hoy ese país presume de grandes chefs, pero nosotros sabemos muy bien que en aquel tiempo la comida noruega era irrelevante, monótona y aburrida. Invirtieron mucho dinero en tipificar su comida y crear cocineros. Así pues, alentados por el departamento comercial de la Embajada de España, la Asociación de Cultivadores del Salmón Noruego (ACSN) nos vinieron a buscar para fomentar la introducción de sus productos básicos: el salmón y el skrei. La Casa del Salmón Noruego fue un trabajo de investigación que nos llevó hasta Bergen y a hacer un puente entre esa ciudad y la nuestra tratando de buscar nuevas oportunidades de mercado a un producto tan singular. Recorrimos durante más de cinco años las piscifactorías noruegas de la mano de nuestros socios, cuya asociación presidía el juez de Bergen Aksnes Ove. Fue una aventura apasionante: perdidos en barcos laboratorio entre los fiordos en las mejores épocas de observación, veíamos con asombro cómo aquellos pequeños alevines producidos en recintos cerrados, una vez proyectados a los silos de desarrollo en alta mar, alimentados con piensos lanzados desde los barcos con cañones, se convertían en magníficos ejemplares que aprendimos a tratar y ahumar en nuestra factoría. La compañía Skretting et nutreco-selskap proporcionaba el alimento y la nutrición básica para la naciente industria de la acuicultura. Nosotros inventamos esta magnífica receta de la hamburguesa de salmón que se ha hecho popular:
Lo importante es elegir un buen lomo de salmón fresco sin espinas. Hay que cortarlo con un afilado cuchillo. Limpiar primero la piel, luego la carne, quitándole la grasa de su reverso y las zonas grises. A continuación quitar las espinitas internas y transversales con la ayuda del cuchillo y unas pinzas —están en el centro del lomo—. Luego picar los medallones con el cuchillo, no muy pequeños los trozos para que no se apelmacen. Una vez preparada la carne del salmón bien picada, echarla en un bol con la cebolleta muy picada y el ajo también, añadiéndole perejil y eneldo. Añadir sal, pimienta, un chorrito de aceite de oliva virgen extra y el pan rallado. Se le puede añadir huevo o leche para obtener una mejor textura. Mezclar bien con la cuchara.
A continuación meter el preparado en una bolsa de congelación, amasarla y darle la forma con las manos y el tamaño que se desee, grande o pequeña según el diámetro del pan. Abrir la bolsa, sacar la hamburguesa y ponerla en una sartén sin nada de aceite porque el salmón ya tiene grasa: su verdadero sabor. Freír y dar la vuelta hasta alcanzar el punto de cocción deseado. Luego puede presentarse como se quiera, con los buenos e imprescindibles acompañantes que son el pepino, la cebolla, el tomate y la lechuga. Nada más.
_Ingredientes para dos hamburguesas:_
250 g de salmón fresco sin espinas
½ cebolleta
2 dientes de ajo
Pimienta negra recién molida
Eneldo fresco
Aceite de oliva virgen
1 ramita de perejil fresco
1 puñado de pan rallado
1 bolsa de congelación
Cebolla, tomate, pepinillo y lechuga
(como acompañantes)
Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 5 minutos
La Casa del Salmón Noruego ocupó durante un tiempo un magnífico local en la calle Arenal, 9 de Madrid hasta que nuestros patrocinadores de Bergen se cansaron de ella y la cerraron en el año 2009, a pesar de su éxito. Durante todo ese período venía la prensa y la televisión noruega a hacernos entrevistas sobre el tema. Un día me cogieron de improviso: una preciosa y perspicaz periodista presentadora de televisión, cuando ya estábamos en directo, me hizo la siguiente pregunta: «¿Qué opina, padre, del noviazgo del príncipe de España con Eva Sannum, nuestra modelo noruega?».
No supe qué contestarle, a pesar de que el tema estaba en su momento más álgido, era el comentario de todas las tertulias. Me eché a reír y le dije: «Pero ¿no veníamos a hablar de las ricas hamburguesas del salmón noruego?».
A la _marca_ que más tiempo y sueño le dediqué fue a Carmen, la comida de España. En aquellos tiempos (1992) supuso un estudio detallado y concienzudo de cómo la gastronomía española podía desarrollarse con fidelidad a su esencia de dieta mediterránea para competir con la filosofía del _fast-food —_ había que hacer frente y saber imponerse a los productos italianos, americanos y mexicanos al uso— sin estar reñida con una tecnología competitiva. Era un reto al que entonces nos enfrentábamos y que sigue estando presente en los mercados internacionales.
Cuando mi amigo Mario Vino me explicó en París los avances de la comida criogénica me di cuenta de que estábamos a punto de tocar con las manos la posibilidad de unir la técnica con la artesanía si el tiempo de la logística nos ayudaba; nos había conducido a ello el progreso. Producir más, pero conservar sin conservantes ni congelaciones hasta sesenta días, previa pasteurización y envasado al vacío, no romper la cadena de conservación en + 4 grados centígrados y una horquilla de 0 a 8 grados centígrados constituían una utopía posible técnicamente. El experimento de mis amigos en Le Mans (Francia) lo viví con apasionamiento impropio de mi condición y de mis conocimientos. Pero es que la técnica, el descubrimiento, como toda innovación, se estaba produciendo allí, en aquellas naves industriales de Le Mans, y sus protagonistas me guiaban atónito por los caminos ignotos de una cocina industrial fabricada en autoclaves y en hornos de convección mixta. En aquellas noches, en mi humilde habitación de un hotel de carretera perdido en el centro de Francia, tomaba notas de lo que estaba viendo y oyendo cada día en mi cuaderno de campo. Para mí era como unos ejercicios espirituales del corazón de la cocina industrial. Aplicar aquella técnica inédita en España a la gastronomía de nuestra tierra me pareció apasionante. Después de cada periplo volvía a Madrid cargado de noticias innovadoras sobre cómo fabricar un cocido madrileño de cuatro vuelcos, sin desvirtuar los sabores genuinos de cada compaña. Cómo tratarlo, cocer en alambique, conservar en cadena de frío, regenerarlo por diversos procedimientos y servirlo al cliente como si estuviera recién hecho en una hornilla de carbón después de hasta sesenta días de su cochura era toda una apasionante audacia. Y lo logramos hacer. Me secundaron don José Ferrer, uno de los empresarios emprendedores que más respeto me han producido por el desarrollo de Freixenet, Pablo Cobos de FUNDOSA y RENFE, que buscaba nuevas soluciones a su obsoleta división de restauración en trenes y estaciones. Así nació Carmen, la comida de España __. Eso sí que era un pedazo de _marca_ con garra internacional.
Con ayuda de un pequeño equipo que capitaneaba Joaquín Martínez Mora, Francisco Hierro, Pedro Monjero y Arsenio Marcos convertimos una nave industrial de Arganda en laboratorio y cocina central. Trabajábamos de día y de noche. Aprendimos a mirar por el microscopio, a descubrir más allá de los productos que componen una dieta típicamente española y a controlar el escandallo de la concepción de cada plato en una receta traducida a parámetros de un ordenador central. Convertir las albóndigas a la casera en un programa de ordenador no era fácil pero lo conseguimos. Éramos felices con la fórmula de cada hallazgo. El ordenador central era nuestra memoria e inteligencia: nosotros solo poníamos el conocimiento, el saber hacer una cocción pertinente o un guiso sabroso. Luego dábamos al botón la voluntad de hacer y la cantidad precisa de fabricar. Fue una aventura apasionante que nos duró diez años. Ahí sí que me sentí como Leonardo da Vinci: «No sabía hacer pasteles, pero estaba siendo capaz de que otros los hicieran y muy bien hechos» __.
Éramos siete personas contando con el repartidor en la fábrica de Arganda. Con las técnicas de cocción en el alambique, la pasteurización, la cadena fría y el envasado en barquetas, lográbamos hacer entre cuatro mil quinientas y cinco mil comidas diarias. Llegábamos a elaborar treinta y un platos distintos en un menú variado donde había desde patatas a la riojana a chipirones en su tinta o callos a la madrileña. ¡Qué ricos callos! Era la misma receta que sigue haciendo nuestro chef José Sanz, el del Senado, al modo y manera de los cocineros madrileños a pesar de que él es de Cascajares, Segovia:
Limpiar y partir las manos de ternera; hacer lo mismo con el morro y los callos para luego echarlo todo en un barreño, donde se limpian bien con sal y vinagre. Aclarar con varias aguas y, cuando estén bien limpios, colocar en una olla con agua fría poniéndolos luego a la lumbre en una olla hasta que rompan a hervir. Cambiar entonces el agua.
Agregar el hueso de jamón serrano, la cebolla con clavos, dos dientes de ajo, el bouquet, la morcilla asturiana y el laurel y poner de nuevo al fuego para dejarlos cocer lentamente, aproximadamente cuatro horas, hasta que estén tiernos. A continuación apartar del fuego y reservar. Retirar la morcilla, la cebolla con clavos, el hueso de jamón, el bouquet y el laurel. En una sartén poner el aceite de oliva, la cebolla y el ajo picado. Cuando esté dorado agregar el jamón serrano, el tomate concassé, el vino blanco, el chorizo en rodajas y una cucharadita de pimentón. Verter este refrito en los callos cocidos, que se habrán deshuesado y cortado anteriormente en pequeños trozos. Cocer lentamente todo junto 10 minutos más. Ya están listos para servir.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
½ kg de callos
½ kg de manos de ternera
½ kg de morro de ternera
150 g de chorizo
1 morcilla asturiana
50 g de jamón serrano
1 cebolla
Aceite de oliva
25 g de sal
4 dientes de ajo
1 cucharadita de pimentón dulce
2 hojas de laurel
1 guindilla
1 cebolla con clavos
1 hueso de jamón serrano pequeño
100 g de tomate concassé
1 bouquet (tomillo, puerro, zanahoria y perejil)
1 copa pequeña de vino blanco
Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 4 horas y 10 minutos
Mientras, la red comercial de Carmen se extendía desde el establecimiento piloto en Madrid, en la calle María de Molina esquina con Velázquez, hasta La Coruña, Oviedo, Gijón, Valencia y Sevilla. Cuando presenté Carmen en el Congreso Internacional de Fast-Food en Ginebra, Suiza, mi intervención ante más de mil especialistas fue la más aplaudida y nuestro estand, el más visitado. Habíamos conseguido impactar en el mundo internacional con un producto tan competitivo por lo que respectaba a precio, tiempo y satisfacción del cliente como la hamburguesa o la pizza. Lográbamos tener el mismo _target_ con un menú de tres platos en tres minutos de servicio y al precio de una hamburguesería. En Carmen, durante nuestro desarrollo jamás se hicieron tortillas de patatas y, menos aún, platos congelados: la cocina por alambiques y la elaboración criogénica nada tienen que ver con todo eso. Cuando a los cinco años habíamos obtenido los primeros beneficios y la demanda de franquicias era importante, la ambición del Grupo Áreas que nacía en el mercado provocó una opa, por la que nuestro Grupo Lezama tuvo que salir y dejar la gestión. Estaban convencidos de que iban a ganar mucho más dinero con nuestro invento, era el momento de especular. Estábamos en plena cultura del pelotazo. El presidente de RENFE era en aquel entonces Corsini y su director, Francisco Lavilla. Estaban muy interesados en la marca y en lo que tras ella había de innovación tecnológica en un segmento como es el de la restauración popular, en el que España no había sabido entrar ni lo logró en aquel momento al desaprovechar esa ocasión de estar a la vanguardia compitiendo con Sbarro, McDonald's y pizzas italianas o comida mexicana. Tristemente, nuestro laboratorio de Arganda se convirtió en una factoría sin investigación y, por tanto, sin innovación. De cualquier modo fueron años interesantes e inquietos que provocaron en mi equipo el afán por investigar e innovar: es la gran ventaja de creer más en el capital humano que en el financiero. Un buen proyecto de un modo u otro consigue siempre financiación. Aún conservo el manual de identidad de Carmen, la comida de España __, y suelo mostrarlo en mis clases de las escuelas superiores de hostelería de Sevilla y Zaragoza.
A menudo me preguntan mis alumnos cómo desarrollar una _marca_. Cuando creamos un modelo de _resort_ en Benahavis, Málaga, en 2001, tuvimos una oportunidad de hacer algo innovador en los hotelesboutiques, que se pusieron de moda en aquellos años. A los restauradores de calidad les tentaba el tener un pequeño hotel donde sus clientes gozaran de un entorno que hiciera más placentero el show de comer degustando las creaciones de la cocina. Era un tiempo nacido de la inquietud de equiparar la cocina española a la más sofisticada del mundo, aprovechando los buenos mimbres de nuestras culturas y nuestros productos.
Ya desde 1979 habíamos emprendido un camino de inquietudes gastronómicas. Unidos a un pionero en estas lides, al recordado Víctor Merino, un riojano anclado en Santander, estábamos atentos a todo lo que pasaba en el mundo de la cocina. Sacando tiempo de donde no había y dinero de donde no teníamos, viajábamos a París, la capital de nuestro mundo a «ver qué se hacía». Lugares míticos como Lucas Carlton de Senderens, La Tour d'Argent de Terrail, Taillevent de Brinart y Renné Laserre eran nuestros dioses culinarios. También nos gustaba ir a Lyon y probar las buenas _quenelles_. Allí reinaban Lacombe, Paul Bocuse y Alain Chapel. Alain en Mioney era un verdadero tres estrellas, el cerebro de la _nouvelle cuisine_. Pasé a veces períodos de una semana invitado en su casa familiar. En 1973 había conquistado su tercera estrella, y puso su pueblo en el mapa gastronómico del mundo. A aquella casa también peregrinaba Jesús Oyarbide, creador de Príncipe de Viana y luego Zalacaín. Yo estaba a punto de abrir el Café de Oriente con Pierre Laporte del Café de Paris de Biarritz, Francia. Antonio, el viejo _maître_ de Alain Chapel, un exiliado español republicano, fue quien por primera vez me enseñó el placer del maridaje de los vinos con los platos. Un día en la cocina de su casa, con su madre delante, me dijo: «Parece mentira que siendo español no te gusten los callos, los _trips_ ».
Pues era verdad. Aquella noche, después de jugar su habitual partida de tenis, se metió en la cocina y me hizo unos particulares _trips_ que no tuve más remedio que comer, tras lo que reconocí: «Están muy buenos, untuosos como jamás los he probado. Cuando he metido la cuchara, el caldo era ya una sensación de terciopelo en la boca y de fantasía en el gusto».
Alain sabía hacer la síntesis de lo bueno y captar la esencia de un plato y de un producto como ninguno. Un día me llevó a ver al viejo Jean Vetard en su plaza Bellecour, donde según Alain se hacían las mejores _quenelles_ de Lyon, y donde aún se presentaban los callos como _tablia de sopeur_. Aquello sí que era una cocina exquisita. Era magnífico el lugar, el cocinero y la compañía.
Por Alain Chapel desfilaban en aquel tiempo todos los chefs de Lyon, de Francia y del mundo entero. Era tímido, no alardeaba de sus cualidades y por eso otros sacaron brillo a sus conocimientos. Él tenía una particular forma de hacer las cosas en su cocina que verdaderamente inspiró las reglas de la cocina actual subrayadas más tarde por Paul Bocuse en el prólogo de su libro _La cocina del mercado_. Siempre hago a mis alumnos aprender casi de memoria los cinco conceptos vitales de la nueva cocina, en contraposición a la cocina de Escofier:
_Partiendo de que todas las mañanas voy al mercado_
_y recorro los puestos, al hacer la compra personalmente_ ,
_sé, por ejemplo, que tal campesino tiene unos cardos de_
_primera calidad, que tal otro se especializa en espinacas_
_y que aquel último ha llegado esa misma mañana_
_con sus deliciosos quesos de cabra_.
Por eso insisto en que lo importante es:
1. La cocina del mercado.
2. Elegir bien el producto de temporada.
3. La guarnición no es importante: va en función del producto y debe resaltar su sabor.
4. El tiempo de cocción justo es fundamental para no perder su sabor.
5. Hay que cuidar el maridaje de la comida con la bebida.
El haber superado la cocina de Escofier se lo debemos a este movimiento que iniciaron los jóvenes cocineros franceses de aquellos años. Enseguida un grupo de cocineros y restauradores jóvenes españoles, bajo la naciente revista _Gourmet_ que promovieron Paco López Canís y Fernando Jover, nos reuníamos esporádicamente en San Sebatián, en Sant Pol de Mar, en Marbella. En estos escenarios nos congregábamos inolvidables inquietos como Pedro Subijana, Ramón Roteta, Karlos Arguiñano, Juan Mari Arzak, Luis Cruañas, Paul Schif, Víctor Merino, José María Castillo y otros nombres que no recuerdo. Éramos pioneros y audaces, y nos convertiríamos —nosotros mismos y nuestros chefs— en los promotores de la nueva cocina española que da valor innovando en productos que ya invaden la creatividad mundial de nuestra cocina. Pero el maestro de maestros en el verdadero cambio de la cocina española fue Luis Irizar. Él tuvo capacidad de liderazgo y supo utilizar su prestigiosa posición en el hotel Euromar de Zarauz, creando una verdadera escuela. Allí acudieron principiantes como Karlos Arguiñano, Juan Mari Arzak y los jóvenes cocineros vascos del momento. Años después, tuve la suerte de que The Culinary Institute of Gastronomy de Greystone, en Napa Valley (Estados Unidos), nos contratara para dar un curso de cultura y gastronomía española, donde convivimos muchas horas entre gratos recuerdos y, a su vez, donde nuestros alumnos americanos aprendieron a hacer lo que yo solo sabía decir o explicar en el contexto de alguna historia. Cuando escribo las últimas líneas de este libro, recibo la noticia de que la Academia Española de Gastronomía nos ha concedido a Luis Irizar y a mí sendos premios extraordinarios a la labor de nuestras vidas. Así empezamos todos a imitar el pastel de cabracho que copiamos de Juan Mari Arzak.
Hay que cocer el cabracho con un puerro, una zanahoria y una pizca de sal. A continuación, con paciencia, quitar las espinas y la piel, y hacerlo migas. Batir los huevos a punto de tortilla y añadirles la nata, la salsa de tomate y el pescado migado. Ponerle sal y pimienta mezclarlo bien. Acto seguido, verter la mezcla en un molde rectangular untado antes con mantequilla y pan rallado. Cocer al baño María en el horno a 225 grados centígrados durante 1 hora y 15 minutos. Una vez frío, sacarlo del molde y cortarlo en porciones.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
½ kg de cabracho crudo y sin cabeza
8 huevos
1 zanahoria
1 puerro
1 pizca de mantequilla
Pan rallado
¼ l de nata líquida
¼ l de salsa de tomate
Sal
Pimienta
Tiempo de preparación: 20 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 1 hora y 15 minutos
Nadie registró la marca. Hoy se elabora los días de fiesta en los hogares de todo el país, y es, sobre todo, un recurso fácil en Navidad, pero hace cuarenta años no existía: él ideó la receta inspirado por un pastel de merluza que se daba en el bar Asletena de San Sebastián. En Carmen lo hacíamos por toneladas, dado que era un buen entrante.
Una noche de verano se lo ofrecí al príncipe Salmán de Arabia Saudí en aquel maravilloso enclave de nuestro hotel de Benahavis. Mi amigo Cayali me había llamado anunciándome la presencia del príncipe heredero con 36 personas de su séquito en nuestro restaurante, lo que en Marbella suponía un auténtico acontecimiento. Cayali es un buen amigo que conocí en el desarrollo del muelle de Benabola en Puerto Banús; Salmán, por su parte, era entonces gobernador de Riad, pero todas sus habilidades diplomáticas lo hacían ya acreedor de la confianza del rey Abdullah. Su presencia y el séquito que lo acompañaba eran impresionantes. Cuando Cayali me lo presentó a la entrada de nuestro hotel estaba yo seguro que antes le había resumido mi historia: «Alteza, el creador de este maravilloso lugar es don Luis, sacerdote católico que empezó creando puestos de trabajo hace veinticinco años en Madrid para jóvenes marginados de la sociedad».
Me estrechó la mano gentilmente y me dijo: «Es un placer conocerlo. Tengo amigos sacerdotes católicos maronitas que hacen una gran labor social. Enhorabuena». Luego me abrazó al tiempo que yo respondía con cierta soltura gracias a haberlo ensayado antes: «Gracias, alteza, _salam malecum_ ».
Luego me presentó uno a uno a sus acompañantes, incluidas las mujeres, que iban totalmente tapadas con los velos negros. Cuando llegamos a la gran mesa preparada en los jardines, al pie de las palmeras reales, me invitó a sentarme con ellos. Fue una conversación interesante, guiada por Cayali, en la que pusieron de manifiesto su afecto por España, el rey y su apego a Marbella. Las palabras del príncipe Salmán eran escuchadas por todos con atención y respeto. Sus deseos eran órdenes que nuestro director Juan Carlos Cantero ejecutaba de inmediato. Se empeñaron en degustar una paella de mariscos que se hizo al momento, pero no apreciaron el pastel de cabracho. Yo estaba emocionado de presenciar el trajín de tan ilustres huéspedes. Ante la demanda, mis cocineros sacaban muchas cosas pero los comensales apenas comían; sí tomaban, en cambio, mucho zumo de naranja recién exprimido. Era ya más de las dos de la madrugada, la brisa marina calmaba el calor residual de un día de verano, el plenilunio de agosto estaba sobre el mar. De pronto el príncipe me miró con afecto, yo diría que entrañablemente, y me preguntó: «Don Luis, ¿cuántas mujeres tiene?».
Me sentí como si fuera un honorable hacendado, un patriarcal cabeza de familia: tenía sesenta y cinco años y estaba aún de buen ver. Pero sorprendido por la pregunta sonreí y le contesté: «Ninguna, alteza, soy célibe. No tengo ninguna mujer».
Salmán puso un gesto contrariado. Miró a su colaborador Cayali y le dijo: «Este hombre ha sacrificado todo por los demás. Hay que buscarle algunas mujeres a don Luis, yo me ocuparé de eso contigo: este hombre no se merece estar así».
Cayali, que conocía muy bien mi condición de sacerdote católico y las obligaciones que ello implica, le contestó: «Señor, no puede. Los sacerdotes católicos no pueden casarse». A lo que él inmediatamente replicó: «¿Cómo que no? Mis tres sacerdotes maronitas católicos tienen unas mujeres espléndidas, guapas, con unos hijos preciosos».
En vano traté de convencerlo de que vivía feliz y contento, que el celibato era una opción libre, que mi paternidad iba por otros derroteros y que agradecía de corazón su buena voluntad. Acabé diciéndole: «Alteza, los maronitas se colaron a tiempo en la historia del sacerdocio católico y tienen un privilegio que los demás sacerdotes no tenemos». A lo que él repuso: «Pues me parece injusto. Debería de arreglárselo su papa».
Desde entonces pensé que el hecho de ser cura es un valor añadido a mi _marca_. Era cierto: el hierro de la gitana me había cambiado la vida.
Jamás hubiera soñado con convertirme en tabernero del papa: era una posición antagónica con mi modo de ver la vida. Cuando pensé en ser sacerdote lo más lejano de mí era una cocina, yo era un hombre de gabinete, no de intendencia, pero las circunstancias de la vida te llevan a lo más inesperado. Así que cuando monseñor Estepa, obispo auxiliar de Madrid, hoy cardenal, me llamó para encomendarme los oficios de refitolero papal, me quedé muy preocupado: eso no venía en los manuales. El Código de Derecho Canónico no tiene ningún articulado dedicado a la comida de los papas. Llamé angustiado a mi amigo e historiador Juan Mari Laboa y le pregunté lo que menos se esperaba: «¿Qué comen los papas?». Juan Mari me miró muy preocupado, más aún cuando le confié lo que me había pedido monseñor Estepa: «Luis, prepara la intendencia del papa Juan Pablo II y su séquito que va a pasar en España quince días por primera vez en nuestra historia».
Consideramos que un papa como Juan Pablo, polaco, acostumbrado a grandes avatares en la historia de su vida, sería buen paciente para toda clase de comidas. Por lo que me puse a recordar lo que le gustaba a mi padre, a mi madre, a mi abuela... y, por supuesto, la madre de todas las cocinas españolas que para mí era la cocina vasca: «Juan Pablo II y todos los cardenales se van a poner las botas de merluza en salsa verde, chipirones en su tinta, bacalao al pilpil...».
Pero inevitablemente el nuncio de Su Santidad y la Secretaría de Estado intervinieron en mis consideraciones para ser un moderado tabernero y someterme a las ponderadas recomendaciones de sor Tecla, la monja que cuidaba la alimentación del papa polaco.
Así que alenté a nuestros equipos de cocina bajo la dirección de Roberto Hierro, Juan Marcos y Paco Moreno a que redactaran un vademécum o un menú de las comidas que, supervisadas por la religiosa, pudieran satisfacer al pontífice. Por otra parte debíamos poder ofrecerle una variedad de la gastronomía española para que conociera las virtudes de la cocina del norte, del centro y del sur de España.
A partir de entonces yo advertí a mi gente: «Vamos a cocinar para un hombre del pueblo que come rápido, porque trabaja antes y después».
Aquella filosofía funcionó. Cuando vi al hoy san Juan Pablo II sorber a gusto el salmorejo cordobés y distinguirlo del gazpacho, hacer honor a una simple sopa juliana de verduras o mojar barquitos de pan en la salsa verde de una merluza, me quedé muy tranquilo. La monja polaca a la que llamábamos sor Tecla, porque era indescifrable su nombre, cataba previamente cada plato y sacaba ternura para sonreír desde su aparente estoicismo. Hubo un momento en que llegó a decirme en la cocina de la Nunciatura de Madrid: «Al Santo Padre le gusta mucho vuestra comida». Era un piropo inesperado de su sobriedad.
En 1993 Sus Majestades los Reyes quisieron ofrecer una comida al papa Juan Pablo II y al pleno de la Conferencia Episcopal Española en su sede de la calle Añastro de Madrid. La Nunciatura pidió que la sirviéramos nosotros «dentro de una estricta austeridad» y de nuevo la cocina popular española fue la protagonista. Aquel menú que dirigió en la cocina Roberto Hierro, nuestro actual chef ejecutivo del Café de Oriente de Madrid y en la sala Paco Moreno fue así:
_Menú_
_Menestra de Verduras de temporada_
_Merluza en salsa verde_
_Torrija con helado de canela_
_Café e infusiones_
_Rioja Martínez de la Cuesta_
_Cava Freixenet Gran Reserva_
_Pedro Ximénez_
Era el 15 de junio de 1993.
Al acabar aquel almuerzo y tras despedir a los reyes, el papa quiso entrar en las cocinas, saludar y fotografiarse con nuestros cocineros. Antes de hacerlo me llamó y me dijo: «Don Luis, el papa quiere ahora algo muy español».
Le había servido un té. Por lógica me apresuré a ofrecerle un digestivo o un brandy: «Santo Padre, tome un brandy como el cardenal Mendoza, que está muy bueno, o acaso un digestivo anís de Chinchón, un pueblecito junto a Madrid donde he estado de sacerdote».
Juan Pablo II me volvió a insistir riéndose: «No. El papa quiere algo muy español: una siesta. El brandy ofréceselo a los obispos que sé que les gusta y que en cuanto me vaya empezarán a fumar».
Cuando Juan Pablo II vino por última vez a España el 3 de mayo de 2003 estaba muy envejecido, se apoyaba en un bastón y le costaba andar. Lo vi entrar en la Nunciatura de Madrid y me conmovió: me reconoció. No sé si el nuncio don Manuel Monteiro de Castro le sopló mi nombre, pero se dirigió a mí, que estaba en segunda fila en el hall, dándole la bienvenida junto con el personal de la casa, me apuntó con el bastón y me preguntó: «Don Luis, ¿cómo están sus jóvenes cocineros?».
No recuerdo lo que le contesté porque estaba profundamente emocionado y sorprendido. Su permanente afán de ser directo ya mayor impresionaba, igual que impresionó aquel inolvidable saludo a los jóvenes en el estadio Santiago Bernabéu. Habían pasado veintiún años pero él era el mismo. Me impresionaba verlo de cerca, conteniendo sus gestos de dolor, apretando las manos en los brazos de su sillón, a los que se agarraba como a la vida que quería dar a los demás. Era la presencia de lo más ausente en nuestra vida: el Buen Pastor. Recordaba las frases que había dicho en su primer viaje con motivo del cuarto centenario de la muerte de santa Teresa de Ávila, en 1982: «La porción más numerosa de la Iglesia de Cristo habla y reza a Dios en español».
Hasta el último momento estaba pendiente de los que le servíamos. Después del esfuerzo de la misa multitudinaria en la plaza de Colón en la que canonizó a cinco españoles —sor Ángela de la Cruz, sor Genoveva Torres, la madre Maravillas, el padre Poveda y el padre Rubio—, llegó extenuado al comedor de la Nunciatura. Entró directamente sin esperar al séquito y a los cardenales que le iban a acompañar en aquel último almuerzo en España. Don Estanislao, su secretario, me pidió una bebida fresca para el pontífice. Secó su rostro sudoroso y congestionado por el esfuerzo en aquel tórrido calor de la primavera madrileña. Le ofrecimos un rico salmorejo cordobés que bebió con fruición y repitió. Luego llegaron los cardenales, se sentaron a la mesa y servimos:
_Menú_
_Salmorejo cordobés con virutas de jamón_
_Pimientos del piquillo rellenos de changurro_
_Lomos de merluza con almejas en salsa verde_
_Quesos del país_
_Pastel de manzana asada a la miel con helado de badiana_
_Cafés y delicias_
_Creu de Lavit 2001_
_Remelluri Reserva 1998_
_Noé Pedro Ximénez_
_Freixenet Reserva Real_
Cometí la travesura de pedirle al Santo Padre que me firmara la cartulina de aquel menú y así lo hizo, con espontaneidad familiar. Hoy se exhibe en el comedor de la Taberna de Madrid debajo de su foto con nuestros chefs. A pesar de su cansancio recibió uno a uno a todos los cocineros y camareros y posó con ellos antes de recibir al presidente del Gobierno con su familia, y despedirse del personal. Todavía al salir por el pasillo de la Nunciatura camino del aeropuerto, se volvió hacia mí y empuñando de nuevo el bastón me dio su último consejo: «Don Luis, prométame: no deje a los jóvenes».
Hoy es santo; los demás seguiremos intentándolo.
Benedicto XVI era una persona que valoraba pero no me caía bien. Cuando fue proclamado papa recuerdo que pensé: «Bueno, es un buen teólogo. Pero ¿qué sabrá este de la vida?».
Mi pedantería, poco a poco, se vino abajo, dado que hubo cosas determinantes. Empecé a darme cuenta de que tomaba decisiones contundentes contra ciertos aspectos de la Iglesia que yo entendía como abusos de poder. Conocía de cerca el caso Marciel por un dossier que un colega periodista había puesto en mis manos antes del viaje de Juan Pablo II a México. No entendía cómo no se tomaban medidas ante el escándalo que eso iba a suponer en la Iglesia cuando saliera a la luz pública. Por otra parte, metido en la relación social que te da la sobremesa de un restaurante, sospechaba que algunas fortunas se hacían a la sombra de la Iglesia. Estábamos viviendo una enfermedad global con un cáncer financiero que llevó a la ruina a algunos de mis amigos por confiar su bolsa a «expertos». Otros se hicieron prematuramente ricos y hasta nosotros, los eclesiásticos, éramos marquistas en nuestra forma de vivir y de vestir. El desfile de las vanidades estaba bien servido hasta en el atrio de nuestras catedrales. El liderazgo quería ser social y más cultural que evangélico; vivir y compartir con los más necesitados no estaba de moda. Cuando alguien de nosotros rompía la fila y se salía del escalafón los demás gritábamos alarmados: «Pero ¿dónde va ese dejando la mitra, el cargo... para ir a misiones?».
Un inteligente como el papa Ratzinger, Benedicto XVI, debió de empezar a decirse a sí mismo: «Por aquí no paso». Me producía grima verlo tan aparatosamente mal vestido, con reductos de otra época; a menudo me preguntaba: «¿Quién le sacará esas piezas del atrezo papal?».
Le sentaba muy mal el artificio. Era ante todo un hombre sencillo, metido en una coraza papal. Empecé a leer sus escritos con pereza y con retraso, y pronto me di cuenta que debajo de aquella honorosa esclavina roja ribeteada con armiño, había un hombre cabal, un teólogo sabio afortunado, un sencillo ciudadano de Baviera, capaz de tocar el piano como lo hacía mi madre para deleite de su espíritu, un hombre capaz de añorar su apartamento y su gata. Un hombre espiritual mientras todos corríamos tras el lujo y los bienes de este mundo. Su sufrimiento desde el 19 de abril de 2005 hasta el 28 de febrero de 2013, fecha en la que dimitió rompiendo la disciplina tradicional de los pontífices, debió de ser inmenso: los dolores del cuerpo tienen medicina, los del alma no tienen más que ascética y mística. Se llevan hasta la muerte. Los remordimientos siempre corren tras los arrepentidos. El gesto de Benedicto me ha ayudado en mi fe. Su labor fluida y arriesgada ha sido contundente en la comprensión y adaptación del mensaje de Jesús a nuestro tiempo; sus escritos añadían una nueva luz al Evangelio.
Había conocido al nuncio Renzo Fratini por los campos de Paquistán. Pasé un mes por las más inesperadas casualidades de la vida en Islamabab. Él era entonces un nuncio joven en aquel país y yo aún un joven sacerdote que vivía en la Embajada de España. Durante aquel mes dije la misa en la capilla de la Nunciatura, desayunábamos juntos y tuve la oportunidad de acompañarlo en algunos de sus viajes por el país visitando las comunidades católicas. Cuando fue nombrado nuncio en Madrid restablecimos el contacto. Era agosto de 2009, yo ya estaba de párroco en Montecarmelo, Madrid: llevaba tres años peleando por hacer una comunidad de creyentes en uno de los barrios nuevos más crecientes de la Comunidad de Madrid. Al poco tiempo nos habíamos contado mutuamente las peripecias de aquellos años pasados en distintas misiones y cometidos dentro de la misma Iglesia. Al planearse el tercer viaje de Benedicto XVI a España, concretamente a Madrid para presidir la Jornada Mundial de la Juventud (JMJ) 2011, me manifestó su confianza y me encomendó que, como otras veces, el Grupo Lezama se ocupara de la alimentación del papa y su séquito en la Nunciatura. Aquellos días del 18 al 21 de agosto de 2011 aún están frescos en la memoria de todos nosotros. Tratamos de cerca a Benedicto XVI: era una persona distinta a como me la había imaginado. Mientras hablaba con él mantenía los ojos bajos, no te soltaba la mano, percibías una sensación de serenidad y seguridad al escuchar sus palabras. Tuve ocasión de enseñarle mi proyectada parroquia de Santa María la Blanca en Montecarmelo. Me atreví a explicarle: «Va a ser de cristal Santo Padre, transparente. Para que los que pasan por fuera vean lo que hacemos dentro y los que están dentro vean lo que pasa fuera. Transparencia, Santo Padre, nos hace falta ser transparentes a los cristianos de hoy en día».
Me miraba complacido. No podía sospechar lo que a él le evocarían en estas palabras, pero luego lo he pensado bien: él estaba luchando por la transparencia de la Iglesia, y eso lo llevó hasta una decisión insólita y valiente: su renuncia al Pontificado. Tengo una foto en el atrio de nuestra parroquia de esta escena para recordarle a todos: «¡Transparencia!».
A lo largo de este tiempo me he dado cuenta de cómo el Espíritu está focalizando los caminos de la Evangelización lejos de los silogismos y de cómo la fe se cultiva mejor en el jardín de los sentimientos que en el invernadero de la razón.
Tengo sobre mi mesa el menú de la comida principal que ofrecimos al papa Benedicto XVI y a su séquito:
_Menú_
_Potaje de vigilia_
_Urta a la roteña_
_Torrija con helado de vainilla_
_Cafés y delicias_
_Manzanilla Solear_
_Castillo San Diego Barbadillo 2010 (D.O. Tierra de Cádiz)_
_Vega Real Reserva. 2004 (D. O. Ribera del Duero)_
_Pedro Ximénez_
Fue el 19 de agosto de 2011. Había conocido en la mesa a un nuevo papa. A los pocos días de irse el Santo Padre, el nuncio Fratini me llamó y me invitó a comer: quería agradecerme los servicios prestados por mis jóvenes cocineros y camareros de la Taberna del Alabardero y el Café de Oriente de Madrid. Lo que no me esperaba es que al despedirnos pusiera en mis manos un sobre diciéndome: «Luis, esto es un pequeño regalo para tus jóvenes, para compensar su trabajo y su buen servicio. Estamos muy agradecidos».
Cuando abrí el sobre era un cheque por valor de 15.000 euros, pero mis jóvenes renunciaron a aquella donación en favor de nuestra nueva parroquia. Hoy aquel dinero se ha convertido en el altar de piedra que estrenamos un 23 de marzo de 2012 y donde celebramos la santa misa todos los días.
Unos días antes del 6 de mayo de 2013 me llamó del Vaticano monseñor Alfred Xuereb, secretario personal del Santo Padre, para que celebrara ese día la Eucaristía con el nuevo papa Francisco. Llovía a mares y llegué a Santa Marta muy temprano y muy nervioso: todos queríamos conocer al primer papa argentino. Eran las seis y media de la mañana cuando me junté en el hall de la nueva residencia pontificia con siete sacerdotes más de distintos países. No había ninguno que fuera obispo, todos éramos iguales. Nos revestimos en una estancia próxima a la sacristía de la residencia, donde vimos cómo el papa se colocaba una de esas casullas sencillas como las que usamos nosotros, digna, sin hilos de seda, con purpurina dorada, de un «Todo a cien», seguramente _made in China_ : primer detalle que me impresionó. Junto a él estaba el cardenal Comastri, recién nombrado vicario general para la Ciudad del Vaticano. Nadie más. Ciertamente pensé que estábamos en familia.
Llegados al altar de aquella capilla que yo ya conocía de los tiempos de mi estancia con el cardenal Tarancón; aprecié que había desaparecido la ornamentación recargada de antaño: no había alfombras ni sede historiada, no había escaño, sino que su lugar estaba ocupado por un simple sillón. La misa me recordó a nuestras misas íntimas en la capilla del Seminario de Madrid donde estudié. Cuando iba desgranando la liturgia con acento latino en italiano, me parecía que era mi director espiritual y cuando habló dijo algo tan sencillo que podía ser asimilado por cualquiera de los más o menos cuarenta asistentes con sus uniformes de jardineros, porteros y funcionarios de la Santa Sede. El Evangelio era el capítulo 15 versículo 26 de San Juan, después de haber escuchado los Hechos de los Apóstoles en el capítulo 16 que cuenta cómo san Pablo convierte a Lidia de Trátiva en la Macedonia, vendedora de púrpura, el papa Francisco nos pedía a los allí presentes que «liberáramos a la Iglesia de moralismos e ideologías que impiden la conversión de nuestra gente». Yo estaba impresionado.
Cuando acabó la misa lo vi arrodillado en un reclinatorio junto a mí al final de la capilla, dando gracias a Dios. Percibí su olor presencial; lo sentí respirando. Miré disimuladamente sus zapatos negros. Tenía un gesto fresco aunque a lo mejor no había dormido mucho y bien. Cuando salimos y me lo presentaron advertí que era un papa que miraba a la misma altura de los ojos. No llevaba gafas negras, no tenía nada que ocultar. Mientras lo veía acercarse pausadamente hacia mí tuve un presentimiento: «Nos vamos a entender. Este y yo nos vamos a entender...».
Se acercó. Estrechó mi mano como un militante de la misma clase y me preguntó directo: «Don Luis, ¿qué hace usted en todo el día?».
«Qué pregunta...», pensé.
«Qué pregunta tan original y sencilla —titubeé en la respuesta—. Nada. Santo Padre. No hago nada. Voy de un sitio al otro, quiero llegar a tiempo a todas partes y nunca lo consigo. Soy un párroco de la periferia de Madrid con mucha gente alrededor. Uno de esos barrios que crece lleno de niños todos los días...»
Poco a poco iba ganando confianza en mí mismo y en aquella situación frente al sorpresivo papa Francisco, que hablaba en mi misma lengua. Yo, el osado periodista y empresario, me encontraba desconcertado ante aquel jesuita elevado a papa. «Tengo un colegio con más de mil quinientos alumnos, en el que llevo poco tiempo, solo seis años de párroco. Estoy construyendo una parroquia de cristal al lado. Quiero una Iglesia transparente. Me ayudan mucho los seglares y tengo a dos amigos sacerdotes conmigo.»
Francisco me contemplaba sonriendo. El cardenal quería pasar al siguiente, pero él se mantenía frente a mí. Pude dominar esa sensación de «Bueno, ya vale. Pasa» y seguí: «Fundé una asociación de jóvenes que se mantiene trabajando en restaurantes y tenemos escuelas de hostelería y...». Se me acababa el gas, pero él seguía sonriendo sin moverse. «Y, Santo Padre, he dado de comer a sus antecesores, pero hoy no le puedo ofrecer más que una piruleta con forma de corazón, de las que doy los domingos después de misa en la parroquia a los niños.»
Había metido la mano derecha en el bolsillo de la chaqueta y me tropecé con una rezumada piruleta de las que reparto a montones con el logo: «Dios es amor. Amar es servir».
El papa se echó a reír. Todos le contemplábamos con la piruleta de un corazoncito rojo en la mano sorprendido, hasta que se la metió en el bolsillo de su sotana diciéndome: «¡Qué buena idea, don Luis, qué buena idea! Gracias, la voy a degustar».
Es la última vez que he dado de comer a un papa. He de confesar que le hemos mandado diez mil piruletas de nuestra parroquia para que las reparta entre los niños.
Al acabar era muy temprano y había dejado de llover en Roma. Fui a saludar a mi amigo Domenico Giani al Gobernatorato de la Ciudad del Vaticano, quien me invitó a desayunar. Luego pasé por el Ufizzo fotográfico buscando unas fotos de Juan Pablo II. Al salir del recinto me tentó entrar en el supermercado: había unas alcachofas hermosas, ya era la temporada de la Ciudad del Vaticano. Las compré y pensé pedirle a mi amiga Paloma Gómez Borrero que me estaba esperando fuera de la ciudad que me las hiciera a la judía, mi plato favorito:
Limpiar las alcachofas quitándoles las hojas duras y cortándoles la parte superior de la flor para desechar, así, lo incomestible. A continuación frotarlas con limón para evitar que se pongan negras y ponerlas después en un barreño con agua fuertemente ácida del zumo de limón.
Machacar un diente de ajo con un poco de sal marina y tres o cuatro granos de pimienta negra, más unas hojas de hierbabuena y al final machacarlo todo junto con el zumo de un limón. Dejar reposar. Antes de la hora de comer, cortar las alcachofas en cuatro partes, aliñarlas con la pasta del mortero y pasarlas posteriormente por harina. Acto seguido, preparar para la fritura. No es necesario que el aceite esté muy caliente porque el secreto está en que cuezan al aceite, con tiempo para que les entre el calor bien dentro, hasta el corazón, y así queden blandas. Cuando empiezan a tomar color avivar el fuego para que expulsen el exceso de grasa y, transcurridos unos segundos, sacar al plato con una espumadera en la que puedan escurrirse bien. Cuanto más sequitas y crujientes, mejor.
_Ingredientes para 4 personas:_
12 alcachofas grandes
Harina
Limón
Aceite de oliva
Ajo
Hierbabuena
Pimienta negra
Sal
Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos
Tiempo de cocción: 15 minutos
Esta es una receta que proviene de la cocina masónica y que es originaria de Aragón, aunque los españoles la llevaron a Nápoles. Dicen que era uno de los platos preferidos de la cultura sefardí y que le gustaba mucho a Catalina de Médicis.
América fue siempre la aventura de España y seguirá siendo nuestra historia pendiente. Por eso la tentación de «irse a América», de «hacer las Américas» está latente en el ánimo del español que busca nuevos horizontes de vida, y más ahora, cuando no se encuentra fácilmente trabajo en nuestra tierra. Nuestro equipo cerraba filas en Puerto Banús, en el Café de Oriente de Madrid y en la naciente Escuela Superior de Hostelería de Sevilla. Recibíamos capital humano para formar, hasta estudiantes diplomados en otras disciplinas querían ser cocineros y hosteleros influidos por los movimientos de los jóvenes chefs de la _nouvelle cuisine_.
Guillermo de la Dehesa y Miguel Ángel Fernández Ordóñez, secretarios de Estado de Comercio en aquel gobierno de 1987, venían a la Taberna con una idea obsesiva:
«Luis, tendrías que abrir un restaurante piloto en los Estados Unidos de América. Se está confundiendo lo hispano con lo español».
Ya para entonces nos habíamos paseado con las merluzas debajo del brazo por Londres, Tokio y Budapest haciendo promoción de nuestra cocina española invitados por el ICEX. Aquel esfuerzo de catequesis gastronómica para extranjeros era demasiado fugaz y siempre acabábamos planteándonos la importancia de implantar restaurantes pilotos permanentes en las capitales estratégicas del mundo: eso lo veíamos claro. Yo les aconsejé que comenzaran por mandar hacer un estudio de mercado en las seis ciudades estadounidenses más importantes: Nueva York, Boston, Chicago, San Francisco, Miami, Los Ángeles y Washington D. C. Tardó casi un año en realizarlo una empresa de Maryland llamada Geni Gricson, y al final de muchas consultas lo pusieron en mis manos y durante el mes de julio siguiente recorrí como un trotamundos todas las ciudades con dos de mis más jóvenes adoptados, Julio y Agustín. Pusimos notas a cada lugar y a su gastronomía. Hacíamos comparaciones, situaciones simuladas... Parecía un inspector de la guía Zagat. La conclusión fue muy sencilla: me gustó Washington porque era una ciudad perfilada entre la Administración del gobierno, las embajadas de todos los países y los _lobbies_ : era la ciudad ideal para permanecer, a diferencia de Nueva York, donde cambian y solo duran los modelos una temporada. Cuando yo llegué a Washington con la decisión de abrir la Taberna era ya 1989 y no había nada de restauración española; lo más próximo era el Tío Pepe de Baltimore, donde daban una comida muy clásica, abundante y exitosa desde que el segoviano Pedro Sanz puso los pies en el lugar y abrió en 1968 el que hoy es el mesón español más antiguo de los Estados Unidos de América.
Yo recordaba a mi tía Carmen, viuda de Moneo, que llegó a Nueva York en 1922 y en la calle 14, en el corazón del Village, plantó un almacén de productos españoles. Ya ha desaparecido, pero allí se vendían desde chorizos y morcillas, arroces y paelleras, bacalaos salados y hasta la revista ¡ _Hola_! Ciertamente mi tía Carmen Barañano fue emblemática y pionera en lo español en Norteamérica. Cuando me metí en esto de la cocina ella estaba ya muy viejita pero en un viaje a Nueva York me dijo: «Estos gringos no se han enterado aún de la grandeza de nuestra cocina. Conquistaremos de nuevo América por el estómago».
Su doméstica Mariluz y ella se encerraban en la cocina de la calle 14 y nos sorprendían con sus guisos, tan inusuales que hasta el mismo cardenal Spellman venía a probarlos.
Pero yo elegí Washington huyendo del modismo cambiante y buscando hacer solera. En Nueva York había que mover un árbol para hacerte notar en el resto del país; en Washington bastaba con mover una hoja. Era la capital del mundo pero a mí me parecía una capital de provincias tramada con una hoja parroquial que hablaba del resto del mundo: _The Washington Post_. Cuando ya vivía allí admiraba a la señora Graham, dueña histórica del periódico, cuya biografía me hizo comprender muchas cosas y situarme en aquella sociedad privilegiada. Si por fin la señora Graham me reservaba el comedor Aranjuez para sus reuniones yo les decía a mis muchachos: «Ahí, en ese Aranjuez, nuestro se está cociendo el mundo». Y, en efecto, por allí pasaron los más representativos comentaristas y políticos del momento.
Pero no sabéis las peripecias que tuve que pasar para abrir mi Taberna en la 18 con la 1, cerca de la Casa Blanca. El ICEX certificó su ayuda con 500.000 dólares, pero nunca llegaron a dármelos, por lo que si no hubiera sido por don Claudio Boada, que me concedió un crédito en el Hispano Americano, no hubiera podido empezar. Afortunadamente pude abrirlo. Mi amigo Jesús Polanco me llamaba por teléfono desde España y me decía: «Luis, ¡no te metas más! ¡Vuelve a España! Lo del ICEX es papel mojado, no te lo van a dar. Aquí te van a hacer una inspección de Hacienda tumbativa para que no tengas más remedio que vender y desaparecer. Vente a España y negocia, negocia con Carlos Solchaga, que es quien tiene el poder».
En efecto, me tuve que volver a España dejando todo _empantanao_ : me había metido en un buen lío. Los inspectores de Hacienda me pisaban los talones, contaban las servilletas y el número de cafés que tirábamos cada día. De poco me sirvió recurrir a Felipe González, que era presidente del Gobierno. Carlos no me recibía, y el Poli, a la sazón secretario de Estado, se escondió entre las piedras. Hasta que un día que jugaba España contra Alemania y no había nadie en las terrazas del Café de Oriente, me vino a ver un amigo entrañable y me dijo: «Tú, curita, ya has hecho bastante. Menuda labor. Has sacado a mucha gente de la nada. Véndelo, cobra y dedícate a lo tuyo».
No lo podía hacer: era el pan y el producto del trabajo de mucha gente. Habíamos levantado el negocio y una pequeña familia. Así que decidí repartir la estrategia y regresar yo a América, a vivir en Washington, a abrir y ayudar desde allí a los que quedaban aquí. Vivía austeramente en una habitación alquilada a una rusa en los apartamentos contiguos a la Embajada, comía en un comedor de caridad del Ejército de Salvación y practicaba el gorroneo en los _lunchs_ de las fiestas nacionales de cada embajada para comer gratis, conocer a gente y hablarles de mi proyecto. Cierto día en la Embajada de España, en la calle 16, con motivo de una visita de su Majestad la reina doña Sofía, traté de colarme. No estaba en la lista. El embajador Mañueco me miraba con cierto desdén cuando hacía fila para saludar: tuve la sensación de que estorbaba, de que a él no le era agradable y que me iban a echar... Hasta que la reina de pronto se fijó en mí y se adelantó a decirme: «Don Luis, pero... ¿qué hace usted aquí?».
Le conté mi arriesgada aventura y doña Sofía me dio mucho ánimo. A partir de entonces fui muy bien recibido en la Embajada de España. De vez en cuando Alberto Aza, embajador en la OEA y Enrique Pastor me venían a buscar a la obra, que a grandes trompicones ya iniciaba, para invitarme a comer. Era un alivio en medio de aquella ciudad y de un idioma desconocido para mí. Yo decía la misa los domingos en la parroquia hispana de Nuestra Señora de las Américas con el padre Somoza: era la otra cara de la emigración en Washington. Aprendí a vivir como uno de ellos aunque en mi visado E-2 pudiera aparecer un «potentado inversor español». George Egge y Carmen, mis abogados y amigos, me ayudaban mucho y, finalmente, conseguimos romper una noche una botella de Freixenet en las puertas de la hoy Taberna del Alabardero. No tenía un duro pero iba a abrir el primer restaurante español en la capital de los Estados Unidos de América. El crédito no daba para más: si no entraba dinero en caja estaba perdido.
Pocos eran los que entraban en el recinto bellamente decorado que ahí sigue veinticinco años después y yo, mientras tanto, me esforzaba por aprender inglés pero no lo conseguía. Apenas sabía decir a mis clientes: « _Really_?», « _hum hum_...», « _wow_!»...
Todas las mañanas temprano me iba al Instituto Lado a aprender inglés con algunos de mis empleados latinos. De España me llevé a unos cuantos; vivíamos en comunidad en una casona alquilada destartalada en Arlington con lo más elemental, compartíamos habitaciones, duchas, guisos en los fogones... y alguna noche encontraba mi cama ocupada por una bella señorita. Tuve que enseñar a respetar mi colchón, mi ducha, mi jabón y mi toalla.
Rezar era para mí un propósito imposible: me perdía en los Rosarios recién empezados, me tropezaba en los problemas del día a día, el breviario se convirtió en el sueño de una noche de verano porque la mayoría de las veces lo empezaba pero amanecía dormido con él en la cara. A menudo me decía a mí mismo: «¿Quién me habrá mandado meterme en esto?».
Pero empezamos a conocer clientes interesantes que eran nuestros primeros amigos como Michel Camdessus y Brigitte, presidente del Fondo Monetario Internacional y Enrique Iglesias, presidente del Banco Iberoamericano de Desarrollo. Ellos y el embajador de México, Gustavo Petriccoli, fueron nuestros mejores introductores en la sociedad capitalina.
En las noches del buen tiempo nos dábamos unos paseos por delante de la Casa Blanca y observábamos las luces encendidas de las habitaciones, el trajín y salida de los últimos colaboradores. Enfrente había una reputada española que se manifestaba en contra de la guerra y en memoria de los muertos en el campo de batalla. Con el tiempo nos dimos cuenta que formaba parte del atrezo en el Espíritu de paz del pueblo americano.
Como estábamos junto a la Casa Blanca, un día me atreví a escribir a nuestros vecinos, los Bush:
_Mr. and Mrs. Bush_
_The White House WASHINGTON D. C_.
_Queridos Barbara y George_ :
_No sé si os habéis enterado aún de que soy vuestro vecino. Me he instalado hace unos meses junto a vuestra Casa Blanca, en la calle 18 con la 1. Es un edificio nuevo de nuestro amigo común, Oliver Carr, que está renovando el área de la ciudad_.
_Por cotilleos del barrio sé que George sale de vez en cuando a hacer footing por los jardines, y que tú, Barbara, paseas al perro y te arreglas en una peluquería cercana. Vamos, que hacéis la misma vida sencilla que cuando vivíais antes en la Massachusetts y os escapabais a cenar a Germain's. No sabéis lo que me alegro de teneros ahora por vecinos: mi madre siempre me decía, cuando vivíamos en Bilbao, que al cambiar de casa había que elegir bien el barrio_.
_Llevo ocho meses vendiendo perejil en esta plaza y estoy contento. Vuestros paisanos me han recibido bien, aunque la comida española era aquí desconocida y confusa. Pero hasta la señora Richman, de_ The Washington Post _, que es una especie de Xavier Domingo a la americana, es decir, la «Biblioteca gastronómica», dice cosas buenas de nosotros y le gusta nuestra cocina. Es que, Barbara, guisamos con amor; y tú sabes muy bien lo que es eso en el hogar texano que cultivas como reducto familiar aún en Washington, D. C_.
_También tú, Barbara, de vez en cuando das un té a los amigos. Me lo contó Julio, Julio Iglesias, a quien conozco de toda la vida. Y después de probar vuestros picatostes con mermelada de lima, vino a cenar a mi casa para completar la jornada y marcharse a Miami en su jet sin tener que encender la lumbre ni poner las alubias a remojo, que en el jet debe de ser muy incómodo cocinar_.
_Por cierto, no sabes lo elegantes que vienen las señoras a mi casa: estoy asombrado de cómo se preparan para salir y las joyas que se ponen, algo que ya casi no se ve en Europa. This is America_!
_Trabajamos bien, y poco a poco se habla de nuestros restaurantes como uno de los mejores de la ciudad. Pero qué te voy a decir yo que tú no sepas. Seguro que Mrs. Stewart ya te ha contado algo, me han dicho que ha venido por aquí con algunos de vuestros amigos. Es lógico, en España pasa igual: cuando se abre un sitio nuevo primero se va a curiosear y luego se comenta_.
_A diario para el lunch tengo muchos_ business _, chicos y chicas del cercano Banco Mundial que salen a las doce al recreo para comer y solazarse de la larga jornada de trabajo. Comen muy bien. Se conoce que los números les abren el apetito y, además, les gusta todo, máxime desde que se han enterado de que guisamos con aceite de oliva español, que no tiene colesterol. Entraron pidiendo taquitos y enchiladas, burritos y fajitas porque el concepto de cocina española está aquí muy confuso por lo latino, hasta que se percataron que lo nuestro es el pilpil y el tintorro de Rioja o de la Ribera del Duero con buenas carnes y pescados frescos del día_.
_Los de la OEA son todos muy ilustres y bien cumplidos. Cada uno hace alarde de la comida de su pueblo como es de ley y la añoran, pero nos tratamos como de familia, pues lo español les sale enseguida, y el que más y el que menos tiene un pariente en Galicia o en Asturias, de donde es oriundo_.
_También vienen por aquí los del BID, bien asesorados por su presidente Enrique Iglesias, buen gourmet que desgraciadamente se pone a régimen a menudo con grave quebranto nuestro. Son tíos que saben mucho de números y no necesitan calculadora para sacar las tasas y el 15 por ciento de servicio. Vamos, que no les puedes dar gato por liebre. Cuando bostezan han digerido ya los números rojos y la deuda externa de unos cuantos países que se echan a sus brazos incondicionalmente buscando soluciones a sus problemas económicos_.
_Aparecen de vez en cuando, George, tus consejeros y colaboradores. Vienen con portafolios y teléfonos móviles. Dejan a la puerta el coche que los identifica como «hombres de la Administración», y siempre les espera alguien para almorzar con evidente interés. Son mesas con antenas parabólicas y en apariencia sencillas, donde intentan pasar desapercibidos; mis muchachos, sin embargo, andan con diligencia y se comportan con gran prudencia durante el servicio para no interrumpir las conversaciones importantes. El menú de estos clientes debe mantener siempre un equilibrio entre el placer y la sobriedad, en virtud del posible «qué dirán» que tanto afecta a los políticos_.
_Mi proximidad con la Blair House me hace ser oportuno refugio de séquitos de presidentes y gobernantes de otros países que vienen a visitarnos. Y hasta de ellos mismos cuando, cansados de ruedas de prensa y de poner la sonrisa para la foto y tras firmar acuerdos, pactos y tratados, quieren estirar las piernas, matar el gusanillo del hambre y recrearse sin protocolos con sus embajadores y ministros ávidos de complacerlos. Para eso tengo un par de comedores privados ideales donde sus excelencias se encuentran como en casa_.
_A mí todo esto no me coge de sorpresa. Llevamos quince años haciendo lo mismo en Madrid. Y nuestra Taberna está a un tiro de piedra del Palacio Real, del Senado y de la Cámara. Estamos acostumbrados a ver a los políticos «con los rulos puestos», solucionar emergencias, negociar la mayoría y enamorarse de la última secretaria, lo cual es muy humano aunque sea perversamente empleado por la oposición de todos los gobiernos que en el mundo han sido. Así que la discreción es nuestro lema. Y jamás contamos a la prensa cómo y con quién cenan nuestros clientes_.
_Lo nuestro es extender el mantel cada día a los más variados personajes que nos otorgan el favor de visitarnos y a los que tratamos de complacer como en Madrid en este bonito barrio del D. C., donde todavía hay puestos de flores en las esquinas, limpiabotas, vendedores ambulantes que te dan los buenos días y una taberna que os espera para que conozcáis de España algo más que su geografía política_.
_Hasta pronto, George y Barbara, queridos vecinos de la Casa Blanca_.
La señora Josefine es la esposa de mi querido amigo Robert Schofner, el mejor crítico gastronómico que ha tenido la célebre revista _The Washingtonian_. Somos muy buenos amigos. Frecuentábamos con tiempo el intercambio de ideas culinarias y de catas en los diferentes restaurantes de la capital del Estado. Su cultura culinaria me producía admiración y respeto. Sus crónicas eran más ponderadas que las de la señora Philips Richmond, la crítica gastronómica de _The Washington Post_ en los años noventa.
Un día Josefine me comentó que harían un crucero a España con su amiga íntima «Mery», la madre de Tom Cruise. Eran unas señoras muy divertidas que salían juntas, y de vez en cuando aparecían por la Taberna, momentos en los que aprovechaba para tomar un té con ambas y ponerme al corriente de los chismes de la ciudad. Lo más sensacional era que el crucero hacía escala en Málaga. Las dos damas querían conocer nuestra Taberna del Alabardero de Marbella; por lo que acordamos que Juan Carlos Cantero, nuestro director, las recogería al desembarcar y las llevaría a conocer y a comer una magnífica paella de mariscos en nuestro Alabardero Playa de San Pedro de Alcántara. Todo estaba previsto para la fecha asignada; Juan Carlos saldría a su encuentro en el Puerto de Arribada. El único inconveniente era que no se sabía exactamente cuál era el puerto. Transcurrió la mañana con nuestra gente preparada para recibirlas hasta que sonó el teléfono. A juzgar por el ruido, era un teléfono público. Juan Carlos oyó a Josefine con voz entrecortada, animosa y en inglés:
—¡Estamos aquí! ¡Venid a por nosotras! Nos han traído del barco al puerto en una magnífica lancha.
—Pero ¿dónde estáis? ¿En Málaga? —preguntó Juan Carlos.
—No, en Málaga no. Estamos en un puerto pequeño.
—Dígame en qué puerto y vamos a recogerlas.
—No lo sabemos. Mery y yo estamos muy contentas de estar aquí. ¡Os esperamos!
—Pero ¿dónde os han desembarcado? —Juan Carlos, desconcertado, les insistió por teléfono.
—No sabemos.
—Pregunten, por favor. Salgan de la cabina.
—No hay nadie por aquí. No vemos a nadie.
—Pues lean algún nombre, algún rótulo del lugar.
—Ah, sí, perdón, aquí dice «S».
—Bien. Tomo nota: «ese». ¡Continúe! —dijo Juan Carlos mientras apuntaba.
Se les oía reír.
—«O.»
—Bien —exclamó Juan Carlos. «So.» Seguramente es Sotogrande. Continúen leyendo.
—... L, O, M, O, N, E, D, A, S.
Juan Carlos se echó a reír al comprobar que lo que decía no era otra cosa que «Solo monedas».
—No puede ser, Josefine. Eso es un aviso. No el nombre del lugar.
Por fin, un paisano se les acercó y les indicó que estaban en el Puerto Deportivo de Marbella. Juan Carlos salió a su encuentro y, según me contaron luego, pasaron un día inolvidable.
En una ocasión Mery, la madre de Tom Cruise, me dijo: «Don Luis, hubiera preferido que mi hijo fuera católico como yo, pero...».
Han pasado los años. Yo iba y venía con mi maletín de ejecutivo de Madrid a Washington. Ponía allí más corazón que dinero con tal de que la Taberna fuera un piloto de la gastronomía española. Luego vino José Andrés con el _Jaleo_ , y montó un verdadero jaleo que ha servido —y aún sigue sirviendo— para la expansión de la gastronomía española.
Ahora ya soy un jubilado americano, después de haber cotizado mis impuestos como empresario durante veinticinco años. Me siento muy honrado. ¡Dios salve a América!
Era por el año 2003 cuando empecé a pensar que no debía de morir como un tabernero rico, estaba convencido que tenía que poner distancia entre mis muchachos y mi vocación sacerdotal. Pero ¿cómo hacerlo sin que fuera una huida de los problemas siempre acuciantes de una empresa en desarrollo cuando se olfateaba la crisis? Por otra parte presentar al cardenal Rouco Varela mi deseo de reintegrarme al servicio pastoral de la Diócesis no era nada fácil de comprender: habían sido treinta y seis años sabáticos. Cuando me concedió la primera entrevista me miró con cierta sorpresa, estábamos en el mismo recinto del despacho del Palacio Episcopal donde frecuentemente nos entrevistamos, dada mi condición de colaborador en la Secretaría del cardenal Tarancón. El escenario era el mismo pero habían pasado años. Lo primero que se me ocurrió fue hacer una observación tras el saludo de rigor:
«¡Qué bien, señor cardenal, que ha quitado usted aquella moqueta verde tan fea que tenía este salón y ahora luce la madera noble que hay debajo! Yo no conseguí que lo hiciera el cardenal Tarancón.» Puso una cara extraña. Debió de pensar que acudía morir «al cementerio de elefantes» a causa de un presunto fracaso empresarial. Solo Dios sabe lo mal que lo había pasado dándole vueltas, pero finalmente había tomado una decisión. Seguramente buscaba una segunda juventud y me ofrecí: «Don Antonio, estoy dispuesto a irme de párroco a cualquier lugar de la diócesis».
Antes había sucedido algo verdaderamente insólito: al acabar aquel servicio al papa Wojtyla, cogí el coche y me dirigí al santuario de la Virgen de Valverde, adonde a menudo me escapaba desde mi despacho empresarial en la plaza de Oriente, buscando un lugar de sosiego, de paz y de oración. Aquel santuario me inspiraba: era un lugar solitario en medio de la nada, con una Virgen graciosa y pequeña, con un Niño en las manos. Siempre estaba limpia y cuidada por su Hermandad. A su alrededor, sin embargo, todo eran ruinas y páramos, símbolo de una historia olvidada salvo por sus devotos en Fuencarral. Es uno de los pocos santuarios marianos de las afueras de Madrid. Hacía calor aquel día del mes de mayo 2003, y me senté a la sombra de sus paredes, junto al pozo interior seco donde he visto a más de un feligrés derramar lágrimas por sus pesares. Era ya tarde. El papa volaba al Vaticano de regreso, soñando con la juventud apasionada que había visto en España. Durante años yo había empleado mi tiempo en seguir siendo joven sacerdote como Juan Pablo quería, dado que el elixir de la juventud está en la vida compartida con los demás: las flores solitarias se agostan pronto, son breves, son bellas, pero duran menos que en el matorral. Tenía sesenta y siete años. Miré a la Virgen chiquita; estábamos solos en el recinto sagrado. Me estiré como si estuviéramos en familia y le pregunté con descaro: «Bueno, dime ¿yo qué hago ahora?».
Siempre había pensado que mi preocupación por sacar adelante nuestras empresas, cada vez más entusiasmadas por el éxito, espoleadas por la audacia de un empresario innovador, ya se había desbordado. Lo que más me preocupaba era reconocer que yo había emprendido este trabajo por afán de sacar adelante a jóvenes en desarraigo social y que ello no acabaría nunca porque cada vez venían más. Se nos ocurrían nuevos proyectos y la capacidad de riesgo crecía por encima de nuestras posibilidades. Superar los fallos, rectificar y poner en valor nuestro capital humano era una obsesión que no me dejaba ni dormir y lo malo es que había educado así a los míos. Éramos más de setecientos empleados y todo crecía a un ritmo pavoroso. «¿Cómo echar el freno?», me preguntaba a mí mismo.
En 1996 decidí con los directivos de nuestros centros crear la Fundación Iruaritz-Lezama. Tomamos como símbolo los tres robles centenarios que se alzan al frente de nuestro caserío en Lezama (Álava). El notario don José María Prada se encargó de organizar con carácter cultural los Estatutos de nuestra fundación. La Fundación de Derecho Civil fue aprobada en Consejo de Ministros por un Real Decreto de 2 de agosto de 1996. Teníamos claras las obligaciones sociales contraídas, pero la mística y la ascética de todo emprendimiento social no se improvisan ni se sacan de los documentos del pasado, sino de una actitud permanente innovadora y creadora. Mis treinta y seis años sabáticos como sacerdote, todo un récord que podría figurar en el _Libro Guinness de los récords_ , no habían concienciado lo suficiente a mi gente. Aún estaban acostumbrados a pensar y a decir ante un problema: «Esto lo arregla el cura»...
Por otra parte nuestra tendencia clerical es absorber y no delegar, justificando lo injustificable por el paternalismo y la visión piramidal del poder que agarrota el mensaje evangélico de Jesús. Cuando analizo estos tics clericales en mí, me siguen poniendo nervioso, intento sacudírmelos sin lograrlo. Me recuerdan la caspa en la sotana negra: aún ahora hay mucho «casposo» dentro de nuestra Iglesia.
Me obsesionaba la transparencia que echaba de menos en la sociedad civil, política y religiosa. No me ha gustado nunca ser un cura pedigüeño, vivir de la limosna y la donación; a todos los que me conocen les he pedido y seguiré pidiendo trabajo, pero nunca dinero. He sido enemigo de las subvenciones que crean cuentas de resultado ficticias en muchas instituciones y adormecen las iniciativas de sus gestores. En esos años la «cultura del pelotazo» me tenía muy preocupado; además mi preocupación se ahondaba al saber que muchos amigos míos políticos y empresarios estaban pegando pelotazos. Hemos pasado una época en España en la que si no te prestabas a la especulación te tildaban de tonto; ávidos de relieve social, algunos de estos «sobrados de dinero» tentaban a mis más destacados chefs o _maîtres_ diciéndoles: «Chaval, tú eres muy bueno y el cura te está explotando. Te debías venir conmigo, que tengo dinero. Te pongo un restaurante y tú vas a ser mi socio. Ya verás lo que vamos a ganar...».
Me faltan dedos en las manos para contar la cantidad de proposiciones de este estilo que he escuchado en mis años de experiencia. Algunos han vuelto diciéndome: «Me confié, me parecía que era una buena oportunidad...».
Si el restaurante iba mal la culpa era de él, el joven cocinero o _maître_ ; si iba bien, al del dinero le entraban celos y ambición: se habían olvidado del socio y a alguno ni lo habían dado de alta en la Seguridad Social. En cambio, a otros el Grupo Lezama afortunadamente les ha servido de experiencia y plataforma de éxito. Siempre hemos ayudado al que se marchó con dignidad y defiende con orgullo y respeto nuestro nombre: al fin y al cabo, somos una referencia de éxito.
_Virgencita de Valverde_ ,
_de ojos misericordiosos_
_que mis penas sean alegres_
_en tu regazo amoroso_.
Allí estaba yo, ante la Virgen chiquita, dando tantas vueltas a mi soledad acompañada. De repente, Jesús, el buen santero que cierra y abre el santuario cada día, puso su mano en mi hombro y me dijo: «Señor, si no le importa voy a cerrar».
Mi aspecto de ejecutivo, recién dejadas las corbatas de Gucci, para vestir el traje talar durante la visita del papa, no lograban aún definirme para el futuro inmediato. Decidí volver, volver al día siguiente al solitario santuario de Valverde, como lo hacía de vez en cuando. «¡Gracias! ¡Volveré!»
Había en el suelo, junto al brocal del pozo, una estampita de la Virgen. La recogí y me marché en mi potente Audi A6 a la simpleza de mi casa y a la sencillez de mi vida interior. Volví cantando.
Fue a la tarde del día siguiente cuando de nuevo me encaré con la Virgen chiquita: «Bueno, dime, ¿yo qué hago ahora?».
En el silencio del templo todo eran voces que me pedían algo, yo sabía lo que querían pero no quería escucharlo. Aquel diálogo interior era pesado, no concluía. En algún momento alguien detrás de mí rezaba siseando un rosario, era claramente una letanía. Yo no tenía valor para emprenderlo. Me había vestido de nuevo de ejecutivo. Dirigí la mirada a mi corbata, de Ferragamo en esa ocasión: me la regaló Marisa, la de la tienda vecina por colocar al hijo de una amiga suya con problemas. «¿Te gusta mi corbata, Virgencita?»
El siseo del rezo acuñaba el silencio. «Mira que soy simple, te lo digo.» Ella, la reina de Valverde, miraba desde su camerino. Yo pensaba: «Qué extraño es todo esto de la vida interior... qué embarazoso es el diálogo con el más allá de un cuerpo que quiere trascender y no sabe cómo...» y al fin me expresé: «Bueno, si te pones así, vamos a hacer un pacto. Yo, de ahora en adelante me ocuparé de las cosas de tu Hijo a condición de que tú te ocupes de los míos».
A veces el silencio es un pacto sin palabras; en el internet del cielo debe haber existido desde siglos el whatsapp de los místicos. A continuación me inundó un sudor frío, la umbría del templo seguía siendo húmeda y fría. Me sentí respondido, Él me hablaba. «Pues voy a ser párroco de la nada.»
Ser consecuente con mi gente me llevó a un estado a veces deplorable, la confusión dentro de mí aumentaba. ¿Podría fiarme de un presentimiento? Hacía análisis de la situación con dos premisas:
1. ¿Lo vendo todo o no lo vendo?
2. ¿Cuánto vale lo que tenemos?
Desde el año 2000 había insistido con mi gente en que lo importante no era sumar patrimonio, sino poner en valor la marca y mejorar nuestro capital humano. Por tanto, había que despatrimonializarse, poner a trabajar los valores de la formación, de la innovación y el emprendimiento de lo que éramos capaces. Esto no era nada fácil y, además, tenía que convencer a mis muchachos. Si trataba de vender no bastaba con una tasación al uso porque para mí las cosas valen lo que puede pagarse en el mercado actual. Si por otra parte no hubiera comprador tampoco sería viable. Afortunadamente teníamos compradores: el Grupo Ibersol conocía muy bien nuestro trabajo y admiraba nuestra empresa, por lo que estaban dispuestos a quedarse con todas nuestras explotaciones y conservar los puestos de trabajo de los empleados y sus dirigentes. Alberto Texeira y Antonio Pinto de Sousa me habían demostrado ser buenos amigos; habíamos trabajado en algunos proyectos juntos y yo les admiraba y les sigo queriendo. También Bodegas Riojanas mostró su interés por comprarnos. Después de hacer la _due diligence_ sabes lo que vale tu compañía y más o menos lo que te pueden pagar. Ello supuso para mí un ejercicio de humildad: el camino de tantos años como empresario no había sido nada fácil, dejaba atrás las incertidumbres de las grandes crisis como la de 1993, la carencia de respaldo financiero y una mala gestión administrativa nos hicieron ver la cuenca de los ojos a la calavera de la muerte. Muchos días abría la persiana pidiéndole a Dios que me bendijera con el trabajo. Algún amigo economista al que había pedido consejo me advertía: «Luis, estás en quiebra técnica».
De un modo u otro, en el último momento, cuando vencían pagos imposibles, algo sucedía que hacía exclamar a mi gente: «¡Al cura siempre se le aparece la Virgen!».
No era verdad. Pero yo supe que había llegado la hora en la que tenía que ejercer el pacto prometido en Valverde, lo mismo que supe que el nombramiento de párroco de la nada en Montecarmelo, bajo cuya jurisdicción territorial estaba el Santuario, no era una mera coincidencia. Algo había de misterio ganado en las absurdas peregrinaciones desde mi oficina hasta Valverde durante los años anteriores a todo esto.
Reuní a mis directivos del Grupo Lezama, a los más destacados colaboradores, con los que habían peleado desde el principio y les anuncié:
«Esto es lo que hay. Esto es lo que valemos hoy. Si queréis vendemos el grupo entero a Ibersol, nuestros amigos portugueses. Vosotros seguiréis trabajando con la misma responsabilidad con vuestros nuevos patrones. La otra alternativa es que asumáis la gestión con todos los riesgos que ello conlleva como consejeros y patronos de la Fundación».
Aunque venían sospechando esta decisión, la propuesta sorprendió a todo el equipo. Hubo unos días de diálogos y reflexión hasta que aceptaron el reto y eligieron a Joaquín Martínez Mora como director ejecutivo con plenos poderes. Yo sigo siendo hasta que muera el presidente fundador.
La suerte estaba echada: una nueva forma más responsable se asumía en el Grupo Lezama y yo sería párroco de nuevo.
La vuelta al estamento eclesiástico no fue nada fácil. Si Dios me lo pedía o no era cosa mía. Mis colegas no lo pedían. Tenía que asumir mi descolocación; lo que en otras actividades de la vida hubieran llamado «en el escalafón». Como no era cuestión de medrar o no medrar, asumí en silencio y comprometí el testimonio. Después de tanto tiempo, era un desconocido para la mayoría del clero de mi diócesis; solo algunos pocos se habían atrevido a pisar nuestras casas. La distancia era tremenda entre lo que yo había vivido y lo que en aquellos años había pasado en el ambiente eclesiástico: era como si estuviera en la otra orilla. Desde mi nombramiento como párroco algunas veces trataba de cruzar el puente y me quedaba a la mitad por falta de valor y de conocimiento de la liturgia necesaria. Me refugié en los clérigos amigos incondicionales de antes y me esforcé por comprender sus problemas que yo había olvidado. Decidí hacer unos ejercicios espirituales en Loyola para ponerme al día en los terrenos del espíritu: fue lo mejor que pude hacer.
Un primero de noviembre del año 2005 el cardenal arzobispo don Antonio María Rouco Varela —a quien había visto en tres ocasiones— me presentó como párroco de Montecarmelo. Fue una ceremonia compartida en la vecina parroquia de San Miguel en Fuencarral. Dividieron el PAU en dos: a mí me dieron el norte y a los padres salvatorianos, el sur. Al acabar aquella ceremonia en el Día de Todos los Santos, el cardenal Rouco me dijo en la sacristía: «Luis, han venido muchos socialistas a tu toma de posesión...». Y era verdad: me acompañaba mucha gente de los de dentro y de fuera de la Iglesia.
Me costó convencer al cardenal para poder usar el santuario de la Virgen de Valverde como parroquia provisional hasta que buscáramos el lugar y el modo de hacerla. El barrio de Montecarmelo era totalmente nuevo, surgía de la nada. Prados y secarrales se convertían en bloques y urbanizaciones por encima de Mirasierra, a un lado de la carretera de Colmenar Viejo. Yo me sentía orgulloso y me paseaba por en medio de las obras que pronto se convertirían en pisos ocupados, en urbanización bien alineada, en amplias avenidas. Buscaba un hueco para colocar una iglesia y no lo encontraba. Después de haber pasado casi dos años esperando el nombramiento de cura de algún lugar, después de treinta y seis años peregrinando por los altares de iglesias ajenas, quería un lugar donde colocar un altar, _mi altar_.
La verdad es que me sentía orgulloso allí empezando todo de la nada. Mi recurso era subir al Santuario y ver a la Virgen. Todos los días proyectaba allí cómo poder instalarme hasta que surgió el concurso de la Comunidad para un colegio concertado. Entonces pensé que un colegio podía tener una capilla, y que una capilla podía ser una parroquia, y así se lo propuse al cardenal. Tras muchos devaneos y subir y bajar la idea por la curia pude conseguir el plácet para concursar al colegio. Provoqué a través de internet en <nuevosvecinos.com> mi presentación como párroco y mi deseo de encontrar a alguien ilusionado por hacer un colegio católico y trabajar en él. Surgieron dos espontáneos, Pedro y Carlos. Ellos fueron el primer engarce de una cadena que hoy llega a 150 docentes y 1833 alumnos en Santa María la Blanca: era la Virgen de Valverde quien verdaderamente me ayudaba.
El cardenal me había autorizado a que nuestro proyecto llevara el nombre del entonces beato Juan Pablo II, pero luego, cuando vio que el colegio y la iglesia eran una realidad, retiró esa autorización (de hecho, en el año 2014 aún no han cambiado las cosas a ese respecto) y por eso se llama como la Virgen de mi tierra: Santa María la Blanca.
Pero aquí estamos, felices, en <www.santamarialablanca.es>. Hemos construido un templo de cristal aún inacabado, pleno de luz y transparencia. Lo más importante es que todos los días construimos personas. Lo más importante es que el colegio tiene un sistema innovador, partiendo de un diagnóstico personal de cada alumno y aplicando las nuevas tecnologías al conocimiento. Es una maravilla ver la cocina de cerebros inteligentes que hemos montado.
Ahora ya soy párroco de algo. Mis feligreses tienen rostros de niños, de jóvenes, de mayores y de ancianos. Soy un párroco de la nada bien lleno de gentes.
Estamos llegando al final de nuestro recorrido. Muchas cosas he tenido que guardarlas en la cámara secreta de la confidencia porque no he querido ofender a nadie ni romper el encanto de ser bien aceptado por nuestros numerosos clientes y amigos. Estas pequeñas reflexiones que rematan el libro son como pensamientos nacidos del correr de la vida entre fogones. A propósito de esto, cuando revelo mi condición de sacerdote tengo que oír hasta la saciedad esa famosa cita de santa Teresa de Ávila, a quien admiro, porque para ser fundadora como fue tuvo que tener criterios empresariales y mucha fe en Dios: «También Dios está entre los pucheros». Parece que te justifica de tus debilidades coquinarias. Ella decía exactamente: «Mirad que entre los pucheros y las ollas anda Dios».
Pero yo nunca intento mezclar rábanos y leche como lo hiciera la cocinera del convento de San José ante la confusión de Madre Teresa. Ella añadió inmediatamente a la receta miguillas de pan duro, aceite de oliva, cominos y lo que fuera para un guiso que aún se recuerda en todos los conventos como «el guiso de la madre».
He tratado de dar sentido a la cocina como un instrumento de formación de las personas que aún me rodean. Unos porque la hacen y otros porque la sirven en el acto más social y necesario de todas nuestras obligaciones. La cocina de carbón de mi casa de niño en Manuel Allende 12, en Bilbao, era el primer centro social en el que yo aprendí a relacionarme con mi entorno, donde comía muchas veces en la mesa de la cocina, donde hacía los deberes al volver del cole y donde me castigaban a comer cuando no me portaba bien en el comedor. Al ver sacar la escoria a mi tata Filo para tirarla me daba miedo, porque mi padre, cuando quería explicar lo mala que era alguna persona, proclamaba: «¡Ese es la escoria de la sociedad!».
Yo no quería ser la escoria de la sociedad y miraba aquel pedazo de carbón consumido como si fuera el demonio. La cocina socializa mucho. Algunos de los grandes chefs han puesto una mesa de honor en su cocina y te invitan a ella, lo que se considera un gran evento, un gran privilegio. La primera vez que fui objeto de tal atención fue en Chicago, en 1989, cuando mi amigo Ferdinand Gutiérrez, el gran chef del Gran Hotel, me invitó a su mesa. De él aprendí que cocinar es siempre un acto para los demás.
La cocina me ha enseñado a aprender haciendo, pero cuando aprendo de otras culturas no asimilo tan rápido como cuando aprendo de la mía.
La cocina nos trae el recuerdo y la memoria de nuestra infancia. Si no te evoca tu mundo, tu niñez, tu adolescencia, tu historia es un añadido sin sentimientos. La cocina es evocación.
La cocina marca territorios, define a las personas, selecciona. Los productos en cada lugar, en cada país, marcan los ciclos de la naturaleza. Los productos son calendarios.
Me gusta conjugar: novela y música, comida y música, religión y música... La música es el lenguaje del quinto sentido.
Como decía Unamuno «el paisaje hace al paisanaje». El producto de la tierra es memoria histórica de donde nacen en cada pueblo sus tradiciones y costumbres. Siempre el producto sabe mejor en su territorio.
El dulce, el ácido, el amargo y el salado, cada uno tiene dentro una partitura de sabores, desde una melodía hasta una sinfonía, que no se agotan nunca.
En la mística y en la cocina se conjugan el arte, la innovación y la creatividad. Lo más sencillo ahora es el secreto de lo sublime.
Los secretos de la micología y su cocina están empezando a descubrirse. Es la espuma de la profunda naturaleza que hierve en el volcán madre de la tierra y nos ofrece su riqueza interior.
El placer de los sentidos me evoca el amor de Dios al crearnos. Para pecar hay que ser muy bruto y muy torpe. Por ejemplo, la gula es el egoísmo. No está en la cantidad de lo que comes, sino en el abuso de lo que otros no pueden compartir. Siempre digo que el pecado no está en el plato sino en la cabeza.
Si no tienes tiempo para amar a los demás, no tienes tiempo para cocinar. A veces busco en las personas como si fueran vegetales de la huerta de mi mente: hojas, raíces, bulbos, tallos altos o subterráneos, frutos, vainas y semillas..., ¡te llevas cada sorpresa...! Algunos son bulbos subterráneos que hay que desenterrar para gustarlos. La cocina es orden. Una mente desordenada no puede progresar en ella. Comienza por ordenar tus variados utensilios. Hay gente que compra muchos utensilios y nunca aprende a utilizarlos. Luego ordena tus ideas. Después ponte a cocinar marcándote tu objetivo, la meta a la que quieres llegar.
Un sofrito ahora es como el _garum_ de los romanos, tan sencillo que da sustancia a cualquier cosa.
Santi Santamaría me decía un día en el Racó de Can Fabes: «El pan con el tomate y la cebolla es la madre de todas las salsas».
El proceso de cocción hoy en la cocina tecno-emocional es una revolución. Nunca como ahora conservar las texturas y los sabores originales de cada producto es la clave del éxito.
El verde de la albahaca me produce frío. La hierbaluisa, ternura. Nunca pongas romero a la merluza ni perejil al pollo.
Me gustan los guisantes. ¡Son tan humildes y tan sabrosos! Quedan con todo, pescado o carne. Las habas son unas señoras importantes que no se casan con cualquiera. No sé por qué cuando las como me recuerdan a mi abuela Asun: las habas de temporada en su casa de Bilbao eran un lujo. Las habas ligan con los chocos. No sabéis lo ricas que están las habas _enzapetás_ que se toman en Huelva. Un huevo es una fábrica de creación: encierra en sí tantas virtudes y tal fuerza de nuevos seres que se desvanecen al perderse. Es una eclosión de vida la que hay en un huevo, o de muerte...
El pimentón siempre me ha parecido el maquillaje de una señora. La pimienta algo sexual, atractivo y pecado de salón. Los pimientos nada tienen que ver con las ñoras. La guindilla es una señorita provocativa e independiente.
¿Hay algo más cursi que las coles de Bruselas? Siempre me han parecido unas verduras pedantes y pijas. Para coles las de mi pueblo, Amurrio.
Esta mañana me ha visitado un jovencísimo sacerdote del País Vasco, había pedido verme hacía tiempo. Alguien le recomendó: «Vete a ver a Luis, que seguro te dará ideas». Hasta su obispo le dijo: «Sí, Luis sabe de eso. Tiene experiencia pastoral como párroco de muchos años y además es de aquí y conoce nuestros problemas».
La diferencia de edad entre él y yo era grande. Cuando lo vi entrar en mi despacho del Colegio Santa María la Blanca, en Montecarmelo, pensé: «A ver cómo me las arreglo para captar su problema y estar a su altura para ayudarlo».
Por otra parte, no sabía de qué se trataba, ya que en mi despacho se oyen las cosas más inverosímiles: tal vez era una crisis vocacional, tal vez venía en busca de consejo espiritual o tenía algún problema económico... Lo único que sabía es que había sido nombrado por su obispo como párroco de un pequeño pueblo de la diócesis y que llevaba ya unos meses dando vueltas a los problemas pastorales del lugar.
Cuando el joven párroco se sentó frente a mí tuve la sensación de que su problema no era banal. Más de 300 kilómetros de carretera hechos en solitario le había hecho pensar: «Don Luis, tengo un asunto muy serio. Soy sacerdote convencido de mi misión de evangelizar, pero me ha tocado un pueblo que tiene una parte alta y antigua separada de una parte baja y moderna. Los de arriba no se hablan con los de abajo. Mi antecesor hizo una iglesia para los de abajo y conservamos también la histórica iglesia del pueblo de arriba. No hay forma de romper esa barrera. Yo no creo que deba haber dos iglesias y, sobre todo, dos interpretaciones de la iglesia de Jesús y su evangelio».
Me quedé pensativo mirándolo y solo me atreví a decirle: «¡Por supuesto! Tienes que hacer todo lo posible por unirlos y crear fraternidad cristiana». «Padre, es muy difícil —me contestó—, porque los de arriba son de Bildu y los de abajo son del PP. No hay forma. Lo llevan todo al extremo. Ni siquiera puedo unir a los chavales para jugar un partido de fútbol...»
Observé que se acaloraba apasionadamente al explicarlo. «Yo ya no sé qué hacer. Estoy desesperado. Ni duermo. Todas las iniciativas que he puesto en marcha han sido en vano. Pero algo habrá que hacer que les pueda enseñar a convivir y a respetarse. Mi parroquia es una guerra continua por culpa de la política.»
La verdad es que no me esperaba nada de eso. El muchacho era un encanto y expresaba en su rostro la preocupación. Empecé a hacerle descubrir cuáles eran quizá los valores positivos de unos y otros, en qué temas podían confluir. Pasamos más de una hora planteando sinergias, tomamos café, desmenuzamos la vida y la historia de algunos de sus feligreses más interesantes. La verdad es que era difícil diluir un poco de azúcar evangelizadora en aquellos amargos pensamientos. Me confesó que había familias con presos políticos por medio que nunca se acercaban a la iglesia. Había muchos resentimientos y odios, lugares comunes donde unos y otros no entraban. Traté de ayudarlo a concebir actitudes conciliadoras, a visitar sus tabernas y sus casas a los de arriba y a los de abajo. Nos marcamos un tiempo para evaluar los resultados de un plan estratégico en el que debía incluir visitar a las familias de los presos. Cuando al fin de un par de horas nos despedimos el joven párroco me confesó: «Don Luis, a mí lo que me gusta es la cocina. Además, en los _txokos_ guiso muy bien y en casa con los amigos siempre tengo éxito».
Lo miré con cariño. Tenía buenos mofletes y la curva de la felicidad se asomaba ya apuntando maneras. Le dije: «Hermano, haz un poco más de ejercicio y deporte, que eres muy joven para esa barriga. Además de lo que hemos hablado, tú que sabes y te gusta, guisa primero con los de arriba y luego con los de abajo. Después los juntas a todos. Te esmeras ese día. Hazles participar en la preparación del guiso. Seguro que luego, en una buena sobremesa, te escucharán mejor que cuando pronuncias los sermones en la Iglesia. Suerte, amigo. ¡Dios te ayude!».
_Dificultad: baja-media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 10,3 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Ajoblanco de sepia:
• 1 sepia sucia
• Aceite de oliva virgen
• 1 cabeza de ajo
• 2 dl de fumet de pescado
Hongos:
• 2 unidades de hongos
• Aceite de oliva
• Sal
• Cebollino
Vieiras:
• 12 unidades de vieiras
• Sal Maldon
Decoración:
• Almendras tiernas
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar la sepia, cortarla en dados no regulares e introducirla en el aceite previamente aromatizado con el ajo. Confitar durante 20 minutos a fuego lento. Una vez esté cocida, retirar la sepia y dejarla escurrir. Acto seguido, retirar la gelatina del aceite donde hayamos confitado la sepia y reservar. Pasados unos minutos, unirla a la sepia y colocarla en la Thermomix. Templar ligeramente y emulsionar la mezcla con el fumet y el aceite del confitado. Una vez obtenida una crema homogénea y untosa, colarla y reservar.
A continuación, limpiar cuidadosamente los hongos, picarlos y saltearlos en aceite de oliva con algo de sal; espolvorear con cebollino. Por último, dorar en una sartén caliente las vieiras por ambos lados, sazonar y reservar.
_Para la presentación_ , colocar los hongos en el centro, las vieiras sobre estos y el ajoblanco en una jarrita. Colocar las almendras tiernas alrededor de los hongos.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 40 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 carabineros
Alcachofas:
• 8 unidades de alcachofas medianas
• 1½ l de agua
• 10 g de harina
• 10 g de sal gorda
• 1 chorro de aceite de oliva
Rulo de rape:
• 4 filetes de rape
• 5 ml de vino blanco
• 5 ml de caldo de pescado
• Sal y pimienta
Espárragos:
• 4 espárragos blancos naturales
• 1 nuez de mantequilla
• 100 ml de agua
• 5 g de sal gorda
• 10 g de azúcar
• 5 ml de aceite de oliva
Jugo:
• 4 cabezas de carabineros
• 10 g de cebolla
• 10 g de zanahoria
• 10 g de puerros
• 1 diente pequeño de ajo
• Medio tomate natural
• 100 ml de caldo de pescado
• 15 ml de nata líquida
• Brandy
• Sal y pimienta
Decoración:
• Virutas de trufa
• Láminas de alcachofas fritas
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar las alcachofas de ramajes; con un sacabolas, quitar la pelusilla interior y cortarlas a 1 centímetro del tronco. En un recipiente, echar el agua, la harina, la sal y un chorro de aceite y hacer una marinera. Meter las alcachofas en ella, llevar a ebullición y dejarlas hasta que estén tiernas. Reservar.
Por otra parte, limpiar los espárragos con un pelador, poner a cocer con el agua, la mantequilla, la sal gorda, el azúcar y el aceite de oliva. Dejar cocer hasta que estén tiernos. Reservar.
A continuación, sacar los filetes de rape, salpimentar y envolver los espárragos con ellos. Cocer durante 2 minutos con el vino blanco, el caldo de pescado y el aceite de oliva.
Por último, pelar los carabineros y reservar las cabezas para hacer el jugo. Marcar los carabineros a la plancha y reservar.
_Para el jugo:_
Picar la cebolla, la zanahoria, el puerro y el ajo. Rehogar y añadir las cabezas del carabinero, machacar y flambear con el brandy, dejar reducir un poco, añadir el tomate natural, dejar que cueza durante 2 minutos, añadir el caldo de pescado y dejar cocer durante 10 minutos. Poco después, añadir la nata y dejar cocer 5 minutos más. Pasarlo por la Thermomix, colarlo y salpimentarlo. Reservar.
_Para la presentación_ , limpiar las alcachofas de las hojas. Partir el corazón en cuartos y poner sobre el fondo del plato. Colocar encima el rulo de rape y espárrago y, sobre este, el carabinero. Acto seguido, napar con el jugo de cocción que previamente se ha realizado. Terminar decorando con unas láminas fritas de alcachofa y unas virutas de trufa.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 55 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 6 euros_
_Comensales: 8 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Sorbete de frutos rojos:
• 1 l de agua
• 1 kg de puré de mora
• 350 g de azúcar
• 125 g de azúcar invertido
• 200 g de dextrosa
• 13 g de estabilizante para sorbetes
Compacto de frutos rojos:
• 300 g de agua
• 100 g de azúcar
• 8 hojas de gelatina
• 350 g de frutos rojos
Nido de azúcar
• Isomalt c/s
• Colorante rojo c/s
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el sorbete:_
Llenar un cazo con el agua y poner al fuego; cuando supere los 40 grados, incorporar el azúcar, la dextrosa y el estabilizante todo junto, a modo de lluvia. Dejar que hierva y añadir la pulpa. Retirar del fuego y dejar enfriar. Agregar el azúcar invertido y turbinar en la mantecadora.
_Para el compacto:_
Calentar el agua y el azúcar hasta que esta última se haya disuelto. Incorporar las hojas de gelatina en el líquido caliente y remover hasta que no queden trozos. Agregar los frutos rojos y dejar que la gelatina cuaje. Cortar en la forma deseada.
_Para el nido de Isomalt:_
Calentar el Isomalt en un cazo y remover de vez en cuando hasta que adquiera la consistencia de un caramelo líquido. Agregar colorante rojo hasta obtener el color deseado.
Cuando al dejar caer el líquido con la cuchara forme hilos, pasarlos repetidamente por la parte exterior de un cazo de servir en todas las direcciones. Una vez la superficie esté bien cubierta, dejar enfriar y desmoldar el nido con mucho cuidado.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1,2 kg de anchoas frescas del Cantábrico
250 g de harina
3 huevos
750 ml de aceite de oliva
Sal
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar las anchoas, quitando la cabeza y las vísceras. Abrir por la mitad para quitar la espina central, con cuidado de que no se separen los dos lomos. Añadir sal, pasar por harina y huevo y freír a fuego no muy fuerte.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
250 g de gambas arroceras
250 g de cangrejos de río
4 puerros
8 zanahorias
8 cebollas
8 cabezas de ajo
2 bogavantes de 400 g
8 mejillones
8 gambones
450 g de arroz bomba
5 g de azafrán
c/s de colorante
Aceite
Sal
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el fumet:_
Rehogar las dos cabezas de ajo abiertas por la mitad, añadir dos de las zanahorias, dos cebollas y un puerro picado. Agregar la gamba arrocera y el cangrejo y mantenerlo en el fuego durante 10 minutos. Incorporar después agua y dejarlo 30 minutos. Colar y reservar.
_Para el arroz:_
Pochar en aceite la cebolla y la zanahoria picadas. Cuando estén blandas, incorporar el arroz y añadir el fumet poco a poco. Incorporar a continuación las pinzas del bogavante, dado que tardan más en cocer. Añadir el azafrán y el colorante, y dejar cocer. Cuando falten 5 minutos para que esté listo, añadir el bogavante troceado, los mejillones y los gambones. Por último, sazonar y emplatar.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5,9 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
200 g de lomo de bacalao salado
¾ partes de aceite de oliva virgen extra
¼ parte de aceite de oliva suave
4 dientes de ajo
1 guindilla
1 ramillete de perejil
Agua y hielo
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Desalar el bacalao entre 24 y 48 horas, dependiendo del grosor de la tajada. Esta operación debe realizarse partiendo de agua fría con hielo y manteniendo los lomos en la nevera todo ese tiempo cambiando el agua cada 12 horas y comprobando el punto de sal, es algo muy importante, puesto que no existe un tiempo definitivo para el desalado.
Poner ambos aceites en una cazuela de barro y calentar en él los ajos fileteados junto a la guindilla. La temperatura no debe ser muy alta para que los ajos se doren pero no se quemen. Retirarlo del fuego e introducir en el aceite los lomos de bacalao con la piel hacia arriba; confitar los lomos a fuego lento. Cuando el bacalao esté tierno se irá desprendiendo de agua y gelatina. Realizar un movimiento circular continuo a la cazuela, así el aceite irá emulsionando hasta que se obtiene una salsa.
Terminar espolvoreando perejil picado sobre nuestra cazuela y añadiendo el ajo tostado y la guindilla cortada en tiras.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 6 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 lomos de bacalao desalado de 180-200 g.
Zurrukutuna:
• 2 pimientos choriceros remojados
• 1 cabeza de ajo
• 200 g de pan cateto cortado y tostado sin dar color
• 50 ml de aceite de oliva
• 1 l de caldo de pescado y marisco y espinas de bacalao
• 1 cucharadita de pimentón dulce de la Vera
Bocadillo de chistorra:
• 1 baguette
• ½ cebolleta tierna
• 100 g de chistorra
Decorar:
• 4 hojas de endivia
• Hojas micro mezclum
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para la zurrukutuna:_
Freír los ajos fileteados hasta que se doren. A continuación, añadir el pan y el pimentón. Agregar después el caldo y cocer a fuego lento durante 40 minutos junto con los pimientos choriceros. Triturar y colar por el chino.
_Para el bocadillo de chistorra:_
En una sartén rehogar la cebolleta y añadir la chistorra sin piel. Después de unos minutos, retirarlo. Cortar la baguette por la mitad y rellenarla con lo rehogado. Luego tostar la chistorra en el grill.
Paralelamente, marcar el bacalao en la plancha y terminar en el horno a 160 grados.
_Para la presentación:_ poner en el fondo del plato la crema de zurrukutuna, sobre ella el bacalao y, encima, los bocadillos de chistorra. Decorar con endivias y las hojas micro mezclum.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 15 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de lomos de bacalao desalado
250 ml de agua con gas
Harina floja c/s
2 g de sal fina
2 g de impulsor
500 ml de aceite de girasol
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Poner en un bol el agua con gas, añadir la sal y el impulsor, incorporar con la ayuda de una varilla la harina hasta que quede la masa algo espesa (el punto depende del gusto personal). Cubrir el bacalao con una película fina de masa.
Trocear el bacalao en dados y calentar el aceite, sumergir el bacalao en la masa, de manera que se cubra con una película de esta. Freír, escurrir y servir.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 15 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración:4 euros_
_Comensales: 8 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Biscuit:
• 300 g de yemas de huevo
• 230 g de azúcar
• 200 g de nata
• 8 hojas de gelatina
• 800 g de nata semimontada
• 40 g de pasta de galleta María
Base crispy:
• 240 g de praliné
• 100 g de chocolate con leche
• 60 g de feulletine
• 100 g de manteca de cacao
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el biscuit:_
Montar la nata y conservar en frío. Paralelamente, poner a hidratar las hojas de gelatina. Después, calentar el resto de la nata y disolver en ella la pasta de galletas María y las hojas de gelatina.
A continuación, poner las yemas a batir y preparar un almíbar con el azúcar y la misma proporción de agua (pesada) a 121 grados. Dejar que monte todo junto hasta que baje la temperatura de la preparación.
Una vez estén tibias, incorporar la mezcla de nata, pasta de galleta y gelatina, a mano y con movimientos envolventes. Agregar de igual forma la nata semimontada y, por último, poner la crema resultante en moldes y congelar.
_Para la base crispy:_
Fundir el chocolate y la manteca de cacao, incorporar el praliné y el feulletine hasta homogeneizar. Acto seguido, verter la pasta resultante entre dos láminas de acetato y extender con ayuda de un rodillo.
Meter en el congelador hasta obtener una superficie que se pueda porcionar con un cortapastas.
_Para la presentación:_ disponer el biscuit sobre el plato y decorar con la base crispy.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
600 g de cabezas y carcasas de cigalas
1 cebolla
6 dientes de ajo
2 zanahorias
4 tomates maduros
30 ml de brandy
60 g de pan frito
1 l de fumet
Aceite
**PREPARACIÓN:**
En primer lugar, cortar la verdura en mirepoix gruesa. Poner una olla con aceite y, cuando esté caliente, echar toda la verdura, menos el tomate maduro. En este caso, es interesante que la verdura tome bastante color.
Cuando la verdura esté bien cocinada, añadir el marisco y saltear todo junto. Machacar para sacar bien el jugo y flambear con el brandy. Agregar a continuación el tomate maduro y dejar cocinar todo el conjunto por espacio de 8-10 minutos.
Verter el fumet y dejar cocer durante 15 minutos. Despumar muy bien el caldo, de manera que se eliminen las impurezas. Ligar con pan frito y triturar. Pasar por el chino y volver a hervir (levantar). En este momento, hay que limpiar muy bien la salsa de las impurezas que suben a la superficie y tener mucho cuidado para que no se pegue.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 10 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 11 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
INGREDIENTES:
300 g de boquerones frescos
60 % de vinagre de manzana
40 % de agua
Unas gotas de lima recién exprimida
Ralladuras de lima
Cilantro fresco
1 mango
Unas gotas de Sangre de Toro
100 g de aceite de oliva virgen de Andalucía
Polvo de oro y de plata
Agua y hielo
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar los boquerones de espinas, dar la forma apropiada para el montaje del plato, eliminando las partes innecesarias. Colocar en una placa perforada y sumergir en agua con hielo durante 7 minutos. Dejar escurrir.
Preparar un agua de ácidos con vinagre de manzana, las gotas de lima, las hojas de cilantro y unas ralladuras de lima. Introducir la placa perforada en esta agua ácida durante 50 minutos. Sacar, dejar escurrir y, por último, introducirla en aceite de oliva.
Pelar el mango y cortar en láminas muy finas. Confitar en aceite de oliva y dar la forma que se quiere utilizar en el montaje del plato.
Colocar los boquerones sobre un papel sulfurizado e introducir en horno de piedra durante 50 segundos.
_Para la presentación_ , montar el plato con los boquerones y el mango templados (retirar antes de la nevera para que pierda el frío). Terminar con unas gotas de Sangre de Toro y los polvos de oro y plata.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 17 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 6 euros_
_Comensales: 2 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
5 dl de leche
2 dl de aceite de oliva
3 dientes de ajo
400 g de bacalao desalado
Pimienta blanca molida y nuez moscada
Sal
Guarnición:
• Pan tostado
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Poner a calentar la leche junto con la sal, la pimienta blanca y la nuez moscada sin dejar que esta hierva. En otro recipiente, echar los ajos en el aceite; retirarlos cuando cojan color, manteniendo el aceite caliente.
Quitar la piel del bacalao desalado desprovisto de espinas y partirlo en trocitos pequeños. Posteriormente, blanquearlo en agua hirviendo y batirlo junto con los ajos previamente reservados y la leche caliente, de manera que se consiga una pasta homogénea. Agregar a dicha pasta aceite caliente, poco a poco, ligándolo lentamente como si fuese una mayonesa que queda espesa. Servir templado y acompañar con pan tostado como guarnición.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2,8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
0,4 l de quenelle de helado de pimienta
Brownie de chocolate con pistacho:
• 240 g de cobertura de chocolate negro (70%)
• 180 g de mantequilla
• 310 g de azúcar
• 3 huevos
• 180 g de harina
• ¼ de cucharada de impulsor
• 180 g de pistacho
Sopa de chocolate blanco:
• 0,6 l de nata
• 150 g de yogur griego
• 120 g de chocolate blanco
Timbal de frutas:
• 25 g de fresas (1 unidad)
• 15 g de moras (2 unidades)
• 10 g de frambuesa (2 unidades)
• 1 brote de menta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el brownie:_
Montar los huevos con el azúcar. Derretir el chocolate al baño María o en el microondas y añadir la mantequilla.
Tamizar la harina y mezclar con el impulsor. Mezclar los huevos con el chocolate y añadir la harina con movimientos envolventes. Por último, añadir los pistachos troceados y enharinados. Verter toda la mezcla en un molde previamente engrasado y enharinado para que no se pegue la masa.
Hornear en horno precalentado a 180 grados durante 40 minutos. Dejar enfriar y hacer porciones en forma de triángulo.
_Para la sopa de chocolate blanco:_
Calentar la nata 85 grados, escaldar con ella la cobertura de chocolate, removiendo enérgicamente. Añadir el yogur griego y triturar.
_Para la presentación_ , laminar las fresas, las moras y las frambuesas y compactar en un molde, presentarlas en un plato sopero, con una porción brownie y verter la sopa en el momento de servir. Terminar con la quenelle de helado y decorar con menta.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Canutillos:
• 500 g de harina
• 250 dl de leche
• ½ copa de licor de pera
• 1 chorrito de zumo de limón
• 100 g de azúcar
• 800 dl de aceite de oliva
• 500 dl de aceite para freír canutillos
Crema:
• 250 dl de leche
• 1 trozo de canela en rama
• ½ cáscara de limón
• ½ cáscara de naranja
• 25 g de maicena
• 3 huevos
• 80 g de azúcar
• 1 chorrito de calvados
• 25 g de mantequilla
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para los canutillos:_
En un bol unir bien todos los ingredientes de la pasta de los canutillos. Seguidamente poner la mezcla en una mesa y amasarla con las manos durante 15 minutos. Cuando esté amasada la pasta, estirarla sobre una mesa untada con aceite, con la ayuda de un rodillo, hasta hacer una lámina muy fina. Cortarla en tiras largas y estrechas; enrollarlas para formar los canutillos. En una sartén con el aceite caliente freír los canutillos hasta que estén dorados.
_Para la crema:_
Poner en un cazo la leche con la canela y las cáscaras de limón y de naranja, y dejarla hervir. En otro cazo, juntar los huevos, la maicena y el azúcar, mezclándolo bien. A continuación, verter sobre esta pasta la leche hirviendo, colada con antelación. Remover constantemente esta crema hasta que llegue a hervir. Añadir la mantequilla y el calvados. Reservar hasta que la crema esté templada.
Por último, rellenamos los canutillos de crema con una manga pastelera.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 40 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4,8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
25 g de trompetas de la muerte
Carpaccio de pulpo:
• 100 g de pulpo laminado
• 2 g de aceite de pimentón
• 1 g de pimentón
• 2 dl de aceite
• Sal Maldon
• Agua de mar
Quenelle de ajo blanco:
• 10 g de almendras
• 2 dl de leche
• 1 g de ajo
• 50 g de pan
• Aceite de oliva
• Sal
Decoración:
• Cebollino picado
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el carpaccio de pulpo:_
Limpiar bien el pulpo sumergiéndolo en agua fría y retirando los restos de impurezas de la cabeza y las patas haciendo especial hincapié en las ventosas. Congelar durante 24 horas y descongelar en cámara para romper las fibras más duras.
Cocer en agua de mar durante 25-30 minutos en función del peso. Separar las patas de la cabeza y estirarlas bien. Envolverlas en papel de film bien rectas para su posterior corte. Dejar reposar en cámara 24 horas.
Limpiar las setas y freirlas en abundante aceite, dejar escurrir y reservar.
_Para el ajoblanco:_
Triturar las almendras, el pan, la leche y el ajo, todo junto, emulsionándolo con el aceite de oliva. Rectificar de sal y dejar reposar en la nevera.
_Para la presentación_ , disponer el carpaccio en la base del plato y condimentar con el aceite de pimentón y la sal Maldon. Seguidamente y en el centro del plato, colocar el ajoblanco y las setas. Decorar con cebollino picado.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: con helado, 24 horas y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
50 g de queso Idiazábal
2 g de mostaza
8 colines de pan
1 pizca de sal Maldon
1 pizca de pimienta recién molida
1 cl de aceite de oliva
5 g de brotes
Carpaccio:
• 400 g de solomillo de ternera, limpio completamente de nervio y grasa
Quenelle de helado de garbanzos:
• 50 g de garbanzos cocidos
• 180 g de leche
• 45 cl de nata líquida
• 5 g de azúcar
• 10 g de sal
• 10 g de azúcar invertido
Vinagreta de piñones:
• 50 g de piñones tostados
• 2 cl de reducción de vinagre de Módena
• 5 g de tomate seco
• Aceite de oliva
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el carpaccio:_
Envolver el solomillo en papel film y congelar. Una vez congelado, cortar a máquina muy fino (núm. 11). Con ayuda de papel sulfurizado, introducir los discos de solomillo con aceite de oliva; reservar aproximadamente unas 10 lonchas.
_Para la quenelle:_
Triturar los garbanzos cocidos y mezclarlos con el resto de los ingredientes. Dejar reposar 4 horas (tiene que estar bien frío) y congelar.
Elaborar la vinagreta de piñones mezclando todos los ingredientes con el aceite. Reservar.
Rallar y congelar el queso Idiazábal.
_Para la presentación:_ poner el carpaccio adornado con los puntos de pimienta y sal y espolvoreado con el queso Idiazábal; poner encima la quenelle, rociar con la vinagreta y adornar con los puntos de mostaza, los brotes y los colines.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 8,5 euros (marinada aparte)_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 carré de cochinillo
200 ml de jugo de cochinillo
Marinada:
• 1 kg de azúcar • 2 kg de sal marina
• 1 g de esencia de haba tonka
• 30 g de mantequilla
• Agua y hielo
Mache:
• 2 bolsas de mache de 75 g
• Aceite de oliva virgen extra
• 5 g de goma xantana
• 6 g de gluconolactato
• 10 g de alginato
Vinagreta:
• Vinagre de vino blanco
• 2 ramas frescas de tomillo limonero
• Aceite
• Sal y pimienta c/s
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el cochinillo:_
Deshuesar el carré procurando no romper la piel.
_Para la marinada:_
Elaborar una marinada seca con 2 kilos de sal marina por 1 kilo de azúcar. Añadir a esta marinada la esencia de haba tonka, 15 gotas por kilo de sal. Marinar el carré en esta mezcla durante 1 hora. Sacar y lavar el cochinillo. Hacer rulos de 10 centímetros, envolverlos en papel film, añadiendo una avellana de mantequilla y presionar. Envasar al vacío y confitar a 85 grados durante 9 horas. Una vez confitado, enfriar con agua y hielo, reservar.
_Para el mache texturizado:_
Escaldar el mache en agua con sal. Retirarlo y triturar a máxima velocidad durante 5 minutos. Colar con un chino fino. Sobre ese licuado, añadir agua del escaldado hasta completar a 500 gramos, dejar enfriar. Una vez frío añadir 6 gramos de gluconolactato, más 5 gramos de goma xantana hasta conseguir el espesor deseado y triturar durante 5 minutos, reservar. Para el baño de alginato, triturar en 1 litro de agua 10 gramos de alginato y reservar. Con un biberón, formar las perlas dentro del alginato del tamaño que deseemos. Retirar del agua con ayuda de una cucharilla, lavar con agua fría y reservar.
_Para la vinagreta de tomillo limonero:_
Elaborar una vinagreta base con el vinagre, el aceite, la sal y la pimienta. Introducir en una bolsa de vacío junto con 2 ramas de tomillo limonero. Envasar y confitar a 70 grados durante 4 horas, dejar enfriar a temperatura ambiente y reservar.
_Para la presentación:_ atemperar el cochinillo en baño María. Recuperar el jugo de la bolsa de vacío y añadirlo a la demi-glacé de cochinillo. Hornear el cochinillo 15 minutos a 160 grados y terminar con 5 minutos a 190 grados para conseguir una piel crujiente. Emplatar. Trinchar y colocar 2 tranchas de 8 milímetros. Salsear con la demi-glacé de cochinillo. Aliñar las perlas de mache con la vinagreta de tomillo limonero emulsionada. Colocar las perlas sobre el cochinillo dejándolas caer hasta el plato. Terminar decorando con lágrima de demi-glacé y la vinagreta.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de chipirones
Unas virutas de crujiente de jamón
Salsa:
• 1 cebolla
• 3 dientes de ajo
• 1 pimiento verde
• 2 tomates maduros
• 2 pimientos choriceros
• 2 bolsitas de tinta de calamar
• 50 g de pan frito
• 1 copa de vino blanco
• 2,5 l de fumet c/s
• Aceite de oliva
• Sal y pimienta blanca c/s
Cuscús:
• 1 zanahoria
• 1 nabo
• 100 g de judía verde
• 100 g de cuscús cocido en blanco
• Curry al gusto
• Caldo de pescado
• Sal
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar los chipirones con mucho cuidado de no romperlos, retirando a su vez la cabeza. Darle la vuelta al chipirón e introducir la cabeza limpia. Cerrar el chipirón con un palillo. Reservar.
A continuación, cortar la cebolla en juliana, el pimiento verde y rehidratar el pimiento choricero. Picar los ajos y trocear el tomate. En una olla con base ancha, poner una capa con la parte de la verdura cortada en juliana, los ajos y el tomate. Colocar los chipirones reservados y cubrir con el resto de la verdura. Añadir el aceite de oliva, el vino blanco, los condimentos y poner al fuego todo el conjunto en frío y con la olla tapada. La idea es hacer tres capas, verduras-chipirón-verduras. La intensidad del fuego tiene que ser media, ya que hay que conseguir que la verdura sude para obtener líquido de cocción sin que se queme. Pasados unos 10-15 minutos, abrir la olla y retiramos los chipirones. (Se debe ser muy cuidadoso con la cocción del chipirón, ya que, si se pasa, queda chicloso.) Poner los chipirones en otra olla o placa de horno y reservar.
Una vez retirados los chipirones, volver a poner la olla con las verduras al fuego y continuar cocinando, ahora destapado, hasta que la cebolla coja un buen tono dorado. Añadir la tinta del calamar y mojar con fumet si es necesario.
Incorporar el pan frito (que actuará como elemento espesante) y triturar toda la mezcla. Pasar por un colador chino. A continuación, unificar la salsa y los chipirones, y volver a cocer todo junto.
Si es para comer al momento no es necesario enfriarlo. Si es para conservar, dejar enfriar a temperatura ambiente o bien en un baño María frío. Conservar máximo durante dos días en la nevera.
Para la guarnición, elaborar el cuscús cociéndolo en un caldo de pescado. Picar la verdura en dados muy pequeños. Finalmente, saltear el cuscús junto a las verduritas y un poco de curry. Rectificar de sal.
En un plato llano, poner un molde en el centro con el cuscús. Alrededor de este, colocar los chipirones (6-8 unidades dependiendo del tamaño) y napar con la salsa. Decorar el conjunto con un crujiente de jamón.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 40 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
16 choquitos
Cebollino
Aceite de oliva
Sal
Risotto:
• 250 g de arroz
• 2 puerros
• Fumet de pescado
Fondo de sepia:
• 200 g de sepia
• 50 g de pimiento rojo
• 50 g de cebolla
• 200 ml de salsa de tinta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el fondo de sepia:_
Limpiar la sepia y guardar la tinta para la salsa. Cortar la sepia en dados y pochar en una olla antiadherente el pimiento y la cebolla cortadas en brunoise.
Aparte, en una sartén a fuego fuerte saltear la sepia picada y agregarla al pimiento y la cebolla. Mojar con la salsa tinta y cocer durante 5 minutos a fuego suave. Reservar.
_Para el risotto:_
Pochar el puerro picado en brunoise en aceite de oliva muy lentamente. Verter el arroz, salar y remover durante 2 minutos. Añadir el fumet de pescado, controlando la cantidad para que no sea excesivo, hasta los 7 minutos de cocción. El arroz tiene que estar seco cuando se le añade el fondo de sepia y tinta para terminar de cocer con toda la esencia de la sepia durante 5 minutos más.
_Para los choquitos:_
Limpiar los choquitos (almendritas en Chipiona) uno a uno dejándolos lo más enteros posible. Marcar los choquitos en la plancha y reservar.
Colocar el risotto en línea y a su par los choquitos. Se puede espolvorear con cebollino y rociar con un poco de aceite de oliva.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 7 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de chuletitas de cordero lechal limpias
Ajopollo malagueño:
• 500 g de patatas
• 2 dientes de ajo
• 100 g de yema de huevo
• 500 g de almendra
• Aceite
• Perejil
• Sal
Asadillo de verduras:
• 500 g de pimiento rojo
• 1 cebolla
• 100 g de tomate
• 2 dientes de ajo
Mayonesa de azafrán:
• 100 ml de leche
• 10 hebras de azafrán
• Aceite de girasol
• Sifón
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el ajopollo malagueño:_
Cocer las patatas, escurrirlas y pasarlas por el pasapurés. Freír el ajo y las almendras, hacer un majado tradicional y añadirlo al puré. Poner a punto de sal, ligar con el aceite y las yemas, y espolvorear con perejil. Colocar en moldes rectangulares, dejar enfriar, desmoldar y marcar en plancha.
_Para la mayonesa de azafrán:_
Hacer una infusión con la leche y el azafrán, y después, montar una mayonesa con el aceite de girasol. Introducir en un sifón y reservar.
_Para el asadillo de verduras:_
Asar los pimientos, la cebolla, los ajos y el tomate. Pelar las verduras, picar y marcar en plancha para resecar un poco todo el conjunto. Triturar con una Thermomix y colar por el chino más fino.
Colocar el ajopollo plancheado en el plato y encima las chuletitas marcadas en su punto con sal Maldon. Hacer una quenelle de asadillos y disponer de la espuma de azafrán.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 7 euros (hígado de rape aparte)_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
20 chuletitas de lubina
250 g de hígado de rape
Sal y pimienta c/s
Seco de tinta al carbón:
• 50 g de harina
• 4 claras de huevo
• 1 cebolla confitada en juliana
• 100 g de salsa de tinta de calamar
• 19 g de azúcar
Salsa de Módena:
• 200 ml de vinagre de Módena
• 200 ml de vino de Oporto
Foie de rape:
• 100 ml de agua
• Unos cubitos de hielo
• 100 ml de leche
• Una pizca de sal y pimienta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para las chuletitas:_
Abrir el lomo alto de la lubina y cortar en trancha separando las costillas. Quitar la piel y la carne de la espina. Marcar en parrilla.
_Para el foie de rape:_
Desangrar el hígado de rape con leche, hielo y agua durante 12 horas. Transcurridas estas, limpiar y desvenar. Salpimentar y cocinar en terrina durante 1 hora a 60 grados de temperatura.
_Para el seco de tinta al carbón:_
Elaborar una masa homogénea con harina, azúcar, claras de huevo, salsa de tinta ya elaborada, cebolla confitada y sal. Extender en placa y hornear a 180 grados.
_Para la salsa de Módena al Oporto:_
Reducir la mezcla de vino de Oporto y vinagre de Módena hasta obtener el punto deseado.
Poner tres chuletitas por plato; colocar cada una de ellas sobre un taco de foie, tirar una línea de salsa de Módena, decorar con el seco de tinta y terminar con una hierba.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
25 g de queso de cabra
½ hoja de hojaldre
50 g de fresones
1 hoja de menta
Pan de remolacha
1 huevo
Paté de pollo
• ¼ kg de higaditos de pollo (limpios de grasa)
• ½ cebolla cortada en juliana
• 15 cl de caldo de pollo
• 2 cl de Jerez
• Aceite
• Sal y pimienta negra molida
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el paté:_
En una sartén con aceite de oliva, pochar la cebolla; cuando esté dorada, introducir los hígados. Cuando ya están cocidos, incorporar el caldo y el Jerez y dejar que prácticamente se evaporen. Triturar en la túrmix, salpimentar y, una vez frío, meter en la manga.
Rellenar con el paté un canutillo de hojaldre elaborado con la ayuda de un rulo. Pintarlo con huevo batido y hornearlo hasta que adquiera un color dorado.
A continuación, poner el queso de cabra en una manga con boquilla lisa y dejar que se atempere para después echarlo por encima del canutillo.
Cortar los fresones y mezclarlos con una reducción de Pedro Ximénez. Ponerlos como lecho sobre el que descansará el canutillo.
Presentar en un plato nuevo de cristal transparente, adornar con la hoja de menta y el pan de remolacha.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3,5 euros_
_Comensales: 8 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Arroz con leche:
• 2,6 l de leche
• 1 kg de nata
• 400 g de azúcar
• 360 g de arroz redondo
• 3 ramas de canela
• 3 vainas de vainilla
• 4 g de sal
• 18 de agar-agar
• Piel de naranja
Cremoso de aceite:
• 400 g de nata
• 400 g de chocolate blanco
• 400 g de aceite de oliva
• 1 vaina de vainilla
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el arroz con leche:_
Poner en un cazo la leche, la nata, las ramas de canela y la piel de las naranjas. Llevar a ebullición y retirar del fuego. Cubrir con papel film y dejar infusionar los aromas durante unos minutos.
A continuación, colar con el chino y volver a colocar al fuego. Cuando hierva, añadir el arroz lavado previamente y dejar cocer durante 20 minutos aproximadamente, removiendo a menudo.
Cuando el arroz esté en su punto, incorporar el azúcar y la sal. Agregar después el agar-agar y dejar que hierva de nuevo. Poner en moldes y dejar reposar para que gelifique.
_Para el cremoso de aceite de oliva:_
Semiderretir el chocolate y reservar. Calentar la nata junto con la vainilla, sin que llegue a hervir, y unirla al chocolate. Mover con pala hasta obtener una crema homogénea.
Seguir mezclando con batidora e ir incorporando el aceite a hilo fino. Dejar reposar en frío.
_Dificultad: media-alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
500 g de pulpo cocido
500 g de patatas
200 g de repollo
Agua
Aceite
3 g de pimentón dulce y picante
30 g de mantequilla
Una pizca de sal ahumada
Una pizca de sal
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Cocer el pulpo en agua con sal (unos 12 minutos por kilo de peso). Apagar el fuego y dejar reposar en el agua caliente unos minutos más; hay que cerciorarse de que esté tierno, pero no pastoso. Separar un par de patas buenas y trocear en lonchas no muy finas. Por otro lado, cocer las patatas, triturarlas con un pasapuré y hacemos un puré de patata añadiendo una nuez de mantequilla y la sal ahumada.
Poner el repollo a confitar en aceite suave hasta que esté cocido. Tomar un molde circular y untar con aceite. Forrar todo el molde con el pulpo y añadir en el interior el puré de patata y el repollo haciendo capas. Para finalizar, cubrir la parte superior con el resto del pulpo. Retirar el molde y añadir el toque final con el aceite mezclado con los pimentones.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 20 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
200 g de calabacín
200 g de zanahorias
300 g de patatas
100 g de puerro
1 mango
12 lomos de anchoa
100 g de virutas de roble
200 g de aceite de oliva
80 g de mantequilla
80 g de crema de leche
16 unidades de hojas frescas (para decorar)
100 ml de leche
Agua y hielo
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Poner a fundir un fondo de mantequilla a fuego muy lento. Añadir las patatas y el puerro, tapar, dejar unos 20 minutos a fuego muy bajo y mover cada 5 minutos. Añadir la leche y dejar cocer 10 minutos.
A continuación poner 20 g de aceite de oliva y triturar. Una vez triturado, pasar por un tamiz muy fino para aromatizar la crema con aromas de roble. Poner un recipiente con virutas de roble dándoles fuego, y sobre éstas otro recipiente más pequeño con la crema de leche; tapar herméticamente y dejar 20 minutos.
Posteriormente, hacer unas esferas de mango y confitarlas en aceite de oliva a 55 grados durante 18 minutos. Hacer asimismo unas canicas de calabacín y zanahoria y cocerlas en agua (durante 6 minutos las de zanahorias, y durante 2 las de calabación); luego, pasarlas a un bol de agua con hielo.
Por último, asar los lomos de anchoa en la barbacoa con la viruta de roble, y cuando estén asados, perfilar los lomos y colocarlos sobre las monedas de mango.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 6 euros_
_Comensales: 8 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Cremoso de chocolate:
• 1 l de leche
• 1 kg de nata
• 1 kg de chocolate 70%
• 400 g de azúcar
• 380 g de yemas
• 12 hojas de gelatina
Brillo de cacao:
• 1,05 l de agua
• 1 kg de azúcar
• 450 g de cacao
• 350 g de glucosa
• 825 g de nata
• 23 hojas de gelatina
Sablé de cacao:
• 300 g de huevos
• 1 kg 470 g de harina
• 375 g de azúcar glas
• 375 g de harina de almendras
• 900 g de mantequilla
• 30 g de cacao
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para hacer el cremoso de chocolate:_
Derretir el chocolate y poner a hidratar las hojas de gelatina en agua fría. A continuación, mezclar las yemas y el azúcar con unas varillas y reservar. Calentar la nata y la leche sin que lleguen a hervir. Verter una tercera parte en la mezcla de yemas con azúcar para equilibrar las temperaturas y devolver todo al cazo con el resto de la nata y la leche.
Después, calentar toda la mezcla hasta los 84 grados. Colarla con un chino sobre el chocolate y mezclar con una pala hasta obtener una crema de chocolate homogénea e incorporar, por último, las gelatinas meclando hasta que estén completamente diluidas.
_Para el brillo de cacao:_
Poner las hojas de gelatina a hidratar en agua fría. Luego, juntar todos los ingredientes, excepto la gelatina, y poner a fuego lento. Remover con varilla continuamente hasta que hierva, y seguir moviendo después a intervalos de 5 minutos. Estará listo cuando, al introducir un cazo de servir, la superficie exterior quede completamente cubierta, sin abrirse.
_Para el sablé de cacao:_
Mezclar la mantequilla y el azúcar con pala, sin trabajar demasiado. Incorporar los huevos y, después, la harina de almendras. Agregar la harina con el cacao a golpes. Conservar en frío hasta su uso.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 40 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Crema de vainilla:
• 0,5 l de leche
• 50 g de azúcar
• 20 g de maicena
• 2 yemas de huevo
• 1 vaina de vainilla raspada
Crema de regaliz:
• 0,5 l de nata para montar
• 1 raíz de regaliz troceada
• 50 g de azúcar
Almíbar:
• 25 g de azúcar
• Agua
Caramelo líquido:
• 50 g de azúcar
• Agua
• Unas gotas de limón
Canicas:
• 100 g de chocolate negro
• 100 g de chocolate blanco
Presentación:
• 4 bolas de helado de vainilla
• Bolas de cereales con miel
• Bolas de cereales con chocolate
• Bizcochos de soletilla
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para la crema de vainilla:_
Calentar la leche con la vaina de vainilla raspada y, cuando hierva, añadir los huevos, el azúcar y la maicena. Cuando vuelva a hervir, reservar y enfriar.
_Para la crema de regaliz:_
Calentar la nata a 90 grados, añadir la raíz de regaliz y el azúcar e infusionar durante un mínimo de 12 horas. Transcurrido el tiempo, colar y secar el regaliz. Triturar y pasar por el colador; tiene que quedar como polvo que se añadirá a la infusión. Por último, montar hasta conseguir una textura cremosa.
_Para el almíbar:_
Hervir el agua con el azúcar.
_Para el caramelo líquido:_
Hacer un caramelo con el azúcar en seco. Cuando esté, añadir agua y unas gotas de limón para que no se azucare.
_Para las canicas:_
Templar el chocolate, poner en moldes de medias esferas y formar canicas.
_Para la presentación:_ meter la crema de vainilla en un bote. Colocar los bizcochos empapados en almíbar por encima. Poner la crema de regaliz y napar con caramelo líquido. Por último, en la tapa del bote, poner la bola de helado de vainilla y decorar con las canicas de chocolate y las bolas de cereales.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 20 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de boquerones (muy frescos, y mejor grandes que pequeños)
500 ml de aceite de oliva
300 ml de vinagre blanco
4 dientes de ajo
400 g de tomates
300 g de queso fresco
10 hojas de albahaca
100 ml de agua
Hielo
Unas gotas de limón
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar los boquerones, retirando la cabeza y la espina, pero sin separar los lomos. Desangrar muy bien, dado que tienen que quedar muy blancos. Para hacerlo, ponerlos en un recipiente con agua y hielo y dejar debajo del grifo con un chorro fino, para que el agua se vaya renovando.
Transcurridos unos minutos, retirar los boquerones del agua y sumergirlos en tres partes de vinagre blanco y una de agua durante unos 60-90 minutos dependiendo del grosor (es muy importante que el boquerón quede duro). Durante el tiempo en que los tengamos en vinagre, mantendremos el boquerón en frío positivo.
Pasado el tiempo de cocción en vinagre, colocar los boquerones, uno a uno, en una bandeja con aceite de oliva, ajo laminado y albahaca. De esta forma, se dará sabor y, además, se conseguirá una mejor conservación.
A continuación, hacer un aceite de albahaca. Para ello, simplemente hay que poner en un vaso de túrmix, aceite, limón, albahaca y triturar.
Por último, pelar el tomate en crudo y cortar en láminas de 0,5 centímetros. Cortar también el queso fresco con el mismo grosor. Para la conservación del queso fresco, lo ideal es sumergirlo en un recipiente cerrado con leche y agua a partes iguales para evitar su oscurecimiento.
_Para la presentación:_ colocar de forma circular las láminas de tomate y queso fresco en un plato llano. Colocar 6-8 boquerones, dependiendo de su tamaño, y aliñar el conjunto con el aceite de albahaca.
_Dificultad: media-alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Bizcocho borracho de pera
• 6 yemas de huevo
• 100 g de azúcar
• 100 g de agua
• 25 cl de licor de pera
Sopa de chirimoya:
• 2 chirimoyas
• 5 cl de almíbar
• Zumo de limón
• 1 dl de leche entera
Sorbete de fresa:
• 200 g de azúcar
• 200 g de agua
• 150 g de puré de fresa
• Moscatel de Manilva
Crujiente de plátano:
• 4 láminas de plátano
• Almíbar
Decoración:
200 g de fresas del bosque Menta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el bizcocho borracho de pera:_
Blanquear las yemas en la montadora y hornear a 120 grados. Elaborar un almíbar con el azúcar y el agua, mojar con el licor de pera y emborrachar el bizcocho. Reservar.
_Para la sopa de chirimoya:_
Pelar y quitar las pepitas de las chirimoyas, mezclar con el resto de los ingredientes, colar y reservar.
_Para el sorbete de fresa y moscatel:_
Hacer un almíbar con el azúcar y el agua; dejarlo enfriar y mezclar con el puré de fresa. Incorporar el moscatel en la cantidad que se estime oportuna. Dejar reposar durante unas horas y meter en sorbetera.
_Para el crujiente de plátano:_
Mojar las láminas de plátano en el almíbar, colocar en un silpat y hornear a 60 grados. Reservar.
_Para la presentación:_ cortar con un arito un círculo de bizcocho, encima colocar las fresitas del bosque, mojar con la sopa de chirimoya, colocar sobre las fresitas el sorbete y sobre este el crujiente de plátano y la hojita de menta.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
600 g de puntillitas muy muy frescas
3 dientes de ajo
1 pimiento rojo y verde
1 cebolla
3 calabacines
3 tomates
Aceite
300 ml de vinagre
100 ml de aceite
Sal y pimienta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar las puntillitas y escurrir muy bien. No retirar la piel.
Cortar en juliana la cebolla, el pimiento rojo y los verde y calabacines (desechar la parte central del calabacín, que es más tierna; utilizar solo la parte externa, que es más dura, con la que podemos hacer una estupenda crema).
Saltear todas las verduras en una soute a fuego fuerte, pero sin que se dore demasiado ni quede muy hecha; tiene que mantener el crujiente. Pelar el tomate y cortar en daditos.
En una soute, poner aceite y freír unas láminas de ajo para aromatizarlo. Retirar el ajo y a continuación, saltear las puntillitas a fuego fuerte. Es muy importante que estén bien escurridas. Añadir sal al final del salteado.
_Para la presentación:_ poner un molde en el centro del plato con la juliana de verduras templadas. Disponer las puntillitas sobre las verduras. En la misma soute donde se han salteado las puntillitas, añadir los daditos de tomate y un poco de vinagre para hacer la vinagreta templada. Cubrir el conjunto con la vinagreta y servir.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 1,25 euros (remojo aparte)_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Galleta de remolacha
• 4 remolachas
• 100 g de glucosa
• 100 g de harina
• 2 claras de huevo
• Sal y pimienta c/s • Agua
Queso:
• 100 g de queso fresco
• 50 ml de leche de coco
Vinagreta
• 1 cucharada de miel de mil flores
• 4 cucharadas de aceite de oliva virgen extra
• 1 cucharadada de vinagre de Jerez
• Sal y pimienta c/s
• 1 manzana Gran Smith
• Cebollino para decorar
• 8 hojas de menta
• Un puñado de nueces y pasas
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para la galleta:_
Triturar la remolacha y la glucosa junto con un poquito de agua de su cocción hasta conseguir un puré espeso sin grumos. Añadir las claras montadas a punto de nieve y, poco a poco, la harina tamizada, la sal y la pimienta. Con un molde, que puede ser triangular en este caso, estirar la masa sobre una plancha de horno y cocer las galletas a 90 grados durante 45 minutos.
Batir enérgicamente el queso y la leche de coco. Reservar.
_Para la vinagreta:_
Emulsionar la miel, el aceite, el vinagre y la pimienta, dándole el punto de sal.
En cuanto a la presentación: sobre la galleta, montar el queso y decorar con las nueces, las pasas, triángulos de manzanas, el cebollino, la menta frita y un poquito de vinagreta al final.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30-40 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
2 kg de tomates
4 unidades de remolacha cocida
1 diente de ajo
50 g de pepino
100 g de pimiento rojo
200 g de pan duro (pan de confianza)
Brotes de pepino
Aceite de oliva virgen extra c/s
Vinagre c/s
Sal c/s
Atún marinado:
• 500 g de atún rojo
• 0,5 l de aceite de oliva virgen extra
• 3 clavos
• 1 hoja de laurel
• 1 ramita de romero
• 2 cardamomos blanco
• 0,1 l de salsa de soja
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Triturar con ayuda de un robot de cocina, los tomates, el ajo, la remolacha, el pimiento y el pepino. Una vez bien triturado, añadir el pan y volvemos a triturar.
Incorporar a continuación el vinagre y la sal. Emulsionar la mezcla con el aceite, pasar por un chino y reservar en frío.
Por otro lado, confitar el lomo de atún en el aceite de oliva, junto con el resto de los ingredientes, durante unos 10 minutos en un baño María a unos 65 grados.
_Para la presentación:_ poner en el centro de un plato hondo unas lascas del atún, dando volumen, y decorar con unos brotes de pepino. Terminar el plato en la mesa, sirviendo el gazpacho con una jarra de porcelana blanca o de cristal.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
450 g de salmón
2 peras
2 yemas de huevo
10 g de mostaza en grano
Unas gotas de lima (6 g)
20 g de aceite de oliva
8 ramas de cebollino
2 ramas de eneldo
Hojas frescas (germinados de cebolla, ajo, cebollino y espárrago: 12 unidades c/u)
Sal y pimienta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Picar el salmón y preparar una masa con este, la mostaza, las gotas de lima, los cebollinos (también picados), la sal y la pimienta. Someterla a -12 grados durante 20 minutos.
Paralelamente, montar con una cuchara las yemas de huevo con el aceite y unas gotas de lima.
_Para la presentación:_ servir el salmón espolvoreado con eneldo y verter la salsa de yema de huevo por encima. Rematar con unas hojas frescas y las peras cortadas en daditos.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Huevos pochés:
• 200 ml de agua
• 5 ml de de vinagre
• Sal
• 4 huevos
Guiso de arroz:
• 250 ml de caldo
• 60 g de arroz
• 1 diente de ajo
• 50 g de cebolla
• 5 ml de aceite de oliva
• 10 unidades de espagueti de alga
• 1 nuez de mantequilla
• Sal
• Pimienta
Guiso de setas:
• 100 g de setas
• 20 ml de jugo de carne
• 5 ml de vino blanco
• 10 g de cebolla
• 1 diente de ajo
• 10 g de salsa de soja
• Sal y pimienta
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para los huevos pochés:_
En un soté escalfar los huevos con el agua, el vinagre y la sal. Llevarlo a ebullición y cascar los huevos sin romperlos; dejarlos 3 minutos a ebullición suave, sacarlos y reservar.
_Para el arroz:_
Picar la cebolla y el ajo. Dejar las algas en remojo durante 30 minutos.
Poner en un soté el aceite, la cebolla y el ajo, y rehogarlo todo; poco después, añadir el arroz y rehogar el conjunto. A continuación, escurrir las algas, practicarles unos cortes y añadirlas al arroz. Rehogarlo todo, añadir el caldo, salpimentar y dejarlo 17 minutos a fuego medio. Una vez terminado, mantenerlo en reposo y añadir una nuez de mantequilla, remover y reservar.
_Para el guiso de setas:_
Cortar las setas en dados medianos, picar la cebolla y el ajo, y rehogarlos en un soté. Una vez rehogados, verter el vino blanco y un poco de caldo. Dejar que cueza 10 minutos y añadir el jugo de carne y la salsa de soja. Salpimentar.
_Para la presentación:_ disponer el arroz y las algas en un plato. Sobre el arroz colocar el huevo poché y napar con el sofrito de setas.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 3 horas y 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 7 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 jarretes de cerdo ibérico de 400 g aproximadamente
Bresa:
• 1 cebolla
• 2 zanahorias
• 2 puerros
• 2 pimientos verdes
• 1 cabeza de ajo
• 1 tomate maduro
• 1 ramita de romero
• 1 ramita de tomillo
• Sal y pimienta negra en grano
• 2 l de cerveza
• Aceite de oliva
• Agua
Cremoso de patata:
• 2 patatas cascadas en cachelos
• 0,5 l de caldo de pollo o gallina
• 100 ml de nata
• 50 g de mantequilla
• Sal y pimienta blanca molida
Tomate grillé:
• 4 tomates cherry en rama
• Picada de ajo y perejil
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Para el guiso, en una cazuela con aceite de oliva, sellar los jarretes después de salarlos. En el mismo aceite, rehogar todas las verduras menos el tomate. Cuando estén doradas, añadir el tomate troceado, las hierbas y los granos de pimienta. Añadir los jarretes y la cerveza, un poco de agua justo hasta cubrir y dejar cocinar lo más lento posible. Cuando estén, retirar y pasar la salsa sin triturar. Rectificar de sal, desgrasar y ligar.
_Para el cremoso:_
Cocer las patatas en el caldo de ave con un poco de sal. Cuando estén, retirar todo el caldo menos una décima parte. Añadir la nata y dejar hervir hasta que se note que empieza a agarrarse. Salpimentar y triturar con la mantequilla cruda.
_Para el tomate grillé:_
Pelar los tomates con un golpe en la freidora y marcar en la plancha. Por último, poner la picada de ajo y perejil.
_Para la presentación:_ poner el cremoso en un plato hondo, poner encima el jarrete, salsearlo generosamente, y colocar encima de este, el tomate.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 8 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5,8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de merluza sin espinas en rodajas
250 g de almejas
40 g de harina
0,4 dl de caldo de pescado concentrado
Un diente de ajo
Un chorrito de aceite virgen
Una ramita de perejil
Sal y pimienta blanca molida
**PREPARACIÓN:**
En una cazuela de barro poner el aceite y las almejas. Una vez calientes, agregar el ajo previamente picado. Cuando este empiece a tomar color dorado, colocar en la cazuela los trozos de merluza salpimentados y pasados por harina, con la piel hacia abajo. Espolvorear la harina que ha sobrado, procurando que se deshaga en el aceite moviendo la cazuela lentamente.
Añadir el caldo y el perejil picado muy fino. Dejarlo cocer todo lentamente durante 8 minutos aproximadamente.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Salmonetes muy frescos Un chorrito de aceite
Salsa de mantequilla de verduras:
• 50 g de mantequilla pomada
• 10 g de chalota
• 10 ml de vino blanco (tipo txacoli)
• 250 ml de caldo corto de salmonete
• 1 g de estragón
Escamas de patata:
• 2 patatas grandes
• 2 g de polvo de ajo
• Aceite de oliva
• Una pizca de sal
Guarnición:
• 3 tomates
• 100 g de judía verde ancha
• 150 g de habitas
• 2 unidades de zanahoria
• 8 unidades de espárragos
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Limpiar los salmonetes con mucho cuidado de no romper la piel. Filetear y dejar los lomos limpios y sin espinas. Reservar. Tornear después las patatas y cortar con mandolina en rodajitas muy finas. Reservar también.
_Para la guarnición:_
Pelar el tomate, sin escaldarlo, y cortar en dados. Cortar la judía y la zanahoria en cuadraditos y escaldar. Cocer ligeramente las habitas. Cortar los espárragos en rodajitas y escaldar.
_Para la salsa de mantequilla de verduras:_
Poner en una soute, la mantequilla pomada y la chalota cortada en brunoise. Poner a fuego medio, controlando la temperatura para que no se queme la mantequilla. Incorporar el vino blanco y dejar reducir. Verter el caldo corto de salmonete (hecho con las espinas y las cabezas limpias de agallas y ojos). Dejar cocer todo el conjunto.
A la base que tengo en el soute, incorporar la mantequilla pomada poco a poco, emulsionando la salsa con ayuda de la barrilla. Rectificar de condimentación, por último, y poner un poco de estragón.
Cocinar el salmonete en una placa de horno con un poco de aceite para que no se pegue, poner los lomos de salmonete con la piel hacia arriba. Colocar las laminitas de patata disponiéndolas en forma de escama y montadas unas sobre las otras para que al cocinarse no se vea nada de la piel del salmonete. Poner un poco de polvo de ajo, sal y pintar con aceite de oliva. Cocinar directamente en salamandra durante 4-5 minutos: la patata debe quedar dorada pero con cuidado de que no se queme.
_Para la presentación:_ disponer las verduritas en la base de un plato llano para darle colorido. Colocar los lomitos del salmonete y salsear con la mantequilla de verduras.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 hojas de albahaca
20 g de queso feta
Aceitunas negras deshidratadas
Pasta Wanton:
• 2 lamas de pasta por ración
• Agua
• Hielo
• Aceite
• Una pizca de sal
Mejillones en escabeche:
• 16 mejillones
• ½ cebolla blanca en juliana
• ½ zanahoria en juliana fina
• 1 cabeza de ajo partida por la mitad
• 1 puerro en juliana
• 1 parte de vinagre blanco 50 ml por 3 partes de aceite de oliva (150 ml)
• 10 g de pimentón dulce
• Pimienta negra en grano
• Laurel
• Sal
• Aceite
Salmorejo escabechado:
• 3 tomates de rama
• 1 diente de ajo
• 30 g de pan humedecido
• 10 g de pimiento rojo
• 5 cl de vinagre blanco
• 5 cl de aceite de oliva
• 10 cl de caldo escabechado de mejillón
Vinagreta:
• ½ pimiento rojo
• ½ pimiento verde
• 1 tomate (concassé)
• ¼ cebolla morada
• 5 g de alcaparras
• 1 g de albahaca picada
• Aceite de oliva
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para la pasta Wanton:_
Cocer la pasta Wanton en agua con aceite y sal durante 5 minutos aproximadamente. Ponerla en agua con hielo para cortar la cocción. Disponer en capas con aceite de oliva y papel parafinado. Cortar en triángulo.
_Para escabechar los mejillones:_
Pochar en aceite las verduras, el ajo y el resto de los ingredientes excepto el pimentón y el vinagre, que se incorporan al final, junto con los mejillones. Separar el bicho de la concha.
_Para el salmorejo:_
Elaborar el salmorejo escabechado triturando todos los ingredientes. Pasarlo por el chino y reservar en un biberón.
_Para la vinagreta:_
Picar todos los ingredientes e introducirlos en aceite de oliva hasta que lo cubra, reservar.
Freír 4 hojas de albahaca en aceite bien caliente y depositar sobre papel para que se absorba el exceso de aceite.
Trocear el queso feta y mantener en su propia agua hasta el momento de emplatar.
Rellenar los triángulos de pasta con el mejillón escabechado, el queso feta, el salmorejo y la vinagreta. Envolver y reservar.
Presentar en un plato negro rectangular. Adornar con las aceitunas negras y las hojas de albahaca frita.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas y 15 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
INGREDIENTES:
200 g de mero
Salsa de Martini seco:
• 1 dl de nata
• 2 dl de Martini seco
Salteado de habitas y setas:
• 2 g de ajos
• 5 g de jamón
• 80 g de habitas
• 60 g de mezcla de setas
• Sal
• Aceite
PREPARACIÓN:
Preparar el mero, desescamándolo y desespinándolo para sacar los lomos del corte central de la pieza. Marcar a la plancha con la piel hasta conseguir un dorado crujiente. Terminar al horno al momento de servir.
_Para la salsa de Martini:_
Reducir el vermut hasta la mitad de su volumen: agregar la nata y dejar reducir hasta obtener la densidad adecuada. Rectificar de sal.
_Para el salteado de habitas y setas:_
Picar un diente de ajo, dorar en aceite. Incorporar el jamón y saltearlo todo hasta que esté dorado.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 2 horas_
_Precio estimado por ración: 3,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
3 berenjenas
1 cebolla
4 dientes de ajo
500 g de langostinos muy frescos
0,8 l de nata
50 g de mantequilla
Aceite
Sal y pimienta blanca
6 huevos de tamaño grande
30 ml de brandy
½ l de leche
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Pelar los langostinos, quitar la tripa y cortar en trozos de 1 centímetros. Cortar después las berenjenas en daditos de 1,5 centímetros y conservar en leche o bien ponerle un poco de sal y pimienta para que desangre. Por último, picar la cebolla y el ajo en brunoise.
En una olla con base amplia, poner partes iguales de mantequilla y aceite para fondear el ajo, la cebolla y la berenjena. Cocinar a fuego medio. Por otro lado, saltear y flambear con el brandy los langostinos y mezclar con la base de verduras. Ya fuera del fuego, añadir la nata y los huevos (previamente batidos).
A continuación, forrar moldes de pudin con papel film transparente y verter el contenido de la olla.
Poner a cocer al baño María en el horno a una temperatura de unos 110 grados durante al menos 90 minutos. Para comprobar que está hecho, pinchar con un cuchillo fino: si cuando se saca está limpio, puede sacarse del horno.
Una vez fuera, dejar reposar fuera de cámara hasta que se enfríe.
_Para la presentación:_ cortar en piezas de unos 3 centímetros de grosor y calentar ligeramente en el microondas. Para acabar, salsear con el bisquet o salsa de cigalitas.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 1,8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Hojaldre:
• 200 g de masa de hojaldre
• 1 yema de huevo
Crema:
• 0,5 l de leche
• 3 yemas de huevo
• 100 g de azúcar
• 30 g de maicena
• 1 cucharada de licor de naranja (Karpy)
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Calentar el horno a 180 grados, extender la masa de hojaldre y cortar con un molde circular, poner el hojaldre sobre un papel sulfurizado y meter en el horno durante 25 minutos hasta que esté bien cocido.
Por otro lado, tomar una quinta parte de la leche fría y diluir en ella la maicena, el azúcar, las yemas y el licor. Poner a hervir el resto de la leche. Cuando esté hirviendo, añadir la mezcla removiendo bien a la vez. Dejar hervir hasta que espese. Retirar y dejar enfriar. Para finalizar, abrir el hojaldre y rellenarlo con la crema de naranja.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 25 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 pechugas de pollo de corral
50 g de piñones
20 g de orejones
1 calabaza (800-900 g)
1 patata
80 g de mantequilla
100 ml de nata
1 vaina de vainilla
Aceite de oliva
Sal y pimienta
Agua y hielo
**PREPARACIÓN:**
En una placa, poner los piñones y tostarlos en el horno hasta que se doren, y reservarlos. Mientras tanto, filetear las pechugas para poder hacerlas más finas y rellenarlas.
Salpimentar las pechugas y poner en el medio los piñones y los orejones. Con ayuda del papel film, hacer un rulo y presionarlo para sacar todo el aire y que se quede homogéneo a la hora de cocerlo.
Cocer los rulos en agua durante 25 minutos. Pasado ese tiempo, abatir en agua con hielo y reservarlo.
Asar la calabaza envuelta en papel de aluminio con un poco de aceite de oliva y sal a 160 grados durante 45 minutos aproximadamente; tiempo que usaremos para aromatizar el aceite con una vaina de vainilla abierta a la mitad en baño María, y cocer la patata en cachelos.
Una vez asada la calabaza, separar la carne de la piel y las semillas, y pasar todo por la Thermomix o por la batidora. Incorporar el aceite infusionado a hilo fino a la parmentier, como si hiciésemos una mayonesa, e ir aligerando con nata. Por último, añadir la mantequilla.
_Para la presentación_ , poner de fondo la parmentier de calabaza, el rulo al que previamente le hemos quitado el film y marcado en la plancha, con un corte al bies para que se vea el relleno.
_Dificultad: alta_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2,8 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
2 mangos
100 g de azúcar
½ limón
2 hojas de gelatina
Agua
Flor de pensamiento
Bizcocho:
• 250 g de almendras molidas
• 250 g de azúcar
• 4 huevos
• ½ cucharada de café de levadura en polvo
• ½ cucharada de café de canela en polvo
• La ralladura de medio limón
Sorbete:
• 0,012 dl de agua
• 100 g de azúcar
• 95 g de dextrosa
• 95 g de azúcar invertido
• 10 g de estabilizante
• 500 g de chocolate blanco
Palo del caramelo:
• Azúcar Isolmat
**PREPARACIÓN:**
En primer lugar, cocer el mango con un poco de agua, el azúcar y el limón. A continuación, pasarlo por la Thermomix, colarlo e incorporar las hojas de gelatina. Después, extender el puré de mango en un papel de cocción de cocina y dejarlo enfriar. Una vez frío, cortar el mango para hacer los raviolis.
_Para el bizcocho:_
Mezclar en un recipiente las almendras molidas, el azúcar, la levadura en polvo, las yemas de huevos, la canela y el limón. Aparte, montar las claras y añadirlo a la preparación anterior con cuidado. Hornear durante 20 minutos con el horno ya precalentado a 180 grados.
_Para el sorbete:_
Hervir el agua con el azúcar invertido. Cuando hierva, retirar del fuego, añadir el azúcar y la dextrosa y el estabilizante, y mezclar hasta su disolución. A continuación, incorporar el chocolate blanco, removiendo hasta que se deshaga. Enfriar y meter en la heladora.
Para finalizar, hacer el palo de caramelo. Para ello, calentar el azúcar Isolmat hasta que se disuelva. Dejar enfriar un poco y tirar palos de caramelos en una plancha de silpat.
Poner tres raviolis en cada plato y una quenelle de sorbete. Decorar con un palo de caramelo y una flor de pensamiento.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 20 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
Boletus Edulis
1 cebolla
1 puerro
400 g de arroz arbóreo
500 ml de vino blanco
1 manojo de espárragos trigueros
5 g de mantequilla
5 g de queso parmesano
Aceite de trufa blanca
Aceite de oliva virgen
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Poner a cocer agua, y cuando rompa a hervir, retirar y añadir los boletus que previamente hemos limpiado y troceado. Dejar que infusione el agua, que será el caldo con el que terminaremos el arroz.
Por otro lado, reducir el vino blanco (particularmente, me gusta el Cabernet del Penedès, ya que tiene matices a frutos secos que le va muy bien). Retirar del fuego y tomar la medida que nos ha quedado (por lo general, pierde un 2 por ciento).
Picar la cebolla y el puerro en brunoise, y cortar los trigueros al bies, reservando las yemas. En un rondón, incorporar el aceite de oliva de modo que solo cubra el fondo. Dorar la cebolla y el puerro, y posteriormente añadir el arroz y rehogarlo todo durante un par de minutos. Echar los boletus previamente escurridos y de inmediato empezar a mojar con el vino reducido hasta que quede casi seco, que es cuando ha de añadirse un chorrito de aceite de trufa y el caldo de los boletus. Recordad poner un punto de sal en ese momento para que no nos quede soso.
Después de algunos minutos, poner a fuego medio. Con ayuda de un remo o una cuchara de palo hemos de mover enérgicamente para que el arroz empiece a soltar el almidón y dé una textura cremosa al plato. Cuando tengamos la mitad del caldo consumido, añadir los trigueros menos las yemas.
Cuando se haya consumido toda el agua, poner los dados de mantequilla y un poco de parmesano para trabar el plato, siempre fuera del fuego.
Abrir las yemas de los espárragos a la mitad y marcarlas en la plancha, y poner en el risotto a modo de decoración; siempre es preferible que los espárragos estén al dente.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 1 hora y 10 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 4 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
200 g de guisantes recién sacados de la vaina
130 g de bacalao por persona
150 g de camarones
70 g de frutos rojos de invierno
50 g de aceite de oliva
Aceite de almendras
Sal y pimienta
100 g de ajos asados
30 g de fideos bien finos de harina de arroz
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Para preparar la sopa, hacer un licuado de guisantes en crudo. Asar los ajos en el horno a 180 grados con aceite de almendras. Quitar todas las pieles y triturar para después pasar por un tamiz fino. Incorporar un poco de puré de ajos asados y, posteriormente, salpimentar.
Por otro parte, freír los camarones al modo andaluz (pasar por harina y freír en aceite de oliva virgen) y trincharlos.
Cocer el bacalao a 54 grados; después, liarlo en una lámina muy fina de frutos rojos de invierno.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 50 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 6 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 kg de salmonetes de roca
4 cebollas
4 zanahorias
8 dientes de ajo
8 tomates de rama
0,5 dl de brandy
4 patatas
250 g de gamba arrocera
Agua
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Picar la cebolla, la zanahoria, el ajo y el tomate. A continuación, pocharlos: primero la zanahoria, después la cebolla y el ajo y, por último, el tomate. Dejar a fuego suave y añadir la gamba arrocera y rehogar. Incorporar después el brandy, flambear y añadir el agua. Dejar cocer 20 minutos y añadir las cabezas de los salmonetes, colar y espesar.
Marcar los salmonetes en la plancha y terminarlos dentro de la salsa. Cocer las patatas en rodajas y añadirlas, asimismo, a la salsa.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 25 minutos (remojo aparte)_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
1 pan brioche
Tomillo
Remojo:
• 100 g de azúcar
• 200 ml de nata
• 200 ml de leche
• 2 huevos
Cristal:
• 300 g de azúcar Isomalt
Tofe:
• 200 g de mantequilla
• 200 g de azúcar
• 100 g de nata
**PREPARACIÓN:**
_Para el remojo:_
Mezclar huevos, leche, nata y azúcar y remojar el pan, cortado en cubos de 3 centímetros, durante 3 horas.
_Para el cristal:_
Derretir 300 g de Isomalt, verter sobre el molde de silicona, haciendo una capa lo más fina posible y desmoldar.
_Para el tofe:_
Derretir el azúcar hasta que coja color e introducir la mantequilla sin dejar de remover y finalizar con la nata.
Posteriormente, napar la torrija con el tofe caliente.
Montar dos piezas en el plato, colocar la bombilla para que se vea una pieza a través del cristal y terminar con una vara de tomillo.
_Dificultad: media_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 8,5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
4 piezas de bogavante de 400 g aproximadamente
50 g de judías verdes
100 g de espárragos trigueros
1 puerro
1 tomate
1 calabacín
10 g de germinados
25 g de aceite de oliva
20 g de vinagre
20 g de sal gorda
Agua y hielo
1 hoja de laurel
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Poner agua a cocer con sal gorda, vinagre y una hoja de laurel. Cuando rompa a hervir, introducir los bogavantes durante 5 minutos. Transcurridos estos, sacarlos y dejarlos enfriar. Liberarlos del caparazón.
Cocer el calabacín laminado durante 1 minuto en agua con sal. Después, ponerlo en agua con hielo y, pasados unos minutos, escurrir.
Pelar los espárragos trigueros, cocerlos con agua durante 4 minutos y después pasarlos por la Thermomix añadiendo aceite de oliva y sazonarlo.
A continuación, cocer el resto de las verduras. Escaldar luego el tomate, quitarle la piel y quitarle las pepitas,
_Para la presentación:_ colocar en primer lugar el cremoso de trigueros. Acto seguido, hacer un turbante con la lámina de calabacín y el bogavante. Terminar con las verduras y los germinados.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 45 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 2 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
½ kg de vainas tiernas (judías verdes)
2 dientes de ajo
70 g de jamón ibérico
100 ml de aceite de oliva virgen
Agua
Sal
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Pelar las vainas, quitando las puntas y las tiras laterales. Trocearlas por la mitad, haciendo bastoncillos de unos 8 centímetros de largo. Poner en abundante agua hirviendo y dejar cocer durante 8 o 10 minutos hasta que estén al dente. Retirar y enfriar con agua muy fría y dejar escurrir. Picar el ajo muy fino y el jamón en bastoncillos pequeños. En una sartén, poner el aceite de oliva y freír el ajo; antes de que coja color, añadir el jamón y, acto seguido, las vainas cocidas. Saltear 1 minuto a fuego vivo y rectificar de sal.
_Dificultad: baja_
_Tiempo de preparación: 30 minutos_
_Precio estimado por ración: 5 euros_
_Comensales: 4 personas_
**INGREDIENTES:**
24 unidades de zamburiñas frescas (media concha)
4 tomates rama
2 cebollas
20 g de pan rallado
25 g de jamón ibérico
0,5 dl de aceite
**PREPARACIÓN:**
Pelar el tomate, retirar las pepitas y picarlo. Picar también, muy finamente, la cebolla. Reservar ambos.
Acto seguido, pochar la cebolla con el aceite. Cuando esté blanda, añadir el tomate y dejar reducir. A continuación, añadir el jamón picado.
Para terminar el plato, marcar superficialmente las zamburiñas en la plancha y añadir un poco del pochado encima. Espolvorear con pan rallado y, finalmente, gratinar.
A los que me animan a creer que Dios está entre los pucheros; a quienes habéis dado de comer a más de 3.000 exalumnos de nuestras escuelas, que andan por el mundo trabajando; a los millares de actuales y antiguos colaboradores; a mis feligreses, que soportan a un párroco atípico; al arzobispo que me aguanta; a los chefs de los veintidós establecimientos del Grupo Lezama, verdaderos autores de este libro; a la Virgen Santa María La Blanca, que me enciende el fuego de cada día para yo cocer la olla, y a Fernando Zaccaro, mi secretario, que traduce mi pluma en garabatos digitales capaces de recorrer el mundo sin descanso.
Gracias a editores y lectores.
Podéis escribirme, yo os contestaré: <luisdelezama@grupole zama.es>.
_La cocina del Alabardero_
Luis de Lezama Barañano
No se permite la reproducción total o parcial de este libro, ni su incorporación a un sistema informático, ni su transmisión en cualquier forma o por cualquier medio, sea éste electrónico, mecánico, por fotocopia, por grabación u otros métodos, sin el permiso previo y por escrito del editor. La infracción de los derechos mencionados puede ser constitutiva de delito contra la propiedad intelectual (Art. 270 y siguientes del Código Penal)
Diríjase a CEDRO (Centro Español de Derechos Reprográficos) si necesita reproducir algún fragmento de esta obra.
Puede contactar con CEDRO a través de la web www.conlicencia.com o por teléfono en el 91 702 19 70 / 93 272 04 47
© Luis de Lezama Barañano, 2014
Primera edición: octubre de 2014
© de esta edición, Grup Editorial 62, S.L.U., 2014
Salsa Books
Pedro i Pons 9-11, 11.ª Pta.
08034 - Barcelona
www.planetadelibros.com
Primera edición en libro electrónico (epub): octubre de 2014
ISBN: 978-84-15193-61-6 (epub)
Conversión a libro electrónico: Newcomlab, S. L. L.
www.newcomlab.com
|
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Big Investments for Human Microbiome Research
April 25, 2019 by Tim Sandle, Contributor 1059 Comments 2
Disclaimer: All opinions expressed by Contributors are their own. Contributors are fully responsible for assuring they own any required copyright for any content they submit to BiopharmaTrend.com. This website and its owners shall not be liable for neither information and content submitted for publication by Contributors, nor its accuracy.
Biotech Startup Market Research Microbiome Pharmaceutical industry trends
Major companies on the scene include Second Genome, Enterome, and EpiBiome. In addition, several new startups have entered the field. Amongst the most active investors, Global Engage reports, are Seventure Partners, Flagship Pioneering and BioGaia. In fact there are some 120 companies investing in analyzing data relating to the human microbiome. To take one example, companies such as uBiome are developing genomic tests meant to identify and diagnose harmful microbes in the body.
Investments are also huge. The Wall Street Journal reported in 2018 that "from 2011 through 2015, venture funding in microbiome firms soared 458.5 percent to $114.5 million, while overall venture investment grew 103.4 percent to $75.29 billion. Last year, microbiome investment has surged again despite a decline in overall venture funding. The $616.9 million raised for microbiome companies to date so far in 2016 is more than all of the venture investment in the microbiome space in 2011 through 2015 combined."The human microbiome relates to the human microbiota, which is the aggregate of microorganisms that resides on or within any of a number of human tissues and biofluids. This includes the skin, mammary glands, placenta, seminal fluid, saliva conjunctiva, gastrointestinal tracts and so on. The organisms include bacteria, archaea, protists, fungi and viruses. The human microbiome is a definition beyond the 'microbiota', referring to the collective genomes of resident microorganisms.
The Human Microbiome Project (HMP) was a U.S. National Institutes of Health (NIH) initiative that set the goal of identifying and characterizing the microorganisms which are found in association with both healthy and diseased humans, based on a budget of $115 million. The aim was to inform about human health or disease. Drawing on the wealth of data provided by the HMP, many companies are investing in microbiome based research. As a report in Forbes notes: "Capitalizing on new understanding of how imbalances in this ecosystem contribute to disease, a handful of startups aim to give physicians better weapons to fight conditions such as cancer, autoimmune disorders and infection."Examples include Vedanta Biosciences Inc, a start-up that has teamed up with New York University Langone Medical Center to study how bacteria can be used in the battle against tumors. Drug delivery is a related area with start-up Blue Turtle Bio utilizing bacteria from the gut microbiome as a drug delivery platform for supplemental enzymes intended to treat enzyme-deficient disease states.
In a separate area, Human Longevity Inc., is putting $220 million into the sequencing of microbiome DNA to uncover disease-associated imbalances in microbial populations. This latter case is aimed at the development of personalized medicines for patients with different conditions. Similarly, Johnson & Johnson is collaborating with a start-up called Second Genome to look for targets for drugs that work by modifying what bacteria live in the intestine with the goal of coming up with new treatments for ulcerative colitis. Research is also governmental: the White House recognized the microbiome's importance (albeit just prior to President Trump assuming office) with an announcement of the National Microbiome Initiative. This is a $221 million investment plan which includes a $100 million investment by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Some examples of this wave of research and investment include the digitization of the microbiome information (some scientists have termed this "iHMP"). To decode the details of the microbial ecology requires high-resolution genome sequencing feeding into Big Data supercomputers.
One example is with a research team that has taken the important step in modeling the complexity of the human gut's bacterial communities on the computer, as Pharmaceutical Microbiology Resources reports. The research team hails from the Luxembourg Centre for Systems Biomedicine of the University of Luxembourg. For the project, the researchers gathered all known data on the metabolism of 773 bacterial strains and using these data developed a computer model for each bacterial strain. This collection can now be used with a computer program to simulate metabolic processes with the goal of investigating how the different organisms affect the metabolism of other microbes as well as that of the human host. This generates a series of predictive metabolic models so that diseases can be better understood and disease treatments theoretically tested ahead of drug development. The Luxembourg approach was detailed in the journal Nature Biotechnology, with the research paper titled "Generation of genome-scale metabolic reconstructions for 773 members of the human gut microbiota."
You may also be interested to read:
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Victor Grayson 2019/04/27, 11:56 AM
Fascinating read, this is an emerging area of research.
BiopharmaTrend 2019/04/27, 12:08 PM
Thank you for your feedback, Victor Grayson
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|
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| 6,689
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\section*{Introduction}
Under appropriate conditions, the resolvent of the Laplacian on an
asymptotically hyperbolic space continues analytically through the spectrum
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}. In this paper we obtain estimates on
the analytic continuation of the resolvent for the Laplacian of a metric
that is a small perturbation of the Poincar\'e metric on hyperbolic
space. In particular we show for these perturbations of the metric, and
allowing in addition a real-valued potential, that there are only a finite
number of poles for the analytic continuation of the resolvent to any
half-plane containing the physical region and that the resolvent satisfies
polynomial bounds on appropriate weighted Sobolev spaces near infinity in
such a strip. This result, for a small strip, is then applied to the
twisted Laplacian which is the stationary part of the d'Alembertian on de
Sitter-Schwarzschild. In a companion paper
\cite{Melrose-SaBarreto-Vasy:Asymptotics} the decay of solutions to the
wave equation on de Sitter-Schwarzschild space is analyzed using these
estimates.
In the main part of this paper constructive semiclassical methods are used
to analyze the resolvent of the Laplacian, and potential perturbations of
it, for a complete, asymptotically hyperbolic, metric on the interior of the
ball, $\Bn,$
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
g_{\delta}=g_0+\chi_\delta(z)H,\\
g_0=\frac{ 4 dz^2}{(1-|z|^2)^2},\
\chi_\delta(z)=\chi\left(\frac{(1-|z|)}{\delta}\right).
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.14}\end{equation}
Here $g_{0}$ is the standard hyperbolic metric, $H=H(z,dz)$ is a symmetric
2-tensor which is smooth up to the boundary of the ball and $\chi\in
\CI(\bbR),$ has $\chi(s)=1$ if $|s|<\ha,$ $\chi(s)=0$ if $|s|>1.$ The
perturbation here is always the same at the boundary but is cut off closer
and closer to it as $\delta \downarrow0.$ For $\delta >0$ small enough we
show that the analytic continuation of the resolvent of the Laplacian is
smooth, so has no poles, in the intersection of the exterior of a
sufficiently large ball with any strip around the real axis in the
non-physical half-space as an operator between weighted $L^2$ or Sobolev
spaces, and obtain high-energy estimates for this resolvent in this strip.
A special case of these estimates is as follows: Let
$x=\frac{1-|z|}{1+|z|},$ $W\in\CI(\Bn)$ be real-valued and let $R_\delta
(\sigma)=(\Delta_{g_\delta}+x^2W-\sigma^2-n/2^2)^{-1}$ denote the resolvent
of $\Delta_{g_\delta}+x^2W.$ The spectral theorem shows that
$R_\delta(\sigma)$ is well defined as a bounded operator in $L^2(\Bn;dg)$
if $\im \sigma <<0,$ and the results of Mazzeo and the first author show
that it continues meromorphically to the upper half plane. Here we show
that there exists a strip about the real axis such that if $\delta$ is
small and $a$ and $b$ are suitably chosen $x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b $ has
no poles, provided $|\sigma|$ is large, and moreover we obtain a polynomial
bound for the norm of $x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b.$ More precisely, with
$H^k_0(\Bn)$ the $L^2$-based Sobolev space of order $k$, so for $k=0$,
$H^0_0(\Bn)=L^2(\Bn;dg):$
\begin{thm}(See Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds} for the full statement.)
\label{resolvent-bounds-simple} There exist $\delta_0>0,$ such that if
$0\leq \delta\leq \delta_0,$ then
$x^a R_{\delta}(\sigma) x^b$ continues holomorphically to the region $\im
\sigma < M,$ $M>0$ $| \sigma| >K(\delta,M),$ provided $ \im\sigma< b,$
and $a>\im \sigma.$ Moreover, there exists $C>0$ such that
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| x^a R_\delta (\sigma) x^b v||_{H^k_0(\Bn)} \leq
C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2} +k} ||v||_{L^2(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
|| x^a R_\delta (\sigma) x^b v||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq
C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2} +k} ||v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
\end{gathered} \label{sobolev1-simple}
\end{gather}
\end{thm}
This estimate is not optimal; the optimal bound is expected to be $O(
|\sigma|^{-1+k}).$ The additional factor of $|\sigma|^{\frac{n}{2}}$ results
from ignoring the oscillatory behavior of the Schwartz kernel of the
resolvent; a stationary phase type argument (which is made delicate by the
intersecting Lagrangians described later) should give an improved
result. However, for our application, which we now describe, the polynomial
loss suffices, as there are similar losses from the trapped geodesics in
compact sets.
As noted above, these results and the underlying estimates can be applied
to study the wave equation on $1+(n+1)$ dimensional de Sitter-Schwarzschild
space. This model is given by
\begin{equation}
M=\RR_t\times \stackrel{\circ}{X}, \;\ X=[r_\bH,r_{\sI}]_r\times\ms^{n}_\omega,
\label{model-ndim}
\end{equation}
with the Lorentzian metric
\begin{equation}\label{eq:dS-Sch-metric}
G=\alpha^2\,dt^2-\alpha^{-2}\,dr^2-r^2\,d\omega^2,
\end{equation}
where
$d\omega^2$ is the standard metric on $\ms^{n},$
\begin{equation}\label{eq:alpha-def}
\alpha=\left(1-\frac{2m}{r}-\frac{\Lambda r^2}{3}\right)^{1/2},
\end{equation}
with $\Lambda$ and $m$ positive constants satisfying
$0<9m^2\Lambda<1,$ and $r_\bH,r_{\sI}$ are the two positive roots of
$\alpha=0.$
The d'Alembertian associated to the metric $G$ is
\begin{equation}
\square= \alpha^{-2}(D_t^2-\alpha^2r^{-n}D_r(r^{n}\alpha^2
D_r)-\alpha^2r^{-2} \Delta_\omega).
\label{dal}\end{equation}
An important goal is then to give a precise description of the asymptotic
behavior, in all regions, of space-time, of the solution of the wave
equation, $\Box u=0$, with initial data which are is necessarily compactly
supported. The results given below can be used to attain this goal; see
the companion paper \cite{Melrose-SaBarreto-Vasy:Asymptotics}.
Since we are only interested here in the null space of the d'Alembertian,
the leading factor of $\alpha ^{-2}$ can be dropped. The results above can
be applied to the corresponding stationary
operator, which is a twisted Laplacian
\begin{equation}
\Delta_X=\alpha^2r^{-n}D_r(\alpha^2 r^{n}D_r)
+\alpha^2r^{-2}\Delta_\omega.
\label{modelX}
\end{equation}
In what follows we will sometimes consider $\alpha$ as a boundary defining
function of $X.$ This amounts to a change in the $\CI$ structure of
$X;$ we denote the new manifold by $X_{\ha}.$
The second order elliptic operator $\Delta_X$ in \eqref{modelX} is
self-adjoint, and non-negative, with respect to the measure
\begin{equation}
\Omega=\alpha^{-2} r^{n} \,d r \,d \omega,\label{measure}
\end{equation}
with $\alpha$ given by \eqref{eq:alpha-def}. So, by the spectral theorem,
the resolvent
\begin{gather}
R(\sigma)=(\Delta_X - \sigma^2 )^{-1} : L^2 ( X ; \Omega )
\longrightarrow L^2 ( X ; \Omega ) \label{resolv1}
\end{gather}
is holomorphic for $\im \sigma < 0 .$ In
\cite{Sa-Barreto-Zworski:Distribution} the second author and Zworski, using
methods of Mazzeo and the first author from
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, Sj\"ostrand and Zworski
\cite{Sjostrand-Zworski:ComplexScaling} and Zworski \cite{Zworski:LimitSet}
prove that the resolvent family has an analytic continuation.
\begin{thm}(S\'a Barreto-Zworski, see
\cite{Sa-Barreto-Zworski:Distribution})\label{mercont} As operators
\begin{gather*}
R ( \sigma ): \CIo( \stackrel{o}{X} )\longrightarrow\CI( \stackrel{o}{X} )
\end{gather*}
the family \eqref{resolv1} has a meromorphic continuation to $\mc$ with
isolated poles of finite rank. Moreover, there exists $\eps>0$ such that
the only pole of $R(\sigma)$ with $\im \sigma<\eps$ is at $\sigma=0;$ it
has multiplicity one.
\end{thm}
\noindent
Theorem \ref{mercont} was proved for $n+1=3,$ but its proof easily extends
to higher dimensions.
In order to describe the asymptotics of wave propagation precisely on $M$
via $R(\sigma)$ it is necessary to understand the action of $R(\sigma)$ on
weighted Sobolev spaces for $\sigma$ in a strip about the real axis as
$|\re\sigma|\to\infty$. The results of \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}
actually show that $R(\sigma)$ is bounded as a map between the weighted
spaces in question; the issue is uniform control of the norm at high energies. The strategy is to obtain bounds for $R(\sigma)$ for $\re(\sigma)$ large
in the interior of $X,$ then near the ends $r_{\bH}$ and $r_{\sI},$ and later glue those estimates. In the case $n+1=3,$ we can use the following result of Bony and H\"afner to obtain bounds for the resolvent in the interior
\begin{thm}(Bony-H\"afner, see
\cite{Bony-Haefner:Decay})\label{bhthm} There exists $\eps>0$
and $M\geq 0$ such that if $|\im\sigma|<\eps$ and $|\re \sigma|>1,$
then for any $\chi\in C_0^\infty(\stackrel{o}{X})$ there exists $C>0$ such that if $n=3$ in
\eqref{model-ndim}, then
\begin{equation}
||\chi R(\sigma) \chi f||_{L^2(X ;\Omega) } \leq C |\sigma|^M||f||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}.
\label{bonyhafnerest}\end{equation}
\end{thm}
This result is not known in higher dimensions (though the methods of
Bony and H\"afner would work even then),
and to prove our main theorem we use the results of Datchev and the third author \cite{Datchev-Vasy} and Wunsch and Zworski \cite{Wunsch-Zworski} to handle the general case. The advantage of the method of \cite{Datchev-Vasy} is that one does not need to obtain a bound for the exact resolvent in the interior and we may work with the approximate model of \cite{Wunsch-Zworski} instead. We decompose the manifold $X$ in two parts
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
X= X_0 \cup X_1, \text{ where } \\
X_0=[r_{\bH}, r_\bH+4\del) \times \ms^n \cup (r_{\sI}-4\del, r_\sI] \times \ms^n \text{ and } \\
X_1=( r_\bH+\del, r_{\sI}-\del) \times \ms^n.
\end{gathered}\label{Xdecomp}
\end{gather}
If $\del$ is small enough and if $\gamma(t)$ is an integral curve of the Hamiltonian of $\Delta_X$ then
(see Section \ref{sec:black-hole} and either \cite{Datchev-Vasy} or \cite{Joshi-SaBarreto})
\begin{gather}
\text{ if } x(\gamma(t))<4\delta \text{ and } \frac{d x(t)}{dt}=0 \Rightarrow \frac{d^2 x(t)}{dt^2}<0.\label{bich-convexity1}
\end{gather}
We consider the operator $\Delta_X$ restricted to $X_1,$ and place it
into the setting of \cite{Wunsch-Zworski} as follows.
Let $X_1'$ be another Riemannian manifold extending $\tilde X_1=( r_\bH+\del/2,
r_{\sI}-\del/2, r_\sI) \times \ms^n$ (and thus $X_1$)
and which is Euclidean outside some compact set, and let
$\Delta_{X'_1}$ be a self-adjoint
operator extending $\Delta_X$ with principal symbol given by the
metric on $X'_1$ which is equal to the
Euclidean Laplacian on the ends. Let
\begin{gather}
P_1=h^2\Delta_{X_1'}-i\Upsilon, \;\ h \in (0,1) \label{operatorp1}
\end{gather}
where $\Upsilon\in \CI(X_1';[0,1])$ is such that $\Upsilon=0$ on $X_1$ and $\Upsilon=1$
outside $\tilde X_1$. Thus, $P_1-1$ is semiclassically elliptic on a
neighborhood of $X_1'\setminus\tilde X_1$. (In particular, this
implies that no bicharacteristic of $P_1-1$ leaves $X_1$ and returns
later, i.e.\ $X_1$ is bicharacteristically convex in $X_1'$,
since this is true for $X_1$ inside $\tilde X_1$, and $P_1-1$ is
elliptic outside $\tilde X_1$, hence has no characteristic set there.)
By Theorem 1 of \cite{Wunsch-Zworski} there exist positive constants $c,$ $C$ and $\eps$ independent of $h$ such that
\begin{gather}
||(P_1-\sigma^2)^{-1}||_{L^2\rightarrow L^2} \leq Ch^{-N}, \;\ \sigma
\in (1-c,1+c) \times (-c,\eps h)\subset\Cx. \label{wuzwestimate}
\end{gather}
Due to the fact that $0<9m^2\Lambda<1,$ the function $\beta(r)=\ha
\frac{d}{dr}\alpha^2(r)$ satisfies $\beta(r_{\bH})>0$ and
$\beta(r_{\sI})<0.$ Set $\beta_{\bH}=\beta(r_{\bH})$ and
$\beta_{\sI}=\beta(r_{\sI}).$ The weight function we consider,
$\tilde\alpha\in\CO([r_{\bH},r_{\sI}]),$ is positive in the interior and
satisfies
\begin{equation}
\tilde{\alpha}(r)= \begin{cases}
\alpha ^{1/\beta _{\bH}}&\Mnear r_{\bH}\\
\alpha ^{1/|\beta _{\sI}|}&\Mnear r_{\sI}
\end{cases}
\label{SeClRe.1}\end{equation}
We will prove
\begin{thm}\label{globalest}
If $n=2,$ let $\eps>0$ be such that \eqref{bonyhafnerest} holds.
In general, assume that $\delta$ is such that \eqref{bich-convexity1} is satisfied, and let $\eps>0$ be such that \eqref{wuzwestimate} holds. If $$0<\gamma<\min(\eps,\beta_{\bH},|\beta_{\sI}|,1),
$$
then for $b>\gamma$ there exist $C$ and $M$ such that if
$\im\sigma\le\gamma$ and $|\re\sigma|\ge1,$
\begin{equation}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^b R(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^bf||
_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega)}\leq C|\sigma|^M ||f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega) },
\label{mainest1}
\end{equation}
where $\Omega$ is defined in \eqref{measure}.
\end{thm}
\noindent
This result can be refined by allowing the power of the weight, on either
side, to approach $\im\sigma$ at the expense of an additional logarithmic term,
see Theorem~\ref{globalest-strong}.
Two proofs of Theorem \ref{globalest} are given below. The first, which is
somewhat simpler but valid only for $n+1=3,$ is given in sections \ref{sec:decomposition} and \ref{sec:black-hole-proof}. It uses techniques of Bruneau
and Petkov \cite{Bruneau-Petkov:Semiclassical} to glue the resolvent
estimates from Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds-simple} and the
localized estimate \eqref{bonyhafnerest}.
The second proof, valid in general dimension, uses the estimate \eqref{wuzwestimate} and the semiclassical
resolvent gluing techniques of Datchev and the third author
\cite{Datchev-Vasy}. This is carried out in section
\ref{sec:black-hole-n+1-proof}.
Related weighted $L^2$ estimates for the resolvent on asymptotically
hyperbolic and asymptotically Euclidean spaces have been proved by Cardoso
and Vodev in \cite{Cardoso-Vodev:Uniform}. However, such estimates,
combined with Theorem \ref{bhthm}, only give the holomorphic continuation
of the resolvent, as an operator acting on weighted $L^2$ spaces, for $|\re
\sigma|>1,$ to a region below a curve which converges polynomially to the
real axis. These weaker estimates do suffice to establish the asymptotic
behavior of solutions of the wave equation modulo rapidly decaying terms
(rather than exponentially decaying) and would give a different proof of
the result of Dafermos and Rodnianski \cite{Dafermos-Rodnianski:de-Sitter}.
In the case of a non-trapping asymptotically hyperbolic manifold which has
constant sectional curvature near the boundary, it was shown by Guillarmou
in \cite{Guillarmou:Absence} that there exists a strip about the real axis,
excluding a neighborhood of the origin, which is free of resonances. In
the case studied here, the sectional curvature of the metric associated to
$\Delta_X$ is not constant near the boundary, and there exist trapped
trajectories. However, see \cite{Sa-Barreto-Zworski:Distribution}, all
trapped trajectories of the Hamilton flow of $\Delta_X$ are hyperbolic, and
the projection of the trapped set onto the base space is contained in the
sphere $r=3m,$ which is known as the ergo-sphere. Since the effects of the
trapped trajectories are included in the estimates of Bony and H\"afner,
constructing the analytic continuation of the resolvent of a twisted
Laplacian that has the correct asymptotic behavior at infinity, uniformly
at high energies, allows one to obtain the desired estimates on weighted
Sobolev spaces via pasting techniques introduced by Bruneau and Petkov
\cite{Bruneau-Petkov:Semiclassical}. The main technical result is thus
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds-simple}, and its strengthening,
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}.
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds} is proved by the construction of
a high-energy parametrix for $\Delta_{g_\delta}+x^2W$. More precisely,
as customary, the problem is translated to the construction of a semiclassical
parametrix for
\begin{equation*}
P(h,\sigma)= h^2\Delta_g+h^2x^2 W-h^2\frac{n^2}{4}-\sigma^2
=h^2\left(\Delta_g+x^2 W-\frac{n^2}{4}-\left(\frac{\sigma}{h}\right)^2\right).
\end{equation*}
where now $\sigma\in (1-c,1+c)\times (-Ch,Ch)\subset\Cx$, $c,C>0$,
and $h\in (0,1)$, $h\to 0$, so the actual spectral parameter is
$$
\frac{n^2}{4}+\left(\frac{\sigma}{h}\right)^2,
$$
and $\im \frac{\sigma}{h}$ is bounded.
Note that for $\im\sigma<0$,
\begin{equation}\label{scresolvent}
R(h,\sigma)=P(h,\sigma)^{-1}:L^2(\Bn)\to H^2_0(\Bn)
\end{equation}
is meromorphic by the results of Mazzeo and the first author
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}.
Moreover, while $\sigma$ is
not real, its imaginary part is $O(h)$ in the semiclassical sense, and is thus
not part of the semiclassical principal symbol of the operator.
The construction proceeds on the semiclassical resolution $M_{0,h}$ of the
product of the double space $\Bn\times_0\Bn$ introduced in
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, and the interval $[0,1)_h$ -- this space
is described in detail in
Section~\ref{semiclassical-double-space}. Recall that, for fixed $h>0$,
the results of \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic} show that the Schwartz
kernel of $P(h,\sigma)^{-1}$, defined for $\im\sigma<0$, is well-behaved
(polyhomogeneous conormal) on $\Bn\times_0\Bn$, and it extends
meromorphically across $\im\sigma=0$ with a similarly polyhomogeneous
conormal Schwartz kernel. Thus, the space we are considering is a very
natural one. The semiclassical resolution is already needed away from all
boundaries; it consists of blowing up the diagonal at $h=0$. Note that
$P(h,\sigma)$ is a semiclassical differential operator which is elliptic
in the usual sense, but its semiclassical principal symbol
$g-(\re\sigma)^2$ is not elliptic (here $g$ is the dual metric
function). Ignoring the boundaries for a moment, when a semiclassical
differential operator is elliptic in both senses, it has a parametrix in
the small semiclassical calculus, i.e.\ one which vanishes to infinite
order at $h=0$ off the semiclassical front face (i.e.\ away from the
diagonal in $\Bn\times_0\Bn\times\{0\}$). However, as $P(h,\sigma)$ is
not elliptic semiclassically, semiclassical singularities (lack of decay
as $h\to 0$) flow out of the semiclassical front face.
It is useful to consider the flow in terms of Lagrangian geometry. Thus,
the small calculus of order $-\infty$ semiclassical pseudodifferential
operators consists of operators whose Schwartz kernels are
semiclassical-conormal to the diagonal at $h=0$. As $P(h,\sigma)$ is not
semiclassically elliptic (but is elliptic in the usual sense, so it behaves
as a semiclassical pseudodifferential operator of order $-\infty$ for our
purposes), in order to construct a parametrix for $P(h,\sigma)$, we need to
follow the flow out of semiclassical singularities from the conormal bundle
of the diagonal. For $P(h,\sigma)$ as above, the resulting Lagrangian
manifold is induced by the geodesic flow, and is in particular, up to a
constant factor, the graph of the differential of the distance function on
the product space. Thus, it is necessary to analyze the geodesic flow and
the distance function; here the presence of boundaries is the main issue.
As we show in Section~\ref{distance-function}, the geodesic flow is
well-behaved on $\Bn\times_0\Bn$ as a Lagrangian manifold of the
appropriate cotangent bundle. Further, for $\delta>0$ small (this is where
the smallness of the metric perturbation enters), its projection to the
base is a diffeomorphism, which implies that the distance function is also
well-behaved. This last step is based upon the precise description of the
geodesic flow and the distance function on hyperbolic space, see
Section~\ref{distance-function}.
In Section~\ref{full-sc-parametrix}, we then construct the parametrix by
first solving away the diagonal singularity; this is the usual elliptic
parametrix construction. Next, we solve away the small calculus error in
Taylor series at the semiclassical front face, and then propagate the
solution along the flow-out by solving transport equations. This is an
analogue of the intersecting Lagrangian construction of the first author
and Uhlmann \cite{Melrose-Uhlmann:Intersection}, see also the work of
Hassell and Wunsch \cite{Hassell-Wunsch:Semiclassical} in the semiclassical
setting. So far in this discussion the boundaries of $M_{0,\semi}$ arising
from the boundaries of $\Bn\times_0\Bn$ have been ignored; these enter into
the steps so far only in that it is necessary to ensure that the
construction is uniform (in a strong, smooth, sense) up to these
boundaries, which the semiclassical front face as well as the lift of
$\{h=0\}$ meet transversally, and only in the zero front face, i.e.\ at the
front face of the blow-up of $\Bn\times\Bn$ that created $\Bn\times_0\Bn$.
Next we need to analyze the asymptotics of the solutions of the transport
equations at the left and right boundary faces of $\Bn\times_0\Bn$; this is
facilitated by our analysis of the flowout Lagrangian (up to these boundary
faces). At this point we obtain a parametrix whose error is smoothing and
is $O(h^\infty)$, but does not, as yet, have any decay at the zero front
face. The last step, which is completely analogous to the construction of
Mazzeo and the first author, removes this error.
As a warm-up to this analysis, in Section~\ref{3D-parametrix} we present a
three dimensional version of this construction, with worse, but still
sufficiently well-behaved error terms. This is made possible by a
coincidence, namely that in $\RR^3$ the Schwartz kernel of the resolvent of
the Laplacian at energy $(\lambda-i0)^2$ is a constant multiple of
$e^{-i\lambda r} r^{-1}$, and $r^{-1}$ is a homogeneous function on
$\RR^3$, which enables one to blow-down the semiclassical front face at
least to leading order. Thus, the first steps of the construction are
simplified, though the really interesting parts, concerning the asymptotic
behavior at the left and right boundaries along the Lagrangian, are
unchanged. We encourage the reader to read this section first as it is more
explicit and accessible than the treatment of arbitrary dimensions.
In Section~\ref{sec:L2-bounds}, we obtain weighted $L^2$-bounds for the
parametrix and its error. In Section~\ref{sec:resolvent-bounds} we used these
to prove
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds-simple} and
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}.
In Section~\ref{sec:black-hole} we describe in detail the
de Sitter-Schwarzschild set-up. Then in
Section~\ref{sec:decomposition}, in dimension $3+1$,
we describe the approach of Bruneau and Petkov \cite{Bruneau-Petkov:Semiclassical}
reducing the
necessary problem to the combination of analysis on the ends,
i.e.\ Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}, and of the cutoff resolvent,
i.e.\ Theorem~\ref{bhthm}. Then, in Section~\ref{sec:black-hole-proof},
we use this method to prove Theorem~\ref{globalest}, and its strengthening,
Theorem~\ref{globalest-strong}. Finally, in
Section~\ref{sec:black-hole-n+1-proof} we give a different proof which
works in general dimension, and does not require knowledge of
estimates for the exact cutoff resolvent. Instead, it uses the results of Wunsch and Zworski
\cite{Wunsch-Zworski} for normally hyperbolic trapping in the presence
of Euclidean ends and of Datchev
and the third author \cite{Datchev-Vasy} which provide a method to combine these with our
estimates on hyperbolic ends. Since this method is described in detail
in \cite{Datchev-Vasy}, we keep this section fairly brief.
\paperbody
\section{Resolvent estimates for model operators}
In this section we state the full version of the main technical result,
Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds-simple}.
Let $g_0$ be the metric on $\Bn$ given by
\begin{gather}
g_{0}=\frac{4 dz^2}{(1-|z|^2)^2}. \label{metg0}
\end{gather}
We consider a one-parameter family of perturbations of $g_{0}$ supported in
a neighborhood of $\p \Bn$ of the form
\begin{gather}
g_\delta= g_{0} + \chi_\delta(z) H(z,dz), \label{metgeps}
\end{gather}
where $H$ is a symmetric 2-tensor, which is $\CI$ up to $\p \Bn,$
$\chi\in \CI(\mr),$ with $\chi(s)=1$ if $|s|<\ha,$ $\chi(s)=0$ if
$|s|>1,$ and $\chi_\delta(z)=\chi((1-|z|)\delta^{-1}).$
Let $x=\frac{1-|z|}{1+|z|},$ $W\in\CI(\Bn)$ and let $R_\delta (\sigma)=(\Delta_{g_\delta}+x^2W-\sigma^2-1^2)^{-1}$ denote the resolvent of $\Delta_{g_\delta}+x^2W.$
The spectral theorem gives that $R_\delta(\sigma)$ is well defined as a bounded operator in
$L^2(\Bn)=L^2(\Bn;dg)$ if $\im \sigma <<0.$
The results of \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}
show that $R_{\delta}(\sigma)$ continues meromorphically to $\mc\setminus i\mn/2$ as an operator mapping $\CI$ functions vanishing to infinite order at $\p \Bn$ to distributions in
$\Bn.$
We recall, see for example \cite{Mazzeo:Edge}, that for $k\in \mn,$
\begin{gather*}
H^k_0(\Bn)=\{ u \in L^2(\Bn): (x\p_x, \p_\omega)^m u \in L^2(\Bn), \;\ m \leq k\},
\end{gather*}
and
\begin{gather*}
H_0^{-k}=\{ v\in \mathcal{D}'(\Bn): \text{ there exists } u_{\beta} \in L^2(\Bn),
v= \sum_{|\beta|\leq k} (x\p_x, \p_\omega)^\beta u_\beta\}.
\end{gather*}
Our main result is the following theorem:
\begin{thm}\label{resolvent-bounds} There exist $\delta_0>0,$ such that if $0\leq \delta\leq \delta_0,$ then
$x^a R_{\delta}(\sigma) x^b$ continues holomorphically to $\im \sigma < M,$ $M>0,$ provided
$| \sigma| >K(\delta,M),$ $b> \im\sigma$ and $a>\im \sigma.$ Moreover,
there exists $C>0$ such that
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| x^a R_\delta (\sigma) x^b v||_{H^k_0(\Bn)} \leq C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2}+k} ||v||_{L^2(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
|| x^a R_\delta (\sigma) x^b v||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2}+k} ||v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
\end{gathered} \label{sobolev1}
\end{gather}
If $a=\im \sigma,$ or $b=\im\sigma,$ or $a=b=\im\sigma,$ let $\phi_N(x)\in\CI((0,1)),$ $\phi_N\geq 1,$ $\phi_N(x)=|\log x|^{-N},$ if $x<\oq$ $\phi_N(x)=1$ if $x>\ha.$ Then in each case the operator
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
T_{a,b,N}(\sigma)=:x^{\im\sigma} \phi_N(x) R_{\delta}(\sigma) x^b, \text{ if } b>\im \sigma, \\
T_{a,b,N=:}x^{a} R_{\delta}(\sigma) x^{\im \la} \phi_N(x), \text{ if } a> \im \sigma, \\
T_{a.b,N}=:x^{\im\sigma} \phi_N(x) R_{\delta}(\sigma) x^{\im \sigma} \phi_N(x),
\end{gathered}\label{deftabn}
\end{gather}
continues holomorphically to $\im \sigma < M,$ provided $N>\ha,$ $| \sigma| >K(\delta,M).$ Moreover
in each case there exists $C=C(M,N,\delta)$ such that
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| T_{a,b,N}(\sigma) v||_{H^k_0(\Bn)} \leq C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2}+k} ||v||_{L^2(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
|| T_{a,b,N}(\sigma) v||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C |\sigma|^{-1+\frac{n}{2}+k} ||v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bn)}, \;\ k=0,1,2.
\end{gathered}\label{sobolev2}
\end{gather}
\end{thm}
\section{The distance Function}\label{distance-function}
In the construction of the uniform parametrix for the resolvent we will
make use of an appropriate resolution of the distance function, and
geodesic flow, for the metric $g_\delta.$ This in turn is obtained by
perturbation from $\delta =0,$ so we start with an analysis of the
hyperbolic distance, for which there is an explicit formula. Namely, the
distance function for the hyperbolic metric, $g_{0},$ is given in terms of
the Euclidean metric on the ball by
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\dist_{0}:\Bno \times \Bno \longrightarrow \mr\Mwhere\\
\cosh(\dist_{0}(z,z'))=1+\frac{2|z-z'|^2}{(1-|z|^2)(1-|z'|^2)}.
\end{gathered}
\label{distf}\end{equation}
We are particularly interested in a uniform description as one or both of the
points approach the boundary, i.e.\ infinity. The boundary behavior is
resolved by lifting to the `zero stretched product' as is implicit in
\cite{Mazzeo:Edge}. This stretched product, $\Bnc\times_0 \Bnc,$ is the
compact manifold with corners defined by blowing up the intersection of the
diagonal and the corner of $\Bnc\times\Bnc:$
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\beta:\Bnc\times_0\Bnc=[\Bnc\times\Bnc;\pa\Diag]\longrightarrow\Bnc\times\Bnc,
\\
\pa\Diag=\Diag\cap \; (\p\Bnc \times \p \Bnc)=\{(z,z);|z|=1\},\\
\Diag=\{(z,z')\in \Bnc\times\Bnc;z=z'\}.
\end{gathered}\label{zero-blow-up}
\end{equation}
See Figure~\ref{fig1} in which $(x,y)$ and $(x',y')$ are
local coordinates near a point in the center of the blow up, with boundary
defining functions $x$ and $x'$ in the two factors.
\begin{figure}[int1
\epsfxsize= 3.5in
\centerline{\epsffile{blow-up}}
\caption{The stretched product $\Bnc\times_0\Bnc.$}
\label{fig1}
\end{figure}
Thus $\Bnc\times_0\Bnc$ has three boundary hypersurfaces, the front face
introduced by the blow up and the left and right boundary faces which map
back to $\pa\Bnc\times\Bnc$ and $\Bnc\times\pa\Bnc$ respectively under
$\beta.$ Denote by $\Diag_0$ the lift of the diagonal, which in this case
is the closure of the inverse image under $\beta$ of the interior of the
diagonal in $\Bnc\times\Bnc.$
\begin{lemma}\label{dist0} Lifted to the interior of $\Bnc\times_0\Bnc$ the
hyperbolic distance function extends smoothly up to the interior of the
front face, in the complement of $\Diag_0,$ where it is
positive and, for an appropriate choice $\rho _L\in\CI(\Bnc\times_0\Bnc)$
of defining function for the left boundary and
with $\rho _R$ its reflection,
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\beta^*\dist_{0}(z,z')=
-\log(\rho_L\rho_R)+ F,\\
0<F\in\CI(\Bnc \times_0 \Bnc\setminus \Diag_0 ),\
F^2\in\CI(\Bnc \times_0 \Bnc),
\end{gathered}
\label{blowd}\end{equation}
with $F ^2$ a quadratic defining function for $\Diag_0.$
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} We show first that the square of the Euclidean distance
function, $|z-z'|^2,$ lifts to be smooth on $\Bnc \times_0 \Bnc$ and to
vanish quadratically on $\Diag_0$ and on the front face produced by the
blow up
\begin{equation}
\beta ^*(|z-z'|^2)=R^2f,\ f\in\CI(\Bnc \times_0 \Bnc).
\label{SeClRe.12}\end{equation}
Here $f\ge0$ vanishes precisely at $\Diag_0$ and does so
quadratically. Indeed this is certainly true away from the front face
produced by the blow up. The spaces and the distance function are invariant
under rotational symmetry, which lifts under the blow up, so me may fix the
spherical position of one variable and suppose that $z'=(1-x',0),$ with
$x'>0$ and small, the blow up is then of $z=z',$ $x'=0.$ The fact that the
variables are restricted to the unit ball is now irrelevant, and using the
translation-invariance of the Euclidean distance we can suppose instead
that $z'=(x',0)$ and blow up $z=z',$ $x'=0.$ Since $|(x,0)-z|^2$ is
homogeneous in all variables it lifts to be the product of the square of a
defining function for the front face and a quadratic defining function for
the lift of the diagonal. This proves \eqref{SeClRe.12} after restriction
to the preimage of the balls and application of the symmetry.
The hyperbolic distance is given by \eqref{distf} where $1-|z|^2$ and
$1-|z'|^2$ are boundary defining functions on the two factors. If $R$ is
a defining function for the front face of $\Bnc\times_0\Bnc$ then these lift
to be of the form $\rho _LR$ and $\rho _RR$ so combining this with
\eqref{SeClRe.12}
\begin{equation}
\beta ^*\cosh(\dist_{0}(z,z'))=1+2\frac{f}{\rho _L\rho _R}.
\label{SeClRe.8}\end{equation}
Now $\exp(t)= \cosh t+ \left[ \cosh^2t-1\right]^\ha,$ for $t>0,$ and from
\eqref{SeClRe.8} it follows that
\begin{equation}
\exp (\dist_{0}(z,z'))=1+2\frac{f}{\rho _L\rho _R}+\left(2\frac{f}{\rho
_L\rho _R}+4\frac{f^2}{\rho^2 _L\rho^2 _R}\right)^{\frac12}.
\label{SeClRe.9}\end{equation}
Near $\Diag_0$ the square-root is dominated by the first part and near the
left and right boundaries by the second part, and is otherwise positive and
smooth. Taking logarithms gives the result as claimed, with the
defining function taken to be one near $\Diag_0$ and to be everywhere smaller
than a small positive multiple of $(1-|z|^2)/R.$
\end{proof}
This result will be extended to the case of a perturbation of the
hyperbolic metric by constructing the distance function directly from
Hamilton-Jacobi theory, i.e.\ by integration of the Hamilton vector field
of the metric function on the cotangent bundle. The presence of only simple
logarithmic singularities in \eqref{blowd} shows, perhaps somewhat
counter-intuitively, that the Lagrangian submanifold which is the graph of
the differential of the distance should be smooth (away from the diagonal)
in the b-cotangent bundle of $M^2_0.$ Conversely if this is shown for
the perturbed metric then the analogue of \eqref{blowd} follows except for
the possibility of a logarithmic term at the front face.
Since the metric is singular near the boundary, the dual metric function on
$T^*\Bnc$ is degenerate there. In terms of local coordinates near a
boundary point, $x,$ $y$ where the boundary is locally $x=0,$ and dual
variables $\xi,$ $\eta,$ the metric function for hyperbolic space is of the
form
\begin{equation}
2p_0=x^2\xi^2 + 4 x^2(1-x^2)^{-2} h_0(\omega,\eta)
\label{SeClRe.15}\end{equation}
where $h_0$ is the metric function for the induced metric on the boundary.
Recall that the $0$-cotangent bundle of a manifold with boundary $M,$
denoted $\To M,$ is a smooth vector bundle over $M$ which is a rescaled
version of the ordinary cotangent bundle. In local coordinates near, but
not at, the boundary these two bundles are identified by the (rescaling) map
\begin{equation}
T^* M\ni(x,y, \xi,\eta) \longmapsto (x,y,\la,\mu)=(x,y, x\xi,x \eta)\in \To M.
\label{SeClRe.40}\end{equation}
It is precisely this rescaling which makes the hyperbolic metric into a
non-degenerate fiber metric, uniformly up to the boundary, on this
bundle. On the other hand the b-cotangent bundle, also a completely natural
vector bundle, is obtained by rescaling only in the normal variable
\begin{equation}
T^* M\ni(x,y, \xi,\eta)\longmapsto (x,y,\la,\eta)=(x,y, x\xi,\eta)\in\Tb^*M.
\label{SeClRe.20}\end{equation}
Identification over the interior gives natural smooth vector bundle maps
\begin{equation}
\iota_{\text{b}0}:\oT M\longrightarrow \Tb M,\
\iota^t_{\text{b}0}:\Tb^* M\longrightarrow \To M.
\label{SeClRe.27}\end{equation}
The second scaling map can be constructed directly in terms of blow up.
\begin{lemma}\label{SeClRe.26} If $\To\pa M\subset\Tos{\pa M}M$ denotes
the annihilator of the null space, over the boundary, of $\iota
_{\text{b}0}$ in \eqref{SeClRe.27} then there is a canonical diffeomorphism
\begin{equation}
\Tb^*M \longrightarrow [\To M,\To\pa M]\setminus
\beta^{\#}\left(\Tos{\pa M}M\right),\
\beta:[\To M,\To\pa M]\longrightarrow \To M,
\label{SeClRe.28}\end{equation}
to the complement, in the blow up, of the lift of the boundary:
\begin{equation*}
\beta ^{\#}(\Tos{\pa M}M)=\overline{\beta^{-1}(\Tos{\pa M}M\setminus\To\pa M)}.
\label{SeClRe.29}\end{equation*}
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} In local coordinates $x,$ $y_j,$ the null space of $\iota
_{\text{b}0}$ in \eqref{SeClRe.27} is precisely the span of the
`tangential' basis elements
$x\pa_{y_j}$ over each boundary point. Its annihilator, $\To\pa M$ is
given in the coordinates \eqref{SeClRe.20} by $\mu=0$ at $x=0.$
The lift of the `old boundary' $x=0$ is precisely the boundary
hypersurface near which $|\mu|$ dominates $x.$ Thus, $x$ is a valid
defining function for the boundary of the complement, on the right in
\eqref{SeClRe.28} and locally in this set, above the coordinate patch in $M,$
$\eta_j=\mu_j/x$ are smooth functions. The natural bundle map
$\Tb^*M\longrightarrow \To M$ underlying \eqref{SeClRe.28} is given in
these coordinates by $\lambda \frac{dx}x+\eta\cdot dy\longmapsto
\lambda \frac{dx}x+x\eta\cdot\frac{dy}x,$ which is precisely the same
map, $\mu=x\eta,$ as appears in \eqref{SeClRe.20}, so the result,
including naturality, follows.
\end{proof}
The symplectic form lifted to $\To M$ is
\begin{gather*}
\bo \omega=\frac{1}{x} d\la \wedge dx +
\frac{1}{x} d\mu \wedge dy - \frac{1}{x^2} dx \wedge (\mu\cdot dy)
\end{gather*}
whereas lifted to $\Tb^*M$ it is
\begin{equation}
{}^{\text{b}}\omega=\frac{1}{x} d\la \wedge dx+ d\eta \wedge dy .
\label{SeClRe.21}\end{equation}
Working, for simplicity of computation, in the non-compact upper half-space
model for hyperbolic space the metric function lifts to the non-degenerate
quadratic form on $\To M:$
\begin{equation}
2p_0=\la^2+h_0(\omega,\mu)
\label{SeClRe.16}\end{equation}
where $h_0=|\mu|^2$ is actually the Euclidean metric. The $0$-Hamilton
vector field of $p_0\in\CI(\To M),$ just the lift of the Hamilton
vector field over the interior, is determined by
\begin{equation}
\bo\omega(\cdot, \boH_p)=dp.
\label{SeClRe.44}\end{equation}
Thus
\begin{gather*}
\boH_p= x\frac{\p p}{\p \la} \p_x + x \frac{\p p}{\p \mu} \cdot \p_y -
\left( \mu\cdot \frac{\p p}{\p \mu} +
x \frac{\p p}{\p x}\right) \p_{\la} -
\left( -\frac{\p p}{\p \la}\mu + x \frac{\p p}{\p y}\right)\cdot \p_\mu
\end{gather*}
and hence
\begin{equation}
\boH_{p_0}=\la( x\p_x+\mu\p_\mu)-h_0\p_\la + \frac x2\sH_{h_0}
\label{SeClRe.17}\end{equation}
is tangent to the smooth (up to the boundary) compact sphere bundle given
by $p_0=1.$
Over the interior of $M=\bbB^n,$ the hyperbolic distance from any interior
point of the ball is determined by the graph of its differential, which is
the flow out inside $p_0=1,$ of the intersection of this smooth compact
manifold with boundary with the cotangent fiber to the initial
point. Observe that $\sH_{p_0}$ is also tangent to the surface $\mu=0$ over
the boundary, which is the invariantly defined subbundle $\To\pa M.$ Since the
coordinates can be chosen to be radial for any interior point, it follows
that all the geodesics from the interior arrive at the boundary at $x=0,$
$\mu=0,$ corresponding to the well-known fact that hyperbolic geodesics are
normal to the boundary. This tangency implies that $\sH_{p_0}$ lifts under
the blow up of $\To\pa M$ in \eqref{SeClRe.28} to a
smooth vector field on $\Tb M;$ this can also be seen by direct computation.
\begin{lemma}\label{SeClRe.19} The graph of the differential of the
distance function from any interior point, $p\in\Bno,$ of hyperbolic
space extends by continuity to a smooth Lagrangian submanifold of
$\Tb^*(\Bnc\setminus\{p\})$ which is transversal to the boundary, is a
graph over $\Bnc\setminus\{p\}$ and is given by integration of a
non-vanishing vector field up to the boundary.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} Observe the effect of blowing up $\mu=0,$ $x=0$ on the
Hamilton vector field in \eqref{SeClRe.17}. As noted above, near the
front face produced by this blow up valid coordinates are given by
$\eta=\mu/x,$ $\la$ and $y,$ with $x$ the boundary defining
function. Since this transforms $\bo\omega$ to ${}^{\text{b}}\omega$ it
follows that $\boH_{p_0}$ is transformed to
\begin{equation}
{}^{\text{b}}\sH_{p_0}=x(\la \p_x-xh_0\p_{\la}+x\sH_{h_0})
\label{SeClRe.22}\end{equation}
where now $\sH_{h_0}$ is the Hamilton vector field with respect to $y$ and
$\eta.$
The constant energy surface $p_0=1$ remains smooth, but non-compact, near
the boundary, which it intersects transversally in $\la=1.$ From this
the result follows -- with the non-vanishing smooth vector field being
${}^{\text{b}}\sH_{p_0}$ divided by the boundary defining function $x$ near
the boundary.
\end{proof}
The logarithmic behaviour of the distance function in \eqref{blowd} with
one point fixed in the interior is a consequence of Lemma~\ref{SeClRe.26},
since the differential of the distance must be of the form $adx/x+b\cdot
dy$ for smooth functions $a$ and $b,$ and since it is closed, $a$ is
necessarily constant on the boundary.
To examine the distance as a function of both variables a similar
construction for the product, in this case $M^2,$ $M=\Bnc$ can be used. The
graph, $\Lambda,$ of the differential of the distance $d(p,p')$ as a
function on $M^2$ is the joint flow out of the conormal sphere bundle to
the diagonal in $T^*M^2=T^*M\times T^*M,$ under the two Hamiltonian vector
fields of the two metric functions within the product sphere bundles. As
before it is natural to lift to $\To M\times\To M$ where the two sphere
bundles extend smoothly up to the boundary. However, one can make a
stronger statement, namely that the lifted Hamilton vector fields are
smooth on the b-cotangent bundle of $M^2_0,$ and indeed even on the
`partially b'-cotangent bundle of $M^2_0$, with `partially' meaning it is
the standard cotangent bundle over the interior of the front face. This is
defined and discussed in more detail below; note that the identification of
these bundles over the interior of $M^2_0$ extends to a smooth map from
these bundles to the lift of $\To M\times\To M$, as we show later,
explaining the `stronger' claim.
Smoothness of the Hamilton vector field together with transversality
conditions shows that the flow-out of the conormal bundle of the diagonal
is a smooth Lagrangian submanifold of the cotangent bundle under
consideration; closeness to a particular Lagrangian (such as that for
hyperbolic space) restricted to which projection to $M^2_0$ is a
diffeomorphism, guarantees that this Lagrangian is also a graph over
$M^2_0.$ Thus, over the interior, $(M^2_0)^\circ$, it is the graph of the
differential of the distance function, and the latter is smooth; the same
would hold globally if the Lagrangian were smooth on $T^*M^2_0.$ The latter
cannot happen, though the Lagrangian will be a graph in the b-, and indeed
the partial b-, cotangent bundles over $M^2_0.$ These give regularity of
the distance function, namely smoothness up to the front face (directly for
the partial b bundle, with a short argument if using the b bundle), and the
logarithmic behavior up to the other faces. Note that had we only showed
the graph statement in the pullback of $\To M\times\To M,$ one would obtain
directly only a weaker regularity statement for the distance function;
roughly speaking, the closer the bundle in which the Lagrangian is
described is to the standard cotangent bundle, the more regularity the
distance function has.
In fact it is possible to pass from the dual of the lifted product
0-tangent bundle to the dual of the b-tangent bundle, or indeed the partial
b-bundle, by blow-up, as for the single space above. Observe first that the
natural inclusion
\begin{equation}
\iota_{0\text{b}}\times \iota_{0\text{b}}:\oT M\times\oT M\longrightarrow
\Tb M^2=\Tb M\times\Tb M
\label{SeClRe.31}\end{equation}
identifies the sections of the bundle on the left with those sections of the
bundle on the right, the tangent vector fields on $M^2,$ which are also
tangent to the two fibrations, one for each boundary hypersurface
\begin{equation}
\phi_L:\pa M\times M\longrightarrow M,\ \phi_R:M\times\pa M\longrightarrow M.
\label{SeClRe.33}\end{equation}
\begin{lemma}\label{SeClRe.32} The fibrations \eqref{SeClRe.33}, restricted
to the interiors, extend by continuity to fibrations $\phi_L$, resp.\ $\phi_R$,
of the two `old'
boundary hypersurfaces of $M^2_0$ and the smooth sections of the lift of
$\oT M\times\oT M$ to $M^2_0$ are naturally identified with the subspace of the
smooth sections of $\Tb M^2_0$ which are tangent to these fibrations and
also to the fibres of the front face of the blow up,
$\beta_0:\ff(M^2_0)\longrightarrow \pa M\times\pa M.$
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} It is only necessary to examine the geometry and vector
fields near the front face produced by the the blow up of the diagonal
near the boundary. Using the symmetry between the two factors, it
suffices to consider two types of coordinate systems. The first is valid
in the interior of the front fact and up to a general point in the interior
of the intersection with one of the old boundary faces. The second is
valid near a general point of the corner of the front face, which has
fibers which are quarter spheres.
For the first case let $x,$ $y$ and $x',$ $y'$ be the same local
coordinates in two factors. The coordinates
\begin{equation}
s=x/x',\ x',\ y\Mand Y=(y'-y)/x'
\label{SeClRe.35}\end{equation}
are valid locally in $M^2_0$ above the point $x=x'=0,$ $y=y',$ up to the
lift of the old boundary $x=0,$ which becomes locally $s=0.$ The fibration
of this hypersurface is given by the constancy of $y$
and the front face is $x'=0$ with fibration also given by the constancy of
$y.$ The vector fields
$$
x\pa_x,\ x\pa_y,\ x'\pa_{x'}\Mand x'\pa_{y'}
$$
lift to
$$
s\pa_s,\ sx'\pa_y-s\pa_Y,\ x'\pa_{x'}-s\pa_s-Y\cdot\pa_Y\Mand\pa_Y.
$$
The
basis $s\pa_s,$ $sx'\pa_y,$ $x'\pa_{x'}$ and $\pa_Y$ shows that these
vector fields are locally precisely the tangent vector fields also tangent
to both fibrations.
After relabeling the tangential variables as necessary, and possibly
switching their signs, so that $y'_1-y_1>0$
is a dominant variable, the coordinate system
\begin{equation}
t=y_1'-y_1,\ s_1=\frac{x}{y'_1-y_1},\
s_2=\frac{x'}{y'_1-y_1},\ Z_j=\frac{y'_j-y_j}{y'_1-y_1},\ j>1,\ y
\label{22.9.2010.1}\end{equation}
can be used at a point in the corner of the front face. The three boundary
hypersurfaces are locally $s_1=0,$ $s_2=0$ and $t=0$ and their respective
fibrations are given in these coordinates by
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
s_1=0,\ y=\text{const.,}\\
s_2=0,\ y'_1=y_1+t=\text{const.},\ y'_j=y_j+tZ_j=\text{const.},\ j>1,\\
t=0,\ y=\text{const.}
\end{gathered}
\label{22.9.2010.2}\end{equation}
Thus, the intersections of fibres of the lifted left or right faces with
the front face are precisely boundary hypersurfaces of fibres there. On the
other hand within the intersection of the lifted left and right faces the
respective fibres are transversal except at the boundary representing the
front face. The lifts of the basis of the zero vector fields is easily
computed:
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
x\pa_x\longmapsto s_1\pa_{s_1},\\
x\pa_{y_1}\longrightarrow
-s_1t\pa_t+s_1^2\pa_{s_1}+s_1s_2\pa_{s_2}+s_1Z\cdot\pa_Z+s_1t\pa_{y_1},\\
x\pa_{y_j}\longmapsto s_1t\pa_{y_j}-s_1\pa_{Z_j},\\
x'\pa_{x'}\longmapsto s_2\pa_{s_2},\\
x'\pa_{y'_1}\longrightarrow s_2t\pa_t-s_2s_1\pa_{s_1}-s_2^2\pa_{s_2}-s_2Z\cdot\pa_{Z},\\
x'\pa_{y'_j}\longmapsto s_2\pa_{Z_j}.
\end{gathered}
\label{22.9.2010.6}\end{equation}
The span, over $\CI(M^2_0),$ of these vector fields is also spanned by
$$
s_1\pa_{s_1},\ s_2\pa_{s_2},\ s_2\pa_{Z_j},\ j>1,\ s_1(t\pa_{y_j}-\pa_{Z_j}),\ j>1,
\ s_1(t\pa_t-t\pa_{y_1}-Z\cdot\pa_Z)\Mand s_2t\pa_t.
$$
These can be seen to locally
span the vector fields tangent to all three boundaries and corresponding
fibrations, proving the Lemma.
\end{proof}
With $\phi=\{\phi_L,\phi_R,\beta_0\}$
the collection of boundary fibrations, we denote by $\Tph M^2_0$ the
bundle whose smooth sections are exactly the smooth vector fields
tangent to all boundary fibrations. Thus, the content of the preceding lemma
is that
$$
\beta^*(\oT M\times \oT M)=\Tph M^2_0.
$$
These fibrations allow the reconstruction of $\Tb^*M^2_0$ as a blow up of
the lift of $\To M\times\To M$ to $M^2_0.$ It is also useful, for more
precise results later on, to consider the `partially b-' cotangent bundle
of $M^2_0$, $\Tbff^*M^2_0$; this is the dual space of the partially
b-tangent bundle, $\Tbff M^2_0,$ whose smooth sections are smooth vector
fields on $M^2_0$ which are tangent to the old boundaries, but not
necessarily to the front face, $\ff$. Thus, in coordinates
\eqref{SeClRe.35}, $s\pa_s$, $\pa_{x'}$, $\pa_y$ and $\pa_Y$ form a basis
of $\Tbff M^2_0$, while in coordinates \eqref{22.9.2010.1}, $s_1\pa_{s_1}$,
$s_2\pa_{s_2}$, $\pa_t$, $\pa_{Z_j}$ and $\pa_y$ do so. Let
$$
\iota^2_{0\bl}:\Tph M^2_0\to\Tb M^2_0,\ \iota^2_{0\bl,\ff}:\Tph M^2_0\to\Tbff M^2_0
$$
be the inclusion maps.
\begin{lemma}\label{SeClRe.34} The annihilators, in the lift of $\To M\times\To
M$ to $M^2_0,$ of the null space of either $\iota^2_{0\bl}$ or
$\iota^2_{0\bl,\ff}$ over the old boundaries, as in
Lemma~\ref{SeClRe.32}, form transversal embedded p-submanifolds. After
these are blown up, the closure of the annihilator of the nullspace of
$\iota^2_{0\bl}$, resp.\ $\iota^2_{0\bl,\ff}$, over
the interior of the front face of $M^2_0$ is a p-submanifold, the
subsequent blow up of which produces a manifold with corners with three
`old' boundary hypersurfaces; the complement of these three hypersurfaces
is canonically diffeomorphic to $\Tb^*M^2_0,$ resp.\ $\Tbff^* M^2_0$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} By virtue of Lemma~\ref{SeClRe.26} and the product structure away
from the front face $\ff$ of $M^2_0$,
the statements here are trivially valid except possibly
near $\ff$. We may again use the coordinate systems
discussed in the proof of Lemma~\ref{SeClRe.32}. Consider the linear
variables in the fibres in which a general point is $l x\pa_x+v\cdot
x\pa_y+l'x'\pa_{x'}+v'\cdot x'\pa_{y'}.$
First consider the inclusion into $\Tb M^2_0$. In the interiors of $s_1=0$ and
$s_2=0$ and the front face respectively, the null bundles of the
inclusion into the tangent vector fields are
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
l=l'=0,\ v'=0,\\
l=l'=0,\ v=0,\\
\begin{aligned}
l s\pa_s+v(sx'\pa_y-s\pa_Y)+l'(x'\pa_{x'}-s\pa_s-Y\pa_Y)+v'\pa_Y=0\Mat x'=0,\ s>0\\
\Longleftrightarrow
l=l'=0,\ v'=sv.
\end{aligned}
\end{gathered}
\label{22.9.2010.8}\end{equation}
The corresponding annihilator bundles, over the interiors of the boundary
hypersurfaces of $M^2_0,$ in the dual bundle, with basis
\begin{equation}
\la \frac{dx}x+\mu \frac{dy}x+\la '\frac{dx'}{x'}+\mu'\frac{dy'}{x'}
\label{22.9.2010.9}\end{equation}
are therefore, as submanifolds,
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
s_1=0,\ \mu =0,\\
s_2=0,\ \mu '=0\text{ and}\\
x'=0,\ \mu+s\mu'=0\Mor t=0,\ s_2\mu +s_1\mu'=0.
\end{gathered}
\label{22.9.2010.10}\end{equation}
Here the annihilator bundle over the front face is given with respect to both
the coordinate system \eqref{SeClRe.35} and \eqref{22.9.2010.1}.
Thus, the two subbundles over the old boundary hypersurfaces meet
transversally over the intersection, up to the corner, as claimed and so
can be blown up in either order. In the complement of the lifts of the old
boundaries under these two blow ups, the variables $\mu/s_1$ and
$\mu'/s_2$ become legitimate; in terms of these the subbundle over the
front face becomes smooth up to, and with a product decomposition at, all
its boundaries. Thus, it too can be blown up. That the result is a
(painful) reconstruction of the b-cotangent bundle of the blown up manifold
$M^2_0$ follows directly from the construction.
It remains to consider the inclusion into $\Tbff M^2_0$. The only changes are
at the front face, namely the third line of \eqref{22.9.2010.8} becomes
\begin{equation}\begin{gathered}
l s\pa_s+v(sx'\pa_y-s\pa_Y)+l'(x'\pa_{x'}-s\pa_s-Y\pa_Y)+v'\pa_Y=0\Mat x'=0,\ s>0\\
\Longleftrightarrow
l=l',\ v'=sv+l'Y.
\end{gathered}\end{equation}
Correspondingly the third line of \eqref{22.9.2010.10} becomes
\begin{equation}\begin{gathered}\label{22.9.2010.10b}
x'=0,\ \lambda+\lambda'+\mu' Y=0,\ \mu+s\mu'=0\\
\Mor t=0,\ s_2\mu +s_1\mu'=0,
\ s_2(\lambda+\lambda')+\mu'_1+\sum_{j\geq 2}\mu'_j Z_j=0.
\end{gathered}\end{equation}
The rest of the argument is unchanged, except that the conclusion is that
$\Tbff^* M^2_0$ is being reconstructed.
\end{proof}
Note that for any manifold with corners, $X,$ the b-cotangent
bundle of any boundary hypersurface $H$ (or indeed any boundary face) includes
naturally as a subbundle $\Tb^*H\hookrightarrow \Tb^*_HX.$
\begin{lemma}
The Hamilton vector field of $g_\delta$ lifts from either the left or the right factor
of $M$ in $M^2$ to a smooth vector field, tangent to the boundary hypersurfaces,
on $\Tb^* M^2_0$, as well as on $\Tbff^* M^2_0$,
still denoted by $\sH^L_{g_\delta}$, resp.\ $\sH^R_{g_\delta}$. Moreover,
$\sH^L_{g_\delta}=\rho_L V^L$, $\sH^R_{g_\delta}=\rho_R V^R$, where
$V_L$, resp.\ $V_R$ are smooth vector fields tangent to all hypersurfaces
except the respective
cotangent bundles over the left, resp.\ right, boundaries, to which
they are transversal, and where $\rho_L$ and $\rho_R$ are defining functions of the
respective cotangent bundles over these boundaries.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
Inserting the explicit form of the Euclidean metric, the Hamilton vector
field in \eqref{SeClRe.17} becomes
\begin{equation}
\boH_{p_0}=\la( x\p_x+\mu\p_\mu)-|\mu|^2\p_\la + x\mu\cdot\pa_y.
\label{SeClRe.37}\end{equation}
Consider the lift of this vector field to the product, $\To M\times\To M,$
from left and right, and then under the blow up of the diagonal in the
boundary. In the coordinate systems \eqref{SeClRe.35} and \eqref{22.9.2010.1}
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L=\lambda (s\pa_s+\mu\pa_\mu)-|\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+
s\mu(x'\pa_y-\pa_Y)\\
\boH_{p_0}^R=\lambda'(x'\pa_{x'}-s\pa_s-Y\pa_Y+\mu'\pa_{\mu'})-|\mu'|^2\pa_{\la'}+\mu'\pa_Y
\\
\begin{aligned}
\boH_{p_0}^L=\la(s_1\pa_{s_1}+\mu\pa_{\mu})&
-|\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+s_1\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\mu_j(t\pa_{y_j}-\pa_{Z_j})\\
+&s_1\mu_1(t\pa_{y_1}-t\pa_t+s_1\pa_{s_1}+s_2\pa_{s_2}
+\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j})
\end{aligned}\\
\begin{aligned}
\boH_{p_0}^R=\la'(s_2\pa_{s_2}+\mu'\pa_{\mu'})&
-|\mu'|^2\pa_{\la'}+s_2\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\mu'_j\pa_{Z_j}\\
+&s_2\mu'_1(t\pa_t-s_1\pa_{s_1}-s_2\pa_{s_2}-\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}).
\end{aligned}
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.38}\end{equation}
Note that the bundle itself is just pulled back here, so only
the base variables are changed.
Next we carry out the blow ups of Lemma~\ref{SeClRe.34}. The centers of
blow up are given explicitly, in local coordinates, in \eqref{22.9.2010.10}, with the
third line replaced by \eqref{22.9.2010.10b} in the case of $\iota^2_{0\bl,\ff}$.
We are only interested in the behaviour of the lifts of the vector
fields in \eqref{SeClRe.38} near the front faces introduced in the blow
ups.
Consider $\iota^2_{0\bl}$ first.
For the first two cases there are two blow-ups, first of $\mu=0$ in
$s=0$ and then of $\mu+s\mu'=0$ in $x'=0.$ Thus, near the front face of the
first blow up, the $\mu$ variables are replaced by $\tilde\mu=\mu/s$ and
then the center of the second blow up is $\tilde\mu+\mu'=0,$ $x'=0.$ Thus,
near the front face of the second blow up we can use as coordinates $s,$
$x',$ $\mu'$ and $\nu=(\tilde\mu+\mu')/x',$ i.e.\ substitute
$\tilde\mu=-\mu'+x'\nu.$ In the coordinate patch \eqref{SeClRe.38} the
lifts under the first blow up are
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L\longmapsto
\lambda s\pa_s-s^2|\tilde\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+
s^2\tilde\mu(x'\pa_y-\pa_Y)
\\
\boH_{p_0}^R\longmapsto
\lambda'(x'\pa_{x'}-s\pa_s-Y\pa_Y+\tilde\mu\pa_{\tilde\mu}+
\mu'\pa_{\mu'})-|\mu'|^2\pa_{\la'}+
\mu'\pa_Y.
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.39}\end{equation}
Thus under the second blow up, the left Hamilton vector field lifts to
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L\longmapsto sT,\
T=\lambda \pa_s-s|\tilde\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+
s\tilde\mu(x'\pa_y-\pa_Y)
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.41}\end{equation}
where $T$ is transversal to the boundary $s=0$ where $\lambda\not=0.$
A similar computation near the corner shows the lifts of the two Hamilton
vector fields under blow up the fibrations of $s_1=0$ and $s_2=0$ in terms
of the new coordinates $\tilde\mu=\mu/s_1$ and $\tilde\mu'=\mu'/s_2$ to be
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\begin{aligned}
\boH_{p_0}^L=&\la s_1\pa_{s_1}-s_1^2|\tilde\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+s_1^2\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu_j(t\pa_{y_j}-\pa_{Z_j})\\
+&s_1^2\tilde\mu_1
(t\pa_{y_1}-t\pa_t+s_1\pa_{s_1}-\tilde\mu\pa_{\tilde\mu}+s_2\pa_{s_2}
-\tilde\mu'\pa_{\tilde\mu'}+\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}),
\end{aligned}\\
\begin{aligned}
\boH_{p_0}^R=&\la's_2\pa_{s_2}-s_2^2|\tilde\mu'|^2\pa_{\la'}+s_2^2\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu'_j\pa_{Z_j}\\
+&s_2^2\tilde\mu'_1
(t\pa_t-s_1\pa_{s_1}+{\tilde\mu}\pa_{\tilde\mu}-s_2\pa_{s_2}+
\tilde\mu'\pa_{\tilde\mu'}
-\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}).
\end{aligned}
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.42}\end{equation}
The final blow up is that of $t=0$, $\tilde\mu+\tilde\mu'=0$, near the front
face of this blow-up replacing $(t,\tilde\mu,\tilde\mu')$ by $(t,\tilde\mu,\tilde\nu)$,
$\tilde\nu=(\tilde\mu+\tilde\mu')/t$, as valid coordinates (leaving the others
unaffected). Then the vector fields above become
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L=s_1\tilde T^L,\ \boH_{p_0}^R=s_2\tilde T^R,\\
\begin{aligned}
\tilde T^L=&\la \pa_{s_1}-s_1|\tilde\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+s_1\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu_j(t\pa_{y_j}-\pa_{Z_j})\\
+&s_1\tilde\mu_1
(t\pa_{y_1}-t\pa_t+s_1\pa_{s_1}-\tilde\mu\pa_{\tilde\mu}+s_2\pa_{s_2}
+\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}),
\end{aligned}\\
\begin{aligned}
\tilde T^R=&\la'\pa_{s_2}-s_2|\tilde\mu'|^2\pa_{\la'}+s_2\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu'_j\pa_{Z_j}\\
+&s_2\tilde\mu'_1
(t\pa_t-s_1\pa_{s_1}+{\tilde\mu}\pa_{\tilde\mu}-s_2\pa_{s_2}
-\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}).
\end{aligned}
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.42b}\end{equation}
Thus both left and right Hamilton vector fields are transversal to the
respective boundaries after a vanishing factor is removed, provided
$\lambda,$ $\lambda '\not=0.$
The final step is to show that the same arguments apply to the perturbed
metric. First consider the lift, from left and right, of
the perturbation to the Hamilton vector field arising from the
perturbation of the metric. By assumption, the perturbation $H$ is a
2-cotensor which is smooth up to the boundary. Thus, as a perturbation of
the dual metric function on $\To M$ it vanishes quadratically at the
boundary. In local coordinates near a boundary point it follows that the
perturbation of the differential of the metric function is of the form
\begin{equation}
dp-dp_0=x^2(a\frac{dx}x+b dy+cd\lambda +ed\mu)
\label{SeClRe.46}\end{equation}
From \eqref{SeClRe.44} it follows that the perturbation of the
Hamilton vector field is of the form
\begin{equation}
\sH_{p}-\sH_{p_0}=x^2(a'x\pa_x+b'x\pa_y+c'\pa_\lambda +e'\pa_\mu)
\label{SeClRe.45}\end{equation}
on $\To M.$ Lifted from the right or left factors to the product and then
under the blow-up of the diagonal to $M^2_0$ it follows that in the
coordinate systems \eqref{SeClRe.35} and \eqref{22.9.2010.1}, the
perturbations are of the form
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\sH_{p}^L-\sH_{p_0}^L=s^2(x')^2V^L,\ \sH_{p}^R-\sH_{p_0}^R=(x')^2V^R,\ V^L,\ V^R\in\Vb,\\
\sH_{p}^L-\sH_{p_0}^L=s_1^2t^2W^L ,\ \sH_{p}^R-\sH_{p_0}^R=s_2^2t^2W^R,\ W^R,\ W^R\in\Vb
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.47}\end{equation}
where $\Vb$ denotes the space of smooth vector fields tangent to all
boundaries. Since the are lifted from the right and left factors, $V^L$ and
$V^R$ are necessarily tangent to the annihilator submanifolds of the right
and left boundaries. It follows that the vector fields $sx'V^L$ and $x'V^R$
are tangent to both fibrations above a coordinate patch as in
\eqref{SeClRe.35} and $s_1tV^L$ and $s_2tV^R$ are tangent to all three
annihilator submanifolds above a coordinate patch
\eqref{22.9.2010.1}. Thus, after the blow ups which reconstruct
$\Tb^*M^2_0,$ the perturbations lift to be of the form
\begin{equation}
\sH_{p}^L-\sH_{p_0}^L=\rho _L\rho _{\ff}U^L,\ \sH_{p}^R-\sH_{p_0}^R=\rho _R\rho _{\ff}U^R
\label{SeClRe.48}\end{equation}
where $U^L$ and $U^R$ are smooth vector fields on $\Tb^*M^2_0.$
From \eqref{SeClRe.48} it follows that the transversality properties in
\eqref{SeClRe.41} and \eqref{SeClRe.42b} persist.
Now consider $\iota^2_{0\bl,\ff}$. First, \eqref{SeClRe.39} is unchanged, since
the annihilators on the `old' boundary faces are the same in this case.
In particular, we still have $\tilde\mu=\mu/s$ as one of our coordinates
after the first blow up; the center of the second blow up is then $x'=0$,
$\lambda+\lambda'+\mu'\cdot Y=0$, $\tilde\mu+\mu'=0$.
Thus,
near the front face of the second blow up we can use as coordinates $s,$
$x',$ $\mu'$ and $\sigma=(\lambda+\lambda'+\mu'\cdot Y)/x'$,
$\nu=(\tilde\mu+\mu')/x',$ i.e.\ substitute
$\tilde\mu=-\mu'+x'\nu$, i.e.\ $\mu=-\mu's+x's\nu$,
and $\lambda=-\lambda'-\mu'\cdot Y+x'\sigma$.
Thus under the second blow up, the left Hamilton vector field lifts to
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L\longmapsto sT',\
T'=\lambda \pa_s+\mu\cdot(-\nu\pa_\sigma+x'\pa_y-\pa_Y),
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.41b}\end{equation}
so $T'$ is transversal to the boundary $s=0$ where $\lambda\not=0.$
In the other coordinate chart, again, \eqref{SeClRe.42} is unchanged since the
annihilators on the `old' boundary faces are the same.
The final blow up is that of
$$
t=0,\ \tilde\mu+\tilde\mu'=0,
\ \lambda+\lambda'+\tilde\mu'_1+\sum_{j\geq 2}\tilde\mu'_j Z_j=0,
$$
near the front
face of this blow-up replacing $(t,\tilde\mu,\tilde\mu',\lambda,\lambda')$
by $(t,\tilde\mu,\tilde\nu,\lambda,\tilde\sigma)$,
$$
\tilde\nu=(\tilde\mu+\tilde\mu')/t,\ \tilde\sigma=(\lambda+\lambda'+\tilde\mu'_1+\sum_{j\geq 2}\tilde\mu'_j Z_j)/t,
$$
as valid coordinates (leaving the others
unaffected). Then the vector fields above become
\begin{equation}
\begin{gathered}
\boH_{p_0}^L=s_1\hat T^L,\ \boH_{p_0}^R=s_2\hat T^R,\\
\begin{aligned}
\hat T^L=&\la \pa_{s_1}-s_1|\tilde\mu|^2\pa_{\la}+s_1\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu_j(t\pa_{y_j}-\pa_{Z_j}-\tilde\nu_j\pa_{\tilde\sigma})\\
+&s_1\tilde\mu_1
(t\pa_{y_1}-t\pa_t+s_1\pa_{s_1}+\tilde\sigma\pa_{\tilde\sigma}-\tilde\nu\pa_{\tilde\nu}
+s_2\pa_{s_2}-\tilde\nu_1\pa_{\tilde\sigma}
+\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}),
\end{aligned}\\
\begin{aligned}
\hat T^R=&\la'\pa_{s_2}+s_2\sum\limits_{j\ge2}\tilde\mu'_j\pa_{Z_j}\\
+&s_2\tilde\mu'_1
(t\pa_t-s_1\pa_{s_1}+{\tilde\mu}\pa_{\tilde\mu}-s_2\pa_{s_2}-\tilde\sigma\pa_{\tilde\sigma}
-\sum\limits_{j\ge2}Z_j\pa_{Z_j}).
\end{aligned}
\end{gathered}
\label{SeClRe.42c}\end{equation}
Again, both left and right Hamilton vector fields are transversal to the
respective boundaries after a vanishing factor is removed, provided
$\lambda,$ $\lambda '\not=0.$ The rest of the argument proceeds as above.
\end{proof}
\begin{prop}\label{SeClRe.23}\label{distance} The differential of the
distance function for the perturbed metric $g_\delta,$ for sufficiently
small $\delta,$ on $M=\Bnc$ defines a global smooth Lagrangian
submanifold $\Lambda_\delta,$ of $\Tb^*(M\times_0M),$ which is a smooth
section outside the lifted diagonal and which lies in $\Tb^*\ff$ over the
front face, $\ff(M^2_0)$ and in consequence there is a unique geodesic
between any two points of $\Bo,$ no conjugate points and \eqref{blowd}
remains valid for $\dist_{\delta}(z,z').$
\end{prop}
\begin{proof} For the unperturbed metric this already follows from
Lemma~\ref{dist0}. We first reprove this result by integrating the
Hamilton vector fields and then examine the effect of the metric
perturbation. Thus we first consider the lift of the Hamilton vector
field of the hyperbolic distance function from $\To M,$ from either the
left of the right, to $\Tbff^*M^2_0,$ using the preceding lemma.
Although the global regularity of the Lagrangian which is the graph of the
differential of the distance is already known from the explicit formula in
this case, note that it also follows from the form of these two vector
fields. The initial manifold, the unit conormal bundle to the diagonal,
becomes near the corner of $M^2$ the variety of those
\begin{equation}
\xi(dx-dx')+\eta(dy-dy')\text{ such that
}\xi^2+|\eta|^2=\frac1{2x^2},\ x=x'>0,\ y=y'.
\label{SeClRe.49}\end{equation}
In the blown up manifold $M^2_0$ the closure is smooth in $\Tb^*M^2_0$ and
is the bundle over the lifted diagonal given in terms of local coordinates
\eqref{SeClRe.35} by
\begin{equation}
\la\frac{ds}s+\mu dY,\ \la^2+|\mu|^2=\frac12,\ s=1,\ Y=0;
\label{SeClRe.50}\end{equation}
the analogous statement also holds in $\Tbff^*M^2_0$ where one has the `same'
expression.
Using the Hamilton flow in $\Tbff^*M^2_0$, we deduce that
the flow out is
a global smooth submanifold, where smoothness includes up to all
boundaries, of $\Tbff^*M^2_0$, and is also globally a graph away from the lifted
diagonal, as follows from the explicit form of the vector fields. Note that
over the interior of the front face, $\Tbff^*M^2_0$ is just the standard
cotangent bundle, so smoothness of the distance up to the front face
follows.
Over the
left and right boundaries the Lagrangian lies in $\lambda =1$ and $\lambda
'=1$ so the form \eqref{blowd} of the distance follows.
The analogous conclusion can also be obtained by using the flow in
$\Tb^*M^2_0$. In this setting, we need that
over the front face \eqref{SeClRe.50} is contained in the image of $\Tb^*\ff$ to which
both lifted vector fields are tangent. Thus it follows that the flow out is
a global smooth submanifold, where smoothness includes up to all
boundaries, of $\Tb^*M^2_0$ which is contained in the image of $\Tb^*\ff$
over $\ff(M^2_0).$ Again, it is globally a graph away from the lifted
diagonal, as follows from the explicit form of the vector fields. Over the
left and right boundaries the Lagrangian lies in $\lambda =1$ and $\lambda
'=1$ so the form \eqref{blowd} of the distance follows.
For small $\delta$ these
perturbation of the Hamilton vector fields are also small in supremum norm
and have the same tangency properties at the boundaries used above to
rederive \eqref{blowd}, from which the Proposition follows.
\end{proof}
\section{The semiclassical double space}\label{semiclassical-double-space}
In this section we construct the semiclassical double space, $M_{0,\semi}$, which
will be the locus of our parametrix construction. To motivate the construction, we
recall that
Mazzeo and the first author \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic} have analyzed the resolvent $R(h,\sigma),$ defined in equation \eqref{scresolvent}, for $\sigma/h\in\Cx$, though the construction is
not uniform as $|\sigma/h|\to\infty$. They achieved this
by constructing the Schwartz kernel of the parametrix $G(h,\sigma)$ to
$R(h,\sigma)$ as a conormal distribution defined on the manifold
$$
M_0=\BB^{n+1} \times_0 \BB^{n+1}
$$
defined in
\eqref{zero-blow-up}, see also figure \ref{fig1}, with meromorphic dependence on
$\sigma/h$.
The manifold $ \BB^{n+1}\times \BB^{n+1}$ is a $2n+2$ dimensional manifold with corners. It contains two boundary components of codimension one, denoted as in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic} by
\begin{equation*}
\p_1^l( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1})= \p \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1} \text{ and }
\p_1^r( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1})= \BB^{n+1} \times \p \BB^{n+1},
\end{equation*}
which have a common boundary
$\p_2( \BB^{n+1}\times \BB^{n+1})=\p \BB^{n+1} \times \p \BB^{n+1}.$ The lift of
$\p_1^r( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1})$ to $M_0$, which is the closure of
$$
\beta^{-1}(\p_1^r( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1})\setminus \p_2( \BB^{n+1}\times \BB^{n+1})),
$$
with
$\beta:M_0\to\BB^{n+1}\times\BB^{n+1}$ the blow-down map, will be called the right face and denoted by $\mcr.$ Similarly,
the lift of $\p_1^l( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1})$ will be called the left face and denoted by $\mcl.$ The lift of $\Diag \cap \p_2( \BB^{n+1}\times \BB^{n+1})$, which is its
inverse image under $\beta$, will be called the front face $\mcf,$ see figure \ref{fig1}.
We briefly recall the definitions of their classes of pseudodifferential operators, and refer the reader to
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic} for full details. First they define the class $\Psi_0^m(\BB^{n+1})$ which consists of those pseudodifferential operators of order
$m$ whose Schwartz kernels lift under the blow-down map $\beta$ defined in \eqref{zero-blow-up} to a distribution which is conormal (of order $m$) to the lifted diagonal and vanish to infinite order at all faces, with the exception of the front face, up to
which it is $\CI$ (with values in conormal distributions).
Here, and elsewhere in the paper, we trivialized the right density bundle using
a zero-density; we conveniently fix this as
$|dg_\delta(z')|$. Thus, the Schwartz kernel of $A\in\Psi_0^m(\Bn)$ is
$K_A(z,z') |dg_\delta(z')|$, with $K_A$ as described above, so in particular is $\CI$
up to the front face.
It then becomes necessary to introduce another class of operators whose kernels are singular at the right and left faces. This class will be denoted by $\Psi_0^{m,a,b}(\BB^{n+1}),$ $a,b \in \CC.$ An operator $P\in \Psi_0^{m,a,b}(\BB^{n+1})$ if it can be written as a sum $P=P_1+P_2,$ where $P_1\in \Psi_0^m(X)$ and the Schwartz kernel $K_{P_2}|dg_\delta(z')|$
of the operator $P_2$ is such that $K_{P_2}$
lifts under $\beta$ to a conormal distribution which is smooth up to the front face, and which satisfies the following conormal regularity with respect to the other faces
\begin{equation}
\mcv_b^{k} \beta^* K_{P_2} \in \rho_L^a \rho_R^b L^\infty(\BB^{n+1} \times_0 \BB^{n+1}), \;\ \forall \;\ k \in \mn, \label{boundary-regularity}
\end{equation}
where $\mcv_b$ denotes the space of vector fields on $M_0$ which are tangent to the right and left faces.
Next we define the semiclassical blow-up of
$$
\Bn\times\Bn\times[0,1)_h,
$$
and the corresponding classes of pseudodifferential operators associated with it that will be used in the construction of the parametrix. The semiclassical
double space
is constructed in two steps. First, as in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, we blow-up the intersection of the diagonal $\Diag \times [0,1)$ with $\p \BB^{n+1} \times \p \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1).$ Then we blow-up the intersection of the lifted diagonal times $[0,1)$ with $\{h=0\}.$ We define the manifold with corners
\begin{equation}
M_{0,\semi}=[\BB^{n+1}\times \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1]_{h }; \pa \Diag\times[0,1);\Diag_0\times\{0\}]. \label{scblowup1}
\end{equation}
See Figures~\ref{figscblow-up1} and \ref{figscblow-up2}. We will denote the blow-down map
\begin{equation}
\beta_{\semi}: M_{0,\semi} \longrightarrow \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1). \label{betasc}
\end{equation}
\begin{figure}[int1
\epsfxsize= 3.5in
\centerline{\epsffile{scblowup1.eps}}
\caption{The stretched product $\BB^{n+1}\times_0 \BB^{n+1}\times [0,1).$}
\label{figscblow-up1}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[int1
\epsfxsize= 3.5in
\centerline{\epsffile{scblowup2.eps}}
\caption{The semiclassical blown-up space $M_{0,h}$ obtained by blowing-up $\BB^{n+1}\times_0 \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1)$ along $\Diag_0\cap \times \{h=0\}.$ }
\label{figscblow-up2}
\end{figure}
As above, we can define the right and left semiclassical faces as the lift of
\begin{gather*}
\p_1^l\left( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1)\right)= \p \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1)\text{ and } \\
\p_1^r\left( \BB^{n+1} \times \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1))\right)= \BB^{n+1} \times \p \BB^{n+1} \times [0,1),
\end{gather*}
by the blow-down map $\beta_{\semi}.$ We will denote the lift of the diagonal under the map $\beta_{\semi}$ by $\Diag_{\semi},$ i.e.
\begin{gather*}
\Diag_{\semi}= \text { the closure of } \beta_{\semi}^{-1}\left( \Diag \times (0,1)\setminus (\Diag \cap (\p \Bn \times \p \Bn))\right).
\end{gather*}
The lift of $\pa \Diag \times [0,1)$ will be called the zero front face $\mcf,$ while the boundary obtained by the blow-up of $\Diag_0 \times [0,1]$ along $\Diag_0\times \{0\}$ will be called the semiclassical front face $\mathcal {S}.$ The face which is obtained by the lift of $\Bn \times \Bn \times \{0\}$ is the semiclassical face, and will be denoted by $\mathcal {A}.$
We wish to find a parametrix such that $P(h,\sigma)$ acting on the left
produces the identity plus an error which vanishes to high enough order on the right and left
faces, $\mcr$ and $\mcl,$ and to infinite order at the zero-front face $\mcf,$ the semiclassical front face $\mathcal {S}$ and the semiclassical face $\mathcal {A}.$ Thus
the error term is bounded as an operator acting between weighted $L^2(\Bn)$ spaces and its norm goes to zero as $h\downarrow 0.$
As in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic} we define the class of semiclassical pseudodifferential operators in two steps. First we define the space
$P\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^m(\Bn)$ which consists of operators whose kernel
$$
K_P(z,z',h)\,|dg_\delta(z')|
$$
lifts to a conormal distribution of order $m$ to the lifted diagonal and
vanishes to infinite order at all faces, except the zero front face, up to which it is
$\CI$ (with values in conormal distributions)
and the semiclassical front face, up to which it is $h^{-n-1}\CI$ (with values in
conormal distributions). We then define the space
\begin{gather}
\mck^{ a,b,c}(M_{0,\semi})=\{ K \in L^{\infty}(M_{0,\semi}): \mcv_b^m K \in \rho_L^a \rho_A^b \rho_R^c \rho_S^{-n-1}L^\infty(M_{0,\semi}), \;\ m\in \NN \}, \label{sc-con}
\end{gather}
where $\mcv_b$ denotes the Lie algebra of vector fields which are tangent to $\mcl,$ $\mathcal {A}$ and $\mcr.$ Again, as in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, we define the space $\Psi_{0,\semi}^{m,a,b,c}(\Bn)$ as the operators $P$ which can be expressed in the form $P=P_1+P_2,$ with $P_1\in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{m}(\Bn)$ and the kernel
$K_{P_2}\,|dg_\delta(z')|$ of $P_2$ is such
$\beta_{\semi}^* K_{P_2} \in \mck^{ a,b,c}(M_{0,\semi}).$
\section{A semiclassical parametrix for the resolvent in dimension three}\label{3D-parametrix}
In this section we construct a parametrix for the resolvent $R(h,\sigma)$ defined in \eqref{scresolvent} in dimension three. We do this case separately because it
is much simpler than in the general case, and one does not have to perform the semiclassical blow-up. Besides,
we will also need part of this construction in the general case. More precisely, if $n+1=3,$ and the metric $g$ satisfies the hypotheses of Proposition \ref{distance}, we will use Hadamard's method to construct the leading asymptotic term of the parametrix
$G(\sigma,h)$ at the diagonal, and the top two terms of the semiclassical
asymptotics. Our construction takes place on
$(\BB^3\times_0\BB^3)\times [0,1)_h$, instead of its semiclassical
blow up, i.e.\ the blow up of the zero-diagonal at $h=0$, as described above. This is made possible by a coincidence, namely
that in three dimensions, apart from an explicit exponential factor, the
leading term in the asymptotics lives on $\BB^3\times_0 \BB^3 \times [0,1)$. However, to obtain further
terms in the asymptotics would require the semiclassical blow up, as
it will be working in higher dimensions. For example, this method only give bounds for the resolvent of width 1, while the more general construction gives the bounds on any strip.
We recall that in three dimensions the resolvent of the Laplacian in hyperbolic space, $\Delta_{g_0},$
$R_0(\sigma)=(\Delta_{g_0}-\sigma^2-1)^{-1}$
has a holomorphic continuation to $\mc$ as an operator from functions vanishing to infinite order at
$\p \Bc$ to distributions in $\Bc.$
The Schwartz kernel of $R_0(\sigma)$ is given by
\begin{gather}
R_0(\sigma,z,z')= \frac{e^{-i\sigma r_0}}{4\pi \sinh r_0}, \label{resol0}
\end{gather}
where $r_0=r_0(z,z')$ is the geodesic distance between $z$ and $z'$ with respect to the metric
$g_{0},$ see for example \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}.
Since there are no conjugate points for the geodesic flow of $g,$ for each
$z'\in \Bo,$ the exponential map for the metric $g,$
$\exp_{g}: T_{z'} \Bo \longrightarrow \Bo,$ is a global diffeomorphism. Let
$(r,\theta)$ be geodesic normal coordinates for $g$ which are valid in $\Bo\setminus \{z'\};$
$r(z,z')=:d(z,z')$ is the distance function for the metric $g.$ Since $r(z,z')$ is globally defined, $g$ is a small perturbation of $g_0$ and the kernel of $R_0(\sigma)$ is given by \eqref{resol0}, it is reasonable to seek a parametrix of $R(h,\sigma)$ which has kernel of the form
\begin{gather}
G(h,\sigma,z,z')=e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r} h^{-2}U(h,\sigma,z,z'), \label{parametrix}
\end{gather}
with $U$ properly chosen.
We now reinterpret this as a semiclassical Lagrangian distribution to relate it to the results
of Section~\ref{distance-function}. Thus, $-\sigma r=-\sigma d(z,z')$ is the phase function for semiclassical distributions corresponding
to the backward left flow-out of the conormal bundle of the diagonal inside
the characteristic set of $2p_\ep-\sigma^2$. This flowout is the same as
the forward right flow-out of the conormal bundle of the diagonal, and is
also the dilated version, by a factor of $\sigma$, in the fibers of the
cotangent bundle, of the flow-out of
in the characteristic set of $2p_\ep-1$, which we described in detail
in Section~\ref{distance-function}.
In view of the results of Section~\ref{distance-function},
for the characteristic set of $2p_\ep-1$ (the general case of
$2p_\ep-\sigma^2$ simply gives an overall additional factor of
$\sigma$ due to the dilation), the
lift $\beta^*\pa_r$ of $\pa_r$ to $\Bc\times_0\Bc$ satisfies
\begin{equation}\label{eq:pa_r-V_eps}
\beta^*\pa_r=\widetilde{\Pi_\eps}_*V_\eps^L,
\end{equation}
and thus is a $\CI$ vector field on
$(\Bc\times_0\Bc)\setminus\Diag_0$
which is tangent to all boundary faces, and at the left face
$L=B$,
\begin{equation}\label{eq:pa_r-at-left-face}
\pa_r=-\mathsf{R}_L+W_L,
\end{equation}
where
$\mathsf{R}_L$ is the radial vector field corresponding to the left face, and
$W_L\in\rho_L\Vb((\Bc\times_0\Bc)\setminus\Diag_0)$.
It is convenient to
blow up $\Diag_0$ and lift $\beta^*\pa_r$ further to this space.
We thus define
$\Bc \times_1 \Bc$ to be the manifold obtained from $\Bc \times_0 \Bc$ by blowing-up the diagonal $\Diag_0$ as shown in Fig. \ref{fig2}. Let $\beta_d : \Bc\times_1 \Bc\longmapsto \Bc \times_0 \Bc$ denote the blow-down map and let $\beta_d\circ \beta=\beta_{0d}.$
The vector field $\beta_{0d}^* \p_r$ is transversal to the
new face introduced by blowing up the diagonal; it still satisfies the lifted analogue of
\eqref{eq:pa_r-at-left-face}. Moreover, integral curves of $\beta_{0d}^* \p_r$ hit
the left face $L$ away from its intersection with the right face $R$ in finite time.
\begin{figure}[int1
\epsfxsize= 2.0in
\centerline{\epsffile{blow-up1.eps}}
\caption{The manifold $\Bn \times_1 \Bn.$}
\label{fig2}
\end{figure}
In coordinates $(r,\theta)$ the metric $g$ is given by
\begin{gather}
g = dr^2 + H(r, \theta, d\theta),\label{gnorm}
\end{gather}
where $H(r,\theta,d\theta)$ is a $\CI$ 1-parameter family of metrics on $\ms^2.$
The Laplacian with respect to $g$ in these coordinates is given by
\begin{gather*}
\Delta_g= -\p_r^2 -V \p_r + \Delta_H, \;\ V= \frac{1}{|g|^\ha} \p_r (|g|^\ha),
\end{gather*}
where $|g|^\ha$ is the volume element of the metric $g$ and $\Delta_H$ is the Laplacian
with respect to $H$ on $\ms^2.$ The volume element $|g|^\ha$ has the following expansion as $r\downarrow 0,$
\begin{gather}
|g|^{\ha}(r,\theta)= r^{2}(1+ r^2g_1(r,\theta)), \label{volume1}
\end{gather}
see for example page 144 of \cite{Gallot-Hulin-Lafontaine}. So
\begin{gather}
\Delta_g =-\p_r^2 -(\frac{2}{r}+rA) \p_r +\Delta_H \label{volume3}
\end{gather}
We want $U$ in \eqref{parametrix} to be of the form
\begin{gather}
U(h,\sigma,z,z')=U_0(\sigma,z,z')+ h U_1(\sigma,z,z'), \label{parametrix01}
\end{gather}
and so
\begin{equation}\begin{split}
&\left(h^2(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)-\sigma^2\right)
e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} h^{-2} U \\
&=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h}r}\Big( (\Delta_g+x^2 W-1) U_0+ 2i \frac{\sigma}{h} |g|^{-\oq} \p_r(|g|^\oq U_0)\\
&\qquad\qquad+
2i\sigma |g|^{-\oq} \p_r(|g|^\oq U_1) + h (\Delta_g+x^2 W-1)U_1\Big).
\end{split}\label{parametrix1}
\end{equation}
Here the leading term in $h$ as $h\to 0$ both overall, and as far as $U_0$ is concerned, is
\begin{equation}\label{eq:0th-transport}
2i \frac{\sigma}{h} |g|^{-\oq} \p_r(|g|^\oq U_0),
\end{equation}
and the leading term as far as $U_1$ is concerned is
\begin{equation}\label{eq:1st-transport}
2i\sigma |g|^{-\oq} \p_r(|g|^\oq U_1).
\end{equation}
In the interpretation as semiclassical Lagrangian distributions,
these are both the differential operators arising in the transport equations. For Hamiltonians
given by Riemannian metrics, these operators in the interior are well-known to be
Lie derivatives with respect to the Hamilton vector field, when interpreted as acting on half-densities.
This can also be read off directly from \eqref{eq:0th-transport}-\eqref{eq:1st-transport}, with
$|g|^\oq$ being the half-density conversion factor, $\sigma$ is due to working at energy
$\sigma$ (rather than $1$), and the factor of $2$ is due to the symbol of the Laplacian
being $2p_\eps$.
To get rid of the term in $h^{-1}$ we solve the 0th transport equation, i.e.\ we impose
\begin{gather*}
\p_r(|g|^\oq U_0)=0,
\end{gather*}
and we choose $U_0(r,\theta)= \frac{1}{4\pi} |g(r,\theta)|^{-\oq}.$ From \eqref{volume1} we have
\begin{gather}
|g|^{-\oq}(r,\theta)=r^{-1}(1+ r^2 g_2(r,\theta)) \text{ near } r=0. \label{expg}
\end{gather}
Therefore, near $r=0,$
\begin{gather}
\Delta_g \frac{1}{4\pi} |g(r,\theta)|^{-\oq}= \delta(z,z')+ \frac{1}{4\pi}A r^{-1} +\frac{1}{4\pi}\Delta_g (r g_2).
\label{expato}
\end{gather}
This only occurs in three dimensions, and makes this construction easier than in the general case. In higher dimensions the power or $r$ in \eqref{expg} is
$r^{-\frac{n}{2}},$ and does not coincide with the power of $r$ of the fundamental solution of the Laplacian, which, in dimension $n+1,$ is $r^{1-n},$ so one does not get the delta function in \eqref{expato}.
To get rid of the term independent of $h$ in \eqref{parametrix1} in $r>0$ we solve the
first transport equation,
\begin{gather*}
2i \sigma |g|^{-\oq}\p_r(|g|^\oq U_1)+ (\Delta_g+x^2W-1)U_0=0 \text{ in } r>0,\\
U_1=0 \text{ at } r=0.
\end{gather*}
So
\begin{gather}
U_1(r,\theta)= -\frac{1}{8i\sigma \pi}|g(r,\theta)|^{-\oq} \int_0^r |g|^\oq(s,\theta) \left(\Delta_g+x^2W-1\right)|g|^{-\oq}(s,\theta) \; ds.\label{formu1}
\end{gather}
Since $|g|^\oq$ is $\CI$ up to $r=0,$ and vanishes at $r=0,$ it follows from \eqref{expato} that
$|g|^\oq \Delta_g |g|^{-\oq}$ is $\CI$ up to $r=0.$ In particular the integrand in \eqref{formu1} is smooth up to $r=0.$ With these choices of $U_0$ and $U_1$ we obtain
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
\left(h^2(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)-\sigma^2\right) e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} h^{-2}U(h,\sigma,z,z')\\
= \delta(z,z')+
h e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} (\Delta_g+x^2W-1) U_1(\sigma,z,z')
\end{gathered}\label{term1}
\end{gather}
This gives, in principle, a parametrix $G(h,\sigma,z,z')=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} h^{-2}U(h,\sigma,z,z')$
in the interior of
$\Bc\times \Bc$ in the two senses that the diagonal singularity of $R(h,\sigma)$
is solved away to leading order, which in view of the ellipticity of the operator means that the error
$$
E(h,\sigma)=\left( h^2(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)-\sigma^2\right) G(h,\sigma)-\Id
$$
is a semiclassical pseudodifferential operator of order $-1$ (in a large
calculus, i.e.\ with non-infinite order vanishing off the semiclassical
front face, which did not even appear in our calculations), and the
top two terms of the
semiclassical parametrix of $\left(h^2(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)-\sigma^2\right)^{-1}$ are also found.
In fact, our parametrix is better than this. To understand the behavior of $G$ and the remainder
\begin{gather}
E(h,\sigma,z,z')=h e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r}(\Delta_g +x^2W-1)U_1 \label{defE}
\end{gather}
near the boundary of $\Bc\times \Bc,$ we need to analyze the behavior of $U_0$
and $U_1$ at the left and right boundary faces.
We will do the computations for arbitrary dimensions, since we will need some of these estimates in the general case, but in this special situation we have $n=2.$
We start by noting that the asymptotics of $U_0$ and $U_1$ follow from the transport equation
which they satisfy. Indeed, much like we analyzed the flow-out of the conormal bundle of the
diagonal, we show now that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:U_0-U_1-asymp}
U_0\in \rho_D^{-1}\rho_L^{n/2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_1\Bn),\ U_1\in R^2\rho_L^{n/2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_1\Bn);
\end{equation}
here $\rho_D$ is the defining function of the front face of the blow-up creating $\Bn\times_1\Bn$.
Note that we have already shown this claim near this front face; the main content of the
statement is the precise behavior as $\rho_L,\rho_R\to 0$.
We start with $U_0$.
First, the conclusion away from the right face, $\rho_R=0$, follows immediately from
\eqref{eq:pa_r-at-left-face} since integral curves emanating from the lifted diagonal
hit this region at finite time, and solutions of the Lie derivative equation have this form
near the boundary. To have the analogous conclusion away from the left face, we
remark that solutions of the left transport equation automatically solve the right transport
equation; one can then argue by symmetry, or note
directly that as $-\pa_{r'}$ is the radial vector field at the right face, modulo an element
of $\rho_R\Vb(\Bn\times_0\Bn)$, and as integral curves of $\pa_{r'}$
emanating from the lifted diagonal
hit this region at finite time, and solutions of the Lie derivative equation have this form
near the boundary. It remains to treat the corner where both $\rho_L=0$ and $\rho_R=0$.
The conclusion here now follows immediately as integral curves of $\pa_r$ reach
this corner in finite time from a punctured neighborhood of this corner, and in this
punctured neighborhood we already have the desired regularity. This proves
\eqref{eq:U_0-U_1-asymp} for $U_0$.
To treat $U_1$, it suffices to prove that
\begin{equation}\label{eq:U_0-error-asymp}
(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)U_0\in R^2\rho_L^{n/2+2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\setminus \Diag_0),
\end{equation}
for then
\begin{equation}\label{eq:U_1-asymp}
U_1\in R^2\rho_L^{n/2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\setminus \Diag_0),
\end{equation}
by the same arguments as those giving the asymptotics of $U_0$, but now applied to
the inhomogeneous transport equation.
On the other hand, \eqref{eq:U_0-error-asymp} follows from
$$
\beta^*\pi_L^*(\Delta_g+x^2W-1)\in \Diffb^2(\Bn\times_0\Bn)
$$
with
$$
\beta^*\pi_L^*\Big((\Delta_g+x^2W-1)-(\Delta_{g_0}-1)\Big)\in R^2\rho_L^2\Diffb^2(\Bn\times_0\Bn);
$$
here $\pi_L$ is added to emphasize the lift is that of the differential operator acting on the
left factor; lifting the operator on the right factor results in an `error'
$R^2\rho_R^2\Diffb^2(\Bn\times_0\Bn)$. These two in turn follow immediately from
the form of the metric, namely $g_0-g_\ep\in x^2\CI(X;\zT^*X\otimes \zT^*X)$.
This completes the proof of \eqref{eq:U_0-U_1-asymp}, and also yields that, with
$n+1=3$,
\begin{gather}
\beta^*\left((\Delta_g+x^2W-1) U_1 \right)\in R^2\rho_L^{n/2+2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\setminus \Diag_0).\label{boundrest}
\end{gather}
Therefore, in the case $n+1=3,$ we have proved the following
\begin{thm}\label{3Dparametrix-thm} There exists a pseudodifferential operator, $G(h,\sigma),$ $\sigma\not=0,$ whose kernel is of the form
\begin{gather*}
G(h,\sigma,z,z') = e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h}}h^{-2}\left(U_0(h,\sigma,z,z')+ h U_1(h,\sigma,z,z') \right)
\end{gather*}
with $U_0$ and $U_1$ satisfying
\eqref{eq:U_0-U_1-asymp} and such that the error
$E(h,\sigma)= P(h,\sigma)G(h,\sigma)-\Id$ is given by \eqref{defE} and satisfies
\eqref{boundrest}.
\end{thm}
\section{The structure of the semiclassical resolvent }\label{resolvent-structure}\label{full-sc-parametrix}
In this section we construct the general right semiclassical parametrix $G(h,\sigma)$ for the resolvent. We will prove the following
\begin{thm} \label{nD-parametrix} There exists a pseudodifferential operator $G(h,\sigma),$ $\sigma\not=0,$ such that its kernel is of the form
\begin{gather}
G(h,\sigma,z,z')=e^{-i \frac{\sigma r}{h}} U(h,\sigma,z,z'),
\ U\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2,\frac{n}{2},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2}}(\Bn). \label{kernelofg}
\end{gather}
and that, using the notation of section \ref{semiclassical-double-space},
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma) G(h,\sigma)-\Id \in \rho_{\mcf}^\infty \rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty, \infty,\infty,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(\Bn).
\end{gather*}
\end{thm}
Now, $r^2$ is a $\CI$ function on the zero double space away from the
left and right faces and in a quadratic
sense it defines the diagonal non-degenerately; $r$ has
an additional singularity at the zero-diagonal. Correspondingly
$\left(\frac{\sigma r}{h}\right)^2$ is $\CI$ on $M_{0,\semi}$ away from $\mcl$, $\mcr$
and $\mathcal {A}$ and
defines the lifted diagonal non-degenerately in a quadratic sense;
$\frac{\sigma r}{h}$ has an additional singularity at the zero diagonal. In particular,
$e^{-i \frac{\sigma r}{h}}$ is $\CI$ on $M_{0,\semi}$ away from $\mcl$, $\mcr$,
$\mathcal {A}$ and the lifted diagonal, $\Diag_{\semi}$; at $\Diag_{\semi}$
it has the form of $1$ plus
a continuous conormal function vanishing there. Thus, its presence in any
compact subset of $M_{0,\semi}\setminus(\mcl\cup\mcr\cup\mathcal {A})$ is not
only artificial, but introduces an irrelevant singularity at $\Diag_{\semi}$, so
it is better to think of $G$ as
\begin{equation*}\begin{split}
G(h,\sigma,z,z')&=G'+e^{-i \frac{\sigma r}{h}} U'(h,\sigma,z,z'),\\
&G'\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2},\ U'\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\frac{n}{2},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2}},
\end{split}\end{equation*}
where $G'$ is supported near $\Diag_{\semi}$ (i.e.\ its support intersects only the
boundary hypersurfaces $\mathcal {S}$ and $\mcf$, but not the other boundary hypersurfaces),
and $U'$ vanishes near $\Diag_{\semi}$.
Indeed,
the first step in the construction of $G$ is to construct a piece of $G'$, namely to
find $G_0\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2}$ such that $E_0=P(h,\sigma)G_0(h,\sigma)-\Id$
has no
singularity at the lifted diagonal, $\Diag_{\semi},$ with $G_0$ (hence $E_0$)
supported in a neighborhood of $\Diag_{\semi}$ in $M_{0,\semi}$ that only intersects the boundary of $M_{0,\semi}$ at $\mathcal {S}$ and $\mcf$. Thus,
\begin{equation}
P(h,\sigma)G_0-\Id= E_0, \;\ \text{ with } E_0 \in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty}(\Bn). \label{consg0}
\end{equation}
Since $P(h,\sigma)$ is elliptic in the interior of $\Bn,$ the construction of $G_0$ in the interior follows from the standard Hadamard parametrix construction. We want to do this construction uniformly up to the zero front face and the semiclassical front face in the blown-up manifold $M_{0,\semi}.$ We notice that the lifted diagonal intersects the boundary of $M_{0,\semi}$ transversally at the zero and semiclassical front faces. Since $\Diag_{\semi}$ intersects the boundary of $M_{0,\semi}$ transversally at $\mathcal {S}$ and $\mcf,$ we proceed as in
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, and extend $\Diag_{\semi}$ across
the boundary of $M_{0,\semi},$ and want to extend the Hadamard parametrix construction across the boundary as well. To do that we have to make sure the operator $P(h,\sigma)$ lifts to be uniformly transversally
elliptic at the lift of $\Diag_{\semi}$ up to the boundary of $M_{0,\semi},$ i.e.\ it is
elliptic on the conormal bundle of this lift, and thus
it can be extended as a transversally (to the extension of the lifted diagonal)
elliptic operator across the boundaries of $M_{0,\semi}.$ Note that up to
$\mathcal {S}\setminus\mcf$, this is the standard semiclassical elliptic
parametrix construction,
while up to $\mcf\setminus\mathcal {S}$, this is the first step in the conformally compact
elliptic
parametrix construction of Mazzeo and the first author \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic},
so the claim here is that these constructions are compatible with each other and extend
smoothly to the corner $\mathcal {S}\cap\mcf$ near $\Diag_{\semi}$.
To see the claimed ellipticity, and facilitate further calculations, we remark
that one can choose a defining function of the boundary $x$ such that the metric $g$ can be written in the form
\begin{equation*}
g=\frac{dx^2}{x^2} + \frac{H_\eps(x,\omega)}{x^2},
\end{equation*}
where $H_\eps$ is one-parameter family of $\CI$ metrics on $\ms^n.$ In these coordinates the operator $P(h,\sigma)$ is given by
\begin{equation}
P(h,\sigma)= h^2\left( -(x\p_x)^2+ n x\p_n + x^2 A(x,\omega) \p_x+ x^2 \Delta_{H_\eps(x,\omega)}+ x^2 W -\frac{n^2}{4}\right) -\sigma^2. \label{formulaofp}
\end{equation}
We then conjugate $P(h,\sigma)$ by $x^{\frac{n}{2}},$ and we obtain
\begin{equation}
Q(h,\sigma)= x^{-\frac{n}{2}} P(h,\sigma) x^{\frac{n}{2}}= h^2\left( -(x\p_x)^2 + x^2 A \p_x + x^2 \Delta_{H_\eps} + x^2 B\right) - \sigma^2,
\end{equation}
where $B=-\frac{n}{2}A+W.$ To analyze the lift of $Q(h,\sigma)$ under $\beta_{\semi}$ we work in projective coordinates for the blow-down map. We denote the coordinates on the left factor of $\BB^{n+1}$ by $(x,\omega),$ while the coordinates on the right factor will be denoted by $(x',\omega').$ Then
we define projective coordinates
\begin{equation}
x'=\rho, \;\ X=\frac{x}{x'}, \;\ Y=\frac{\omega-\omega'}{x'}, \label{projectivecoord}
\end{equation}
which hold away from the left face. The front face is given by $\mcf=\{\rho=0\}$ and the
lift of the diagonal is $\Diag_0=\{X=1, Y=0\}.$ The lift of $Q(h,\sigma)$ under the zero blow-down map $\beta$ is equal to
\begin{gather*}
Q_0(h,\sigma)=\beta^*Q(h,\sigma)= \\ h^2\left( -(X\p_X)^2 + X^2A \rho \p_X+ X^2 \Delta_{H_\eps(\rho X,\omega'+\rho Y)}(D_Y)
-X^2\rho^2B \right) -\sigma^2.
\end{gather*}
In this notation, the coefficients of $\Delta_{H_\eps(\rho X,\omega'+\rho Y)}(D_Y)$ depend on
$\rho,\omega'$ and $Y,$ but the derivatives are in $Y.$ This operator is transversally
elliptic in a neighborhood of $\{X=1,\ Y=0\}$, away from $h=0$.
The restriction of the lift of $Q_0(h,\sigma)$ to the front face $\mcf=\{\rho=0\},$ is given by
\begin{gather*}
N_\mcf (Q_0(h,\sigma))=h^2( -(X\p_X)^2 + X^2\Delta_{H_\eps(0,\omega')}(D_Y))-\sigma^2.
\end{gather*}
As in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, $N_{\mcf}(Q_0(h,\sigma))$
will be called the normal operator of $Q_0(h,\sigma)$ at the zero front face $\mcf.$ Notice that it can be identified with Laplacian with respect to the hyperbolic metric on the half-plane $\{X>0, Y\in \RR^n\}$ with metric $X^{-2}(dX^2+ H_\eps(0,\omega'))$ conjugated by $X^{\frac{n}{2}}.$
Now we blow-up the intersection of $\Diag_0\times [0,h)$ with $h=0.$ We define projective coordinates
\begin{equation}\label{eq:X-semi-def}
X_{\hbar}= \frac{X-1}{h}, \;\ \;\ Y_{\hbar}=\frac{Y}{h}.
\end{equation}
The lift of $Q(h,\sigma)$ under the semiclassical blow-down map $\beta_{\semi}$ is given in these coordinates by
\begin{equation*}\begin{split}
Q_{\semi}&=\beta_{\semi}^*Q(h,\sigma)\\
&= -((1+h X_{\hbar}) \p_{X_{\hbar}})^2 + (1+h X_{\hbar})^2 \Delta_{H_\eps}(D_{Y_{\hbar}})\\
&\qquad\qquad- (1+hX_{\hbar})^2 A \rho h \p_{X_{\hbar}}+ h^2\rho^2 (1+h X_{\hbar})^2 B -\sigma^2,
\end{split}\end{equation*}
where $H_\eps=H_\eps(\rho(1+h X_{\hbar}), \omega'+\rho h Y_{\hbar}).$ This operator is transversally elliptic to $\{X_{\hbar}=0,\ Y_{\hbar=0}\}$ near $h=0.$
The restriction of the lift of $Q_{\semi}$ to the semiclassical face, $\mathcal {S}=\{h=0\}$ will be called the normal operator of $Q_{\semi}$ at the semiclassical face, and is equal to
\begin{equation}
N_\mathcal {S}(Q_{\semi})=-\p_{X_{\hbar}}^2 +\Delta_{H_\eps(\rho,\omega')}(D_{Y_{\hbar}})-\sigma^2. \label{norm-op-semic-face}
\end{equation}
This is a family of differential operators on $\RR^{n+1}_{X_{\hbar},Y_{\hbar}}$
depending on $\rho$ and $\omega',$ and for each $\omega'$ and $\rho$ fixed, $N_\mathcal {S}(Q_{\semi})+\sigma^2$
is the Laplacian with respect to the metric
$$
\delta_{\semi}=dX_{\hbar}^2+ \sum H_{\eps,ij}(\rho,\omega) dY_{\hbar,i} dY_{\hbar,j},
$$
which is isometric to the Euclidean metric under a linear change of variables
$(X_{\hbar},Y_{\hbar})$ for fixed $(\rho,\omega')$, and the change of variables can
be done smoothly in $(\rho,\omega')$. Note that the fibers of the semiclassical
blow-down map $\beta_{\semi}$ on $\cS$ are given exactly by $(\rho,\omega')$
fixed.
Therefore, the operator $Q(h,\sigma)$ lifts under $\beta_{\semi}$ to an operator $Q_{\semi}$ which is elliptic in a neighborhood of the lifted diagonal uniformly up to the zero front face and the semiclassical front face. Since the diagonal meets the two faces transversally, one can extend it to a neighborhood of $\mcf$ and $\mathcal {S}$ in the double of the manifold $M_{0,\semi}$ across $\mathcal {S}$ and $\mcf,$ and one can also extend the operator $Q_{\semi}$ to be elliptic in that neighborhood. Now, using standard elliptic theory
(or, put somewhat differently, the standard theory of conormal distributions to an
embedded submanifold without boundary, in this case the extension of
the diagonal), one can find a $G_0\in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2}(\Bn)$ whose Schwartz kernel
lifts to a distribution supported in a neighborhood of $\Diag_{\semi}$ such that
\begin{equation}
Q(h,\sigma) G_0-\Id= E_0 \in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty}(\Bn). \label{term0}
\end{equation}
Next we will remove the error at the semiclassical front face. We will find an operator
$$
G_1= G'_1+e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h}r }U'_1,
\ G'_1\in\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty}(\Bn),
\ U'_1\in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\infty,-\frac{n}{2}-1,\infty}(\Bn)
$$
such that
$G'_1$ is supported near $\Diag_{\semi}$ while $U'_1$ is supported away from it, and
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
Q(h,\sigma)G_1-E_0=E_1, \;\\
E_1=E'_1+ e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_1, \;\ E'_1\in\rho_S^\infty\Psi_{0,\semi},\ \ F_1
\in \rho_S^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\infty,-\frac{n}{2}-1,\infty} \\
\text{ and with } \beta_{\semi}^* K_{E_1}\text{ supported away from} \ \mcl,\ \mcr,
\end{gathered}\label{term1n}
\end{gather}
and $K_{E'_1}$, resp.\ $K_{F_1}$ supported near, resp.\ away from, $\Diag_{\semi}$.
In other words, the the error term $E_1$ is such that the kernel of
$E'_1$ vanishes to infinite order at all boundary faces (hence from now on we can
regard it as trivial and ignore it), while
the kernel of $F_1$ lifts to a $\CI$ function which is supported near $\mathcal {S}$ (and in particular vanishes to infinite order at the right and left faces), vanishes to infinite order at the semiclassical front face, and also vanishes to order $\frac{n}{2}$ at the boundary face $\mathcal {A}.$
We will use the facts discussed above about the normal operator at the semiclassical face, $N_{\mathcal {S}}(Q_{\semi}).$
Notice that $\mathcal {S},$ the semiclassical front face, is itself a $\CI$ manifold with boundary which intersects the zero front face, $\mcf,$ transversally, and therefore it can be extended across $\mcf.$ Similarly, the operator $N_{\mathcal {S}}(Q_{\semi})$ can be extended to an elliptic operator across $\mcf.$
We deduce from \eqref{norm-op-semic-face} that for each $\rho$ and $\omega'$ fixed, and for $\im\sigma<0$, the inverse of
$N_{\mathcal {S}}(Q_{\semi})$ is essentially the resolvent of the Euclidean Laplacian at energy $\sigma^2,$ pulled back by the linear change of variables corresponding to
$H_{\eps}(\rho,\omega');$ for $\im\sigma\geq 0$ we use the analytic continuation
of the resolvent from $\im\sigma<0$.
Here is where we need to make a choice corresponding to
the analytic continuation of the resolvent of $P(h,\sigma)$
we wish to construct, i.e.\ whether
we proceed from $\im\sigma>0$ or $\im\sigma<0$; we need to make the
corresponding choice for the Euclidean resolvent.
Let $R_0$ denote the analytic continuation of the inverse $L^2\to H^2$
of the {\em family} (depending on $\rho,\omega'$)
$N_{\mathcal {S}}(Q_{\semi})$ from $\im\sigma<0$; it is thus (essentially, up to a linear change
of coordinates, depending smoothly on $\rho,\omega'$)
the analytic continuation of the resolvent of the Euclidean
Laplacian.
Since we are working with the analytic continuation of the resolvent, it is not
automatic that one can solve away exponentially growing errors which arise
in the construction below (i.e.\ that one can apply $R_0$ iteratively to errors that arise),
and thus it is convenient to make the following construction quite explicit order in $h$ we are merely in the
`limiting absorption principle' regime (i.e.\ with real spectral parameter),
thus the construction below is actually stronger than what is needed below.
Moreover, from this point of view the construction can be interpreted as
an extension of the semiclassical version of the intersecting
Lagrangian construction of \cite{Melrose-Uhlmann:Intersection}
extended to the 0-double space; from this perspective the method we present
is very `down to earth'.
Via the use of a partition of unity, we may assume that there is a coordinate patch
$U$ in $\Bn$ (on which the coordinates are denoted by $z$)
such that $E_0$ is supported in
$\beta_{\semi}^{-1}(U\times U\times [0,1))$. Note that coordinate charts of this form
cover a neighborhood of $\mathcal {S}$,
so in particular $E_0$ is in
$\dCI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\times[0,1))$ outside these charts, hence can already be regarded
as part of the final error term and we can ignore these parts henceforth.
Now, near $\mathcal {S}$,
$\beta_{\semi}^{-1}(U\times U\times [0,1))$ has a product
structure $\overline{\zT}U\times [0,\delta_0)= U\times\Bn\times[0,\delta_0)$,
where $\overline{\zT}U$
denotes the fiber-compactified zero tangent bundle, and $[0,\delta_0)$ corresponds
to the boundary defining function $\rho_S$. Indeed, the normal bundle of
$\Diag_0$ in $\Bn\times_0\Bn$ can be identified with $\zT\Bn$, via lifting 0-vector
fields from on $\Bn\times_0\Bn$ via the left projection, which are transversal
to $\Diag_0$, hence
the interior of the inward pointing spherical normal bundle of $\Diag_0\times\{0\}$
in $M_0=\Bn\times_0\Bn\times[0,1)$ can be identified with $\zT\Bn$,
while the inward pointing spherical normal bundle itself can be identified
with the radial compactification of $\zT\Bn$.
However, it is fruitful to choose the identification in a particularly convenient form
locally. Namely, away from
$\pa\Diag_0\times\{0\}$, coordinates $z$ on $U$ give coordinates
$$
z',Z_{\semi}=(z-z')/h,\rho_S
$$
near the interior of the front face $\mathcal {S}$
(here $Z_{\semi}$ is the coordinate
on the fiber of $T_U\Bn$ over $z'$), while near $\pa\Diag_0\times\{0\}$,
$(x',\omega',X_{\semi},Y_{\semi},\rho_S)$ (see \eqref{eq:X-semi-def}) are coordinates
near the interior of $\mathcal {S}$ (now $(X_{\semi},Y_{\semi})$ are the coordinates
on the fiber of $\zT_U\Bn$ over $(x',\omega')$). To obtain coordinates valid
near the corner, one simply
needs to radially compactify the fibers of $\zT_U\Bn$, i.e.\ replace the linear
coordinates $Z_{\semi}$, resp.\ $(X_{\semi},Y_{\semi})$ by radially compactified versions
such as $|Z_{\semi}|$ and $\hat Z_\semi=Z_{\semi}/|Z_{\semi}|\in \bbS^n$ in the former case.
Moreover, if a function, such as $E_0$,
is supported away from $\mathcal {A}$, then its support is compact in the {\em interior}
of the fibers $\Bn$ of the fiber-compactified tangent space.
Now, the interior of $\Bn$ is a vector space, $T_p U$, $p\in U$, and in particular
one can talk about fiberwise polynomials.
Over compact subsets of the fibers, the boundary defining function $\rho_S$ is
equivalent to $h$, and indeed we may choose boundary defining functions $\rho_A$
and $\rho_S$ such that
$$
h=\rho_A\rho_S.
$$
Note that $\rho_A$ is thus a boundary defining function of the compactified fibers
of the tangent bundle; it is convenient to make a canonical choice using
the metric $g_\ep$, which is an inner product on $\zT_p U$, hence a translation
invariant metric on the fibers of $\zT U$, namely to make the defining function
$\rho_A$ the reciprocal of the distance function from the zero section (i.e.\ the
diagonal under the identification), smoothed out at the zero section.
In particular, if $U$ is a coordinate chart near $\pa \Bn$ then
$\rho_{\mathcal {A}}=\left((X_1)^2+ |Y_1|_{H_\eps}^2\right)^{-\frac{1}{2}}.$
This is indeed consistent with our previous calculations since
$$
\rho_{\mathcal {A}}=h\left( (X-1)^2+|Y|^2\right)^{-\ha}
$$
and therefore it is, away from $\Diag_{\semi},$ a defining function of the semiclassical face $\mathcal {A}.$
If $v\in\CI(M_{0,\semi})$, then expanding $v$ in Taylor series around $\mathcal {S}$ up to
order $N$, we have
$$
v=\sum_{k\leq N} \rho_S^k v'_k+v',\ v'_k\in\CI(\overline{T}U),
\ v'\in\rho_S^{N+1}\CI(M_{0,\semi}).
$$
In terms of the local coordinates valid near the corner $\mathcal {S}\cap\mathcal {A}$ over an
interior coordinate chart $U$,
\begin{gather*}
\rho_S=|z-z'|,\ \frac{z-z'}{|z-z'|},\ \rho_A=\frac{h}{|z-z'|},\ z',
\end{gather*}
$v_k$ is a $\CI$ function of $|z-z'|,\ \frac{z-z'}{|z-z'|},\ z'$. It is convenient to
rewrite this as
\begin{equation}\label{eq:mod-TS-at-mcs}
v=\sum_{k\leq N} h^k |z-z'|^{-k} v'_k+v'=\sum_{k\leq N} h^k v_k+v',
\ v_k\in \rho_A^{-k}\CI(\overline{T}U),
\ v'\in\rho_S^{N+1}\CI(M_{0,\semi}),
\end{equation}
for the reason that the vector fields $D_{z_j}$ are tangent to the fibers given by
constant $h$,
i.e.\ commute with multiplication by $h$. One can rewrite $v$ completely
analogously,
$$
v=\sum_{k\leq N} h^k v_k+v',
\ v_k\in \rho_A^{-k}\CI(\overline{T}U),
\ v'\in\rho_S^{N+1}\CI(M_{0,\semi}),
$$
for coordinate charts $U$ at $\pa\Bn$.
In addition, if
$a\in\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\times[0,1))$, then expanding $a$ in Taylor series
around $\Diag_0\times\{0\}$, shows that for any $N$,
modulo $\rho_S^{N+1}\CI(U\times\Bn\times[0,\delta_0))$, it is of the form
\begin{gather*}
\sum_{|\alpha|+k\leq N}
a_{\alpha,k}(z') (z-z')^\alpha h^k
=\sum_{|\alpha|+k\leq N} a_{\alpha,k}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha h^{k+|\alpha|}\\
=\sum_{|\alpha|+k\leq N} a_{\alpha,k}(z') \hat Z_\semi^\alpha \rho_S^{k+|\alpha|}\rho_A^k,
\end{gather*}
where $\hat Z_\semi^\alpha=Z_\semi^{\alpha}/|Z_\semi|^{|\alpha|}$ (except near the zero section) is
$\CI$ on $\Bn$. While the last expression is the most geometric way of encoding
the asymptotics at $\pa\Bn$, it is helpful to take advantage of the stronger statement
on the previous line, which shows that the coefficients are polynomials in the fibers,
of degree $\leq N$.
The vector fields $hD_z$, resp.\ $hD_X$ and $hD_Y$, acting on a modified
Taylor series as in \eqref{eq:mod-TS-at-mcs}, become
$D_{Z_{\semi}}$, resp.\ $D_{X_{\semi}}$ and $D_{Y_{\semi}}$, i.e.\ act on the coefficients
$v_k$ only (and on $v'$, of course) so we obtain that,
modulo coefficients in
$\rho_S^{N+1}\CI(U\times\Bn\times[0,\delta_0))$, $P(h,\sigma)$ lifts to a differential
operator with polynomial coefficients on the fibers, depending smoothly on the
base variables, i.e.\ an operator of the form
$$
\sum_{|\alpha|+k\leq N,|\beta|\leq 2} a_{\alpha,k,\beta}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha h^{k+|\alpha|} D_{Z_{\semi}}^\beta,
$$
with an analogous expression in the $(X_{\semi},Y_{\semi})$ variables. Here the
leading term in $h$, corresponding to $h^0$, is $N_{\mathcal {S}}(Q_{\semi})=
\Delta_{g_{\ep}(x',\omega')}-\sigma^2$, i.e.\ we have
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma)h^mv_m\\
=h^m(\Delta_{g_{\ep}(x',\omega')}-\sigma^2)v_m+
h^m\sum_{0<|\alpha|+k\leq N,|\beta|\leq 2} a_{\alpha,k,\beta}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha h^{k+|\alpha|} D_{Z_{\semi}}^\beta v_m.
\end{gather*}
Thus, one can iteratively solve away $E_0$ as follows. Write
$$
E_0=h^{-n-1}\sum h^mE_{0,m}
$$
as in \eqref{eq:mod-TS-at-mcs}, and note that each $E_{0,m}$ is compactly supported.
Let
$$
G_{1,0,m}=R_0 E_{0,m},
$$
so
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma)h^{m-n-1} G_{1,0,m}\\
=h^mE_{0,m}+h^{m-n-1}\sum_{0<|\alpha|+k\leq N,|\beta|\leq 2} a_{\alpha,k,\beta}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha h^{k+|\alpha|-n-1} D_{Z_{\semi}}^\beta R_0 E_{0,m},
\end{gather*}
and thus we have replaced the error $h^mE_{0,m}$ by an error of the form
\begin{gather*}
\sum_{0<|\alpha|+k\leq N,|\beta|\leq 2} a_{\alpha,k,\beta}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha h^{m+k+|\alpha|-(n+1)} D_{Z_{\semi}}^\beta R_0 E_{0,m}\\
=\sum_{1\leq\ell\leq N} h^{m+\ell-(n+1)}
\sum_{|\alpha|\leq \ell}\sum_{|\beta|\leq 2} a_{\alpha,\ell-|\alpha|,\beta}(z') Z_\semi^\alpha D_{Z_{\semi}}^\beta R_0 E_{0,m}\\
=\sum_{1\leq\ell\leq N} h^{m+\ell-(n+1)} L_\ell R_0 E_{0,m}
\end{gather*}
which has the feature that not only does it vanish to (at least)
one order higher in $h$, but the $h^{m+\ell-(n+1)}$ term is given by
a differential operator $L_\ell$ with polynomial coefficients of degree $\leq \ell$
applied to $R_0E_{0,m}$,
with $E_{0,m}$ compactly supported. As the next lemma states,
one can apply $R_0$ to an expression
of the form $L_\ell R_0 E_{0,m}$, and thus iterate the construction.
\begin{lemma}
Suppose $M_j$, $j=1,2,\ldots,N$,
are differential operators with polynomial coefficients of degree $m_j$
on $\RR_w^{n+1}$. Then
$$
R_0 M_1 R_0 M_2\ldots R_0 M_N R_0:\CI_c(\RR^{n+1})\to\CmI(\RR^{n+1})
$$
has an analytic extension from $\im\sigma<0$ to $\re\sigma>1$,
$\im\sigma\in\bbR$, and
$$
R_0 M_1 R_0 M_2\ldots R_0 M_N R_0:\CI_c(\RR^{n+1})\to e^{-i\sigma\langle w\rangle}
\langle w\rangle^{-n/2+N+m}\CI(\Bn),
$$
with $m=\sum m_j$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
For $\im\sigma<0$, $D_{w_k}$ commutes with $\Delta-\sigma^2$, hence
with $R_0$, while commuting $D_{w_k}$ through a polynomial gives rise to a
polynomial of lower order, so we can move all derivatives to the right, and also assume
that $M_j=w^{\alpha^{(j)}}$, $\alpha^{(j)}\in\Nat^{n+1}$,
$|\alpha^{(j)}|\leq m_j$, so we are reduced to
examining the operator
$$
R_0 w^{\alpha^{(1)}} R_0 w^{\alpha^{(2)}}\ldots R_0 w^{\alpha^{(N)}} R_0.
$$
It is convenient to work in the Fourier transform representation.
Denoting the dual variable of $w$ by $\zeta$;
for $\im\sigma<0$,
$R_0$ is multiplication by $(|\zeta|^2-\sigma^2)^{-1}$, while $w^{\alpha^{(j)}}$ is the
operator $(-D_\zeta)^{\alpha^{(j)}}$. Rewriting
$\cF (R_0 w^{\alpha^{(1)}} R_0 w^{\alpha^{(2)}}\ldots R_0 w^{\alpha^{(N)}} R_0 f)$, the product rule
thus gives an expression of the form
\begin{gather*}
\sum_{|\beta|\leq \alpha^{(1)}+\ldots+\alpha^{(N)}}
(|\zeta|^2-\sigma^2)^{-(N+1+|\alpha^{(1)}|+\ldots+|\alpha^{(N)}|)} Q_{\alpha,N,\beta}(\zeta)
(-D_\zeta)^\beta
\Fr f\\
=\sum_{|\beta|\leq \alpha^{(1)}+\ldots+\alpha^{(N)}}
(|\zeta|^2-\sigma^2)^{-(N+1+|\alpha^{(1)}|+\ldots+|\alpha^{(N)}|)} \Fr Q_{\alpha,N,\beta}(D_{w})
w^\beta f,
\end{gather*}
where $Q_{\alpha,N,\beta}$ is a polynomial in $\zeta$. Since we are considering
compactly supported $f$, the differential operator $Q_{\alpha,N,\beta}(D_w)
w^\beta$ is harmless, and we only need to consider $R_0^{N+1+m}$ applied
to compactly supported functions. This can be further rewritten as
a constant multiple of $\pa_\sigma^{N+m} R_0$, so the well-known results
for the analytic continuation of the Euclidean resolvent yield the stated
analytic continuation and the form of the result; see
Proposition 1.1 of \cite{Melrose: Geometric Scattering}.
\end{proof}
Applying the lemma iteratively, we construct
$$
\tilde G_{1,m}=e^{-i\sigma\langle Z_\semi\rangle}
\langle Z_\semi\rangle^{-n/2+N+m}G'_{1,m},\ G'_{1,m}\in\CI(U\times\Bn),
$$
such that
$$
P(h,\sigma) \sum_{m=0}^\infty
h^{m-(n+1)} \tilde G_{1,m}\sim\sum_{m=0}^\infty h^{m-(n+1)} E_{0,m},
$$
where the series are understood as formal series (i.e.\ this is a statement of the
equality of coefficients). Borel summing $\langle z\rangle^{m}h^m G'_{1,m}
=\rho_S^m G'_{1,m}$, and obtaining $G_1\in\CI(U\times\Bn\times[0,\delta_0))$
as the result, which we may arrange to be supported where $\rho_S$ is small,
we deduce that \eqref{term1n} holds.
The next step is to remove the error at the semiclassical face $\mathcal {A}.$ We want to construct
$$
G_2=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} U_2,\ U_2\in\rho_S^\infty\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\frac{n}{2},
-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2}},
$$
such that
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
P(h,\sigma) G_2-e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_1=E_2, \;\ E_2=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_2, \;\\
\ F_2 \in h^\infty\rho_L^{n/2}\rho_R^{n/2}\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\times[0,1))=\rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\frac{n}{2}, \infty, \frac{n}{2}}.
\end{gathered}
\label{term2}
\end{gather}
In other words, we want the error to vanish to infinite order at the semiclassical face $\mathcal {A}$ and at the semiclassical front face $\mathcal {S},$ and to vanish to order
$\frac{n}{2}$ at the left and right faces; the infinite order vanishing
at $\mathcal {S}$ means that $\mathcal {S}$ can be blown-down (i.e.\ does not need to be
blown up), which, together with $h$ being the joint defining function
of $\mathcal {A}$ and $\mathcal {S}$, explains the equality of the indicated two spaces.
This construction is almost identical to the one carried out in section \ref{3D-parametrix}.
We begin by observing that the semiclassical face $\mathcal {A}$ consists of the stretched product $\Bn\times_0 \Bn$ with $\Diag_0$ blown-up, which is exactly the manifold $\Bn\times_1 \Bn$ defined in section \ref{3D-parametrix}. Moreover, as $F_1$ vanishes to infinite order at $\mathcal {S}$, see
\eqref{term1n}, the latter
can be blown down, i.e.\ $F_1$ can be regarded as being of the form
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
F_1 \in h^{-n/2-1}\CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn\times[0,1)),
\ \text{ with } K_{F_1}\text{ supported away from} \ \mcl,\ \mcr,\\
\text{ and vanishing to infinite order at}\ \Diag_0\times[0,1).
\end{gathered}
\end{gather}
Now, $F_1$ has an asymptotic expansion at the boundary face $h=0$ of the form
\begin{gather*}
F_1\sim h^{-\frac{n}{2}-1} \sum_{j=0}^\infty h^j F_{1,j}, \;\ F_{1,j} \in \CI(\Bn\times_0\Bn), \\ F_{1,j} \text{ vanishing to infinite order at } \Diag_0\times[0,1),
\ \text{ supported near } \Diag_0\times[0,1).
\end{gather*}
So we think of $F_1$ as an element of $\Bn\times_1 \Bn \times [0,1),$ where the blow-up $\Bn\times_1 \Bn,$ was defined in section \ref{3D-parametrix},
see figure \ref{fig2}, with an expansion
\begin{gather*}
F_1\sim h^{-\frac{n}{2}-1} \sum_{j=0}^\infty h^j F_{1,j},\\
F_{1,j}\in \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn), \text{ vanishing to infinite order at } D.
\end{gather*}
So we seek $U_2 \sim h^{\frac{n}{2}} \sum_{j} h^j U_{2,j}$ with $U_{2,j}$ vanishing
to infinite order at $D,$ such that
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma) e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} U_2-e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_1=e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r} R, \\ R \in h^\infty \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn), \text{ vanishing to infinite order at } D.
\end{gather*}
Matching the coefficients of the expansions we get the following set of transport equations
\begin{gather*}
2i\sigma |g|^{-\oq} \p_r (|g|^{\oq} U_{2,0})=-F_{1,0}, \text{ if } r>0, \\
U_{2,0}=0 \text{ at } r=0,
\end{gather*}
and for $j\geq 1,$
\begin{gather*}
2i\sigma |g|^{-\oq} \p_r (|g|^{\oq} U_{2,j})= (\Delta+x^2 W-\frac{n^2}{4})U_{2,j-1}- F_{1,j}, \text{ if } r>0, \\
U_{2,j}=0 \text{ at } r=0.
\end{gather*}
Notice that $F_{j,0}$ is compactly supported and, as seen in equations \eqref{eq:U_0-U_1-asymp}, $U_{2,0}\in \rho_L^{\frac{n}{2}} \rho_R^{\frac{n}{2}} \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn).$ Moreover, as in \eqref{eq:U_0-error-asymp}, one gets that
$(\Delta+x^2 W-\frac{n^2}{4})U_{2,0}\in R^2 \rho_{R}^{\frac{n}{2}} \rho_L^{\frac{n}{2}+2} \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn),$
thus one can solve the transport equation for
$U_{2,1},$ and gets that $U_{2,1} \in \rho_L^{\frac{n}{2}} \rho_R^{\frac{n}{2}} \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn).$
One obtains by using induction that $U_{2,j}\in \rho_L^{\frac{n}{2}} \rho_R^{\frac{n}{2}} \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn),$ and
$(\Delta+x^2 W-\frac{n^2}{4})U_{2,j}\in R^2 \rho_{L}^{\frac{n}{2}+2} \rho_R^{\frac{n}{2}} \CI(\Bn\times_1 \Bn),$
for all $j.$ Then one sums the series asymptotically using Borel's lemma. This gives $U_2$ and proves \eqref{term2}.
The last step in the parametrix construction is to remove the error at the zero front face. So far we have
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma) \left(G_0-G_1+G_2\right)-\Id=E_2, \;\
\end{gather*}
with
$$
E_2=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_2, \;\ F_2 \in \rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\frac{n}{2}+2, \infty, \frac{n}{2}}.
$$
Now we want to construct $G_3$ such that
\begin{gather}
P(h,\sigma) G_3-E_2=E_3 \in e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r}\rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty\rho_{\mcf}^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,2+\frac{n}{2}, \infty, \frac{n}{2}}(\Bn). \label{term3}
\end{gather}
We recall from Proposition \ref{distance}, that $r=-\log(\rho_R \rho_L)+F,$ $F>0.$ So,
$$
\exp(-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r)=(\rho_R \rho_L)^{i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} \exp(-i \frac{\sigma}{h} F).
$$
Therefore
the error term $E_2$ in \eqref{term2} satisfies
\begin{gather*}
\widetilde{E_2}=\beta_{\semi}^* E_2 \in \rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \rho_{\mathcal {A}}^\infty \rho_{R}^{\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \rho_{L}^{2+\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \CI(M_{0,\semi}).
\end{gather*}
We write
\begin{gather*}
\widetilde{E_2}\sim \sum_{j=0}^\infty \rho_{\mcf}^j E_{2,j}, \;\ E_{2,j} \in \rho_\mathcal {S}^\infty \rho_\mathcal {A}^\infty \rho_{R}^{\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \rho_{L}^{2+\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \CI(\mcf),
\end{gather*}
and we want to construct $G_3$ such that
\begin{gather*}
\beta_{\semi}^* (G_3)\sim \sum_{j=0}^\infty \rho_{\mcf}^j G_{3,j},
\end{gather*}
and that
\begin{gather*}
N_{\mcf}(Q_{\semi}) G_{3,j}= E_{2,j}, \;\
G_{3,j} \in \rho_\mathcal {S}^\infty \rho_\mathcal {A}^\infty \rho_{R}^{\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \rho_{L}^{\frac{n}{2}+i \frac{\sigma}{h}} \CI(\mcf).
\end{gather*}
The asymptotic behavior in $\rho_R$ and $\rho_L$ follows from an application of Proposition 6.15 of \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, and the fact that
$N_\mcf(Q_{\semi})$ can be identified with the Laplacian on the hyperbolic space. Now we just have to make sure, this does not destroy the asymptotics at the faces
$\mathcal {S}$ and $\mathcal {A}.$ But one can follow exactly the same construction we have used above, now restricted to the zero front face instead of $M_{0,\semi}$ to construct
$G_{3,j}$ vanishing to infinite order at the faces $\mathcal {S}$ and $\mathcal {A}.$
This gives a parametrix, $\widetilde{G}=G_0-G_1+G_2-G_3 \in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2, \frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}$ that satisfies
\begin{gather}
P(h,\sigma) \widetilde{G}-\Id=R=E_3+E_3' \in \rho_{\mcf}^\infty \rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty, 2+\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h},\infty,\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(\Bn). \label{weakparametrix}
\end{gather}
Since
\begin{gather*}
E_3'\in h^\infty\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty},\\
E_3=e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} r} F_3, \;\ F_3 \in \rho_{\mathcal {S}}^\infty \rho_{\mcf}^\infty
\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,2+\frac{n}{2}, \infty, \frac{n}{2}},
\end{gather*}
and $E_3$ is supported away from $\Diag_\semi$. The last step in the construction is to remove the error term at the left face and it will be done using the indicial operator as in section 7 of
\cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}. Since in the region near the left face is away from the semiclassical face, this is in fact the same construction as in \cite{Mazzeo-Melrose:Meromorphic}, but with the parameter $h.$ Using equation \eqref{formulaofp} and the projective coordinates \eqref{projectivecoord}, we find that the operator $P(h,\sigma)$ lifts to
\begin{gather*}
P_0(h,\sigma)=h^2( -(X\p_X)^2+nX\p_X+\rho A X^2\p_X + X^2 \Delta_{H_\eps} +\rho^2 X^2 W -\frac{n^2}{4})-\sigma^2.
\end{gather*}
In these coordinates the left face is given by $\{X=0\}.$ Therefore, the kernel of the composition $K(P(h,\sigma) \widetilde{G})$ when lifted to $\Bn\times_0 \Bn$ is, near the left face, equal to
\begin{gather*}
K(P(h,\sigma) \widetilde G)=\left( h^2( -(X\p_X)^2+nX\p_X -\frac{n^2}{4})-\sigma^2\right) K(\widetilde{G}) + O(X^2).
\end{gather*}
The operator $I(P(h,\sigma))= h^2( -(X\p_X)^2+nX\p_X -\frac{n^2}{4})-\sigma^2$ is called the indicial operator of $P(h,\sigma).$
Since $\widetilde{G} \in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2, \frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(\Bn),$ then near the left face
$K(\widetilde{G})\in \mck^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(M_{0,\semi}).$
But $I(P(h,\sigma)) X^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}}=0.$ So we deduce that near $\mcl,$
$K(P(h,\sigma) \widetilde G)\in \mck^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}+1,-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(M_{0,\semi}).$ That is, we gain one order of vanishing at the left face. Since we already know from
\eqref{weakparametrix} that the kernel of the error vanishes to infinite order $\mathcal {A}$ and at the front face $\mcf,$ and $x=R \rho_R,$ $x'=R\rho_L,$
the kernel of the error $R,$ on the manifold $\Bn\times \Bn$ satisfies
\begin{gather*}
K(R)\in h^\infty x^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}+1} {x'}^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}} \CI(\Bn\times \Bn).
\end{gather*}
Then one can use a power series argument to find $G_4$ with Schwartz kernel in
$h^\infty x^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}+1}{x'}^{\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}} \CI(\Bn \times \Bn)$ such that
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma) G_4-R \in \Psi^{-\infty, \infty,\infty,\frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h}}(\Bn).
\end{gather*}
So $G=G_0-G_1+G_2-G_3-G_4 \in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2, \frac{n}{2}+i\frac{\sigma}{h},-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2} +i\frac{\sigma}{h}}$ is the desired parametrix.
\section{$L^2$-bounds for the semiclassical resolvent}
\label{sec:L2-bounds}
We now prove bounds for the semiclassical resolvent,
$R(h,\sigma)=P(h,\sigma)^{-1}$:
\begin{thm}\label{semiclassical-resolvent-bounds} Let $M>0,$ $h>0$ and $\sigma\in \mc$ be such that $\frac{\im \sigma}{h}<M.$ Let $a,b\geq\max\{ 0, \frac{\im\sigma}{h} \}.$ Then there exists $h_0>0$ and $C>0$ independent of $h$ such that for $h\in (0,h_0),$
\begin{gather}
||x^a R(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C h^{-1-\frac{n}{2}}||f||_{L^2(\Bn)}. \label{eq:newbounds-res}
\end{gather}
\end{thm}
As usual, we prove Theorem \ref{semiclassical-resolvent-bounds} by obtaining bounds for the
parametrix $G$ and its error $E$ on
weighted $L^2$ spaces. As a preliminary remark, we recall that elements of
$\Psi^0_{\semi}$ on compact manifolds without boundary are $L^2$-bounded with
an $h$-independent bound;
the same holds for elements of $\Psi^0_{0,\semi}$. Thus, the diagonal singularity
can always be ignored (though in our setting, due to negative orders of the operators
we are interested in, Schur's lemma gives this directly in any case).
The following lemma follows from the argument of Mazzeo \cite[Proof of
Theorem~3.25]{Mazzeo:Edge}, since for the $L^2$ bounds, the proof
in that paper only utilizes estimates on the Schwartz kernel, rather than its
derivatives. Alternatively, it can be proved using Schur's lemma if one
writes the Schwartz kernel relative to a b-density.
\begin{lemma}\label{schurs}
Suppose that the Schwartz kernel of $B$ (trivialized by $|dg_\delta(z')|$) satisfies
\begin{gather*}
|B(z,z')| \leq C \rho_L^{\alpha}\rho_R^{\beta},
\end{gather*}
then we have four situations:
\begin{gather*}
\text{ If } \alpha,\beta>n/2, \text{ then } \|B\|_{\cL(L^2)}\leq C' C. \\
\text{ If } \alpha=n/2, \;\ \beta>n/2, \text{ then } \||\log x|^{-N} B\|_{\cL(L^2)}\leq C' C, \text{ for } N>\ha. \\
\text{ If } \alpha>n/2, \;\ \beta=n/2, \text{ then } \|| B|\log x|^{-N}\|_{\cL(L^2)}\leq C' C, \text{ for } N>\ha. \\
\text{ If } \alpha=\beta=n/2, \text{ then} \||\log x|^{-N} B |\log x|^{-N}\|_{\cL(L^2)}\leq C' C, \;\ N>\ha.
\end{gather*}
\end{lemma}
Now let $B(h,\sigma)$ have Schwartz kernel $B(z,z',\sigma,h)$
supported in $r>1$, and suppose that
$$
B(z,z',\sigma,h)=e^{-i\sigma r/h} h^k \rho_L^{n/2+\gamma}
\rho_R^{n/2}x^a (x')^{b} H,
\ H \in L^\infty, \text{ and } \frac{\im \sigma}{h}<N.
$$
Since from Proposition \ref{distance}, $r=-\log \rho_R \rho_L +F,$ $F\geq 0,$ $e^{-i \frac{\sigma}{h} r}=\rho_R^{i\frac{\sigma}{h}} \rho_L^{i\frac{\sigma}{h}} e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} F},$ and $\frac{\im \sigma}{h}<N,$
$|e^{-i\frac{\sigma}{h} F}|<C=C(N),$ it follows that
$$
|B(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^k \rho_L^{n/2+\gamma-\im\sigma/h+a}
\rho_R^{n/2-\im\sigma/h+b}R^{a+b}
$$
As an immediate consequence of Lemma \ref{schurs}, if $a+b\geq 0$, $\delta_0>0$ and
$\gamma-\im\sigma/h+a>\delta_0$ and
$-\im\sigma/h+b>\delta_0$, then
$$
\|B\|_{L^2}\leq C'C h^k.
$$
If either $\gamma-\im\sigma/h+a=0$ or $-\im\sigma/h+b=0$, we have to add the weight $|\log x|^{-N},$ with $N>\ha.$
On the other hand, suppose now that the Schwartz kernel of $B$ is supported
in $r<2$, and (again, trivialized by $|dg_\delta(z')|$)
$$
|B(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq Ch^k\langle r/h\rangle^{-\ell}\langle h/r\rangle^s,\ s<n+1.
$$
Note that for fixed $z',\sigma,h$, $B$ is $L^1$ in $z$, and similarly with
$z'$ and $z$ interchanged. In fact,
since the volume form is bounded by $\tilde C r^n\,dr(z')\,d\omega'$ in $r<2$,
uniformly in $z$, Schur's lemma yields
$$
\|B\|_{L^2}\leq CC'' h^k\int_0^2 \langle h/r\rangle^s\langle r/h\rangle^{-\ell} r^{n}\,dr.
$$
But
\begin{gather*}
\int_0^2 \langle h/r\rangle^s\langle r/h\rangle^{-\ell} r^{n}\,dr\\
\leq C_0\left(\int_0^h (h/r)^s r^{n}\,dr
+\int_h^2 (r/h)^{-\ell} r^{n}\,dr\right)=C_1(h^{n+1}+h^{-\ell}),
\end{gather*}
so we deduce that
$$
\|B\|_{L^2}\leq CC' (h^{n+1+k}+h^{k-\ell}).
$$
First, if, with $n+1=3$, $G$ is the parametrix, with error $E$, constructed in
Section~\ref{3D-parametrix}, then, writing $G=G_1+G_2$, and provided $\frac{\im\sigma}{h}<1$ and $|\sigma|>1$ (recall that $U_1$ has a factor $\sigma^{-1}$),
with
$G_1$ supported in $r<2$, $G_2$ supported in $r>1$, then
$|G_1|\leq C h^{-2}r^{-1}$,
$|G_2|\leq C e^{\im\sigma r/h}\rho_L^{n/2}\rho_R^{n/2}$,
and thus, using Proposition \ref{distance},
\begin{gather*}
|x^a (x')^b G_1(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^{-n-1}\langle h/r\rangle^{n-1}
\langle r/h\rangle^{-n/2},\\
|x^a (x')^b G_2(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^{-n-1}x^a (x')^b\rho_L^{n/2-\im\sigma/h}
\rho_R^{n/2-\im\sigma/h}.
\end{gather*}
On the other hand,
\begin{gather}
|x^a (x')^b E(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h x^a (x')^b\rho_L^{n/2+2-\im\sigma/h}\label{weakerror}
\rho_R^{n/2-\im\sigma/h}.
\end{gather}
Thus, we deduce the following bounds:
\begin{prop}\label{l2boundrest-3D}
Suppose $n+1=3$.
Let $G(h,\sigma)$ be the operator whose kernel is given by \eqref{parametrix},
and let $E(h,\sigma)=P(h,\sigma)G(h,\sigma)-\Id.$
Then for $|\sigma|>1,$ $\frac{\im\sigma}{h}<1,$ $a> \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ $a\geq 0,$
and
$\frac{\im\sigma}{h}< b<2- \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ $b\geq 0$,
we have, with $C$ independent of $h$,
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
||x^{a} G(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C h^{-1-\frac{n}{2}} ||f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \text{ and } \\
||x^{-b} E(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C h ||f||_{L^2(\Bn)}.
\end{gathered}\label{l2bound1-3D}
\end{gather}
If either $a= \frac{\im \sigma}{h}$ or $b= \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ or $a=b= \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ one has to replace the factor $x^{\pm\frac{\im\sigma}{h} }$
in \eqref{l2bound1-3D} with $\left(x^{\frac{\im\sigma}{h}} |\log x|^{-N}\right)^{\pm 1},$ $N>\ha,$ to obtain the $L^2$ bounds.
\end{prop}
In view of \eqref{weakerror} this cannot be improved using the methods of section \ref{3D-parametrix}. To obtain bounds on any strip we need the sharper bounds on the error term given by
Theorem \ref{nD-parametrix}. We now turn to arbitrary $n$ and use the parametrix $G$ and error $E$,
constructed in Theorem \ref{nD-parametrix}. Writing $G=G_0+G_1+G_2$, with $G_0\in
\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2}$, $G_1$ supported in $r<2$, $G_2$ supported in $r>1$,
$G_1\in e^{-i\sigma r/h}\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\infty,\frac{n}{2}-1,\infty}$,
$G_2\in e^{-i\sigma r/h}\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\frac{n}{2}+2,-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2}}$,
then for $|\sigma|>1$ and $\frac{\im\sigma}{h}<N,$
\begin{gather*}
x^aG_0(z,z',\sigma,h) (x')^b\in \Psi_{0,\semi}^{-2},\\
|x^a (x')^b G_1(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^{-n-1}\langle r/h\rangle^{-n/2},\\
|x^a (x')^b G_2(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^{-n-1}x^a (x')^b\rho_L^{n/2-\im\sigma/h}
\rho_R^{n/2+\im\sigma/h}.
\end{gather*}
On the other hand, writing
$E=E_1+E_2$, with $E_1$ supported in $r<2$, $E_2$ supported in $r>1$,
$E_1\in h^\infty\rho_{\mcf}^\infty\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\infty,\frac{n}{2}-1,\infty}$,
$E_2\in h^\infty \rho_{\mcf}^\infty\Psi_{0,\semi}^{-\infty,\infty,-\frac{n}{2}-1,\frac{n}{2}}$,
then for any $k$ and $M$ (with $C=C(M,N)$),
\begin{gather*}
|x^{-b} (x')^b E_1(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^k,\\
|x^{-b} (x')^b E_2(z,z',\sigma,h)|\leq C h^k x^M (x')^b
\rho_R^{n/2-\im\sigma/h}.
\end{gather*}
In this case, we deduce the following bounds:
\begin{prop}\label{l2boundrest-gen}
Let $G(h,\sigma)$ be the operator whose kernel is given by \eqref{kernelofg},
and let $E(h,\sigma)=P(h,\sigma)G(h,\sigma)-\Id$.
Then for $|\sigma|>1,$ $\frac{\im\sigma}{h}<M,$ $M>0,$ $ a> \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ $a\geq 0,$ and
$b>\frac{\im\sigma}{h},$ $b\geq 0,$ and $N$ arbitrary, we have, with $C$ independent of $h$,
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
||x^{a} G(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C h^{-1-\frac{n}{2}} ||f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \text{ and } \\
||x^{-b} E(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C h^N ||f||_{L^2(\Bn)}.
\end{gathered}\label{l2bound1-gen}
\end{gather}
If either $a= \frac{\im \sigma}{h}$ or $b= \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ or $a=b= \frac{\im \sigma}{h},$ one has to replace the factor $x^{\pm\frac{\im\sigma}{h} }$
in \eqref{l2bound1-gen} with $\left(x^{\frac{\im\sigma}{h}} |\log x|^{-k}\right)^{\pm 1},$ $k>\ha,$ to obtain the $L^2$ bounds.
\end{prop}
Now we can apply these estimates to prove Theorem \ref{semiclassical-resolvent-bounds}. We know that
\begin{gather*}
P(h,\sigma) G(h,\sigma)=I+ E(h,\sigma).
\end{gather*}
Since $R(h,\sigma)$ is bounded on $L^2(\Bn)$ for $\im\sigma<0$ we can write for $\im\sigma<0,$
\begin{gather*}
G(h,\sigma)= R(h,\sigma)( I+E(h,\sigma) ).
\end{gather*}
Therefore we have, still for $\im \sigma<0,$
\begin{gather*}
x^a G(h,\sigma) x^b= x^a R(h,\sigma)x^b (I + x^{-b} E(h,\sigma) x^{-b}).
\end{gather*}
For $a,b$ and $\sigma$ as in Proposition \ref{l2boundrest-gen} we can pick $h_0$ so that
$$
||x^{-b} E(h,\sigma) x^b f||_{L^2\rightarrow L^2} \leq \ha.
$$
In this case we have
\begin{gather*}
x^a G(h,\sigma) x^b (I + x^{-b} E(h,\sigma) x^{-b})^{-1}= x^a R(h,\sigma)x^b
\end{gather*}
and the result is proved.
\section{Proof of Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}}
\label{sec:resolvent-bounds}
Now we are ready to prove Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds}. To avoid using the same notation for different parameters, we will denote the spectral parameter in the statement of Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds} by $\la,$ instead of $\sigma.$
We write, for $|\re\la|>1,$
\begin{equation*}
(\Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 W-\la^2-\frac{n^2}{4})= (\re \la)^2\left[ \frac{1}{(\re\la)^2}\left(\Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 W-\frac{n^2}{4}\right)-\frac{\la^2}{(\re \la)^2}\right].
\end{equation*}
Thus, if we denote $h=\frac{1}{\re \la}$ and $\sigma=\frac{\la}{\re \la},$ and $E(h,\sigma)$ and $G(h,\sigma)$ are the operators in Proposition \ref{l2boundrest-gen},
we have
\begin{gather*}
(\Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 W-\la^2-\frac{n^2}{4})G(\frac{1}{\re \la}, \frac{\la}{\re \la})=
(\re\la)^2\left(\Id + E(\frac{1}{\re\la},\frac{\la}{\re \la})\right).
\end{gather*}
Since $R_\del(\la)=\left( \Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 W-\la^2-\frac{n^2}{4}\right)^{-1}$ is a well defined bounded operator if $\im \la<0,$
we can write,
\begin{gather*}
G(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la})= (\re\la)^2 R_\delta(\la) \left(\Id + E(\frac{1}{\re\la},\frac{\la}{\re\la})\right), \text{ for } \im\la<0.
\end{gather*}
Therefore,
\begin{gather*}
x^aG(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la})x^b= (\re\la)^2 x^a R_\delta(\la) x^b\left(\Id + x^{-b} E(\frac{1}{\re\la},\frac{\la}{\re\la}) x^{b}\right).
\end{gather*}
According to Proposition \ref{l2boundrest-gen}, if $\im\la<M,$ we can pick $K$ such that if $|\re \la|>K,$ and $\im \la < b$ then,
\begin{equation*}
||x^{-b} E(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la} )x^b||<\ha.
\end{equation*}
Therefore
$(\Id + x^{-b} E(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la}) x^{b})^{-1}$ is holomorphic in $\im\la<M,$ and
bounded as an operator in $L^2(\Bc, g),$ with norm independent of $\re\la,$ provided $b>\im \la.$
On the other hand, if $a>\im \la,$ then from Proposition \ref{l2boundrest-gen},
\begin{gather*}
||x^{a} G(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la}) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bn)} \leq C (\re \la)^{1+\frac{n}{2}} ||f||_{L^2(\Bn)}.
\end{gather*}
Since,
\begin{gather*}
x^a R_\delta(\la) x^b =(\re \la)^{-2}x^a G(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la}) x^b\left( I+ x^{-b} E(\frac{1}{\re \la},\frac{\la}{\re \la}) x^{b}\right)^{-1},
\end{gather*}
then, for and for $a,b$ in this range, and $|\re \la|>K,$ $x^a R_\del(\la) x^b$ is holomorphic and
\begin{gather*}
||x^a R_\delta(\la) x^b f||_{L^2(\Bc,g)} \leq C (\re\la)^{\frac{n}{2}-1} ||f||_{L^2(\Bc,g)}.
\end{gather*}
When either $a=\im \la$ or $b=\im \la$ we have to introduce the logarithmic weight and in Proposition \ref{l2boundrest-gen}. This
concludes the proof of the
$L^2$ estimates of Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds}.
The Sobolev estimates follow from these $L^2$ estimates and interpolation.
First we observe that the following commutator properties hold: There are $\CI(\Bc)$ functions $A_i$ and $B_j,$ $i=1, 2,$ and $1\leq j \leq 5,$ such that
\begin{gather*}
[\Delta_{g_\delta},x^a]= A_1 x^a + A_2 x^a xD_x, \\
[\Delta_{g_\delta}, x^a (\log x)^{-N}]= B_1 x^a (\log x)^{-N} + B_2 x^a (\log x)^{-N-1} + \\
B_3 x^a (\log x)^{-N-2} + \left( B_4 x^a (\log x)^{-N} + B_5 x^a (\log x)^{-N-1}\right) x D_x.
\end{gather*}
Hence
\begin{gather*}
\Delta_{g_\delta} x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v= x^a \Delta_{g_\delta} R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v+
A_1 x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v + A_2 x^a x D_x R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v.
\end{gather*}
Since $a,b\geq 0,$
$\Delta_{g_\delta}$ is elliptic, and $\Delta_{g_\delta} R_\delta(\sigma)=\Id + (\sigma^2+1-x^2 W(x) ) R_\delta$
it follows that, see for example \cite{Mazzeo:Edge},
that there exists a constant $C>0$ such that
\begin{equation}\begin{split}
&||x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v||_{ H^2_0(\Bc)} \\
&\qquad\leq C \left( \sigma^2 ||x^b v||_{L^2(\Bc)} +
||x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v||_{L^2(\Bc)} + ||x^a R_\delta(\sigma) x^b v||_{H^1_0(\Bc)} \right).\label{h1bound-res}
\end{split}\end{equation}
By interpolation between Sobolev spaces we know that there exists $C>0$ such that
\begin{gather}
||x^av||_{H^1_0(\Bc)}^2 \leq C ||x^a v||_{L^2(\Bc)} ||x^a v||_{H^2_0(\Bc)}\label{interp2}
\end{gather}
Therefore, for any $\eps>0,$
\begin{gather}
|| x^a v ||_{H^1_0(\Bc)} \leq C\left( \eps ||x^a v ||_{H^2_0(\Bc)} + \eps^{-1} ||x^a v ||_{L^2(\Bc)}\right), \label{interp1}
\end{gather}
and if one takes $\eps$ small enough, \eqref{h1bound-res} and \eqref{interp1} give
\eqref{sobolev1} with $k=2.$ If one uses \eqref{interp2} and \eqref{sobolev1} with $k=2$ one obtains
\eqref{sobolev1} with $k=1.$ The proof of \eqref{sobolev2} follows by the same argument.
This completes the proof of Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}.
\section{Structure of $\Delta_X$ near the boundaries}
\label{sec:black-hole}
We begin the proof of Theorem \ref{globalest} by analyzing the structure of
the operator $\Delta_X$ near $r=r_{\bH}$ and $r=r_{\sI}.$ We recall that
$\beta(r)=\ha \frac{d}{dr} \alpha^2(r)$ and that $\beta_\bH=\beta(r_\bH)$
and $\beta_\sI=\beta(r_\sI).$
We show that near
these ends, after rescaling $\alpha,$ the operator $\alpha^{\frac{n}{2}} \Delta_X
\alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}$ is a small perturbation of the Laplacian of the hyperbolic
metric of constant negative sectional curvature $-\beta_{\bH}^2$ near $r_{\bH}$ and
$-\beta_{\sI}^2$ near $r_{\sI}.$
Since $\alpha'(r)\not=0$ near $r=r_{\bH}$ and $r=r_{\sI},$ $\Delta_X$ can be
written in terms of $\alpha$ as a `radial' coordinate
\begin{equation*}
\Delta_X=
\beta r^{-n}\alpha D_\alpha( \beta r^n\alpha D_\alpha)+\alpha^2 r^{-2}
\Delta_\omega.
\end{equation*}
We define a $\CI$ function $x$ on $[r_{\bH}, r_{\sI}]$ which is positive in the interior of the interval and rescales $\alpha$ near the ends by
\begin{gather}
\alpha= 2r_{\bH}\beta_{\bH} x \text{ near } r=r_{\bH}\text{ and }
\alpha= 2r_{\sI}|\beta_{\sI}| x \text{ near }r=r_{\sI}.
\label{rescale}
\end{gather}
Using $x$ instead of $\alpha$ near the ends $r_\bH$ and $r_\sI,$ we obtain
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
\Delta_X=
\beta r^{-n} x D_{x}( \beta r^n x D_{x})+4{x}^2\beta_{\bH}^2r_{\bH}^2 r^{-2}
\Delta_\omega, \text{ near } r=r_{\bH}, \\
\Delta_X=\beta r^{-n}xD_{x}(\beta r^n xD_{x})+
4x^2\beta_{\sI}^2r_{\sI}^2 r^{-2} \Delta_\omega, \text{ near } r=r_{\sI}.
\end{gathered}\label{conjugation}
\end{gather}
\begin{prop}\label{modelnearends} There exists $\del>0$ such that, if we identify each of the neighborhoods of $\{x=0\}$ given by $r\in [r_{\bH},r_{\bH}+\del)$ and $r\in (r_{\sI}-\del, r_{\sI}],$
with a neighborhood of the boundary of the ball
$\Bn,$ then there exist two $\CI$ functions,
$W_{\bH}(x)$ defined near $r=r_{\bH},$ and
$W_{\sI}(x)$ defined near $r= r_{\sI},$ such that
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}=x^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X x^{-\frac{n}{2}} = \Delta_{g_{\bH}} + x^2 W_{\bH} -\beta_{\bH}^2\frac{n^2}{4},
\text{ near } r=r_{\bH} \text{ and } \\
\alpha^\frac{n}{2}\Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}=x ^\frac{n}{2}\Delta_X {x}^{-\frac{n}{2}} = \Delta_{g_{\sI}} + x^2 W_{\sI} -\beta_{\sI}^2\frac{n^2}{4},
\text{ near } r=r_{\sI},
\end{gathered}\label{modelnearends:eq}
\end{gather}
where $g_{\bH}$ and $g_{\sI}$ are small perturbations of the hyperbolic metrics with sectional curvature
$-\beta_{\bH}^2$ and $-\beta_{\sI}^2$
respectively on the interior of $\Bn,$ i.e.
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
g_{\bH}= \frac{ 4 dz^2}{ \beta_{\bH}^2(1-|z|^2)^2}+H_{\bH}, \text{ and }
g_{\sI}= \frac{ 4 dz^2}{ \beta_{\sI}^2(1-|z|^2)^2}+H_{\sI},
\end{gathered}\label{metform}
\end{gather}
where $H_{\bH}$ and $H_{\sI}$ are symmetric 2-tensors $\CI$ up to the
boundary of $\Bn.$
\end{prop}
\begin{proof} It is only necessary to prove the result near one of the ends. The computation near the other end is identical and one only needs to replace
the index $\bH$ by $\sI.$ From \eqref{conjugation} we we find that near $r=r_{\bH},$
\begin{equation*}\begin{split}
x^{\frac{n}{2}} \Delta_X {x}^{-\frac{n}{2}}= &\beta^2(x D_{x})^2 +in \beta^2 {x} D_{x}
+\beta r^{-n} (x D_{x}(\beta r^n) )x D_{x} +(2 \beta_{\bH} r_{\bH})^2 r^{-2} x^2 \Delta_\omega \\ & -i\frac{n}{2} \beta r^{-n} x D_{x}(\beta r^n)-\beta^2\frac{n^2}{4}.
\end{split}\end{equation*}
Let $g_\bH$ be the metric defined on a neighborhood of $\p \Bn$ given by
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
g_{\bH}= \frac{dx^2}{\beta^2 x^2} + \la_{\bH}^{-2} {r^2}\frac{d\omega^2}{x^2}, \text{ where } \lambda_\bH= 2|\beta_\bH| r_\bH.
\end{gathered} \label{refmet}
\end{gather}
The Laplacian of this metric is
\begin{gather*}
\Delta_{g_\bH}= \beta^2(x D_x)^2 +in \beta^2 x D_x + \beta r^{-n} (x D_x(\beta r^n))x D_x +
\lambda_\bH^2 r^{-2} x^2\Delta_\omega.
\end{gather*}
Therefore we conclude that near the ends $r=r_{\bH}$
\begin{gather*}
x^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X x^{-\frac{n}{2}} = \Delta_{g_\bH} -\beta^2\frac{n^2}{4} -i \frac{n}{2}\beta r^{-n} x D_x(\beta r^2).
\end{gather*}
Since $r=r(x^2),$ we can write near $r_{\bH}$ and $r_{\sI},$
\begin{gather*}
r=r_\bH + x^2 A_\bH(x^2) \text{ and }
\beta(r)= \beta_\bH + x^2 B_\bH(x^2)\text{ near } r=r_\bH.
\end{gather*}
Therefore, near $r=r_{\bH}$
\begin{gather*}
\frac{1}{\beta^2}= \frac{1}{\beta_\bH^2} + x^2 \widetilde{B}_\bH(x^2).
\end{gather*}
We conclude that there exist a symmetric 2-tensor $H_\bH(x^2,d x,d\omega)$ near
$r=r_\bH$ which is $\CI$ up to
$\{x=0\},$ and such that the metric $g_\bH$ given by \eqref{refmet} can be written
near $r=r_\bH$ as
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
g_\bH= \frac{d x^2}{\beta_\bH^2 x^2} + \frac{ d\omega^2}{4\beta_\bH^2 x^2} + H_\bH \text{ near } r=r_\bH.
\end{gathered} \label{modelend}
\end{gather}
Let $\tilde{g}$ be the metric on the interior of $\Bn$ which is given by
\begin{gather*}
\tilde{g}= \frac{4 |dz|^2}{ c^2 (1-|z|^2)^2}.
\end{gather*}
We consider local coordinates valid for $|z|>0$ given by $(x,\omega),$ where $\omega=z/|z|,$ and
$x=\frac{1-|z|}{1+|z|}.$
The metric $\tilde{g}$ written in terms of these coordinates is given by
\begin{gather*}
\tilde{g}= \frac{ dx^2}{c^2 x^2} + (1-x^2)^2 \frac{d\omega^2}{4c^2 x^2}.
\end{gather*}
Therefore, near $x=0$
\begin{gather*}
\tilde{g}= \frac{ dx^2}{c^2 x^2} + \frac{ d\omega^2}{4 c^2 x^2} + H(x^2,\omega,dx,d\omega),
\end{gather*}
where $H$ is a symmetric 2-tensor smooth up to the boundary of $\Bn.$
This concludes the proof of the Proposition.
\end{proof}
\section{From cut-off and models to stationary resolvent}
\label{sec:decomposition}
Next we use the method of Bruneau and Petkov \cite{Bruneau-Petkov:Semiclassical} to decompose the
operator $R(\sigma)$ in terms of its cut-off part $\chi R(\sigma) \chi$ and the contributions from the ends, which are controlled by Theorem~\ref{resolvent-bounds}.
For that one needs to define some suitable cut-off functions. For $\delta>0$ let $\chi_j,$ $\chi_j^1,$ and $\tilde{\chi}_j,$ $j=1,2,$ defined by
\begin{gather*}
\chi_1(r)= 1 \text{ if } r>r_{\bH}+4\delta, \;\ \chi_1(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r< r_{\bH} + 3\delta, \\
\chi_1^1(r)= 1 \text{ if } r>r_{\bH}+2\delta, \;\ \chi_1^1(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r< r_{\bH} + \delta, \\
\tilde{\chi}_1(r)= 1 \text{ if } r>r_{\bH}+6\delta, \;\ \tilde{\chi_1}(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r< r_{\bH} +5 \delta, \\
\chi_2(r)= 1 \text{ if } r<r_{\sI}-4\delta, \;\ \chi_2(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r> r_{\sI} - 3\delta, \\
\chi_2^1(r)= 1 \text{ if } r<r_{\sI}-2\delta, \;\ \chi_2^1(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r> r_{\sI} - \delta, \\
\tilde{\chi}_2(r)= 1 \text{ if } r<r_{\sI}-6\delta, \;\ \tilde{\chi}_2(\alpha)=0 \text{ if } r> r_{\sI} - 5\delta,
\end{gather*}
and let
\begin{gather*}
\chi_3(r)= 1-(1-\chi_1)(1-\chi_1^1)-(1-\chi_2)(1-\chi_2^1).
\end{gather*}
$\chi_3(r)$ is supported in $[r_{\bH}+\delta, r_{\sI}-\delta]$ and $\chi_3(r)=1$
if $r\in[r_{\bH}+2\delta, r_{\sI}-2\delta].$ Let $\chi \in C_0^\infty(r_{\bH},r_{\sI})$ with
$\chi(r)=1$ if $r\in [r_{\bH}+\delta/2, r_{\sI}-\delta/2].$
Now we will use Proposition \ref{modelnearends} for $\delta$ small enough. Let $g_{\bH}$ and $g_{\sI}$
be the metrics given on the interior of $\Bn$ given by \eqref{metform} and let
\begin{gather}
g_{\bH,\del}= \frac{ 4 dz^2}{ \beta_{\bH}^2 (1-|z|^2)^2}+ (1-\tilde{\chi}_1) H_{\bH}, \text{ and }
g_{\sI,\del}= \frac{ 4 dz^2}{ \beta_{\sI}^2 (1-|z|^2)^2}+(1-\tilde{\chi}_2)H_{\sI}. \label{g+andg++}
\end{gather}
Since $g_{\bH,\del}=g_{\bH}$ if $\tilde{\chi}_1=0,$ and $g_{\sI,\del}=g_{\sI}$ if $\tilde{\chi}_2=0,$ it follows from Proposition \ref{modelnearends} that, for $x$ given by equation \eqref{rescale}
\begin{gather*}
\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} (1-{\chi}_1) f= (\Delta_{g_{\bH,\del}} +x^2 W_{\bH}-\frac{n^2}{4} \beta_{\bH}^2-\sigma^2) (1-\chi_1) f, \text{ and } \\
\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} (1-\chi_1^1) f= (\Delta_{g_{\bH,\del}} +x^2 W_{\bH}-\frac{n^2}{4} \beta_{\bH}^2-\sigma^2) (1-\chi_1^1) f. \\
\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} (1-\chi_2) f= (\Delta_{g_{\sI,\del}} +x^2 W_{\sI}-\frac{n^2}{4}\beta_{\sI}^2-\sigma^2) (1-\chi_2) f, \text{ and } \\
\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} (1-\chi_2^1) f= (\Delta_{g_{\sI,\del}} +x^2 W_{\sI}-\frac{n^2}{4}\beta_{\sI}^2-\sigma^2) (1-\chi_2^1) f.
\end{gather*}
Let
\begin{gather*}
R_\alpha(\sigma)= \alpha^\frac{n}{2} R(\sigma) \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}=(\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}-\sigma^2)^{-1}, \;\
\im \sigma<0,
\end{gather*}
and let
\begin{gather*}
R_{\bH}(\sigma)=(\Delta_{g_{\bH,\del}} +x^2 W_{\bH} -\sigma^2-\frac{n^2}{4} \beta_{\bH}^2)^{-1} \text{ and } \\
R_{\sI}(\sigma)=(\Delta_{g_{\sI,\del}} +x^2 W_{\sI} -\sigma^2-\frac{n^2}{4} \beta_{\sI}^2)^{-1}
\end{gather*}
be operators acting on functions defined on $\Bn.$
If, as in Proposition \ref{modelnearends}, we identify neighborhoods of $r=r_{\bH}$ and $r=r_{\sI}$ with a neighborhood of the boundary of $\Bn,$ we obtain the following identity for the resolvent
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
R_\alpha(\sigma)= R_\alpha(\sigma)\chi_3+ (1-\chi_1)R_{\bH}(\sigma)(1-\chi_1^1) +
(1-\chi_2) R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\chi_2^1) - \\
R_\alpha(\sigma)[\Delta_{g_{\bH}}, 1-\chi_1] R_{\bH}(\sigma)(1-\chi_1^1) -
R_\alpha(\sigma)[\Delta_{g_{\sI}}, 1-\chi_2] R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\chi_2^1).
\end{gathered}\label{residentity1}
\end{gather}
Similarly, one obtains
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
R_\alpha(\sigma)= \chi_3 R_\alpha(\sigma)+ (1-\chi_1^1)R_{\bH}(\sigma)(1-\chi_1) +
(1-\chi_2^1) R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\chi_2) + \\
(1-\chi_1^1)R_{\bH}(\sigma)[\Delta_{g_{\bH}}, 1-\chi_1] R_\alpha(\sigma)+
(1-\chi_2^1)R_{\sI}(\sigma)[\Delta_{g_{\sI}},1- \chi_2] R_\alpha(\sigma).
\end{gathered}\label{residentity2}
\end{gather}
These equations can be verified by applying $\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \Delta_X \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}-\sigma^2$ on the left and on the right of both sides of the identities.
Substituting \eqref{residentity2} into \eqref{residentity1} we obtain
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
R_\alpha(\sigma)&= M_1(\sigma) \chi R_\alpha(\sigma) \chi M_2(\sigma) +\\
&\qquad\qquad
(1-\chi_1)R_{\bH}(\sigma)(1-\chi_1^1)+ (1-\chi_2)R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\chi_2^1), \\
&\text{ where} \\
M_1(\sigma)&= \chi_3 + (1-\chi_1^1)R_{\bH}(\sigma) (1-\tilde{\chi}_1)[\Delta_{g_{\bH}},1-\chi_1]\\
&\qquad\qquad
+ (1-\chi_2^1)R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\tilde{\chi}_2)[\Delta_{g_{\sI}},1-\chi_2], \\
M_2(\sigma)&= \chi_3 -[\Delta_{g_{\bH}},1-\chi_1](1-\tilde{\chi}_1)R_{\bH}(\sigma)(1-\chi_1^1)\\
&\qquad\qquad-[\Delta_{g_{\sI}},1-\chi_2](1-\tilde{\chi}_2)R_{\sI}(\sigma)(1-\chi_2^1).
\end{split}\label{brpkid}
\end{equation}
This gives a decomposition of $R_\alpha(\sigma)$ in terms of the cutoff resolvent, studied by Bony and H\"afner \cite{Bony-Haefner:Decay}, and the resolvents of he Laplacian of a metric which are small perturbations of the Poincar\'e metric in $\Bn.$ The mapping properties of such operators were established in
Section \ref{sec:resolvent-bounds}. Next we will put the estimates together and finish the proof of our main result.
\section{The proof of Theorem~\ref{globalest} in $3$ dimensions}
\label{sec:black-hole-proof}
We now prove Theorem \ref{globalest} for $n+1=3$ using
Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds} and Theorem \ref{bhthm}. We first restate a strengthened version of the theorem which includes the case where the weight
$b=\im\sigma.$
\begin{thm}\label{globalest-strong} Let $\eps>0$
be such that \eqref{bonyhafnerest}
holds and suppose
$$
0<\gamma<\min(\eps,\beta_{\bH},|\beta_{\sI}|,1).
$$
Then for $b>\gamma$
there exist $C$ and $M$ such that if $\im\sigma\le\gamma$ and $|\re\sigma
|\ge1,$
\begin{equation}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^b R(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^bf||
_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega)}\leq C|\sigma|^M ||f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega) },
\label{mainest1-r}
\end{equation}
where $\tilde{\alpha}$ was defined in \eqref{SeClRe.1} and the measure $\Omega$ was defined in \eqref{measure}.
Moreover, for $N>\ha$ and $0<\del<<1,$ choose $\psi_N(r)\in\CI(r_{\bH}, r_{\sI})$ with
$\psi_N(r)\ge1,$ such that
\begin{equation}
\psi_N=|\log \alpha|^{-N}\Mif r-r_{\bH}<\del\Mor r_{\sI}-r<\del.
\label{SeClRe.4}\end{equation}
Then with $\gamma$ as above, there exists $C>0$ and $M\geq 0$ such that for
$|\re\sigma|\ge1$ and $|\im\sigma|\le\gamma$
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^{\im \sigma} \psi_N(\alpha) R(\sigma)
{\tilde{\alpha}}^{b} f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega )}
\leq C |\sigma|^M ||f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega)},
\\
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^{b} R(\sigma)
{\tilde{\alpha}}^{\im \sigma}\psi_N(\alpha) f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega)}
\leq C |\sigma|^M ||f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega) }\Mand
\\
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^{\im \sigma} \psi_N(\alpha) R(\sigma)
{\tilde{\alpha}}^{\im\sigma}\psi_N(\alpha) f||_{L^2 (X;\Omega)}
\leq C |\sigma|^M ||f||_{L^2 ( X ;\Omega)}.
\end{gathered}\label{mainest11}\end{gather}
\end{thm}
\begin{proof} Recall from \eqref{g+andg++} that
\begin{gather*}
g_{\bH,\delta}= \frac{1}{\beta_\bH^2} g_\delta \text{ and } g_{\sI,\delta}= \frac{1}{\beta_\sI^2} g_\delta,
\end{gather*}
where $g_\delta$ is of the form \eqref{metgeps}.
So we obtain $\Delta_{g_{\bH,\delta}}=\beta_\bH^2 \Delta_{g_\delta}$ and similarly
$\Delta_{g_{\sI,\delta}}=\beta_\sI^2 \Delta_{g_\delta}.$ Therefore,
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
R_\bH(\sigma)=\left( \beta_\bH^2\Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 W_\bH-\sigma^2-\frac{n^2}{4} \beta_\bH^2\right)^{-1}= \\ \beta_\bH^{-2}\left(\Delta_{g_\delta}+ x^2 \beta_\bH^{-2} W_\bH-\sigma^2\beta_\bH^{-2}-\frac{n^2}{4}\right)^{-1}= \beta_\bH^{-2} R_\delta( \sigma|\beta_\bH|^{-1}).
\end{gathered}\label{bulletid}
\end{gather}
Therefore, by replacing $\sigma$ with $\sigma |\beta_\bH|^{-1}$ in \eqref{sobolev1} and
\eqref{sobolev2} setting $a=\frac{A}{|\beta_\bH|},$ and $b=\frac{B}{|\beta_\bH|},$
we deduce from Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds} that there exists $\delta_0>0$ such that if $0<\delta<\delta_0,$
for $\im \sigma<A$ and $\im\sigma < B$ and $|\re \sigma|> K(\delta),$
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
||x^{\frac{A}{|\beta_\bH|}} R_\bH(\sigma) x^{\frac{B}{|\beta_\bH|}} v||_{H^k(\Bc)} \leq
C |\sigma|^k || v||_{L^2(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
||x^{\frac{A}{|\beta_\bH|}} R_\bH\sigma) x^{\frac{B}{|\beta_\bH}} v||_{L^2(\Bc)} \leq
C |\sigma|^k || v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2.
\end{gathered}\label{sobolev3}
\end{gather}
Of course, the same argument applied to $R_{\sI}$ gives
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
||x^{\frac{A}{|\beta_\sI|}} R_\sI(\sigma) x^{\frac{B}{|\beta_\sI|}} v||_{H^k(\Bc)} \leq
C |\sigma|^k || v||_{L^2(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
||x^{\frac{A}{|\beta_\sI|}} R_\sI\sigma) x^{\frac{B}{|\beta_\sI}} v||_{L^2(\Bc)} \leq
C |\sigma|^k || v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2.
\end{gathered}\label{sobolev3sI}
\end{gather}
When $A={\im\sigma},$ or $B={\im\sigma},$
we define $T_{\bH,A,B,N}$ and $T_{\sI,A,B,N}$ and
as in \eqref{deftabn} by replacing $R_\delta(\sigma)$ with either
$R_\bH(\sigma)$ or $R_\sI(\sigma),$ $a$ with $A$ and $b$ with $B.$ Using \eqref{sobolev2} we obtain
for $J=\bH$ or $J=\sI,$
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| T_{J,A,B,N} (\sigma) v||_{H_0^k(\Bc)} \leq C |\sigma|^k ||v||_{L^2(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2, \\
|| T_{J,A,B,N} v||_{L^2(\Bc)} \leq C |\sigma|^k ||v||_{H_0^{-k}(\Bc)}, \;\ k=0,1,2.
\end{gathered}\label{sobolev4}
\end{gather}
Now we recall that $\alpha=2 r_{\bH}\beta_{\bH}$ near $r_{\bH}$ and similarly
$\alpha=2 r_{\sI}\beta_{\sI}$ near $r_{\sI}.$ We will use these estimates, identity \eqref{brpkid} and Theorem \ref{bhthm} to prove
Theorem \ref{globalest}. Indeed, in the case $a>\im\sigma,$ $b>\im \sigma$ we write
\begin{gather*}
{\tilde{\alpha}}^a R_\alpha {\tilde{\alpha}}^b= {\tilde{\alpha}}^a M_1(\sigma) {\tilde{\alpha}}^b
{\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} \chi R_\alpha(\sigma) \chi {\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} {\tilde{\alpha}}^b M_2(\sigma)
{\tilde{\alpha}}^b
+ \\ (1-\chi_1) {\tilde{\alpha}}^a R_{\bH}(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_1^1) +(1-\chi_2)
{\tilde{\alpha}}^aR_{\sI}(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_2^1).
\end{gather*}
Notice that the measure in $\Bn$ is $x^{-n-1}dxd\omega,$ which corresponds to
$\alpha^{-n-1}d\alpha d\omega$ which in turn corresponds to $\alpha^{-n-2} dr d\omega.$ In this case $n=2,$ but this part of the argument is the same for all dimensions, and we will not set $n=2.$
Thus, we deduce from Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds} that
\begin{gather*}
|| (1-\chi_1) {\tilde{\alpha}}^a R_{\bH}(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_1^1) ||_{L^2(X;\alpha^{-n-2} dr d\omega)} \leq C ||v||_{L^2(X;\alpha^{-n-2} dr d\omega)}, \\
||(1-\chi_2) {\tilde{\alpha}}^aR_{\sI}(\sigma){\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_2^1) v||_{L^2(X;\alpha^{-n-2} dr d\omega)} \leq C||v||_{L^2(X;\alpha^{-n-2} dr d\omega)}.
\end{gather*}
Recall that $\Omega=\alpha^{-2} r^2 dr d\omega.$ Since $r\in [r_\bH,r_\sI],$ $r_\bH>0,$ this gives
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| (1-\chi_1) {\tilde{\alpha}}^a \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}R_{\bH}(\sigma)\alpha^{\frac{n}{2}} {\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_1^1) ||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq C ||v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}, \\
||(1-\chi_2) {\tilde{\alpha}}^a\alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}R_{\sI}(\sigma)\alpha^\frac{n}{2} {\tilde{\alpha}}^b (1-\chi_2^1) v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq C||v||_{L^2(X;\alpha^{-n-2} \Omega)}.
\end{gathered}\label{finalestimate1}
\end{gather}
Similarly, using the Sobolev estimates in Theorem \ref{resolvent-bounds}, we obtain
\begin{gather}
\begin{gathered}
|| {\tilde{\alpha}}^a \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} M_1(\sigma) \alpha^\frac{n}{2} {\tilde{\alpha}}^b v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq
C |\sigma| ||v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}, \\
|| {\tilde{\alpha}}^a \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} M_2(\sigma)\alpha^\frac{n}{2} {\tilde{\alpha}}^b v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq
C |\sigma| ||v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}.
\end{gathered}\label{finalestimate2}
\end{gather}
Since $\chi$ is compactly supported in the interior of $X,$ it follows from Theorem \ref{bhthm} that
\begin{gather}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} \chi R_\alpha(\sigma) \chi {\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq C||v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}.\label{finalestimate3}
\end{gather}
Estimates \eqref{finalestimate1}, \eqref{finalestimate2} and \eqref{finalestimate3} imply that
\begin{gather*}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} R_\alpha(\sigma)\alpha^\frac{n}{2} \chi {\tilde{\alpha}}^{-b} v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)} \leq C||v||_{L^2(X;\Omega)}.
\end{gather*}
But $\alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} R_\alpha(\sigma)\alpha^\frac{n}{2}=R(\sigma).$ This proves \eqref{mainest1-r}.
\end{proof}
\section{The proof of Theorem~\ref{globalest} in general dimension}\label{sec:black-hole-n+1-proof}
We will outline the main steps necessary to connect to
the results
of \cite{Datchev-Vasy}, and refer the reader to \cite{Datchev-Vasy} for more details.
First choose $\delta$ so small \eqref{bich-convexity1} holds.
Let $X_0$ and $X_1$ be as defined in \eqref{Xdecomp},
then we recall that for $\delta$ small,
\begin{gather*}
\alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} P\alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}|_{X_0}= P(h,\sigma),
\end{gather*}
where $P(h,\sigma)$ stands for model near either $r_{\bH}$ or near
$r_{\sI}.$ By
Theorem \ref{semiclassical-resolvent-bounds}
there exists $h_0>0$ such that for $h\in (0,h_0),$
\begin{gather*}
||x^a (h^2 P_0-\sigma)^{-1} x^b||_{L^2\rightarrow L^2} \leq C h^{-1-\frac{n}{2}} \;\ \sigma \in (1-c,1+c) \times (-c, \eps h)\subset\Cx.
\end{gather*}
Let $P_1$ be the operator defined in \eqref{operatorp1} and let $\eps>0$ be such that \eqref{wuzwestimate} holds. Then it follows from Theorem 2.1 of
\cite{Datchev-Vasy} that there exist $h_1>0,$ $C>0$ and $K>0$ such that for $h\in (0,h_1),$
\begin{equation}\begin{split}\label{eq:davaestimate}
||{\tilde{\alpha}}^b \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}} (h^2 \Delta_X-\sigma^2)^{-1} &{\tilde{\alpha}}^a \alpha^{-\frac{n}{2}}||_{L^2\rightarrow L^2} \leq C h^{-K},\\
&\sigma \in (1-c,1+c) \times (-c, \eps h)\subset\Cx.
\end{split}\end{equation}
The estimate in Theorem \ref{globalest} follows by restating \eqref{eq:davaestimate}
in the non-semiclassical language, i.e.\ multiplying it by
$h^2$ and replacing $\sigma$ by $h^{-1}\sigma$.
\def$'$} \def\cprime{$'${$'$} \def$'$} \def\cprime{$'${$'$}
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Q: Rounding/formatting decimals using pandas, reading from columns of a csv file Need to read a csv file and have it output the min, max, range, and standard deviation for each of the 3 columns in the file. This isn't the problem I'm having. What I'm having trouble with is something that I feel like should be relatively simple, getting the outputs to round to 2 decimal places. While it's not really necessary as the program does what it needs to do, it would be great if it could be formatted that way for the sake of presentation
I approached this problem using pandas, calculating the four parts of the problem was easy but I cannot, for the life of me, find out how to round any of the decimals. I've tried .round() and various other lines of code but I still wind up at a dead end
import pandas as pd
df = pd.read_csv('Exam-Data-Dstat.csv')
col_name =df.columns[0]
df=df.rename(columns = {col_name:'Ease'})
col_name =df.columns[1]
df=df.rename(columns = {col_name:'Useful'})
col_name =df.columns[2]
df=df.rename(columns = {col_name:'Intent'})
print("Min, Max, Range, Mean, and SD of Ease: ")
print (df.Ease.min())
print (df.Ease.max())
print (df.Ease.max() - df.Ease.min())
print (df.Ease.mean())
print (df.Ease.std())
print("\n")
print("Min, Max, Range, Mean, and SD of Useful: ")
print (df.Useful.min())
print (df.Useful.max())
print (df.Useful.max() - df.Useful.min())
print (df.Useful.mean())
print (df.Useful.std())
print("\n")
print("Min, Max, Range, Mean, and SD of Intent: ")
print (df.Intent.min())
print (df.Intent.max())
print (df.Intent.max() - df.Intent.min())
print (df.Intent.mean())
print (df.Intent.std())
Like I said, everything the is already being displayed when this is ran in the terminal should come out rounded to 2 decimal places, that is the only thing I really need help with. I'm fairly new at Python and have only had a few months experience
A: Here you are trying to format the output for the print function, not actually the dataframe values.
So, you can format the output like this:
print("%.2f" % df.Ease.min())
the "%.2f" indicates you want to print 2 digits after the dot for a float type value
A: You can use pythons inbuilt round function.
print(round(df.Useful.mean(), 2))
2 means you want to print 2 digits after the dot.
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Denver Nuggets at Golden State Warriors NBA Analysis and Predictions
Home » News » NBA » Denver Nuggets at Golden State Warriors NBA Analysis and Predictions
The Denver Nuggets and Golden State Warriors prepare to face off in a Saturday night NBA postseason matchup.
The Best Bets for Saturday, April 16th
The No. 6 Denver Nuggets and No. 3 Golden State Warriors kick off the NBA postseason on Saturday in San Francisco.
Denver finished the regular season playing very mediocre basketball. The team went just 2-3 over the course of their final games and will need to develop more consistency if they have any chance of upsetting Golden State.
The Warriors labored for a while following Steph Curry's injury. After dropping four straight games to end the month of March, the Warriors found brand new life in April. The Warriors won five straight games once the calendar flipped and closed out their regular season on a high note.
Golden State is looking to add another victory to the win column at home, while Denver will try to stunt their momentum.
Tip-off is scheduled for 8:30 P.M. EST on Saturday, April 16th, at the Chase Center in San Francisco, CA.
NBA – Denver Nuggets at Golden State Warriors Betting Trends
Denver Nuggets:
Denver is 37-45 ATS this year.
The Nuggets are 22-19 ATS when playing on the road this season.
They are 14-14 ATS as the underdog.
Denver is 12-9 ATS when playing as the away underdog.
The Nuggets are 21-31 ATS in conference games.
Golden State Warriors:
Golden State is 41-37-4 ATS this season.
The Warriors are 23-16-2 ATS when playing at their home arena this year.
They are 30-28-4 ATS as the favorite.
Golden State is 20-16-2 ATS when playing as the home favorite.
The Warriors are 25-24-3 ATS in conference affairs.
They own an over/under record of 35-45-2 this season.
Denver has labored as of late. They aren't necessarily playing poorly, but their mediocrity is a problem heading into the postseason. Defeating a red-hot Warriors team that expects to have Steph Curry returning is difficult when you can't win consistently.
But the fact is that Denver is always going to have a chance to pull off an upset when Nikola Jokic is in the lineup. Jokic appears to be the favorite to win his second straight NBA MVP award in 2022. The big man carried Denver to the playoffs without the help of Michael Porter Jr. and Jamaal Murray.
What he has been able to accomplish this season is nothing short of remarkable.
This is obviously a game prediction where we talk about the team. But the team wouldn't be where they are without Jokic. He led Denver in points per game with 27.1, assists per game with 7.9, and rebounds per game with 13.8.
Overall, Denver ranks eighth in points per contest and third in assists per contest. They also shoot an impressive 48.3 percent from the floor, which is good for second in the NBA.
The Nuggets are going to need to shoot at elite efficiency levels from the field in this series. They don't have the three-point shooting ability to keep pace with Golden State, so doubling what they do in the post will be crucial.
Also, their perimeter defense could tell the story of this series. If they can force the Warriors to settle for mid-range jump shots instead of 3's, that could be a difference-maker.
The Warriors are scorching hot right now, and they have even played well without Steph Curry. But Curry is expected to return on Saturday night. However, he will have limited playing time since he is still recovering from injury.
Nonetheless, having Curry on the floor will only boost this already impressive roster.
The Warriors have reeled off five wins in a row and certainly hit the gas pedal at the right time.
Steph Curry finished the year as Golden State's leading scorer with a mark of 25.5. But one thing that stands out about the Warriors is their overall scoring balance.
Klay Thompson finished with over 20 points per game, Jordan Poole had over 18 points per contest, and Andrew Wiggins averaged over 17 points per game. This is a team that relies on perimeter shooting but can also finish near the basket.
But the backbone of this team is Draymond Green.
Green finished the year with per-game averages of 7.5 points, 7.3 rebounds, seven assists, 1.3 steals, and 1.1 blocks. He does a little bit of everything and maintains a solid defensive presence. Green is one of the most stable players in the league.
Golden State seems to be finding their rhythm at the perfect time, and they could make a lot of noise in the postseason. Obviously, they need to get through Denver first. But this is a team that could be a problem for the top-seeded Suns down the road.
Best Betting Odds to Bet Online
BetUS: Golden State -6.5
MyBookie: Golden State -6.5
BetNow: Golden State -6.5
Bovada: Golden State -6.5
Betonline: Golden State -6.5
The Warriors enter as a sizable favorite. They have been playing an inspired brand of basketball as of late, and they are getting fully healthy right at the beginning of the postseason.
Meanwhile, Denver needs players to step up around Nikola Jokic if they want to pull off the upset in this game. They have struggled ATS this season as well, while Golden State has been very good ATS this year.
Anything is possible, but all of the signs are pointing in the Warriors' direction.
How To Bet On: Denver Nuggets at Golden State Warriors NBA Betting lines
The Nuggets' inability to cover the spread while playing on the road places them as a firm underdog. Is there upset potential? Possibly. There is a chance they cover the 6.5 point spread.
But I don't love those odds. Betting against the Warriors at home seems foolish right now.
OBS Betting Picks for Denver Nuggets at Golden State Warriors
Go ahead and roll with the Denver Nuggets -6.5 on Saturday night.
Bonus! Other Games Worth Placing a Bet on
All odds are courtesy of BetUS.
Utah Jazz -5
Dallas Mavericks +5
Pick: Utah -5
Roll with the Jazz against the Mavericks without Luka Doncic.
Minnesota Timberwolves +6.5
Memphis Grizzlies -6.5
Pick: Memphis Grizzlies -6.5
Take the Grizzlies as they look to humble Minnesota following the Timberwolves' play-in game win.
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Papiamento ( ) ali Papiamentu ( ; ) je kreolski jezik, ki temelji na portugalščini in se govori na Nizozemskih Karibih. Je najbolj razširjen jezik na karibskih otokih ABC (Aruba, Bonaire, Curaçao ), z uradnim statusom v Arubi in Curaçau. Papiamento je tudi priznan jezik v nizozemskih javnih organih Svetega Evstahija in Sabe.
Jezik, ki se imenuje v Arubi in v Bonairu in Curaçau, v veliki meri temelji na portugalščini in španščini iz kolonialne dobe (vključno z judovsko-portugalščino), nanjo pa sta močno vplivala nizozemska in venezuelska španščina. Zaradi leksikalnih podobnosti med španščino in portugalščino je težko določiti natančen izvor nekaterih besed. Čeprav obstajajo različne teorije o njegovem izvoru, večina jezikoslovcev zdaj meni, da je papiamento nastal iz španskega in portugalskega kreolskega jezika, ki sta se razvila na zahodnoafriških obalah, saj ima veliko podobnosti s kreolščino Zelenortskih otokov in kreolščino Gvineje Bissau.
Zgodovina
Obstajajo različne teorije o izvoru in razvoju jezika Papiamento, natančna zgodovina pa ni bila ugotovljena. Njegov matični jezik je zagotovo iberski, vendar so znanstveniki razpravljali o tem, ali je papiamento izpeljan iz portugalščine in njenih izpeljanih kreolskih jezikov, ki temeljijo na portugalščini, ali iz španščine. Zgodovinske omejitve, osnovno besedišče in slovnične značilnosti, ki si jih papiamento deli z zelenortsko kreolščino in gvinejsko-bisavsko kreolščino, so veliko manjše od tistih, ki si jih deli s španščino, čeprav sta se španski in nizozemski vpliv pojavila pozneje, od 17. stoletja naprej.
Samo ime jezika izvira iz papia, iz portugalščine in zelenortske kreolščine papear ("klepetati, reči, govoriti, govoriti"), dodano s samostalniško pripono -mento.
Španija je pridobila prevlado nad otoki v 15. stoletju, vendar jih je malo izkoristila. Portugalski trgovci so v obdobju 1580–1640 veliko trgovali v Zahodni Indiji in z Ibersko unijo med Portugalsko in Španijo, njihova trgovina se je razširila na špansko Zahodno Indijo. Leta 1634 je Nizozemska zahodnoindijska družba (WIC) prevzela otoke in deportirala večino maloštevilnega preostalega aravaškega in španskega prebivalstva na celino (večinoma na venezuelsko zahodno obalo in venezuelske ravnice, pa tudi vse do vzhoda do venezuelskega bazena Orinoka in Trinidada) in jih spremenila v središče nizozemske trgovine s sužnji med Afriko in Karibi.
Prve dokaze o široki uporabi papiamenta na Arubi in Curaçau lahko vidimo v uradnih dokumentih v začetku 18. stoletja. V 19. stoletju je bila večina gradiva na otokih napisana v papiamentu, vključno z rimskokatoliškimi šolskimi knjigami in pesmaricami. Leta 1837 je bil natisnjen Catecismo Corticu pa uso di catolicanan di Curaçao, prva tiskana knjiga v Papiamentu. Leta 2009 je bil Catecismo Corticu dodan v Unescov register spomina sveta. Prvi časopis v jeziku papiamentu je izšel leta 1871 in se je imenoval Civilisadó (Civilizator).
Trenutno stanje
Papiamento se govori v vseh vidikih družbe po vsej Arubi, Curaçau in Bonairu.
Papiamento je uradni jezik Arube od maja 2003. Na nekdanjih Nizozemskih Antilih je papiamento postal uradni jezik 7. marca 2007. Po razpadu Nizozemskih Antilov je bil uradni status papiamenta potrjen v novo ustanovljeni Karibski Nizozemski. Tudi 150.000 Antilcev (večinoma iz Curaçaa) živi na Nizozemskem in tekoče govorijo svoj materni jezik papiamento. Nekaj papiamenta se govori tudi na Svetem Martinu in polotoku Paraguaná v Venezueli.
Prva opera v papiamentu, ki jo je priredil iz njegovega romana Katibu di Shon je bila izvedena v Stadsschouwburgu v Amsterdamu 1. julija 2013 v počastitev 150. obletnice konca suženjstva na nizozemskih Karibih.
Pravopis in izgovorjava
Papiamento je zapisan z latinično pisavo .
Od leta 1970 sta bila razvita in sprejeta dva različna pravopisa. Leta 1976 sta Curaçao in Bonaire uradno sprejela različico Römer-Maduro-Jonis, fonetično črkovanje. Leta 1977 je Aruba odobrila črkovanje, ki je bolj temeljilo na etimologiji in ga je predstavila Comision di Ortografia (Pravopisna komisija), ki ji je predsedoval Jossy Mansur.
Literatura in kultura
Državni himni Arube in Bonaire sta v papiamentu, »Aruba Dushi Tera« oziroma »Tera di Solo y suave biento«. V jeziku je tudi časopis Diario.
Filma Abo So (Aruba) in Sensei Redenshon (Curaçao) iz leta 2013 sta bila prva celovečerna filma v Papiamentu; komedija Bon Bini Holland (Curaçao in Nizozemska) vsebuje tudi nekaj Papiamenta.
Sklici
Bibliografija
Slovarji
Mansur, Jossy (1991). "Slovar angleščina-papiamento papiamento-angleščina". Edicionnan Clasico Diario, Oranjestad.
Ratzlaff, Betty (2008). "Papiamento-Ingles, Dikshonario dvojezično". TWR Jong Bonaire.
Joubert, Sidney (2007). "Handwoordenboek Papiaments-Nederlands". Joubert Press, Willemstad.
Van Putte, Florimon; Van Putte-De Wind, Igma (2005). "Groot Woordenboek Papiaments Nederlands". Walburg Press, Zutphen
Kramer, Johannes (2015). "Etymologische Studien zum Papiamento". Buske Verlag, Hamburg.
NN, Los Editores (1876). GUIA para los españoles hablar papiamento y viceversa: Para que los de . . .
Marugg, Tip (1992). "Dikshonario Erotiko Papiamentu". Scherpenheuvel, Curaçao.
Banko di Palabra – osnovni slovar, ki temelji na črkovalniku Papiamento, ki ga sponzorira Unesco
Majstro angleško-papiamento slovar
Glosbe angleško-papiamento slovar
Slovnica
Goilo, Enrique R. (2000). "Učbenik Papiamentu". Trgovine De Wit, Oranjestad.
Blankenburg, Eleanor (1986). "Osnovna slovnica Papiamentu za angleško govoreče". Izdaja Blankenburg, Bonaire.
Frans-Muller, Xiomara (2017). "Papia Papiamentu ku mi". Strokovna knjiga, Bonaire.
Članki o jezikih s praznim parametrom za datum
Strani z nepregledanimi prevodi
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\section{Introduction}
The production of dilepton pairs via photon-photon fusion was
studied both experimentally \cite{ATLAS,CMS} and theoretically.
In \cite{LSS2016} we proposed how to include transverse momenta
of fusing virtual photons. The formalism was used to calculate
distributions of several observables related to leptons.
Till recently forward going protons were not measured.
However, recently both CMS+TOTEM \cite{CMS} and ATLAS \cite{ATLAS}
measured the cases with one proton in PPS or AFP.
This automatically selects fully exclusive process or processes
with single proton dissociation.
The CMS collaboration measured only a few events as $p_t >$ 50 GeV
cut was imposed there, whereas the ATLAS colaboration had $p_t >$ 15 GeV
cut. So the ATLAS collaboration could obtain even some distributions.
Only recently the CMS collaboration \cite{CMS} and very recently
the ATLAS collaboration \cite{ATLAS} presented results with at least
one proton measured in forward direction. The experimental aparatus
allows to measure only very forward protons.
In theoretical calculations one has to impose experimental limits on
so-called $\xi$-variables (longitudinal momentum fraction loss) \cite{CMS,ATLAS}.
The limited acceptance of the forward detectors causes that
the cross section is considerably reduced compared to the case when
only leptons are measured, as will be discussed here.
Here, we use the formalism developed in \cite{LSS2016,LSS2018}, which
allows to calculate the cross section differential also in $M_X$ or $M_Y$,
masses of the excited proton remnants.
In \cite{FLSS2019,LFSS2019} it was discussed
how to calculate gap survival
factor which is related to emission of (mini)jets produced in a DIS
process associted with $W^+ W^-$ and $t \bar t$ production, respectively.
We shall repeat such a calculation also here for $\mu^+ \mu^-$ production.
The {\bf absorption} for double-elastic contribution was studied
e.g. in \cite{LS2015,LS2018} using the momentum space formalism.
The impact parameter approach can be found e.g. in \cite{DS2015}.
The same processes and a similar formalism were implemented in
the recent version of the SuperChic 4 generator \cite{HTKR2020}.
This code generates events with four momenta of outgoing particles
(leptons, protons, jets).
The authors of SuperChic implemented also soft absorption effects
in the form of kinematics-dependent gap survival factor.
In the present study we shall use also the SuperChic 4 code for
comparison and in order to estimate the soft rapidity gap
survival probability.
\section{Sketch of the formalism}
In general, there are four categories of the $\gamma \gamma$ processes
as shown in Fig.\ref{fig:diagrams}. We shall call them
elastic-elastic, inelastic-inelastic, elastic-inelastic and
inelastic-elastic.
The first one will be also called double-elastic and the second one
double-inelastic for brevity.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=5cm]{diagram_elaela.eps}
\includegraphics[width=5cm]{diagram_ineine.eps}\\
\includegraphics[width=5cm]{diagram_elaine.eps}
\includegraphics[width=5cm]{diagram_ineela.eps}
\caption{Four different categories of $\gamma \gamma$ fusion mechanisms
of dilepton production in proton-proton collisions.}
\label{fig:diagrams}
\end{figure}
In the $k_T$-factorization approach \cite{SFPSS2015,LSS2016}, the cross section
for production of $l^+l^-$ can be written in the form
\begin{eqnarray}
{d \sigma^{(i,j)} \over dy_1 dy_2 d^2\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_1 d^2\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_2} &&= \int {d^2 \mbox{\boldmath $q$}_1 \over \pi \mbox{\boldmath $q$}_1^2} {d^2 \mbox{\boldmath $q$}_2 \over \pi \mbox{\boldmath $q$}_2^2}
{\cal{F}}^{(i)}_{\gamma^*/A}(x_1,\mbox{\boldmath $q$}_1) \, {\cal{F}}^{(j)}_{\gamma^*/B}(x_2,\mbox{\boldmath $q$}_2)
{d \sigma^*(p_1,p_2;\mbox{\boldmath $q$}_1,\mbox{\boldmath $q$}_2) \over dy_1 dy_2 d^2\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_1 d^2\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_2} \, , \nonumber \\
\label{eq:kt-fact}
\end{eqnarray}
where the indices $i,j \in \{\rm{el}, \rm{in} \}$ denote elastic or
inelastic final states.
Here the photon flux for {\bf inelastic} case is integrated over the mass
of the remnant.
The longitudinal momentum fractions of photons are obtained from
the rapidities and transverse momenta of final state $l^+l^-$ as:
\begin{eqnarray}
x_1 &=& \sqrt{ {\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_1^2 + m_l^{2} \over s}} e^{+y_1} +
\sqrt{ {\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_2^2 + m_l^{2} \over s}} e^{+y_2}
\; , \nonumber \\
x_2 &=& \sqrt{ {\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_1^2 + m_l^{2} \over s}} e^{-y_1}
+ \sqrt{ {\mbox{\boldmath $p$}_2^2 + m_l^{2} \over s}} e^{-y_2} \, .
\end{eqnarray}
The integrated fluxes for elastic and inelastic processes can be found
in \cite{LSS2016,LSS2018}.
Then the four-momenta of intermediate photons can be written as:
\begin{eqnarray}
q_1 &\approx& \left( x_1 \frac{\sqrt{s}}{2}, \vec{q}_{1t}, x_1 \frac{\sqrt{s}}{2} \right)
\; , \nonumber \\
q_2 &\approx& \left( x_2 \frac{\sqrt{s}}{2}, \vec{q}_{2t}, -x_2 \frac{\sqrt{s}}{2} \right)
\, .
\end{eqnarray}
If one is interested in modelling what happens with the proton remnant
then the formalism must be somewhat extended.
Then the unintegrated inelastic photon distribution (flux) can be
written as:
\begin{equation}
{\cal F}_{ine}(x,q_t^2) = \int d M^2
\frac{d {\cal F}_{ine}}{d M^2}(x,q_t^2,M^2) \; ,
\label{doubly_unintegrated_photon}
\end{equation}
where $\frac{d {\cal F}_{ine}}{d M^2}(x,q_t^2,M^2)$ is a more
differential photon distribution in the proton.
In the following we shall call it {\it doubly-unintegrated} photon
distribution (flux).
The latter distribution was used to calculate
differential distributions for production of $W^+ W^-$ \cite{FLSS2019}
or $t \bar t$ \cite{LFSS2019} pairs with rapidity gap at midrapidities.
In principle, proton can be emitted also from the remnant system.
This requires modeling of remnant fragmentation which is not fully
under control. Such protons carry typically much reduced longitudinal
momentum fraction $x_i$ such that $\xi_i = 1 - x_i >$ 0.1,
i.e. cannot be measured in the Roman pots of the ATLAS or CMS
experiments.
Only the diffractive mechanism shown in
Fig.\ref{fig:diffractive_diagrams} could lead to $\xi_i <$ 0.1.
However, the diffractive mechanism happens only in about 10 \% of all
cases as was measured at HERA \cite{RGE}. In addition, the pomeron
remnant would destroy the rapidity gap. Such a process was not discussed
in the context of $l^+ l^-$ production in $p p$ collisions with
rapidity gap requirement. Also the diffractive photon distribution
in pomeron was not discussed. One may expect:
\begin{equation}
\frac{d {\cal{F}}_{diff}}{d M^2}(x,q_t^2,M^2) \ll
\frac{d {\cal{F}}_{ine}}{d M^2}(x,q_t^2,M^2) \; .
\end{equation}
In addition, the pomeron remnant would destroy the rapidity gap and
the rapidity gap veto would almost totally eliminate contribution of
such processes in the context of forward proton measurement
discussed in the present paper.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{SD_diff1.eps}
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{SD_diff2.eps}
\caption{Diffractive mechanisms of dilepton production
in proton-proton collisions.}
\label{fig:diffractive_diagrams}
\end{figure}
The discussion above shows that the double-dissociative contribution
would be to large extend eliminated.
The ATLAS collaboration analysis imposes the consistency requirements:
\begin{equation}
\xi_1 = \xi_{ll}^+ \; , \; \xi_2 = \xi_{ll}^- \; .
\end{equation}
The longitudinal momentum fractions of the photons were calculated
in the ATLAS analysis as:
\begin{eqnarray}
\xi_{ll}^+ &=& \left( M_{ll}/\sqrt{s} \right) \exp(+Y_{ll}) \; , \nonumber \\
\xi_{ll}^- &=& \left( M_{ll}/\sqrt{s} \right) \exp(-Y_{ll}) \; .
\end{eqnarray}
Only lepton variables enter the formula.
This is only approximate formula which can be improved, if necessary.
We will use the same formula in our analysis.
\section{Results}
In the calculations described below we shall take typical cuts on dileptons:
-2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5 and $p_{1t}, p_{2t} >$ 15 GeV.
We shall show also results with extra cuts on $\xi_{ll}^+$ or
$\xi_{ll}^-$.
In the following we shall not exclude mass window around
$Z$-boson mass $m_Z$ and/or lepton acoplanarity, as was done in \cite{ATLAS}.
\subsection{Double-elastic contribution}
We start from presenting results for the double-elastic contribution.
Here the flux of photons can be expressed in terms of elastic
form factors of proton.
We take typical cuts for such a measurement \cite{ATLAS}:
$p_t >$ 15 GeV and -2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5.
In the following we limit ourself to dimuon production.
The results for electron production are very similar, at least for the
relatively high cuts on electron/muon transverse momenta.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dMll.eps}
\caption{Dimuon invariant mass distribution of the double-elastic
mechanism.}
\label{fig:dsig_dM}
\end{figure}
Very interesting is the two-dimensional distribution in
($M_{ll},Y_{ll}$) \cite{ATLAS}.
We show it for the double-elastic contribution in
Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMdY}.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_MY_elaela_noxicut.eps}
\caption{Two-dimensional distribution in ($M_{ll},Y_{ll}$)
for double-elastic contribution. Here no cuts on neither $\xi_1$
nor $\xi_2$ were imposed. The $p_{t,\mu} >$ 15 GeV and
-2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5 conditions were imposed here.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dMdY}
\end{figure}
So far we did not include cuts on $\xi_1 = \xi_{ll}^+$ or
$\xi_2 = \xi_{ll}^-$.
The distribution in $\xi_{ll}^{\pm}$ is shown in
Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dxi_elaela}.
It is a steeply falling function with increasing $\xi$.\\
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dxi.eps}
\caption{$\xi_{1/2}$ distribution for dimuon production for
the double-elastic mechanism.}
\label{fig:dsig_dxi_elaela}
\end{figure}
A two-dimensional distribution ($\xi_{ll}^+,\xi_{ll}^-$)
is shown in Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dxi1dxi2}.
A strong dependence on both $\xi_{ll}^+$ and $\xi_{ll}^-$ can
be observed.
This suggests that cuts on $\xi$'s will significantly lower
the measured cross section.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_xi1xi2_elaela_noxicut.eps}
\caption{Two-dimensional distribution in ($\xi_{ll}^+,\xi_{ll}^-$)
for the double-elastic mechanism.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dxi1dxi2}
\end{figure}
\subsection{Single-dissociative contribution}
Now we wish to discuss similar distributions for single-dissociative
processes.
As will be discussed below the transverse momenta of
initial (intermediate) photons in the inelastic vertex are large.
We integrate over $q_{2t} \in$ (0,100-500 GeV) for elastic-inelastic
and $q_{1t} \in$ (0,100-500 GeV) for inelastic-elastic contribution.\\
We start from the excitation of continuum.
In the calculation below, for illustration we use the Szczurek-Uleshchenko
deep-inelastic structure function \cite{Szczurek:1999rd}
in calculating inelastic photon flux.\\
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMX} we show the distribution in the mass of the
excited baryonic state. Here no extra cut on either $\xi_i$ or
$p_{t,pair}$ ($\vec{p}_{t,pair} = \vec{p}_1 + \vec{p}_2$) was imposed.
The distribution for the ALLM and LUX-like structure functions
are very similar and extend to very high
$M_X$ (or $M_Y$) masses. The Fiore at al. structure function
\cite{Fiore:2002re} does not lead to excitation of large
$M_X$ and/or $M_Y$ and is therefore reliable
only at low invariant masses.
The reason is a missing in this parametrization \cite{Fiore:2002re}
partonic contribution.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=8cm]{Fig_MX.eps}
\caption{Distribution in the mass of the baryonic remnant system ($M_X$ or
$M_Y$) for different structure functions from the literature.
Here, in the case of the SU parametrization, only partonic contribution
is included.}
\label{fig:dsig_dMX}
\end{figure}
Now let us show some more differential distributions.
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMll_noxicuts} we show dilepton invariant mass
distribution without any cuts on $\xi_{ll}^+$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dMll_noxicuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in dilepton invariant mass for
elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic contributions.
Here the SU structure function parametrization was used for example.
Here the cuts on $\xi_{ll}^{+}$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$ are not imposed.}
\label{fig:dsig_dMll_noxicuts}
\end{figure}
Finally in Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dxill_noxicuts} we show distributions
in $\xi_{ll}^+$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$ for elastic-inelastic (black solid)
and inelastic-elastic (black solid) contributions.
For completeness we show also (dashed line) distributions in $\xi_{ll}$
corresponding to the remnant systems.
The two distributions are fairly similar.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dxill_sd_noxicuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in $\xi_{ll}^{\pm}$ for elastic-inelastic and
inelastic-elastic contributions. In this calculation the ALLM
parametrization was used.
The solid line is for right cuts on proton from the elastic vertex
($\xi_{ll}^+$ for elastic-inelastic and $\xi_{ll}^-$ for
inelastic-elastic contributions),
the dashed line is for ``incorrect'' cuts on the inelastic system.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dxill_noxicuts}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dqit_noxicuts} we show distribution in the
initial photon transverse momentum in the inelastic vertex
for elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic contributions.
The distributions extend to large transverse momenta.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dqit.eps}
\caption{Distribution in $q_{1/2,t}$ in the inelastic vertex.
Here the ALLM parametrization is used.}
\label{fig:dsig_dqit_noxicuts}
\end{figure}
Finally in this subsection we wish to discuss effect of correlations
between $q_{2t}$ and $M_Y$ for elastic-inelastic
and $q_{1t}$ and $M_X$ for inelastic-elastic contributions.
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dq2tdMY} we show only the first case.
For small masses of the remnant only small $q_{2t}$ are generated.
In general, the larger $M_Y$ the larger $q_{2t}$ can be generated.
This shows that in the VEGAS integration one should carefully
adjust the limits of integration on the $(q_{2t},M_Y)$ plane.
There is no significant effect of the cut on the two-dimensional
distribution.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dq2tdMY.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dq2tdMY_withxicut.eps}
\caption{Two-dimensional distribution in $(q_{2t},M_Y)$
for elastic-inelastic contribution. Similar distribution in
$(q_{1t},M_X)$ plane can be obtained for the inelastic-elastic
contribution.
We show results without $\xi$ cut (left panel) and with $\xi$ cut (right
panel).
}
\label{fig:dsig_dq2tdMY}
\end{figure}
\subsection{$\xi_{ll}^+$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$ cuts}
In the recent study presented in \cite{ATLAS} only one photon was measured
in AFP in order to get reasonable statistics. Typical experimental
condition is: $\xi_{min} < \xi_{i} < \xi_{max}$.
For the ATLAS apparatus it is \cite{ATLAS}:
$\xi_{min} \approx$ 0.035, $\xi_{max} \approx$ 0.08.
In the following we shall impose such a condition also in our calculations.
Here we show how the $\xi_{ll}^+$ and $\xi_{ll}^-$ cuts work in
practice.
In Fig.\ref{fig:map_xillpxillm} we present two-dimensional distributions
in $\xi_{ll}^+$ and $\xi_{ll}^-$ with appropriate cuts imposed
to illustrate the large reduction of the cross section.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{map_xillpxillm_elaela1.eps}
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{map_xillpxillm_elaela2.eps}\\
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{map_xillpxillm_elaine.eps}
\includegraphics[width=6cm]{map_xillpxillm_ineela.eps}
\caption{
Two-dimensional distributions in ($\xi_{ll}^+,\xi_{ll}^-$) for
elastic-elastic, cut on 1 (upper-left corner),
elastic-elastic, cut on 2 (upper-right corner),
elastic-inelastic, cut on 1 (lower-left corner) and
inelastic -elastic, cut on 2 (lower-right corner).
Here the SU structure function was used for illustration.
}
\label{fig:map_xillpxillm}
\end{figure}
The ATLAS experimental cuts make the integrated cross section rather low
compared to the result without such cuts as is shown in
Table \ref{table:cs_with_xicuts}.\\
The contribution of elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic mechanisms
seem bigger than that of the elastic-elastic one.
However, the situation changes when imposing extra cut on $p_{t,pair}$
(the numbers in paranthesis for single dissociative contributions).
We present also naive (no $\Omega$ factor, see
\cite{Szczurek:1999rd}.
We have calculated also contribution of resonance excitations
as parametrized in \cite{Fiore:2002re}.
The resonance contribution ($\Delta^+$ etc.) is about 15 \% of
the elastic-elastic contribution.
The $\Delta^+$ contribution is the dominant resonance contribution.
We also use a popular in the context of HERA physics structure function
parametrization of Abramowicz et al. \cite{Abramowicz:1997ms}.
We also show a result of a slightly modified SU parametrization.
The new Szczurek parametrization includes partonic and VDM contributions
as in the original Szczurek-Uleshchenko parametrization and includes
in addition resonance contributions as parametrized by Fiore
et al.\cite{Fiore:2002re}.
The LUX-like structure function (see \cite{LUX}) leads to largest
cross section, especially when the cut on $\xi$-variable is imposed.\\
These results were obtained with the generator (GEN) version of our
code.
In the case of LUX-like model we included also longitudinal
structure function $F_L$, which lowers the cross section
(see the numbers in the table).
\begin{table}
\centering
\caption{Integrated cross section for $\mu^+ \mu^-$ production in fb
with one proton in the 0.035 $ < \xi_{ll}^{\pm} < $ 0.08 interval.
In this calculation $p_{1t}, p_{2t} >$ 15 GeV and
-2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5. No gap survival factor was imposed here.
In the paranthesis we show result with extra $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV
condition. 2UN means the version of our code with doubly unintegrated
photon distribution and GEN generator version of our code.
In other cases singly unintegrated photon
distribution is used from a simplified version of our code.
The numbers in [...] were obtained with exact formula for $\xi_1$ and
$\xi_2$.
}
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}
\hline
contribution & c.s. in fb without $\xi$-cuts & c.s. in fb with $\xi$-cuts \\
\hline
elastic-elastic, cut on proton 1 & 358.68 & 5.4591 \\
elastic-elastic, cut on proton 2 & ...... & 5.4592 \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic, VDM (no $\Omega$), 0-100 GeV & 98.0215 (2UN) & \\
inelastic-elastic, VDM (no $\Omega$), 0-100 GeV & 98.0297 (2UN) & \\
elastic-inelastic SU partonic & 449.1076 (2UN) & \\
inelastic-elastic SU partonic & 449.0985 (2UN) & \\
elastic-inelastic, cut on proton 1, ALLM & 468.6102 (2UN) & 11.8292 \\
inelastic-elastic, cut on proton 2, ALLM & 468.6102 (2UN) & 11.8294 \\
elastic-inelastic, new Szczurek & 461.5330 (2UN) & 12.6046 [14.1806] (5.9311) \\
inelastic-elastic, new Szczurek & 461.5750 (2UN) & 12.6032 [14.1806] (5.9309) \\
elastic-inelastic, new Szczurek, $M_Y >$ 500 GeV & .... & 0.7152 \\
inelastic-elastic, new Szczurek, $M_X >$ 500 GeV & .... & 0.7149 \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic, ALLM & 571.871 (GEN) & 9.711 \\
inelastic-elastic, ALLM & 571.562 (GEN) & 9.621 \\
elastic-inelastic, LUX-like, $F_2+F_L$ & 635.215 (GEN) & 19.894 \\
inelastic-elastic, LUX-like, $F_2+F_L$ & 635.102 (GEN) & 19.831 \\
elastic-inelastic, LUX-like, $F_2$ only & ....... (GEN) & ...... \\
inelastic-elastic, LUX-like, $F_2$ only & 656.702 (GEN) & ...... \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic, cut on proton 1, resonances & 38.6709 (2UN) & 0.57872 \\
inelastic-elastic, cut on proton 2 resonances & 38.6639 (2UN) & 0.57872 \\
elastic-inelastic, cut on proton 1, $\Delta^+$ & 28.5844 (2UN) & 0.42755 \\
inelastic-elastic, cut on proton 2 $\Delta^+$ & 28.5814 (2UN) & 0.42763 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\label{table:cs_with_xicuts}
\end{table}
A technical remark is in order here.
The range of integration in $q_{1t}$ and $q_{2t}$ is crucial to get
correct result. The limits of integration should be different for
elastic and inelastic arm.
For double-elastic contribution it is sufficient to take
$q_{i,t} <$ 5 GeV as an upper integration limit.
For single dissociative contribution we integrate in the interval
$q_{i,t} <$ 100-500 GeV or $q_{i,t} <$ 100-500 GeV for the inelastic arm.
The first limit is enough when $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV is imposed
as in the ATLAS experiment, otherwise it should be a larger limit.
Now we wish to show other differential distributions for the case
of including the experimental cuts on $\xi_{ll}^{\pm}$.
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMll_withcuts} we show dilepton invariant mass
distribution. The two coinciding solid lines correspond to
elastic-elastic contributions, while the two dashed lines to
single dissociative contributions. \\
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dMll_xillcuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in dilepton invariant mass for
the different contributions considered.
Here the cuts on $\xi_{ll}^{+}$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$ are imposed.
The solid line is for double elastic contribution and the dashed line is
for single dissociation contribution.}
\label{fig:dsig_dMll_withcuts}
\end{figure}
The correlation in $(Y_{ll}, M_{ll})$ becomes very interesting when
cuts on $\xi$ are imposed.
Let us start from elastic-elastic contribution.
We observe, see Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMdY_elaela_withcuts}, two separate bands
for conditions exclusively on $\xi_1$ (left panel)
and for condition exclusively on $\xi_2$ (right panel).
Only for exteremely large $M_{ll} >$ 200 GeV one can satisfy both
conditions simultaneously.
However, there the cross section is exteremely small.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_MY_elaela_cut2.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_MY_elaela_cut1.eps}
\caption{
Two-dimension distribution in ($M_{ll},Y_{ll}$)
for double-elastic contribution.
Here we have imposed experimental condition on $\xi_2$ (left panel) or
$\xi_1$ (right panel) as explained in the main text.
The $p_{t,\mu} >$ 15 GeV condition was imposed in addition.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dMdY_elaela_withcuts}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMdY_SD_withcuts} we show two-dimensional
distribution in ($M_{ll},Y_{ll}$) for elastic-inelastic (left panel)
and inelastic-elastic (right panel) single dissociative production
of the dimuon pairs. We impose condition on $\xi_1$ for
elastic-inelastic and on $\xi_2$ for inelastic-elastic contributions.\\
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_MY_ineela_cut2.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_MY_elaine_cut1.eps}
\caption{
Two-dimensional distribution in ($M_{ll},Y_{ll}$)
for inelastic-elastic (left panel) and elastic-inelastic (right panel)
contributions.
The Szczurek-Uleshchenko structure function parametrization was used
here for illustration.
Here we have imposed experimental condition on $\xi_2$ (left panel) or
$\xi_1$ (right panel) as explained in the main text.
The $p_{t,\mu} >$ 15 GeV condition has been imposed in addition.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dMdY_SD_withcuts}
\end{figure}
Let us look now at the projection on $Y_{ll}$.
The distribution in rapidity of the pair $Y_{ll}$ is shown in
Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dYll_withcuts}.
We observe clear symmetry with respect to $Y_{ll}$ = 0 for the
two elastic-elastic contributions and similar symmetry between
elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic contributions.
The contribution related to the cut on $\xi_{ll}^+$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$
are almost totally separated. This is a reason of a dip observed
in $d \sigma / d Y_{ll}$ at $Y_{ll}$ = 0 by
the ATLAS collaboration \cite{ATLAS}.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dYll_xillcuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in dilepton rapidity for
four different contributions considered.
Here the cuts on $\xi_{ll}^{+}$ or $\xi_{ll}^-$ are imposed.
The solid line is for double elastic contribution and the dashed line is
for single dissociation contribution.}
\label{fig:dsig_dYll_withcuts}
\end{figure}
A final fully leptonic variable we wish to consider in the context
of the $\xi$ cut is $p_{t,diff}$, where
$\vec{p}_{t,diff} = \vec{p}_{1t} - \vec{p}_{2t}$.
We show corresponding distributions in Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dptdiff}.
The biggest effect of the cut is for small values of $p_{t,diff}$.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dptdiff.eps}
\caption{Distribution in $p_{t,diff}$ without (upper solid coinciding curves)
and with (lower dashed coinciding curves) $\xi$ cuts.}
\label{fig:dsig_dptdiff}
\end{figure}
What are typical $x_{Bj}$ and $Q^2$, i.e. arguments of the structure
functions for the considered processes with single dissociation
(inelastic-elastic or elastic-inelastic) is shown in Fig.\ref{fig:xBj-Q2}.
Both perturbative ($Q^2 >$ 2 GeV$^2$) and nonperturbative
($Q^2 <$ 2 GeV$^2$) regions enter the corresponding calculations.
The nonperturbative region is even relatively larger
when the cut on $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV is imposed as in the recent
ATLAS \cite{ATLAS} paper.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=5.5cm]{map_xixBj1xiQ12.eps}
\includegraphics[width=5.5cm]{map_xixBj2xiQ22.eps}
\includegraphics[width=5.5cm]{map_xixBj1xiQ12_allcuts.eps}
\includegraphics[width=5.5cm]{map_xixBj2xiQ22_allcuts.eps}
\caption{The range in the ($x_{Bj},Q^2$) space tested in
inelastic-elastic (left) and elastic-inelastic DIS processes
with $\xi$ cuts. The lower panels include also an extra cut
$p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV.}
\label{fig:xBj-Q2}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dxBj} we show distribution (projection of the
previous two-dimensional distribution) in $x_{Bj}$ for
the ALLM parametrization without (solid line) and with (dashed line)
cuts on $\xi$. The two distributions have rather similar shape
which means that a similar range of $x_{Bj}$ is tested in both
cases. Here the most probable range of $x_{Bj}$ is about 10$^{-2}$,
the region of experiments on deep-inelastic scattering performed
in the past by the NMC collaboration. In the $\gamma \gamma \to l^+ l^-$
process one is not sensitive to a small $x_{Bj}$ region ($x_{Bj} <$ 10$^{-3}$).
For comparison we also show distribution for the resonant contributions
that are not explicit in most of the parametrizations used
in the literature.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dxBj.eps}
\caption{Distribution in $x_{Bj}$ for single dissociative process.
Shown are results without (solid line) and with (dashed line)
cuts on longitudinal momentum fraction $\xi$. In this calculation
the ALLM parametrization of $F_2$ structure function is used.
For completeness we show also contribution of proton resonances with
cuts on $\xi$ (red dash-dotted line).}
\label{fig:dsig_dxBj}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dxiQ2} we show complementary distribution
in the second argument of the structure function ($Q_1^2$ or $Q_2^2$).
Both small (nonperturbative) and large (perturbative) $Q_i^2$ occur.
The nonperturbative region is relatively larger when the experimental
cut on $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV \cite{ATLAS} is imposed.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dxiQ2_sd_xicuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in $log_{10}(Q_i^2)$ for single dissociative
process with the cut on $\xi$. We show distributions for
elastic (left) and inelastic (right) vertex.
In this calculation the new Szczurek parametrization of $F_2$ was used.
We also show similar distributions with the upper cut on
$p_{t,pair}$ (red dashed line) as applied
in the recent ATLAS measurement \cite{ATLAS}.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dxiQ2}
\end{figure}
How the acoplanarity distribution depends on cuts is illustrated
in Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dacop}.
We show result without any cut, with $\xi$ cut and with additional
condition on the pair transverse momentum.
The condition on the pair transverse momentum significantly change
the distribution. Also photon final state radiation may be important
in this context but this goes beyond the scope of the present analysis.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{dsig_dacop.eps}
\caption{Acoplanarity distribution for single dissociative contributions
without any (upper black solid curve), with $\xi$ cut
(middle red solid curve) and with
extra $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV condition (lower red dashed curve).
In this calculation the new Szczurek parametrization of $F_2$
(including resonances) was used.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dacop}
\end{figure}
The single dissociative process leads to an emission of a (mini)jet
(see Fig.\ref{fig:jet-diagram})
which produces hadrons (mostly pions) that may destroy the rapidity
gap if required experimentally. Here we wish to show rapidity
distributions of such jets separately for elastic-inelastic and
inelastic-elastic contributions. We show results without and with
cut on $\xi_{1/2}$.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=6.5cm]{jet1.eps}
\caption{Diagram with (min)jet production due to quark/antiquark knock-out.}
\label{fig:jet-diagram}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=8cm]{Fig_cuts.eps}
\caption{Distribution in rapidity of (mini)jets for inclusive case
(upper curves) and for the case with cut on $\xi_{1/2}$ (lower curves).
The extra dotted lines represent results that include
the cut $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV as in the ATLAS analysis \cite{ATLAS}.}
\label{fig:dsig_dyjet}
\end{figure}
The emitted jet when entering the main detector (ATLAS or CMS)
will destroy rapidity gap and such cases are usually vetoed in experiment.
Here we wish to show what are correlations of jet rapidity with
mass of the remnant. In Fig.\ref{fig:map_MRyjet} we
show such correlations for inelastic-elastic (left panel) and
elastic-inelastic (right panel) contributions.
If the mass of the remnant system is small the corresponding jet
is emitted outside of the main detector and is therefore not observed.
On the contrary the jets corresponding to large masses enter the main
detector and destroy the rapidity gap.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{map_yjetMY.eps}
\caption{Remnant mass - jet rapidity correlations.
The standard $\xi$-cuts were applied here.}
\label{fig:map_MRyjet}
\end{figure}
\subsection{SuperChic results and gap survival factor}
For comparison we did also calculations using a popular SuperChic program
\cite{HTKR2020}. In this code the soft gap survival factor can be
included. We wish to study how the effective gap survival factor changes
with implementation of the cut on $\xi_1$ or $\xi_2$.
In the SuperChic generator the gap survival is calculated with opacity
obtained within two-channel Good-Walker formalism. The parameters of
the model were obtained in \cite{KMR2013}.
The results presented here were obtained with the event sample
$N_{event}$ = 50000, unless otherwise stated.
The integrated cross sections are collected in Table II.
The cross sections obtained in SuperChic are somewhat larger than those
obtained using our code (compare the numbers in Table II with the
numbers in Table I).
This is partially due to different structure functions used in both
codes. The cuts on $\xi$ in this table were calculated as:
\begin{equation}
\xi_{1/2} = \frac{\sqrt{s}/2 - E_{3/4}}{\sqrt{s}/2} \; ,
\end{equation}
where $E_{3}$ or $E_{4}$ are energies of outgoing protons.
\begin{table}
\centering
\caption{Integrated cross section for $\mu^+ \mu^-$ production
in pb for $\sqrt{s}$ = 13 TeV using
SuperChic program \cite{HTKR2020}.
We show results without any extra external cuts (upper part),
with extra cut on individual rapidities -2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5
(middle part) and with extra cut on $\xi$ (lower part).
The cut on $\xi_i$ is: 0.035 $ < \xi_{ll}^{\pm} < $ 0.08.
In addition in this calculation $p_{1t}, p_{2t} >$ 15 GeV.
We show result with (first column) and without (second column)
soft gap survival. To calculate absorption effects we used
model no 4 as implemented in the SuperChic generator
(see also \cite{KMR2013}).
In the last column we show average gap survival factor being the ratio
of the cross sections in previous two columns.
In all cases $p_{1t}, p_{2t} >$ 15 GeV.
The numbers with (*) in the last block were obtained with 10 000
events only. }
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|c|}
\hline
reaction & no soft $S_G$ & with soft $S_G$ & $<S_G>$ \\
\hline
-2.5 $< Y_{ll} <$ 2.5 & & & \\
\hline
elastic-elastic & 0.54438 & 0.50402 & 0.926 \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.89595 & 0.64283 & 0.717 \\
elastic-inelastic & 0.89587 & 0.64254 & 0.717 \\
inelastic-inelastic & 1.62859 & 0.24172 & 0.148 \\
\hline
-2.5 $< y_1, y_2 <$ 2.5 in addition & & & \\
\hline
elastic-elastic & 0.42268 & 0.39355 & 0.931 \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.69241 & 0.51092 & 0.738 \\
elastic-inelastic & 0.69246 & 0.51087 & 0.738 \\
\hline
$\xi$ cut in addition & & & \\
\hline
elastic-elastic, cut on $\xi_1$ & 0.00762 & 0.00675 & 0.886 \\
elastic-elastic, cut on $\xi_2$ & 0.00762 & 0.00675 & 0.886 \\
inelastic-elastic, cut on $\xi_2$ & 0.02496 & 0.01324 & 0.530 \\
elastic-inelastic, cut on $\xi_1$ & 0.02393 & 0.01238 & 0.517 \\
\hline
$p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV in addition & & & \\
\hline
elastic-elastic & ....... & ....... & ..... \\
inelastic-elastic, cut on $\xi_2$ & 0.00807 & 0.00437 (*) & 0.541 \\
elastic-inelastic, cut on $\xi_1$ & 0.00807 & 0.00437 (*) & 0.542 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\label{table:cs_with_xicuts_SUPERCHIC}
\end{table}
The typical cuts on $\xi_1$ or $\xi_2$ lower the cross section by almost
two orders of magnitude. The numbers obtained here (SuperChic) after
the $\xi$ cuts included are, however, significantly larger than
their conterparts in Table I.
The soft gap survival factor strongly depends
on whether we have fully elastic or single dissociation process.
This is related to typical transverse momenta of outgoing protons
which are bigger for processes with proton dissociation.
Similar tendencies can be observed when cuts on fractional
longitudinal momentum loss of protons is imposed. Then, however,
the soft gap survival factors are significantly reduced
(0.931 $\to$ 0.886 for double elastic contribution and
0.738 $\to$ 0.521 for processes with single dissociation).
The effect of explicit cuts on $y_1$ and $y_2$ is small and leads
to slight increase compared to the case of an internal cut on $Y_{ll}$
imposed by deafult in SuperChic.
Now we shall discuss the effect of gap survival factor on differential
distributions. In this case we shall use event sample generated by
the SuperChic 4 generator. For this purpose we generated
5 10$^{+4}$ events and written a simple code which prepares
distributions of interest.
The statistics is rather small so the differential distributions will
fluctuate much more in comparison to distributions obtained from our codes
based on the VEGAS algorithm.
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dMll_SUPERCHIC} we present distribution
in dimuon invariant mass for the case without $\xi$ cuts (left panel)
and with $\xi$ cuts (right panel). The elastic-elastic (dashed line)
and elastic-inelatic + inelastic-elastic (solid line) are shown
separately.
On average we observe larger invariant masses in the case with $\xi$ cuts.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_ddMll.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_ddMll.eps}
\caption{Distribution in dimuon invariant mass for
the different contributions considered.
We consider the case without $\xi$ cuts (left panel) and
with $\xi$ cuts (right panel).
}
\label{fig:dsig_dMll_SUPERCHIC}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dptsum_SUPERCHIC} we present similar
distributions but in $p_{t,pair}$.
The shapes of distributions obtained with and without soft gap survival
effects seems rather similar.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_ddptsum.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_ddptsum.eps}
\caption{Distribution in dimuon transverse momentum for
the different contributions considered.
We consider the case without $\xi$ cuts (left panel) and
with $\xi$ cuts (right panel).
}
\label{fig:dsig_dptsum_SUPERCHIC}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dYll_SUPERCHIC} we present similar
distributions but in $Y_{ll}$.
Without the $\xi$ cut we observe quite different shapes of distributions
in $Y_{ll}$ without and with soft rapidity gap survival factor
(see the left panel).
When the $\xi$-cut is imposed the distributions with and without
soft rapidity gap survival factor have very similar shapes.
Then, however, the elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic
contributions are well separated in $Y_{ll}$. The sum of both
contributions has a characteristic dip at $Y_{ll}$ = 0.
This is the same as was discussed in the previous section.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_ddYll.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_ddYll.eps}
\caption{Distribution in rapidity of the dimuon pair.
We show the case without $\xi$ cuts (left panel) and
with $\xi$ cuts (right panel).
for the different contributions considered.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dYll_SUPERCHIC}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:soft_gap_survival_factor} we show corresponding
gap survival factor calculated as:
\begin{eqnarray}
S_G(M_{ll}) &=& \frac{d \sigma / d M_{ll}|_{with SR}}
{d \sigma / d M_{ll}|_{without SR}}
\; , \\
S_G(p_{t,pair}) &=& \frac{d \sigma / d p_{t,pair}|_{with SR}}
{d \sigma / d p_{t,pair}|_{without SR}}
\; ,
\label{differential_gap}
\end{eqnarray}
the ratio of the cross section with the soft rapidity gap survival
factor to its counterpart without including the effect,
differential in $M_{ll}$ (left panel)
or in $p_{t,pair}$ (right panel) for double elastic (dashed line)
and single dissociation (solid line).
We observe a small dependence on both $M_{ll}$ and on $p_{t,pair}$.
The gap survival factor for double elastic component
is larger than that for single dissociation.
The gap survival factor corresponding to the measurement of one proton
is significantly smaller than that for the inclusive case.
The rather large fluctuations are due to limited statistics (50 000 events).
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_SG_Mll.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_SG_ptsum.eps}\\
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_SG_Mll.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_SG_ptsum.eps}\\
\caption{The soft gap survival factor as a function of
dilepton invariant mass (left panels) and as a function of transverse
momentum of the pair (right panels) for
single dissociation (solid line) mechanisms.
We show the result without $\xi$ cuts (upper panels) and
with $\xi$ cuts (lower panels).
}
\label{fig:soft_gap_survival_factor}
\end{figure}
In Fig.\ref{fig:soft_gap_survival_factor_2} we show in addition
soft gap survival factor as a function of the rapidity of the dimuon pair.
We observe a strong dependence of the gap survival factor on $Y_{ll}$
separately for elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic components
but only in the case when proton is not measured. This effect may
be very difficult to address experimentally as in this
(no proton measurement) case one measures the sum of the both (all)
components, where the effect averages and becomes more or less
independent of $Y_{ll}$ (see black dash-dotted curve).
However, it seems interesting to understand the dependence on $Y_{ll}$
for individual component from theoretical point of view.\\
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_SG_Yll.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_SG_Yll.eps}
\caption{The soft gap survival factor as a function of
rapidity of the $\mu^+ \mu^-$ pair for single proton dissociation.
We show the result without $\xi$ cuts (left panel) and
with $\xi$ cuts (right panel). The dash-dotted black line represents
effective gap survival factor for both single-dissociation components
added together.
}
\label{fig:soft_gap_survival_factor_2}
\end{figure}
Finally we wish to discuss how the proton dissociation further reduces
the gap survival factor due to emission of a (mini)jet that can enter
into the main detector and destroy the rapidity gap.
\footnote{However, the rapidity gap condition was not explicitly imposed
in recent analyses with forward proton measurements
\cite{CMS} or \cite{ATLAS}.}
This was discussed e.g. in \cite{HKR2016,LSS2018,LFSS2019}.
In Fig.\ref{fig:dsig_dyjet_SUPERCHIC} we show the (mini)jet distribution
in rapidity for elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic components.
We show the distribution without imposing the $\xi$ cut (left panel)
and when imposing the $\xi$ cut (right panel).
One can observe slightly different shape for both cases.
The corresponding gap survival factor (probability of no jet in the main
detector) is 0.8 and 0.5, respectively.
The probability of no emission around the
$\gamma \gamma \to \mu^+ \mu^-$ vertex is, however, much more difficult
to calculate and requires inclusion of remnant hadronization
which is model dependent.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{superchic_Y_ddyj.eps}
\includegraphics[width=7cm]{Xi_ddyj.eps}
\caption{Distribution in the (mini)jet rapidity for the inclusive case
with no $\xi$ cut (left panel) and when the cut on $\xi$ is imposed
(right panel) for elastic-inelastic and inelastic-elastic contributions
as obtained from the SuperChic generator.
We show result without (dashed line) and with (solid line) soft
rescattering correction.
}
\label{fig:dsig_dyjet_SUPERCHIC}
\end{figure}
In Table III we show probability that the (mini)jet is
outside the main detector, i.e.: $y_{jet} <$ -2.5 or $y_{jet} >$ 2.5.
The numbers below are similar in size to the soft gap survival factor
collected in Table II.
Imposing cuts on $\xi$ lowers the corresponding (minijet) rapidity
gap survival factor while imposing extra cut $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV,
as in the ATLAS experiment, increases it back.
The factor below must be evidently included in the case when rapidity
gap condition is imposed experimentally. It is less clear what to do
when the condition of separated $\mu^+$ and $\mu^-$ are imposed
as in the ATLAS experiment \cite{ATLAS}.
In the following we assume that the particles from (mini)jet, emitted
from the same vertex as leptons, will always break the conditions,
provided they are emittted in the same range of rapidities as
the measured leptons.
This range is defined by the geometry of the main ATLAS (CMS) detector.
In real experiment \cite{ATLAS} one imposes rather condition
on $R(track,l^+) > R_0$ and $R(track,l^-) > R_0$ (no emission in the
cones around both leptons). In the ATLAS experiment $R_0$ = 0.01 was used.
It would be interesting to study experimentally the gap survival
factor as a function of $R_0$.\\
\begin{table}
\centering
\caption{Gap survival factor due to minijet emission.
The first block is with only internal SuperChic cut:
-2.5 $< Y_{ll} <$ 2.5, the second block is when the condition
on individual rapidities is imposed extra,
the third block includes in addition the cut on $\xi_1$ or $\xi_2$,
and the final block includes also the condition $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV.
In all cases $p_{1t}, p_{2t} >$ 15 GeV.
In the last panel (*) means 10 000 events only.}
\begin{tabular}{|c|c|c|}
\hline
contribution & without $S_G$ & with $S_G$ \\
\hline
cut on $Y_{ll}$ only & & \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic & 0.76304 & 0.78756 \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.76278 & 0.78898 \\
\hline
cut on $y_1$ and $y_2$ in addition & & \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic & 0.77366 & 0.79250 \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.76926 & 0.78744 \\
\hline
cut on $\xi_1$ or $\xi_2$ in addition & & \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic & 0.52430 & 0.53976 \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.53118 & 0.53614 \\
\hline
cut on $p_{t,pair}$ in addition & & \\
\hline
elastic-inelastic & 0.83144 & 0.84350(*) \\
inelastic-elastic & 0.83462 & 0.84960(*) \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\label{table:jet-survival-factor}
\end{table}
\section{Conclusions}
In the present paper we have discussed dilepton production
via photon-photon fusion with one forward proton which can
be measured in forward detectors such as AFP for the ATLAS experiment.
We have considered both double-elastic and single-dissociative contributions
(it was argued that the contribution of double dissociation is
negligible when forward proton is measured).
In the latter case we have considered both continuum production
as well as $\Delta^+$ isobar production or production of other
nucleon resonances.
The continuum contribution is calculated for different parametrizations
of the deep-inelastic structure functions from the literature.
The differences of the cross section are of the order of 10-20 \% and
can be regarded as uncertainties of the present modelling.
We have imposed conditions on $\xi_1$ or $\xi_2$ for the forward
emitted protons.
Several distributions have been shown and discussed in this case.
Particularly interesting is the distribution
in $Y_{ll}$ which has a minimum at $Y_{ll} \sim$ 0.
The minimum at $Y_{ll}$ = 0 is caused by the experimental condition on
$\xi_{ll}^{\pm}$ imposed on the leading proton.
We have also quantified the region of $x_{Bj}$ (the argument of the structure
functions) relevant for the $p p \to l^+ l^-$ processes. We found
that the typical values of $x_{Bj}$ are rather larger than 10$^{-3}$ both
for inclusive case and in the case with proton measurement.
We have also made calculations with the popular SuperChic generator
and compared corresponding results to the results of our code(s).
In general, the results are very similar.
We have also calculated soft rapidity gap survival factor (probability
of no hadron emission in the range of the main (ATLAS, CMS) detector)
as a function of $M_{ll}$, transverse momentum of the dilepton pair,
mass of the proton remnant and $Y_{ll}$.
No evident {\bf dependencies} on the variables have been found
for the single dissociation, except of distribution in $Y_{ll}$.
We have found different (much larger) gap survival factor for fully elastic
contribution than for single proton dissociation.
The soft gap survival factor for single dissociative contribution
strongly depends on whether proton is measured or not.
It is significantly smaller when the forward proton is measured.
We have performed analysis of the range of arguments of the structure
functions relevant for photon-photon processes.
The photon virtualities are both in perturbative and nonperturbative
regions. The nonperturbative region becomes relatively larger when
the cut $p_{t,pair} <$ 5 GeV, as imposed in the recent ATLAS analysis
\cite{ATLAS}.
We have also calculated gap survival factor due to mini(jet) emission
by checking whether the minijet enters or not the main detector.
The second type of the gap survival also strongly depends on
whether the outgoing proton is measured or not. It is about 0.8 for
inclusive case (no proton measurement) and about 0.5 for the case with
proton measurement in the forward proton detector (with typical limited
$\xi$ values).
The second type of gap survival factor is to large extent independent
of the soft gap survival factor, so in general, the two factors can be
included multiplicatively. In our opinion it is not clear, however, what
to do in the case when lepton isolation cuts with specific parameters
are included. Then inclusion of both effects multiplicatively
may lead to underestimation of the measured cross section.
In the present paper we have intentionally concentrated on discussing
effects related to a measurement of one forward proton i.e. on imposing
$\xi$ cuts and absorption effect and not on direct comparison
to the new ATLAS data.
\vskip+5mm
{\bf Acknowledgments}\\
This study was partially supported by the Polish National Science Center
grant UMO-2018/31/B/ST2/03537 and by the Center for Innovation and
Transfer of Natural Sciences and Engineering Knowledge in Rzesz{\'o}w.
We are indebted to Jesse Liu, Rafa{\l} Staszewski and Marek Tasevsky
for a discussion and explanation of details of the recent ATLAS paper.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
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|
Q: Does the number/expression above the sigma notation mean the last n-value, or the number of terms? The way I've understood it, is that the number or expression above the sigma function gives the number of terms. Here's an example:
$$\sum_{k=2}^4 k^2 = 2^2 + 3^2 + 4^2 + 5^2$$
However, I have now seen another way of using the sigma function:
$$\sum_{k=2}^4 k^2 = 2^2 + 3^2 + 4^2$$
The former example illustrates how I've learned to use it, the value above the sigma function denoting the number of terms. The latter example illustrates the other definition, where the value above denotes the last value. Which of these definitions are correct? And if both are correct, how does one tell the reader which one is being used?
A: The number or expression on top of $\sum$ in a summation indicates the highest value of the index.
For example, $\sum\limits_{k=2}^4 k^2=2^2+3^2+4^2$.
If you want the number of terms to be $b$, write $\sum\limits_{k=a}^{a+b-1}k^2.$
Note that, when $a=1$ (but not otherwise!), this is simply $\sum\limits_{k=1}^b k^2.$
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
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| 5,157
|
{"url":"https:\/\/www.cfd-online.com\/W\/index.php?title=Large_eddy_simulation_(LES)&oldid=2427","text":"# Large eddy simulation (LES)\n\nLarge eddy simulation (LES) is a popular technique for simulating turbulent flows. A common deduction of Kolmogorov's (1941) theory of self similarity is that the large eddies of the flow are dependant on the geometry while the smaller scales more universal. This feature allows one to explicitly solve for the large eddies in a calculation and implicitly account for the small eddies by using a sub-grid scale model (SGS model).\n\nMathematically, one may think of separating the velocity field into a resolved and sub-grid part. The resolved part of the field represent the \"large\" eddies, while the sub-grid part of the velocity represent the \"small scales\" whose effect on the resolved field is included through the sub-grid scale model. Formally, one may think of filtering as the convolution of a function with a filtering kernel. However, most practical (and commercial) implimentations of LES, use the grid itself as the filter, and perform no explicit filtering. More information about the theory and application of filters is found here.\n\nThis page is mainly focused on LES of incompressible flows. For compressible flows, see Favre averaged Navier-Stokes equations.\n\nTypically, one would begin with the incompressible Navier-Stokes equations of motion,\n\n$\\frac{\\partial{u_i}}{\\partial t} + u_j \\frac{\\partial u_i}{\\partial x_j} = -\\frac{1}{\\rho} \\frac{\\partial p}{\\partial x_i} + \\nu \\nabla^2 u_i$\n\nand by the application of a filtering kernel, derive the equations of motion for the resolved field,\n\n$\\frac{\\partial{\\bar{u_i}}}{\\partial t} + \\bar{u_j} \\frac{\\partial \\bar{u_i}}{\\partial x_j} = -\\frac{1}{\\rho} \\frac{\\partial \\bar{p}}{\\partial x_i} + \\nu \\nabla^2 \\bar{u_i} + \\frac{\\partial \\tau_{ij}}{\\partial x_j}$\n\nVelocities and pressures with an overbar denote the resolved field after the application of the filtering operation. Similar equations can be derived for the sub-grid scale field (i.e. the residual field). An extra term $\\frac{\\partial \\tau_{ij}}{\\partial x_j}$ arises from the non-linear advection terms, due to the fact that\n\n$\\overline{ u_j \\frac{\\partial u_i}{\\partial x_j} } \\ne \\bar{u_j} \\frac{\\partial \\bar{u_i}}{\\partial x_j}$\n\nand hence\n\n$\\tau_{ij} = \\bar{u_i} \\bar{u_j} - \\overline{u_i u_j}$\n\nSubgrid-scale turbulence models usually employ the Boussinesq hypothesis, and seek to calculate (the deviatoric part of) the SGS stress using:\n\n$\\tau _{ij} - \\frac{1}{3}\\tau _{kk} \\delta _{ij} = - 2\\mu _\\tau \\bar S_{ij}$\n\nwhere $\\bar S_{ij}$ is the rate-of-strain tensor for the resolved scale defined by\n\n$\\bar S_{ij} = \\frac{1}{2}\\left( {\\frac{{\\partial \\bar u_i }}{{\\partial x_j }} + \\frac{{\\partial \\bar u_j }}{{\\partial x_i }}} \\right)$\n\nand $\\mu _\\tau$ is the subgrid-scale turbulent viscosity.\n\n## References\n\n\u2022 J. Smagorinsky. General circulation experiments with the primitive equations, i. the basic experiment. Monthly Weather Review, 91: 99-164, 1963.\n\u2022 M. Germano, U. Piomelli, P. Moin, and W. H. Cabot. A dynamic sub-grid scale eddy viscosity model. Physics of Fluids, A(3): 1760-1765, 1991.\n\u2022 W. Kim and S. Menon. A new dynamic one-equation subgrid-scale model for large eddy simulation. In 33rd Aerospace Sciences Meeting and Exhibit, Reno, NV, 1995.\n\u2022 F. Nicoud and F. Ducros. Subgrid-scale modelling based on the square of the velocity gradient tensor. Flow, Turbulence and Combustion, 62: 183-200, 1999.","date":"2017-10-20 06:13:29","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 9, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.8041738867759705, \"perplexity\": 1993.0629519261286}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2017-43\/segments\/1508187823731.36\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20171020044747-20171020064747-00684.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Азербайджанците (наричани също азери) са тюркски народ, населяващ основно района на Кавказ в Европа и Азия. Броят им е около 35 млн. души. По-голямата част живеят в Иран, където съставляват 24 % от населението на страната. Те са основното население в Азербайджан, където съставляват 90,6 % от населението (1999). Техни големи общности има в Турция, Грузия и Русия.
История
Азербайджанската народност се формира в резултат от сливане на народи от кавказки и ирански произход с тюркските племена през 12 – 15 век.
Език
Говорят азербайджански език от групата на тюркските езици.
Религия
Азербайджанците са предимно мюсюлмани от шиитското направление. Част от тях са мюсюлмани от сунитското направление, християни, бахаи и зороастрийци.
Известни азери
Исмаил I
Мирза Ахундов
Сатар Хан
Мир Хосеин Мусави
Теймур Раджабов
Али Даи
Лотфи Заде
Араш
Източници
Етнически групи в Азербайджан
Етнически групи в Иран
Кавказки народи
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
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| 4,382
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Welcome to my Hub! It is a work in progress right now. Im so excited to be apart of Habpages. Im still new here so all tips are welcome.
Shooting Firework Is Just The American Way. Yes, We all love to hear them pop, Fly and swirl. But Once that fuse is lit many things can go wrong. Stay safe America this Fourth of July!
Why I love Google Voice. Easy and Free. Text from Computer. Call anyone from a pc. Free pc texting & calling. Sms cell phone. Send text message from Google. Call Your Friends For Free No Downloads. Great For Everyone! A must For business. See What is Google Voice.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 2,168
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In biologia il termine proterandrìa indica un caso di ermafroditismo dove sono presenti entrambe le gonadi, ma si sviluppano prima quelle maschili e successivamente quelle femminili. Condizione opposta è la proteroginìa.
Il termine è la composizione delle parole greche próteros (anteriore) + andrìa, andròs (uomo, maschio).
In zoologia
Questo tipo di ermafroditismo è diffuso in molte specie di animali, dove gli esemplari nascono e vivono la prima parte della vita come maschi, per poi subire un cambio di sesso con l'età diventando a tutti gli effetti femmine. Sono animali proterandrici molte specie di vermi (platelminti, anellidi), molluschi (gasteropodi) e pesci (Sparidae, Amphiprioninae).
In botanica
Le piante proterogeniche sono parte delle ermafrodite insufficienti: questo caso si presenta quando nei fiori ermafroditi gli organi maschili (stami) raggiungono la maturità sessuale in anticipo rispetto al gineceo (pistillo), rendendo di fatto impossibile l'autofecondazione.
Note
Riproduzione
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 5,960
|
Ginger Baker. Jack Bruce. Eric Clapton.
Cream was a chemical explosion like no other, the blueprint for every supergroup to follow and the heavy blues precursor to Hendrix, Zeppelin and so much more. Fifty years since their earth-shaking debut album, the bloodlines of that hallowed trilogy come together to pay tribute to Cream's legendary four-album reign over the psychedelic frontier of the late 1960s. Kofi BAKER (son of Ginger) and Malcolm BRUCE (son of Jack) unite with Will JOHNS (Eric's nephew by Marriage and son of Zeppelin/ Stones/ Hendrix engineer Andy) to unleash the lightning that electrified a generation. Feel the fire and the freedom of "Spoonful", "Strange Brew", "Sunshine of Your Love", "White Room", "Crossroads" and "Badge" — performed by master musicians whose lives have been steeped in the Cream spirit and legacy.
EXPERIENCE a Once-In-a-lifetime concert salute to the most innovative and explosive supergroup of all time, in the hands of those that knew them best.
WATCH as they interplay live with their fathers on the big screen; classic moments in rock history brought back to life.
LISTEN as they share personal insights and stories, complete with rare, yet to be seen family footage and photographs.
The son of Cream singer-bassist Jack Bruce, Malcolm grew up in the thick of rock royalty and, via the Guildhall School of Music, began performing professionally at 16. As pianist, bassist, guitarist or engineer he has shared studios with Little Richard, Elton John, Eric Clapton and Dr John, and recorded and performed often with his father in the UK, US and Europe. Recent tours have included 60 dates with Joe Satriani and revisiting the music of Cream with Kofi Baker and Will Johns. Malcolm's new album, Salvation, is now firmly released and he is touring in support through Europe and the UK in 2018.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 5,875
|
import {CommonModule} from '@angular/common';
import {NgModule} from '@angular/core';
import {MatDialogModule} from '@angular/material/dialog';
import {MatSelectModule} from '@angular/material/select';
import {RouterTreeComponent} from './router-tree.component';
@NgModule({
declarations: [RouterTreeComponent],
imports: [CommonModule, MatDialogModule, MatSelectModule],
exports: [RouterTreeComponent],
entryComponents: [],
})
export class RouterTreeModule {
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 6,993
|
Poor air-conditioning damaging KZN Museum's artefacts
Chelsea Pieterse
Stuffed animal displays are bearing the brunt of poorly maintained airconditioning. (Ian Carbutt)
New museum a 'white elephant'
Africa Day at KZN Museum
Science Week a big win for KZN Museum
Pietermaritzburg's 112-year-old KwaZulu-Natal Museum, home to some of the most important and celebrated South African heritage collections, is at risk of losing priceless and irreplaceable artefacts.
This is reportedly due to poorly maintained airconditioning within the museum damaging artefacts, especially the animal exhibits, as temperatures constantly fluctuate when the building should remain cool and dry at all times.
At first glance, the brightly coloured exhibits, and collection of indigenous and exotic animals appear to be in excellent condition, however, if one takes a closer look one begins to see the cracks.
Ros Devereaux of Amafa Heritage KZN said that the KZN Museum was opened in 1906 and is listed as a grade three heritage resource.
"It has been very well maintained by the National Department of Public Works," said Devereaux. "However, the 1970s addition/exhibit that was added to in the 1990s has some structural problems that need to be addressed."
She said if the issues are not addressed "they may impact on the museum's capacity to maintain its collection and may pose health and safety risks to the museum staff and visitors to that part of the building".
Examining the animal exhibits, cracks are visible on the skins of the zebra, lions, giraffe and some of the other mammals on display behind glass. According to an informed source, this is because the temperature in the museum is not regulated. "Some of the exhibits are very old. Some of them are between 50 and 60 years old but because of the temperature fluctuation in Pietermaritzburg the skins of the exhibits expand in the heat and contract in the cold, causing them to crack," said the source.
It was reported that an airconditioning plant was installed above the museum 15 years ago at a cost of R6 million but that there had been no proper maintenance contract in place.
The air conditioning unit for the museum that was installed 15 years ago.
Water damage to walls, ceilings and the wooden floors can also be seen.
"In an ideal climate, the taxidermied animals can last between 200 and 400 years. The oldest exhibit is the ostrich which was put on display in the museum in 1906, making it 112 years old.
"The temperature should stay cool and dry so that the exhibits can be properly preserved.
"The collections were recently evaluated and some are worth millions of rands and cannot just be replaced. Once they are gone, they are gone."
Water damage to the floor of the KwaZulu-Natal Museum in Jabu Ndlovu Street.
KZN Museum archaeologist Gavin Whitelaw said however the museum was well looked after and is "one of the top museums in the country in terms of research, conservation and education".
KZN Public Works spokesperson Mbulelo Baloyi said the museum was the responsibility of the national Arts and Culture Department.
He said if work needed to be done on the museum, a request would have to come through from Arts and Culture, which it had not.
The Department of Arts and Culture had not responded to media queries yesterday.
Damage to the ceiling of the museum.
Caring for the exhibits is not easy
Caring for the museum exhibits is not all plain sailing. When taxidermy first began, taxidermists used arsenic and cyanide to preserve mammals.
Because of this, the glass cases at the KZN Museum cannot be opened unless a person is wearing protective gear.
The Witness was told that some years ago a staff member who had tried to wash a polar bear displayed in one of the glass cases, quickly found that her hair and fingernails began falling out. This was due to the toxins that had been used to preserve the animal.
Read more on: pietermaritzburg
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 2,771
|
Konstitučně demokratická strana (rusky Конституционно-демократическая партия) nebo také Strana lidové svobody (takzvaní Kadeti - od zkratky K-D) byla ruská liberální strana založená v průběhu revoluce roku 1905.
Kadeti prosazovali nenásilnou demokratizaci země. Její členové pocházeli především z řad šlechty, konzervativních a pravicových intelektuálů. V prozatímní vládě premiéra Lvova z roku 1917 zaujali liberální pozici a stáli na pravici. Strana přesto v sobě zahrnovala i levicovou frakci a levicové tendence. Ve volbách do ruského shromáždění roku 1917 získali necelých 5 % hlasů. V prosinci 1917 byla strana zakázána.
Významnými členy strany byli např. G. J. Lvov, P. N. Miljukov, N. V. Někrasov či P. B. Struve.
Reference
Externí odkazy
Politické strany předrevolučního Ruska
Zaniklé politické strany
Kadeti
Politické strany založené roku 1905
Politické strany zaniklé roku 1917
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 6,435
|
{"url":"http:\/\/blekko.com\/wiki\/Quantum_Hall_effect?source=672620ff","text":"# Quantum Hall effect\n\nThe quantum Hall effect (or integer quantum Hall effect) is a quantum-mechanical version of the Hall effect, observed in two-dimensional electron systems subjected to low temperatures and strong magnetic fields, in which the Hall conductivity \u03c3 undergoes certain quantum Hall transitions to take on the quantized values\n\n$\\sigma = \\frac{I_\\text{channel}}{V_\\text{Hall}} = \\nu \\; \\frac{e^2}{h},$\n\nwhere $I_\\text{channel}$ is the channel current, $V_\\text{Hall}$ is the Hall voltage, e is the elementary charge and h is Planck's constant. The prefactor \u03bd is known as the \"filling factor\", and can take on either integer (\u03bd = 1, 2, 3, .. ) or fractional (\u03bd = 1\/3, 2\/5, 3\/7, 2\/3, 3\/5, 1\/5, 2\/9, 3\/13, 5\/2, 12\/5 ...) values. The quantum Hall effect is referred to as the integer or fractional quantum Hall effect depending on whether \u03bd is an integer or fraction respectively. The integer quantum Hall effect is very well understood, and can be simply explained in terms of single-particle orbitals of an electron in a magnetic field (see Landau quantization). The fractional quantum Hall effect is more complicated, as its existence relies fundamentally on electron\u2013electron interactions. It is also very well understood as an integer quantum Hall effect, not of electrons but of charge-flux composites known as composite fermions. In 1988, it was proposed that there was quantum Hall effect without Landau levels. This quantum Hall effect is referred to as the quantum anomalous Hall (QAH) effect. There is also a new concept of the quantum spin Hall effect which is an analogue of the quantum Hall effect, where spin currents flow instead of charge currents.[1]\n\n## Applications\n\nThe quantization of the Hall conductance has the important property of being incredibly precise. Actual measurements of the Hall conductance have been found to be integer or fractional multiples of e2\/h to nearly one part in a billion. This phenomenon, referred to as \"exact quantization\", has been shown to be a subtle manifestation of the principle of gauge invariance.[2] It has allowed for the definition of a new practical standard for electrical resistance, based on the resistance quantum given by the von Klitzing constant RK = h\/e2 = 25812.807557(18) \u03a9.[3] This is named after Klaus von Klitzing, the discoverer of exact quantization. Since 1990, a fixed conventional value RK-90 is used in resistance calibrations worldwide.[4] The quantum Hall effect also provides an extremely precise independent determination of the fine structure constant, a quantity of fundamental importance in quantum electrodynamics.\n\n## History\n\nThe integer quantization of the Hall conductance was originally predicted by Ando, Matsumoto, and Uemura in 1975, on the basis of an approximate calculation which they themselves did not believe to be true. Several workers subsequently observed the effect in experiments carried out on the inversion layer of MOSFETs. It was only in 1980 that Klaus von Klitzing, working with samples developed by Michael Pepper and Gerhard Dorda, made the unexpected discovery that the Hall conductivity was exactly quantized. For this finding, von Klitzing was awarded the 1985 Nobel Prize in Physics. The link between exact quantization and gauge invariance was subsequently found by Robert Laughlin. Most integer quantum Hall experiments are now performed on gallium arsenide heterostructures, although many other semiconductor materials can be used. In 2007, the integer quantum Hall effect was reported in graphene at temperatures as high as room temperature,[5] and in the oxide ZnO-MgxZn1-xO.[6]\n\n## Integer quantum Hall effect \u2013 Landau levels\n\nIn two dimensions, when classical electrons are subjected to a magnetic field they follow circular cyclotron orbits. When the system is treated quantum mechanically, these orbits are quantized. The energy levels of these quantized orbitals take on discrete values: $E_n = \\hbar \\omega_c (n+1\/2)$, where \u03c9c = eB\/m is the cyclotron frequency. These orbitals are known as Landau levels, and at weak magnetic fields, their existence gives rise to many interesting \"quantum oscillations\" such as the Shubnikov\u2013de Haas oscillations and the de Haas\u2013van Alphen effect (which is often used to map the Fermi surface of metals). For strong magnetic fields, each Landau level is highly degenerate (i.e. there are many single particle states which have the same energy En). Specifically, for a sample of area A, in magnetic field B, the degeneracy of each Landau level is $N = g_s BA\/\\phi_0$ (where gs represents a factor of 2 for spin degeneracy, and $\\phi_0$ is the magnetic flux quantum). For sufficiently strong B-fields, each Landau level may have so many states that all of the free electrons in the system sit in only a few Landau levels; it is in this regime where one observes the quantum Hall effect.\n\n## Mathematics\n\nThe integers that appear in the Hall effect are examples of topological quantum numbers. They are known in mathematics as the first Chern numbers and are closely related to Berry's phase. A striking model of much interest in this context is the Azbel-Harper-Hofstadter model whose quantum phase diagram is the Hofstadter butterfly shown in the figure. The vertical axis is the strength of the magnetic field and the horizontal axis is the chemical potential, which fixes the electron density. The colors represent the integer Hall conductances. Warm colors represent positive integers and cold colors negative integers. The phase diagram is fractal and has structure on all scales. In the figure there is an obvious self-similarity.\n\nConcerning physical mechanisms, impurities and\/or particular states (e.g., edge currents) are important for both the 'integer' and 'fractional' effects. In addition, Coulomb interaction is also essential in the fractional quantum Hall effect. The observed strong similarity between integer and fractional quantum Hall effects is explained by the tendency of electrons to form bound states with an even number of magnetic flux quanta, called composite fermions.","date":"2014-04-18 23:07:06","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 6, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.6477492451667786, \"perplexity\": 467.26338878778097}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 20, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2014-15\/segments\/1397609535095.9\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20140416005215-00105-ip-10-147-4-33.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Q: Implement RGBtoHSV C++ , wrong H output I am trying to do Sobel operator in the HSV dimension (told to do this in the HSV by my guide but I dont understand why it will work better on HSV than on RGB) .
I have built a function that converts from RGB to HSV . while I have some mediocre knowledge in C++ I am getting confused by the Image Processing thus I tried to keep the code as simple as possible , meaning I dont care (at this stage) about time nor space .
From looking on the results I got in gray levels bmp photos , my V and S seems to be fine but my H looks very gibbrish .
I got 2 questions here :
1. How a normal H photo in gray level should look a like comparing to the source photo ?
2. Where was I wrong in the code :
void RGBtoHSV(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS],
float Him[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Vim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Sim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS])
{
double Rn, Gn, Bn;
double C;
double H, S, V;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
Rn = (1.0*image[row][column][R]) / 255;
Gn = (1.0*image[row][column][G] )/ 255;
Bn = (1.0*image[row][column][B] )/ 255;
//double RGBn[3] = { Rn, Gn, Bn };
double max = Rn;
if (max < Gn) max = Gn;
if (max < Bn) max = Bn;
double min = Rn;
if (min > Gn) min = Gn;
if (min > Bn) min = Bn;
C = max - min;
H = 0;
if (max==0)
{
S = 0;
H = -1; //undifined;
V = max;
}
else
{
/* if (max == Rn)
H = (60.0* ((int)((Gn - Bn) / C) % 6));
else if (max == Gn)
H = 60.0*( (Bn - Rn)/C + 2);
else
H = 60.0*( (Rn - Gn)/C + 4);
*/
if (max == Rn)
H = ( 60.0* ( (Gn - Bn) / C) ) ;
else if (max == Gn)
H = 60.0*((Bn - Rn) / C + 2);
else
H = 60.0*((Rn - Gn) / C + 4);
V = max; //AKA lightness
S = C / max; //saturation
}
while (H < 0)
H += 360;
while (H>360)
H -= 360;
Him[row][column] = (float)H;
Vim[row][column] = (float)V;
Sim[row][column] = (float)S;
}
}
}
also my hsvtorgb :
void HSVtoRGB(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS],
float Him[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Vim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Sim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS])
{
double R1, G1, B1;
double C;
double V;
double S;
double H;
int Htag;
double Htag2;
double x;
double m;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
H = (double)Him[row][column];
S = (double)Sim[row][column];
V = (double)Vim[row][column];
C = V*S;
Htag = (int) (H / 60.0);
Htag2 = H/ 60.0;
//x = C*(1 - abs(Htag % 2 - 1));
double tmp1 = fmod(Htag2, 2);
double temp=(1 - abs(tmp1 - 1));
x = C*temp;
//switch (Htag)
switch (Htag)
{
case 0 :
R1 = C;
G1 = x;
B1 = 0;
break;
case 1:
R1 = x;
G1 = C;
B1 = 0;
break;
case 2:
R1 = 0;
G1 = C;
B1 = x;
break;
case 3:
R1 = 0;
G1 = x;
B1 = C;
break;
case 4:
R1 = x;
G1 = 0;
B1 = C;
break;
case 5:
R1 = C;
G1 = 0;
B1 = x;
break;
default:
R1 = 0;
G1 = 0;
B1 = 0;
break;
}
m = V - C;
//this is also good change I found
//image[row][column][R] = unsigned char( (R1 + m)*255);
//image[row][column][G] = unsigned char( (G1 + m)*255);
//image[row][column][B] = unsigned char( (B1 + m)*255);
image[row][column][R] = round((R1 + m) * 255);
image[row][column][G] = round((G1 + m) * 255);
image[row][column][B] = round((B1 + m) * 255);
}
}
}
void HSVfloattoGrayconvert(unsigned char grayimage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS] [NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS], float hsvimage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS], char hsv)
{
//grayimage , flaotimage , h/s/v
float factor;
if (hsv == 'h' || hsv == 'H') factor = (float) 1 / 360;
else factor = 1;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
grayimage[row][column] = (unsigned char) (0.5f + 255.0f * (float)hsvimage[row][column] / factor);
}
}
}
and my main:
unsigned char ColorImage1[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS] [NUMBER_OF_COLORS];
float Himage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
float Vimage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
float Simage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char ColorImage2[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS] [NUMBER_OF_COLORS];
unsigned char HimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char VimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char SimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char HAfterSobel[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char VAfterSobel[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char SAfterSobal[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char HSVcolorAfterSobal[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS];
unsigned char RGBAfterSobal[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS];
int KernelX[3][3] = {
{-1,0,+1}, {-2,0,2}, {-1,0,1 }
};
int KernelY[3][3] = {
{-1,-2,-1}, {0,0,0}, {1,2,1}
};
void main()
{
//work
LoadBgrImageFromTrueColorBmpFile(ColorImage1, "P22A.bmp");
// add noise
AddSaltAndPepperNoiseRGB(ColorImage1, 350, 255);
StoreBgrImageAsTrueColorBmpFile(ColorImage1, "saltandpepper.bmp");
AddGaussNoiseCPPstileRGB(ColorImage1, 0.0, 1.0);
StoreBgrImageAsTrueColorBmpFile(ColorImage1, "Saltandgauss.bmp");
//saves hsv in float array
RGBtoHSV(ColorImage1, Himage, Vimage, Simage);
//saves hsv float arrays in unsigned char arrays
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(HimageGray, Himage, 'h');
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(VimageGray, Vimage, 'v');
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(SimageGray, Simage, 's');
StoreGrayImageAsGrayBmpFile(HimageGray, "P22H.bmp");
StoreGrayImageAsGrayBmpFile(VimageGray, "P22V.bmp");
StoreGrayImageAsGrayBmpFile(SimageGray, "P22S.bmp");
WaitForUserPressKey();
}
edit : Changed Code + add sources for equations :
Soruce : for equations :
*http://www.rapidtables.com/convert/color/hsv-to-rgb.htm
*http://www.rapidtables.com/convert/color/rgb-to-hsv.htm
edit3:
listening to @gpasch advice and using better reference and deleting the mod6 I am now able to restore the RGB original photo!!! but unfortunately now my H photo in grayscale is even more chaotic than before .
I'll edit the code about so it will have more info about how I am saving the H grayscale photo .
A: That is the peril of going through garbage web sites; I suggest the following:
https://www.cs.rit.edu/~ncs/color/t_convert.html
That mod 6 seems fishy there.
You also need to make sure you understand that H is in degrees from 0 to 360; if your filter expects 0..1 you have the change.
A:
I am trying to do Sobel operator in the HSV dimension (told to do this in the HSV by my guide but I dont understand why it will work better on HSV than on RGB)
It depends on what you are trying to achieve. If you're trying to do edge detection based on brightness for example, then just working with say the V channel might be simpler than processing all three channels of RGB and combining them afterwards.
*
*How a normal H photo in gray level should look a like comparing to the source photo ?
You would see regions which are a similar colour appear as a similar shade of grey, and for a real-world scene you would still see gradients. But where there are spatially adjacent regions with colours far apart in hue, there would be a sharp jump. The shapes would generally be recognisable though.
*Where was I wrong in the code :
There are two main problems with your code. The first is that the hue scaling in HSVfloattoGrayconvert is wrong. Your code is setting factor=1.0/360.0f but then dividing by the factor, which means it's multiplying by 360. If you simply multiply by the factor, it produces the expected output. This is because the earlier calculation uses normalised values (0..1) for S and V but angle in degrees for H, so you need to divide by 360 to normalise H.
Second, the conversion back to RGB has a problem, mainly to do with calculating Htag where you want the original value for calculating x but the floor only when switching on the sector.
Note that despite what @gpasch suggested, the mod 6 operation is actually correct. This is because the conversion you are using is based on the hexagonal colour space model for HSV, and this is used to determine which sector your colour is in. For a continuous model, you could use a radial conversion instead which is slightly different. Both are well explained on Wikipedia.
I took your code, added a few functions to generate input data and save output files so it is completely standalone, and fixed the bugs above while making minimal changes to the source.
Given the following generated input image:
the Hue channel extracted is:
The saturation channel is:
and finally value:
After fixing up the HSV to RGB conversion, I verified that the resulting output image matches the original.
The updated code is below (as mentioned above, changed minimally to make a standalone test):
#include <string>
#include <cmath>
#include <cstdlib>
enum ColorIndex
{
R = 0,
G = 1,
B = 2,
};
namespace
{
const unsigned NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS = 256;
const unsigned NUMBER_OF_ROWS = 256;
const unsigned NUMBER_OF_COLORS = 3;
};
void RGBtoHSV(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS],
float Him[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Vim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Sim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS])
{
double Rn, Gn, Bn;
double C;
double H, S, V;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
Rn = image[row][column][R] / 255.0;
Gn = image[row][column][G] / 255.0;
Bn = image[row][column][B] / 255.0;
double max = Rn;
if (max < Gn) max = Gn;
if (max < Bn) max = Bn;
double min = Rn;
if (min > Gn) min = Gn;
if (min > Bn) min = Bn;
C = max - min;
H = 0;
if (max==0)
{
S = 0;
H = 0; // Undefined
V = max;
}
else
{
if (max == Rn)
H = 60.0*fmod((Gn - Bn) / C, 6.0);
else if (max == Gn)
H = 60.0*((Bn - Rn) / C + 2);
else
H = 60.0*((Rn - Gn) / C + 4);
V = max; //AKA lightness
S = C / max; //saturation
}
while (H < 0)
H += 360.0;
while (H > 360)
H -= 360.0;
Him[row][column] = (float)H;
Vim[row][column] = (float)V;
Sim[row][column] = (float)S;
}
}
}
void HSVtoRGB(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS],
float Him[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Vim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS],
float Sim[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS])
{
double R1, G1, B1;
double C;
double V;
double S;
double H;
double Htag;
double x;
double m;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
H = (double)Him[row][column];
S = (double)Sim[row][column];
V = (double)Vim[row][column];
C = V*S;
Htag = H / 60.0;
double x = C*(1.0 - fabs(fmod(Htag, 2.0) - 1.0));
int i = floor(Htag);
switch (i)
{
case 0 :
R1 = C;
G1 = x;
B1 = 0;
break;
case 1:
R1 = x;
G1 = C;
B1 = 0;
break;
case 2:
R1 = 0;
G1 = C;
B1 = x;
break;
case 3:
R1 = 0;
G1 = x;
B1 = C;
break;
case 4:
R1 = x;
G1 = 0;
B1 = C;
break;
case 5:
R1 = C;
G1 = 0;
B1 = x;
break;
default:
R1 = 0;
G1 = 0;
B1 = 0;
break;
}
m = V - C;
image[row][column][R] = round((R1 + m) * 255);
image[row][column][G] = round((G1 + m) * 255);
image[row][column][B] = round((B1 + m) * 255);
}
}
}
void HSVfloattoGrayconvert(unsigned char grayimage[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS], float hsvimage[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS], char hsv)
{
//grayimage , flaotimage , h/s/v
float factor;
if (hsv == 'h' || hsv == 'H') factor = 1.0f/360.0f;
else factor = 1.0f;
for (int row = 0; row < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; row++)
{
for (int column = 0; column < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; column++)
{
grayimage[row][column] = (unsigned char) (0.5f + 255.0f * (float)hsvimage[row][column] * factor);
}
}
}
int KernelX[3][3] = {
{-1,0,+1}, {-2,0,2}, {-1,0,1 }
};
int KernelY[3][3] = {
{-1,-2,-1}, {0,0,0}, {1,2,1}
};
void GenerateTestImage(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS])
{
for (unsigned y = 0; y < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; y++)
{
for (unsigned x = 0; x < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; x++)
{
image[y][x][R] = x % 256;
image[y][x][G] = y % 256;
image[y][x][B] = (255-x) % 256;
}
}
}
void GenerateTestImage(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS])
{
for (unsigned y = 0; y < NUMBER_OF_ROWS; y++)
{
for (unsigned x = 0; x < NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS; x++)
{
image[x][y] = x % 256;
}
}
}
// Color (three channel) images
void SaveImage(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS], const std::string& filename)
{
FILE* fp = fopen(filename.c_str(), "w");
fprintf(fp, "P6\n%u %u\n255\n", NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS, NUMBER_OF_ROWS);
fwrite(image, NUMBER_OF_COLORS, NUMBER_OF_ROWS*NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS, fp);
fclose(fp);
}
// Grayscale (single channel) images
void SaveImage(unsigned char image[][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS], const std::string& filename)
{
FILE* fp = fopen(filename.c_str(), "w");
fprintf(fp, "P5\n%u %u\n255\n", NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS, NUMBER_OF_ROWS);
fwrite(image, 1, NUMBER_OF_ROWS*NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS, fp);
fclose(fp);
}
unsigned char ColorImage1[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS][NUMBER_OF_COLORS];
unsigned char Himage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char Simage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
unsigned char Vimage[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
float HimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
float SimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
float VimageGray[NUMBER_OF_ROWS][NUMBER_OF_COLUMNS];
int main()
{
// Test input
GenerateTestImage(ColorImage1);
SaveImage(ColorImage1, "test_input.ppm");
//saves hsv in float array
RGBtoHSV(ColorImage1, HimageGray, VimageGray, SimageGray);
//saves hsv float arrays in unsigned char arrays
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(Himage, HimageGray, 'h');
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(Vimage, VimageGray, 'v');
HSVfloattoGrayconvert(Simage, SimageGray, 's');
SaveImage(Himage, "P22H.pgm");
SaveImage(Vimage, "P22V.pgm");
SaveImage(Simage, "P22S.pgm");
// Convert back to get the original test image
HSVtoRGB(ColorImage1, HimageGray, VimageGray, SimageGray);
SaveImage(ColorImage1, "test_output.ppm");
return 0;
}
The input image was generated by a very simple algorithm which gives us gradients in each dimension, so we can easily inspect and verify the expected output. I used ppm/pgm files as they are simpler to write and more portable than BMP.
Hope this helps - let me know if you have any questions.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 9,197
|
In the first weeks of the new year the media message is to 'reinvent' yourself; new year, new you. Do we really need this annual makeover? Does one more layer of makeup change who we are as individuals? Perhaps this year we should focus on the 'real' you, not the person 'appearing in the role…'as you. Let's enhance the talent that's in your DNA.
Start the year with a realistic assessment of your skills. Ask for feedback from your closest friends and colleagues. How does your view of self compare to how others see you? How much energy are you expending to create a perception with no connection to reality?
We all play roles in our professional lives. I believe that the most successful and happy among us are the ones whose 'roles' can't be distinguished from who they are in real life.
What will it take to bridge the gap and live the authentic life? In other words, why not just be you?
It may be that you need to listen to that little voice that is telling you what you really want to do with your life, something that doesn't involve creating a character each morning as you enter your workplace.
Rather than reinvent, authenticate. Be yourself. Be happy.
Categories: career, success, values Tags: 'real you', reinvent or authenticate?, what do you want to do with your life?
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 7,163
|
{"url":"https:\/\/novelanswer.com\/solved-as-a-marketing-director-for-a-local-university-you-want-to-advertise-the-mean-salary-of-your-graduates\/","text":"# Solved (Free): As a marketing director for a local university, you want to advertise the mean salary of your graduates\n\n#### ByDr. Raju Chaudhari\n\nFeb 27, 2021\n\nAs a marketing director for a local university, you want to advertise the mean salary of your graduates. As an ethical marketing person, you want to be 99% sure that the number you advertise is not more than \\$500 from the true average salary. A quick, small sample reveals a standard deviation of \\$6278. How large a sample should you get?\n\n#### Solution\n\nThe formula to estimate the sample size required to estimate the population mean is\n\n $$n =\\bigg(\\frac{z* \\sigma}{E}\\bigg)^2$$\n\nwhere $\\sigma$ is the population stabdard deviation, $z$ is the $Z_{\\alpha\/2}$ and $E$ is the margin of error.\n\nGiven that the margin of error $E =500$. The confidence coefficient is $1-\\alpha=0.99$. Thus $\\alpha = 0.01$.\n\nThe sample standard deviation is $\\sigma = 6278$.\n\nThe critical value of $Z$ is $z=Z_{\\alpha\/2} = 2.58$.\n\nThe minimum sample size required to estimate the mean is\n\n \\begin{aligned} n &= \\bigg(\\frac{z* \\sigma}{E}\\bigg)^2\\\\ & = \\bigg(\\frac{2.58*6278}{500}\\bigg)^2\\\\ & =1049.4023\\\\ &\\approx 1050. \\end{aligned}\n\nThus, the sample of size $n=1050$ will ensure that the $99$% confidence interval for the mean will have a margin of error $500$.","date":"2021-04-16 13:47:12","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.9460958242416382, \"perplexity\": 672.0040724074317}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-17\/segments\/1618038066981.0\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210416130611-20210416160611-00495.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Home Social Justice Ohio House bill would prohibit some abortions for babies with Down Syndrome
Ohio House bill would prohibit some abortions for babies with Down Syndrome
By Samantha Read
Photo courtesy Andrea via Flickr.
An Ohio house bill would prohibit abortions for pregnant women who want to terminate their pregnancy after fetal test results indicate their baby has Down Syndrome.
House Bill 135, introduced in March by Rep. David Hall, R-Millersburg, and Rep. Sarah LaTourette, R-Bainbridge Township, is supported by Sarah Palin. In a CNN interview, she urged Ohio governor and 2016 presidential candidate John Kasich to sign the bill if passed by the General Assembly. Kasich opposes abortions except in cases of rape, incest or to protect the mother's life, but his stance on the issue addressed by the proposed bill is unknown.
As a co-sponsor for the ban on abortion for Down Syndrome babies, Ohio Rep. John Becker, R-Union Township, stated in a CNN interview that the bill is not aimed towards mothers, but at doctors. Becker also believes it would be best to put the children with Down Syndrome up for adoption if the biological parents are not equipped to raise children with the developmental disability.
"A pro-life movement really means pro-life for all innocent life," Becker said.
According to a study published in the American Journal of Medical Genetics, the estimated number of babies born with Down Syndrome is 12.6 per 10,000, or 5,300 births each year. The ability to prenatally diagnose Down Syndrome has reduced the population of individuals with the disability by roughly 30 percent.
The costs of raising children with Down Syndrome are high for any parent. According to the Centers for Disease and Prevention, the average medical care costs are 12 times higher for children with Down Syndrome than for children without it.
Gary Daniels, chief lobbyist for the American Civil Liberties Union, opposes this legislation because he believes it restricts women's rights. According to Daniels, if passed, the bill would overturn Roe v. Wade, a landmark court case that legalized abortion in 1973.
"Those supporting HB 135 and similar legislation that impacts women's reproductive rights know they have an uphill battle. For decades, the Supreme Court of the United States has repeatedly ruled the threshold for lawful versus unlawful abortions is the viability of the fetus," Daniels said. "However, that has not prevented those who oppose reproductive rights from constantly trying to get yet another case before the Supreme Court in hopes a majority of justices will abandon that viability framework."
In Daniels' testimony on HB 135, he stated his concern that the legislation would cause doctors to worry about their licenses and make patients unwilling to talk about their health, creating an uneasy atmosphere. He believes there is only a small chance that the bill will pass.
"If the Supreme Court wanted to do away with the basic concept of viability as the deciding factor, they are free to do so at any point (pursuant to a relevant case before them)," Daniels said. "Such reversals rarely happen, but they have. Supporters of this bill hope it will happen again so they keep trying."
TagsabortionACLUadministrationAthens OhiocourtscrimeDown syndromeHB 135healthcareJohn KasichlegislationLegislatorlegislaturemental healthnewsOhioOhio UniversityOUPoliticiansPoliticsRacial IssuesSamantha ReadSarah Palinsocial justicethe new politicalwomen's issues
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Samantha Read
Samantha is a state writer, studying communication and political science. Originally from New Concord, Ohio, she loves her small town and spending time in the country.
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|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 2,997
|
package com.tech.ipanda.wechat.app.cms.dao.impl;
import java.sql.PreparedStatement;
import java.sql.ResultSet;
import java.sql.Timestamp;
import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.List;
import com.tech.ipanda.wechat.Exception.SQLException;
import com.tech.ipanda.wechat.app.cms.dao.ContextDao;
import com.tech.ipanda.wechat.app.cms.entity.Context;
import com.tech.ipanda.wechat.util.dbutil.DButil;
public class ContextDaoImpl implements ContextDao {
DButil db = DButil.getInstance();
@Override
public List<Context> getAll() {
List<Context> li = new ArrayList<Context>();
PreparedStatement ps = null;
ResultSet rs = null;
String sql = "SELECT * FROM cms_context";
try {
ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
rs = ps.executeQuery();
while (rs.next()) {
Context c = this.formate(rs);
li.add(c);
}
} catch (java.sql.SQLException e) {
// TODO Auto-generated catch block
e.printStackTrace();
}
return li;
}
@Override
public List<Context> getAllWithTheme(Integer themeid) throws SQLException {
List<Context> li = new ArrayList<Context>();
String sql = "SELECT * FROM cms_context WHERE themeid=?";
try {
PreparedStatement ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
ps.setInt(1, themeid);
ResultSet rs = ps.executeQuery();
while (rs.next()) {
Context c = this.formate(rs);
li.add(c);
}
} catch (java.sql.SQLException e) {
// TODO Auto-generated catch block
e.printStackTrace();
}
return li;
}
@Override
public Context getById(Integer id) throws SQLException {
// TODO Auto-generated method stub
try {
String sql = "SELECT * FROM cms_context WHERE id=?";
PreparedStatement ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
ps.setInt(1, id);
ResultSet rs = ps.executeQuery();
return this.formate(rs);
} catch (Exception e) {
// TODO: handle exception
}
return null;
}
@Override
public void insertContext(Context c) throws SQLException {
// TODO Auto-generated method stub
try {
String sql = "INSERT INTO cms_context (title,description,context,writer,writedate,themeid,aging) VALUES(?,?,?,?,?,?,?)";
PreparedStatement ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
ps.setString(1, c.getTitle());
ps.setString(2, c.getDescription());
ps.setString(3, c.getContext());
ps.setInt(4, c.getWriter());
ps.setTimestamp(5, new Timestamp(c.getWriteDate().getTime()));
ps.setInt(6, c.getTheme_id());
ps.setInt(7, c.getAging());
ResultSet rs = ps.executeQuery();
} catch (Exception e) {
// TODO: handle exception
}
}
@Override
public void updateContext(Context c) throws SQLException {
String sql = "UPDATE cms_context SET title=?,description=?,context=?,writer=?,writedata=?,themeid=?,aging=? WHERE=?";
try {
PreparedStatement ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
ps.setString(1, c.getTitle());
ps.setString(2, c.getDescription());
ps.setString(3, c.getContext());
ps.setInt(4, c.getWriter());
ps.setTimestamp(5, new Timestamp(c.getWriteDate().getTime()));
ps.setInt(6, c.getTheme_id());
ps.setInt(7, c.getAging());
ResultSet rs = ps.executeQuery();
} catch (java.sql.SQLException e) {
// TODO Auto-generated catch block
e.printStackTrace();
}
}
@Override
public void deleteContext(Integer id) throws SQLException {
try {
String sql = "DELETE FROM cms_context WHERE id=?";
PreparedStatement ps = DButil.getInstance().getConnect().prepareStatement(sql);
ps.setInt(1, id);
ResultSet rs = ps.executeQuery();
} catch (Exception e) {
// TODO: handle exception
}
}
private Context formate(ResultSet rs) throws java.sql.SQLException{
Context c = new Context();
c.setId(rs.getInt("id"));
c.setTitle(rs.getString("title"));
c.setDescription(rs.getString("description"));
c.setContext(rs.getString("context"));
c.setWriter(rs.getInt("writer"));
c.setWriteDate(rs.getDate("writedate"));
c.setTheme_id(rs.getInt("themeid"));
c.setAging(rs.getInt("aging"));
return c;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 9,219
|
package logqueue
import (
"testing"
. "github.com/smartystreets/goconvey/convey"
)
func TestLogReaderTypeStringRepresentations(t *testing.T) {
Convey("Each LogReaderType should have a string representation", t, func() {
Convey("CFOUT_LOG_TYPE should be represented by 'ColdFusion OUT File'", func() {
So(CFOUT_LOG_TYPE.String(), ShouldEqual, "ColdFusion OUT File")
})
})
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 7,600
|
\section{Introduction}
Sterile neutrinos appear naturally in many extensions of the Standard Model (SM).
Moreover there are several experimental indications of their existence.
The deficit of $\nu_e$ in the calibration of the SAGE and GALEX experimets with radioactive sources~\cite{SAGE, GALEX} (``Galium Anomaly''(GA)) and the deficit in reactor $\tilde\nu_e$ fluxes~\cite{Mueller} (``Reactor Antineutrino Anomaly''(RAA)) can be explained by active-sterile neutrino oscillations \cite{Ga,Mention2011}.
The MiniBooNE collaboration presented recently a 4.8$\sigma$ evidence for ($\tilde\nu_e$)$\nu_e$ appearance in the muon (anti)neutrino beams~\cite{MiniBooNE2} confirming earlier LSND results.
The Neutrino-4 experiment claimed an observation of $\tilde\nu_e$ oscillations to sterile neutrinos although the significance of the result is only 3.2$\sigma$\cite{Neutrino4-2019, Neutrino4-2020} and there are concerns about the validity of their analysis~\cite{DanSkr}.
The survival probability of reactor $\tilde\nu_e$ at very short distances in the 4$\nu$ mixing scenario (3 active and 1 sterile neutrino) is given by the formula:
\begin{equation}
\label{eqosc}
1-\sin^2 2\theta_{ee} \sin^2\left(\frac {1.27\Delta m^2_{41} [\mathrm{eV}^2] L[\mathrm m]}{E_\nu [\mathrm{MeV}]}\right),
\end{equation}
where $\sin^2 2\theta_{ee}$ is the mixing parameter, $\Delta m^2_{41} = m_4^2 - m_1^2$ is the difference in the squared masses of neutrino
mass states, $L$ is the distance between production and detection points and $E_{\nu}$ is the $\tilde\nu_e$ energy.
The Inverse Beta Decay (IBD) reaction
$\tilde{\nu}_e + p \rightarrow e^+ + n$
is used to detect $\tilde\nu_e$.
\section{Energy calibration and backgrounds}
The DANSS detector~\cite{DANSS} is located on a movable platform under
an industrial 3.1~GW$_{th}$ reactor of the Kalininskaya NPP in Russia.
The DANSS detector consists of 2500 one meter long scintillator strips with Gd-loaded surface coating. Strips in neighbor layers are orthogonal. This allows a quasi-3D reconstruction of events. Each strip is readout with
3 wavelength-shifting fibers placed in grooves along the strip. The central
fiber is read out by a SiPM and the two side fibers from 50
strips are bundled together and readout by a PMT. The scintillator detector is
surrounded by a multi-layer passive shielding of copper, lead and borated
polyethylene. Double layers of scintillator counters provide active shielding of the detector from all sides with exception of the bottom one.
The high granularity of the detector allows the reconstruction of the positron track. Its kinetic energy is used in the analysis without adding energies of annihilation gammas that suffer from a nonlinear energy response in all experiments.
Positron energy is 1.02~MeV smaller than the prompt energy used in other experiments.
The $\tilde\nu_e$ energy is
$E_{\tilde\nu} \approx E_{e^+} + 1.8~\mathrm{MeV}$.
The detector energy scale is anchored by the electron energy spectrum from $^{12}$B decays. Electron signals are very similar to positron signals apart from the annihilation gammas that are not used for the energy determination. In both cases $e^+$ or $e^-$ produce high ionization density only at the end of the track. Thus saturation effects that are difficult to describe are relatively small in both cases. Therefore the non-linearity of the detector response is expected to be small and reasonably well described by the Monte Carlo (MC) simulations.
Michel electrons from cosmic muons decays provide a cross-check of the energy calibration. The total
energy in the delayed events following stopped muons is reconstructed.
The best agreement with MC is achieved with the MC energy scale shifted by -1.7\%.
This is natural since the $e^+$ annihilation following $\mu^+$ decays leads to many soft electrons for which saturation effects are important. The energy scale determined using $^{22}$Na, $^{60}$Co, and $^{248}$Cm radioactive sources is also shifted from the $^{12}$B scale by -1.5\%, -1.0\%, and -0.5\% correspondingly. The shift is larger for sources with larger number of soft electrons. Thus our MC describes reasonably even processes with many soft electrons for which saturation effects are important. One can expect even better agreement in case of $^{12}$B decays with only one soft electron. Nevertheless we keep a conservative estimate of 2\% for the energy scale uncertainty in the analysis.
Observed energy resolution for different calibration sources is slightly worse than MC predictions (33\% instead of 31\% at 1 MeV). Therefore additional smearing is added to the MC predictions ($\sigma_{additional}/E = 12\%/\sqrt{E} \oplus 4\%$). With this correction MC describes well all calibration sources.
The accidental coincidence background is the largest background in the experiment. It is calculated without any model dependence using time intervals for the neutron signal shifted back in time with respect to the $e^+$ signal. Sixteen intervals are used in order to reduce the statistical error to a negligible level in comparison with the IBD signal. Nevertheless subtraction of the accidental background increases statistical errors of the IBD $e^+$ spectrum. Therefore several cuts are used to suppress this background~\cite{DANSSdata}.
In the present analysis the lower cut on the neutron signal energy and the upper cut on the distance between $e^+$ and neutron positions depend on the $e^+$ energy. For smaller $e^+$ energies where background is larger these cuts are more restrictive. The energy cut changes from 4~MeV to 1.5~MeV and the distance cut changes from 33~cm to 43~cm.
With such optimized cuts the accidental background is only 13.8\% of the IBD signal at the top detector position (this position is used for other background estimates below).
The DANSS detector is placed under the reactor that provides an overburden of about 50 mwe.
Such shielding removes all cosmic neutrons apart of those produced by muons in the detector hall walls. This background is estimated by a linear extrapolation from the (10-16)~MeV range of the $e^+$ spectrum to a (1.5-6)~MeV range used in the fits. It amounts to 0.4\% of the IBD signal.
Cosmic muons can produce one or several neutrons in the detector shielding. These neutrons can mimic the IBD process producing a pair of signals correlated in time. The shape of this background is measured using events tagged by the muon veto system which removes the major part of the muon induced background. The inefficiency of this system is determined using the reactor-off data. As a result the muon induced background constitutes only 1.5\% of the IBD signal.
The background from neighbor reactors has a well known shape and constitutes 0.6\% of the IBD signal. All other backgrounds are negligible. If we do not consider backgrounds with well known shape and normalization the
signal/background ratio exceeds 50.
\section{Positron spectra}
The positron spectra are shown in figure~\ref{fig:spect}.
The IBD rate at the top detector position exceeds 5 thousand events per
day with the background of about 90 events per day after subtraction of 30 events per day from neighbor reactors.
\begin{figure}[h]
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{cc}
\includegraphics[width=0.54\textwidth]{spectra.png} &
\includegraphics[width=0.40\textwidth]{rOff.png}
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\vspace{-0.6cm}
\caption{\label{fig:spect} Positron spectra at 3 detector positions (left) and $e^+$ spectrum during reactor-off periods (right).}
\vspace{-0.2cm}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h]
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{cc}
\includegraphics[width=0.47\textwidth]{bump_0.png} &
\includegraphics[width=0.47\textwidth]{bump_50k.png}
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\vspace{-0.6cm}
\caption{\label{fig:bump} Experiment to MC ratio for $e^+$ spectrum without (left) and with a -50~keV shift in energy (right).}
\vspace{-0.2cm}
\end{figure}
A ratio of the measured $e^+$ spectrum to the MC simulated Huber-Mueller spectrum~\cite{Huber,Mueller} is shown in figure~\ref{fig:bump} (left).
RENO results~\cite{RENO} are shown
for comparison shifted by 1.02~MeV to correct for two 511~keV annihilation gammas. The RENO spectrum smeared by the DANSS
energy resolution is also shown. The best agreement between our measurements and MC
in the range $1.5 - 3.0$~MeV is obtained if data are shifted by -50~keV (right figure).
The nature of this shift (if it exists) is unknown to us. Therefore we can not claim observation of the bump in our data although some structure in this region is obviously seen.
The search for sterile neutrinos does not depend on the exact shape of the $e^+$ spectrum since we consider only ratios of $e^+$ spectra at the different positions from the reactor core.
\section{Search for sterile neutrinos.}
For a grid of points in the $\mydm$, $\mysin$\ plane predictions for the $e^+$ spectra at the different detector positions are calculated using the full MK detector response and the Huber-Mueller model~\cite{Huber,Mueller}. Results do not depend on the choice of the model since we consider only the ratios of $e^+$ spectra at different detector positions. The predictions are compared with the data using $\Delta \chi^2 = \chi^2_{4\nu} - \chi^2_{3\nu}$ that includes systematic uncertainties treated as nuisance parameters.
Systematic uncertainties include 2\% in energy scale, 50~keV shift in energy, 25\% in cosmic background, 30\% in fast neutron background, 25\% in additional smearing of the energy resolution, 5~cm in distance to the fuel burning center, and 0.2\% in relative detector efficiencies at different distances.
Relative IBD counting rates at different detector positions are used now for $\chi^2$ calculations~\cite{RelEfficiency} contrary to the previous analysis in which only $e^+$ spectra shapes were compared~\cite{DANSSdata}. The corresponding uncertainties are included as penalty terms for nuisance parameters into the test statistics. The middle detector position is used now in the $\chi^2$ calculations. Previously we used it only for cross-checks. The obtained $\Delta \chi^2 = \chi^2_{4\nu} - \chi^2_{3\nu}$ distribution is shown in figure~\ref{fig:delta_chi_map}.
The best fit point in the parameter space is $\Delta m^2_{41} = 1.3$eV$^ 2$, $\sin^2 2\theta_{ee}=0.02$ and $\Delta \chi^2 = -5.5$. The statistical significance of such a difference is determined by the Feldman-Cousins method~\cite{FeldmanCousins} to be 1.5~$\sigma$. Figure~\ref{fig:du} shows the $Bottom/Top$ spectra ratio.
The exclusion area calculated using a Gaussian CL$_s$\ method~\cite{CLS} is shown in figure~\ref{fig:cls}. It covers a very large and probably the most interesting fraction of the expectations based on the
RAA and
GA~\cite{Mention2011}. The best fit point of the RAA+GA is excluded at more than 5$\sigma$ level using the Gaussian CL$_s$\ method that usually gives more conservative results than the Feldman-Cousins method.
\begin{figure}[h]
\includegraphics[width=0.45\textwidth]{delta_chi.png}\hspace{2pc}%
\begin{minipage}[b]{0.45\textwidth}\caption{\label{fig:delta_chi_map} Distribution of $\Delta \chi^2 = \chi^2_{4\nu} - \chi^2_{3\nu}$ for the parameter space $\mydm$, $\mysin$\ (color online). Blue color indicates areas with $\chi^2_{4\nu} > \chi^2_{3\nu}$, red color indicates areas with $\chi^2_{4\nu} < \chi^2_{3\nu}$. The color axis is limited, $\Delta \chi^2_{max} = \chi^2_{best 4\nu} + 11.83$. The value 11.83 corresponds to the exclusion at $3\sigma$ level in case of a $\chi^2$ distribution with 2 d.o.f. In case of sterile neutrino searches $\Delta \chi^2$ statistics doesn't follow the $\chi^2$ distribution with 2 d.o.f., so here we use it just for illustration. Exclusion areas are calculated with a Gaussian CL$_s$\ method.}
\end{minipage}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h
\centering
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.53\linewidth}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{du.png}
\caption{\label{fig:du} Ratio of $e^+$ energy spectra measured at the bottom and top detector positions (statistical errors only). The solid curve is the prediction for 3$\nu$ case, the dotted curve corresponds to the best fit in the $4\nu$ mixing scenario ($\sin^2 2\theta_{ee} = 0.02$, $\Delta m^2_{41} = 1.3~\rm{eV}^2$), the dashed curve is the expectation for the optimum point from the RAA and GA fit \cite{Mention2011} ($\sin^2 2\theta_{ee}=0.14$, $\Delta m^2_{41} = 2.3~\rm{eV}^2$,$\Delta \chi^2 =68$).}
\end{minipage}
\hfil
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.41\linewidth}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{cls_1.png}
\caption{\label{fig:cls} Exclusion area at 90\% C.L. obtained with the Gaussian CL$_s$\ method (filled area) and 90\% C.L. sensitivity contour (dashed line). Expected regions from RAA and GA are also shown.}
\end{minipage}\hspace{2pc}%
\end{figure}
\section{Conclusions}
Larger statistics and inclusion of the relative IBD counting rates at different detector positions into analysis allowed us to extend the exclusion area in the $\mydm$, $\mysin$\ parameter space and exclude a large and the most interesting fraction of the RAA and GA predictions. The best fit point of RAA and GA is excluded with more than 5$\sigma$ significance.
No statistically significant evidence for sterile neutrinos is observed. The significance of the best-fit point is 1.5$\sigma$.
\section*{Acknowledgments}
The collaboration appreciates the permanent assistance of the KNPP administration
and Radiation Safety Department staff.
This work is supported by the Ministry of science and higher education of
Russian Federation under the contract 13.1902.21.0005.
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
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Every Monday we will be bringing you interviews with unsigned UK or Ireland artists for Independent Music Monday. Recently we caught up with Bandini to find out more...
Where are you from and how did you first get into music?
I'm an Italian singer songwriter (Venice area) I am based in London since 5 years.
Music has been around me all my life. My grandma was a cabaret singer back in the 50's. She brought me up listening and singing old Italians and French tunes (Ornella Vanoni, Dalida, Luigi Tenco, Yves Montand), and the American classics (Frank Sinatra, Dean Martin, The Rat Pack). Later on my dad introduced me to blues and jazz from UK and US, meanwhile my sister was starting her dancing career. My uncle is an Italian singer songwriter and he's been the first to teach me the art of song writing. It goes without saying that music was meant to be a huge part of my life. At the age of 13 my dad gave me my first guitar and since then I never stop making songs.
I started with Frank Sinatra and Louis Armstrong then in my teenage years I got into Punk Rock, but I've left it after few years when I discovered 70's American Rock and Folk. I started with Bruce Springsteen, then moved to Bob Dylan and Joni Mitchell, but it was with Tom Waits that my approach to songwriting changed. Tom Waits connected to my Blues and Jazz background but with an approach that I could relate to. More direct and poetically more interesting. That's when I started to learn how to play the piano.
At the moment my main influences are Tom Waits, Van Morrison (his music has been around my house all my life), Jamie Cullum, Dr. John, Melody Gardot, Paolo Conte, Nick Cave and The Bad Seeds.
That's a hard question. My latest EP "Cardboard Box and Paper Cups" have mainly the influence from Tom Waits and Nick Cave and The Bad Seeds, so I'd say Blues, but there's so much more, also because the band members that collaborated with me on this EP have their own influences as well and that played a role too in the development of the sound.
My latest single "The Painter" is more like a classic soul/jazz piano ballad.
I create sounds around the songs and the stories that I want to tell.
I am mainly a story teller, music is just my way to tell those stories.
I write at night, and to get inspired I think about how I would make the soundtrack for a cat looking for food in central London on a Friday night.
What is your latest single called and what was the influence behind it?
"The Painter" was produced in collaboration with my friend and fantastic singer songwriter Victor Marichal, and great producer JB Pilon at Buffalo Studio.
The song came out from a very low moment of my life. I was going through an hard break up and everything in my life started to look opaque.
I wrote that song during a bonfire night in November in my room in South London. I sat at the piano and by 5am "The Painter" was born.
The main influences are "People Get Ready" from The Impressions, "Christmas Card from a Hooker in Minneapolis" from Tom Waits, and "Come Rain or Come Shine" Ray Charles.
My bass player and dear friend Luigi Rignanese has been in charge of the strings arrangement, while Nadav Brand twisted my jazz/soul feel to more of an hip hop groove at the drum.
I can say that "The Painter" is possibly one of the songs I'm most proud of.
Ha! The London music scene is the most exciting, vast, confuse, and crazy scene I have ever been involved in. It shapes around the city, changes from borough to borough, from genre to genre, you can't unify it, you can't describe it, you are just part of it.
In the past years I've been starting from the Open Mic scene, moving to the East London scene, and I think I finally find my home at Spiritual bar in Camden.
I am regular there with my trio, there are musicians and songwriters playing every night from all over the world and the standard is so high! (Look up: Helena Deans, Tim De Graaw, Jack Trouble).
I'm really proud to feel part of this group of amazing musicians. It really feels like what it must have been the Greenwich village in NYC when Bob Dylan was there. I'm also very happy to announce that with Raffael, the owner of Spiritual Bar we are now starting Spiritual Theatre: a collective of artists, actors and musicians brought together to create some incredible shows!!
I'm coming out with my first play "Barflies Tales" which I co-wrote and co-direct with Victor Marichal. It is a show between music and theatre. We will be both playing with our bands on stage and both acting. But don't expect a classic musical theatre, is more an experiment on how you can use your songs to empower a theatre performance. If this sounds like something for you Barflies Tales will be on the afternoon of the 17th of February at The Half Moon in Putney:
https://tickets.halfmoon.co.uk/events/b952d0f0-b2b2-0136-1a6a-42a078120132
My debut album "Barflies" is due to come out this year. This has been a 2 years journey in studio with my band and my producer Camelle Hinds and honestly I can't wait to put it out.
I'm planning a European tour with my 5 piece over the summer, but this is all work in progress at the moment.
Apart from my favourite artists? I'd love to collaborate with movie directors, Jim Jarmush has been inspiring my music so far.
I am also very involved in Theatre so I'm always looking for someone to collaborate with on music for theatre.
Any funny stories surrounding your live performances?
This is not really something that happened on stage but more related to our European tour we did last summer. We were travelling from the UK to Amsterdam and we stopped at a service area. I'm coming out from the bar area when I saw my band surrounding a red car while my drummer is trying to break into it. I thought "that's it, they lost it!". It was when I came closer to the scene that I realise what was going on.
The car was owned by these 2 ladies who were standing outside with my band. Inside the car the was a dog with an E-Collar and he was locked in.
Basically what happened was that the 2 ladies left the car and forgot the keys inside with their puppy. The dog sat on the keys and locked them out.
Now you have to imagine this poor dog with his E-Collar surrounded by a group of 10 musicians plus the 2 ladies, who are shouting and making funny faces at him trying to make him sit back on the keys and open the car; meanwhile my drummer is trying his best to unlock the door with a piece of metal. Mental.
We didn't manage to open the car, and we had to leave the ladies and the dog there, I think they called an emergency number or so. We were so shocked about the situation that as soon as we arrived in Amsterdam I told the story to our crowd. Now I still wonder what happened to that dog in the car.
I never tell the truth, but I never tell a lie, all I say (or play) is meant to serve the story I'm about to tell.
You can find out more about Bandini on his website or via Apple Music, Facebook, Instagram, Spotify, Twitter or YouTube.
Independent Music MondayJenny Pugh 28 January 2019
The Lightscopes
Pseudo Satellites
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
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Q: Pandas - Build A Query String, Use To Slice DataFrame I have a bunch of data stored in a DataFrame. I am trying to allows users to pass in query criteria in the form of:
column, operator, variable_name
So a user might pass in the following as an example
'Action equal allow,total_bytes > 10000,application neq facebook'
I parse that string by splitting and formatting into a query string that looks like this
query_string = (dframe['Action'] == 'allow') & (dframe['total_bytes'] > 10000) & ~(dframe[''Application] == 'facebook')
Then, I attempt to create a filtered table to return to the user by passing in the query_string I parsed the inputs to get.
dframe_filtered = dframe[query_string]
However this fails with a key error - I think because Python needs to see the query_string as not really a string - but Pandas series. Is there a way to make this work? Not sure you describe having Python not parse text as a string. But hopefully you all take the meaning.
Thanks!
A: A crude, quick and dirty way to convert the query string (assuming it will always be in this format) into machine-readable form is:
from functools import reduce
s = 'Action equal allow,total_bytes > 10000,Application neq facebook'
symbols = {'equal':'==', '>': '>', 'neq':'!=',',':'&'}
s1 = reduce(lambda x, y: x.replace(y, symbols[y]), symbols, s)
splits=s1.split('&')
splits1 = '('+splits[0].replace(splits[0].split()[2], '\''+splits[0].split()[2]+'\'')+')&('
splits2 = splits[1]
splits3 = ')&('+splits[2].replace(splits[2].split()[2],'\''+splits[2].split()[2]+'\')')
s2 = splits1+splits2+splits3
df1.query(s2)
Action Application total_bytes
0 allow app1 11000
3 allow app3 15000
4 allow app5 17000
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
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Produced by Jonathan Ingram, Richard J. Shiffer and the
Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net
[Transcriber's Note: Every effort has been made to replicate this text
as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and
other inconsistencies. Text that has been changed to correct an obvious
error is noted at the end of this ebook.
Also, many occurrences of mismatched quotes remain as they were in the
original.]
THE LIFE AND WORK
OF
SUSAN B. ANTHONY
INCLUDING PUBLIC ADDRESSES, HER OWN LETTERS
AND MANY FROM HER CONTEMPORARIES
DURING FIFTY YEARS
BY
IDA HUSTED HARPER
_A Story of the Evolution of the Status of Woman_
IN TWO VOLUMES
VOLUME II
ILLUSTRATED WITH PORTRAITS, PICTURES OF HOMES, ETC.
INDIANAPOLIS AND KANSAS CITY
THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY
1898
COPYRIGHT 1898
BY
THE BOWEN-MERRILL COMPANY
TO WOMAN, FOR WHOSE FREEDOM
SUSAN B. ANTHONY
HAS GIVEN FIFTY YEARS OF NOBLE ENDEAVOR
THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED
[Illustration: SUSAN B. ANTHONY. IN THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. 1896.]
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
VOL. II.
CHAPTER XXX.
POLITICAL CANDIDATES--WRITING THE HISTORY. (1880-1881.) 515-532
Miss Anthony's rallying cry; letter on death of sister; Convention
at Indianapolis; Mass Meeting in Farwell Hall, Chicago; suffrage
advocates neither unmarried nor childless; Republican National
Convention refuses even "recognition" plank of former years;
Greenback-Labor Convention passes Woman Suffrage resolution in
spite of Dennis Kearney; Democratic Convention at Cincinnati
receives ladies with great courtesy but ignores their claims;
tribute of Commercial; Prohibition Convention adopts Suffrage
plank; interviews with Garfield and Hancock; correspondence of
General Garfield and Miss Anthony on Woman Suffrage; martyrdom to
writing the History; Thirteenth Washington Convention and memorial
service to Lucretia Mott; ridiculous press items on Skye terrier;
letter on sparing parents for children's sake; first volume of
History issued.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE LEGACY--NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN--OFF FOR EUROPE. (1881-1882-1883.) 533-550
National Association in Boston; badge presented Miss Anthony by
Philadelphia Citizens' Suffrage Association; comments of Traveller
and Globe; sweep of New England; tribute of Zerelda G. Wallace; no
welcome for Miss Anthony in Albany; letter on death of Garfield;
attends National W. C. T. U. Convention in Washington; Phillips'
seventieth birthday; Mrs. Eddy's handsome legacy; Fourteenth
Washington Convention; amusing suffrage debate in Senate; meeting
in Philadelphia; tributes from Elmira Free Press and Washington
Republic; favorable Senate and House Committee reports; campaign in
Nebraska; addresses Lincoln Club, Rochester; decides to go abroad;
Philadelphia Times account of Birthday reception; Mrs. Sewall's
description in Indianapolis Times of farewell honors; fine tributes
from Chicago Tribune and Kansas City Journal; N. Y. Times describes
departure for Europe.
CHAPTER XXXII.
MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS. (1883.) 551-579
On shipboard; in Liverpool and London; in Milan and Rome; in
Naples; in Zurich, Berlin, Cologne, Heidelberg; in Paris; back to
London; Mrs. Jacob Bright, Moncure D. Conway, Wm. Henry Channing,
Mrs. Rose, Stopford Brooke; speech at Prince's Hall; Helen Taylor,
Jane Cobden and others; speech at St. James Hall; Mrs. Mellen's
Fourth of July reception; Canon Wilberforce, Sarah Bernhardt;
Edinburgh; Elizabeth Pease Nichol, Priscilla Bright McLaren,
Professor Blackie, Dr. Jex-Blake; home of Harriet Martineau;
Dublin; Isabella M. S. Tod and others; trip through Ireland;
characteristic descriptions; John Bright, Hannah Ford, home of the
Brontes; Henrietta Mueller, Margaret Bright Lucas, Frances Power
Cobbe, Millicent Garrett Fawcett, Mrs. Peter Taylor; home again.
CHAPTER XXXIII.
CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS--VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS. (1884-1885.) 581-603
Welcome Home from Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, N. Y. Evening
Telegram, Cleveland Leader; unkind comment Cincinnati Times-Star;
dislike of interviewing Congressmen shown by letter to Wm. D.
Kelley; Warren Keifer in favor of Woman Suffrage; opposition of
Reagan, of Texas; members for and against Special Committee;
Douglass marriage; letters to young workers; death of Wendell
Phillips; Bishop Simpson on Woman Suffrage; fine speech before
Congressional Committee; Thomas B. Reed's report; letter from
Senator Palmer; Miss Anthony on Suffrage Bill in Parliament;
attitude of Presidential candidates; opposes resolution denouncing
dogmas and creeds; attack of Rev. W. W. Patton; Senator Palmer's
speech; trip to New Orleans; tribute of Picayune; Eddy legacy
received; working on History; Miss Anthony's dislike of literary
labor; Mrs. Stanton's seventieth birthday; letter from Harriet
Stanton Blatch.
CHAPTER XXXIV.
MANY TRIPS--FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT. (1886-1887.) 605-626
Miss Anthony's persistence with members of Congress; Eighteenth
Washington Convention; committee reports; canvass of the State of
Kansas; Municipal Suffrage Bill passed by Legislature; speaking
throughout Wisconsin; advice as to Church for holding convention;
History of Woman Suffrage and valuable work accomplished by it;
opinions of Mary L. Booth, Sarah B. Cooper and others; Nineteenth
Annual Convention; Senator Blair's bill for Woman Suffrage;
Senators Brown and Vest in opposition; Senators Dolph and Blair in
favor; remonstrance from Boston; the Vote; women incensed at
Ingalls; letter to Frances Willard on Prohibition Party; letter to
Olympia Brown against bringing suit under school suffrage law;
scores Senator Ingalls in Kansas; canvass of Indiana.
CHAPTER XXXV.
UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS--INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL. (1888.) 627-645
American Association proposes Union; negotiations to that end; plea
for Mrs. Stanton's election as president; Union completed;
International Council of Women; magnitude of preparations; Miss
Anthony's idea of a sermon; letter of Douglass on First Woman's
Rights Convention; letter of Maria Mitchell; efforts to secure Mrs.
Stanton's presence; comment of Baltimore Sun and N. Y. World;
Frances Willard's speech and letter to Union Signal; National and
International Councils formed; at Central Music Hall, Chicago;
letter urging women to go to National Political conventions; open
letter to General Harrison; Republican "free ballot" plank does not
include Women; dislike of "red tape;" speech at Columbus W. C. T.
U. celebration not well received.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA. (1889.) 647-661
Twenty-first Washington Convention; address before Unity Club,
Cincinnati; death of niece Susie B.; letters on Death; newspaper
comment on Dress; at Seidl Club on Coney Island and "Broadbrim's"
account; a round of lectures and conventions; letter of Harriet
Hosmer; canvass of South Dakota; Miss Anthony outlines plan of
campaign; nephew D. R. describes speech at Ann Arbor; "Andrew
Jackson-like responsibility"; work for South Dakota; description in
Washington Star.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS. (1890.) 663-678
Consternation at idea of selling tickets for Birthday banquet;
description of banquet by Washington Star and N. Y. Sun; speeches
of Rev. F. W. Hinckley, Hon. J. A. Pickler, Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony; congratulatory letters from distinguished people; eloquent
tributes from Boston Traveller and Rochester Democrat and
Chronicle; first Convention of United Associations; money for South
Dakota; in Washington society; letter on pre-natal influence.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. (1890.) 679-696
Appeals from South Dakota; Miss Anthony lays down the law regarding
National funds; pledges of Farmers' Alliance leaders; contributions
to campaign; goes to South Dakota; Farmers' Alliance and Knights of
Labor form new party and repudiate pledges for Woman Suffrage;
insults at Democratic Convention; Republican Convention has room
for Indian men but none for white women; Miss Anthony's cheerful
letters; hardships of campaign; Mrs. Howell's description of
meetings at Madison; Rev. Anna Shaw's account of crying babies and
drunken man; Mrs. Chapman Catt's summing-up of situation;
statistics of Defeat; Miss Anthony endorsed by State W. C. T. U.
and Suffrage Associations.
CHAPTER XXXIX.
WYOMING--MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING. (1890-1891.) 697-716
Debate in Congress on admission of Wyoming; first majority report
from House Committee in favor of Sixteenth Amendment; Wimodaughsis;
in Boston; letter of sympathy from Lucy Stone; first triennial
meeting of National Woman's Council; Miss Anthony's joy;
Twenty-third Washington Convention; breakfast at Sorosis; letter
from ex-Secretary Hugh McCulloch; leaving Riggs House; letter
describing visits in New England; goes to housekeeping; kindness of
press and people; letter from Adirondacks and John Brown's home;
stirs up Rochester W. C. T. U.; at Chautauqua; describes meeting at
Lily Dale; happiness in keeping house; speaks at N. Y. State Fair;
invites Mrs. Stanton to share her home; calls meeting to admit
girls to Rochester University; speaks at Thanksgiving services in
Unitarian church; appeals from Kansas.
CHAPTER XL.
IGNORED BY THE PARTIES--APPOINTED TO OFFICE. (1892.) 717-735
Mrs. Stanton's last appearance at National Convention; Miss Anthony
made president; home life; attends biennial meeting Federation of
Woman's Clubs; bust made by Lorado Taft; letter approving Southern
Woman's Council; ignored by Republican National Convention at
Minneapolis; "every citizen" does not include Women; bowed out of
Democratic National Convention at Chicago; Frances Willard's
beautiful tribute; at People's National Convention in Omaha; Woman
Suffrage at Chautauqua; campaign of Kansas on Republican platform;
illustrates difference in treatment of same women now and forty
years ago; appointed on Board of Managers State Industrial School;
press comment; addresses mass meeting on including Women in
provisions of New Charter for Rochester; face sculptured on theater
in Dowagiac, Mich.; John Boyd Thacher asks his father's record;
Philip Schuyler objects to his stepmother's statue in company with
Miss Anthony's; Justice Rufus W. Peckham's tribute.
CHAPTER XLI.
WORLD'S FAIR--CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN. (1893.) 737-754
Miss Anthony opposes holding National Conventions outside
Washington; extended range of letters and invitations; urges those
who can not work to contribute money; opening of World's Fair;
Bertha Honore Palmer's words for women; Miss Anthony behind
movement to have women on Board of Managers; President and Board of
Lady Managers; Woman's Congress; Miss Anthony center of attraction;
compliments from Frances Willard and Lady Somerset; letter of
Florence Fenwick Miller; Suffrage leads at Congress; letters from
Mrs. Palmer, Mrs. James P. Eagle; speech on Religious Press;
pleasant visits in Chicago; tribute from Inter-Ocean; Woman
Suffrage granted in Colorado; preparing for New York and Kansas
amendment campaigns.
CHAPTER XLII.
THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN. (1894.) 755-776
Speeches in Ann Arbor, Toledo, Baltimore and Washington; no creeds,
no politics in National-American Association; congratulations of
Chicago Journal; great New York campaign inaugurated to secure
Amendment from Constitutional Convention; headquarters in Anthony
home; Corresponding Secretary Mary S. Anthony reports amount of
work done; opening rally in Rochester; women of wealth and fashion
in New York and Brooklyn take part; N. Y. World describes the
movement; "Remonstrants" organize; Miss Anthony's opinion of them;
600,000 signatures secured; Joseph H. Choate, President of
Constitutional Convention, uses his influence against Woman
Suffrage Amendment; Miss Anthony and many other women address
delegates; representatives of the "Antis" speak in opposition;
Edward Lauterbach and other members support Amendment; Elihu Root,
Wm. P. Goodelle and others oppose; Amendment Defeated; tribute by
State president, Mrs. Greenleaf; appreciative letters; incorrect
report of speech at Spiritualist camp meeting; Miss Anthony,
Frances Willard, Lady Somerset and others at Republican State
Convention in Saratoga; starting for Kansas.
CHAPTER XLIII.
THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN. (1894.) 777-798
Miss Anthony insists that political State conventions must put
Woman Suffrage planks in their platforms; politicians try to
persuade Kansas women not to ask for them; dilemma of State
president, Mrs. Johns; letters of Mrs. Chapman Catt, Henry B.
Blackwell, Rev. Anna Shaw, showing uselessness of campaign without
Political endorsement; Miss Anthony's rousing letters to Woman's
State Committee, Republican leaders and Mrs. Johns; great speech at
Kansas City; action taken by Republican Woman's Convention;
Suffrage plank refused by Republican State Convention; fight for it
in Populist Convention; wild scene when secured; "not a test of
party fealty;" Prohibitionists adopt plank; Miss Anthony and Miss
Shaw censured by Republicans; Miss Anthony states their reasons and
takes a cheerful view; friendly words from Wm. Lloyd Garrison; her
brave declaration; scores Kansas Republicans in letter to Mr.
Blackwell; cordial support of Annie L. Diggs; Mrs. Johns and Mr.
Breidenthal hopeful; Amendment Defeated; possession of Limited
Suffrage a hindrance to securing Full Suffrage.
CHAPTER XLIV.
THE SOUTHERN TRIP--THE ATLANTA CONVENTION. (1895.) 799-817
Not cast down by Kansas defeat, Miss Anthony speaks at Nebraska
Convention; goes to New York State Convention at Ithaca; visits
Cornell University and speaks to girls of Sage College; addresses
National W. C. T. U. on Sunday at Cleveland, showing weakness of
all attempts at Reform unsupported by the Ballot; pleasant month in
New York City; letter on Y. M. C. A. for "woman's edition;"
invitation from Rev. Jenkin Lloyd Jones and Rev. H. W. Thomas to
take part in Liberal Religious Congress; addresses at Lexington,
Louisville, Memphis and New Orleans; complimentary reports of
Picayune, Shreveport Times, Birmingham News, Huntsville Tribune;
National-American Convention in Atlanta; courtesy of press, pulpit
and people; Seventy-fifth Birthday celebration and presentation of
Annuity of $800; second triennial of Woman's Council; speaks at
Douglass' funeral; stirs up the audience in Rochester at Ida B.
Wells' lecture on Lynching; resigns position on State Industrial
School Board.
CHAPTER XLV.
THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA. (1895.) 819-838
Invitation from California Woman's Congress; Miss Anthony and Miss
Shaw have royal welcome at St. Louis, Denver, Cheyenne, Salt Lake
City, Reno; cordial reception at Oakland; beautiful scene at
Woman's Congress; eulogies of press; visit Stanford University;
entertained by many clubs and societies; go to Yosemite Valley;
joyfully received at San Jose, Los Angeles, Riverside, Pasadena,
Pomona, San Diego, Santa Monica; address Ministers' Meeting in San
Francisco; Mrs. Cooper's victory over Fourth of July Committee;
speak at the celebration; miss audience at Oakland; affectionate
farewell.
CHAPTER XLVI.
MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY--THE BIBLE RESOLUTION. (1895-1896.) 839-862
Miss Anthony stirs up papers with resolution on Kansas men;
description by Chicago Herald; seized with nervous prostration at
Lakeside, O.; sympathy of people and press; secret of vitality;
letter on maternity hospitals; on "hard times;" on woman's dress;
Mrs. Stanton's birthday celebration; Miss Anthony magnanimously
refuses to take the lead; tribute from Tilton; appreciative letters
from Mary Lowe Dickinson, Mrs. Leland Stanford; Twenty-eighth
Annual Convention; Utah admitted with Woman Suffrage; women of
South Australia enfranchised; resolution against Woman's Bible;
speech on Religious Liberty; grief over action of convention; view
of the Bible; Suffrage will emancipate from Superstition; Nelly
Bly's racy interview; loud call from California; can not refuse but
goes to the Golden State.
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN. (1896.) 863-893
Effort to secure Woman Suffrage Bill from California Legislature;
State committees formed; county conventions; Mrs. Sargent's
hospitality; work of women throughout the State; attitude of press;
the Call declares for Woman Suffrage; Republican Convention; Miss
Anthony and Miss Shaw before platform committee; tributes to Mrs.
Duniway and Mrs. McCann; Populist Convention; Prohibition
Convention; Democratic Convention; women's ratification;
headquarters opened; principal speakers; great work of Miss
Anthony; social courtesies extended; goes to Portland and Seattle;
can not go to Idaho; Suffrage plank in National Republican
convention repudiated; tour of Southern California; letters to Miss
Willard and Mrs. Peet on holding National W. C. T. U. Convention in
California; action of Chairman Republican State Committee;
attempts of Women to speak at Political conventions; the Call
coerced; the orators "flunk;" Liquor Dealers fight Woman Suffrage;
efforts to register new voters; amount of money raised; Women
outwitted by State officials; Defeat; summing-up of vote; a
touching sight; pleasant campaign; State Suffrage Convention; Mrs.
Sargent's tribute; homeward bound.
CHAPTER XLVIII.
HER LETTERS--BIRTHDAY PARTY--BIOGRAPHY. (1896-1897.) 895-911
Reception in Rochester; never denies charges; urges women not to
"scramble" for office; Book of Proverbs; constancy of purpose;
women have nothing to do with Reform parties; objects to calling
God the author of Civil Government; men trying to lift themselves
by their bootstraps; no time for Speculation; opposes Educated and
Property Suffrage; eloquent tribute of Dr. H. W. Thomas; pleasant
letters from Mrs. Henrotin, John Hutchinson, Mrs. Dickinson;
National-American Convention in Des Moines; letter urging that all
National conventions be held at Washington; reception at
Indianapolis; addresses Indiana Legislature; kindness to reporters;
birthday of Frederick Douglass; Miss Anthony's great Birthday
reception in Rochester; compliments of Post-Express and Herald; the
day at Anthony home; Mrs. Chapman Catt's tribute; speech at Cuban
League; remarks at funeral of Mrs. Humphrey; beginning the
Biography; immense amount of material; description of attic
workroom.
CHAPTER XLIX.
CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS. (1897.) 913-930
Monday evenings at home; Miss Anthony dislikes role of Literary or
Society woman; declares she never again will speak before
Legislative Committee at Albany; Miss Mary Anthony's birthday;
Herald's interview; description by Democrat and Chronicle; remarks
of Rev. W. C. Gannett and others; assists at golden wedding; visits
Eliza Wright Osborne with Mrs. Stanton; her greatest compliment;
opinion on Women rising in Rebellion; on Mrs. Besant and Theosophy;
letter to Supreme Court of Idaho; on commemorating deeds of
Revolutionary Mothers; Sentiment no guarantee for Justice;
Subjection of Woman the cause of public Immorality; opposed to
asking Partial Suffrage for women; opinion on Poetry; God not
responsible for human ills; Sunday observance; objects to asking
for Educated and Property Suffrage; voters not influenced by
Religious arguments; refuses to join Miss Willard in attack on
"yellow journalism" and prize fighting; wide scope of invitations,
etc.; amusing letter of inquiry; never received salary from
National Association; visit to Thousand Islands; centennial of
Rev. Samuel J. May; at Nashville Exposition; criticises Women for
going into Partisan Politics and defends "rings;" Woman Suffrage
movement of the Present contrasted with that of the Past.
CHAPTER L.
HOME LIFE--THE REUNION--THE WOMAN. (1897.) 931-953
Daily habits of life; dress; harmonious relations of the two
sisters; description of Anthony home; outline of Miss Anthony's
vast private correspondence; her patience and conscientiousness;
objects to which close of life is being given; invited to
Berkshire; Suffrage Committee meeting in the "Old Hive" at Adams;
guest of Berkshire Historical Society; addresses of Mrs. Chapman
Catt, Mrs. Foster Avery, Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby, Rev. Anna Shaw
and others; Anthony Reunion; picturesque old homestead; visit to
birthplace and loved spots of childhood; contrast in position of
Woman now and fifty years ago; Miss Anthony's part in securing
reforms; face carved in Capitol at Albany; tributes of Mrs. Sewall,
Miss Willard and Mrs. Stanton; Miss Anthony's characteristics;
compared to Napoleon, Gladstone, Lincoln, Garrison; finis.
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
Vol. II.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY in California Campaign, 1896 _Frontispiece_
HARRIET PURVIS _faces page_ 526
MENTIA TAYLOR 554
PRISCILLA BRIGHT MCLAREN 564
ELIZABETH PEASE NICHOL 568
MARGARET BRIGHT LUCAS 578
MISS ANTHONY AND MRS. STANTON writing the History of
Woman Suffrage 600
CAROLINE E. MERRICK 608
ZERELDA G. WALLACE 632
REV. ANNA HOWARD SHAW 688
HARRIET TAYLOR UPTON 700
MAY WRIGHT SEWALL 746
MARY S. ANTHONY 760
CARRIE CHAPMAN CATT 780
RACHEL FOSTER AVERY 814
SARAH B. COOPER 828
ELLEN CLARK SARGENT 864
SARAH L. KNOX GOODRICH 888
ANTHONY RESIDENCE IN ROCHESTER 904
ATTIC WORK-ROOMS 910
MARY S. AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY 916
ANTHONY FAMILY AT REUNION 938
AT THE OLD HOMESTEAD 942
QUAKER MEETING-HOUSE, ADAMS, MASS 946
CHAPTER XXX.
POLITICAL CANDIDATES--WRITING THE HISTORY.
1880-1881.
During her May lecture trip Miss Anthony was formulating a scheme for a
series of conventions, opening and closing with a great mass meeting,
which should influence the national political conventions to recognize
in their platforms the rights of woman. As usual most of the women
opposed this plan and as usual Miss Anthony carried the day. The
following letters to Mrs. Spencer, national secretary, will serve as
specimens of hundreds which she wrote with her own hand, before every
similar occasion:
I want the rousingest rallying cry ever put on paper--first, to
call women by the thousand to Chicago; and second, to get every one
who can not go there to send a postal card to the mass convention,
saying she wants the Republicans to put a Sixteenth Amendment
pledge in their platform. Don't you see that if we could have a
mass meeting of 2,000 or 3,000 earnest women, June 2, and then
receive 10,000 postals from women all over the country, what a
tremendous influence we could bring to bear on the Republican
convention, June 3? We can get Farwell Hall for $40 a day, and I
think would do well to engage it for the 2d and 3d, then we could
make it our headquarters--sleep in it even, if we couldn't get any
other places.
Besides this, I want to make the best possible use of all our
speakers between June 3 and 21, when we shall have a mass meeting
in Cincinnati, the day before the Democratic convention. My
proposition is that I, as vice-president-at-large, call conventions
of two days each at a number of cities. We could divide our
speakers and thus fill in the entire two weeks between Chicago and
Cincinnati with capital good work. How does the plan strike you?
Can we summon the women from the vasty deeps--or distances? Can we
get 5,000 or 10,000 to send on their postals? Do the petitions
still come in? How many thousands of appeals and documents have you
had printed and how many have you sent out?
After the ball was set rolling she wrote:
A letter from Mrs. Stanton tells of her being on the verge of
pneumonia, and rushing home to rest and recruit. She is better and,
since she has been to the dinner-table, I infer she is well enough
to begin to work up the thunder and lightning for Indianapolis and
Chicago. Now won't you at once scratch down the points with which
you want to fire her soul and brain, and get her at work on the
resolutions, platform and address? She won't go out to lecture any
more this spring, and if you will only put her en rapport with your
thought she will do splendid work in the herculean task awaiting
us.
It is simply impossible for me to go to her at present, and we must
all give her our ideas in the rough, from time to time, and let her
weld them together as best she can; and then, as she says, when we
meet in Indianapolis we all will put in our happiest ideas,
metaphysical, political, logical and all other "cals," and make
these the strongest and grandest documents ever issued from any
organization of women. It does seem to me that if we can succeed in
grinding out just the right appeal, demand, or whatever it may be
called, the Republican convention must heed us. At any rate, we
will do our level best at a strong pull, a long pull and a pull all
together to compel them to surrender.
I enclose my list of May lecture engagements. I shall be able to
help in money from them soon, and better than I could in any other
way. I watch both Congress and our State legislatures, but the
"scamps" are vastly better at promising than fulfilling. The
politicians, of course, expect all this flutter and buncombe about
doing something for women in New York--in California--in Iowa--is
going to spike our guns and make us help the Republican party to
carry all before it; but we must not be thus fooled by them.
After a lecture at Waynesburg, Penn., when she had gone to her train at
4 A. M. to find it an hour late, she wrote on the ticket-office shelf,
by the light of a smoky lamp, this letter to her sister:
Just three years ago this day was our dear Hannah's last on earth,
and I can see her now sitting by the window and can hear her say,
"Talk, Susan." I knew she wanted me to talk of the future meetings
in the great beyond, all of them, as she often said, so certain and
so beautiful to her; but they were not to me, and I could not dash
her faith with my doubts, nor could I pretend a faith I had not; so
I was silent in the dread presence of death. Three years--and yet
what a living presence has she been in my thoughts all the days!
There has been scarcely one waking hour that I have not felt the
loss of her. We can not help trying to peer through the veil to
find the certainty of things over there, but nothing comes to our
eyes unless we accept the Spiritualistic testimony, which we can
not wholly do.
Well, only you and I are left of mother's four girls, and when and
how we also shall pass on is among the unknown problems of the
future. Of course I feel and know that your loss is far beyond
mine; for never was there a child who so faithfully devoted herself
to a mother, and made all other interests subserve that mother's
happiness as did you, and I feel, too, that but for you I never
could have done my public work.
The great series of conventions began with the May Anniversary, which
was held at Indianapolis, the 25th and 26th, in the Park Theater, Miss
Anthony presiding. All arrangements had been made and all expenses
assumed by the local suffrage society under the leadership of Mrs.
Sewall. The Sentinel, edited at that time by Colonel J. B. Maynard,
welcomed the convention in a strong editorial declaring for woman
suffrage in unmistakable terms. The very successful meetings closed with
a handsome reception tendered by Mrs. John C. New.
The mass meeting opened in Farwell Hall, Chicago, June 1, the day before
the Republican convention, with delegates from twenty-six States, and
continued in session three days. The welcoming address was made by
Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, the speakers comprised the most prominent
women of the nation, the audience numbered 3,000 and the enthusiasm was
unprecedented in all the records of this movement.[1] The History of
Woman Suffrage says:
The mass convention had been called for June 2, but the crowds in
the city gave promise of such extended interest that Farwell Hall
was engaged for June 1, and before the second day's proceedings
closed, funds were voluntarily raised by the audience to continue
the meeting the third day. So vast was the number of letters and
postals from women who desired to vote, that the whole time of each
session could have been spent in reading them--one day's mail alone
bringing them from twenty-three States and three Territories. Some
contained hundreds of names, others represented town, county and
State societies. Many were addressed to the different nominating
conventions, Republican, Greenback, Democratic, while the reasons
given for desiring to vote ranged from the simple demand, through
all the scale of those connected with good government and
morality. So highly important a contribution to history did the
Chicago Historical Society deem these expressions that it made a
formal request to be put in possession of all letters and postals,
with a promise that they should be carefully guarded in a
fire-proof safe.
A large parlor in the Palmer House was tendered to the ladies by the
proprietor for business meetings and for a reception room. They were
visited by a number of Republican delegates, many of whom were
thoroughly in favor of a suffrage plank in the platform and of giving
the ladies seats in the convention. A letter was sent to the chairman of
the Republican national committee, Don Cameron, signed by one hundred
and eighteen United States senators and representatives, asking that
seventy-six seats on the floor of the convention be given to as many
accredited delegates from the National Suffrage Association. Although
the veteran soldiers and sailors were liberally provided for, Mr.
Cameron granted only ten seats to the women, and those not to the
association in its official capacity but as "guest" tickets for seats on
the platform. Miss Anthony was allowed _ten_ minutes before a
_sub_-committee to present the argument for a suffrage plank. It was
favorably regarded by scattered members of various delegations, but the
platform was silent on the subject.
The Republican convention of 1880 did not even adopt the "recognition"
planks of 1872 and 1876, and all the demonstrations of this great mass
meeting of women had not the slightest influence, because made by a
disfranchised class. Before closing they adopted a resolution that they
would support no party which did not endorse the political equality of
woman; but all the "support" which they could give or withhold was not
likely to be considered of much value by political leaders.
Miss Anthony and four others attended the Greenback-Labor Convention, a
few days later, in the same city. They were well received. Mrs. Gage
read the suffrage memorial in open session and Miss Anthony was
permitted to address the convention. This privilege was violently
opposed by Dennis Kearney, who said that "his wife instructed him before
he left California not to mix up with woman suffragists, and if he did
she would meet him at the door with a flat-iron when he came home."
Failing to frighten the convention with Mrs. Kearney's flat-iron, he
declined to hear Miss Anthony's speech and left the hall in disgust. The
committee refused to incorporate a suffrage plank in its platform, but
the next day in convention, after the nominations were concluded, a
delegate introduced an equal suffrage resolution which passed by a large
majority.
The delegates and speakers of the National Association then held
meetings at Milwaukee, Wis., Bloomington, Ill., Grand Rapids, Mich.,
Lafayette and Terre Haute, Ind., and reached Cincinnati in time for the
Democratic National Convention, June 22. They were received here with
unexpected courtesy. Mayor Prince, of Boston, and Mr. Eaton, of Kansas,
presented their request for seats, and sixteen were granted them on the
floor of the house, just behind the delegates. A committee room was
placed at their disposal and their notices and placards were printed by
the convention. A hearing was given before the platform committee, with
no limit as to time, and after several had spoken the others were
invited to do so. The chairman, Henry Watterson, declared himself in
favor of the plank desired. The delegations from Maine, New York and
Kansas also were favorable. Miss Anthony was escorted to the platform
upon the arm of Carter Harrison, amid wild applause, given a seat beside
the presiding officer, Wade Hampton, and the clerk was ordered to read
the address which she presented.[2] After all this parade, however, the
platform contained not the slightest reference to the claims of women
or, in fact, to their existence. The results of the appeal to the
Republican and Democratic conventions were precisely the same, except
that the latter administered the dose with chivalry.
The National Prohibition Convention at Bloomington, Ill., officially
invited the suffrage advocates to meet with them and participate in
their proceedings. Phoebe Couzins was sent as a delegate, and the
convention adopted the following plank: "We also demand that women
having privileges as citizens in other respects, shall be clothed with
the ballot for their own protection, and as a rightful means for the
proper settlement of the liquor question." This body, it will be
noticed, not only demanded the ballot for woman but told her what she
would be expected to do with it.
While not at all surprised, Miss Anthony was greatly disgusted with the
action of the Republican and Democratic conventions, but, determined to
leave nothing undone, she soon afterwards called upon General Garfield
at Mentor. He was cordial and expressed himself in favor of equality for
woman in matters of education, work, wages and civil rights, but was not
ready to declare himself in favor of the suffrage and, as was always the
case, urged that the issue be not pressed during _that_ campaign. Mrs.
Blake and others visited General Hancock, the Democratic candidate, and
the New York Sun reports the interview in part:
Mrs. Blake said the delegation had come to ask the general what
hope the woman suffrage party might entertain in case any measure
came before him, as President, which bore upon granting women the
ballot. The general replied that the movement was a growing one,
and that everything which tended toward the amelioration of woman's
condition had his sympathy. In the course of conversation he said
that women should be paid equally with men for the same work
equally well performed.
Mrs. Slocum said that the delegation desired a decided expression
from him as to whether he would or would not veto any measure
favorable to woman suffrage that might come before him as
President. The general replied that if such a measure were voted
upon by Congress as a constitutional amendment, it would not come
before the President. If, however, Congress accorded women the
right to vote in the District of Columbia, he certainly would offer
no obstruction.
Mrs. Blake asked if he considered women as "people."
"Undoubtedly," replied the general. "He would be a bold man who
would undertake to say they were not."
"Then, general," said Mrs. Blake, "we ask nothing more than what
you say in your letter of acceptance: 'It is only by a full vote,
a free ballot and a fair count that the people can rule in fact, as
required by the theory of our government.'"
"I am perfectly willing," said General Hancock, "that you should
say I take my stand on that paragraph in my letter of acceptance."
In order to exhaust every resource, Miss Anthony, on August 17,
addressed this letter to each of the presidential candidates:
As vice-president-at-large of the National Woman Suffrage
Association, I am instructed to ask you if, in the event of your
election, you, as President of the United States, would recommend
to Congress the submission to the several legislatures of a
Sixteenth Amendment to the National Constitution, prohibiting the
disfranchisement of United States citizens on account of sex. What
we wish to ascertain is whether you, as President, would use your
_official influence_ to secure to the women of the several States a
_national guarantee_ of their right to a voice in the government on
the same terms with men. Neither platform makes any pledge to
secure political equality to women--hence we are waiting and hoping
that one candidate or the other, or both, will declare favorably,
and thereby make it possible for women, with self-respect, to work
for the success of one or the other or both nominees. Hoping for a
prompt and explicit statement, I am, sir, very respectfully yours.
General Hancock did not so much as acknowledge the receipt of this, but
General Garfield answered promptly, writing with his own hand:
Your letter of the 17th inst. was duly received. I take the liberty
of asking your personal advice before I answer your official
letter. I assume that all the traditions and impulses of your life
lead you to believe that the Republican party has been and is more
nearly in the line of liberty than its antagonist, the Democratic
party; and I know you desire to advance the cause of woman. Now, in
view of the fact that the Republican convention has not discussed
your question, do you not think it would be a violation of the
trust they have reposed in me, to speak "as their nominee"--and add
to the present contest an issue which they have not authorized?
Again, if I answer your question on the ground of my own private
opinion, I shall be compelled to say that, while I am open to the
freest discussion and fairest consideration of your question, I
have not yet reached the conclusion that it would be best for woman
and for the country that she should have the suffrage. I may reach
it; but whatever time may do to me, that fruit is not yet ripe on
my tree. I ask you, therefore, for the sake of your own question,
do you think it wise to pick my apples now? Please answer me in the
frankness of personal friendship.
With kind regards, I am, very truly yours.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Please answer me in the frankness of personal
friendship. With kind regards, I am very truly yours. Garfield"]
Under date of September 9 Miss Anthony sent a spirited reply:
Yours of the 25th ult. has waited all these days that I might
carefully consider it.
First.--The Republican party did run well for a season in the "line
of liberty," but since 1870, its congressional enactments, majority
reports, Supreme Court decisions, and now its presidential
platform, show a retrograde movement--not only for women but for
<DW52> men--limiting the power of the national government in the
protection of United States citizens against the injustice of the
States, until what we gained by the sword is lost by political
surrenders. We need nothing but a Democratic administration to
demonstrate to all Israel and the sun the fact, the sad fact, that
all is lost by the Republican party. I mean, of course, the one
vital point of national supremacy in the protection of United
States citizens in the enjoyment of their right to vote, and the
punishment of States or individuals thereof, for depriving citizens
of the exercise of that right. The first and fatal mistake was in
ceding to Rhode Island the right to "abridge" the suffrage to
foreign born men; and to all the States to "deny" it to women, in
direct violation of the principle of _national supremacy_. From
that time, inch by inch, point by point has been surrendered, until
it is only in name that the Republican party is the party of
national supremacy. Grant did not protect the <DW64>'s ballot in the
presidential election of 1876--Hayes can not in 1880--nor will
Garfield be able to do so in 1884--for the "scepter has departed
from Judah."
Second.--For the candidate of a party to add to the discussions of
the contest an issue unauthorized or unnoted in its platform, when
that issue is one vital to its very life, it seems to me would be
the grandest act imaginable. For doing that very thing, with regard
to the protection of the <DW64>s of the South, you are today
receiving more praise from the best men of the party than for any
and all of your utterances inside the line of the platform. I know,
if you had in your letter of acceptance, or in your New York
speech, declared yourself in favor of "perfect equality of rights
for women, civil and political," you would have touched an electric
spark which would have fired the hearts of the women of the entire
nation, and made the triumph of the Republican party more grand and
glorious than any it ever has seen.
Third.--As to picking fruit before it is ripe! Allow me to remind
you that very much fruit is never picked; some is nipped in the
bud; some is worm-eaten and falls to the ground; some rots on the
trees before it ripens; some, too slow in ripening, is bitten by
the early frosts of autumn; while some rare, ripe apples hang until
frozen and worthless on the leafless boughs! Really, Mr. Garfield,
if after passing through the war of the rebellion and sixteen years
in Congress; if after seeing and hearing and repeating that _no
class_ ever got justice and equality of chances from any government
except it had the power--the ballot--to clutch them for itself; if
after all your opportunities for growth and development, you can
not yet see the truth of the great principle of individual
self-government; if you have reached only the idea of
class-government, and that, too, of the most hateful and cruel
form--bounded by sex--there must be some radical defect in the
ethics of the party of which you are the chosen leader.
No matter which party administers the government, women will
continue to get only subordinate positions and half pay, not
because of the party's or the President's lack of chivalric regard,
but because, in the nature of things, it is impossible for any
government to protect a disfranchised class in equality of chances.
Women, to get justice, must have political freedom. But pardon this
long trespass upon your time and patience, and please bear in mind
that it is not for the many good things the Republican party and
its nominee have done in extending the area of liberty that I
criticise them, but because they have failed to place the women of
the nation on the plane of political equality with men. I do not
ask you to go beyond your convictions, but I do most earnestly beg
you to look at this question from the standpoint of the
woman--alone, without father, brother, husband, son--battling for
bread. It is to help the millions of these unfortunate ones that I
plead for the ballot in the hands of all women.
With great respect for your frank and candid talk with one of the
disfranchised, I am, very sincerely yours.
On the strength of Hancock's perfectly non-committal interview and
Garfield's frank letter, several of the prominent Democratic women
rushed into a campaign for that party, whereupon Miss Anthony called
them down in vigorous language. After expressing her indignation at the
many false newspaper reports of her correspondence and interview with
General Garfield, she said:
He has always stood ready to aid us in getting our demand before
Congress, and was one of the three who reported in favor of a
special woman suffrage committee in the House the last session. He
has actually done a thousand things a thousand times more friendly
to woman suffrage than Hancock now _talks_ of doing. Then, again,
Hancock has given us no public statement that, if elected, he will
recommend a Sixteenth Amendment in his inaugural; and in his
letter of acceptance he said nothing more that can be twisted into
suffrage for women than Garfield did in his, and there is no more
in the Democratic platform that can be thus construed than there is
in the Republican.
I never intended that the National Association should accept any
sort of "under the ink or between the lines" as favorable pledges;
and before _I_ shall consent to put my name to any document
favoring either candidate, I must see in black and white, in the
candidate's own pen tracks, something to warrant such favoring.
Mere gallantry will not do.
During the campaign which followed, neither she nor the other leading
women of the country did any public work, and both parties lost the
splendid services which would have been gladly rendered had they
recognized the simple principle of justice. When the success of Garfield
was practically assured, Miss Anthony wrote to a friend on the evening
of election day: "I am fairly holding my breath tonight, waiting for the
morning reports, as I feel it will be an overwhelming triumph for the
Republican party. If their majority should be immense, perhaps it will
give them courage and strength to speak for woman--and so let us hope
and hope on."
As Mrs. Stanton's health forbade her going on the lecture platform in
the autumn of 1880, and as Miss Anthony had now enough money ahead to
dare claim a little leisure from public work, they decided to settle
down to the serious business of writing the History of Woman Suffrage.
For this purpose Miss Anthony went to Tenafly in October and ensconced
herself in Mrs. Stanton's cosy home among the "blue hills of Jersey."
The work already was advanced far enough to show that it could not
possibly be restricted to the one volume into which it had enlarged from
the 500-page pamphlet at first intended, and the task loomed up in an
appalling manner. Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson, the generous patron of so
many progressive movements, gave Miss Anthony $1,000 for immediate
expenses and so they went on with the work, delving among old papers and
letters, compiling, cutting, pasting, writing and re-writing, sending
over and over to the women of different States for local history, going
into New York again and again to see the publishers, and performing all
the drudgery demanded by such an undertaking, which can be appreciated
only by the few who have experienced it.
Miss Anthony hated this kind of work and it was torture for her to give
up her active life and sit poring over the musty records of the past.
Her diary contains the usual impatient expressions of this feeling, and
in her letters to friends she says: "O, how tired and sick I am of
boning down to facts and figures perpetually, and how I long to be set
free from what to me has been a perfect prison for the last six months!"
She stuck to it with Spartan heroism, however, knowing that otherwise it
never would be done, but she was not unwilling occasionally to sally
forth and fill a lecture engagement or attend a convention. At the Rhode
Island annual meeting she made the principal address, and the next day
went, with Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, to Danbury, Mass., to call on John G.
Whittier. Almost his first words were, "And so our dear Lucretia Mott is
gone!" She had died the evening before, November 11, aged nearly
eighty-eight.
Miss Anthony had expected her death, but was inexpressibly grieved to
lose from out her life that sweet presence which had been an inspiration
for thirty years, whose staunch support had never failed, even when
friends were fewest and fortune at its lowest ebb. In times of greatest
perplexity she could slip down to the Philadelphia home for sympathy and
encouragement, and there was always a corner in the pocketbook from
which a contribution came when it was most needed. If ever any human
character was without a flaw it was that of Lucretia Mott. Her motto was
"Truth for authority, not authority for truth." She faded away like a
spirit and her dying words, whispered many times during the last day or
two, were, "O, let me go, let this little standard bearer go!" For
freedom, for peace, for temperance, for equality, she was indeed the
standard bearer through all her long and beautiful life.
On election day, prompted no doubt by the unconquered and unconquerable
Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton made an effort to vote. This act created much
excitement and called forth columns of comment in the newspapers, to the
great amusement of the two conspirators in their quiet retreat.
Toward the end of 1880, Miss Anthony wrote to the treasurer, Mrs.
Spofford, asking if she did not think it would be best to omit the
National Convention of 1881, giving as reasons that there had been such
a surfeit of conventions during the past year and that she was very busy
with the History. Mrs. Spofford was much surprised, for Miss Anthony
never had been known to yield in the matter of holding this annual
meeting, even when all others were opposed, but she advised against
postponement and by the next mail received this reply:
I feel exactly as you do about having the convention. I have never
for a moment felt ready _not_ to hold it. I wrote you under Mrs.
Stanton's orders not to tell you how I felt, as that would be sure
to influence you. Now I have read her your letter and told her my
determination was to go ahead. She won't promise to attend, she
never does, but I never fail to take her with me when I am on the
spot, as I shall be when the time comes next January. So you may
save us each a bedroom away up, no matter how lofty--you know I
love the fresh air of the high heavens. Don't give yourself one
moment's uneasiness in regard to the convention. I am going to set
about it and am bound to make it one of the best, if not the best
ever held in Washington, and you shall have Mrs. Stanton too,
unless I miss my guess.
At the same time came the following from Mrs. Stanton: "Your kind
invitation I fully appreciate, and feel that the pleasure of seeing you
is one of the compensations of these conventions, which I dread more
than I can tell. But Susan says truly that when she is at hand, she
always dragoons me into what she considers my duty, so I never venture
to say what I will or will not do. Although I have solemnly vowed I will
go nowhere this winter, I should not be surprised if I found myself in
Lincoln Hall the middle of January."
[Illustration: Harriet Purvis (Signed: "Harriet Purvis")]
The Thirteenth Annual Convention of the National Association opened
January 18, 1881, Elizabeth Cady Stanton in the chair. The first session
was devoted to a memorial service for Lucretia Mott. The stage was
decorated with draperies and flowers and a large portrait of Mrs. Mott
stood on an easel. An exquisite floral harp was presented by the
citizens of the District. In the audience were many distinguished
people, including Mrs. Hayes and her guests from the White House,
members of the Supreme Court and of Congress, and other noted
personages. The music was rendered by the choir of St.
Augustine's Church. Miss Anthony said in part: "The highest tribute she
could pay was that during the past thirty years she had always felt sure
she was right when she had the sanction of Lucretia Mott. Next to that
of her own conscience she most valued the approval of her sainted
friend; and it was now a great satisfaction that in all the differences
of opinion as to principles and methods in their movement, Mrs. Mott had
stood firmly with the National Association, of which she was, to the day
of her death, the honored and revered vice-president." Short and
touching addresses were made by Mrs. Sewall, Miss Couzins, Frederick
Douglass and Robert Purvis, and the eulogy was delivered by Mrs.
Stanton.
There was an effort during this convention to secure in Congress a
"standing committee on the rights of women." It was ably advocated by
Senator McDonald and defeated largely through the smooth manipulation of
Roscoe Conkling. The convention closed with a reception and supper for
the delegates, given by Mrs. Spofford at the Riggs House.
Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton went from Washington to the home of Mrs.
Mott, where they were welcomed by her daughters, who sent for Sarah
Pugh, and the old friends had a lovely day, made sacred by reminiscences
of the dear one gone forever. For more than a quarter of a century this
had been Miss Anthony's stopping-place when in Philadelphia,[3] but she
was welcomed at once into another beautiful home, that of the wife and
daughters of J. Heron Foster, founder of the Pittsburg Dispatch. All
were deeply interested in the great question, and Julia and Rachel
henceforth were ranked among the most earnest and valued workers.
It was soon afterwards that a reporter of the Chicago News started the
following paragraph:
Susan B. Anthony has never condescended to love a man but she
lavishes a heap of affection on a little gray Skye terrier which
she takes around with her wherever she goes. This dog was given her
by Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and having recently lost a favorite
Newfoundland pet, she accepted the frolicsome Skye with hearty
gratitude. She has taught the apt brute every variety of trick and
its intelligence seems to be unlimited. The little creature sleeps
on her bed, eats from her hand, has blankets, gold and silver
collars and every kind of ornament and comfort. Miss Anthony is
accompanied by this accomplished canine everywhere, and during the
recent convention in Washington "Birdie," as the dog is called,
occupied a prominent place on the platform, either cuddled up in
her voluminous lap or coiled in a frowsy heap at her feet.
This was copied into many newspapers throughout the country, often
accompanied by editorial comment, facetious, disapproving, and sometimes
deducing from this text the solemn fact that every woman's nature must
have something to love, or that while women were so frivolous they had
no right to ask for the ballot. This extract from a half-column
editorial in the New York Graphic will serve as an example:
There is something wrong here. If Miss Anthony were to carry around
with her a Newfoundland or a good bloodhound the spectacle would
have nothing incongruous in it. If she would make a pet of a
six-barrelled revolver and another of a large club that would be
appropriate. But a Skye terrier, a miserable, little, whining pup,
a coached, coddled and coaxed dog making repeated journeys in a
basket and fed on crackers and milk--what sort of a thing is this
for a person of reformative powers to be associated with? It is an
argument in favor of woman's rights that women are capable of all
the masculinity necessary to voting and the making of laws; but who
ever heard of a President, a senator, a member of the House of
Representatives, a legislator of any kind, going about with a sick
dog in his arms, soothing the little wretch into its proper sleep,
providing it with its regular nourishment and superintending its
morning awakenings and the accompanying ablutions?
Women can never come to the head of the government, can never
assist to a large extent in its management, until they reform these
weaknesses. It isn't necessary that they should chew tobacco and
swear, and perhaps they needn't smoke cigars and drive fast horses;
but their leaders must abandon the pet dog, the favorite kitten,
the especial hen and the abominable bird. They may still sew and
still wear the petticoat; but if they enter politics they must
submit to the hard raps that men expect, without putting their
hands to their eyes and sobbing that their feelings have been hurt.
There must be reform, and Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton must set
about it in earnest and at once.
A Skye terrier for Miss Anthony! Merciful heavens! after all these
years has it come to this? Catnip for Julius Caesar! Boneset tea and
black stockings with garters for Alexander the Great! A locket with
hair in it on the bosom of the first Napoleon! A Skye terrier! We
have fallen upon evil days.
Under this in her scrap-book Miss Anthony wrote, "Doesn't this cap the
climax?" Of course, there was not the slightest foundation for the
paragraph. Miss Anthony never owned a dog or any pet animal, not from
dislike but because she felt that humanity needed all her time and
affection.
Work on the History was at once resumed, as its editors were now
convinced that it never could be finished except by the hardest kind of
labor without cessation. Of the able assistance rendered by many women
throughout the country, perhaps that of Clarina Howard Nichols was the
most valuable. She possessed not only great literary ability but also
the true editorial instinct and was one of the few left of the "old
guard." Out of her fine memory she wove a number of delightful chapters,
all written while lying on her back an almost helpless invalid and over
seventy years old. She had long ago gone to California to be with her
children, and Miss Anthony's weekly letters to her were of the most
loving character and answered in the same affectionate strain. Mrs.
Nichols hesitated to use the names of those who had been most violent in
their opposition to the rights of women, because she disliked to make
their children blush for them, but Miss Anthony wrote:
History ought to be true, and the men and women who at the time
enjoyed the glory of opposing us ought to be known to posterity
even if it is to their children's sorrow; just as those who
suffered the torments of ridicule and hatred then, now enjoy the
rewards, and their children and grandchildren glory in their
ancestors. Robert Dale Owen's daughter, in writing up the Indiana
Constitutional Convention and her father's opponents, withheld
their names from sympathy for their children. I have told her, that
as she now rejoices in what was then considered her father's
reproach, so she should let the children of those men hang their
heads now for what then was their father's pride. Isn't that fair?
Garrison used to say, "Where there is a sin, there must be a
sinner." When people understand that their descendants and all
Israel will know of their deeds, a hundred years hence, maybe they
will learn to be and do better.
I am a genuine believer in the doctrine of letting the seed bear
its fruit on the sower's own ground. For us not to give the names
of our opponents, but only of those who were wise and good, not
only would not be true history, but would rob the book of one-half
its interest. If all persons felt that their children must suffer
for their wrong-doings, they would be more cautious, but the belief
that all their ill record is to be hidden out of sight helps them
to go on reckless of truth and justice. It is not in malice or
with a desire to make any one suffer, but to be true to history
that every name should stand and be judged as the facts merit.
Miss Anthony in reality seldom carried out this theory, but usually
desired that personal failings should not be recorded and handed down to
posterity. She scarcely could be persuaded to allow the bare facts in
many instances to be stated lest surviving relatives should be hurt
thereby.
Without knowing where the money was to be obtained for publishing the
History but determined that it should be done, Miss Anthony pushed on
the work. The steel engravings cost $126 apiece and where women were
unable or unwilling to pay for their own, she herself assumed the
responsibility. To Mrs. Nichols she wrote: "I shall have your picture
and that of Ernestine L. Rose if it takes the last drop in the
bucket."[4] Because of the unpopularity of the subject the large firms
would not consider the publication of this work, which it was now found
would fill two huge volumes, but arrangements were concluded finally
with Fowler & Wells. In their great anxiety to get their work before the
public while they yet lived to see it properly done, each chapter was
hurried to the publishers the moment it was completed and immediately
stereotyped and printed, which made revising, condensing and
re-arranging impossible.
The first volume was issued in May, 1881, a royal octavo of 900 pages,
bringing the record down to the beginning of the Civil War. It is not an
exaggeration to say that no history during the century had been more
favorably received by the press. The New York dailies contained from one
to two or more columns of most complimentary reviews. The National
Citizen and Ballot-Box gave up almost an entire edition to notices of
the History taken from New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Chicago and other
papers, with not a disparaging criticism. Most of them echoed the
sentiment of the New York Sun: "We have long needed an authentic and
exhaustive account of the movement for the enfranchisement of women;"
and of the Chicago News: "The appearance of this book, long expected by
the friends, is not only an important literary occurrence, but it is a
remarkable event in the history of civilization." The personal
commendations from such men as President Andrew D. White, of Cornell
University, Hon. C. B. Waite, of Chicago, Rev. William Henry Channing,
and from scores of eminent women, would in themselves require several
chapters.
Nobody realized so well as the authors the imperfections of the work,
but when one considered that it had to be gathered piecemeal from old
letters, personal recollections, imperfect newspaper reports, mere
scraps of material which never had been put into shape as to time and
place, the result was remarkable. They were indeed correct in their
assertion that no one but the actual participants ever could have
described the early history of this movement to secure equal rights for
women. "We have furnished the bricks and mortar," they said, "for some
future architect to rear a beautiful edifice." These "bricks and mortar"
were supplied almost wholly by Miss Anthony, who, from the beginning,
had carefully preserved every letter, newspaper clipping and report, and
whose persistent and endless labor in collecting facts, dates, etc.,
never can be estimated or sufficiently appreciated; and it is not
probable that any more forcible or graceful pens than those of Mrs.
Stanton and Mrs. Gage ever will be found to enhance their splendid work.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Truly yours as ever, Matilda Joslyn Gage"]
So unanimous and hearty was the reception of this book, to which they
had devoted every moment of spare time for five years, that they felt
encouraged to spend the next five, if necessary, upon the other volume,
which the mass of material now demanded; but if all the criticism had
been unfavorable and everybody had declared the work not needed, they
still would have gone straight on to the finish, because they realized
so strongly the value of putting into permanent form the story of the
struggle for the emancipation of woman. Many letters were received
urging that it was too soon to write this history, to which Mrs. Stanton
invariably responded in her humorous way: "Well, we old workers might
perhaps have 'reminisced' after death, but I doubt if the writing
mediums could do as well as we have done with our pens. You say the
history of woman suffrage can not be written until it is accomplished.
Why not describe its initiative steps? The United States has not
completed its grand experiment of equality, universal suffrage, etc.,
and yet Bancroft has been writing our history for forty years. If no one
writes up his own times, where are the materials for the history of the
future?"
Before the task should be resumed, however, there must be a little rest
and a great deal of work of another kind. The diary says: "Had a man
today and toted all my documents out to the barn, storing them in big
boxes, then packed my winter clothes away in the attic, so that my room
might be renovated for Theodore Stanton and his bride from Paris." Miss
Anthony then returned home, filled several lecture engagements and in
May started for Massachusetts, stopping at Tenafly to take Mrs. Stanton
with her in order that she might not escape.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The Chicago press gave very satisfactory reports of this meeting,
but the Springfield Republic was vulgar and abusive, called the ladies
"withered beldames," "cats on the back roof," and advised them to "go
home and attend to their children, if they had any, and if not, to
engage in that same occupation as soon as they could regularly do so."
The charge being so often made that the leaders of the suffrage movement
were a lot of old maids and childless wives, Miss Anthony prepared a
list showing that sixteen of the most prominent were the mothers of
sixty-six children. Of the pioneers she herself was the only one who
never married. Of the younger speakers Phoebe Couzins was the only one
who remained single.
[2] The Cincinnati Commercial said at this time: "Miss Anthony is the
same clear, calm reasoner--a woman of the same firm convictions and with
the same forcible, dignified and essentially womanly manner of
expressing them--that she has always been. While in Cincinnati she is
the guest of her cousin, Mrs. A. B. Merriam, of Walnut Hills, where many
call upon her and find a talk with a woman so earnest and fine in
intellectual power to be a genuine satisfaction. On the 'woman
question,' she is hopeful but not a hopeless enthusiast. She is too
clear-headed for that, and has overcome too many obstacles not to
appreciate the requisite momentum and the force necessary to produce it.
Her life is great in that it has made a larger life and higher work
possible to other women, who share her aspirations without her
invincible strength to carve their way."
[3] This and the hospitable homes of Robert and Harriet Purvis, Sarah
Pugh, and Adeline and Annie Thomson, sisters of J. Edgar Thomson.
[4] The women of Kansas contributed $75 toward Mrs. Nichols' picture as
a testimonial to her suffrage work in that State.
CHAPTER XXXI.
THE LEGACY--NEBRASKA CAMPAIGN--OFF FOR EUROPE.
1881-1882-1883.
It had been decided this year of 1881 to take the anniversary meeting
into the very heart of New England, and for the first time the National
Association went to Boston, opening in Tremont Temple, May 26. The
address of welcome was made by Harriet H. Robinson, wife of
"Warrington," the well-known newspaper correspondent, and there were
several new speakers in the convention, including A. Bronson Alcott,
Mary F. Eastman, Anna Garlin Spencer, Frank Sanborn, ex-Governor Lee, of
Wyoming, the noted politician, Francis W. Bird, Harriette Robinson
Shattuck and Rev. Ada C. Bowles. The ladies had no cause to complain of
the hospitality of this conservative New England center. The Boston
Traveller expressed the general sentiment in saying:
The National Suffrage Association has reason to congratulate itself
on one of the most notable and successful conventions ever held.
Boston's attitude to her distinguished guests has been uniformly
hospitable, the audiences have been large and enthusiastic, the
press co-operative in every sense. The eminent women who are its
leaders are ladies whose acquaintance is an unmixed pleasure, and
not least in importance have been the friendships formed and
renewed at this meeting. The business management of the convention
has been superb; the sympathy between audience and speakers
reciprocal.
The guests received an invitation from Governor John D. Long to visit
the State House and were received by him in person. In his remarks he
said he believed women should vote, not because they are women but
because they are a part of the people and government should be of the
people regardless of sex; he thought the extension of suffrage to women
could not fail to give stability to the government. Mrs. Hooker thanked
him for coming to their support and in her letter describing the
occurrence she says: "Miss Anthony standing close to the governor said
in low; pathetic tones, 'Yes, we are tired, we are weary with our work.
For thirty years some of us have carried this burden, and now if we
might put it in the hands of honorable men, such as you, how happy we
would be.'" The ladies also accepted an invitation from Mayor Prince to
visit the city hall and were cordially received by him. They were
invited to inspect the great dry goods store of Jordan, Marsh & Co. and
see the arrangements for the comfort and pleasure of the employes many
of whom were women. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Robinson were
entertained at the Parker House by the famous Bird Club.
Miss Anthony received several beautiful floral offerings during the
convention, and also a handsome pin in the shape of a Greek cross. The
golden bar from which it was suspended bore the letters S. B. A., on the
points were the initials N. W. S. A., and on the reverse was engraved,
"Presented by the Citizens' Suffrage Association of Philadelphia as a
token of gratitude for her life-long devotion to the interests of
woman." The little presentation speech was made in a most tender and
graceful manner by May Wright Sewall. The Boston Globe in describing the
scene pays this compliment:
Miss Anthony was as deeply touched as she was surprised. Recovering
herself, she responded eloquently and in her usual interesting and
magnetic manner. Of all the eminent women who are here, no one is
such a favorite with a Boston audience as Susan B. Anthony. Her
courage and strength and the patient devotion of a life consecrated
to the advancement and the elevation of womanhood, her invincible
honor, her logic and her power to touch and sway all hearts, are
felt and reverently recognized. The young women of the day may well
feel that it is she who _has made life possible_ to them; who has
trodden the thorny paths and, by her unwearied devotion, has opened
to them the professions and higher applied industries; nor is this
detracting from those who now share with her the labor and the
glory. Each and all recognize the individual devotion, the purity
and singleness of purpose that so eminently distinguish Miss
Anthony.
The convention closed with a reception at the elegant home of Mrs. Fenno
Tudor, on Beacon Hill.
After leaving Boston, this distinguished body of women, made the sweep
of New England, holding conventions in Providence, R. I.; Portland, Me.;
Dover, Concord and Keene, N. H.; Hartford and New Haven, Conn. The
national board of officers received an infusion of new blood this year
through the election of May Wright Sewall, chairman executive committee,
and Rachel Foster, corresponding secretary. Miss Anthony writes, "It is
such a relief to roll off part of the burden on stronger, younger
shoulders." This entire round of conventions was arranged by Miss
Foster, a remarkable work for an inexperienced girl.
At Concord Miss Anthony was entertained in the family of her old friend
and co-laborer, Parker Pillsbury, and after her departure Mrs. Pillsbury
wrote: "I am so very happy to know you personally, and I thank you for
the compliment you bestow in asking me to enroll my name among the most
grand and noble women of our land. I shall enjoy being counted worthy to
place it in company with dear Miss Anthony. Mr. Cogswell says many men
(some members of the Legislature among them) in talking with him have
expressed unexpected satisfaction in the speeches of the convention just
holden--especially in yours, and he says, 'She is a host in herself, I
like her practical common sense.'"
There was comfort in a letter received at this time from Elizabeth
Boynton Harbert, president of the Illinois Suffrage Association and one
of the Inter-Ocean staff:
Before entering upon our usual business talk, I want to wish you
all beautiful and peaceful things this summer morning, and tell you
of a rare and genuine tribute to yourself which brought tears of
gladness to my own eyes when I heard it. In talking to some of the
old workers, I referred to your life-long sacrifice and wondered
how we could develop a similar spirit in our younger women, when
Mrs. Zerelda Wallace said with great impressiveness: "My dear
sisters, I want to say this, and to say it with a profound
realization of all that it means, that to me, the person who, next
to Jesus Christ himself, has shown to the world a life of perfect
unselfishness, is Susan B. Anthony." I tell you this, my dear
friend, because I believe such a tribute from such a woman will
lighten some of the burdens.
Many similar letters were now received every year, and were as sweet and
fragrant flowers in a pathway which had contained more thorns than
roses.
In the hot summer of 1881 Miss Anthony went again to Albany to spend the
last weeks with another friend, Phebe Hoag Jones, who passed away July
27. She was the intimate associate of Lydia Mott and the last of that
little band of Abolitionists so conspicuous in the Democratic stronghold
of Albany for many years preceding the war. At her death Miss Anthony
felt that she had no longer an abiding place in the State capital, and
expressed this feeling in a letter to Mrs. Spofford, who replied: "You
speak of no longer having a home in Albany. Why, the best homes in that
city should be gladly opened to you, and some day those people will wake
up and wonder why they did not take you in their arms and hearts and
help you in your work."[5]
All the letters during this summer are filled with sorrow over the
assassination, long suffering and death of President Garfield. After all
was ended Miss Anthony wrote to a friend:
In the reported death-bed utterances of our President, the only one
which has grated on my ears was that in answer to the query whether
he had made a will: "No, and he did not wish one, as he could trust
the courts to do justice to his wife and children." How little even
the best of men see and feel the dire humiliation and suffering to
the wife, the widow, who is left to the justice of the courts! My
heart aches because of man's insensibility to the cruelty of thus
leaving woman. How can we teach them the lesson that the wife
suffers all the torment under the law's assuming her rights to her
property and her children, which the husband would, should it
assume similar ownership and control over him, his property and
children after his wife's death.
What a twelve weeks these have been, and what a funeral pall has
rested upon us the past week. Every nook and corner, every
mountaintop and valley is shrouded in sorrow for this crime against
the nation. Today the ministers are preaching their sermons on the
life and character of Garfield. Our Unitarian, Mr. Mann, made his
special point on the fact that all the people of every sect had
united in endorsement of Garfield's religion, which was most
emphatically one of life and action, natural, without cant or
observance of the outward rites and ceremonies. There is no report
of even a minister's being asked to pray with him. When the bells
told of the people's day of special prayer for his life, he
exclaimed, "God bless the people," but covered his face, as much as
to say, "Nothing but science can determine this case."
In the late summer and fall Mrs. Stanton had a tedious and alarming
attack of malarial fever, and Miss Anthony was greatly distressed
because some of her family insisted that it was produced by the long,
hard strain of the work on the History. She writes: "It is so easy to
charge every ill to her labors for suffrage, while she knows and I know
that it is her work for woman which has kept her young and fresh and
happy all these years. Mrs. Stanton has written me that during her
illness 'she suffered more from her fear that she never should finish
the History than from the thought of parting with all her friends.'"
The National Prohibition Alliance, which met in New York, October 18,
invited her to take an official part in its proceedings. She declined to
do so but attended the meeting and, after a visit to Mrs. Stanton, went
to Washington to the national convention of the W. C. T. U. She had
three reasons for this: 1st, she understood there was to be an attempt
to supersede Miss Willard, to whom she had become very much attached;
2d, an effort was to be made to commit the association to woman
suffrage; and 3d, she had made up her mind to see President Arthur on
business connected with her own organization. She sat in the convention
through all the three days' sessions and, on motion of Mrs. J. Ellen
Foster, was invited to address it and was introduced by Miss Willard in
words of strong approval. A prominent woman who was opposed to Miss
Willard's re-election went among the delegates, assuring them in the
most solemn manner that Miss Willard had insulted every one of them by
introducing Miss Anthony on the platform, as she did not recognize God.
"Well," replied one of them, an Indianapolis woman, "I don't know about
that, but I do know that God has recognized her and her work for the
last thirty years."
She had the pleasure of seeing Miss Willard triumphantly re-elected, an
equal suffrage resolution adopted and a department of franchise
established. "So the Christian craft of that great organization has set
sail on the wide sea of woman's enfranchisement," she comments. At the
close of the convention this amusing card was sent to the press: "All
presidents of State delegations represented in the National W. C. T. U.
desire to explain, in refutation of a statement in the Post of October
31, that, so far from 'capturing the convention,' Miss Susan B. Anthony
made no effort to influence their delegations in public or in private,
and is not, nor ever has been, a member of the W. C. T. U., either
local, State or national, hence has had no part in its deliberations."
The President, who was an old schoolmate of her brother Daniel R.,
granted her a pleasant interview, arranged by Senator Jones, of Nevada,
in which she urged him to recommend in his message to Congress a
standing committee on the rights of women and also a Sixteenth Amendment
which should enfranchise them. The reporters learned of this interview
and, as a result, newspapers throughout the country used a portion of
their valuable space in describing "how President Arthur squeezed Susan
B. Anthony's hand!"
On the way home she stopped in Philadelphia and, with Rachel Foster and
Adeline Thomson, called on George W. Childs, who gave to her $50 for
"the cause," and to each of them one of his rare china cups and saucers.
On November 7 work on the History was again resumed. The 29th was
Wendell Phillips' seventieth birthday and Miss Anthony wrote him a
letter of congratulation, telling him that she always had found comfort
in the thought that, when there were differences between them, she had
had his respect if not his approval. He replied with the following
affectionate note: "Hearty thanks for your congratulations. The band
grows smaller month by month. We ought to stand closer together. You and
I have differed as all earnest souls must. I trust each always believed
the other to be true in spirit. I know I always did, touching yourself.
You are good to assure me you have had the same faith in me, and I hope
when you reach threescore and ten, some kind friend will cheer you with
equally generous and welcome words."
The last entry in the diary for 1881 says: "The year closes down on a
wilderness of work, a swamp of letters and papers almost hopeless." She
attacked it, however, with that sublime courage which was ever her
strongest characteristic, and at the end of the first week of the new
year the heaviest part of the burden was lifted from her shoulders by
the receipt of this letter from Mr. Phillips:
DEAR SUSAN: Our friend Mrs. Eliza Eddy, Francis Jackson's daughter,
died a week ago Thursday. At her request, I made her will some
weeks before. Her man of business, devoted to her for twenty-five
years, Mr. C. R. Ransom (ex-president of one of our banks) is the
executor. He and I were present and consulted, and we know all her
intentions and wishes from long talks with her in years gone by.
After making various bequests, she ordered the remainder divided
equally between you and Lucy Stone. There is no question whatever
that your portion will be $25,000 or $28,000. I advised her, in
order to avoid all lawyers, to give this sum to you outright, with
no responsibility to any one or any court, only "requesting you to
use it for the advancement of the woman's cause."
After all the years of toil without financial recompense, of struggling
to accomplish her work with wholly insufficient means, of depending from
month to month on the few dollars which could be gathered in, Miss
Anthony's joy and gratitude scarcely could find expression in words. She
answered at once:
Your most surprising letter reached me last evening. How worthy the
daughter of Francis Jackson! How it carries me back to his generous
gift of $5,000; to that noble, fatherly man and that quiet, lovely
daughter in his home. Never going to Boston during the past fifteen
years, I had lost sight of her, though I had not forgotten her by
any means. How little thought have I had all these years that she
cherished this marvellous trust in me, and now I recognize in her
munificent legacy your own faith in me, for such was her confidence
in you that I feel sure she would not have thus willed, if you had
not fully endorsed her wish. So to you, my dear friend, as to her,
my unspeakable gratitude goes out. May I prove worthy the care and
disposal of whatever shall come into my hands. Will you, as my
friend and Mrs. Eddy's, ever feel free to suggest and advise me as
to a wise use thereof? I am very glad it was your privilege to be
with her through these years of her loneliness. I am pleased that
you and Mr. Ransom propose to appropriate something to her faithful
brother James, and most cheerfully do I put my name to the paper
you enclose, with the fullest confidence that you would ask of me
nothing but right and justice to all parties.
A few days afterwards she received another letter from Mr. Phillips:
You remember Mrs. Bacon (Mrs. Eddy's daughter) died about a week
after she did. Her husband (who Mrs. Eddy knew would disturb her
will if he could) is trying ostensibly to break it, really to force
you and Lucy Stone to buy him off. The grounds on which he objects
to the will are "that she was of unsound mind; that I and her
executor exercised over her an undue influence in urging her to
leave her money as she did; and that she did not know how much she
was willing away." The truth is, we never said one word to her. It
was her own plan entirely to leave it to woman's rights. Mr. Bacon
knows there is not a ghost of a chance of his succeeding. The
executor and I have retained Benjamin F. Butler and mean to fight
to have Mrs. Eddy's will executed as she wished. The Misses Eddy
sustain the will and wish it carried out to the letter, and say if
it is broken they shall give their portion to the woman's rights
cause, to you and Lucy. I'll tell you when any news is to be had.
We are doing our best to protect your interests.
This was the beginning of litigation which continued for three years,
and was a source of annoyance to Miss Anthony in other respects besides
being deprived of the money. The fact of the bequest naturally being
heralded far and wide by the newspapers, appeals and demands for a share
of it poured in from all quarters, and she had much difficulty in
persuading people that she had not the money already in her hands to be
divided.
In company with Mrs. Stanton, Miss Anthony arrived in Washington January
16, 1882, to attend the Fourteenth Annual Convention. The effort to
secure a special committee on woman suffrage which had failed in the
Forty-sixth Congress was successful in the Forty-seventh, through the
championship of Senators Hoar and John A. Logan, Representatives John D.
White, of Kentucky, Thomas B. Reed and others. There was bitter
opposition by Senator Vest, of Missouri, who declared it to be "a step
toward the recognition of woman suffrage, which has nothing in it but
mischief to the institutions and to the society of the whole country."
In his zeal he dropped into poetry, saying,
"A woman's noblest station is retreat,
Her fairest virtues fly from public sight,"
and so, of course, she had no need of a special committee. It was
vigorously opposed also by Senator Beck, of Kentucky, who said "the
<DW52> women's votes could be bought for fifty cents apiece;" and by
Senator Morgan, of Alabama, who made a stump speech on "dissevered
homes, disbanded families, pot-house politicians seated at the fireside
with another man's wife, women fighting their way to the polls through
crowds of <DW64>s and ruffians," etc.[6] It was carried in the Senate by
a vote of 35 to 23; in the House, a month later, by a vote of 115 to 84.
Miss Anthony says of this in her diary: "If the best of worldly good had
come to me personally, I could not feel more joyous and blest."
In addition to the usual distinguished array of speakers were Rev.
Frederick Hinckley, Representative G. S. Orth, of Indiana, Senator
Saunders, of Nebraska, Clara B. Colby, Harriette R. Shattuck and Helen
M. Gougar, all new on the National platform. The Senate committee on
woman suffrage just appointed, granted a hearing January 20, and at its
close expressed a desire to hear other speakers among the ladies on the
following day. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton presented each of the
members of the committee with the first volume of the History of Woman
Suffrage.
The convention closed with the usual handsome reception at the Riggs
House and immediately afterwards most of the speakers went to
Philadelphia, where Rachel Foster had arranged for another
convention.[7] This was held at St. George's Hall, January 23, 24, 25,
welcomed by Rev. Charles G. Ames, and was highly successful. A pleasant
feature of this occasion was a luncheon given by that revered Quaker and
temperance worker, Mrs. Hannah Whitall Smith, of Germantown, to twelve
of the prominent speakers.
The two historians hastened back to their work, which was interrupted
only by Miss Anthony's going to the New York State Suffrage Convention
held in Chickering Hall, February 1. Calls for her presence and help
came from many parts of the country. "O, how I long to be in the midst
of the fray," she writes, "and here I am bound hand and foot. I shall
feel like an uncaged lion when this book is off my hands." On February
15, her birthday was celebrated by suffrage clubs in many places,[8] but
she refused to be drawn out of her retreat, where she was remembered
with telegrams, newspaper notices and gifts. In quoting a complimentary
reference from the Rochester Herald, the Elmira Free Press commented:
The Herald says too little. Miss Anthony has labored for the most
part without money, and from pure love of the principle to which
she has devoted her life. She is as good a knight as has enlisted
in any crusade, and has sacrificed as much and been as faithful and
true. She has been thrice true, indeed, because of the ridicule
showered on her as a woman trying to do a man's work. No man ever
had the courage of his convictions as much as she. It takes a bold
spirit to stand up against the dangers of gunpowder in the
old-time, legitimate way; but it is a braver one that withstands
ridicule and that mean cunning which makes wit of every act looking
toward the advancement of women. The Free Press has perhaps had as
many of the frowns of this "good gray poet" of the woman's cause as
anybody. It has seen enough of them to know, however, that behind
that somewhat frigid exterior is a sensitiveness which would well
become a girl of sixteen rather than a lady of sixty-two and which
shows that the woman is always the woman; and it wants to present
its compliments to the bravest and grandest old lady within the
circle of its acquaintance.
The Washington Republic furnished another example of the pleasant things
said:
Miss Anthony, whom we know well and of whom we can speak from
personal experience, is so broad in her charity, so cosmopolitan in
her sympathies, that she will stand, without fearing speck or soil,
beside any publican or sinner whose eyes have been opened to see
the good in woman's rights, and who is willing to help on the work
in his own way. For herself she never deviates from the principles
she espoused when, stepping upon the rostrum to plead for
disfranchised women, she determined that her life work should be
endeavoring to procure for her sex all the rights and privileges of
which exclusively male legislation had for ages defrauded them.
With eyes steadily fixed upon the goal she has in view, neither the
jeers nor ridicule of the crowds without, nor the jealous asides of
those claiming to be workers in the same cause, have had power to
distract her attention or make her turn from her labor to answer or
rebuke.
The last of April the second volume of the History was completed and its
editors found to their dismay that they still had enough material on
hand for a third huge volume. Mrs. Stanton sailed for Europe with her
daughter Harriot, and after Miss Anthony had read the last bit of proof
and seen all safe at the publishers, she obeyed an urgent call from the
women at Washington and hastened thither to look after the congressional
committees on woman suffrage.
She was fortunate in her friends at court at this time, having two
cousins, Elbridge G. Lapham and Henry B. Anthony, in the United States
Senate, and her lawyer, John Van Voorhis, of Rochester, in the House of
Representatives, all in favor of woman suffrage, and the two cousins on
the "select committee" of the Senate. On June 5, 1882, this committee
made a report in favor of a Sixteenth Amendment to the Constitution of
the United States, signed by the Republican senators, E. G. Lapham, T.
W. Ferry, H. W. Blair and H. B. Anthony. The minority report took the
ground that suffrage was a matter which should be regulated solely by
the States, not by Congress, and was signed by J. Z. George and Howell
E. Jackson (Dems.), and James G. Fair (Rep.).
The following year, March 1, 1883, the House committee, John D. White,
chairman, presented a favorable report. This was the first time woman
suffrage had received a majority report from a Senate or House
committee.[9]
[Illustration: Autograph: "Very sincerely, John D. White"]
When Miss Anthony returned home she found this bright note from Harriot
Stanton, dated Paris: "... Dear Susan, you often seem to me like a
superb warhorse. You are completely swallowed up in an idea, and it's a
glorious thing to be. Carlyle says, 'The end of man is an Action, not a
Thought,' and what a realization of that truth has your life been. You
have never stopped for idle culture or happy recreations. You are
possessed by a moral force, and you act. You are a Deed, not a
Thinking.... I should love to be your biographer. You are to other women
of your time just what Greek architecture is to Gothic. I long to carve
your literary image, and know I could."
If Miss Anthony had any hope of rest it was soon dispelled. The
legislature of Nebraska had submitted a woman suffrage amendment, and
the women of that State called upon the National Association for
assistance. After a vast amount of preliminary correspondence she left
Rochester September 2, and travelled westward, leaving a trail of
newspaper interviews in her wake, as she was intercepted by reporters at
every city. En route she wrote to her friend Mrs. Nichols: "Only think,
I shall not have a white-haired woman on the platform with me, and shall
be alone there of all the pioneer workers. Always with the 'old guard' I
had perfect confidence that the wise and right thing would be said. What
a platform ours then was of self-reliant, strong women! I felt sure of
you all, and since you earliest ones have not been with us, Mrs.
Stanton's presence has ever made me feel that we should get the true and
brave word spoken. Now that she is not to be there, I can not quite feel
certain that our younger sisters will be equal to the emergency, yet
they are each and all valiant, earnest and talented, and will soon be
left to manage the ship without even me."
The opening convention was held in Boyd's Opera House, Omaha, September
26, 27, 28. The Bee was ironical and contemptuous in its treatment,
heading its report "Mad Anthony's Raid." The Herald, under control of a
young son of U. S. Senator Hitchcock, was vulgar and abusive, referring
to the question as a "dead issue." The Republican, edited by D. C.
Brooks, replied:
PRETTY LIVELY "DEAD ISSUE."--During the three days' sessions of the
woman suffrage convention, we estimate that 7,000 people were in
attendance. The Republican, in its three daily issues, and its
coming weekly issue, will have laid the proceedings in full before
about 75,000 readers, and the Bee and Herald will have given them
nearly as many more. For a "dead issue" we submit this is a pretty
respectable showing. Considered as a series of political meetings,
the suffrage convention had more hearers than all the Democratic
meetings and conventions held in Omaha during the last five years.
The audiences were truly representative, embracing the business,
professional and working interests of our city, and composed very
largely of voters and citizens influential in politics.
The next convention was held in Lincoln with the same crowded houses.
The newspapers were fair in their reports. The National Association
raised $5,000 by contributions, mostly from outside the State. Miss
Anthony gave her time and services and over $1,000 in money besides all
she collected. Mrs. Foster and daughters contributed $500. Eleven
speakers were kept in the field,[10] and all the complicated series of
meetings was arranged and managed by Rachel Foster, assisted by Mrs.
Colby. Miss Anthony herself spoke in forty counties, free transportation
being given her by all the railroads in the State. On October 13, she
held the famous debate at Omaha with Edward Rosewater, editor of the
Bee, in the presence of an immense audience. Everywhere her meetings
were perfect ovations, people coming in from a radius of twenty-five
miles; and outside of Lincoln and Omaha, there was no audience-room
large enough to hold the crowds.
A splendid force of Nebraska women conducted the campaign in behalf of
the State. Every effort possible was made in the brief space of six
weeks, but the masses of voters were not prepared for the question, most
of the leading newspapers opposed it, and the women had no help from
either of the political parties. In spite of these fatal drawbacks, the
suffrage amendment received about one-third of the total vote.[11]
Miss Anthony returned home by way of St. Louis, where Mrs. Minor gave a
large reception in her honor. When she reached Rochester she was invited
by the Lincoln Club, one of the leading political organizations of the
city, to give her address, "Woman Wants Bread, not the Ballot." The
Democrat and Chronicle said in its report: "The large audience-room of
the city hall was completely filled, and many extra seats were brought
in. A number of prominent ladies and gentlemen occupied seats upon the
platform. W. E. Werner, president of the club, in introducing the
speaker, said it was fitting the hall should be full to overflowing with
an audience anxious to hear the greatest advocate of one of the greatest
questions of the day."
Miss Anthony had made a short trip to Washington immediately upon her
return from Nebraska, to confer with the select committees on woman
suffrage and also to make final arrangements for the approaching
National Convention. It met in Lincoln Hall, January 23, 24 and 25,
1883, and she presided over its deliberations.
In response to many urgent letters written by Mrs. Stanton from England,
and encouraged by friends at home who felt that she needed a long rest
after more than thirty years of uninterrupted public work, Miss Anthony
decided to make a trip abroad. As Rachel Foster contemplated a few
years' study in Europe, the pleasant arrangement was made that she
should undertake the financial management of the journey, act as
interpreter and give Miss Anthony the care and attention her loving
heart would suggest.[12] Miss Anthony's sixty-third birthday being near
at hand, the friends in Philadelphia, led by the Citizens' Suffrage
Association, Edward M. Davis, president, tendered her a reception, which
circumstances rendered it necessary to hold on the 19th instead of the
15th of February. The Philadelphia Times gave this account:
The parlor of the Unitarian church was filled to overflowing on the
occasion of the farewell reception to Miss Susan B. Anthony. After
prayer by Rev. Charles G. Ames, Robert Purvis, who presided, said
in a brief and earnest address: "I have the honor, on behalf of the
National Suffrage Association, to present to you these resolutions
testifying to their high regard, confidence, and affection." After
the applause which the resolutions evoked, Mr. Purvis continued: "I
present these with feelings which I can not express in words, for
my thoughts take me back in vivid recollection to those stormy
periods of persecution and outrage when you, Miss Anthony, with the
foremost in the ranks of the Abolitionists, battled for the freedom
and rights of the enslaved race. You have lived, with many
compeers, to see the glorious result of your labors in redeeming
from the infamy and degradation of chattelism 4,000,000 slaves.
That done, your attention was turned to the greater question--in
view of numbers--of woman's emancipation from civil and political
debasement."
Upon rising to reply Miss Anthony received an ovation. She said: "I
feel that I must speak, because if I should hear all these words of
praise and remain silent, I should seem to assent to tributes which
I do not wholly deserve. My kind friends have spoken almost as if I
had done the work, or the greater part of it, alone, whereas I have
been only one of many men and women who have labored side by side
in this cause. Philadelphia has had the honor of giving to the
world a woman who led the way in this noble effort. Lucretia Mott
and Elizabeth Cady Stanton were active in the good work ere my
attention had been called to it. It was through their influence
that I was led to consider and accept the then new doctrine. Alone
I should have been as a mere straw in the wind.... I have known
nothing the last thirty years save the struggle for human rights on
this continent. If it had been a class of men who were
disfranchised and denied their legal rights, I believe I should
have devoted my life precisely as I have done in behalf of my own
sex. I hope while abroad that I shall do something to recommend our
work here, so as to make them respect American women and their
demand for political equality...."
Letters, telegrams, flowers and gifts were received in great
numbers.[13]
May Wright Sewall had this graphic description in the Indianapolis
Times, owned and edited by Col. Wm. R. Holloway, an earnest advocate of
woman suffrage:
The few days spent in Philadelphia by Miss Anthony prior to sailing
were a series of fetes. She spoke to over one thousand girls of the
Normal School on the public duties of women; was officially invited
to visit the Woman's Medical College; was given a reception by the
New Century Club; was tendered a complimentary dinner by Mrs. Emma
J. Bartol, in her own elegant home, where ten courses were served
and toasts were drunk to the guest of honor.... Letters of
introduction, quite unsolicited, poured in from friends and
countrymen personally unknown to her, who thus showed their desire
to facilitate her meeting with the stars of various desirable
circles abroad. At the public reception, Robert Purvis presented
the following testimonial, beautifully engrossed on vellum, and
encased in garnet velvet with gold borders:
"_Resolved_, That the National Woman Suffrage Association of the
United States does hereby testify its appreciation of the life-long
devotion of Susan B. Anthony to the cause of woman; that it
acknowledges her as the chief inspirer of women in their struggle
for personal liberty, for civil equity, and for political equality;
that as one of the foremost of American women it commends her to
the women of foreign lands.
"_Resolved_, That the members of the association rejoice in the
approaching holiday of their beloved leader; that they will follow
her wanderings with affection and sympathy; that during her absence
they will steadfastly uphold the principles to which her life has
been devoted; that on her return they will welcome her to a
resumption of her labors and hold themselves ready to work under
her able and devoted leadership."
Among the numerous letters and telegrams were messages from Wendell
Phillips, Harriet Beecher Stowe, Frederick Douglass, Mary Clemmer,
Helen Potter, Emma C. Bascom and Dr. Alida C. Avery.... Probably no
testimony was more enjoyed than the following:
"ROCHESTER, N. Y., THE HOME OF SUSAN B. ANTHONY: In this open
letter old friends and neighbors unite with all who honor the
birthday of its true citizen, and express the sincere wish that
Miss Anthony in her sojourn in strange lands may find what she has
in full measure here at home--a genuine appreciation of her true
womanliness, her sturdy adherence to honest conviction and her
heroic stand, against all opposition, for the higher education and
enfranchisement of women. Wishing her Godspeed and a safe return,
we, the undersigned, do not need to assure her that neither the
triumphs nor the defeats of her future public life will change our
estimation of her, for to us she will ever remain what her life
among us has proved her to be--a good, true woman, self-consecrated
to the cause of woman in every land."
The signatures include the names of eighty of the leading men and
women of Rochester; among them editors of the papers of both
parties, pastors of the prominent churches, university professors,
bankers, politicians, etc. Honor, if tardy, surely comes at last to
the prophet in her own country. A song written for the occasion and
inscribed to Miss Anthony, by Annie E. McDowell, one of the first
editors of a woman's paper, was splendidly sung by Mr. Ford, the
composer, who had set it to music.
Among the telegrams was this from her brother, D. R. Anthony:
"Sixty-three years have crowned you with the honor and respect of the
people of America, and with the love of your brothers and sisters."
From the friends in Washington, D. C., came a plush case, on whose satin
lining rested an exquisite point lace fichu and sleeve ruffles. A New
York gentleman sent $100 to be used toward the purchase of an India
shawl, writing: "I don't believe in woman suffrage, but I do believe in
Susan B. Anthony." The Cheney Brothers sent a handsome black silk dress
pattern; Helen Potter, a steamer rug; the Fosters, a travelling bag;
Adeline and Annie Thomson, a silver cup; Robert Purvis, a gold-handled
umbrella, and there were various other tokens of remembrance. Many of
the leading papers contained an editorial farewell, with a hearty
compliment and Godspeed. The Chicago Tribune, edited by Joseph Medill,
offered this tribute:
The best known and most popular woman in the United States, engaged
in public work, is Susan B. Anthony, the co-worker of Wm. Lloyd
Garrison, Lydia Maria Child, Wendell Phillips, Lucretia Mott and
others in the anti-slavery movement, and the fellow-laborer of
Elizabeth Cady Stanton in the woman's rights movement. She ranks
first among the warriors in this latter contest, because she has
lived her life in its service and there has been no side issue to
it. Neither father nor mother, husband nor children, have diverted
her mind from her hobby, or led her to cease for a day from the
prosecution of the task she set out to accomplish.... Miss Anthony
is an American woman whom the better class of English people
particularly, and of foreigners generally, will delight to honor,
and one that her country-women are pleased to have represent them.
She is, in point of character and ability, one of the few of her
sex who have made themselves a name and a place in the history of
her time....
She has had occasion to speak sharply, to lecture women severely,
when in her heart she would have preferred to praise; but women
love her dearly all the same, and trust her implicitly. In
integrity, stainless honor and generosity of sentiment and of deed
she has no peer. She has stood the storm of raillery and abuse she
aroused, as the leader of the "shrieking sisterhood," with perfect
equanimity, and while others were cowed by the ridicule which was
hardest of all to bear, Miss Anthony busied herself using this
opportunity to show to women the real opinion of them entertained
by the stronger sex.
Only those who are aware of the great and beneficent changes made
in the laws relating to the rights of property, for instance, can
at all estimate the good accomplished by these brave women. Almost
all the leaders in the movement are gone. Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony, both elderly women, now remain in the work, and Miss
Anthony alone still labors with the old-time zeal and freedom. She
is at her best mentally and physically, and is likely to live many
years to follow up the work she is now doing. The best lesson that
women can learn from her life is that success in any one thing is
secured only by the sacrifice of many others, and that for a woman
to reach the highest place in her chosen pursuit is for her to work
with an eye single to it, counting it a privilege to forego
pleasures and affections which tend to distract and divide
attention. Miss Anthony knew this secret of success, as she has
proven.
When the history of the reform work done in this country in this
century is written, no individual laborer will have higher praise
than that which belongs to Miss Anthony. Honest, sincere, tolerant
and kind, she has won the homage of her adversaries; for while
there is but a small minority of men and women who believe in woman
suffrage, there are none who fail to pay tribute to the sterling
qualities of this representative woman.
The Kansas City Journal said good-by in these graceful words: "Susan B.
Anthony will celebrate her sixty-third birthday tomorrow, and in a few
days will sail for England.... She goes abroad a republican
queen--uncrowned to be sure, but none the less of the blood royal, and
we have faith that the noblest men and women of Europe will at once
recognize and welcome her as their equal. Fair winds waft her over the
sea and home again!"
The two ladies sailed from Philadelphia on the morning of February 23,
and a special dispatch to the New York Times thus announced their
departure:
Miss Susan B. Anthony, accompanied by Miss Rachel Foster, embarked
on the British Prince, of the American Steamship Line, at 9 o'clock
this morning, for Liverpool. Notwithstanding the cold and cheerless
weather, quite a number of persons stood patiently on the wharf,
facing the raw and snow-laden air which blew from the river,
waiting to see the steamer get under way and to catch a glimpse of
the celebrated champion of woman's rights. A little before 10
o'clock Miss Anthony came out of her stateroom with several friends
and, bidding them a final farewell, watched with sober countenance
as they passed down the gang-plank. Among those present were Miss
Mary Anthony, of Rochester, Miss Julia Foster, Miss Thomson, a
sister of the first president of the Pennsylvania R. R.; Rev. Dr.
Soule, formerly of Scotland; Mrs. M. Louise Thomas and Edward M.
Davis....
Miss Anthony was attired in a black silk dress and wore a black
velvet bonnet. A beaver-lined satin circular was drawn tightly
about her form. She retired immediately to her stateroom, where a
pleasant surprise awaited her in the shape of a handsome silk flag,
the gift of a friend, which was suspended in a corner of the room.
Her eyes rested upon the tasty and comfortable apartment, bearing
numerous evidences of the kindly feeling and good wishes of her
friends, with visible enjoyment and emotion.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] This comment applies with equal force to Albany today. It is the
only city in the United States where Miss Anthony has not a standing
invitation to a number of hospitable homes.
[6] For full report of debate see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III,
p. 198.
[7] Miss Anthony, Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Jane Graham Jones remained over
one day to appear before the House committee, presenting arguments in
favor of abolishing the word "male" from the Constitution of Dakota
before admitting it as a State.
[8] This national celebration of Miss Anthony's birthday by suffrage
clubs was first suggested by Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, in her
department, "Woman's Kingdom," in the Chicago Inter-Ocean.
[9] For full text of reports see History of Woman Suffrage, Vol. III.,
p. 263.
[10] Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Gougar, Miss Couzins, Mrs. Minor, Mrs. Saxon,
Miss Hindman, Mrs. Shattuck, Mrs. Mason, Madame Neymann, Mrs. Blake and
Miss Anthony.
[11] After the election some of the students of the State University
placed an effigy of Miss Anthony in a coffin and with torches and
pallbearers started in a funeral procession. They were met by another
crowd of students who, to preserve the honor of the university,
overpowered them and took the effigy away.
[12] It was on this trip that, as "Miss Anthony" seemed too formal and
"Susan" too familiar, Miss Foster adopted the endearing title "Aunt
Susan." After they returned and a few of the younger workers most
closely associated with her began to use this name, Miss Anthony did not
object; but when it came into general use and not only older women and
comparative strangers, but men also, and the newspapers, fell into the
habit of calling her "Aunt Susan," she was very much annoyed and never
heard or saw the name without an inward protest.
[13] Among the letters was the following from Senator John J. Ingalls:
"I see by the papers that you are about to depart for Europe. Though I
do not sympathize with the opinions whose advocacy has made you famous,
yet I am not insensible to the great value of the example of your
courageous and self-denying labors to the cause of American womanhood. I
hope that none but prosperous gales may follow your ship, that your
visit may be happy, and that your life may be spared till your
aspirations are realized."
CHAPTER XXXII.
MISS ANTHONY'S EUROPEAN LETTERS.
1883.
No pen so well as Miss Anthony's own, can describe her delightful tour
abroad, and although her letters were dashed off while travelling from
point to point, or at the close of a hard day's sight-seeing, and the
entries in the diary are a mere word, they tell in a unique way her
personal impressions. Because of limited space descriptions of scenery
will be omitted in order to leave room for opinions of people and
events.
ON BOARD THE BRITISH PRINCE, February 24.
MY DEAR MRS. SPOFFORD: Here we are at noon, Friday, steaming down
Delaware Bay. We got along nicely until 3 P. M. yesterday, when we
came to a standstill. "Stuck in the mud," was the report. There we
lay until eight, when with the incoming tide we made a fruitless
attempt to get over the bar; then had to steam back up the river to
anchor, and lie there until nine this morning--twenty-four hours
almost in sight of the loved ones! It is a break from all
fastenings to friends to be thus cut loose from the wharf and
wafted out into the waters. These long hours of delay have given me
time to think of those left behind, and how very far short I have
come of doing and saying all I should have done and said....
From the diary:
Feb. 24.--The weather lovely; saloon cozy and pleasant with piano,
flowers and canaries. There are only seven passengers, among them a
Catholic priest, a dear little three-year-old child and a baby. We
sent twenty letters on shore, written during the day we have been
detained.
Feb. 25.--Today dawns with no possibility of communicating with a
soul outside the ship, a lonely feeling indeed; but I am determined
to get all the good I can to mind and body out of this trip, and as
little harm as possible.
Feb. 26.--I sit at the captain's right hand at table. The sea is
perfectly smooth; I wonder if this broad expanse can be rolled up
into mountains.
4 P.M.--The wind and waves are beginning to roar. The priest shows
signs of surrender.
Mar. 2.--Sea calm and dishes no longer have to be fastened to
table. It seems like freedom again. I can think of nothing beyond
shipboard, can see no moves to be made when we reach Liverpool.
Mar. 4.--Winds fair, sea smooth, whole company at breakfast.
Captain Burton read the church service. Rachel played the piano and
led the singing.
ON BOARD THE BRITISH PRINCE, March 5.
MY DEAR SISTER MARY: At lunch the captain said, "I'll soon show you
land! It will be Mizzenhead, the farthest southwest point of
Ireland." This is the first pen put to paper since I wrote you at
the Delaware breakwater, eleven days ago. Think of it, oh, ye
scribbling fairies, almost two weeks and not a letter written by S.
B. A.!
Well, we are thus far and have had no more than what the sailors
call a "stiff breeze" and only two whiffs of that sort. Since
Thursday the weather has been lovely--bright sun and crisp air.
Rachel succumbed one night when the "stiff breeze" first opened
upon us, and I felt a little squalmy. The next morning a sudden
lurch of the ship took both feet from under me and I was flat on my
back. The following day while I was lying on a seat, reading and
half-dozing, the first I knew I was in a heap on the floor. Then I
learned it wasn't safe to lie down without a board fence in front.
Again, in the evening I had taken the one loose chair in the
saloon, drawn it under a lamp and seated myself very complacently
to read, when lo, I was pitched over as if propelled from a
ten-pounder! Three times and out--all in rapid succession--taught
me to trust not to myself at all, but always to something fast to
the ship. I haven't lost a meal during the whole trip. Another time
I should take a larger stock of oranges, lemons and other fruit.
3 P. M.--We have just been up on the bridge for a first sight of
the Emerald Isle. So long as there was no immediate prospect of
setting foot on land, I could get up no spirit to write or think. I
have worn the old velvet-trimmed black silk dress right through,
and it is pretty well salted. I should love to have Lucy and Louise
and Maud along on this trip, with sister Mary, too. What a jolly
lot of tramps we would make! Well, their one ray of hope is to
"pull through" the free academy and get on their own feet. There is
plenty of good in store for all who can bring themselves in line to
get it. Holding a dish right side up to catch the shower is the
work for each one of us. How much I do think and hope for the three
nieces now entering womanhood. For Susie B. Jr., and little Anna O.
and Gula, I shall think and hope by and by. As for the nephews, I
do not forget them, but they'll fight their way through somehow, as
have all boys before them....
Dinner is over and an hour's talk at table after it. The Englishman
Mr. Mullinor, summed up: "Your country will come to ruin from such
doctrines as you woman's rights folks advocate;" and I have put the
case to him to the best of my sea-brain's ability. This is the very
first time I have let my tongue loose. We expect to be in Liverpool
tomorrow early, and then I will write you. Just take it for granted
all is well with me, and I will try to do the same with you.
Miss Anthony found at Liverpool a cordial letter from Mrs. A. A.
Sargent, whose husband was now United States Minister to Germany. She
welcomed her to Europe, saying: "You always have the entree to our home
and hearts. Come and stay as long as you will." A note from Mrs. Stanton
to her "beloved Susan" said: "I came up to London the moment I heard of
the arrival of the British Prince. To think of your choosing a 'Prince'
when a 'Queen' was coming! I am on the tiptoe of expectation to meet
you.... I write in the suffrage rooms surrounded with ladies."
A week later the diary records: "Left London at 10 A. M. for Rome,
Rachel and self, also Hattie Daniels, Alice Blatch and Mrs. Fanny
Keartland, five in all, three of the Eagle and two of the Lion, each
glorying in her own nationality!"
ROME, NO. 75 VIA NAZIONALE, March 22.
MY DEAR SISTER: Here it is a whole month tomorrow since we took a
last glimpse of each other and scarce a decent letter have I
written you; but it is fearfully hard work to find the minutes.
There is so much to tell, and the spelling and pronunciation of the
names are so perfectly awful.... At Liverpool we drove two hours in
the Princess and Sefton parks and then went to the city museum,
where the most interesting things to us were the portraits of all
the Bonapartes--men and women, old and young--Josephine's very
lovely; and to the city library, which is free. There is also an
immense free lecture hall, which was built for an aquarium but
found impracticable, so it is an enormous circle, seated from the
circumference down to the center, with a large platform at one side
and every step and seat cut out of solid stone. Here the most
learned men of the English colleges give free lectures, the city
fund being ample to meet all expenses. The librarian, on hearing we
were Americans, took great pains to show us everything. Of course
when he said, "We have over 80,000 volumes," I asked, "Have you
among them the History of Woman Suffrage, by Mesdames Stanton,
etc., of America?" And lo, he had never heard of it!
Thursday morning we took train--second-class carriage--for London.
Mrs. Stanton was at the station, her face beaming and her white
curls as lovely as ever, and we were soon landed at our
boarding-house. Lydia Becker came to dinner by Mrs. Stanton's
invitation, so she was the first of England's suffrage women for us
to meet. Friday afternoon we glanced into the House of Commons and
happened to see Gladstone presenting some motion. Spent the evening
chatting with Mrs. Stanton--a world of things to talk over....
Saturday we went again to Bayswater to see Mrs. Rose--found her
very lonely because of the death of her devoted husband a year ago.
She threw her arms around my neck and her first words were: "O,
that my heart would break now and you might close my eyes, dear
Susan!" She is vastly more isolated in England because of her
non-Christian views than she ever was in America. Sectarianism
sways everything here more now than fifty years ago with us.
That afternoon I left for Basingstoke, the new home of darling
Harriot Stanton, now with Blatch suffixed. Her husband is a fine
specimen of a young Englishman of thirty. Sunday morning he took me
in a dog-cart through two gentlemen's parks, a pleasant drive
through pasture and woodland, thousands of acres enclosed by a
stone wall. When I said, "What a shame that all these acres should
thus lie waste, while myriads of poor people are without an inch of
ground whereon to set foot," he replied: "They would be no better
off if all should be cut up into forty-acre farms and divided among
the poor, for no man could possibly support a family upon one. The
owners of these parks are actually reduced to poverty trying to
keep them up." So you see it is of no use to talk of giving every
Englishman a farm, when the land is so poor no one can make a
living off of it. Of course this is not true of all England, but
evidently its inhabitants must be fed from other countries. On our
return I was conducted through the garden and green-house of Mr.
Blatch's father, where I saw peach trees in blossom and grape vines
budding. The tree-trunks were not larger than my arm and I
exclaimed, "How many peaches can you get off these little trees?"
"Why, last year, we had 250," said he. How is that by the side of
our old farm harvest of 1,000 trees? And yet these English people
talk as if they raised fruit!...
The next day I returned to London and Mrs. Stanton and I called on
Rev. William Henry Channing at the West End, and had a two hours'
chat with him.... He was very cordial and on our leaving said, "I
can't tell you how grateful I am for this interview. You have my
blessing and benediction;" so we were glad at heart. Mr. Channing
loves America above all other countries and feels it was a mistake
for him to have left it. His elder daughter is the wife of Edwin
Arnold. March 12 we dined with the son-in-law of William Ashurst,
the friend of Wm. Lloyd Garrison--Mr. Biggs, and his four
daughters. Caroline Ashurst Biggs, the second, is the editor of the
Englishwoman's Review and one of the leading suffrage women of
England.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Very sincerely yours, Caroline A. Biggs."]
After dinner some twenty ladies and gentlemen came in and we had a
delightful evening, but such a continual serving of refreshments!
[Illustration: Mentia Taylor (Signed: "Yours very sincerely Mentia
Taylor")]
Tuesday morning I went again to Mrs. Rose's and finding her
bonneted and cloaked for a chair ride, I walked beside her, holding
her hand, through Kensington Park. I hope and almost believe she
will go back to America with me. I feel sure that we, who have not
forgotten her early and wonderful work for woman and for freedom
of thought, will do all in our power to smooth her last days....
That evening Rachel and I went to see Irving and Ellen Terry in
Much Ado About Nothing. The painting and the lights and shadows of
the scenery were lovely, and I suppose the acting was good, but I
can not enjoy love and flirtation exhibited on the stage any more
than off. All passional demonstrations seem to belong to the two
concerned, not to other persons. The lovemaking, however, was
cooler, more distant and more piquant than usual.
Wednesday afternoon Mrs. Rebecca Moore, our old Revolution
correspondent, took me to a meeting at Mrs. Mueller's, about the
Contagious Diseases Acts--fifty or sixty ladies present--was
introduced, and several invited me to speak for them when I
returned to London. Miss Rye, who has made between thirty and forty
trips across the Atlantic with little girls, taking over more than
10,000 and placing them in good homes in Canada, was there and
spoke. She said all her efforts could accomplish nothing in
thinning out the more than 1,000,000 surplus women of the island.
Not one seemed to dare speak out the whole of the facts and
philosophy. Each promised, "I will not shock you by calling the
names," etc. Mrs. Peter Taylor's reception that evening was an
unusually brilliant affair. She is looked upon as the mother of the
English movement, as Mrs. Stanton is of the American. She is a
magnificent woman and acted the part of hostess most gracefully.
Her husband is a member of Parliament. At eleven we went home and
packed our trunks to be off for Rome on the morrow, half-regretting
that we had planned to leave London....
ROME, March 23.
MY DEAR SISTER: It is noon--Good Friday--and just set in for a
steady rain, so I will give you the goings, seeings and sayings of
our company since leaving London.... We started from Victoria
Station--second-class carriage, no sleeper--for a three days' and
two nights' journey to Rome. It looked appalling, even to so old a
traveller as myself, but I inwardly said, "I can stand it if the
younger ones can." The crossing of the straits of Dover was rough,
the sea dashing over the sides of the boat, but Rachel and I went
through the two hours without a quaver. At Calais we had the same
good luck as at London--a compartment of the car all to ourselves.
Here we were to be settled without change for that night and the
next day, so with bags and shawl-straps, bundles, lunch-baskets and
a peck of oranges, we adjusted ourselves. We breakfasted at Basle,
after having pillowed on each other for the night as best we could.
Now we were in the midst of the Jura mountains, and all day long we
wound up and down their snowy sides and around the beautiful lakes
nestling at their feet--through innumerable tunnels, one of them,
the St. Gothard, taking twenty-three minutes--over splendid bridges
and along lovely brooks and rivers.
We arrived at Milan at 7:50 P. M., when even the bravest of our
party voted to stop over twenty-four hours and try the virtues of a
Christian bed. Rachel and I shared a large old-fashioned room with
a soap-stone stove, where we had a wood-fire built at once.
(Remember that all the houses have marble floors and stairs, and
are plastered on the stone walls, so they seem like perfect
cellars.) We had two single bedsteads (I haven't seen any other
sort on the continent) with the same bedclothes covering both. Our
big room was lighted with just two candles! We "slept solid" till 8
A. M., when Rachel got out her Italian phrase-book, rang the bell
and ordered a fire and hot water.
After fairly good steak and coffee, we five began a day of steady
sight-seeing.... In the evening we went to the station, and here
found a wood-fire in a fireplace and monstrous paintings of Christ
and the saints on the walls. All who had trunks had now to pay for
every pound's weight. I had brought only my big satchel and
shawl-strap. We were not so fortunate as to find a compartment to
ourselves but had two ladies added to our number, while four or
five men in the next one smoked perpetually and the fumes came over
into ours. We growled but that availed nothing, as men here have
the right of way. At Genoa the ladies left us--midnight--and two
men took their places. These proved to be seafarers and could talk
English, so we learned quite a bit from them. At ten we were halted
and rushed in to breakfast. Sunday afternoon we reached the Eternal
City and came direct to the Pension Chapman, tired and hungry, but
later went to St. John's Cathedral to vespers.... After dinner we
were glad to lay ourselves away. We have a pleasant room, with
windows opening upon a broad court and lovely garden and fountain.
Monday we drove around the city for bird's-eye views from famous
points. Such wonders of ruins upon ruins!
Sunday Evening.--It is of no avail that I try and try to write-when
the sight-seeing is done for the day I am too tired.... Last
evening the Coliseum was illuminated--a weird, wonderful sight.
Today, Easter Sunday, I have seen crowds of people reverently
kissing St. Peter's big toe. Tomorrow we go to Naples for a week
and then return and finish Rome.
NAPLES, March 27.
Here we are, Rachel and I, at the Pension Brittanique, far up a
high hill, in a room overlooking the beautiful bay of Naples. It is
lovely, lovely! The little island of Capri, the city, the bold
shores and mountain setting--a perfect gem.... We have a little bit
of wood-fire with the smallest sticks--twigs we should call
them--two sperm candles to light our bedroom and no matches except
what we furnish. But 8 o'clock is here and we are all to meet for
breakfast....
Yesterday was a lovely _May_ day, and our party drove to the
village of Resina, which is built forty feet above the ruins of
Herculaneum. There, with a guide, we descended a hundred steps and
walked through the old theater, over the same stone stairs and
seats which two thousand years ago were occupied by the gayest of
mortals. Then we went to the ruins of Pompeii and ate our lunch
under large old trees growing upon the debris left by the great
eruption. We passed through the narrow streets, over stone
pavements worn by the tread of long-buried feet, through palaces,
public gardens and baths, temples, the merchants' exchange,
customhouse and magnificent theater....
I have just received John Bright's splendid address before the
2,000 students of Glasgow University on being made Lord Rector. It
fired my soul beyond all the ruins and all the arts in Rome or
Naples. It is grand indeed, and reminds one of our own Wendell
Phillips' address to the Harvard students two years ago.[14]
ROME, March 29.
_To Madam Susan B. Anthony, of New York, U. S. A._
MADAM: We had the honor to announce your coming to Rome some three
weeks ago in the Italian Times. While we ourselves have an
impressive appreciation of your distinguished mental acquirements,
yet we would wish to carry to our numerous English-speaking
subscribers on this continent some testimony of your presence in
our midst. Therefore we place our columns at your disposal, and
will esteem the privilege of presenting to the public any topic
your facile pen may write. To this end we will wait upon you or be
pleased to see you at our sanctum. With much respect, we are,
Madam, your obedient servants,
THE PROPRIETORS OF THE ITALIAN TIMES.
[Only English newspaper published in Italy.]
ROME, April 1.
DEAR BROTHER D. R.: We have climbed Vesuvius. One feels richly paid
when the puffing and exploding and ascending of the red-hot lava
meet the ears and eyes. The mountains, the Bay of Naples, the sail
to Capri and the Blue Grotto are fully equal to my expectations....
The squalid-looking people, however, and their hopeless fate make
one's stay at any of these Italian resorts most depressing. Troops
of beggars beset one all along the streets and roads, and with
tradesmen there is no honesty. For instance, a man charged some
twenty francs for a shell comb, then came down to seven, six, five,
and finally asked, "What will you give?" I, never dreaming he would
take it, said, "two francs," and he threw the comb into the
carriage.... Saturday we took the cars from Naples to Palermo.
Every mountainside having a few seven-by-nine patches of soil in a
place, is terraced and covered with grape vines and lemon trees,
the latter now yellow with fruit. On many I counted twenty and
thirty terraces, each with a solid stone wall to hold the earth in
place. It is wonderful what an amount of labor it costs to earn
even the little the natives seem to care for. Our hotel here is an
old monastery, and on one side of the court is the cathedral with
its grotesque paintings. One becomes fairly sickened with the
ghastly spectacle of the dead Christ. It is amazing how little they
make of the living Christ.
On Monday morning we drove back over that magnificent road, and
took the train to Naples. In the afternoon we went to Lake Avernus
and into the grotto of the sibyls, the entrance to Dante's Inferno.
It was a dark, cavernous passage and with the flaring candles
making the darkness only more visible, we could not but feel there
was reason for the old superstition. The narrowness of the streets
of Naples--and they are without the pretense of a sidewalk--leave
the men, women and children, horses and carriages, funny little
donkeys with their big loads, the cows and goats (which are each
night and morning driven along and halted at the doors while the
pint cupful, more or less, is milked to supply the people within)
all marching along together in the filthy road, jostling each other
at every step.
But we are back in Rome now and this forenoon we spent in the
galleries of the Vatican. One is simply dazed with the wealth of
marble--not only statuary, but stairs, pillars and massive
buildings. We stop here till the 9th, then go to Florence.[15]
It is good for our young civilization to see and study that of the
old world, and observe the hopelessness of lifting the masses into
freedom and freedom's industry, honesty and integrity. How any
American, any lover of our free institutions based on equality of
rights for all, can settle down and live here is more than I can
comprehend. It will be only by overturning the powers that
education and equal chances ever can come to the rank and file. The
hope of the world is indeed in our republic; so let us work to make
it a _genuine_ democracy, where every citizen--woman as well as
man--shall be crowned with the one symbol of equality--the
ballot....
ROME, April 5.
MY DEAR SISTER: How these anniversary days of our dear mother's
illness and death bring back to me everything, even at this
distance and amid these strange surroundings. How she would have
enjoyed these sights because of her knowledge and love of history.
She could have told the Bible story of every one of these great
frescoes. What a woman she would have been, could she have had the
opportunities of education and culture which her granddaughters are
having....
Tell Mrs. Lewia Smith her lovely piece of lace has been honored
with the wearing in London and Rome several times and has been
pronounced beautiful; but I prize it most of all for the giver's
sake. No one but she would have trudged through the slush and rain
to get those splendid names to that testimonial. Nothing which came
to me gave so much pleasure as those signatures of my own townsmen
and women, from President Anderson all the way to the end of the
list.... This evening Rachel has gone to a friend's to study German
so as to make our way with that nationality. What a jumble, that by
just crossing an imaginary line one finds people who can't
understand a word one says!
Last evening we heard the grand Ristori render a part of Dante's
Inferno and a selection from Joan of Arc. Of course I couldn't
understand a word she said, but her voice, her gestures, her
expression told the whole story. Then the music, vocal and
instrumental, was the softest and sweetest....
ZURICH, April 23.
MY DEAR SISTER: We spent Friday night at Milan--there took our last
look at Italian cathedrals, as we did our first, and its own still
holds highest place as to beauty. We left early next morning and
very soon were among the Alps.... The eleven hours' stretch was
tiresome and disgusting inside our compartment, with from three to
five stalwart men puffing away at their pipes all day long, and at
every station rushing out for a drink of wine or beer. Our only
chance of a free breath was to open the window, and then all the
natives were in consternation!
We reached Zurich at six and, after a splendid dinner of roast
chicken, green peas and lettuce, took a cab and called on Elizabeth
Sargent, who is studying medicine at the university, and found her
very happy and glad to see us. In the afternoon we took a
delightful drive, as it was too cold and misty for the lake
excursion we had intended. The highest Alps are still lost to us by
fog and clouds. After supper we called at the American consulate.
Think of our government supporting a consul in most of the
twenty-two cantons of Switzerland!
Tuesday.--At Munich. We saw princes and princesses galore out
driving this afternoon, but not the king. We leave tomorrow morning
for Nuremberg, and reach Berlin Saturday, and there I hope to rest
at least a week--but then the Emperor William must be seen, and
lots of other curiosities.... If I could command the money, as soon
as each of our girls graduated, I would take her first on a tour of
her own continent and then through the old world, before she
settled down to the hard work of life either in a profession or in
marriage. Thus she would have much to think of and live over, no
matter how heavy might be the burdens and sorrows of her after
life....
COLOGNE, May 8.
MY DEAR SISTER: We left Berlin yesterday morning after a delightful
week with the Sargents. I do not believe our nation ever has been
represented at any foreign court by such genuine republican women,
in the truest and broadest sense, as are Mrs. Sargent and her
daughters. Mr. Sargent, too, touches the very height of democratic
principle. Their association with monarchial governments and
subjects but makes them love our free institutions the more.[16]
Our last evening was spent with the Frau Dr. Liburtius--formerly
Henriette Hirschfeldt--a practicing dentist in Berlin since 1869,
who studied at the Philadelphia Dental College. No college in
Germany will admit women. Frau Libertius is dentist for various
members of the royal family as well as for the Sisters of Charity.
She says there are no dental colleges in the world equal to those
of America....
May 10.--At Worms--where Martin Luther made his glorious
declaration for the right of private judgment. There is a
magnificent monument in a beautiful square; Luther's is the central
statue--a standing one; below, at the corners, are sitting Huss,
Savonarola, Wycliffe and Peter Waldo, and on a still lower pedestal
are four more worthies--one of them Melancthon.... We spent Tuesday
at Cologne--visited the splendid cathedral and the church of St.
Ursula. The latter contains the bones of 11,000 virgins martyred at
Cologne in the fifth century. Whole broadsides of chapels are lined
with shelves of skulls, which the noble ladies of the twelfth
century partly covered with embroidery. Wednesday we took steamer
up the Rhine at six in the morning and landed at Mayence at eight.
It was a beautiful panorama, but not surpassing all others I have
seen. The vine-clad hillsides, the ruins of the old castles
(nothing like as many of them as I had thought) and the winding of
the river were all very lovely. We visited the cathedral, the
monuments of Gutenberg and Schiller, and then the fortress and the
remains of a Roman monument erected nine years before Christ....
HEIDELBERG, May 11.
DEAR BROTHER D. R.: As I clambered among the ruins of Heidelberg
Castle today, I wished for each of my loved ones to come across old
ocean and look upon the remains of ancient civilization--of art and
architecture, bigotry and barbarism. I am enjoying my "flying,"
though I would not again make such a rush, but I am getting a good
relish for a more deliberate tour at some later day. All of life
should not be given to one's work at home, whether that be woman
suffrage, journalism or government affairs.
After being perpetually among people whose language I could not
understand, it was doubly grateful to be in the midst of not only
my countrymen but my dearest friends, and I enjoyed their society
so much that I almost forgot there were any wonders to be seen in
Berlin. But we did make an excursion to Potsdam--a jolly company of
us, Mr. and Mrs. Sargent and their gifted daughter Ella, also the
professor of Greek in your Kansas State University, Miss Kate
Stephens. She interpreted the utterances of the ever-present
guides, whose jabber was worse than Greek.
At Potsdam we were shown the very rooms in which Frederick the
Great lived and moved and had his being, plotted and planned to
conquer his neighbors. In the little church are myriads of tattered
flags, taken in their many wars, and two great stone caskets in
which repose the bodies of Frederick the Great and his father,
Frederick William, peaceful in death, however warlike in life. We
also visited the new palace where the present Emperor spends the
summer. We saw parlors, dining-rooms, bedrooms, the plain, narrow
bedstead the Emperor sleeps upon, the great workshop, in which are
maps and all sorts of material for studying and planning how to
hold and gain empires. I even peered into the kitchen and saw the
pitchers, plates, coffee-pots and stew-pans. It was my first chance
of a real mortal living look of things, so I enjoyed it hugely.
There are rooms enough in these palaces for an army of people. All
of these magnificent displays of wealth in churches, palaces and
castles, citadels, fortifications and glittering military shows of
monarchial governments, only make more conspicuous the poverty,
ignorance and degradation of the masses; and all pleasure in seeing
them is tinged with sadness.
From the diary for May:
12.--Showering, but I walked up the mountain to pay a last visit to
Heidelberg Castle, the most magnificent ruin in Germany. Its
ivy-covered towers always will be pictured in my memory.
13.--At Strasburg. We have driven over the city, looked at the
wonderful fortifications and explored the great cathedral with its
famous clock. We heard the grand organ and saw 250 priests conduct
the services before an audience of 2,000 people, nine-tenths women.
Then to St. Thomas' church and the monument to Marshal Saxe.
14.--Left for Paris and had a beautiful ride through Alsace and
Lorraine, the lost kingdoms of France. It made me sad all day; I
wanted them returned to their own mother country. Theodore Stanton
and his wife Marguerite met us at the station.
15.--Madam de Barron has invited me to be her guest while here.
Such a delightful home and intelligent hostess! I have a charming
room, and this morning the sun is shining bright and warm and the
robins are singing in the trees. My continental breakfast--rolls,
butter and coffee--was sent to my room and, for the first time in
my life, I ate it in bed. What would my mother have said?
16.--Went to grand opera last night; magnificent house, scenery,
toilets, equipages; but with my three "lacks," a musical ear, a
knowledge of French and good eyesight, I could not properly
appreciate the performance.
17.--Theodore took me to the Chamber of Deputies to see how
Frenchmen look in legislative assembly--very like Americans. Then
we called on friends at the American Exchange and the Hotel
Normandie, and I was too tired to go to U. S. Minister Morton's
reception at night.
22.--Called and had a good chat with Charlotte B. Wilbour, of New
York; called also on Grace Greenwood; visited the Hotel des
Invalides and walked in the gardens.
23.--Theodore and Marguerite took me to St. Cloud by boat and back
on top of tram-car. Delightful!
27.--Today, Sunday, we went to Pere la Chaise and saw great crowds
of Communists hanging wreaths on the wall where hundreds of their
friends were shot down in 1871--a sorrowful sight.
28.--At noon we went to the College of France to witness the last
honors to Laboulaye, the scholar and Liberal. Saw his little study
and sadly watched the priests perform the services over his coffin.
29.--Left Paris at 9 A. M., Theodore and his little Elizabeth Cady
going with me to the station. The parks and forests are green and
lovely, the homes cozy and pretty, France is a beautiful country. I
have enjoyed the last three months exceedingly, but I am very, very
tired; and yet it is a new set of faculties which are weary, and
the old ones, so long harped upon, are really resting.
_To Miss Susan B. Anthony_, PARIS.
MADAM: Having been informed of your arrival in Paris, I take the
liberty of writing to ask from your courtesy the favor of a short
interview. I have since several years heard of all the work you
have done in behalf of womankind, and I need not say how happy I
would be to meet a person who has so often been praised in my
presence. Hoping you will forgive my intrusion, and have the great
kindness to let me know when I may have the honor to call, I am,
madam, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
[Of Le Soir.] A. SALVADOR.
PARIS, May 20.
MY DEAR MRS. SPOFFORD: I have just come from a call on Mademoiselle
Hubertine Auclert, editor of La Citoyenne. I can not tell you how I
constantly long to be able to speak and understand French. I lose
nearly all the pleasure of meeting distinguished people, because
they are as powerless with my language as I with theirs. We called
also on Leon Richer, editor of La Femme. He thinks it inopportune
to demand suffrage for women in France now, when they are yet
without their civil rights. I wanted so much to tell him that
political power was the greater right which included the less....
Miss Foster has gone to London for presentation at Court. She had
the "regulation" dress made in Berlin--cream-white satin, low neck,
_no sleeves at all_, and a four-yard train!... I have not decided
when I shall go home, but before many months, for I long to be
about the work that remains undone. The fact is, I am weary of mere
sight-seeing. Amidst it all my head and heart turn to our battle
for women at home. Here in the old world, with its despotic
governments, its utter blotting out of woman as an equal, there is
no hope, no possibility of changing her condition, so I look to our
own land of equality for men, and partial equality for women, as
the only one for hope or work.
PARIS, May 24.
MY DEAR RACHEL: I am glad to hear that you were not cheated out of
teetering through the palace halls in front of the princess, and
that you are not utterly prostrated by it.... I attended the
suffrage meeting last evening, and heard and saw several men
speak--_well_, I inferred from the cheering and shouting of
"bravo!"
This afternoon I visited the tomb of Napoleon. It surpasses every
mausoleum I have ever seen, not excepting that of Frederick the
Third and Queen Louise in Berlin. It is well that his memory should
be thus honored, for had he been born a hundred years later, when
the march of civilization had pointed to some other goal to gratify
his great nature than that of bloody conquest of empire, I believe
he would have stood at the head of those who strive to make free
and independent sovereigns of all men and all women. Everywhere
here are reminders of the ravages of war, the madness of ignorance
and unreason. I want to get away from them and their saddening
associations. You will think I am blue. So I am, from having lived
a purposeless life these three months. I don't know but the women
of America, myself in particular, will be the greater and grander
for it, but I can not yet see how this is to be....
LONDON, June 7.
MY DEAR SISTER: For the hundredth time I am going to beg you to
shut up the house and come over here. It does seem as if now we two
sisters, left so alone, ought to be able to travel and enjoy
together. You can not know how I long to have you with me; it hurts
every minute to think of you treading round and round, with never a
moment of leisure or enjoyment. Surely you have given a mother's
love and care to our nieces for eight years, and now you can let
them go out from under your eye....
Rachel and I came up from Basingstoke on Sunday to attend a small
reception at Mrs. Jacob Bright's. Her husband has championed woman
suffrage in Parliament for years, and she has led the few who have
dared say, "And married women, too, should have the franchise."
When the powers that be forbade her to include married women in the
Parliamentary Suffrage Bill now pending, Mrs. Bright withdrew and
started a bill for their property rights, which was passed last
session and is now in force.
[Illustration: Autograph: "With kindest regards from Mr. Bright and
myself, yours very truly, Ursula M. Bright"]
Monday morning we went to Bedford Park and spent two hours at
Moncure D. Conway's. His charming wife read us what a delegate here
from the American Unitarians says of Emerson, Alcott, Frothingham
and George Ripley--that all are wearying of their early theories
and theologies and returning to the old faith. Today I had an hour
with William Henry Channing, and he virtually told me this was true
of himself! I exclaimed: "Do you mean to say that you have returned
to the belief in the immaculate conception of Jesus and in the
miracles--that you no longer explain all these things as you used
to do in your Bible readings at Rochester?" He replied: "I never
disbelieved in miracles. Man's levelling and tunnelling the
mountains is a miracle." Well, I was stunned and left. Even if all
these grand men, in old age, or when broken in body, decide that
the conclusions of their early and vigorous manhood were false,
which shall we accept as most likely to be true--the strong or the
weakened thought? It is very disheartening if we are so constituted
that with our deepest, sincerest study we grope and dwell in error
through our threescore and ten, and after those allotted years find
all we believed fact to be mere hallucination. It is--it must
be--simply the waning intellect returning to childish teachings.
That evening we visited the House of Commons and heard several
members speak as we peeped through the wire latticework of the
ladies' cage. The next afternoon we attended a large reception at
Mrs. J. P. Thomasson's, daughter of Margaret Bright Lucas and wife
of a member of Parliament. There we met the leading suffrage women.
Wednesday morning I went to Tunbridge Wells--thirty miles--to see
Mrs. Rose, who is trying the waters there in hope of relief.... I
should have told you that I dined on Sunday with Margaret
Lucas--John Bright's sister--and lunched today with Mrs. Mellen,
mother-in-law of General Palmer, of Colorado, president of the Rio
Grande R. R.--an elegant and wealthy woman.
LONDON, June 22.
MY DEAR SISTER: ... Sunday morning we went to hear Stopford Brooke,
a seceder from the established church. I could see no diminution in
the poppings up and down, nor in the intonings and singsongs, but
when, after a full hour of the incantations, he came to his sermon
on the Christian duty of total abstinence, he gave us a splendid
one. Before commencing he said that, from his request the previous
Sunday, twenty members out of his congregation of 600 came to the
meeting to form a Church Total Abstinence Society, and ten of those
made special and earnest protest against the formation of such a
society! Can you imagine the chilliness of the spiritual air in
that church as he laid down the Christian's duty of denying himself
that he might save his fellow who had not the power to drink
moderately?
Afterwards, we called on Hon. William D. Kelley, wife and daughter
Florence, of Philadelphia. We also attended a reception at Emily
Faithfull's and met a number of nice people; then took underground
railway for Bedford Park and had tea with Eliza Orme, England's
first and only woman lawyer--or as nearly one as she can be and not
have passed the Queen's Bench. Her mother was lovely and so proud
of her daughter and glad to see me. Miss Orme has a partner, Miss
Richardson, who is a member of the London school board and has
visited our schools in America. She says London has none, public or
private, to compare with those of the United States.
The next morning we went to hear Laura Curtis Bullard read her
sketch of Mrs. Stanton, which is to go into Famous Women, the same
book for which Mrs. Stanton is writing me up. In the afternoon we
called on Miss Mueller, who purchased a house and lives in it that
she may be a householder, as is necessary to hold office. She too
is a member of the school board. Miss Mueller insisted that I should
talk to the ladies there, about thirty of them, and so I did,
sitting under the trees in her garden, where we had our tea. Thence
we went to the women's suffrage parlors and met some fifty or
sixty, and then to the Albemarle Club of both ladies and gentlemen,
the only one of the kind in London. Then came a meeting at the
Somerville Club--all ladies. A paper was read on the topic,
"Sentiment is not founded on reason and is a hindrance to
progress," and followed by a bright discussion, in which both
Rachel and I were invited to take part. A pretty full afternoon and
evening!
Wednesday morning I studied on my speech for the 25th under the
auspices of the National Women's Suffrage Society. Harriot has so
divided the subject, that Mrs. Stanton is to take the educational,
social and religious departments, and S. B. A. the industrial,
legal and political. That evening we went to the Court Theater with
Mrs. Florence Fenwick Miller, another member of the London school
board. The nights are all days here now--daylight till after 9
o'clock and again at 3. Rachel and I lunched with Mr. and Mrs.
Jacob Bright, and had a splendid visit; then went to the school
board meeting.
[Illustration: Priscilla Bright McLaren (Signed: "Your loving friend
Priscilla Bright McLaren.")]
[Illustration: Autograph: "Cordially yours, Helen Taylor"]
Saw there five of the seven women members, among them Miss Helen
Taylor, stepdaughter of John Stuart Mill, and the senior woman
member of the board. Today I spent an hour with Mrs. Lucas, sister
of John and Jacob Bright, and this afternoon Rachel and I are going
to a Women's Poor Law Guardian meeting, at which Mrs. Lucas is to
preside and other ladies to speak....
Just back from the meeting. In all England there are thirty-one
women poor law guardians. There are 19,000 of the guardians elected
and 1,000, mainly clergymen, are honorary. They have over 1,000,000
paupers to look after. The secretary, Mrs. Chamberlain, stated that
in her section of London there were 16,000. The guardians overlook
everything about the workhouses and asylums, get no pay, and yet
the public hesitates to put women on the board. One man stirred up
the handful present by saying, "suffrage not only for widows and
spinsters, but for married women."
June 26.--Well, the ordeal is over and everybody is delighted.
Moncure D. Conway said: "I have learned more of American history
from your speech than I ever dreamed had been made during the past
thirty years." Even the timid ones expressed great satisfaction.
Mrs. Stanton gave them the rankest radical sentiments, but all so
cushioned they didn't hurt. Mrs. Duncan McLaren came down from
Edinburgh and Mrs. Margaret Parker from Dundee. Rachel said I made
a good statement of the industrial, legal and political status of
women in America. We went to tea with Mrs. Jacob Bright; then I
took dinner with Mrs. Stanton at Mrs. Mellen's, getting up from
table at 9:15 P. M.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Most sincerely yours, Jane Cobden"]
Saturday Rachel and I drove four hours in Miss Mueller's carriage
and called on Lady Wilde, a bright, quaint woman. Sunday morning I
went to Friends' meeting and had a look at John Bright, though I
was not sure it was he until after the meeting was over; then he
was gone, and I not introduced to him! In the afternoon I called on
Miss Jane Cobden, daughter of Richard Cobden, a charming woman.
Yesterday I presented her with a set of our History in memory of
her noble father, and for her own sake also. I will not foreshadow
the coming days but they are busy indeed. You will see that the
Central Committee have put both my name and Mrs. Stanton's on the
card for the meeting of July 5....
LONDON, June 28.
MY DEAR SISTER: It is now just after luncheon and at 4 o'clock we
are to be at Mrs. Jacob Bright's reception, tomorrow evening at one
at Mrs. Thomasson's, which she gives to friends for the special
purpose of meeting Stanton and Anthony, and Saturday at Frances
Power Cobbe's--and so we go. Yesterday morning Miss Frances Lord--a
poor law guardian--escorted us through Lambeth workhouse. It has
1,000 inmates and 700 more in the infirmary, and gives out-door
relief to 2,000 besides.
[Jacob Bright presided over the Prince's Hall meeting, and William
Woodall over that at St. James' Hall.[17] All of the prominent
newspapers in Great Britain contained editorials on the meetings, and
noted especially the addresses of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton,
speaking of them in a dignified and respectful manner.]
LONDON, July 13.
MY DEAR SISTER: My last letter was mailed the 3d. That afternoon I
was at Rebecca Moore's reception. We dined at Miss Mueller's and
afterwards went to Horn's assembly rooms to a suffrage meeting. Her
sister Eva, wife of Walter McLaren, M.P., was one of the
speakers.... At 9 P. M., we went to a Fourth of July reception at
Mrs. Mellen's, given in honor of Mrs. Stanton and Miss Anthony, and
a brilliant affair it was. About 150 were there; she had elegant
refreshments; and the young American girls gave songs, recitations,
violin music, etc. Grace Greenwood recited her "Mistress
O'Rafferty"--a woman's rights poem in Irish brogue--very rich and
racy; her daughter Annie sang, also Mrs. Carpenter, of Chicago;
Kate Hillard, of Brooklyn, Adelaide Detchon, the actress, and
Mildred Conway recited; Frank Lincoln impersonated; Nathaniel
Mellen sang a <DW64> jubilee melody; Maude Powell played the violin.
She is not fifteen yet and is a charming player. The company did
not disperse until after one.
July 5, drove to Mrs. Mellen's to a 10 o'clock breakfast, and
worked on Rachel's report of my Prince's Hall speech--you'll find
it in full in the Englishwoman's Review. In the evening Mrs.
Thomasson gave a splendid dinner-party, and afterwards took us all
in carriages to the St. James' Hall suffrage demonstration, where
there was a fine audience of about 2,000.... Next morning I went to
a meeting of the suffrage friends from various towns who had come
up for the demonstration. At 8 P. M. Mrs. McLaren took me to the
House of Commons, to witness Mr. Hugh Mason present the Women's
Suffrage Bill; so I heard all the speeches pro and con, up to 1:30
A. M., and how tired I was! Mr. Jacob Bright's was the strongest
and most earnest.
The morning of July 7, at the suffrage rooms, I heard strong
protests against the way Mr. Mason disclaimed all intention of
enfranchising married women. He carried the matter too far even for
the most timid. In the afternoon, we went to the Somerville Club,
and Rachel spoke beautifully on the need of union and co-operation
among women. I followed her, and Mrs. McLaren moved a vote of
thanks.... Rachel left for Antwerp this evening, to meet her mother
and sister, and I returned to my room, lonesome enough. Sunday I
lunched with Mrs. Lucas and Mrs. McLaren. I had calls from three
factory-women, who told a sad story of the impossibility of getting
even a dollar ahead by the most frugal and temperate habits.
Have I told you that I have a new dark garnet velvet? I wore it
with my point lace at Mrs. Mellen's reception on the Fourth, and
the India shawl I have worn today for the first time.... Tuesday I
went with Mrs. Lucas to the Crystal Palace at Sydenham to a great
national temperance demonstration. More than 50,000 people passed
the gates at a shilling apiece, and we saw a solid mass of 5,000
boys and girls from all parts of the kingdom seated in a huge
amphitheater, singing temperance songs--a beautiful sight. Then in
another part of the palace was an audience of 2,000 listening to
speeches. Among the speakers was Canon Wilberforce, a grandson of
the great Abolitionist but a degenerate one. He said the reason the
temperance movement was now progressing so rapidly was because the
persons who led it were praying people, and that the Lord had
willed it, and all depended on whether it was kept in the Lord's
hands--if not, then it would fall back like the old Washingtonian
movement in America. Mrs. Lucas was very wroth, and so was I. He
never spoke of woman except as "maiden aunt" or "old grandmother,"
and advised the boys to take a little wine for the stomach's sake.
At 6 o'clock we went to Miss Mueller's where I remained until today.
She took me to the Gaiety Theater to see Sarah Bernhardt. What a
magnificent actor! I never saw any man or woman who so absolutely
buried self out of sight and became the very being personated.
Though I couldn't understand a single word, I enjoyed it all until
the curtain fell at half-past eleven. I was tired beyond telling,
but felt richly repaid by the seeing. She must be master of her
divine art thus to impress one by action alone. Today Mrs. McLaren
invites me to dine at her son's, Charles McLaren, M.P. All this is
written in a hurry but is perhaps better than nothing. It is so
difficult to clutch a moment to write.
LONDON, July 19.
MY DEAR RACHEL: ... I am to attend a suffrage meeting at the
Westminster Palace Hotel Hall this afternoon, and tomorrow at 10:25
A. M. I start for Edinburgh with Mrs. Moore. I am bound to suck all
the honey possible out of everybody and everything as they come to
me or I go to them. It is such unwisdom, such unhappiness, not to
look for and think and talk of the best in all things and all
people; so you see at threescore and three I am still trying always
to keep the bright and right side up. I am expecting a great
ferment at the meeting today, for those who agree with Mrs. Jacob
Bright have asked Mrs. Stanton to confer with them about what they
shall do now. She advises them to demand suffrage for all women,
married and single; but I contend that it is not in good taste for
either of us to counsel public opposition to the bill before
Parliament....
I wrote you about Miss ----. She is settled in the conviction that
she never will marry any man--not even the one with whom she has
had so close a friendship for the past ten years. She feels that to
do the work for the world which she has mapped out she must eschew
marriage, accepting platonic friendship but no more. I tell her she
is giving her nature a severe trial by allowing herself this one
particular friend, that if he does not in the end succeed in
getting her to marry him, it will be the first escape I ever have
heard of. She is a charming, earnest, conscientious woman, and I
feel deeply interested in her experiment.
[After being royally entertained in London and making many little trips
into the beautiful country around, Miss Anthony left for Edinburgh July
20, carrying with her many pleasant remembrances of friends.]
EDINBURGH, July 22.
MY DEAR SISTER: Here I am in Huntley Lodge, the delightful home of
Mrs. Elizabeth Pease Nichol, whose name we so often used to see in
the Liberator and the Anti-Slavery Standard, and of whom we used to
hear from Mr. Phillips and others who had visited England. We had a
most cordial welcome from Mrs. Nichol--a queenly woman. She is now
seventy-seven, and lives in this handsome house, two miles from the
center of the city, with only her servants....
Mrs. Nichol has gone to her room to rest and Mrs. Moore and I are
writing in the little, sunny southeast parlor. I have an elegant
suite of three rooms, the same Mr. Garrison occupied when he
visited here in 1867 and in 1877. Mrs. Nichol is one of the few
left of that historic World's Anti-Slavery Convention of 1840. We
are going to a "substantial tea" with Dr. Agnes McLaren, daughter
of Duncan McLaren. She is very bright--spent four years in France
studying her profession--has a good practice, takes a house by
herself, and invites to it her friends. So many young Englishwomen
are doing this, and indeed it is a good thing for single women to
do.
The suffrage society--Eliza Wigham, president, Jessie M. Wellstood,
secretary--has invited a hundred or more of the friends to an
afternoon tea on Tuesday next in honor of my visit, and I am to
make a brief speech, so what to say and how to say it come
uppermost with me again....
[Illustration: Elizabeth Pease Nichol (Signed: "Elizabeth Pease
Nichol")]
THE RAVEN HOTEL, DROITWICH, August 5.
MY DEAR FRIEND SUSAN B. ANTHONY: I have often wished to write thee
since we parted in London, my heart has been so full of loving
thought. It has been a greater trial than I can describe that I
have been denied the pleasure of receiving thee in my home in
Edinburgh. If it had been only for an hour, I should have looked
back on that hour as one of great privilege. But even if we should
not meet again, I have had a pleasure which seems almost like a
dream to me, in having made the personal acquaintance of thyself
and dear Mrs. Stanton....
That thou shouldst have been on the 1st of August with the
Elizabeth Pease of those grand anti-slavery times, revived in me
the thought I expressed in moving a vote of thanks to thee and Mrs.
Cady Stanton for the noble addresses you gave at the Prince's Hall
Meeting in London; ... that you had been brought here to give us
the hand of rejoicing fellowship; and that it gave me great faith
to believe the God of Justice was leading us on, and had brought
England and America together by your presence amongst us at this
most critical and hopeful time of our agitation....
I have addressed thee in the dear singular person, because it
seemed to me in harmony with the noble simplicity of thy character,
and also more affectionate--just as I feel toward thee. Believe me,
dear friend--I love so to call thee--thine very affectionately,
PRISCILLA BRIGHT MCLAREN.
[The diary notes many teas and luncheons in Edinburgh, drives to Melrose
Abbey, Holyrood Palace, Roslyn Castle, to the celebrated monuments, the
old cathedrals and the university; calls from distinguished professors
and those interested in philanthropic movements, visits to public
institutions, and lovely gifts from the new friends. Every day of the
month was filled with pleasant incidents. The scenery through the lake
and mountain regions Miss Anthony found so beautiful that, although
there was a steady downpour of rain for days, she sat on the outside of
boat or stage in order not to miss a moment of it. She hunted up the old
home of Thomas Clarkson but could not find there a person who ever had
heard of him. She went also to the Friends' meeting house at Ulverston,
presented to the Society by George Fox and completed in 1688. To her
such spots as these were more interesting and hallowed than towering
castles and vine-clad abbeys.]
BALLACHULISH HOTEL, August 13.
MY DEAR SISTER: Miss Julia Osgood and I are here, waiting for
sunshine.... While in Edinburgh Mrs. Nichol drove us out to
Craigmillar Castle, where I saw the very rooms in which Queen Mary
lived. We bought for a shilling a basket of strawberries
plucked--no, "pulled"--the old man who sold them said, from the
very garden in which berries and vegetables were "pulled" for Queen
Mary three hundred years ago. One evening Professor Blackie, of the
Edinburgh University, dined with Mrs. Nichol. At my reception he
had said he did not want to "see refined, delicate women going down
into the muddy pool of politics," and I asked him if he had ever
thought that, since the only places which were too filthy for women
were those where men alone went, perhaps they might be so from lack
of women. At dinner Mrs. Nichol rallied him on the report that he
had been converted, and he admitted that it was true; so as he was
leaving I said, "Then I am to reckon an Edinboro' professor among
my converts?" He seized my hand and kissed it, saying, "I'll seal
it with a kiss." Don't be alarmed--he is fully eighty years of age
but blithe and frolicsome--sang and acted out a Scotch war-song in
the real Gaelic.
On August 1 we saw 200 medical students capped--and not a woman
among them, because the powers ruled that none should be admitted.
That afternoon we called on Professor Masson, a great champion of
co-education. We took tea with Mrs. Jane and Miss Eliza Wigham. The
stepmother, now eighty-two, was Jane Smeale in 1840. In their house
have visited Henry C. Wright, Parker Pillsbury, and of course Mr.
Garrison. Mrs. Nichol went with us to Melrose by rail, from which
we drove to Abbotsford....
Tuesday at 2 o'clock Miss Osgood and I landed at Stirling. At 4:30
we reached Callander, where I found no trunk, and not a man of them
could give a guess as to its whereabouts. They give you no check
here, but just stick a patch on your trunk. I had expected not to
find it at every stop, and now it was gone for sure; but the
station-master was certain he could find it and forward it to me,
so he wrote out its description and telegraphed in every direction.
Meanwhile we went to a hotel for luncheon and there in the hall was
my trunk! Nobody knew why or how it got there and all acknowledged
our American check system superior. I was raging at their
stupidity, and no system at all, but laughingly said, "You ought to
send this trunk free a thousand miles to pay for my big scold at
you." The man good-naturedly replied, "Where will you have it
sent?" I answered "Oban," and he booked it.
At 6 o'clock we took the front seat with the driver on a great high
stage which we mounted by a ladder--they call the stage the
"machine"--and drove a few miles to the Trossachs Hotel, past Loch
Achray and Loch Vennachar.... While the rain rested this noon I
took a walk up the ravine and it seemed very like going up the
mountain at Grandfather Anthony's. Indeed, there is nothing here
more beautiful than we have in America, only everything has some
historic or poetic association....
BRUNTSFIELD LODGE, WHITEHOUSE LOAN, EDINBURGH, August 23.
MY DEAR SISTER: Here am I, back in Edinboro' again, at Dr.
Jex-Blake's delightful home--at least one hundred and fifty years
old, with an acre or more of garden all enclosed with a six-foot
wall. Lodge means a walled-in house; loan means lane, and the
street took its name from a white house which two hundred and fifty
years ago stood in this road. Every day the doctor has taken me a
long and beautiful ride in her basket-carriage, driving her own
little pony, White Angel, or her hay horse, while her boy-groom
rides in his perch behind. Today she drove me through Lord
Rosebery's park of thousands of acres. It is lovely as a native
forest--the roads macadamized all through--and a palace-like
residence set deep within....
AMBLESIDE, August 27.
MY DEAR SISTER: Last Thursday I left Edinburgh for Penrith, which
has a fine view of the lake and the hills beyond. Next morning I
took steamer at Pooley Bridge. The trip the whole length of the
lake was beautiful, but can not compare with Lake George--indeed,
nothing I have seen equals that--but the hills (mountains, they
call them here), the water and the sky all were lovely. At
Patterdale I had a cup of tea, with bread and butter and the
veritable orange marmalade manufactured at Dundee. Thence I took a
stage over Kirkstone Pass, and walked two miles up the hills to a
small hotel with a signboard saying it is the highest inhabited
house in England, 1,114 feet above the sea--not very much beside
Denver's 6,000 and others in Colorado 10,000 or 12,000. Arrived at
Ambleside to find the hotel overflowing, so they sent me to a
farmer's house where I had a good bed, splendid milk and sweet
butter. Saturday morning I went by coach to Coniston, then railway
to Furness Abbey, a seven-hundred-year-old ruin of magnificent
proportions. After four hours there, I took a train to Lakeside and
then steamer up Lake Windermere back to Ambleside. The hotel still
being full, "the Boots," as they call the porter or runner, found
me lodgings at a private house, where I am now. It is the tiniest
little stone cottage, but they have a cow, so I am in clover. My
breakfasts consist of a bit of ham, cured by the hostess, a boiled
egg, white and graham bread with butter and currant jam, and a cup
of tea.
Saturday evening I strolled out and entered the gate of Harriet
Martineau's home. On the terrace I met the present occupants, Mr.
and Mrs. William Henry Hills. They invited me to call in the
morning, when they would be happy to show me over the house. In
naming the hour they said: "We never go to church--we are Liberal
Friends--_real_ Friends." At that I immediately felt at home with
them. I called and spent two hours sitting and chatting in the
drawing-room where Harriet Martineau received her many
distinguished guests, and in the kitchen saw the very same table,
chairs and range which were there when she died, and sitting on the
doorsill was the same black-and-yellow cat, said to be fourteen
years old now. The Hills invited me to 5 o'clock tea, which we took
in the library, where Miss Martineau used to sit and study as well
as entertain her guests at dinner. It seemed impossible to realize
that I was actually in her house. It is not large and is covered
with ivy, which grows most luxuriantly everywhere. It fronts on a
large field, much lower than the knoll on which it stands, and fine
hills stretch off beyond. The old gardener, who has been here more
than thirty years, still lives in a little stone cottage just under
the terrace.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours affectionately, H. Martineau."]
Mr. Hills is a great lover of America and its institutions. He is
one of the very few I have met here who really love republicanism.
Nearly every one clings to the caste and class principle, thinks
the world can not exist if a portion of the people are not doomed
to be servants, and that for the poor to have an ambition to rise
and become something more than their parents makes them
discontented. "Yes," I answer, "and that is just what I want them
to be, because it is only through a wholesome discontent with
things as they are, that we ever try to make them any better."...
DUBLIN, September 10.
MY DEAR SISTER: ... I stayed in Belfast some days, and visited the
Giant's Causeway with Miss Isabella Tod, amidst sunshine and
drenching showers; still it was a splendid sight, fully equal to
Fingal's Cave. The day before, we went nearly one hundred miles
into the country to a village where she spoke at a temperance
meeting. Here we were guests of the Presbyterian minister--a cousin
of Joseph Medill, of the Chicago Tribune--and a cordial greeting he
and his bright wife gave me. They have three Presbyterian churches
in that one little village. All welcomed the woman speaker most
kindly, but not a person could be urged to vote down the whiskey
shops, as these are licensed by a justice of the peace, appointed
by the Lord Chancellor of Ireland, who receives his appointment
from the Queen of England!
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours most truly, Isabella M. S. Tod"]
So all she could ask was that every one should become a total
abstainer. I do not see how they can submit to be thus voiceless as
to their own home regulations.
Saturday I took tea with Mrs. Haslam, a bright, lovely "come-outer"
from the Friends. She had invited some twenty or thirty to be
present at eight, and I spoke, they asking questions and I
answering. Among them were a son of the Abolitionist Richard D.
Webb, and ever so many nephews and nieces. Eliza Wigham's brother
Henry and his wife had come ten miles to be there.... This
afternoon I am going to the common council meeting with Alfred
Webb, who is a member and a strong Home Ruler. The question of
electing their own tax collector is to be discussed.
CORK, September 16.
MY DEAR SISTER: ... Your heart would break if you were here to see
the poverty and rags, and yet the people seem cheerful under it
all. Something surely must be wrong at the root to bear such fruit.
I have had an awfully "hard side of a board time" of ten hours in a
third-class car, paying therefor just as much as I would on the N.
Y. Central for a first-class ticket. I not only saved $4.25 by
going third-class, but I saw the natives. Men, women, boys and
girls who had been to the market towns with their produce were on
the train, and to see them as they tumbled in toward evening, at
town after town, one would think that whiskey and tobacco were the
main articles they bought. Any number of men and boys, and at least
four women, were drunk enough, and they brought bottles with them
and added to their puling idiocy as they went on. Nothing short of
a pig-sty could match the filth, but it is only in that class of
cars that you see anything of the vast number of poor farmers and
laborers. If they can not pay exorbitant rates, refined, educated
men and women are thrust into pens and seated face to face with the
smoking, drinking, carousing rabble. I have everywhere protested
against this outrage and urged the women to demand that the railway
companies should give them separate cars, with no smoking
allowed....
LEAMINGTON, October 1.
MY DEAR RACHEL: ... I must have told you of my good times at
Belfast with Miss Tod, who gave a reception for me and I had a
welcome all round.
Miss Osgood met me at Cork, and we went by rail to Macroom. Tuesday
morning we visited the convent, nuns' schools, and the poorhouse
with 400 helpless mortals, old and young; then took an Irish
jaunting-car, and were driven some forty miles through "the Gap" to
Glengariff. It rained almost all the way, much to our disgust. Next
morning we packed into two great stages with thirty or more others,
and started for the lakes of Killarney; but soon the rain poured
again, and as we were losing so much of the scenery we stopped
half-way at Kenmare. We visited the convent and the Mother Abbess
showed us every cranny. Thirty girls were at work on beautiful
Irish point and Limerick lace. These nuns have 400 pupils, and give
200 of the poorest their breakfast and lunch--porridge and a bit of
bread. At two we took stage again, the sky looked promising, but
alas! for half an hour it fairly poured. Then it grew lighter, and
we got very fine views of hills and dales. Killarney _is_
lovely....
Saturday I sauntered along the streets of Killarney, passed the
market, and saw all sorts of poor humanity coming in with their
cattle to sell or to buy. Many rode in two-wheeled carts without
seat or spring, drawn by little donkeys, and nearly all the women
and girls were bareheaded and barefooted. On the bridge I saw some
boys looking down. I looked too and there was a spectacle--a
ragged, bareheaded, barefooted woman tossing a wee baby over her
shoulders and trying to get her apron switched around to hold it
fast on her back. I heard her say to herself, "I'll niver do it,"
so I said, "Boys, one of you run down there and help her." At that
instant she succeeded in getting the baby adjusted, and to my
horror took up a bundle from the grass and disclosed a second baby!
Then _I_ went down. I learned that she had just come from the
poorhouse, where she had spent six weeks, and before going further
had laid her two three-weeks-old boys on the cold, wet grass, while
she washed out their clothes in the stream. The clothing was the
merest rags, all scrambled up in a damp bundle. She had heard her
old mother was ill in Milltown and had "fretted" about her till she
could bear it no longer, so had started to walk ten miles to her. I
hailed a boy with a jaunting-car--told her to wait and I would take
her home--got my luncheon--fed the boy's horse, bought lunch for
boy and woman--and off we went, she sitting on one side of the car
with her two babies, wet bundle, two milk bottles and rubber
appendages, bare feet and flying hair, and I on the other, with the
boy in front.
For a long way both babies cried; they were blue as pigeons, and
had on nothing but little calico slips, no socks even. She had four
children older than these--a husband who went to fairs selling
papers and anything he could to support them all--and an aged
father and mother who lived with them. She said if God had given
her only one child, she could still help earn something to live on,
but now He had given her two, she couldn't. When we reached
Milltown I followed her home. It was in a long row of one-room
things with a door--but no window. Some peat was smouldering under
a hole in the roof called a chimney, and the place was thick with
smoke. On the floor in one corner was some straw with a blanket on
it, which she said was her bed; in another were some boards
fastened into bed-shape, with straw packed in, and this belonged to
her father and mother. Where the four other children, with the
chickens and the pig, found their places to sleep, I couldn't see.
I went to the home of another tenant, and there again was one room,
and sitting around a pile of smoking-hot potatoes on the cold, wet
ground--not a board or even a flag-stone for a floor--were six
ragged, dirty children. Not a knife, fork, spoon or platter was to
be seen. The man was out working for a farmer, his wife said, and
the evidences were that "God" was about to add a No. 7 to her
flock. What a dreadful creature their God must be to keep sending
hungry mouths while he withholds the bread to fill them!...
I went back to Killarney heart-sick; wrote letters Sunday, and
Monday took train for Limerick, where I rushed round for an hour or
two.... Then went on to Galway. Tuesday morning took the mail-car
to Connemara, and had company all the way--a judge, an Irish M.P.,
and two Dublin drummers--with whom I talked over the Irish problem.
I had meant to make the tour of the western coast up to
Londonderry, but my courage failed. It was to be the same
soul-sickening sight all the way--only, I was assured, worse than
anything yet seen. I took the stage back to Galway, every one
saying it was sure to be a fine day, but it proved to be terrific
wind and rain, and before I had gone ten miles my seat was a pool
of water and it took all my skill to keep my umbrella right side
out.... Once while the driver changed horses I stood in front of a
big fire on the hearth of the best farmer's house I have seen here.
Everything was clean and cheerful--two rooms--a bed made up with a
spotless white spread--the old father smoking and the wife cooking
dinner. She lifted a wooden cover from a jar and proudly showed me
her butter--patted down with her hands, I could see--and near by
was another jar with milk. Think of butter being made in a room
full of tobacco-smoke! Then I went my last ten out of the fifty
miles, having been soaking wet for eight hours. At my hotel I had
room and fire on a "double-quick," bath-tub and hot water, and put
myself through a regular grooming. In the morning I rode around
Galway, saw Queen's College and the bay, and then took train for
Belfast.
From the diary:
Sept. 11.--In Dublin. The Professor of Arabic took me through
Trinity College, with its library of 200,000 volumes. Thence to the
old Parliament House, now the Bank of Ireland. In the afternoon
Alfred Webb went with me to the National League rooms and from
there to Thomas Webb's for tea, where I saw the names of Garrison
and N. P. Rogers written in 1840. We called on Michael Davitt, the
leader of the Irish Land League, who impressed me as an earnest,
honest man, deeply-rooted in the principles of freedom and
equality, and claiming all for woman that he does for man.
Sept. 16.--At Youghal. Visited the home of Sir Walter Raleigh, Lady
Hennessy, eighty years old, showing me around. Found in a library
Children of the Abbey, and read again the story of Lord Mortimer
and Amanda. Once it thrilled my young soul, but now it seems
inexpressibly thin.
Sept. 20.--While I was talking in the car today with an Irishwoman
about the poverty here, another behind me shouted: "It is very ill
manners for an American to come over here and abuse the English
government."
Sept. 29.--In Belfast. O, how I would like to purchase _all_ the
linen I want for myself and my friends! Have bought as much as I
dared and after all perhaps I'm cheated--but it's done, so I won't
worry.
Sept. 30.--Landed at Fleetwood and went direct to Rugby. Walked all
around the famous school, but had not courage to go in and
introduce myself to Doctor Jex-Blake, whose sister's guest I had so
recently been.
Oct. 1.--At Leamington. Went direct to Kenilworth Castle, a grand
old ruin; the home of Leicester, where Queen Elizabeth visited him
in the olden days.
Oct. 2.--Mrs. Mullinor called at our hotel and accompanied us to
Warwick Castle, a splendid pile. We lunched with her, and when Mr.
M. put fork into the roast he remarked: "Wife asked me what she
should order for dinner and I said, 'a leg of mutton, for Americans
never see such a thing at home.'" We smiled and ate it with a
relish.
Oct. 3.--At Stratford on Avon, and we have visited every spot
sacred to the memory of Shakespeare, and walked through the meadows
and down by the riverside....
Oct. 4.--In Oxford. I have visited many of the colleges, and as I
saw where all the millions of dollars had been expended for the
education of boys alone, I groaned in spirit and betook me to
Somerville and St. Margaret's Halls, where at least there is a
shelter for girls, and a beginning.
Oct. 5.--In London; and how almost like getting home it seems to
come back here.
LONDON, October 7.
MY DEAR SISTER: Mrs. Stanton feels that she must stay with Hattie
till the baby is a month old, and then have a week for farewell
visits in London. Cousins Fannie and Charles Dickinson are here.
Today I learned that I should have a chance to see and hear John
Bright at a convention of the Liberal Party at Leeds, October 17;
all these together have made me put off leaving a little longer.
Since yesterday we have been in the midst of a genuine London fog.
It is now 10 A. M. and even darker than it was two hours ago, when
we dressed and breakfasted by gaslight. I saw smoky, foggy days
here last March but they could not compare with this, and yet the
people say, "O, this is nothing to what November will bring."...
LONDON, October 27.
MY DEAR SISTER: Since I last wrote you I have visited Leeds where I
was the guest of Mrs. Hannah Ford, who has an elegant home--Adel
Grange. There were several other guests who had come to attend the
great Liberal demonstration, among them Mrs. Margaret Priestman
Tanner, a sister-in-law of John Bright, and his son Albert. Mrs.
Alice Scatcherd, of Leeds, was the person who had the sagacity to
get women sent as delegates and secure them admission on terms of
perfect equality. The amendment was a great triumph. She invited
the friends to meet next day at her house, where I saw John
Bright's daughter, Mrs. Helen Clark, and Richard Cobden's, Miss
Jane Cobden. Both made speeches at the convention, and most fitting
it was they should--the daughters of the two leading Radicals of a
half century ago.
On Saturday, Mrs. Ford took me to Haworth, the home of the Bronte
sisters. It is a bleak enough place now, and must have been even
more so forty or fifty years ago when those sensitive plants lived
there. A most sad day it was to me, as I looked into the little
parlor where the sisters walked up and down with their arms around
each other and planned their novels, or sat before the fireplace
and built air-castles. Then there were the mouldering tombstones of
the graveyard which lies in front and at one side of the house, and
the old church-pew, directly over the vault where lay their loved
mother and two sisters. And later, when Emily and Anne and the
erring brother Branwell had joined the others, poor Charlotte sat
there alone. The pew had to be removed every time the vault was
opened to receive another occupant. Think of those delicate women
sitting in that fireless, mouldy church, listening to their old
father's dry, hard theology, with their feet on the cold,
carpetless stones which covered their loved dead. It was too
horrible! Then I walked over the single stone pathway through the
fields toward the moor, opened the same wooden gates, and was, and
still continue to be, dipped into the depths of their utter
loneliness and sadness, born so out of time and place. How much the
world of literature has lost because of their short and
ill-environed lives, we can guess only from its increased wealth in
spite of all their adverse conditions.
From Leeds I went to Birmingham to attend an Anti-Contagious
Diseases Acts conference, and there heard the serene, lovely
Josephine E. Butler.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Josephine E. Butler"]
Miss Mueller has invited Mrs. Stanton and me to spend the rest of
our time with her. Mrs. Lucas and some others are going to
Liverpool to say good-by to us. The cordiality, instead of
decreasing, grows greater and greater as the day of departure draws
near.... I dread stepping on shipboard, but long to set foot upon
my native soil again. Only think, I shall have been gone over nine
months when I land in New York!
From the diary:
Oct. 13.--Last evening at Mrs. Rose's I met the daughter of Charles
Bradlaugh, a talented young woman, whom the college refused to
admit to botany lectures because of her father's atheism.
Oct. 18.--At Leeds. Liberal party convention; went this evening to
hear John Bright remember to forget to mention the extension of
suffrage to women in 1869 and 1870, and the property law for
married women in 1882. He did not meet my expectations as a
speaker, but far surpasses any other Englishman I have heard. None
of them can touch Wendell Phillips.
Oct. 28.--Had a four hours' row on the Thames today with some
friends. This evening went to hear Mrs. Annie Besant.
Nov. 2.--Have been out to Basingstoke to see the new baby. Mrs.
Mona Caird lunched with us. Have heard Michael Davitt, Mr. Fawcett
and Helen Taylor, all masterly speakers.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Sincerely Yours, Frances Power Cobbe"]
LONDON, November 6.
MY DEAR SISTER: ... As soon as I finish this scribble I am to have
5 o'clock tea with Frances Power Cobbe. Tomorrow I go shopping,
Thursday Millicent Garrett Fawcett is to dine with us, and Mrs.
Peter Taylor is to call here, and all are to take "substantial tea"
with dear, noble Mrs. Lucas, and then go to hear Henry Fawcett on
the political issues. Friday afternoon we receive at Miss Mueller's.
Saturday morning I leave for Bristol to visit Miss Mary Estlin,
Mrs. Tanner and the Misses Priestman, three sisters-in-law of John
Bright, who give a reception in my honor. The 12th I visit Margaret
E. Parker, at Warrington, and the next afternoon Mrs. Stanton and I
both go to Alderley Edge, near Manchester, to the home of Mr. and
Mrs. Jacob Bright.[18] On the 14th we attend the annual meeting of
the Manchester Women's Suffrage Association, and on the 16th go to
Liverpool where a reception will be given us in the afternoon. That
evening we shall spend at our hotel with the friends who go to see
us off, and on the 17th we give ourselves to old ocean's care in
the Cunarder Servia.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Believe me, yours very truly, M. G.
Fawcett."]
Don't worry now if you do not hear from me again until I touch
Yankee soil; and don't worry if the wind blows or if you learn the
vessel is late or lost. If the Servia fail to land me safe and
sound, don't repine or stop because I am not, but buckle on a new
and stronger harness and do double work for the good cause of
woman. You have the best of judgment in our work and are capable of
doing much if only you had confidence in yourself, so whatever
comes to me, do you be all the more for the less that _I_ am.
Half of Miss Anthony's nine-months' trip abroad had been spent in Great
Britain. To her all the other attractions of the old world were as
nothing compared with its living, breathing humanity. On the continent
she was deprived of any exchange of thought with its people because she
spoke no language but her own, and this made her prefer England; but
there was another and a stronger interest--the great progressive
movement which was going forward in regard to woman. Here she found
women of fine intellect and high social position engaged in the same
work to which she had given more than thirty years of her own life; and
here she met sympathy and recognition which would have been impossible
in any other country in Europe. Her central thought in going to Great
Britain had been to secure the co-operation of Englishwomen in holding
an international suffrage convention. At first her proposition met with
no response. The most radical of English women were conservative
compared to those of America, but after they had become thoroughly
acquainted with Mrs. Stanton and herself and prejudice had been
supplanted by confidence, the idea began to be more favorably regarded.
One serious difficulty in the way of the proposed convention lay in the
fact that the suffrage women of England and Scotland were not themselves
in thorough unison as to plans and purposes. No definite action was
taken until the last afternoon of their stay, when, at the reception
given in their honor by Dr. Ewing Whittle, in Liverpool, with the hearty
concurrence of Mrs. McLaren, Mrs. Lucas, Mrs. Scatcherd and Mrs. Parker,
who had accompanied Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton to see them safely on
board their vessel, a strong committee was formed to promote
international organization.
[Illustration: Margaret Bright Lucas (Signed: "Yours affectionately
Margaret Bright Lucas")]
They sailed from Liverpool on the Servia, November 17, 1883. Among their
fellow voyagers were Mrs. Cornelia C. Hussey, of Orange, N. J., to whom
the cause of woman suffrage and Miss Anthony personally are deeply
indebted; and Mrs. Margaret B. Sullivan, of Chicago, the distinguished
editorial writer. There was some lovely weather, which was greatly
enjoyed, but heavy fogs impeded the ship and it was just ten days from
the time of starting when, on November 27, they steamed into New York
harbor and stepped again on the shores of loved America.
FOOTNOTES:
[14] The many inquiries and directions in regard to the suffrage work,
and the loving messages to friends and relatives at home, are omitted in
the extracts made from Miss Anthony's letters; but they are of constant
occurrence, and show that these were never absent from her thoughts.
[15] While in Florence, Miss Anthony was entertained by the Countess de
Resse, daughter of Elizabeth B. Phelps, of New York, and by the Princess
Koltzoff-Massalsky, the distinguished author and artist, known through
Europe by her pen-name of Dora d'Istria.
[16] Miss Anthony occupied some rainy days, while here, in wrapping up
papers and writing letters which she put in her official envelopes,
bearing the revolutionary mottoes, "No just government can be formed
without the consent of the governed," "Taxation without representation
is tyranny." After a few days a dignified official appeared at the
American legation with a large package of mail bearing the proscribed
mottoes, and said, "Such sentiments can not pass through the post-office
in Germany." So in modest, uncomplaining wraps the letters and papers
started again for the land of the free.--E. C. S.
[17]
WOMEN'S SUFFRAGE.
A Public Meeting will be held in
ST. JAMES' HALL, PICCADILLY,
Thursday, July 5th, 1883,
In Support of the Resolution to be moved by Mr. Mason in the House of
Commons, on July 6th, for extending the Parliamentary Franchise to Women
who possess the qualifications which entitle men to Vote.
Doors open at 7. Organ Recital 7 to 8. The Chair will be taken at 8
o'clock by
WILLIAM WOODALL, ESQ., M.P.
Mrs. Fawcett.
Dr. Cameron, M.P.
Miss Tod.
J. P. Thomasson, Esq., M.P.
Mrs. Beddoe.
Mrs. E. Cady Stanton.
Miss Susan B. Anthony.
W. S. Caine, Esq., M.P.
Mrs. Fenwick Miller.
Arthur Arnold, Esq., M.P.
Miss Becker.
A. Illingworth, Esq., M.P.
Miss Mueller.
C. H. Hopwood, Esq., M.P.
Mrs. Oliver Scatcherd.
R. P. Blennerhassett, Esq., M.P.
Miss Eliza Sturge.
Thos. Roe, Esq., M.P.
J. A. Blake, Esq., M.P.
W. Summers, Esq., M.P.
Thos. Burt, Esq., M.P.
Mrs. Ashford, Miss Bewicke, Miss C. A. Biggs, Miss Cobden, Mrs. Cowen,
Mrs. Ormiston Chant, Mrs. J. R. Ford, Mrs. Hoggan, M.D., Mrs. Lucas,
Miss Frances Lord, Miss Lupton, Mrs. McLaren, Mrs. Paterson, Miss E.
Smith, Miss Stacpoole, Mrs. J. P. Thomasson, Miss Laura Waittle, and
other Ladies and Gentlemen are expected to be present.
Numbered Sofa Stalls, 2s. 6d. Balcony and Reserved Seats, 1s. Body of
the Hall and Gallery Free.
[18] A pleasant letter was received afterwards from Mrs. Bright, in
which she made this playful reference to Miss Anthony's always
depreciating herself in favor of Mrs. Stanton:
"We have thought of you often and hoped that the wind, which has been
rough here, has been tempered on the Atlantic for your sakes. Apropos of
the very beautiful allusion you made to Mrs. Cady Stanton's popularity
and the effect produced by her personal appearance, I must tell you of a
remark made by my little son John immediately after your departure. I
found him sitting on the sofa in my bedroom, thinking deeply. 'Mamma,'
he said, 'I wish you could get me a photograph of Miss Anthony. I think
she has such a fine face. There is something about it so firm and yet so
kind.' I said, 'Do you like her better than Mrs. Stanton?' 'Oh dear,
yes, much better,' replied Johnnie. So you see she does not monopolize
all the admiration!"
CHAPTER XXXIII.
CONGRESSIONAL HEARINGS--VISIT TO NEW ORLEANS.
1884-1885.
Most of the newspapers had a welcome for Miss Anthony. In a two-column
report in the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle she is quoted as saying:
"I can scarcely tell you of the hospitality extended, the dinners,
teas and receptions given in our honor. I had no idea we were so
well-known in Great Britain or that there was such cordial feeling
toward us. Of course, I met chiefly those known as Liberals and the
sympathizers with our cause. Public sentiment there is rapidly
growing in our favor. In the discussion I heard in Parliament not a
Conservative uttered a word against the suffrage already possessed
by women but relied upon the hackneyed argument that when married
women were included there would be trouble."
"You saw the Queen, I suppose?"
"No; I thought more of seeing the Bright family than the Queen and
I never happened to be near where she was. I really had very little
leisure to look around. I am ashamed to say I did not visit
Westminster until the morning before I came away, but it was simply
for lack of time. The social idea was of more importance to me."
The New York Evening Telegram said editorially: "The statement of Miss
Susan B. Anthony, in another column, illustrates the superb
determination of that champion of woman's political rights. In the
struggle which has constituted her life-work she has the rare advantage
of not being able to comprehend defeat. Battling under the inspiration
of an enthusiast--of a fanatic, some may be disposed to say--she knows
no such word as fail. The most disheartening reverses appear to her
inspired imagination but steps in an undeviating march of progress. It
was enthusiasm such as this that made the career of Joan of Arc.
Without it, not even the broad intellect and strong soul of Miss Anthony
could sustain the burden of the struggle which she is called upon to
lead." The Washington correspondent of the Cleveland Leader thus began a
long interview:
Susan B. Anthony is back from Europe, and is here for the winter's
fight in behalf of woman suffrage. She seems remarkably well, and
has gained fifteen pounds since she left last spring. She is
sixty-three, but looks just the same as twenty years ago. There is
perhaps an extra wrinkle in her face, a little more silver in her
hair, but her blue eyes are just as bright, her mouth as serious
and her step as active as when she was forty. She would attract
attention in any crowd. She is of medium height and medium form but
her face is wonderfully intellectual, and she moves about like the
woman of a purpose that she is. She says she experiences far
different treatment by public men now from what she did years ago.
The statesman of the past always came to her with a smirk on his
face as though he considered woman's rights nonsensical and thought
himself wonderfully condescending to take notice of her at all.
"Now," says she, "public men look upon our mission as a matter of
business, and we are considered from that standpoint."
The interview closed:
"One question more, Miss Anthony. Will you please tell me what is
your highest ideal of the woman of the future?"
"It is hard to say," was the reply. "The woman of the future will
far surpass the one of the present, even as the man of the future
will surpass the one of today. The ages are progressive, and I look
for a far higher manhood and womanhood than we now have. I think
this will come through making the sexes co-equal. When women
associate with men in serious matters, as they do now in frivolous,
both will grow stronger and the world's work will be better done. I
look for the day when the woman who has a political or judicial
brain will have as much right to sit in the Senate or on the
Supreme Bench as men have; when women will have equal property,
business and political rights with men; when the only criterion of
excellence or position shall be the ability and character of the
individual; and this time will come. All of the Western colleges
are now open to women, and send forth more than 2,000 women
graduates every year. Think of the effect upon the race to come!
The woman of the future will be a better wife, mother and citizen
than the woman of today."
There were, however, some discordant notes in the symphony of pleasant
things which by 1883 had become customary in the newspapers. For
instance, the Cincinnati Times-Star headed its interview: "Susan
Speaks--Miss Anthony Corralled by a Times-Star Correspondent--The Old
Lady Wears Good Clothes and Stops at First-class Hotels--Bubbling about
the Ballot." The smart reporter described the size of her foot, devoted
a paragraph to the question whether her teeth were natural or
artificial, and said: "There must be money in being a reformer, for Miss
Anthony lives at the Riggs House in good style, and expects to be there
all winter, and this, after a summer in Europe, would be a pretty severe
drain on any but a long purse." When one thinks of Miss Anthony's
uniform kindness and courtesy to reporters, always granting an interview
no matter how tired or how busy she might be, and assisting them in
every possible way with information and suggestions, it is astonishing
that any one of them could indulge in petty, personal criticism and
innuendoes.
Miss Anthony had now another friend at court, Col. Halbert S. Greenleaf,
of Rochester, having been elected to Congress. Both he and his wife were
strong and influential advocates of suffrage, and her warm personal
friends. The diary shows that every day of December she was conferring
with officials and their wives who were friendly to the cause, making
converts wherever possible and co-operating actively with the District
committee in all the drudgery of detail necessary to a successful
convention. It is only by reading her diary that one can understand what
a mental agony it was for Miss Anthony to press this matter upon
congressmen, year after year, to be repulsed by those who were opposed
and only tolerated by those in favor, who had many other matters on hand
which to them seemed of much greater importance. "Oh, if men only could
know how hard it is for women to be forever snubbed when they attempt to
plead for their rights! It is perfectly disheartening that no member
feels any especial interest or earnest determination in pushing this
question of woman suffrage, to all men only a side issue," she writes in
this little confidant; but not even in her letters is there ever a note
of discouragement. To the world at large and to those who were
associated with her, she was always brave, bright and hopeful. It causes
a keen heartache to reflect upon how she crucified herself for fifty
years, unfaltering and uncomplaining, in order to make conditions better
for womankind. To Hon. William D. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, who believed
in woman suffrage and voted for it, but did not feel enough interest to
push the matter in Congress, she wrote, January 6, 1884:
No one shrinks more from making herself obnoxious than I do, and
but for the sake of all women, your darling Florence included, I
should never again say a word to you on the subject of using your
influence to secure the passage of a Sixteenth Amendment
proposition. Last winter you put off my appeal for help with, "This
is the short session and the tariff question is of momentous
importance." Now, since this is the "long session," will you not
take hold of this work, and with the same earnestness that you do
other questions?
It is cruel for you to leave your daughter, so full of hope and
resolve, to suffer the humiliations of disfranchisement she already
feels so keenly, and which she will find more and more galling as
she grows into the stronger and grander woman she is sure to be. If
it were your son who for any cause was denied his right to have his
opinion counted, you would compass sea and land to lift the ban
from him. And yet the crime of denial in his case would be no
greater than in that of your daughter. It is only because men are
so accustomed to the ignoring of woman's opinions, that they do not
believe women suffer from the injustice as would men; precisely as
people used to scout the idea that <DW64>s, whose parents before
them always had been enslaved, suffered from that cruel bondage as
white men would.
Now, will you not set about in good earnest to secure the
enfranchisement of woman? Why do not the Republicans push this
question? The vote on Keifer's resolution showed almost a party
line. Of the 124 nays, only 4 were Republicans; while of the 85
yeas, only 13 were Democrats. Even should you fail to get another
committee, the discussion and the vote would array the members and
set each man and party in their true places to be seen of all men,
and all women too.
The term of the select committee on woman suffrage having expired with
the close of the Forty-seventh Congress, a new one was appointed by the
Senate of the Forty-eighth. The House committee on rules refused to
report such a committee but placed the question in the hands of
Representative Warren Keifer, of Ohio, who made a gallant fight for it
on the floor, during which he said: "Is not the right of petition a
constitutional right? Has not woman, in this country at least, risen
above the rim and horizon of servitude, discredit and disgrace, and has
she not a right, representing as she does in many instances great
questions of property, to present her appeals to this national council
and have them wisely and judiciously considered? I think it is due to
our wives, daughters, mothers and sisters to afford them an avenue
through which they can legitimately and judicially reach the ear of this
great nation."
He was ably assisted by Mr. Belford, of Colorado. The measure to appoint
this committee was bitterly opposed by Mr. Reagan, of Texas, who said in
a long speech: "When woman so far misunderstands her duty as to want to
go to working on the roads and making rails and serving in the militia
and going into the army, I want to protect her against it." The vote
resulted--yeas, 85, nays, 124; absent or not voting, 112.
Immediately after the return of members from the holiday recess, Miss
Anthony wrote to each of the 112 asking how he would vote if the
question came up again. To these letters 52 replies were received, 26
from Republicans, all of whom would vote yes; 26 from Democrats, 10 of
whom would vote yes, 10, no; while 6 did not know how they would vote.
As these 36 affirmative votes added to the 85 yeas would so nearly have
overcome the adverse majority, John D. White, of Kentucky, at the
solicitation of Miss Anthony, made another earnest effort in February to
secure the desired committee, but the Democrats refused to allow the
question to come to a vote. She was greatly disappointed at the failure
to get the select committee, but afterwards became of the opinion that
it was more advantageous to return to the old plan of working through
the judiciary committee.
Miss Anthony had to be continually on the alert to head off zealous but
injudicious women who were determined to commit the suffrage movement to
the various ologies and isms of the day, and especially to personal
matters. Even a woman so intellectually great as Mrs. Stanton could not
be relied upon always to make her individual opinions subserve what was
demanded of her position as president of the National Association. In
January Miss Anthony received a document which Mrs. Stanton had prepared
as an "open letter," to be signed by both of them officially and given
to the press, congratulating Frederick Douglass upon his marriage to a
white woman and sympathizing with him because of the adverse criticism
it had called out! She especially urged that he be given a prominent
place on the program at the approaching convention. Miss Anthony replied
at once:
I do hope you won't put your foot into the question of
intermarriage of the races. It has no place on our platform, any
more than the question of no marriage at all, or of polygamy, and,
so far as I can prevent it, shall not be brought there. I beg you
therefore not to congratulate him publicly. Were there a
proposition to punish the woman and leave the man to go scot free,
then we should have a protest to make against the invidious
discrimination.
The question of the amalgamation of the different races is a
scientific one, affecting women and men alike. I do not propose to
have it discussed on our platform. Our intention at this convention
is to make every one who hears or reads believe in the grand
principle of equality of rights and chances for women, and if they
see on our program the name of Douglass every thought will be
turned toward the subject of amalgamation and away from that of
woman and her disfranchised. Neither you nor I have the right thus
to complicate or compromise our question, and if we take the bits
in our teeth in one direction we must expect our compeers to do the
same in others. You very well know that if you plunge in, as your
letter proposes, your endorsement will be charged upon me and the
whole association. Do not throw around that marriage the halo of a
pure and lofty duty to break down race lines. Your sympathy has run
away with your judgment. Lovingly and fearfully yours.
It is hardly necessary to say that the "open letter" was not published.
Everybody's burdens were laid upon Miss Anthony's shoulders. In looking
over the mass of correspondence it seems as if each writer wanted
something and looked to her to supply it. All expected her to take the
lead, to do the planning, to bear the responsibility, and usually she
was equal to the demand, but even her brave spirit could not resist an
occasional groan on the pages of the diary. When a new accession to the
ranks, from whom she expected great assistance, wrote, "I do not know
how to plan but tell me what to do and I will obey," she says, "My heart
sinks within me; so few seem to use their brain-power on ways and
means." And again: "This drain of helpless women, able and willing to
work but utterly ignorant of how to do it, wears me out body and soul."
She was greatly distressed because so many of the younger women were
frequently incapacitated by illness, and writes: "O, the weak-bodied
girls of the present generation, they make me heart-sick!"
But never did the women themselves know of these feelings. To the
younger ones she wrote: "Don't give up 'beat' at any of those places
till I have dropped my plummet into them.... Your young shoulders will
have to learn to bear the crotchets of all sorts of people and not bend
or break under them.... Put all the blame on me; they may abuse me but
not you.... It makes my heart ache every minute to see you so tired....
Vent all your ill-feelings on me but keep sweet as June roses to
everybody else. It does not pay to lose your temper.... You will have to
learn to let people pile injustice on you and then trust to time to
right it all." If on rare occasions she spoke a word of censure, it was
followed by a letter in the next mail, full of sorrow and repentance.
She always signed herself, even in the darkest hours, "Yours with love
and hope." Beautiful optimism, sublime courage!
Sunday, February 3, 1884, Miss Anthony read in the morning papers of the
sudden death of Wendell Phillips. He had been to her always the one
being without a peer, the purest, sweetest, best of men. The news
overwhelmed her with grief and she wrote at once to Robert Purvis:
How cut down I am at the telegram, "Wendell Phillips is dead," and
I know you are equally so. I hope you can go on to Boston to the
funeral, and help tenderly to lay away that most precious human
clay. Who shall say the fitting word for Wendell Phillips at this
last hour as lovingly and beautifully as he has done so many, many
times for the grand men and women who have gone before him? There
seem none left but you and Parker Pillsbury to pour out your souls'
dearest love in his memory. Would that I had the tongue of an angel
and could go and bear my testimony to the grandeur of that noblest
of God's works! I can think of no one who can rightly and fully
estimate that glorious character. What a sad hour for his beloved
wife! He said to me on my last visit: "My one wish has come to be
that I may live to bury Ann." He doubtless knew of his impending
disease of the heart. On whose shoulders will fall the mantle of
Wendell Phillips? When will the children of men ever listen to
such a matchless voice? How poor the world seems! In sorrow I am
with you.
She could not stay away and, inclement as was the weather, went to
Boston three days later to look for the last time upon the loved face.
At the request of many ladies in Washington the National Convention was
held in March, instead of earlier in the winter, to avoid the social
distractions which always precede the Lenten season. The ladies were
pleasantly received by President Arthur.[19] This was an exceptionally
brilliant convention, a noteworthy feature being the large number of
letters containing the greetings of the distinguished men and women of
Great Britain, whom Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had met and interested
during their trip abroad. The following was read from Matthew Simpson,
senior bishop in the Methodist church, among his last public utterances,
as he died a few months later:
For more than thirty years I have been in favor of suffrage for
woman. I was led to this position, not by the consideration of the
question of natural rights or of alleged injustice or of inequality
before the law, but by what I believed would be her influence on
the great moral questions of the day. Were the ballot in the hands
of women, I am satisfied that the evils of intemperance would be
greatly lessened; and I fear, without that ballot, we shall not
succeed against the saloons and kindred evils in large cities. You
will doubtless have many obstacles placed in your way; there will
be many conflicts to sustain; but I have no doubt that the coming
years will see the triumph of your cause, and that our higher
civilization and morality will rejoice in the work which
enlightened women will accomplish.[20]
[Illustration: Autograph: "M. Simpson"]
Both Senate and House committees granted hearings, and eloquent
addresses were made by delegates from many States. Miss Anthony said in
part:
This is the fifteenth year we have appeared before Congress in
person, and the nineteenth by petitions, asking national protection
for women in the exercise of their right to vote. In the winter of
1865 and 1866 we sent your honorable body a ten-thousand prayer,
asking you not to put "male" in the second section of the proposed
Fourteenth Amendment; and again we appealed to you by thousands of
petitions that you would add "sex" after "race or color" in the
Fifteenth, but all to no avail. Then by an eighty-thousand petition
in 1871 we demanded the enactment of a declaratory law that women
had the right to vote under the first section of the Fourteenth
Amendment. This, too, was denied us, not only by Congress but by
the Supreme Court, which held that the framers of the amendment had
only "<DW52> men" in their thought, therefore none others could
come within its purview. From 1876 to the present we have from year
to year poured into Congress hundreds of thousands of petitions
asking you to take the initiative step for another amendment which
shall specifically prohibit the disfranchisement of women.
But, you say, why do you not go to your several States to secure
this right? I answer, because we have neither the women nor the
money to make the canvasses of the thirty-eight States, school
district by school district, to educate each individual man out of
the old belief that woman was created to be his subject. Four State
legislatures submitted the question of striking "male" from their
constitutions--Kansas, Michigan, Colorado and Nebraska--and we made
the best canvass of each which was possible for a disfranchised
class outside of all political help. <DW64> suffrage was again and
again overwhelmingly voted down in various States; and you know,
gentlemen, that if the <DW64> had never had the ballot until the
majority of white men, particularly the foreign born, had voted
"yes," he would have gone without it until the crack of doom. It
was because of this prejudice of the unthinking majority that
Congress submitted the question of the <DW64>'s enfranchisement to
the legislatures of the several States, to be adjudicated by the
educated, broadened representatives of the people. We now appeal to
you to lift the decision of _our_ question from the vote of the
populace to that of the legislatures, that thereby you may be as
considerate and just to the women of this nation as you were to the
freedmen.
Every new privilege granted to woman has been by the legislatures.
The liberal laws for married women, the right of the wife to own
and control her inherited property and separate earnings, the right
of women to vote at school elections in a dozen States, full
suffrage in two Territories, all have been gained through the
legislatures. Had any one of these beneficent propositions been
submitted to the vote of the rank and file do you believe a
majority would have placed their sanction upon it? I do not; and I
beg you, Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the committee, that you will
at once recommend to the House the submission of the proposition
now before you, and thus place the decision of this great
constitutional question of the right of one-half the people of this
republic to a voice in the government, with the legislatures of the
several States. You need not fear that our enfranchisement will
come too suddenly or too soon by this method. After the proposition
shall have passed Congress by the requisite two-thirds vote, it may
require five, ten or twenty years to secure its ratification by the
necessary three-fourths of the State legislatures; but, _once
submitted by Congress, it always will stand until ratified by the
States_.
It takes all too many of us women from our homes and from the works
of charity and education in our respective localities, even to come
to Washington, session after session, until Congress shall have
submitted the proposition, and then to go from legislature to
legislature, urging its adoption. But when you insist that we shall
beg at the feet of each individual voter of every one of the
States, native and foreign, black and white, learned and ignorant,
you doom us to incalculable hardships and sacrifices, and to most
exasperating insults and humiliations. I pray you to save us from
the fate of waiting and working for our freedom until we shall have
educated the ignorant masses of men to consent to give their wives
and sisters equality of rights with themselves. You surely will not
compel us to await the enlightenment of all the freedmen of this
nation and the newly-made voters from the monarchial governments of
the old world!
Liberty for one's self is a natural instinct possessed alike by all
men, but to be willing to accord liberty to another is the result
of education, of self-discipline, of the practice of the golden
rule. Therefore we ask that the question of equality of rights to
women shall be decided by the picked men of the nation in Congress,
and the picked men of the several States in their respective
legislatures.
The Senate committee again submitted a majority report in favor of a
Sixteenth Amendment enfranchising women, signed by T. W. Palmer, Blair,
Lapham and Anthony. The minority report, by Joseph E. Brown, Cockrell
and Fair, began: "The undersigned believe that the Creator intended that
the sphere of the males and females of our race should be different,"
etc.
The House Judiciary Committee gave a majority report in the
negative.[21] The minority report in favor was signed by Thomas B. Reed,
Maine; Ezra B. Taylor, Ohio; Thomas M. Browne, Indiana; Moses A. McCoid,
Iowa. It is one of the keenest, clearest expositions of the absurdity of
the objections against woman suffrage that ever has been made, and ends
with this trenchant paragraph:
It is sometimes asserted that women now have a great influence in
politics through their husbands and brothers. That is undoubtedly
true. But this is just the kind of influence which is not wholesome
for the community, for it is influence unaccompanied by
responsibility. People are always ready to recommend to others
what they would not do themselves. If it be true that women can not
be prevented from exercising political influence, is not that only
another reason why they should be steadied in their political
action by that proper sense of responsibility which comes from
acting themselves? We conclude then, that every reason which in
this country bestows the ballot upon man is equally applicable to
the proposition to bestow the ballot upon woman, and in our
judgment there is no foundation for the fear that woman will
thereby become unfitted for all the duties she has hitherto
performed.
Miss Anthony mailed 500 packages of copies of this report to different
points for distribution. Upon the urgent invitation of the suffrage
association of Connecticut she went there for a few days to assist at
their State convention, but in a letter to Mrs. Spofford she said: "I
shall return tomorrow night, if possible. I keep thinking of those men
at the Capitol not doing what I want them to." She afterwards wrote to
May Wright Sewall:
My plan is to get away from here the minute I can do so without
letting our work suffer in Congress. A week ago the House Judiciary
Committee voted down a motion to print our "hearing" speeches.
Yesterday I went up and called out a Democrat who I knew had voted
"no," and hence could move to reconsider, and he promised to go
back and thus move, and did so, and Mr. Browne, of Indiana, asked
leave of the House to print them. I wish you would write to Mr.
Browne that he is splendid and our main help now in the committee.
Cockrell has been trying to prevent printing the Senate "hearing,"
but Blair, Lapham, Palmer and Anthony are bound it shall be
printed. Still, all would fall flat and dead if some one were not
here to keep them in mind of their duty to us.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours &c, Thomas M. Browne"]
Miss Anthony remained in Washington till April 14, managing her forces
like an experienced general until the last gun had been fired. When she
returned home ready to begin work on the History, she found to her
amazement that the officer who had been charged with preparing the
report of the Sixteenth National Suffrage Convention, a woman of great
literary ability, had given it up in despair, declaring that it would be
utterly impossible to make anything creditable out of such a mass of
unsatisfactory material, most of which would have to be entirely
re-written. Miss Anthony did not stop to sit down and weep, but wrote
her at once to send to Rochester every document she had in her
possession. Then, taking all of them to Mrs. Stanton, who had gone to
her old paternal home at Johnstown, they arranged, edited, re-wrote and
put into shape the conglomerate of letters, speeches, etc., and in less
than two weeks prepared and sent to the printer the most complete report
ever made of a National convention.[22]
The middle of May, after two years' interruption, Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Stanton set themselves diligently to finish the third volume of the
History of Woman Suffrage, all the boxes and trunks of material having
been shipped from Tenafly. Although submerged in the avalanche of old
documents, Miss Anthony's mind was full of current events. She writes in
her journal June 2: "I wait with bated breath the news from Oregon,
where today the men are voting on the question of woman's
enfranchisement. My heart almost stands stills. I hope against hope, but
still I hope." When the news of the defeat comes, she says: "Dear Mrs.
Duniway, with all that debt left on her shoulders, which she assumed to
carry on the campaign! I felt so agonized for her that on the very day
of election I rushed to the bank and sent her $100. We must not leave
her to carry it alone, after all her brave work. I have written a dozen
letters to friends asking them to give her assistance. I feel like a
lion champing the bars of his cage, shut up here digging and delving
among the records of the past when I long to be out doing the work of
the present." In a letter received from Senator Palmer at this time he
says:
I fully sympathize with your regret and chagrin over the reverse in
Oregon but hardly with your conclusion, viz., that "the women
should stop asking legislatures to submit this question to the
electors, to have it killed by the majority, made up of ignorance
and whiskey, native and foreign, and all go to Congress for
success," etc. It seems to me that nothing is to be lost and much
to be gained by local discussions and temporary defeats. You know
in 1850 Webster, in his unfortunate Revere House speech,
stigmatized the anti-slavery movement as "a rub-a-dub agitation,"
and Wendell Phillips closed his masterly philippic thereon with
what was accepted as a motto: Agitate! Agitate!! Agitate!!! Another
decade of that rub-a-dub agitation sufficed to divide the continent
in a political earthquake and from out the chasm the <DW64> emerged
to citizenship. It may still require years to educate a majority of
our women to demand the franchise and a majority of our men or
their representatives in Congress and the legislatures, to proclaim
it, but that the way leads through constant agitation I make no
doubt. The still pool casts nothing to shore.
[Illustration: Autograph: "With high personal esteem I have the honor to
be, Very truly yours, T W Palmer"]
She watches events across the water and writes on July 7: "Well, the
House of Lords is today discussing whether 2,000,000 farm laborers shall
have the ballot placed in their hands, while the half-million, more or
less, women who employ them are left without it. What an outrage that
Mr. Gladstone refused to allow Mr. Woodall's amendment to his bill to be
at least voted upon! He applied the party whip and made voting for the
woman suffrage amendment disloyalty to the government, and over one
hundred Liberals, who had previously declared themselves in favor of
women's sharing in this new extension of the franchise, voted against
allowing them to do so. I do not believe a more humiliating abnegation
of principle at the behest of a party leader ever was witnessed in our
Congress."
The national political conventions in the summer of 1884 received the
usual appeal to recognize the claims of women. The Republican,
Democratic, Anti-Monopoly and Greenback parties equivocated, although
the last two nominated Benjamin F. Butler, an avowed advocate of woman
suffrage; the Prohibition convention relegated the question to the
States[23]. The American party put in a plank and nominated S. C.
Pomeroy, a champion of woman suffrage, but it had too small a following
to offer any hope of success. Blaine was not a friend, Logan was an
earnest one; Cleveland was not acceptable to many women, Hendricks had
never shown himself favorable. In the midst of such a conglomeration the
wise thing for all women would have been to remain non-partisan and take
no share in the campaign. Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton, however,
watching events from their secluded nook, issued a manifesto urging
women to stand by the Republican party. They were led to take this
action by the tendency of large numbers to rush to the support of the
Prohibitionists, because of their suffrage plank; and they believed that
if women were determined to work for some political party, the
Republican at that time held out most hope. This aroused the antagonism
of the Prohibitionists and Democrats, both men and women, and afforded
the strongest possible object lesson to Miss Anthony of the wisdom of
henceforth adhering to her policy of non-partisanship until one of the
_dominant_ parties should declare unmistakably for woman suffrage and
advocate it by means of press and platform.
In August occurred the death of Sarah Pugh, the gentle Quaker and
staunch Abolitionist, her old and faithful friend. It was followed by
that of Frances D. Gage a few months later; and in December passed away
the true and helpful ally, William Henry Channing. Each left a void in
her heart, and yet the memory of these great souls impelled to renewed
effort. There was no cessation of the work on the History, which was
slowly evolved through the heat of summer and the beautiful days of
early autumn, but by the end of October the funds were exhausted, the
money left by Mrs. Eddy was still in litigation, and Miss Anthony again
went on the lecture platform, speaking almost every night through
November and December.
She did not fail, however, to look carefully after the interests of the
Seventeenth National Convention which met as usual in Washington,
January 20, 1885. A letter from Clarina Howard Nichols was sent to be
read at this meeting, but the hand which penned it was stilled in death
before it was received. Of all the pioneer workers with whom Miss
Anthony had been associated in the early days so full of scorn, ridicule
and abuse, Mrs. Nichols was among the nearest and dearest, a forceful
speaker and writer, a tender, loving woman. It was in this convention
that the resolution denouncing dogmas and creeds was introduced by Mrs.
Stanton, and caused much commotion and heated argument. Miss Anthony
opposed it, saying:
I object to the words "derived from Judaism." It does not matter
where the dogma came from. I was on the old Garrison platform, and
found long ago that the settling of any question of human rights by
people's interpretation of the Bible is utterly impossible. I hope
we shall not go back to that war. We all know what we want, and
that is the recognition of woman's perfect equality. We all admit
that such recognition never has been granted in the centuries of
the past; but for us to begin a discussion here as to who
established this injustice would be anything but profitable. Let
those who wish go back into their history, but I beg it shall not
be done on our platform.[24]
The public, which always longed for a sensation at these suffrage
conventions and was disappointed if it did not come, seized upon this
resolution, and press and pulpit made it a text. The following Sunday W.
W. Patton, D. D., president of Howard University, preached in the
Congregational church of Washington a sermon entitled, "Woman and
Skepticism." He took the ground that as soon as women depart from their
natural sphere they become skeptical if not immoral. He gave as examples
Hypatia, Madame Roland, Harriet Martineau, Frances Power Cobbe and
George Eliot! Then turning his attention to America he said that "the
recent convention of woman suffragists gave evidence of atheism and
immorality," and that "Victoria Woodhull was the representative of the
movement in this country"[25]. And this when Mrs. Woodhull had not been
on the suffrage platform for thirteen years! Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Stanton occupied front seats and at the close of the sermon went
forward, shook hands with the preacher and Miss Anthony remarked
earnestly: "Doctor, your mother, if you have one, should lay you across
her knee and give you a good spanking for that sermon." "O, no," said
Mrs. Stanton quickly, "allow me to congratulate you. I have been trying
for years to make women understand that the worst enemy they have is in
the pulpit, and you have illustrated the truth of it." Then, while the
great divine was trying to recover his breath, they walked out of the
church. The nine days' commotion which this produced can be imagined
better than described. After some reflection Miss Anthony regretted that
she should have been provoked into her remark, but Mrs. Stanton wrote:
"Don't worry a moment. The more I think about it, the better I like it,
because it was the most contemptuous thing which could have been said.
Like that shot at Lexington, it will go round the world."
On February 6, Thomas W. Palmer called up in the Senate the resolution
for a Sixteenth Amendment and supported it by that masterly speech which
ever since has been one of the strongest suffrage campaign documents.
At the request of Miss Anthony thousands of copies were sent out under
his frank. She went from Washington to Boston to attend a meeting of the
National branch of the Massachusetts association, and soon afterwards,
on March 2, started for the New Orleans Exposition. She was warmly
welcomed by Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, wife of Judge E. T. Merrick, at
whose lovely home she was entertained during part of her stay. It was
her first visit to the Crescent City and she was soon deluged with
invitations to speak and received many charming tokens of the
justly-famed southern hospitality.
She spoke before the Woman's Club in the hall of the Continental Guards,
with May Wright Sewall, representative from Indiana; gave seven
addresses, in as many days, before schools and colleges and, by
invitation of the Press Association, spoke in Agricultural Hall at the
exposition and visited the headquarters of the different papers. The
next day, by request of Commissioner Truman, she gave an address and
held a reception at the New York headquarters. Her last appearance was
at Tulane Hall under the auspices of the teachers of the city schools.
She was everywhere beautifully received, although her doctrines were new
and unpopular, and at the close of each meeting her audience crowded
about her with words of appreciation and cordiality. Miss Anthony here
met for the first time "Catherine Cole," of the editorial staff, and
Mrs. Eliza J. Nicholson, owner and manager of the Picayune. The latter
presented her with an Indian basket filled to overflowing with orange
blossoms, and this tribute was paid in her paper:
THE APOSTLE OF WOMAN'S RIGHTS.--Miss Susan B. Anthony has made a
most favorable impression upon the New Orleans public, and has by
her gentleness and courtesy won many friends for herself and her
cause. She came here a total stranger, and recognized the fact that
there were many who did not approve of her or her doctrines. She
has been sincere, truly polite and simply womanly in all her
dealings with the southern people, and by these very qualities has
commanded the respectful esteem of all. Miss Anthony has not
striven to make herself "solid" with the people who give the best
dinners.... The workingwoman, the unfashionable woman, have been
made as heartily welcome as the leader of society; and for their
appreciation they have been repaid by the friendship and esteem of
one of the grandest old maids that ever lived.
The Times-Democrat and Daily States also gave full and favorable reports
of her visit and lectures. The two weeks allowed for this holiday sped
quickly away and Miss Anthony left for the North on March 20, laden with
luncheon, flowers and many tokens of affection from the women of New
Orleans. At Marshall, Tex., she dined with President and Mrs. Culver, of
Bishops' University, and reached St. Louis Sunday evening, where she was
the guest of her nephew, Arthur A. Mosher, and his wife. The next four
or five weeks were spent in the lecture field at hard work, under the
management of the Slayton Bureau. In answer to her letter of regret at
not meeting Mrs. J. Ellen Foster at an Iowa convention, as she had
requested, Mrs. Foster wrote: "I was sorry enough not to see you but I
gave the people your message in the evening. Dear soul, how long you
have stood for the truth delivered unto you! God bless your words and
works. I do not see creeds and dogmas just as you see them, I do not
believe in all that you do, but I believe in you!"
The last of April came the long-expected summons to Boston to receive
the legacy of Mrs. Eddy, the courts having sustained the will. While
eastward bound, crossing the State of Illinois, newspapers were brought
on the train announcing the death of Grant, and she writes: "The weather
is lovely and springlike today, but how still and solemn it seems out
here on these broad prairies with that great general gone forever!" The
case had been in litigation three years, Benjamin F. Butler appearing
for Miss Anthony and Lucy Stone. His fees were very reasonable but
several thousand dollars were swallowed up in the suit. The legacy, in
first-class securities, stocks, bonds, etc., was paid April 27, each
receiving $24,125.[26] Miss Anthony gives an amusing account, in one of
her letters, of the awful nightmare she had on board the sleeper going
home, when she dreamed that a woman was at the head of her berth
stifling her while a man knelt in front, his hand cautiously creeping
toward the inside pocket where she had sewed the money and bonds. She
awoke with a scream and did not go to sleep again.
If this bequest had been left to Miss Anthony for her own personal use,
she could not have felt one-half the joy she now experienced in having
the means to carry on the work which always had been so seriously
impeded for lack of funds. Of course its receipt was heralded far and
wide by the papers, and appeals began to pour in from all sides, nor
were they always appeals, but often demands. Scores of women considered
themselves entitled to a share because the money had been left to
further the cause of woman. One wanted it to help lift a mortgage on her
home, others to educate their children, to pay a debt, to reward them
for the valuable services they had given to woman suffrage, to start a
paper, to carry one already started, and so on without end. The men also
were willing to relieve her of a portion. "I am terribly oppressed by it
all," Miss Anthony writes, "and nothing would make me happier than to
respond to every one, but my money would melt away in a month." It was
ludicrous and yet pitiful to see certain persons who had repudiated her
in days gone by because she was too radical and too aggressive,
discovering all at once how much they always had valued her and how
anxious they had been for a long time to renew the old friendship--the
common story, ancient as the world.
The one thing she was determined to do first of all was to complete the
History of Woman Suffrage, upon which she and Mrs. Stanton had spent all
the days that could be spared for nearly ten years. The work had been
delayed by the many other demands upon their time, by their trips
abroad, but more than all else by lack of money. The authors were to pay
for composition, stereotyping, the making of the plates for the
engravings and the printing of the same; Fowler & Wells for the paper,
press-work, binding and advertising. Miss Anthony and her co-workers
were to receive only 12-1/2 per cent. commission on the sales. It
readily may be seen that she did not go into this as a money-making
scheme. Her only thought, her only desire, was to collect the facts in
connection with the movement to secure the rights of women, before they
should be scattered and lost, and to preserve and put them into shape
for reference.
In preparing the first two volumes she had used every dollar she had
been able to earn and all she could obtain from generous friends, and
there were still large unpaid bills. Now, with plenty of money at her
command, she bought out the rights of Fowler & Wells, and engaged
Charles Mann, of Rochester, to print the third volume. Mrs. Stanton had
returned to Tenafly, and there Miss Anthony again sent all the trunks
and boxes of precious documents. She completed her lecture engagements
and the first of June, 1885, found the two women once more hard at work.
"I really think of you with pity these hot midsummer days," wrote Mrs.
Sewall to Mrs. Stanton, "under the lash of blessed Susan's relentless
energy; but the reflection that she applies it with the most vigor to
her own back enables one to regard that instrument, after all, with more
admiration than terror." It was indeed true that Mrs. Stanton's luxury
and ease-loving nature required much urging,[27] and while Miss Anthony
took upon herself all the drudgery possible and all the financial
anxiety and burden, she was compelled to keep Mrs. Stanton keyed up to
do a great portion of the literary work. "It is the one drawback at
every turn," she writes, "that I have not the faculty to frame easy,
polished sentences. If I could but do this, I would finish up the
History without asking aid of anyone." And again: "It has been the bane
of my life that I am powerless to put on paper the glimpses of thoughts
which come and go like flashes of lightning." As has been said before in
these pages, she is a perfect critic and delightful letter-writer, but
finds difficulty in doing what is called "literary work." Practice
undoubtedly would have enabled her to overcome this, but she felt
always that her chief strength lay in executive ability.
[Illustration: MISS ANTHONY AND MRS. STANTON.
WRITING THE HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE.]
Early in June Miss Anthony slipped away from the work long enough to go
to the Progressive Friends' meeting at Kennett Square, Penn., where she
was the guest of Deborah Pennock and met, for the first time, Sarah J.
Eddy. In her diary she says: "Last evening as I sat on the sofa Miss
Eddy put her arms around me and said, 'I am so glad I love you; I should
have felt very sorry if I had not.' And so should I, for the sake of her
dear mother and grandfather, who had so much confidence in me." The two
went on to New York together and then over to Mrs. Stanton's for a
little visit, and the friendship formed at that time has been maintained
ever since. Later when Miss Eddy was going to Rochester to a convention,
Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Hallowell: "I am sure you would be glad to
entertain her; she is a sweet, lovely little woman; thoroughly
sympathizing with everything and everybody that suffers injustice. I am
very sorry that sister Mary and I must be away and can not have the dear
girl with us."
Miss Anthony experienced a great disadvantage in being so far away from
her publisher, the more especially as she had to send a chapter at a
time, read proofs of each as soon as it was set up, send back corrected
proof, get the revises, etc., and she soon found it necessary to spend
about half her time in Rochester. The women who were preparing the
chapters for their respective States delayed the work, neglecting to
send them when promised; many occupied twice as much space as had been
assigned them and were highly indignant when Mrs. Stanton used the blue
pencil unsparingly on their productions. They vented their feelings on
Miss Anthony, knowing that nothing they could say would ruffle Mrs.
Stanton's equipoise, and she writes in her diary: "To decide between the
two has almost torn me in twain. People who can write are so tenacious,
each thinking her own style better than any other, while poor I don't
know which is the best."
Every few weeks she was obliged to rush over to Fayetteville to confer
with Mrs. Gage, who was industriously preparing her part of the work.
Urgent appeals came from women in Michigan, Minnesota, Wisconsin, Kansas
and Indiana that they could not possibly make a success of their State
conventions unless she came to their assistance, but she steeled her
heart against them and stuck closely to her task. From the lecture
bureau came a list of ten engagements at $50 a night, but she refused
them. Some of the expressions in her letters of those busy days show the
state of her mind better than could volumes of description:
All the work of today put aside to grope into the old past. I feel
like rushing to you this very minute, but here Mrs. Stanton and I
are, scratching, scratching every hour, not each other's eyes but
the History papers. I am a fish out of water.... It makes me feel
growly all the time.... I can not get away from my ball and
chain.... I think we'll make things snap and crackle a little....
This is the biggest swamp I ever tried to wriggle through.... We'll
both put on our thinking caps and I guess get quite a lot of
funnies in the reminiscences.... Now here is the publisher's
screech for money.... O, to get out of this History prison!... I am
too tired to write--I mean too lazy.... No warhorse ever panted for
the rush of battle more than I for outside work. I love to make
history but hate to write it.
On November 12 Mrs. Stanton's seventieth birthday was celebrated by a
large reception held in the parlors of Dr. Lozier in New York, where
Mrs. Stanton read a charming paper on "The Pleasures of Old Age." Her
daughter, Harriot Stanton Blatch, sent the following bright and breezy
message:
... How I wish I could give my congratulations in the flesh!
Distance is the foe of love. Kiss dear Susan and let her kiss you
for me. On November 12 I shall think of you both, for you two are
not easily separated in my mind, and there will be a tenderness in
my thoughts and a thankfulness that you both have lived. In your
worries over the History, remember that at least one woman
appreciates the fact that her life has been made easier because of
your combined public work. You ought to be overflowing with
gratitude for each other's existence, for neither without the other
would have achieved the work you have accomplished. Every day of
your lives let your hearts praise the good fortune that brought you
together. Friendship is the grandest relation in the world, and I
feel infinitely blessed in having two such women as friends. You
and dear Susan are not yet to be sainted; you have no end of work
in you still, and must labor on for many a long year, and gain many
a triumphant victory. I throw up my cap and cry hurrah for you two
grand old warriors! The curl is from Nora's little head. She shall
be taught to reverence her Queen Mother and Maid of Honor Susan.
Now farewell, dear ladies; I am wishing you on birthdays and every
day a long and happy life.
The next morning came the cablegram announcing the sudden death in
Switzerland of the mother of Julia and Rachel Foster. Miss Anthony
dropped all work when the sisters arrived at New York, went with them to
Philadelphia and rendered every possible consolation and assistance. But
not even to go to Washington to push the work in Congress and arrange
for the National Convention would she delay the task she was so anxious
to finish. She wrote scores of letters, however, in regard to both, and
the congressmen particularly had reason to feel that she had not
forgotten their promises. Her long and persistent labors were rewarded,
for the close of 1885 found the whole third volume of the History in the
hands of the printers.
FOOTNOTES:
[19] An official request was sent to the heads of the departments to
permit the women employes to attend one session of this convention but
it was refused. A few days later permission was given them to go to Mrs.
McElroy's reception at the White House, and the male employes were given
a half-holiday to attend the exercises on St. Patrick's Day.
[20] The Methodist bishops Bowman, Warren, Newman, Haven, Turner and
Walters have favored woman suffrage.
[21] Signed by Maybury, Michigan; Poland, Vermont; Tucker, Virginia;
Hammond, Georgia; Culbertson, Texas; Moulton, Illinois; Broadhead,
Missouri; Dorsheimer, New York; Collins, Massachusetts; Seney, Ohio;
Bisbee, Florida.
[22] Miss Anthony's letters show how desirous she was that everybody who
assisted at these conventions should have full measure of credit: "They
are earnest and anxious to do for woman's cause and I want them treated
fairly and leniently as to all mistakes." Again she writes: "Since
Oregon was never before represented in our conventions, her speakers
must have more room in the report than we old stagers."
[23] When Miss Anthony learned that this action had been taken with the
sanction of Frances E. Willard, she pointed out to her in vigorous
language how the Prohibition-Republicans had left that party this year
because a temperance resolution had failed in the platform committee and
had gone over to the Prohibition party, charging that the Republicans
were cowardly. Yet the very first act of this Prohibition convention, to
which Miss Willard was a delegate, was to abandon the idea of National
Supremacy and accept that of State Rights in order to conciliate the
southern members. She further said: "When the time comes in which it
will be political expediency for the Prohibition party to throw woman
suffrage overboard altogether, over it will go." Miss Willard lived to
see this prophecy fulfilled at the National Prohibition Convention of
1896.
[24] Apropos of this discussion, an amusing anecdote is related of Miss
Anthony. When confronted, in an argument, with the passage of scripture,
"Wives, submit yourselves unto your own husbands," etc., she replied:
"Gentlemen, no one objects to the husband being the head of the wife as
Christ was the head of the church--to crucify himself; what we object to
is his crucifying his wife."
[25] This account of the sermon is taken from the reports of half a
dozen reputable newspapers.
[26] This is the only instance where a woman has bequeathed a large
amount of money to the cause of equal rights, although a number of small
bequests have been made. Women have given millions of dollars to
churches, charities, and colleges for men but comparatively nothing to
secure freedom for those of their own sex.
[27] In one of Miss Anthony's letters she relates with amusement that
Mr. Stanton had just come in and, seeing his wife lying on the couch,
remarked, "Ah, resting, I see." "No," she replied, "I am exercising by
lying down."
CHAPTER XXXIV.
MANY TRIPS--FIRST VOTE ON SIXTEENTH AMENDMENT.
1886-1887.
Miss Anthony started for Washington toward the last of January, 1886,
with a lighter heart than she had possessed for many years. The dreadful
burden of the labor on the History was lifted, all the bills were paid,
she had given a helping hand to several of the old workers, which made
her very happy, and she had one or two good dresses in her trunk. There
was nothing which the paragrapher who hated what Miss Anthony
represented, liked so well as to make disagreeable flings at her
clothes, and yet it is an indisputable fact of history that she was one
of the most perfectly dressed women on the platform, although her tastes
were very plain and simple. A lady once wrote her asking if it would not
be possible to make the suffrage conventions a little more aesthetic,
they were so painfully practical. She sent the letter to Mrs. Stanton,
who commented: "Well now, perhaps if we could paint injustice in
delicate tints set in a framework of poetical argument, we might more
easily entrap the Senator Edmunds and Oscar Wilde types of Adam's sons.
Suppose at our next convention all of us dress in pale green, have a
faint and subdued gaslight with pink shades, write our speeches in verse
and chant them to a guitar accompaniment. Ah me! alas! how can we reform
the world aesthetically?"
The members of Congress always knew when Miss Anthony had arrived in
Washington. Other women accepted their word that they were going to do
something, and waited patiently at home. Miss Anthony followed them up
and saw that they did it. If she could not find them at the Capitol,
she went to their homes. If they promised to introduce a certain measure
on a certain day, she was in the gallery looking them squarely in the
face. If they failed to do it, they found her waiting for them at the
close of the session. Senator Blair wrote this humorous note January 15:
"I thought just as likely as not you would come fussing round before I
got your amendment reported to the Senate. I wish you would go home.
Cockrell has agreed to let me know soon whether he won't allow the
report to be made right off without any bother, and I have been to him
several times before. I don't see what you want to meddle for, anyway.
Go off and get married!"
[Illustration: Autograph: "I hope you will live always in this world.
Heaven has got more than it's share of good people already. Sincerely &
Respectfully, Henry W. Blair."]
Miss Anthony has been directly connected with every action taken by
Congress or by any congressional committee on the question of woman
suffrage. There are on file among her papers hundreds of letters from
members during the past thirty years, showing her energy and persistence
in compelling attention to this subject, in learning who were its
friends, in attempting to convert the doubters and in spurring the
believers to effort. This is something for the women of the future to
remember.
The Eighteenth Annual Convention opened February 17. Prominent features
were a fine address by Rev. Rush R. Shippen, of All Souls church, and
the first appearance on the platform of Mary F. Eastman, Ada C. Sweet,
the pension agent, the eloquent southern speakers, Mrs. Elizabeth A.
Meriwether and Mrs. Sallie Clay Bennett, and the talented German, Madame
Clara Neymann. Among many letters was one from George W. Childs to Miss
Anthony, saying: "I am always glad to hear from you and I keep track of
your continued good work. Do not be discouraged. I take pleasure in
sending the enclosed check ($100) with my sincere regards and very best
wishes."
The crowds were so great that policemen had to be stationed at the door
to prevent late comers from trying to enter during the evening sessions.
The resolutions scored the bill before Congress proposing to
disfranchise all Utah women, both Gentile and Mormon, to punish the
crime of polygamy. The usual hearing was granted before the
congressional committees. The fight for woman suffrage in the
Forty-ninth Congress was conducted by Ezra B. Taylor, of Ohio, who
prepared the favorable minority report of the House Judiciary Committee.
The adverse majority report was signed by John Randolph Tucker, of
Virginia.
On March 25 "the general" slipped up to New York City, to assist her
forces at the State convention, and then hastened back to Washington to
direct the main line of attack. The diary says:
March 30.--Went to House of Representatives, saw Messrs. Tucker and
Taylor of judiciary committee; both promised to report soon. Then
went to Senate, saw Messrs. Blair, Stanford and Bowen; all agreed
to work to bring up our bill by May 1. In the evening took a cab
and went in a pouring rain to Senator Stanford's, where I spent an
hour. How keen and true are his perceptions in regard to public
questions!
March 31.--Pouring rain, dark and muggy. I went to the Senate; sat
with Mrs. Dolph and Mrs. Stanford; heard Senator Dolph's fine
speech on the admission of Washington Territory as a State and his
splendid word for woman suffrage. Mrs. Dolph took me home in her
carriage.
April 1.--Went to the Senate again to secure pledges for votes and
speeches for the Sixteenth Amendment Bill. Got Senator Dolph's
strongest paragraphs, and at 8 P. M. went to the top floor of the
Associated Press rooms and gave them to Mr. Boynton, who sent them
over the wires.
April 9.--The United States Senate today voted down Eustis' motion
to refuse to admit Washington Territory unless the woman suffrage
clause were eliminated from its constitution, 25 to 12. Senator
Ingalls was the only Republican who voted with the enemy.
A few days later Miss Anthony received the following from Mrs. Caroline
E. Merrick, of New Orleans: "... I feel defrauded that I never knew you
until last year. Judge Merrick says you are the most sensible person he
ever met (without any sex qualifications, of course). Like you, I was
indignant at Mr. Eustis in regard to his course toward Washington
Territory. I was ashamed and blushed for my Louisiana senator that time.
Thanks for your sympathy in my illness. When my head lies low I pray
that you may find another and even better friend in my State, who will
come to the front in the cause of equal rights for women." An extract
from a letter of Rev. Olympia Brown to Mrs. Stanton shows how much the
old workers as well as the young depended upon Miss Anthony: "I wish to
inquire what has become of Susan? You know she is my North Star. I take
all my bearings from her, and when I lose sight of her I wander
helplessly, uncertain of my course."
The diary of April 30 says: "Heard Phoebe Couzins had been taken to Hot
Springs, terribly crippled with rheumatism. Wrote her at once and
enclosed $100, telling her I wanted it used to provide delicacies and
make her comfortable. I have thought it would be Phoebe whom I should
take with me on my southern tour next year, but I fear her work is
done."
[Illustration: Caroline E. Merrick (Signed: "I am thine ever faithfully
and affectionately Caroline E. Merrick")]
By the middle of May, 1886, the last bit of History proof was read, and
unlimited leave of absence was granted Miss Anthony by her publisher,
while the indexer and binder completed the work which was begun in 1876.
On the 19th she started for Kansas, stopping for the usual visit in
Chicago with her cousins. In Kansas she visited her brothers at
Leavenworth and Fort Scott for nearly two months, making an
occasional speech. On the morning of July 4, under the auspices of
the W. C. T. U., she addressed a large audience at Salina on, "The
powerlessness of woman so long as she is dependent on man for bread." In
the hot afternoon, as she was about to enjoy a nap, word came that a
hundred people had united in a request that she should speak again, as
they had come from ten to twenty miles on purpose to hear her; so she
returned to the grove, and Mrs. Griffith, State evangelist, kindly
yielded her hour. On July 11 Miss Anthony went again to Chicago, and on
the 14th spoke at Lake Bluff Camp Meeting, which was under the
management of Frances E. Willard. She then visited the summer homes of
her cousins and of Elizabeth Boynton Harbert, at Lake Geneva. On this
trip she was accompanied by her dearly-loved niece, Susie B., who went
with her to Rochester and spent the summer. The diary briefly records:
September 28.--Left Chicago at noon and lunched with Miss Willard
at Rest Cottage, Evanston. Her mother bright and charming at
eighty-two, and Anna Gordon sweet as ever. It was very good to see
Miss Willard under her own roof. Reached Racine in time for the
State convention, was met by a delegation of ladies and taken to
the home of Martha Parker Dingee, niece of the great Theodore
Parker, a lovely woman. Fine audiences.
October 2.--Reached St. Louis at 8 A. M. As I was looking for my
trunk I heard some one cry out, "Is that you, Susan?" and there
were Phoebe Couzins and her father. I had made my trip that way for
the special purpose of seeing her, expecting to find her confined
to the house; so I went home and breakfasted with them.
October 4.--Reached Leavenworth and found Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Saxon
ready to begin the campaign for arousing public sentiment to demand
a bill from the next legislature to secure Municipal suffrage for
women. Dr. Ruth M. Wood is the mainspring of the movement here.
This series of conventions was held in the congressional districts from
October 5 to November 3, Mrs. Laura M. Johns, manager, assisted by Mrs.
Anna C. Wait, president of the State Association, and by a number of
capable and energetic Kansas women at each place visited. Under date of
October 11, Miss Anthony wrote to eastern friends: "We are having the
loveliest weather you ever dreamed of and the most magnificent
audiences--no church or hall holding them. If our legislators, State or
national, could only see these gatherings and look into the earnest
faces of these people, coming so many miles in wagons to see and hear
and get fresh courage, they would surely answer our demands by something
else than silence." The press corroborated this description and the
following special dispatch may be taken as a fair specimen:
The seventh district convention, the third of the series, has just
closed in Lincoln, and was a beautiful ovation to Miss Anthony.
Crowded houses greeted her--every available foot of space filled
with chairs, window-sills utilized for seats, and conveyances drawn
up outside of windows and filled with listeners. People came
thirty, forty and fifty miles in buggies and wagons to shake hands
with the pioneer suffragist. Grizzly-headed opposers succumbed to
Miss Anthony's logic and came up to grasp her hand and say God
bless her, and proved the depth of their fervor by generous
financial aid to the cause she so ably represents. It is seldom
that the beginner of a great reform lives to see such fruitage of
her labors as does she. People often descant upon the indifference
of women to the question of their own enfranchisement and to
political matters generally; but there is serious doubt of greater
interest ever having been shown by men in political meetings than
women exhibit in these conventions....
On the evening of the second day the house was so densely packed
that a messenger for a glass of water had to go out through a
window. But in spite of all discomfort and the many standing, the
audience maintained perfect order and gave the utmost attention
throughout Miss Anthony's speech of two hours. Learning that she
would remain in Lincoln over Sunday the people importuned her to
speak that afternoon in the Presbyterian church, which she did to a
large audience.
The diary relates: "A mother brought her four-weeks-old girl baby
twenty-five miles in a carriage, so she might tell it, when grown, that
Susan B. Anthony had taken it in her arms. 'And the trip has not hurt
baby a particle,' she said brightly." And again it tells, with a good
deal of gusto, that one Baptist minister was determined the suffrage
speakers should not have his church and only yielded after several of
the richest pew-holders declared they never would pay another dollar
towards his salary if he did not. He then made his appearance at the
meeting, opened it with his blessing and closed it with his benediction!
Miss Anthony was not always able to speak to her own satisfaction. At
Salina she lectured for the Y. M. C. A. and writes: "I went to the
opera house and found a fine audience. Tried to give 'Moral Influence
vs. Political Power,' but the spirit wouldn't soar; its wings flapped on
the earth perpetually for the whole hour. I took my $25 from the
treasurer and went home with a heavy heart. It is beyond my knowledge
why, after speaking every day for a whole week, freely and decently, my
wits should desert me and my tongue be tied just at the time when I am
most anxious to do my best."
Two days' meetings were held at Abilene, Florence, Hutchinson, Wichita,
Anthony, Winfield, Independence, Lawrence and Fort Scott. The speakers
were entertained by prominent families, suffrage societies were formed
at each place, the vast majority of public sentiment seemed favorable,
and the collections paid all the expenses of the conventions.
In November and December a number of other speakers made a canvass of
the State, and the following winter the legislature passed a bill
conferring Municipal suffrage upon the women of Kansas. The bill was
introduced in the Senate by R. W. Blue (Rep.) of Linn county; and in the
House by T. T. Taylor (Rep.) of Reno county. It passed the Senate, 25
ayes, all Republicans; 13 noes, 10 Republicans and 3 Democrats; in the
House 90 ayes, 84 Republicans and 6 Democrats; 21 noes, 5 Republicans
and 16 Democrats. The bill was signed by Governor John A. Martin,
February 15, 1887; and under its provisions women in that State have
voted ever since at Municipal elections.[28]
Without a day's rest, Miss Anthony went direct from Kansas to Sandwich,
Ill., to attend the State convention. After three days there and a
Sunday in Chicago, Monday, November 8, found her at Racine, Wis., ready
to begin a tour of conventions in every congressional district. That
evening a reception was given her by Hon. and Mrs. M. B. Erskine, and
the hospitality of their handsome home was offered for every day which
she could spend in the city.
With Mrs. Colby and Rev. Olympia Brown, assisted by local speakers,
meetings were held at Waukesha, Ripon, Oshkosh, Green Bay, Grand Rapids,
Eau Claire, LaCrosse, Evansville, Milwaukee and Madison. At the last
place the ladies spoke in the Senate chamber of the State House to an
audience containing a number of dignitaries, among them President
Bascom, of the State University, and his wife, who from this time were
Miss Anthony's steadfast friends. Mrs. Colby gives a graphic description
of Miss Anthony's sudden outburst here, when several members had
exasperated her by their remarks, which closes: "I was writing at the
secretary's desk and as I looked up I realized the full grandeur of the
scene. It was woman standing at the bar of the nation, pleading for the
recognition of her citizenship. Miss Anthony seemed positively Titanic
as she leaned far over from the speaker's desk. Her tone and manner were
superb, and the vast and sympathetic audience caught the electric
thrill...." In this city she was the guest of an old schoolmate,
Elizabeth Ford Proudfit. The meetings closed December 3, and Miss
Anthony wrote Mrs. Spofford:
I intend now to make straight for Washington without a stop. I
shall come both ragged and dirty. Think of two solid months of
conventions, speaking every night! Don't worry about me. I was
never better or more full of hope and good work. Though the apparel
will be tattered and torn, the mind, the essence of me, is sound to
the core. Please tell the little milliner to have a bonnet picked
out for me, and get a dressmaker who will patch me together so I
shall be presentable. Now for the Washington convention: Before
settling upon the Universalist church, you would better pocket the
insults and refusals of the Congregational church powers that be
and send your most lovely and winning girls to ask for that. If you
can't get it or the Metropolitan or the Foundry or the New York
Avenue or any large and popular church, why take the Universalist,
and then tell the saints of the fashionable churches that we dwell
there because they refused us admission to their holy sanctuaries.
Don't let us go into the heterodox houses, much as I love them,
except because we are driven away from the orthodox.
In December the third volume of the History of Woman Suffrage at last
was ready for the public, another book of nearly 1,000 pages. It
completed the story up to 1884, and like its predecessors was cordially
received by the press. The money swallowed up by this work hardly will
be credited. Mrs. Stanton not being able or willing to revise the last
volume until it was put into proof slips, and then making extensive
changes, the cost for re-setting type was over $900. The fifty fine
steel engravings and the prints made from them cost over $6,000. For
proof reading $500 was paid, and for indexing, $250. Mrs. Stanton and
Mrs. Gage, seeing that there never would be any profits from the books
and that Miss Anthony proposed to give most of them away, sold out their
rights to her, the former for $2,000 and the latter for $1,000. She
also, as has been stated, bought out the interest of Fowler & Wells.
When the first edition of the three mammoth volumes finally came into
her sole possession, they represented an outlay on her part of $20,000.
While there were many criticisms from certain quarters as to various
errors and so-called misstatements, and many threats to write a history
which should be free from all imperfections, the fact remains that,
although fifty years have passed since the inception of the great
movement to secure equal rights for women, there never has been another
attempt to preserve the story. But for Miss Anthony's careful collecting
and saving of newspaper accounts, manuscripts of speeches, published
reports and the correspondence of half a century, her persistent and
determined effort for ten years to have them put into readable shape,
and Mrs. Stanton's fine ability to do it, the student never would have
been able to trace the evolution of woman from a chattel in the eye of
the law to a citizen with legal and social rights very nearly equal to
those of man. While there is necessarily some repetition, so long a time
elapsing between the writing of the different volumes, and perhaps a
little prolixity, there is not a dull page in the whole work and the
reader will find it difficult to reach a place where she is willing to
stop. It contains a resume of early conditions; the persecutions endured
by the pioneers in the struggle for freedom; the progress in each
separate State, and in foreign countries; the action taken by different
legislatures and congresses; the grand arguments made for equal rights;
the position of woman in church and State. Into whatever library the
student may go seeking information upon this question, it is to these
volumes he must look to find it in collected and connected form. If Miss
Anthony had done no other work but to produce this History, she would
deserve a prominent place on the list of immortal names.
It was necessary to put so high a price upon it, $15 a set in cloth and
$19.50 in leather binding, as to make a large sale impossible. Miss
Anthony did not undertake it as a money-making scheme, and when the
receipt of Mrs. Eddy's bequest enabled her to discharge all indebtedness
connected with it, she felt herself at liberty to use it as a most
valuable means of educating the people into an understanding of the
broad principle of equality of rights. At her own expense she placed the
History in over 1,000 of the libraries of Europe and America, including
the British Museum, the university libraries of Oxford, Edinburgh,
Dublin, Paris, Berlin, Finland, Melbourne, Toronto, and many of the
university and public libraries of the United States. The members of the
Senate and House Judiciary Committees in several Congresses were
presented with sets, and there are hundreds of letters on file from
prominent persons in England and this country acknowledging the receipt
of the books.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Faithfully yours, H B Anthony"]
Chapters might be made of commendatory letters received from officials,
writers, public workers and friends in private life. A few specimens
must suffice. A letter from Senator H. B. Anthony to his "dear cousin,"
closed by saying: "The three volumes form a valuable history of the
important enterprise in which you have borne so conspicuous and
honorable a part, and you have added to the reputation of the name that
we both bear."
Mary L. Booth, the gifted editor of Harper's Bazar, thus expressed her
opinion of the work:
You and your colleagues have industriously placed on record a
copious mass of documentary evidence which will be of the utmost
value when the time arrives to sum up the final results. When this
era comes, you will be foremost among the band of heroic pioneers
who have endured discomfort, obloquy and privation of much that is
dear to women for the sake of those who will profit by your labors
while failing to recognize them. Posterity will do you this
justice, whether your contemporaries do or not; but indeed, it is
universally known to those with any knowledge of the facts, that
among all the champions of women, none has been more distinguished
for utter self-abnegation, single-heartedness and devotion to her
life-work than Susan B. Anthony.
As you know, I have always felt the deepest interest in the
elevation of women, which is synonymous with that of humanity, for
man must be always on the plane of his wife, sister and mother....
The antagonism to political equality is rapidly disappearing, as it
is beginning to be recognized that in politics, as in everything
else, woman's help is needed, and the republic can not afford to
have her stand aloof. But this phase of the subject has been so
much misunderstood, both by men and women, that time is needed to
clear away the mists of misconception which envelop it; and to
prove that the co-operation of women in political life is not only
just and expedient, but absolutely indispensable to the public
weal.
[Illustration: Autograph: "I am now and always, Yours faithfully, Mary
L. Booth"]
No family in Rochester stood more steadfastly by Miss Anthony during all
her long and eventful life than the Wilders--Carter, Samuel, Mrs. Maria
Wilder Depuy and D. Webster. The last, in acknowledging the receipt of
the books, wrote: "How much you have contributed to history in this
grand publication! With woman as a part of humanity, what a revolution
will be wrought! Changes everywhere--in social life, in morals,
politics, business--and all for the better. In this world-revolution you
have done a great work. My children are proud of the fact that you are
my personal friend. I fully appreciate your gift. It will be a Bible in
my home." From the philanthropist, Sarah B. Cooper, revered for her work
in the kindergartens on the Pacific coast, came this tribute:
This book is the fruitage of all the years of your faith and work.
It tells of the long preparation--the opening up of the forest; the
blazing of the trail; the clearing of the underbrush; the deep
sub-soiling; the lying fallow; the ploughing, sowing, harrowing,
the patient tillage--and now comes the harvest. What courage,
endurance, fidelity and faith! The pioneers of new thoughts and
principles are the loneliest of mortals. Those who live ahead of
their time must wait for the honors and plaudits of posterity to
get their full meed of appreciation and reward. But after all,
dear, honored friend, the richest reward of such a life as yours is
_to have lived it_.
The History also was given to the libraries of those towns whose women
would raise a certain amount towards various State suffrage campaigns,
and in every possible way it always has been used for missionary
work.[29]
The first week in 1887, in most inclement weather and against the
protest of friends, Miss Anthony went all the way to Nebraska, to keep a
promise to Mrs. Colby and other women of that State to attend their
annual convention, January 7. She found a pleasant letter awaiting her
at Lincoln, from her old friend, Mary Rogers Kimball, daughter of the
noted Abolitionist, Nathaniel P. Rogers, and wife of the General
Passenger Agent of the Union Pacific R. R., now living at Omaha, which
closed: "How I wish you could come to us and rest a few days. Mr.
Kimball would welcome you, as would every one of this household. You
ought to make our home happy by coming once in a while.... Mother, who
is able to walk a little and is interested in all you do and say, sends
her love and hopes to see you." She spoke at Chicago, January 13, in the
First Methodist church, where she was introduced by the well-known Rev.
H. W. Thomas.[30] She went from there to the Michigan convention at
Lansing, January 14, and here was presented to the audience by Governor
Cyrus G. Luce.
She reached Washington January 17, 1887, and rushed the preparations for
the Nineteenth National Convention, which opened on the 25th at the
Metropolitan M. E. church. Zerelda G. Wallace gave a noteworthy address;
Senator Carey, of Wyoming, made an able speech and Mrs. Carey sat by
Miss Anthony during the proceedings. The second day of the convention,
January 26, marked a great epoch, the first vote ever taken in Congress
on a Sixteenth Amendment. The previous month, December 8, 1886, Henry W.
Blair had asked the Senate to consider the following joint resolution:
"The rights of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied
or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex." He
supported this in a long and comprehensive speech covering the whole
ground on which the demand is based, quoting from the favorable reports
of the judiciary committees, exposing the weakness and fallacy of the
objections, and making an unanswerable argument on the justice of
granting political liberty to women.
At the urgent request of opposing senators the matter had been postponed
until January 25, when it was again called up by Mr. Blair. The
opposition was led by Joseph A. Brown, of Georgia, who described in
detail the intentions of the Creator when he made woman, and declared
that females had not the physical strength to perform military duty,
build railroads, raise crops, sit on juries or attend night caucuses,
but that God had endowed men with strength and faculties for all these
things. He stated that it was a grave mistake to say that woman is taxed
without being represented, and added, "It is very doubtful whether the
male or the female sex has more influence in the administration of the
affairs of government and the enactment of laws!" He asserted that "the
baser class of females would rush to the polls, and this would compel
the intelligent, virtuous and refined females, including wives and
mothers, to relinquish for a time their God-given trust and go, contrary
to their wishes, to the polls and vote to counteract the other class;"
and followed this by saying that "the ignorant female voters would be at
the polls en masse, while the refined and educated, shrinking from
public contact, would remain at home." He continued: "The ballot will
not protect females against the tyranny of bad husbands, as the latter
will compel them to vote as they dictate;" then in the next breath he
declared: "Wives will form political alliances antagonistic to the
husbands, and the result will be discord and divorce." In his entire
speech Senator Brown ignored the existence of unmarried women and
widows. He closed with copious extracts from "Letters from a Chimney
Corner," written by some Chicago woman.
Senator Dolph, of Oregon, followed in a clear, concise argument,
brushing away these sophistries by showing that such evils did not exist
where women were enfranchised and voted at every election. He was
interrupted by Senator Eustis, of Louisiana, who inquired whether he
thought "it would be a decent spectacle to take a mother away from her
nursing infant and lock her up all night with a jury?" Senator Dolph
replied that there was not a judge in the world who would not excuse a
woman under such circumstances, just as there were many causes which
exempted men. He continued:
Government is but organized society.... It can only derive its just
powers from the consent of the governed, and can be established
only under a fundamental law which is self-imposed. Every citizen
of suitable age and discretion has, in my judgment, a natural right
to participate in its formation. The fathers of the republic
enunciated the doctrine "that all men are created equal; that they
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights." It
is strange that any one in this enlightened age should be found to
contend that this is true only of men, and that a man is endowed by
his Creator with inalienable rights not possessed by a woman. The
lamented Lincoln immortalized the expression that ours is a
government "of the people, by the people, and for the people," and
yet in reality it is far from that. There can be no government by
the people where half of them are allowed no voice in its
organization and control.... God speed the day when not only in all
the States of the Union and in all the Territories, but everywhere,
woman shall stand before the law freed from the last shackle which
has been riveted upon her by tyranny, and the last disability which
has been imposed upon her by ignorance; not only in respect to the
right of suffrage, but in every other respect the peer and equal of
her brother, man.
[Illustration: Autograph: "J N Dolph"]
Senator Vest, of Missouri, came to the rescue of Senator Brown and in
the course of his speech said:
I pity the man who can consider any question affecting the
influence of woman, with the cold, dry logic of business. What man
can, without aversion, turn from the blessed memory of that dear
old grandmother, or the gentle words and caressing hand of that
blessed mother gone to the unknown world, to face in its stead the
idea of a female justice of the peace or township constable? For my
part, I want when I go to my home--when I turn from the arena where
man contends with man for what we call the prizes of this paltry
world--I want to go back, not to be received in the masculine
embrace of some female ward politician, but to the earnest, loving
look and touch of a true woman. I want to go back to the
jurisdiction of the wife, the mother; and instead of a lecture upon
finance or the tariff, or upon the construction of the
Constitution, I want those blessed, loving details of domestic life
and domestic love.
I have said I would not speak of the inconveniences to arise from
woman suffrage. I care not whether the mother is called upon to
decide as a juryman, or a jurywoman, rights of property or rights
of life, whilst her baby is "mewling and puking" in solitary
confinement at home. There are other considerations more important,
and one of them to my mind is insuperable. I speak now respecting
women as a sex. I believe that they are better than men, but I do
not believe they are adapted to the political work of this world. I
do not believe that the Great Intelligence ever intended them to
invade the sphere of work given to men, tearing down and destroying
all the best influences for which God has intended them. The great
evil in this country today is emotional suffrage. Women are
essentially emotional. What we want in this country is to avoid
emotional suffrage, and what we need is to put more logic into
public affairs and less feeling.[31]
He presented a remonstrance against giving the ballot to women, signed
by nearly 200 New England men, headed by President Eliot, of Harvard
University, and including nearly fifty names prefixed by "Rev." He next
drew from his budget a letter from Clara T. Leonard, of Boston, praying
that the suffrage should not be granted to women, and Mr. Hoar remarked
that the lady herself had been holding public office for a number of
years.
Continuing Senator Vest said: "If we are to tear down all the blessed
traditions, if we are to desolate our homes and firesides, if we are to
unsex our mothers, wives and sisters, and turn our blessed temples of
domestic peace into ward political assembly rooms, pass this joint
resolution!" He now produced a document, entitled "The Law of Woman
Life," and said: "This is signed Adeline D. T. Whitney--I can not say
whether she be wife or mother. It contains not one impure or
unintellectual aspiration. Would to God that I knew her so I could thank
her in behalf of the society and politics of the United States. I shall
ask that it be printed, as my strength does not suffice for me to read
it."[32] It proved to be a long and involved essay begging that the
ballot should not be given to women, and saying: "Are the daughters and
granddaughters about to leap the fence, leave their own realm little
cared for, undertake the whole scheme of outside creation, or contest it
with the men? Then God help the men! God save the commonwealth!" Mr.
Vest concluded with a blood-curdling picture of the French Revolution
which would be repeated in this country if women were enfranchised.
Senator Blair then offered the appeal of the W. C. T. U. for the ballot,
representing over 200,000 women, presented by Zerelda G. Wallace, who
had reared thirteen children and grandchildren, among them the author
of Ben Hur. He submitted also the matchless arguments which had been
made by the most intellectual women of the nation before the
congressional committees from year to year, including that of Miss
Anthony in 1880, and urged that the question should be submitted to the
legislatures of the various States for settlement.
The vote was taken on the question of submitting a Sixteenth Amendment
to the Constitution to the State legislatures for ratification, and
resulted in 16 yeas and 34 nays, 26 absent.[33] Of the affirmative
votes, all were Republican; of the negative, 24 Democratic and 10
Republican. Senator Farwell, of Illinois, was roundly denounced by the
Chicago Tribune for his affirmative vote. Senators Chace, Dawes and
Stanford, who were paired, and Plumb, who was absent, announced publicly
that they would have voted "aye."
Over fifty of the distinguished women in attendance at the convention
were in the Senate gallery during this debate. The most sanguine of them
had not expected the necessary two-thirds, but had worked to obtain a
vote simply for the prestige of a discussion in the Senate, the printing
of the speeches in the Congressional Record and the wide agitation of
the question through the medium of press and platform which was sure to
follow. They felt especially incensed at Senator Ingalls, as the
sentiment of his State had just shown itself to be overwhelmingly in
favor of woman suffrage, and they did not hesitate to score him in
public and in private. As soon as the news of the vote reached the
convention Miss Anthony roundly denounced him from the platform. In the
evening she received a note from him saying: "Will you do me the favor
to designate an hour at which it would be convenient for you to give me
a brief interview?" She did not answer, and on the 31st she received
another: "I called Thursday and Friday mornings, but was not able to
reach you with my card. My errand was personal and I hope I may be more
fortunate when you are again in the city." When she did see him she
found his purpose was to declare a truce, which she declined, as he
already had done the cause all the harm possible for him.
From Washington Miss Anthony went to assist at a convention in
Philadelphia, and "felt guilty for days," she says in her diary, because
she refused to go on to Connecticut. She enjoyed a brief visit with
Professor Maria Mitchell at Vassar College; and hastened to Albany to
address the legislature in regard to the Constitutional Convention,
"just as I did twenty years ago in the old Capitol," she writes. Then
back to Washington to look after matters there, and thus on and on,
never allowing herself to be delayed by weather, fatigue or social
demands, month after month, year after year, with but one object in
view, never losing sight of it for a moment, and making all else
subservient to this single purpose.
In April she was terribly distressed at the malicious falsehoods which
were sent out from Leavenworth in regard to the first voting of the
women in Kansas, and says, "It will take oceans of breath and ink to
counteract the baneful effects." On May 11, 1887, Frances E. Willard
wrote her: "Will you please send me the form of resolution which would
be the least that would satisfy you as a plank in the platform of the
Prohibition party, or as a resolution to be adopted by the W. C. T. U.?
I write this without authorization from any quarter, simply because I
would like to find out what is the angle of vision along which you are
looking." To this Miss Anthony replied:
What is the full significance of "would satisfy you?" Do you mean
so satisfy me that I would work, and recommend all women to work,
for the success of the Third party ticket? Or do you mean the least
that I think it should say for its own sake? If the first, I am not
sure that the fullest endorsement would cause me to throw all my
sympathies and efforts into line with the Prohibition party, any
more than if the same full suffrage plank should be put into the
platform of the great Labor or Fourth party, which is pretty sure
to take part in the presidential contest of 1888.
I can not answer for others, but I shall not pray or speak or work
for the defeat of the nominees of the party of which every United
States Senator who voted for us last winter is a leading member,
and to which belongs every man but six in the Kansas Legislature
who made the overwhelming vote giving municipal suffrage to the
women of that State. Not until a third party gets into power or is
likely to do so, which promises a larger per cent. of
representatives on the floor of Congress and in the several State
legislatures who will speak and vote for woman's enfranchisement,
than does the Republican, shall I work for it. You see, as yet
there is not a single Prohibitionist in Congress, while there are
at least twenty Republicans on the floor of the United States
Senate, besides fully one-half of the members of the House of
Representatives, who are in favor of woman suffrage. For the women
of Kansas or Iowa to work for any third party would be ungrateful
and suicidal.
Since I hope to live to see a Sixteenth Amendment Bill through
Congress and three-fourths of the State legislatures, I do not
propose to work for the defeat of the party which thus far has
furnished nearly every vote in that direction. If you will pardon
me, I think it will be quite as suicidal a policy for the
temperance women of the nation to work to defeat the party which
contains so nearly all of their best friends and helpers. What it
seems to me should be done by all women who want reforms in
legislation, is to appoint committees to confer with leading
Republicans asking them to make pledges in the direction of
suffrage and temperance, with the assurance of our support in case
of the insertion of the planks we ask in their platform. I fear,
however, you are already pledged to the Third party, come what may,
and if so it is of no use for me to advise.[34]
In May Miss Anthony again journeyed westward, though she says in her
diary: "It never was harder for me to start. A heavy nothingness is upon
head and heart." She went first to the State Suffrage Convention at
Indianapolis, where as usual she was a guest in the beautiful home of
Mr. and Mrs. Sewall. A reception was given her at the Bates House and
she was cordially greeted by several hundred ladies. She went to
meetings at Evansville, Richmond and Lafayette, and then to the Ohio
convention at Cleveland; here, as always, the guest of her loved friend,
Louisa Southworth.
She writes May 26: "Arrived home at 8 P. M. and found all well--the all
consisting of sister Mary, the only one left." She was invited to meet
with a large and conservative society of women who did not believe in
equal suffrage. All made nice little addresses and when Miss Anthony was
called on she said: "Ladies, you have been doing here today what I and
a few other women were denounced as 'unsexed' for doing thirty years
ago--speaking in public;" and then proceeded to point the moral. She
attended the commencement exercises of a young ladies' seminary, whose
principal would not acknowledge a handsome gift from her pupils by a few
remarks because she "considered it would look too strong-minded." Miss
Anthony comments on the graduates' essays: "They had as much originality
as Baedecker's Guide-book."
In July she went as the guest of her friend Adeline Thomson, of
Philadelphia, for two weeks at Cape May and here had her first
experience in sea-bathing, although she always had lived within a short
distance of the ocean. She says: "This is my first seaside dissipation.
It seems very odd to be one of the giddy summer resort people!" She took
Miss Thomson with her up into the Berkshire hills of northwestern
Massachusetts to Adams, her birthplace, and visited the home of her
grandfather. In the early days of her peregrinations she used to come
often to this picturesque spot, but it now had been twenty years since
her last visit. Time does not bring many changes to the New England
nooks or the people who live in them, and she greatly enjoyed the nine
days spent with uncles, aunts and cousins, exploring the well-remembered
spots. They went from here to Magnolia for a two weeks' visit at the
seaside cottage of Mr. and Mrs. James Purinton, of Lynn, Mass. At this
time, in answer to a request for advice, Miss Anthony wrote to Olympia
Brown and Mrs. Almedia Gray, of Wisconsin:
I have your letters relative to bringing suits under the school
suffrage law, and hasten to say to you that Mrs. Minor's and my own
experience in both suing and being sued on the Fourteenth Amendment
claim leads me to beseech you not to make a test case unless you
_know_ you will get the broadest decision upon it. If you get the
narrow one restricting the present law simply to school-district
voting, there it will rest and no judge or inspector will transcend
the limit of the decision. My judgment would be to say and do
nothing about the law, but through the year keep up the educational
work, showing that such and such cities allowed women to vote for
mayor, common council, etc., and by the next election many others
will let women vote; and so in a few years all will follow suit.
Let what you have alone and try for more; for all your legislature
has power to give. It will be vastly more likely to grant municipal
suffrage than your supreme court will be to give a decision that
the school law already allows women to vote for mayor, council,
governor, etc.
They thought best, however, to bring the suits; the exact results which
were predicted followed, and the school suffrage even was restricted
until it was practically worthless.
During this summer Miss Anthony undertook to arrange her many years'
accumulation of letters, clippings, etc., and knowing her reluctance
ever to destroy a single scrap, Mrs. Stanton wrote from Paris: "I am
glad to hear that you have at last settled down to look over those awful
papers. It is well I am not with you. I fear we should fight every
blessed minute over the destruction of Tom, Dick and Harry's epistles.
Unless Mary, on the sly, sticks them in the stove when your back is
turned, you will never diminish the pile during your mortal life. (Make
the most of my hint, dear Mary.)" It is safe to say it was just as large
at the end of the examination as at the beginning.
In September, 1887, Miss Anthony again made a circuit of conventions in
every congressional district in Wisconsin and then turned her attention
to Kansas. The officers of the State association had arranged a series
of conventions for the purpose of demanding a constitutional amendment
conferring _full_ suffrage on women. Miss Anthony, with Mrs. Johns, Mrs.
Letitia V. Watkins, State organizer, Rev. Anna Shaw and Rachel Foster,
gave the month of October to this canvass. Senator Ingalls, in a speech
at Abilene, had attempted to defend his vote in the Senate against the
Sixteenth Amendment, and Miss Anthony took this as a text for the
campaign. She had ample material for the excoriating which she gave him
in every district in Kansas, as the Senator had declared: 1st, that
suffrage was neither a natural nor a constitutional right, but a
privilege conferred by the State; 2d, that no citizens should be allowed
to participate in the formation of legislatures or the enactment of
laws, who could not enforce their action at the point of a bayonet; 3d,
that no immigrants should be allowed to enter the United States from any
country on earth for the next twenty-five years; 4th, that <DW64>
suffrage had been an absolute and unqualified failure; 5th, that while
there were thousands of women vastly more competent than men to vote
upon questions of morality, they never should be allowed to do
so--simply because they were women.
It hardly need be said that Miss Anthony found little difficulty in
reducing to tatters these so-called arguments, and that her audiences
were in hearty sympathy. To borrow her own expression, she "tried to use
him up so there was not an inch of ground under his feet." When the
convention was held at Atchison Mrs. Ingalls invited sixteen of the
ladies to a handsome luncheon, where the senator placed Miss Anthony at
his right hand and made her the guest of honor. She proposed that he
debate the question of woman suffrage with her but he refused on the
ground that he could not attack a woman, so she served up this objection
in her speech that evening. To a reporter he is said to have given the
reason that he "would not stoop to the intellectual level of a woman."
The month of November was given to holding a two days' convention in
each of the thirteen congressional districts of Indiana. These meetings
were arranged by the State secretary, Mrs. Ida H. Harper, and the strong
force of speakers, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Wallace, Mrs. Sewall and Mrs.
Gougar, aroused great enthusiasm and made many converts.[35] This ended
three months of constant travelling and speaking almost every day and
evening. On the first of December Miss Anthony writes: "I have laid me
down to sleep in a new bed nearly every night of this entire time."
But the 10th found her in Washington fresh and vigorous for the work of
the coming winter. She was anxious to know whether the reports of the
Senate debate had been franked and sent out as promised and, to her
inquiry, Senator Blair answered with his usual little joke: "I have had
the speeches, etc., attended to and trust that the mails will do you
justice if the males do not. But remember that men naturally fight for
their lives, and on the same principle, you shall for yours!"
FOOTNOTES:
[28] Miss Anthony notes in her diary that she made her first Kansas
campaign in '67 and the suffrage bill was signed on her sixty-seventh
birthday. She received a letter of congratulation on the signing of the
bill from Chief-Justice Horton, of Kansas.
[29] The total amount received from sales has been only $7,000. Now,
however, in order to give the History the widest possible circulation,
the price has been so reduced as to enable it to be placed in the hands
of the reading public. It is the hope of Miss Anthony to publish the
fourth volume in the year 1900, bringing the History up to that date.
[30] At this meeting a yellow dog came on the platform and Miss Anthony
is quoted as afterwards making this apt comment: "She says that, at
least where women are concerned, the reporters are sure to seize upon
some triviality and ring its changes to the exclusion of serious
matters. She mentioned that when she spoke in Chicago last a dog ran
across the stage and, springing up, laid his nose on her shoulder. 'I
prophesied to the audience then,' she continued, 'that the dog would
figure in the press reports more conspicuously than anything that was
said or done, and so he did. He occupied half of the space in nearly
every paper.'"
[31] Both Senator Vest and Senator Brown had appealed wholly to the
emotions in their speeches upon this question, which were overflowing
with sentiment and "gush."
[32] This hardly corresponds with Senator Brown's glowing description of
the physical strength conferred by the Creator on man so that he could
do the voting for the family.
[33] _Yeas_: Blair, Bowen, Cheney, Conger, Cullom, Dolph, Farwell, Hoar,
Manderson, Mitchell of Oregon, Mitchell of Pennsylvania, Palmer, Platt,
Sherman, Teller, Wilson of Iowa. _Nays_: Beck, Berry, Blackburn, Brown,
Call, Cockrell, Coke, Colquitt, Eustis, Evarts, George, Gray, Hampton,
Harris, Hawley, Ingalls, Jones of Nevada, McMillan, McPherson, Mahone,
Morgan, Morrill, Payne, Pugh, Saulsbury, Sawyer, Sewell, Spooner, Vance,
Vest, Walthall, Whitthorne, Williams, Wilson of Maryland. _Absent_:
Aldrich, Allison, Butler, Frye, Gibson, Gorman, Miller, Plumb, Ransom,
Camden, Cameron, Chace, Dawes, Edmunds, Fair, Hale, Harrison, Jones of
Arkansas, Jones of Florida, Kenna, Maxey, Riddleberger, Sabin, Stanford,
Van Wyck, Voorhees.
[34] The skeptical can not but wonder whether the Republican party ever
will have the grace and wisdom to justify the confidence which Miss
Anthony has steadfastly placed in it, as regards this question, from the
day of its birth.
[35] Conventions were held at Evansville, Vincennes, Bloomington,
Kokomo, Logansport, Wabash, Lafayette, South Bend, Fort Wayne, Muncie,
Anderson, Madison and New Albany. The largest of the series was at Terre
Haute, where the opera house, donated by the citizens, was crowded both
evenings with an audience representing the culture and intelligence of
the city, and the convention was welcomed by the mayor, Jacob C.
Kolsom.
CHAPTER XXXV.
UNION OF ASSOCIATIONS--INTERNATIONAL COUNCIL.
1888.
A preceding chapter described the forming in 1869 of the American Woman
Suffrage Association at Cleveland, O., the overtures for union by the
National Association the next year, and their rejection. No further
efforts were made and each body continued to work in its own way. At the
annual meeting of the American Association in Philadelphia, October 31,
1887, the following resolution from the business committee was
unanimously adopted:
WHEREAS, The woman suffragists of the United States were all united
until 1868 in the American Equal Rights Association; and _whereas_,
The causes of the subsequent separation into the National and
American Woman Suffrage Societies have since been largely removed
by the adoption of common principles and methods; therefore
_Resolved_, That Mrs. Lucy Stone be appointed a committee of one
from the American Woman Suffrage Association to confer with Miss
Susan B. Anthony of the National and, if on conference it seems
desirable, that she be authorized and empowered to appoint a
committee of this association to meet a similar committee appointed
by the National to consider a satisfactory basis of union, and
refer it back to the executive committee of both associations for
final action.
HENRY B. BLACKWELL,
_Corresponding Secretary, A. W. S. A_.
After conferring with the officers of the National Association, Miss
Anthony informed Mrs. Stone that she would meet her in Philadelphia any
time until December 9, and after that in Washington. She replied that
she was not able to travel even so far as Philadelphia and, after some
correspondence, Miss Anthony agreed to go to Boston. On the afternoon
of December 21, 1887, accompanied by Rachel Foster, corresponding
secretary of the National, she met Mrs. Stone and Alice Stone Blackwell,
at No. 3 Park street, Boston, and held an extended conference in regard
to the proposed union. Two days later Mrs. Stone sent to Miss Anthony,
who was still in that city, the following:
In thinking over the points raised at our informal conference, it
seems to me that the substantial outcome is this: The committees
appointed by us respectively, if we conclude to appoint them, must
each agree upon a common name, a common constitution and a common
list of officers for the first year. A subsequent acceptance of
these by each association will thereafter constitute the two
societies one society. If you think there is a fair probability of
coming to an agreement I will proceed to appoint my committee.
As the formal overtures for union have come from the American
Association, it will be appropriate that our committee should draw
up the plan for union which appears to them the most feasible, and
forward it to Miss Foster, to be submitted to yours. Then your
committee will suggest such modifications as they may think
needful; and, if a mutually satisfactory result can be reached, the
name, constitution and list of officers will go to the executive
committee of each association for final action.
Christmas Day Miss Blackwell sent to Miss Foster a comprehensive plan
for a union of the two societies, closing as follows: "Since many
members of the National society regard Mrs. Stone as the cause of the
division, and many members of the American regard Mrs. Stanton and Miss
Anthony as the cause of it, Mrs. Stone suggested that it would greatly
promote a harmonious union, for those three ladies to agree in advance
that none of them would take the presidency of the united association."
Early in January this formal announcement and letter were sent to Miss
Foster:
The committee of the National to sit in counsel with that of the
seven appointed by Lucy Stone, of the American, shall be: May
Wright Sewall, _Chairman_, Harriette R. Shattuck, Olympia Brown,
Helen M. Gougar, Laura M. Johns, Clara B. Colby, Rachel G. Foster,
_Secretary_.[36]
I hope all will sink personalities and exalt principles, seeking
only the best good for woman's enfranchisement, and that surely
will come through the union of all the friends of woman suffrage
into one great and grand national association which shall enable
them to present a solid front to the enemy. This must be based on
the principle of a genuine democracy, which shall give to each of
its members a voice in all its deliberations, either in person or
through representatives chosen by them, and to a constitution thus
based I am sure each of my seven chosen ones will contribute her
aid. Hoping that a consolidation of all our forces will be the
result of this overture from Lucy Stone and her society, I am, very
sincerely,
SUSAN B. ANTHONY.
On January 18, Miss Foster received from Miss Blackwell the list of the
conference committee appointed by Mrs. Stone: Julia Ward Howe,
_Chairman_, Wm. Dudley Foulke, Margaret W. Campbell, Anna H. Shaw, Mary
F. Thomas, H. M. Tracy Cutler, Henry B. Blackwell, _Secretary_.
Miss Anthony again wrote Miss Foster: "I can not think of any
stipulation I wish to make the basis of union save that we _unite_, and
after that discuss all measures and ways and means, officers and
newspapers, and cheerfully accept and abide by the rule of the majority.
I do not wish to exact any pledges from Lucy Stone and her adherents,
nor can I give any for Mrs. Stanton and her followers. When united we
must trust to the good sense of each, just as we have trusted during the
existence of the division. As Greeley said about resuming specie
payment, '_the way to unite is to unite_' and trust the consequences."
It is not essential for the completeness of this work to reproduce in
detail the official proceedings, which extended through two years and
caused Miss Anthony often to write, "I shall be glad when this
frittering away of time on mere forms is past." A basis of agreement
finally was reached, and the union was practically completed at the
National Convention which met in Washington, January 21, 1889. A
committee of thirteen was selected to confer with the committee from the
American. This consisted of Miss Anthony and Mesdames Hooker, Minor,
Duniway, Johns, Sewall, Perkins, Colby, Spofford, Brown, Blake, Gougar
and Foster Avery. The Woman's Tribune thus described the result:
At the business session, January 24, 1889, they reported in
substance as follows:
_Name, etc._--The association to be called the National-American W.
S. A. The annual convention to be held at Washington.
_Chronology._--The next annual meeting of the joint society to
be--as it would be for the National--the twenty-second annual
Washington convention.
_Work._--To be for National and State legislation protecting women
in the exercise of their right to vote.
_Representation._--As provided in the new National constitution.
Where two associations exist in one State and will not unite, both
are to be accepted as auxiliary societies.
An earnest debate followed. Miss Anthony threw her influence
strongly in favor of union and carried many with her, even those
who openly expressed themselves that their judgment would be to
continue the two societies. The vote was then taken on union,
thirty voting for, eleven against.
Miss Alice Stone Blackwell and Rev. Anna H. Shaw were present on
behalf of the American Association, accepted the deviations from
the propositions as presented by that association, and felt
reasonably certain that it would endorse their action.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours for equal rights, Alice Stone
Blackwell."]
No one person contributed so much toward effecting the union of these
two societies as Alice Stone Blackwell. On February 17, 1890, both
bodies met in Washington and it was decided that the official boards of
the two should form the voting force until the joint temporary
organization was completed. Councils were held in the great parlor and
dining-room of the Riggs House. Both Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had
been willing, from the beginning of negotiations, to accept the
proposition of the Americans that neither one of them, nor Lucy Stone,
should take the presidency of the united association, but from the
Nationals in every part of the country came a cry of dissent. Letters
poured in declaring that Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had borne the
brunt of the battle for forty years, that they had not once lowered the
flag or made the question of woman suffrage subservient to any other,
that they were the head and heart of the movement, and that for them to
be deposed was out of the question.[37] It soon became evident that
unless this point were conceded all hope of union would have to be
banished. While most of the delegates agreed that, in respect to
seniority in years and work and also in consideration of her commanding
ability, Mrs. Stanton should be president, there were many who thought
that, because of her advanced age and the fact that she spent most of
her time abroad, it would be better to elect Miss Anthony. The latter
was distracted by such a thought and at the final meeting of National
delegates preliminary to the joint convention, with all the earnestness
of her strong nature and in a voice vibrating with emotion, she said:
I appeal to every woman who has any affection for the old National
or for me not to vote for Susan B. Anthony for president. I stand
in a delicate position. I have letters which accuse me of having
favored the union solely for personal and selfish considerations,
and of trying to put Mrs. Stanton out. Now what I have to say is,
don't vote for any human being but Mrs. Stanton. There are other
reasons why I wish her elected, but I have these personal ones:
When the division was made twenty years ago, it was because our
platform was too broad, because Mrs. Stanton was too radical; a
more conservative organization was wanted. If we Nationals divide
now and Mrs. Stanton is deposed from the presidency, we virtually
degrade her. If you have any love for our old association, which,
from the beginning, has stood like a rock in regard to creeds and
politics, demanding that every woman should be allowed to come upon
our platform to plead for her freedom--if you have any faith in
that grand principle--vote for Mrs. Stanton....
The National always has allowed the utmost liberty. Anything and
everything which stood in the way of progress was likely to get
knocked off our platform. I want every one who claims to be a
National to continue to stand for this principle. We have come now
to another turning-point and, if it is necessary, I will fight
forty years more to make our platform free for the Christian to
stand upon whether she be a Catholic and counts her beads, or a
Protestant of the straitest orthodox creed, just as I have fought
for the rights of the infidels the last forty years. These are the
principles I want you to maintain, that our platform may be kept as
broad as the universe, that upon it may stand the representatives
of all creeds and no creeds--Jew or Christian, Protestant or
Catholic, Gentile or Mormon, pagan or atheist.
At the joint executive session after the union was formally declared to
be consummated, the vote was: For president, Mrs. Stanton, 131; Miss
Anthony, 90; for vice-president-at-large, Miss Anthony, 213. Lucy Stone
was unanimously elected chairman of the executive committee; Rachel
Foster Avery, corresponding secretary; Alice Stone Blackwell, recording
secretary;[38] Jane H. Spofford, treasurer; Eliza T. Ward and Rev.
Frederick W. Hinckley, auditors. This uniting of the two associations
was begun in 1887 and finished in 1890, in the most thoroughly official
manner, according to the most highly approved parliamentary methods, and
the final result was satisfactory to a large majority of the members of
both societies, who since that time have worked together in unbroken
harmony.
The action of the American Association was almost unanimous, but the
members of the National were widely divided. Letters of protest were
received from many States, and several of its members attempted to form
new organizations. The executive sessions in Washington were the most
stormy in the history of the association, and only the unsurpassed
parliamentary knowledge of the chairman, May Wright Sewall, aided by the
firm co-operation of Miss Anthony, could have harmonized the opposing
elements and secured a majority vote in favor of the union. There had
been no time during the twenty years' division when Miss Anthony was not
ready to sink all personal feeling and unite the two societies for the
sake of promoting the cause which she placed before all else in the
world; and from the first prospect of combining the forces, she used
every effort toward its accomplishment. It was a source of especial
gratification that this was practically assured by the winter of 1888,
when the International Council of Women met in Washington, as it enabled
the American Association to accept the invitation and send
representatives to this great convocation--which will now be considered.
[Illustration: Zerelda G. Wallace (Signed: "To my Dear friend Susan B.
Anthony with love & severence, Zerelda G. Wallace")]
It had long been the dream of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton to form
an International Suffrage Association for purposes of mutual helpfulness
and the strength of co-operation. During 1883, when in Great Britain,
they discussed this subject with the women there and, as a result, a
large committee of correspondence had been established to promote the
forming of such an association. After a time it was judged expedient to
enlarge its scope and make it an International Council, which should
represent every department of woman's work. This was called to meet at
Washington in 1888, the fortieth anniversary of the first organized
demand for the rights of women, the convention at Seneca Falls, and
active preparations had been in progress for more than a year. It was
decided at the suffrage convention held the previous winter that the
National Association should assume the entire responsibility for this
International Council and should invite the participation of all
organizations of women in the trades, professions, reforms, etc.
Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Spofford were in Europe and this herculean task
was borne principally by Miss Anthony, May Wright Sewall and Rachel
Foster.[39] Miss Anthony stayed in Washington for two months preceding
the council, perfecting the last arrangements. The amount of labor,
time, thought and anxiety involved in this year of preparation can not
be estimated. Nothing to compare with it ever had been attempted by
women. Not the least part of the undertaking was the raising of the
$13,000 which were needed to defray expenses, all secured by personal
letters of appeal and admission fees, and disbursed with careful economy
and judgment. The intention was to give the suffrage association the
same prominence as other organizations and no more. An entry in Miss
Anthony's diary says: "I have just received proof of the 'call' for the
council and struck out the paragraph saying, 'no one would be committed
to suffrage who should attend.' I can't allow any such apologetic
invitation as that! There is no need to say anything about it." To her
old friend Antoinette Brown Blackwell, who asked if only those women
ministers who had been regularly ordained were to be heard, Miss Anthony
wrote:
I have felt all along that we ought to give a chance for the
expression of the highest and deepest religious thought of those
not ordained of men. Your wish to give the result of your research
opens the way for us to make the last day--Easter Sunday--voice the
new, the purer, the better worship of the living God. We'll have a
real symposium of woman's gospel. It is not fair to give only the
church-ordained women an opportunity to present their religious
thoughts, and now it shall be fixed so that the laity may have the
same. I don't want a controversy or a lot of negations, but shall
tell each one to give her strongest affirmation. This forever
saying a thing is false and failing to present the truth, is to me
a foolish waste of time, when almost everybody feels the old forms,
creeds and rituals to be only the mint, anise and cumin.
So, my dear, I am very, very glad that you and Lucy are both to be
on our platform, and we are to stand together again after these
twenty years. But none of the past! Let us rejoice in the good of
the present, and hope for more and more in the future.
In response to her letter asking him to take part on Pioneer Day,
Frederick Douglass wrote:
I certainly shall, if I live and am well. The cause of woman
suffrage has under it a truth as eternal as the universe of
thought, and must triumph if this planet endures. I have been
calling up to my mind's eye that first convention in the small
Wesleyan Methodist church at Seneca Falls, where Mrs. Stanton, Mrs.
Mott and those other brave souls began a systematic and determined
agitation for a larger measure of liberty for woman, and how great
that little meeting now appears! It seems only yesterday since it
took place, and yet forty years have passed away and what a
revolution on this subject have we seen in the sentiment of the
American people and, in fact, of the civilized world! Who could
have thought that humble, modest, maiden convention, holding its
little white apron up to its face and wiping away the tear of
sympathy with woman in her hardships and the sigh of her soul for a
larger measure of freedom, would have become the mother of an
International Council of Women, right here in the capital of this
nation?
Maria Mitchell, who was in feeble health (and died the next year) in
expressing her regrets said: "I am taking a rest. I have worked more
than a half-century and, like stronger people, have become tired. I am
meaning to build my small observatory and keep up a sort of apology for
study--because I am too old to dare do nothing. I wish I felt able to
take the journey and hear what others have to say and are ready to do.
The world moves, and I have full faith it will continue to move and to
move, for better and better, even when we have put aside the armor."
[Illustration: Autograph: "The world moves and I have full faith it will
continue to move and to move, for better and better, even when we have
put aside the armor. Sincerely yours, Maria Mitchell."]
During the winter, Mrs. Stanton had written Miss Anthony: "We have
jogged along pretty well for forty years or more. Perhaps mid the wreck
of thrones and the undoing of so many friendships, sects, parties and
families, you and I deserve some credit for sticking together through
all adverse winds, with so few ripples on the surface. When I get back
to America I intend to cling to you closer than ever. I am thoroughly
rested now and full of fight and fire, ready to travel and speak from
Maine to Florida. Tell our suffrage daughters to brace up and get ready
for a long pull, a strong pull, and a pull all together when I come
back."
What then were her amazement, anger and grief to receive another letter
from Mrs. Stanton a short time before the council, saying that a voyage
across the Atlantic so filled her with dread that she had about decided
not to undertake it! A fortieth anniversary of the Seneca Falls
convention without the woman who called it! And this when she had
counted on Mrs. Stanton to make the greatest speech of the whole meeting
and cover the National Association with immortal glory! She says in her
journal: "I am ablaze and dare not write tonight." The next entry: "I
wrote the most terrific letter to Mrs. Stanton; it will start every
white hair on her head." And then the following day the little book
records: "Well, I made my own heart ache all night, awake or asleep, by
my terrible arraignment, whether it touches her feelings or not." Ten
days later she writes: "Received a cablegram from Mrs. Stanton, 'I am
coming,' so she has my letter. My mind is so relieved, I feel as if I
were treading on air."
On Mrs. Stanton's arrival a few days before the convention, Miss Anthony
learned, to her consternation, that she had prepared no speech for the
occasion! She shut her up in a room at the Riggs House with pen and
paper, kept a guard at the door, permitted no one to see her, and when
the time arrived she was ready with her usual magnificent address.
The council opened Sunday, March 25, in Albaugh's new opera house, with
religious services conducted entirely by women, Revs. Phebe A. Hanaford,
Ada C. Bowles, Antoinette Blackwell, Amanda Deyo, and a matchless sermon
by Rev. Anna H. Shaw, "The Heavenly Vision." It would be wholly
impossible to enter into a detailed account of this council, the
greatest woman's convention ever held.[40] Although twenty-five cents
admission was charged, and fifty cents for reserved seats, the opera
house was crowded during the eight days and evenings, and seats were at
a premium. Miss Anthony presided over eight of the sixteen sessions.
While every speaker was allowed the widest latitude, there was not at
any time the slightest friction. Letters were read from celebrated
people in most of the countries of Europe and all parts of America. At
the pioneer's meeting were eight men and thirty-six women who had been
connected with the movement for woman suffrage forty years.[41]
Among the social courtesies extended to this distinguished body of
women, were a reception at the White House by President and Mrs.
Cleveland; handsome entertainments by Senator and Mrs. Leland Stanford,
and Senator and Mrs. T. W. Palmer; a reception at the Riggs House; many
smaller parties, dinners and luncheons; and numerous social gatherings
of women doctors, lawyers, etc. At all of the large functions Miss
Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone stood at the left hand of the
hostess, while the other officials and the foreign delegates were also
in the "receiving line." At the White House Miss Anthony made the
presentations to the President. As every newspaper in the country had
complimentary notices of this council and the prominent ladies connected
with it, it is scarcely possible to discriminate. The Baltimore Sun
said:
The council began its deliberations in the finest humor with
everybody, particularly with that prime favorite, Susan B. Anthony.
This lady daily grows upon all present; the woman suffragists love
her for her good works, the audience for her brightness and wit,
and the multitude of press representatives for her frank, plain,
open, business-like way of doing everything connected with the
council. Miss Anthony when in repose looks worn with the conflict
she has waged, though when she goes into action her angular face
loses its tired look and becomes all animation. Her word is the
parliamentary law of the meeting. Whatever she says is done without
murmur or dissent. The women of the council are saved any
parliamentary discussions such as arise in the meetings of men;
they acknowledge that she is an autocrat. All are agreed that no
better system than the absolute control of Susan B. Anthony can be
devised.
The New York World commented:
If ever there was a gay-hearted, good-natured woman it is certainly
Miss Anthony. From the beginning of this council it is she who has
kept the fun barometer away up. The gray-headed friends of her
youth are all "girls" to her, and she is a girl among them.
Parliamentary rules have been by no means so severe as to keep
even the regular proceedings free from her lively interpolation and
comment. When Miss Anthony has felt the public pulse or looked at
her watch and seen that a speech has gone far enough, she says
under her breath, "Your time's about up, my dear." If the speaker
continues, the next thing is, "I guess you'll have to stop now;
it's more than ten minutes." When this fails, she usually begins to
hang gently on the orator's skirt, and if pluckings and pullings
fail, she then subsides with a quizzical smile, or stands erect and
uncompromising by the speaker's side. There is none of the rude
beating of the gavel, nor any paraphrase of "The gentleman's time
is up," which marks the stiff proceedings of men "in congress
assembled." To an unprejudiced eye this free-and-easy method of
procedure might lack symmetry and dignity, but there is not the
slightest doubt that Miss Anthony has been as wise as a serpent
while being as gentle as a dove.
When Frances E. Willard rose to address the council, she laid her hand
tenderly on Miss Anthony's shoulder and said: "I remember when I was
dreadfully afraid of Susan, and Lucy too; but now I love and honor them,
and I can not put into words my sense of what it means to me to have the
blessing of these women who have made it possible for more timid ones
like myself to come forward and take our part in the world's work. If
they had not blazed the trees and pioneered the way, we should not have
dared to come. If there is one single drop of chivalric blood in woman's
veins, it ought to bring a tinge of pride to the face that Susan B.
Anthony, Lucy Stone, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Julia Ward Howe and these
other grand women, our leaders and our foremothers, are here for us to
greet; that they, who heard so much that was not agreeable, may hear an
occasional pleasant word while they are alive." Very few of the speakers
failed to express their deep feeling of personal obligation and the
indebtedness of all women to the early labors of Miss Anthony and the
other pioneers.
In her letter to the Union Signal, Miss Willard gave this bit of
description: "The central figure of the council was Susan B. Anthony, in
her black dress and pretty red silk shawl, with her gray-brown hair
smoothly combed over a regal head, worthy of any statesman. Her mingled
good-nature and firmness, her unselfish purpose and keen perception of
the right thing to do, endeared her alike to those whom she admonished
and those whom she praised. In her sixty-ninth year, dear 'Susan B.'
seems not over fifty-five. She has a wonderful constitution, and the
prodigies of work she has accomplished have forever put to rout the
ignorant notion that women lack physical endurance."
In the year of preliminary work for this great council, the thought came
many times to May Wright Sewall that it ought to result in something
more than one brief convention, and she conceived the idea of a
permanent International and also a permanent National Council of Women.
During the week in Washington she presented her plan to a large number
of the leaders who regarded it with approval. Miss Anthony, chairman of
the meeting, by request, appointed a committee of fifteen who reported
in favor of permanent councils, and Miss Willard presented an outline of
constitutions. After a number of meetings of the delegates the councils
were officially formed, March 31, 1888, "to include the organized
working forces of the world's womanhood," in the belief that "such a
federation will increase the world's sum total of womanly courage,
efficiency and esprit de corps, widen the horizon, correct the tendency
of an exaggerated impression of one's own work as compared with that of
others, and put the wisdom and experience of each at the service of
all." A simple form of constitution was adopted, and it was decided that
the National Council should meet once in three years and the
International once in five.[42]
Immediately upon the close of the council, the National Suffrage
Association held its twentieth annual convention and, as many of the
delegates remained, the meetings were nearly as crowded as those of the
council had been. A local paper remarked "that it seemed as if the
Washington people could never hear enough about woman suffrage." A fine
address by Caroline E. Merrick was an especial feature, as it presented
the question from the standpoint of a southern woman. The Senate
committee granted a hearing, the speakers being presented by Miss
Anthony. Mrs. Stanton made the principal address, a grand plea for human
equality, and the grave and dignified committee gave her a round of
applause. She was followed by Frances E. Willard and Julia Ward Howe;
Laura Ormiston Chant and Alice Scatcherd, England; Isabelle Bogelot,
France; Sophia Magelsson Groth, Norway; Alli Trygg, Finland; Bessie
Starr Keefer, Canada.
Miss Anthony received many pleasant letters after the council; among
them one from her friend Mrs. Samuel E. Sewall, of Boston, in which she
said: "We want to congratulate you upon the very satisfactory and
gratifying result of the council. I hear from the delegates on all sides
most enthusiastic accounts of the whole affair, and of your wonderful
powers and energy. Mr. Blackwell is loud in your praise. All this might
be expected from the delegates, but what pleases me still more is the
respectful tone of nearly all the newspapers. Even the sneering Nation
has admitted an article in praise of the council." In all Miss Anthony's
own letters there was not the slightest reference to any feeling of
fatigue or desire for rest, but she seemed only to be stimulated to
greater energy. It was impossible for her to respond to half the
invitations which came from all parts of the country, but usually she
selected the places where she felt herself most needed, without any
regard to her own pleasure or comfort. She did, however, accept a
cordial invitation to attend the annual Boston Suffrage Festival, and
was royally entertained for several days.
On the afternoon of June 9, Central Music Hall, Chicago, was packed with
an audience of representative men and women. Frances E. Willard
presided,[43] prayer was offered by Rev. Florence Kollock, and Mrs.
Ormiston Chant gave a wonderfully electric address on the "Moral
Relations of Men and Women to Each Other." She was followed by Dr. Kate
Bushnell in a thrilling talk on "Legislation as it Deals with Social
Purity." Miss Anthony closed the program with a ringing speech showing
the need of the ballot in the hands of women to remedy such evils as had
been depicted by the other speakers. No abstract can give an idea of her
magnetic force when profoundly stirred by such recitals as had been made
at this meeting.
A few days afterwards a largely-attended reception was given by the
Woman's Club of Chicago to Miss Anthony, Isabella Beecher Hooker and
Baroness Gripenberg, of Finland.
In the summer of 1888, the National Association as usual sent delegates
to each of the presidential conventions, asking for a suffrage plank,
and as usual they were ignored by Republicans and Democrats. Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Hooker had headquarters in the parlors of Mrs. Celia
Whipple Wallace, at the Sherman House, Chicago, during the Republican
convention in June. They issued an open letter citing the record of the
party in regard to women, and asking for recognition, but received no
consideration. In the Woman's Tribune, Miss Anthony made this forcible
statement:
Had the best representative suffrage women of every State in the
Union been in Chicago, established in national headquarters,
working with the men of their State delegations, as well as with
the resolution committee, I have not a doubt that the Republican
platform would have contained a splendid plank, pledging the party
to this broad and true interpretation of the Constitution. Every
other reform had its scores and hundreds of representatives here,
pleading for the incorporation of its principles in the platform
and working for the nomination of the men who would best voice
their plans. Women never will be heard and heeded until they make
themselves a power, irresistible in numbers and strength, moral,
intellectual and financial, in all the formative gatherings of the
parties they would influence. Therefore, I now beg of our women not
to lose another opportunity to be present at every political
convention during this summer, to urge the adoption of woman
suffrage resolutions and the nomination of men pledged to support
them. "Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty" for women as well
as for men.
From Chicago Miss Anthony went directly to Indianapolis and, with Mrs.
Sewall, called at the Harrison residence. She says: "We met a most
cordial reception and while the general did not declare himself in favor
of woman's enfranchisement, he expressed great respect for those who
are seeking it." The two ladies then addressed an open letter to General
Harrison, urging that in accepting the nomination he would interpret as
including women that plank in the Republican platform which declared:
"We recognize the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen to
cast one free ballot in all public elections and to have that ballot
duly counted;"[44] but this reasonable request was politely ignored.
Sarah Knox Goodrich and Ellen Clark Sargent, of California, sent the
following telegram to their fellow-citizen, Morris M. Estee, chairman of
the National Republican Convention: "Please ascertain, for many
interested women, if the clause in the platform concerning the sovereign
right of every lawful citizen to a free ballot, includes the women of
the United States." To this Mr. Estee telegraphed reply, "I do not think
the platform is so construed here." This ended the battle of 1888, as
far as women were concerned, and those who might have been the ablest
advocates which any political party could put upon its platform were
relegated to silence during the campaign.
On August 7, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton spoke at Byron Center, and
were entertained by Mrs. Newton Green. Miss Anthony addressed a large
audience at Jamestown on the 10th and was the guest of Mrs. Reuben E.
Fenton. During part of the summer, for a little recreation, she took
hold of the great heterogeneous mass of bills and receipts of the
National W. S. A. for the past four years and compiled them into a neat,
accurate financial report of seventeen pages, in which every dollar
received and disbursed during that time was acknowledged and accounted
for, without any "sundries" or other makeshifts for the sake of
accuracy. As the total amount reached nearly $18,000, a large part of
which had been received in sums of one or two dollars, the labor
involved may be appreciated. Miss Anthony did this, as she did many
other disagreeable things, not because they were officially her duty,
but because they ought to be done and there was no one else ready to
undertake them. She always was restive under red tape regulations. For
many years she was forced to take the lead in all departments of the
suffrage work and when they finally became systematized, with a head at
each, she sometimes grew impatient at delay and usurped the functions of
others without intending any breach of official etiquette. And so when
this financial statement was completed, she published it without waiting
for money or authority, and wrote to the national treasurer, Mrs.
Spofford, who had recently returned from Europe:
Andrew Jackson-like, I decided to assume the responsibility of
sending to each member of the association a copy of the Council
Report with one of the National's financial statement. I am writing
a personal letter to all, explaining our double keeping of our
pledge and asking them to return contributions, if they are able,
for this permanent and nice report. I do not know what results in
cash will come of it to the National, but I do know that the
poorest and hardest-working women who pinched out their dollars to
send, think that we promised them therefor this book-report of the
council. So all in all I decided, against Miss Foster, Mrs. Stanton
and your own dear self, to give each the report, leaving her to do
as she feels most comfortable about sending to the treasurer
payment in return.
A few days later she writes: "I mailed 800 letters yesterday, and we
have sent over 1,500 Reports, with 800 more promised." Could any pen
give an adequate idea of the amount of work accomplished by that
tireless brain and those never-resting hands?
Miss Anthony spoke on Woman's Day, October 12, at the Centennial
Celebration in Columbus, O. A newspaper correspondent drew this contrast
between her address and those of the women of the W. C. T. U.:
Each prayer started heavenward was weighted with
politics--political prohibition. When the eloquent speakers of the
afternoon dealt a stinging blow under the belt to one of the
leading political parties, the applause was tremendous, cheers and
"amens" mingling in a sacrilegious chorus of approval. On the other
hand, when Miss Anthony made her calm, strong and really logical
argument in favor of woman suffrage, giving each party, so far as
related to action of States, just praise or censure, she was
received coldly. It did not seem to count for anything that she had
been a pioneer in the cause of temperance. That white record was
stained because she cast their idol down--she showed that
prohibition had failed in Kansas in the large cities, whether under
a Democratic or a Republican governor, or under St. John, the
Prohibition governor; in every administration it was a failure,
because even there women had only a restricted vote, and public
sentiment without the ballot counted for naught. There were no
little graves in her speech, no weeping willows by winding streams
where lay broken hearts in tombs unmarked. It was a simple
statement of the cause a brave woman had at heart.
She attended the State conventions at Ames, Ia., and at Emporia, Kan.,
where she was the guest of Senator and Mrs. Kellogg. From there she went
to Leavenworth, and later to Omaha for the Nebraska convention. She then
engaged for the fall and winter with the Slayton Lecture Bureau at $60 a
night, and began again the tiresome round throughout the Western States.
In this autumn of 1888, Miss Anthony received a severe shock in the
announcement of the approaching marriage of Rachel Foster to Cyrus
Miller Avery, of Chicago. He had attended the International Council the
preceding spring with his mother, Rosa Miller Avery, known prominently
in suffrage and other public work in Illinois. Here he had seen Miss
Foster in her youth and beauty, carrying a large part of the
responsibility connected with that important gathering, and had fallen
in love with her at first sight. During her long life Miss Anthony had
seen one young girl after another take up the work of woman's
regeneration, fit herself for it, grow into a power, then marry, give it
all up and drop out of sight. "I would not object to marriage," she
wrote, "if it were not that women throw away every plan and purpose of
their own life, to conform to the plans and purposes of the man's life.
I wonder if it is woman's real, true nature always to abnegate self."
Miss Foster had developed unusual ability and for a number of years had
been Miss Anthony's mainstay in the suffrage work, and had grown very
close into her heart; it is not surprising, therefore, that she learned
of the coming marriage with dismay. She accepted the situation as
gracefully as possible, however, and, although too far away to attend
the wedding, sent most cordial wishes for the happiness of the
newly-married.[45]
The year 1888 brought to Miss Anthony many honors, but it brought also
the usual quota of the bereavements which come with every passing year
when one nears threescore and ten. Her cherished friend, Dr. Clemence
Lozier, had passed away; Edward M. Davis, whose faithful friendship
never had failed, was no more; A. Bronson Alcott and his daughter Louisa
had gone to test the truth of the new philosophy; and other dear ones
had dropped out of the narrowing circle. But as a partial compensation,
there had come into her life some new friends who were destined, if not
to fill the place of those who were gone, to make another for themselves
in her affections and her labors quite as helpful and important. Chief
among these was Rev. Anna Howard Shaw, who, from the time of the
International Council, gave her deepest love and truest allegiance.
Until then she had not been near enough Miss Anthony to realize the
nobility and grandeur of her character, but thenceforth she accorded to
her all the devotion and reverence of her own strong and beautiful
nature. In a letter written after she had returned to her home in
Boston, she said: "From my heart I pray that I may always be worthy your
love and confidence. To know you is a blessing; to be trusted by you is
worth far more than my efforts for our work have cost me."
FOOTNOTES:
[36] To these afterwards were added from the executive committee,
Isabella Beecher Hooker, _Chairman_, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Mary B. Clay,
Sarah M. Perkins, Lillie Devereux Blake, Mary F. Eastman, Clara Neymann,
Elizabeth Boynton Harbert.
[37] Many letters are on file making these declarations. It is not
practicable to quote them here, but a place may be made for an extract
from that of Zerelda G. Wallace to Miss Anthony: "While they do not
under-estimate the work of any of the pioneers, the hearts of the women
all over the country are turning to you. They feel that they are yours,
and you are theirs. The suffrage women look to you with as much loyalty
and affection as the temperance women to Miss Willard. There are
thousands of them who would rally around you with an enthusiasm which no
one else can inspire. You will do me the credit to believe that I speak
solely for the good of the work to which you have given your life."
[38] Mrs. Avery and Miss Blackwell have continued ever since to fill
these positions most acceptably to the association.
[39] The magnitude of the work of the council may be better appreciated
by the mention of a few figures in this connection. There were printed
and distributed by mail 10,000 calls and 10,000 appeals; sketches were
prepared of the lives and work of speakers and delegates and circulated
by a press committee of over ninety persons in many States; March 10,
the first edition (5,000) of the sixteen-page program was issued; this
was followed by five other editions of 5,000 each and a final seventh
edition of 7,000. About 4,000 letters were written. Including those
concerning railroad rates, not less than 10,000 more circulars of
various kinds were printed and distributed. A low estimate of the number
of pages thus issued gives 672,000. During the week of the council and
the week of the convention of the National W. S. A. the Woman's Tribune
was published by Mrs. Colby eight times (four days sixteen pages, four
days twelve pages), the daily edition averaging 12,500.
An international convention of men, held in Washington the same year,
cost in round numbers $50,000.--Official Report.
[40] One session each was given to Education, Philanthropy, Temperance,
Industries, Professions, Organizations, Legal Conditions, Social Purity,
Political Conditions, etc., which were discussed by the women most
prominent in the several departments. Fifty-three different national
organizations of women were represented by eighty speakers and
forty-nine delegates from England, France, Norway, Denmark, Finland,
India, Canada and the United States.
[41] The fine stenographic reports of this council were made by Mary F.
Seymour and a corps of women assistants. The official proceedings, with
speeches in full, may be obtained of the corresponding secretary of the
National-American W. S. A.
[42] National Council: _President_, Frances E. Willard;
_vice-president-at-large_, Susan B. Anthony; _corresponding secretary_,
May Wright Sewall; _recording secretary_, Mary F. Eastman; _treasurer_,
M. Louise Thomas.
[43] This meeting was arranged by Dr. Frances Dickinson, who had
persuaded Miss Anthony to make the journey to Chicago in order to
preside over it. On the way to the hall she was detained at a drawbridge
and Miss Willard kindly took her place.
[44] See Appendix for full text of letter.
[45] Mrs. Foster Avery has proved an exception to the rule and, during
the ten years since her marriage, has performed as much work, to say the
least, as any of the younger generation of women, besides contributing
thousands of dollars.
CHAPTER XXXVI.
CONVENTIONS FROM WASHINGTON TO SOUTH DAKOTA.
1889.
The eleventh of January, 1889, found Miss Anthony in her usual pleasant
suite of rooms at the Riggs House. She plunged at once into preparations
for the approaching convention, interviewing congressmen, calling at the
newspaper offices and conferring with local committees. The Twenty-first
National Convention opened January 21, in the Congregational church,
with the speakers as bright and full of hope as they had been through
all the score of years. The opening address was given by Hon. A. G.
Riddle and, during the sessions, excellent speeches were made by Hon.
William D. Kelley, Senator Blair, Rev. Alexander Kent and State Senator
Blue, of Kansas. Rev. Anna H. Shaw made her first appearance on the
National platform and delivered her splendid oration, "The Fate of
Republics." Laura M. Johns gave a practical and pleasing talk on
"Municipal Suffrage in Kansas;" and there was the usual array of talent.
Miss Anthony presided, putting every speaker to the front and making a
substantial background of her own felicitous little speeches, each
containing an argument in a nutshell.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Very truly yours, Wm D Kelley"]
While in Washington she was entertained at dinner by the "Six O'clock
Club," and seated at the right hand of its president Dr. Wm. A.
Hammond. The subject for the evening was "Robert Elsmere" and, in giving
her opinion, she said she had found nothing new in the book; all those
theological questions had been discussed and settled by the Quakers long
ago. What distressed her most was the marriage of Robert and Catherine,
who, any outsider could have seen, were utterly unfitted for one
another, and she wondered if there could be any way by which young
people might be able to know each other better before marrying.
On February 11, Miss Anthony spoke in Cincinnati to an audience of
2,000, under the management of A. W. Whelpley, city librarian.[46] The
Commercial Gazette commented: "Miss Susan B. Anthony had every reason
for congratulation on the audience, both as to quality and quantity,
which greeted her Sunday afternoon at the Grand Opera House. Her
discourse proved to be one of the most entertaining of the Unity Club
lectures this season, and if she did not succeed in gaining many
proselytes to her well-known views regarding woman's emancipation, she
certainly reaped the reward of presenting the arguments in an
interesting and logical manner. Every neatly turned point was received
with applause and that good-natured laughter that carries with it not a
little of the element of conviction. As of old, this pioneer of the
woman's cause is abundantly able to return sarcasm for sarcasm, as well
as to present an array of facts in a manner which would do credit to the
most astute of our politicians."
Miss Anthony was much gratified at the cordial reception given her in
Cincinnati and the evident success of her speech, and Tuesday morning,
with a happy heart, took the train for her western lecture tour. She
settled herself comfortably, glanced over her paper and was about to lay
it aside when her eye caught the word "Leavenworth." A hasty glance told
her of the drowning the day before of Susie B. Anthony, while out
skating with a party of schoolmates! Susie B., her namesake, her
beloved niece, as dear as a daughter, and with many of her own strong
characteristics--she was almost stunned. Telegraphing at once to cancel
her engagements, she hastened to Leavenworth. Just six months before,
Colonel and Mrs. Anthony had lost a little daughter, five years old, and
now the sudden taking away of this beautiful girl in her seventeenth
year was a blow of crushing force. She found a stricken household to
whom she could offer but small consolation out of her own sorrowing
heart. After the last services she attempted to fill her engagements in
Arkansas, speaking in Helena, Fort Smith and Little Rock; at the last
place being introduced to the audience by Governor James B. Eagle. She
was so filled with sympathy for her brother and his wife that she gave
up her other lectures and returned to Leavenworth, where she remained
for two months, going away only for two or three meetings.
She lectured in Memorial Hall, St. Louis, March 5,[47] and a brilliant
reception was given her at the Lindell Hotel. On March 9, she spoke at
Jefferson City, where the Daily Tribune contained a full synopsis of her
address, beginning as follows: "The hall of the House of Representatives
was crowded last night as never before, with ladies and gentlemen--State
officials, members of the general assembly, clerks of the departments
and of the legislature, and all the students from Lincoln Institute....
Miss Anthony was received with applause, and plunged at once into the
subject which for many years has made her name a household word in every
English-speaking country on the globe."
Leavenworth was in the midst of an exciting municipal campaign and
Colonel Anthony had been nominated for mayor by the Republicans. Miss
Anthony made a number of speeches, at Chickering Hall, the Conservatory
of Music, the different churches, meetings of <DW52> people, etc. The
night of the last great rally she writes in her diary: "It does seem as
if the cause of law and order and temperance ought to win, but the
saloon element resorts to such tricks that honest people can not match
them." So it seemed in this case, and Colonel Anthony was defeated. The
Republicans, both men and women, were divided amongst themselves with
the usual results.
Her grief over the untimely death of Susie B. was still fresh, and in a
letter to a friend who had just suffered a great bereavement, she said:
"It is a part of the inevitable and the living can not do otherwise than
submit, however rebellious they may feel; but we will clutch after the
loved ones in spite of all faith and all philosophy. By and by, when one
gets far enough away from the hurt of breaking the branch from its tree,
there does, there must, come a sweet presence of the spirit of the loved
and gone that soothes the ache of the earlier days. That every one has
to suffer from the loss of loving and loved ones, does not make our
anguish any the less."
To the sorrowing father she wrote after she returned home: "Can you not
feel when you look at those lonely mounds, that the spirits, the part of
them that made life, are not there but in your own home, in your own
heart, ever present? It surely is more blessed to have loved and lost
than never to have loved.... Which of us shall follow them first we can
not tell, but if it should be I, lay my body away without the
heartbreak, the agony that must come when the young go. Try to believe
that all is well, that however misunderstood or misunderstanding, all
there is clear to the enlarged vision. Whenever I have suffered from the
memory of hasty or unkind words to those who have gone, my one comfort
always has been in the feeling that their spirits still live and are so
much finer that they understand and forgive."
Miss Anthony went from Leavenworth to Indianapolis for a few days'
conference with Mrs. Sewall on matters connected with the National
Suffrage Association and National Council of Women. She writes in her
diary: "Mrs. Sewall introduced me to the girls of her Classical School
as one who had dared live up to her highest dream. I did not say a word
for fear it might not be the right one." From here she journeyed to
Philadelphia, stopping, she says, "with dear Adeline Thomson, whose
door is always open to those who are working for women;"[48] thence to
New York for the State convention April 26.
The preceding evening a reception was tendered Miss Anthony at the Park
Hotel, where she notes, "I wore my garnet velvet and point lace." This
did not suit the correspondent of the Chicago Herald, who said: "Her
futile efforts to adjust her train with the toe of her number seven
boot, instead of the approved backward sweep of heel, demonstrated that
she certainly was not 'to the manner born.'" He then continued to sneer
at the suffrage women for "adopting the social elegancies of life
inaugurated by Mrs. Ashton Dilke, at the council last winter;" evidently
unaware that Miss Anthony had been wearing her velvet gown since 1883.
But the same day the New York Sun had a long and serious editorial to
the effect that "equal suffrage never would be successful until it was
made fashionable." This illustrates how hard it is to please everybody,
and also how prone men are to make a woman's work inseparable from her
garments, always giving more prominence to what she wears than to what
she says and does, and then censuring her because she "gives so much
time and thought to her clothes." Even from far-off Memphis the
Avalanche tumbled down on Miss Anthony for wearing point lace "when the
women who wore their lives out making it were no better than slaves."
Doubtless the editor abjured linen shirt-bosoms because the poor
Irishwomen who bleach the flax are paid starvation wages. The Brooklyn
Times also jumped into the breach and, in a column editorial, attempted
to prove that "the ballot for woman is as superfluous as a corset for a
man." Thus does the male mind illustrate its superiority!
On May 17, Miss Anthony addressed the Woman's Political Equality Club of
Rochester, in the Unitarian church, which was crowded to its capacity.
She spoke in Warren, O., May 21, the guest of Hon. Ezra B. Taylor and
his daughter, Mrs. Upton. The next day the two ladies went to the Ohio
State Convention at Akron and were entertained at the palatial home of
Mr. and Mrs. Lewis Miller. A dinner was given to Miss Anthony, Mrs.
Zerelda G. Wallace and Rev. Anna Shaw by Mr. and Mrs. Adolph Schumacher.
A report went the rounds of the newspapers at this time saying that
"Miss Anthony had renounced woman suffrage." It was started doubtless by
some one who supposed her to be so narrow as to abandon a great
principle because her brother had been defeated in a city where women
had the suffrage. The Portland Oregonian having used this alleged
renunciation as the basis for a leading editorial, the ladies of Tacoma,
Wash., where women had been arbitrarily disfranchised by the supreme
court, sent a telegram to Miss Anthony asking if the rumor were true.
She telegraphed in reply: "Report false; am stronger than ever and bid
Washington restore woman suffrage."
She went to Philadelphia to attend the wedding, June 21, of one of her
family of nieces, who filled the place in her great heart which would
have been given to her daughters, had she chosen marriage instead of the
world's work for all womankind. When her sister Hannah had died years
before, Miss Anthony had brought the little orphan, Helen Louise Mosher,
to her own home, where she had remained until grown. For some time she
had been a successful supervisor of kindergarten work in Philadelphia
and today she was the happy bride of Alvan James, a prominent business
man of that city.[49] Miss Anthony was pleased with the marriage and the
young couple started on their wedding tour with her blessing.
In July a charming letter was received from Madame Maria Deraismes,
president of the French Woman's Congress, conveying "the greetings of
the women of France to the leader of women in America." On the Fourth
Miss Anthony addressed a Grangers' picnic, at Lyons, held under the
great trees in the dooryard of Mr. and Mrs. Benjamin Bradley, who were
her hosts. One hot week this month was spent with Dr. Sarah A. Dolley, a
prominent physician of Rochester, in her summer home at Long Pond. Early
in August, with her niece Maud, she took a very delightful trip through
the lake and mountain regions of New York. After a visit at Saratoga
they went up Mount McGregor, and Miss Anthony writes in her diary: "Here
we saw the room where General Grant died, the invalid chair, the clothes
he wore, medicine bottles, etc.--very repulsive. If the grand mementoes
of his life's work were on exhibition it would be inspiring, but these
ghastly reminders of his disease and death are too horrible."
They spent a few days at the Fort William Henry Hotel on beautiful Lake
George, and she says: "Several of the waiters formerly at the
Riggs House recognized me the moment I entered the dining-room, and one
of them brought me a lovely bouquet." They sailed through Lake Champlain
to Montreal, stopping at the Windsor, visiting the grand cathedrals and
enjoying the glorious view from the summit of the Royal mountain. Then
they journeyed to the Berkshire hills and enjoyed many visits with the
numerous relatives scattered throughout that region. At Brooklyn they
were the guests of the cousins Lucien and Ellen Hoxie Squier.
Early in July Miss Anthony had accepted an invitation to address the
Seidl Club, who were to give a luncheon at Brighton Beach, the
fashionable resort on Coney Island. The invitation had been extended
through Mrs. Laura C. Holloway, one of the editorial staff of the
Brooklyn Eagle and a valued friend of many years' standing, who wrote:
"Not nearly all our members are suffragists, but all of them honor you
as a great and noble representative of the sex. You can do more good by
meeting this body of musical and literary women than by addressing a
dozen out-and-out suffrage meetings. You will find many old friends to
greet you, and a loving and proud welcome from yours devotedly." She
addressed the club August 30, after an elegant luncheon served to 300
members and guests. She selected for her subject, "Woman's Need of
Pecuniary Independence," and her remarks were received with much
enthusiasm. "Broadbrim's" New York letter thus describes the occasion:
The Seidl Club had an elegant time down at Coney Island this week,
and dear old Susan B. Anthony addressed the members, many of whom
are among the representative women of the land. It was the custom
in years gone by for a lot of paper-headed ninnies, who write cheap
jokes about mothers-in-law, to fire their paper bullets at Susan B.
She has lived to see about one-half of them go down to drunkard's
graves, and the other half are either dead or forgotten, while she
today stands as one of the brightest, cheeriest women, young or
old, to be found in our own or any other land. What a tremendous
battle she has fought, what a blameless life she has led, rejoicing
in the strength which enabled her to mingle with the weak and
erring of her sex when necessary without even the smell of smoke on
her garments. She made an address, and what an address it was, with
more good, sound, hard sense in it than you would find in fifty
congressional speeches, and how the women applauded her till they
made the roof ring! Susan B. Anthony was by all odds the lioness of
the day.
A few days were given to Mrs. Stanton, who was spending the summer with
her son Gerrit and his wife at Hempstead, L. I., and they prepared the
call for the next national convention. She reached home in time to speak
on September 9 at Wyoming, where she was a guest at the delightful
summer home of Mrs. Susan Look Avery for several days, as long as she
could be persuaded to stay. She then hastened back to New York to visit
Mrs. M. Louise Thomas, president of Sorosis, for a day or two, and
arrange National Council affairs, and down to Philadelphia to plan
suffrage work with Rachel Foster Avery.[50] Just as she was leaving she
received a letter from Margaret V. Hamilton, of Ft. Wayne, announcing
that her mother, Emerine J. Hamilton, had bequeathed to Miss Anthony for
her personal use $500 in bank stock, a testimonial of her twenty years
of unwavering friendship. While grieved at the loss of one whose love
and hospitality she had so long enjoyed, she rejoiced in the thought
that from the daughters she still would receive both in the same
unstinted degree.
September 27 saw her en route for the West once more and by October 1
she was at Wichita, ready for the Kansas State Convention. The Woman's
Tribune had said: "It is the greatest boon to the president of a State
convention to have the presence and counsel of Miss Anthony." At this
meeting the committee reported a set of resolutions beginning, "We
believe in God," etc., when she at once protested on the ground that
"the woman suffrage platform must be kept free from all theological
bias, so that unbelievers as well as evangelical Christians can stand
upon it."
The 10th of October Miss Anthony, fresh, bright and cheery, reported for
duty at the Indiana State Convention held at Rushville. On October 14,
strong and vigorous as ever, she announced herself at Milwaukee, ready
for the Wisconsin State Convention, where she spoke at each of the three
days' sessions. In one of her addresses here she said that she did not
ask suffrage for women in order that they might vote against the liquor
traffic--she did not know how they would vote on this question--she
simply demanded that they should have the same right as men to express
their opinions at the ballot-box. Immediately the report was sent
broadcast that Miss Anthony had said "as many women would vote for beer
as against it."
Then down to Chicago she journeyed to talk over the "Isabella Memorial"
with her cousin, Dr. Frances Dickinson, who was a prime factor of this
movement. While there she had a charming visit with Harriet Hosmer, the
great sculptor, who afterwards wrote her:
It was a real treat to see you once more.... How well do I remember
our first meeting in the office of The Revolution. I do not know of
anything that would give me so much pleasure as being present at
the Washington convention, and if I am in America next January you
may rest assured I shall be there.... Yes, you are quite right;
there ought to be a National Art Association of women who are real
artists, and it would be a good thing all round. There is nothing
which has impressed me so much and so favorably since my return
here as the number of helpful clubs and associations which are of
modern growth, and one of the best fruits of the work that has been
done among women. Not only are they full of pleasantness but where
unity is there is strength.
Now that we have come together, don't let us permit a vacuum of
twenty years to intervene again; we have a great deal to say to
each other.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Keep me in your heart as I keep you in mine
and hold me even [illegible] H. Hosmer."]
Miss Anthony went from Milwaukee to the Minnesota State Convention at
Minneapolis, and addressed the students of the university. She also
visited the Bethany Home for the Friendless and writes in her journal:
"I saw there over forty fatherless babes, and twenty or thirty girls who
must henceforth wear the scarlet letter over their hearts, while the men
who caused their ruin go forth to seek new recruits for the Bethany
homes!" At Duluth she was the guest of her faithful friends, Judge J. B.
and Sarah Burger Stearns, speaking here in the Masonic Temple. The judge
introduced Miss Anthony in these words: "The first quality we look for
in men is courage; the next, ability; the third, benevolence. It is my
pleasure to present to you tonight a woman who has exhibited, in a
marked degree, all three."
On November 11, 1889, at the beginning of the northern winter, she went
from here to South Dakota. A woman suffrage amendment had been submitted
to be voted on in 1890, and Miss Anthony had been receiving urgent
letters from the members of the State Suffrage Association to assist
them in a preliminary canvass and advise as to methods of organization,
etc. "Every true woman will welcome you to South Dakota," wrote Philena
Johnson, one of the district presidents. "My wife looks upon you as a
dependent child upon an indulgent parent; your words will inspire her,"
wrote the husband of Emma Smith DeVoe, the State lecturer. "We are very
grateful that you will come to us," wrote Alonzo Wardall, the
vice-president.
Miss Anthony began the canvass at Redfield, November 12, introduced by
Judge Isaac Howe. The Supreme Court decision allowing "original
packages" of liquor to come into the State had just been announced, and
the old minister who opened this meeting devoted all of his prayer to
explaining to the Almighty the evils which would follow in the wake of
these "original packages!" She held meetings throughout the State, had
fine audiences and found strong friends at each place. There was much
public interest and the comments of the press were favorable in the
highest degree.[51]
She addressed the Farmers' Alliance at their State convention in
Aberdeen; they were very cordial and officially endorsed the suffrage
amendment. In a letter at this time she said: "I have learned just what
I feared--the Prohibitionists in their late campaign studiously held
woman suffrage in the background. The W. C. T. U. woman who introduced
me last night publicly proclaimed she had not yet reached woman
suffrage. Isn't it discouraging? When I get to Washington, I shall see
all of the South Dakota congressmen and senators and learn what they
intend to do. The Republican party here stood for prohibition, and if it
will stand for woman suffrage we can carry it, and not otherwise." Her
fine optimism did not desert her, however, and to the Woman's Tribune
she wrote:
I want to help our friends throughout this State to hold the
canvass for woman suffrage entirely outside all political,
religious or reform questions--that is, keep it absolutely by
itself. I advise every man and woman who wishes this amendment
carried at the ballot-box next November to wear only the badge of
yellow ribbon--that and none other. This morning I cut and tied a
whole bolt of ribbon, and every woman went out of the court-house
adorned with a little sunflower- knot.
The one work for the winter before our good friends in South
Dakota, should be that of visiting every farmhouse of every school
district of every county in the State; talking and reading over the
question at every fireside these long evenings; enrolling the names
of all who believe in woman suffrage; leaving papers and tracts to
be read and circulated, and organizing equal suffrage committees in
every district and village. With this done, the entire State will
be in splendid trim for the opening of the regular campaign in the
spring of 1890.
She started eastward the very day her canvass ended, reaching Chicago on
Thanksgiving evening, and went directly to Detroit where she spoke
November 29, and was the guest of her old friends of anti-slavery days,
Giles and Catharine F. Stebbins. Her nephew, Daniel R. Jr., came over
from Michigan University to hear her and accompanied her back to Ann
Arbor, where she was entertained by Mrs. Olivia B. Hall. He thus gives
his impressions to his parents:
Aunt Susan spoke here for the benefit of the Ladies, Library
Association, and had an excellent audience; and Sunday night she
spoke at the Unitarian church. It was jammed full and people were
in line for half a block around, trying to get inside. At the
beginning of her lecture Aunt Susan does not do so well; but when
she is in the midst of her argument and all her energies brought
into play, I think she is a very powerful speaker.
Dr. Sunderland, the Unitarian minister, invited her to dinner and,
as I was her nephew, of course I had to be included. The Halls are
very fine people and as I took nearly every meal at their house
while she was here, I can also testify that they have good things
to eat. I brought Aunt Susan down to see where I lived. It being
vacation time of course the house was closed and hadn't been aired
for a week, and some of the boys having smoked a good deal she
thought the odor was dreadful, but that otherwise we were very
comfortably fixed.
Miss Anthony spoke at Toronto December 2, introduced by the mayor and
entertained by Dr. Augusta S. Gullen, daughter of Dr. Emily H. Stowe.
She addressed the Political Equality Club of Rochester in the
Universalist church, December 5. During the past three months she had
travelled several thousand miles and spoken every night when not on
board the cars. Three days later she started for Washington to arrange
for the National convention, and from there wrote Rachel Foster Avery:
I have done it, and to my dismay Mrs. Colby has announced my
high-handedness in this week's Tribune, when I intended to keep my
assumption of Andrew Jackson-like responsibility a secret. One
night last week the new Lincoln Hall was opened and when I saw what
a splendid audience-room it is, I just rushed the next day to the
agent and found our convention days not positively engaged; then
rushed to Mr. Kent and from him to Mr. Jordan and got released from
the little church, and then back I went and had the convention
booked for Lincoln Hall. I did not mean to have any notice of the
change of place go out over the country, because it makes no
difference to friends outside of Washington. Well, no matter. I
couldn't think of taking our convention into any church when we had
a chance to go back to our old home, and that in a new and elegant
house reared upon the ashes of the old. So if killed I am for this
high-handed piece of work, why killed I shall be!
A letter will illustrate her efforts for South Dakota: "I have 50,000
copies of Senator Palmer's speech ready to go to the Senate
folding-room, and thence to the South Dakota senators and
representatives to be franked, and then back to me to be addressed to
the 25,000 men of the Farmers' Alliance, etc. If suffrage literature
does not penetrate into every single family in every town of every
county of South Dakota before another month rolls round, it will be
because I can not get the names of every one. I am securing also the
subscription lists of every county newspaper. If reading matter in every
home and lectures in every school house of the State will convert the
men, we shall carry South Dakota next November with a whoop! I do hope
we can galvanize our friends in every State to concentrate all their
money and forces upon South Dakota the coming year. We must have no
scattering fire now, but all directed to one point, and get everybody to
thinking, reading and talking on the subject."
And again she writes: "With my $400 which I have contributed to the
National this year, I have made life members of myself, nieces Lucy E.
and Louise, and Mrs. Stanton. Now I intend to make Mrs. Minor, Olympia
Brown, Phoebe Couzins and Matilda Joslyn Gage life members. I had
thought of others, but these last four are of longer standing, were
identified with the old National and have suffered odium and persecution
because of adherence to it."
In the diary's mention of busy days is one item: "Went to the Capitol to
the celebration of the centennial of the First Congress. Justice Fuller
made a beautiful oration on the progress of the century but failed to
have discovered a woman all the way down;" and another: "This morning
called on Mrs. Harrison, Mrs. Stanford and Mrs. Manderson to talk about
having women represented in the Columbian Exposition of 1892. All are in
favor of it."
Every hour was filled with business, and with social duties undertaken
solely because of the influence they might have on the great and only
question. The last day of 1889 she went to pay the final honors to the
wife of her faithful ally, Hon. A. G. Riddle. Death had robbed her of
many friends during the past year. On February 1 her old co-worker Amy
Post, of Rochester, was laid to rest, one of the veteran Abolitionists
who commenced the work in 1833 with Garrison, and who had stood by the
cause of woman as faithfully as by that of the slave. In March passed
away in the prime of womanhood, Mary L. Booth, editor of Harper's Bazar
from its beginning in 1867. In June died Maria Mitchell, the great
astronomer, in the fullness of years, having completed threescore and
ten. In November was finished the work of Dinah Mendenhall, the
venerable Quaker and philanthropist, wife of Isaac Mendenhall, whose
home near Philadelphia had been for sixty years the refuge of the poor
and oppressed, without regard to sex, color or creed.[52]
At the close of the old year, the Washington Star in a long interview,
headed "A Leader of Women," said.
Miss Anthony is now at the capital, ready for the regular annual
agitation before Congress of the proposed Sixteenth Amendment to
the Constitution. She is one of the remarkable women of the world.
In appearance she has not grown a day older in the past ten years.
Her manner has none of the excitement of an enthusiast; never
discouraged by disappointment, she keeps calmly at work, and she
could give points in political organization and management to some
of the best male politicians in the land. Her face is strong and
intellectual, but full of womanly gentleness. Her gold spectacles
give her a motherly rather than a severe expression, and a stranger
would see nothing incongruous in her doing knitting or fancy-work.
In no sense does she correspond with the distorted idea of a
woman's rights agitator. In conversation her manner is that of
perfect repose. She is always entertaining, and the most romantic
idealizer of women would not expect frivolity in one of her age and
would not charge it to strong-mindedness that she is sedate....
Speaking of the Columbus celebration, she said she understood it
was probable that the board of promotion at the capital would
decide to permit women a part in the organization and management of
the enterprise.
FOOTNOTES:
[46] In response to a letter of introduction from Mr. Spofford, of the
Riggs, Miss Anthony was the guest of the Burnet House with a fine suite
of apartments. In a letter home she writes: "The chambermaid said, 'Why,
you have had more calls than Mrs. Hayes had when she occupied these
rooms.'"
[47] Mrs. Minor managed this meeting and also tried to arrange for Miss
Anthony to address a large Catholic gathering but was unsuccessful. She
writes: "The vicar-general was on the side of your lecture and spoke in
complimentary terms of you and your work."
[48] In a letter Miss Thomson wrote: "I want you to know that my heart
is warmer for you than for any other mortal, my thoughts follow you
wheresoever you go, and I am always glad when your footsteps turn toward
me."
[49] A little incident showed the family spirit. When her lover was
about to present her with a handsome diamond engagement ring, she
requested that instead the money should be given to the National
Suffrage Association, which was done.
[50] In a letter to Mrs. Avery relative to some pressing work, Miss
Anthony wrote: "I would not for anything have you drudge on this during
your husband's vacation. No, no, there is none too much of life and
happiness for any of us, so plan to go and be and do whatever seemeth
best unto the twain made so beautifully one."
[51] She spoke at Huron, Mitchell, Yankton, Sioux Falls, Madison,
Brookings, DeSmet, Watertown, Parker, Pierre, St. Lawrence and Aberdeen,
and presented a full set of the History of Woman Suffrage to libraries
in each of these towns.
[52] The year previous Mrs. Mendenhall had given Miss Anthony and
Frances Willard each her note for $1,000 payable after her death, to be
used for the cause of woman suffrage and temperance, but the heirs
refused to honor the notes.
CHAPTER XXXVII.
AT THE END OF SEVENTY YEARS.
1890.
Miss Anthony received New Year's calls in the Red Parlor of the Riggs
House, January 1, 1890, entertained a party of friends at dinner in the
evening, and had the usual number of pleasant gifts and loving letters.
While busy with preparations for the national convention, she learned of
the project to celebrate her seventieth birthday on February 15.
Supposing it to be simply a tribute from her friends, like the
observance of her fiftieth anniversary twenty years before in New York,
she was pleased at the compliment, but after the arrangements were
commenced she learned that it was to take the form of an elegant banquet
at the Riggs and tickets were to be sold at $4 each. Her feelings were
expressed in a letter to May Wright Sewall and Rachel Foster Avery, who
had the matter in charge:
I write in utter consternation, hoping it is not too late to recall
every notice sent for publication. I never dreamed of your doing
other than issuing pretty little private invitations signed by Mrs.
Stanton and yourselves as officers of the National Association. If
its official board is too far dissolved for this, please let the
whole matter drop, and I will invite a few special friends to sup
with me on my birthday. I know Mr. and Mrs. Spofford would love to
unite with you in a personal entertainment of this kind. I may be
wrong as to the bad taste of issuing a notice, just like a public
meeting, and letting those purchase tickets who wish; but it seems
to me the very persons least desired by us may be the first to buy
them. I should be proud of a banquet with invited guests who would
make it an honor, but with such persons as will pay $5, more or
less, it resolves itself into a mere matter of cash. I would vastly
prefer to ask those we wanted and foot the entire bill myself.
Mrs. Sewall wrote at once to Mrs. Avery, "This letter strikes dismay to
my soul. I will share with you the expense of the banquet." In a day or
two Miss Anthony's heart smote her and she wrote again: "I have blown my
bugle blast and I know I have wounded your dear souls, but I can not see
the plan a bit prettier than I did at first. I may be very stupid or
supersensitive. If it were to honor Mrs. Stanton, I would be willing to
charge for tickets." And then a few days later: "Have I killed you
outright? I can not tell you how much I have suffered because I can not
see this as you do, but I would rather never have a mention of my
birthday than to have it in that way. I know you meant it all lovely for
me, but you did not look at it outside your own dear hearts. Do tell me
that I have not alienated the two best-beloved of all my girls."
They finally effected a compromise on the money feature by sending out
handsomely engraved invitations to those whom they wished as guests and
letting them pay $4 a plate if they came. Although they proved to Miss
Anthony that this always was done in such cases, she assented very
unwillingly, and begged that they would ask the friends to contribute $4
apiece to the fund for South Dakota instead of the birthday banquet.
Finally, when all her scruples had been overcome, she made out so long a
list of people whom she wished to have complimentary invitations that
they would have filled every seat in the dining hall. She also was so
anxious that no one should be slighted in a chance to speak that Mrs.
Avery wrote: "The banquet would have to last through eternity to hear
all those Miss Anthony thinks ought to be heard."
On the evening of the birthday over 200 of her distinguished friends
were seated in the great dining-room of the Riggs House, including a
delegation from Rochester and a number of relatives from Leavenworth,
Chicago, New York and Philadelphia. Miss Anthony occupied the place of
honor, on her right hand were Senator Blair and Mrs. Stanton; on her
left, Robert Purvis, Isabella Beecher Hooker and May Wright Sewall.
(Mrs. Foster Avery was detained at home.) The room was beautifully
decorated and the repast elaborate, but with such an array of intellect,
the after-dinner speeches were the distinguishing feature of the
occasion. The Washington Star, in a long account, said:
A company of the most remarkable women in the world were assembled.
As she sat there, surrounded by the skirted knights of her long
crusade, Miss Anthony looked no older than fifty, but she had got a
good start into her seventy-first year before the dinner ended. May
Wright Sewall presided. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, that venerable and
beautiful old stateswoman, sat at the right of Senator Blair,
looking as if she should be the Lord Chief-Justice, with her white
hair puffed all over her head, and her amiable and intellectual
face marked with the lines of wisdom. Isabella Beecher Hooker, who
reminds one of her great brother, with the stamp of genius on her
brow and an energy of intellect expressed upon her face, sat at the
left of Miss Anthony. Old John Hutchinson, the last of the famous
singing family, his white hair and beard forming a fringe about his
shoulders; Clara Barton, her breast sparkling with Red Cross
medals; and many other women of wide fame were present. Before the
banquet the guests assembled in the Red Parlor of the Riggs, where
a levee was held and congratulations were offered. It was after 10
o'clock when the line was formed and the guests marched down to the
dining-room, Miss Anthony, on the arm of Senator Blair, leading the
way.
The correspondent of the New York Sun said in a brilliant description:
"The dining-room was a splendid scene, long to be remembered. The
American flag was everywhere and, with tropical flowers and foliage,
made bright decorations.... It was a notable gathering of women
world-wide in fame, and of distinguished men. The lady with a
birthday--seventy of them indeed--was of course the star on which all
others gazed. She never looked better, never happier, and never so much
like breaking down before her feelings. No wonder, with such a birthday
party! Friends of her youth calling her 'Susan,' affectionate deference
from everybody, and all saying she deserved a thousand just such
birthdays--young in heart, beautiful in spirit."
Phoebe Couzins replied to the toast "St. Susan," making a witty contrast
between the austere St. Anthony of old and the St. Anthony of today,
representing self-abnegation for the good, the beautiful, the true. Rev.
Anna Shaw made a delightfully humorous response to "The Modern
Peripatetic," referring to the ancient philosopher who had founded the
school of men, and Miss Anthony who had founded the modern school of
women peripatetics, ready to grab their grips and start around the world
at a moment's notice. Matilda Joslyn Gage responded to "Miss Anthony as
a Fellow-worker;" Clara Bewick Colby to "Miss Anthony as a Journalist;"
Laura Ormiston Chant, of England, to "American Womanhood;" Mrs. Jane
Marsh Parker, sent by the Ignorance Club of Rochester, to "Miss Anthony
at Home," beginning: "To have brought to Miss Anthony all the
testimonials which Rochester would have laid at her feet tonight would
have made me appear at the banquet like the modern Santa Claus--the
postman at Christmastide." Rev. Frederick W. Hinckley, of Providence,
began his graceful address by saying:
King Arthur, sword in hand, is not at the head of the table, but
Queen Susan is, the silver crown of seventy honorable years upon
her brow; and we gather here from every quarter of the Union,
little knights and great knights, without distinction of sex, to
take anew at her hands the oath of loyal service to the cause of
universal liberty. Those of us who have followed her through all
these years know that she has been a knight without reproach, that
her head has been level and her heart true. Faithful to the cause
of her sex, she has been broad enough to grasp great general
principles. She has been not only an advocate of equal rights, but
the prophet of humanity; and a better advocate of equal rights
because a prophet of humanity. There never has been a time when
Whittier's lines concerning Sumner would not have been applicable
to her:
"Wherever wrong doth right deny,
Or suffering spirits urge their plea,
Here is a voice to smite the lie,
A hand to set the captive free."
Nineteenth century chivalry renders all honor to that type of
womanhood of which she is an illustrious example.
Robert Purvis eloquently referred to Miss Anthony's grand work for the
abolition of slavery, which, he said, was still continued in the vaster
and more complicated work for the freedom of women. Mrs. Stanton's two
daughters, Mrs. Lawrence and Mrs. Blatch, made sparkling responses.
Representative J. A. Pickler said in part:
Five years since, when a member of the Dakota legislature and in
charge of the bill giving full suffrage to women, I was
characterized in the public press as "Susan B. Pickler." I look
upon this as one of the greatest honors ever bestowed upon me. I
have never learned how Miss Anthony regarded it....
Unswerved by the shafts of ridicule, without love of gain, she has
sublimely borne through all these years ridicule and reproach for
principle, for humanity, for womanhood. The soldier battles amid
the plaudits of his countrymen, the statesman supported by his
party, the clergyman sanctioned by his church, but alone, this
great woman has stood for half a century, contending for the rights
of women. Says Professor Swing: "Mark any life pervaded by a worthy
plan, and how beautiful it is! Webster, Gladstone, Sumner,
Disraeli; fifty years were these temples in the building!" How
aptly these words describe our great advocate of woman. Gratifying
it must be to Susan B. Anthony; gratifying, we bear witness, it is
to her friends, that in her maturer years we see this cause, long
hated by others but by her always loved, now respected by all; and
herself, its representative and exponent, revered, loved and
honored by a whole nation.
The main address was made by Mrs. Stanton, who responded to the
sentiment "The Friendships of Women," in an oration full of humor, and
closed:
If there is one part of my life which gives me more intense
satisfaction than another, it is my friendship of more than forty
years' standing with Susan B. Anthony. Ours has been a friendship
of hard work and self-denial.... Emerson says, "It is better to be
a thorn in the side of your friend than his echo." If this add
weight and stability to friendship, then ours will endure forever,
for we have indeed been thorns in the side of each other. Sub rosa,
dear friends, I have had no peace for forty years, since the day we
started together on the suffrage expedition in search of woman's
place in the National Constitution. She has kept me on the war-path
at the point of the bayonet so long that I have often wished my
untiring coadjutor might, like Elijah, be translated a few years
before I was summoned, that I might spend the sunset of my life in
some quiet chimney-corner and lag superfluous on the stage no
longer.
After giving up all hope of her sweet repose in Abraham's bosom, I
sailed some years ago for Europe. With an ocean between us I said,
now I shall enjoy a course of light reading. I shall visit all the
wonders of the old world, and write no more calls, resolutions or
speeches for conventions--when lo! one day I met Susan face to face
in the streets of London with a new light in her eyes. Behold there
were more worlds to conquer. She had decided on an international
council in Washington, so I had to return with her to the scenes of
our conflict.... Well, I prefer a tyrant of my own sex, so I shall
not deny the patent fact of my subjection; for I do believe that I
have developed into much more of a woman under her jurisdiction,
fed on statute laws and constitutional amendments, than if left to
myself reading novels in an easy-chair, lost in sweet reveries of
the golden age to come without any effort of my own.
As Mrs. Stanton concluded, "The Guest of the Evening" was announced and,
amidst long continued applause and waving of handkerchiefs, Miss Anthony
arose and made one of those little speeches that never can be reported,
in which she said:
I have been half inclined while listening here to believe that I
had passed on to the beyond. If there is one thing I hope for more
than another, it is that, should I stay on this planet thirty years
longer, I still may be worthy of the wonderful respect you have
manifested for me tonight. The one thought I wish to express is how
little my friend or I could have accomplished alone. What she said
is true; I have been a thorn in her side and in that of her family
too, I fear. I never expect to know any joy in this world equal to
that of going up and down the land, getting good editorials
written, engaging halls, and circulating Mrs. Stanton's speeches.
If I ever have had any inspiration she has given it to me, for I
never could have done my work if I had not had this woman at my
right hand. If I had had a husband and children, or opposition in
my own home, I never could have done it. My father and mother, my
brothers and sisters, those who are gone and those who are left,
all have been a help to me. How much depends on the sympathy and
co-operation of those about us! It is not necessary for all to go
to the front. Every woman presiding over her table in the homes
where I have been, has helped sustain me, I wish they could know
how much.
Poems were read or sent by Harriet Hosmer, Elizabeth Boynton Harbert,
Alice Williams Brotherton and a number of others. At the close of Mrs.
Hooker's verses entitled "Should Auld Acquaintance be Forgot?" the
entire company arose and sang two stanzas of "Auld Lang Syne," led by
the venerable John Hutchinson. From the many letters received only a few
extracts can be given:
Allow me to congratulate you on your safe arrival at the age of
threescore and ten. How much we may congratulate ourselves on the
great gains that have come to woman during these years; gains for
which you have worked so hard and so long! Hoping that you may
still be on this planet when the ballot is the sure possession of
our sex, I am very truly your co-worker,
LUCY STONE.
None can more heartily congratulate thee on thy threescore and ten
years nobly devoted to the welfare of humanity, to unremitting
labor for temperance, for the abolition of slavery and for equal
rights of citizenship, irrespective of sex or color. We have lived
to see the end of slavery, and I hope thou wilt live to see
prohibition enforced in every State in the Union, and sex no longer
the condition of citizenship. God bless thee and give thee many
more years made happy by works of love and duty. I am truly thy
friend,
JOHN G. WHITTIER.
[Illustration: Autograph: "John G Whittier"]
My heart honors, loves and blesses you. Every woman's would if she
only knew you. You'll have a statue some day in the Capitol at
Washington, but your best monument is built already in your
countrywomen's hearts. God bless you, brave and steadfast elder
sister! Accept this as the only valentine I ever wrote. May you
live a hundred years and vote the last twenty-five, is the wish and
prediction of your loyal sister,
FRANCES E. WILLARD.
Miss Anthony's sole and effective fidelity to the cause of the
equal rights of her sex is worthy of the highest honor, and I know
that it will be eloquently and fitly acknowledged at the dinner,
which I trust will be in every way successful. Very respectfully
yours,
GEORGE WILLIAM CURTIS.
It is a grief to me that I can not be present to honor the birthday
of our dear Susan B. Anthony; long life to her! I should have been
delighted to respond to the toast proposed, and to bear my
heartfelt tribute of respect and love for the true and unselfish
reformer, to whom women are no more indebted than are men. "Time
shall embalm and magnify her name." Very sincerely yours,
WM. LLOYD GARRISON.
I know her great earnestness in every righteous cause, especially
that most righteous of all, woman suffrage, which I hope may
receive a new impulse from your gathering. As I grow older I feel
assured, year by year, that the granting of suffrage to women will
remedy many evils which now are attendant on popular government;
and if we are to despair of that cause we must despair of the final
establishment of justice as the controlling power in the political
affairs of mankind. I am faithfully yours,
GEORGE F. HOAR.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours Sincerely, T B Reed"]
I can not venture to promise to be present at the dinner to be
given to Miss Anthony, but I should be sorry to lose an opportunity
to express my admiration of her life and character. In themselves
they are ample refutation of the charges made by the unthinking
that participation in public affairs would make women unwomanly. If
any system of subjection has enabled any woman to preserve more
thoroughly the respect and affectionate regard of all her friends
than has Miss Anthony amid the struggles of an active and
strenuous life I have yet to learn of it. With sincere hope that
she may have many years still left to her, I am yours sincerely,
THOMAS B. REED.
I think I express the feeling of most if not all the workers in our
cause when I say that the women of America owe more to Susan B.
Anthony than to any other woman living. While Mrs. Stanton has been
the standard bearer of liberty, announcing great principles, Miss
Anthony has been the power which has carried those principles on
toward victory and impressed them upon the hearts of the people.
Yours truly,
OLYMPIA BROWN.
May you live many years longer to enjoy the results of your
herculean work, and score as many triumphs in the future as you
have in the past. On the morning of the 15th some flowers will be
sent you with my love. I wish they were as imperishable as your
name and fame. Affectionately,
MRS. JOHN A. LOGAN.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Affectionately, Mrs. John A Logan"]
How good to have lived through the laugh of the world into its
smiles of welcome and honor--how much better to have reached these
with a heart gentle and humble like hers--how best of all to care,
as she must, scarce a rush for the personal honor and accept it
only as an honor to the cause for which she has given so many of
the seventy years. Truly yours,
W. C. AND MARY LEWIS GANNETT.
With the hope that you may live to one hundred or until, like
ancient Simeon, you behold what you hope for, I am yours very
truly,
T. W. PALMER.
My wife and I send you our hearty congratulations on your birthday.
May you have many happy returns of the day, with increasing honor
and affection from your numerous friends, amongst whom we hope you
will let us count ourselves. Yours very truly,
CHARLES NORDHOFF.
I congratulate you with all my heart upon your health and happiness
on this your seventieth birthday, and wish to say that I believe no
woman lives in the United States who has done more for her sex, and
for ours as well, than yourself. The great advancement of women,
not alone in the direction of suffrage, but in every field of labor
and every department of the better and nobler life of manhood and
womanhood, during the past generation, has sprung from the work
which you inaugurated years ago. Mrs. Carpenter joins me in
congratulations and good wishes. Very truly yours,
FRANK G. CARPENTER.
Cordial greetings were received from Neal Dow and Senator Dawes, and
letters and telegrams came from distinguished individuals and societies
in every State and from many foreign countries. Over 200 of these are
preserved among other mementoes of this occasion. Among the telegrams
were these, representing the great labor organization of the country:
We congratulate you on the seventieth anniversary of a useful and
successful life. May you enjoy many years of health and happiness.
HANNAH POWDERLY, T. V. POWDERLY.
May your noble, self-sacrificing life be spared to participate in
your heart's dearest wish--woman's full emancipation.
LEONORA M. BARRY, _Grand Organizer K. of L._
[Illustration: Autograph: "Faithfully yours, Clara Bewick Colby."]
Mrs. Colby issued a birthday edition of the Woman's Tribune containing a
history of Miss Anthony's trial, a fine biographical sketch written by
herself and many beautiful tributes from other friends, among them this
from Laura M. Johns: "Always to efface herself and her own interests and
to put the cause to the fore; to be striving to place a crown upon some
other brow; to be receiving and giving, but never retaining; ever
enriching the work but never herself; to be busy through weariness and
difficulty and resting only in a change of labor; to bear the stinging
hail of ridicule which fell on this movement, and to receive with
surprised tears the flowers that bloomed in her thorny path; to be in
the heat of the noonday harvest field at seventy, with years of activity
and usefulness still remaining to add to her glorious life and crown it
with such dignity as belongs to few--this is the story of Susan B.
Anthony."
Miss Anthony carried in her arms seventy pink carnations with the card,
"For she's the pink o' womankind and blooms without a peer," from Miss
Cummings, of Washington. Flowers were sent in profusion, and there was
no end of lovely little remembrances of jewelry, water colors, books,
portfolios, card cases, handkerchiefs, fans, satin souvenirs,
fancy-work, the gifts of loving women in all parts of the country.[53]
The evening was one of the proudest and happiest of a life which,
although filled with toil and hardship, had been brightened, as had that
of few other women, with the bountiful tributes and testimonials not
only of personal friends but of people in all parts of the world who
knew of her only through her work for humanity. The next day she sat
down to Sunday dinner at a table which, thanks to Mrs. Spofford's
thoughtfulness, had been arranged especially for the occasion,
surrounded by twenty-five of her own relatives who had come to
Washington to celebrate her birthday.
Among many newspaper editorials upon this celebration, an extract from
the Boston Traveller, which bears the impress of the gifted Lilian
Whiting, may be taken as an example of the general sentiment:
Without any special relay of theories on the subject, Miss Susan B.
Anthony discovered early in life the secret of imperishable youth
and constantly increasing happiness--a secret that may be
translated as personal devotion to a noble purpose. To devote one's
self to something higher than self--this is the answer of the ages
to those who would find the source of immortal energy and
enjoyment. It is a statement very simply and easily made but
involving all the philosophy of life. Miss Anthony recognized it
intuitively. She translated it into action with little
consciousness of its value as a theory; but it is the one deepest
truth in existence, and one which every human soul must sometime or
somewhere learn.
On February 15, 1820, when Susan B. Anthony was born, Emerson was a
youth of seventeen; Henry Ward Beecher was a child of seven and
Harriet Beecher Stowe a year his junior; Wendell Phillips was nine,
Whittier thirteen, and Wm. Lloyd Garrison fifteen years of age.
Elizabeth Cady Stanton was four years old, and Lucy Stone, Julia
Ward Howe and James Russell Lowell were Miss Anthony's predecessors
in this world only by one or two years. Margaret Fuller was ten,
Abraham Lincoln was eleven, and thus, between 1803-20, inclusive,
were born a remarkable group of people--a galaxy whose influence on
their century has been unequalled in any age or in any country,
since that of Pericles and his associates in the golden age of
Greece. It is only now, as the work of these immortals begins to
assume something of the definite outline of completeness; as some
results of the determining forces for which this great galaxy has
stood, begin to be discerned, that we can adequately recognize how
important to the century their lives have been. There are
undoubtedly high spirits sent to earth with a definite service to
render to their age and generation; a service that prepares the way
for the next ascending round on the great cycle of progress, and it
is no exaggeration to say that Susan B. Anthony is one of these....
[Illustration: Autograph: "I am always faithfully yours, Lilian
Whiting."]
Even brief quotations must be omitted for want of space, but this from
the Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, Charles E. Fitch, editor, is
entitled to a place as the sentiment in the city where Miss Anthony had
made her home for nearly half a century:
The occasion is a notable one. It is in honor of one of the noblest
women of her time. The day is past when Susan B. Anthony is met
with ridicule. She is honored everywhere. Consistent earnestness
will, at the last if not at the first, command respect. Slowly but
surely, Miss Anthony has won that respect from her countrymen. The
cause of the emancipation of women, for which she has labored so
long and so zealously, is not yet triumphant, nor is it probable
that she will live to see woman suffrage the rule of the land; but
at threescore years and ten, she may freely cherish the faith that
it is a conquering cause, destined some day to be vindicated in the
organic law of the separate American commonwealths and the Federal
union.
But it is not alone for the service which Miss Anthony has rendered
to the cause of woman suffrage that she is highly honored. She is
honored because of her womanhood, because she has ever been brave
without conceit and earnest without pretense, because she has the
heart to sympathize with suffering humanity in its various phases,
and the will to redress human wrongs. She has revealed a true
nobility of soul, and has ever been patient under abuse and
misrepresentation. She has allied herself with all good causes, and
has been the friend of those struggling against the dominion of
appetite as well as of those who have sought to free themselves
from political thralldom. She has earned the esteem even of those
who were diametrically opposed to her views. Within the movements
which she has urged, she has been an administrator rather than an
orator, although on occasions her speech has been informed with
the eloquence of conviction. In private life she has constrained
affection by a gentleness with which the world would hardly credit
her; but those who best know her, best know also the gracious
womanhood which illustrates itself in acts of unselfishness and
beneficence.
The birthday was celebrated by individuals and clubs in many states with
luncheons, teas, receptions and literary entertainments. After all these
pleasant happenings, Miss Anthony felt new courage and hope to enter
upon the Twenty-second National Suffrage Convention, February 18, at
Lincoln Music Hall. This was to be an important meeting, as it was to
consummate the union of the National and American organizations, and she
was anxious for a large attendance. "Do come," she wrote to the most
influential friends, "if you stay away forever afterwards. This will be
the crucial test whether our platform shall continue broad and free as
it has been for forty years. Some now propose secession because it is to
be narrow and bigoted; others left us twenty years ago because it was
too liberal. Some of the prominent women are writing me that the union
means we shall be no more than an annex to the W. C. T. U. hereafter;
others declare we are going to sink our identity and become sectarian
and conservative. There is not the slightest ground for any of these
fears, but come and be our stay and support."
She also had the annual struggle to secure the presence of Mrs. Stanton,
who was about to sail with her daughter for England, but, after the
usual stormy correspondence, the day of departure was postponed and she
wrote: "You will have me under your thumb the first of February." As her
time was limited, Miss Anthony arranged for the hearing before the
Senate committee on February 8, which was held in the new room assigned
to the committee on woman suffrage. A few days later the ladies spoke
before the House Judiciary Committee.
The union of the two organizations was effected before the opening of
the convention and Mrs. Stanton elected president.[54] She faced a
brilliant assemblage at the opening of the National-American Convention
and made one of the ablest speeches of her life, stating in the first
sentence that she considered it a greater honor to go to England as the
president of this association than to be sent as minister
plenipotentiary to any court in Europe. She closed by introducing her
daughter, Mrs. Stanton Blatch, who captivated the audience.[55] Hon. Wm.
Dudley Foulke, ex-president of the American Association, then delivered
an eloquent and scholarly address. At its close Mrs. Stanton was obliged
to leave, as she sailed for Europe the next morning. When she arose to
say farewell the entire audience joined in the waving of handkerchiefs,
the clapping of hands, and the men in three rousing cheers.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Wm D Youlke"]
The usual corps of National speakers received a notable addition in Wm.
Lloyd Garrison, Julia Ward Howe, Henry B. Blackwell, Carrie Chapman
Catt, Hon. J. A. Pickler and Alice Stone Blackwell. Lucy Stone, being
detained at home by illness, sent a letter of greeting. When Miss
Anthony, as vice-president-at-large, took the chair after Mrs. Stanton's
departure, a great bouquet of white lilies was presented to her.
A woman suffrage amendment was pending in South Dakota, and the claims
of the new State were presented by Representative and Mrs. Pickler and
Alonzo Wardall, secretary of the Farmer's Alliance and vice-president of
the suffrage association, all of whom felt confident that with financial
help the amendment could be carried but, as the State was poor, most of
this would have to come from outside. The convention became very
enthusiastic and a South Dakota campaign committee was formed; Susan B.
Anthony, chairman, Clara B. Colby, Alice Stone Blackwell. Rev. Anna H.
Shaw made a stirring appeal for money. Miss Anthony pledged all that she
could raise between then and the November election. Mrs. Clara L.
McAdow, of Montana, headed the list with $250. A number of ladies
followed with pledges for their respective States. In a short time it
seemed evident that a large sum could be raised and, at Miss Anthony's
request, the association directed all contributions to be sent to its
treasurer, Mrs. Spofford, at Washington, and she herself agreed to
devote a year's work to Dakota.[56]
Miss Anthony remained in Washington several weeks, looking after various
matters: first of all, a representation of women in the management of
the Columbian Exposition; then there were the reports of the Senate and
the House committees, upon which she always brought to bear as much as
possible of that "indirect influence" which women are said to possess.
Just now the admission of Wyoming as a State with woman suffrage in its
constitution was hanging in the balance, but on March 26 she had the
inexpressible pleasure of witnessing, from her seat in the gallery of
the House, the final discussion and passage of the bill.[57] She also
was arranging for the incorporation of the National-American
Association, the old National, which had been a corporate body for a
number of years, having added American to its name. The bills of the
convention were to be settled,[58] and there were still other subjects
claiming her attention before she started for the far West to inaugurate
the South Dakota campaign.
Miss Anthony was a welcome guest at dinners and receptions in the homes
of many of the dignitaries in Washington, but accepted these invitations
only when she saw an opportunity thereby to further the cause of woman
suffrage. She realized fully that one important step in the work was to
interest women of influence, socially and financially, and the high
plane of respectability which this question had now attained was at
least partly due to her winters in Washington, where, at the Riggs House
and in society, she met and made friends with prominent men and women
from all parts of the country and converted them to her doctrines, which
they disseminated in their various localities upon returning home.
She writes her sister, in describing social events, of a dinner at the
handsome home of John R. McLean, owner of the Cincinnati Enquirer, who
in person brought the invitation, while his wife, the daughter of
General Beale, looked after her "as if she had been the Queen of Sheba."
Here she met Senator and Mrs. Payne of Ohio, Senator and Mrs. Cockrell
of Missouri, Senator and Mrs. Butler of South Carolina, Speaker and Mrs.
Reed of Maine, Justice and Mrs. Field and other notables. Then she
speaks of a meeting of the Cobweb Club, composed of women in official
life, where, at the close of her informal talk, they crowded around her
and exclaimed: "Why, Miss Anthony, we never understood this question
before; of course we believe in it." Mrs. Hearst, wife of the Senator,
said: "Had any one ever presented this subject to me as you have done
today, you should have had my help long ago." "And so you see," she
writes, "that at this juncture of our movement much could be
accomplished by accepting such invitations, but it costs me more courage
than to face an audience of a thousand people."
While Miss Anthony was still in Washington she sat for her bust by a
young sculptor, Adelaide Johnson. "So marble and canvas both are to tell
the story," she wrote, "for I have sat also for a painting. The time
draws near when I must start out campaigning and O, how I dread it!"
During this winter she received an invitation from a State W. C. T. U.
to bring a suffrage convention to their city and they would bear the
expenses, stipulating only that she herself should be present, and that
"no speaker should say anything which would seem like an attack on
Christianity." She wrote Miss Shaw: "Won't that prevent your going, Rev.
Anna? I wonder if they'll be as particular to warn all other speakers
not to say anything which shall sound like an attack on liberal
religion. They never seem to think we have any feelings to be hurt when
we have to sit under their reiteration of orthodox cant and dogma. The
boot is all on one foot with the dear religious bigots--but if they will
all pull together with us for suffrage we'll continue to bear and
forbear, as we have done for the past forty years."
In this winter of 1890 many loving letters passed between Miss Anthony
and Rachel Foster Avery, almost too sacred to be quoted, and yet a few
sentences may be used to show the maternal tenderness in the nature of
the great reformer:
Of course I miss you from my side, but do not feel for a moment
that any doubt of your love and loyalty ever crosses my mind. No,
my dear, you and all of us must consider only the best interests of
the loved though not yet seen. Banish anxiety and let the rest of
us take all the work and care. Be happy in the new life you are
molding; avoid all but lovely thoughts; let your first and nearest
and dearest feelings be for the precious little one whose
temperament and nature you are now stamping. Your every heartbeat,
not only of love and peace and beauty, but of the reverse as well,
is making its mark on the unborn.... I feel much better satisfied
to know Sister Mary is with you for a few days. If her presence is
comforting, why don't you ask her to stay with you till the wee one
arrives?
And so the serene and helpful sister Mary remains until a telegram is
sent to the anxious one, by that time in far-off Dakota, announcing the
birth of a daughter. "My heart bounded with joy," wrote Miss Anthony,
"to hear the ordeal was passed and the little, sassie Rose Foster Avery
safely launched upon the big ocean of time." And in a little while the
mother replied: "Darling Aunt Susan, when I lie with baby Rose in my
arms, I think so often of what she and I and all women, born and to be
born, owe to you, and my heart overflows with love and gratitude."
FOOTNOTES:
[53] There were also more substantial tokens, an Irish wool shawl from
Mrs. Chant; a Webster's Unabridged Dictionary from Mrs. Colby, with the
inscription, "The words in this volume can not express what women owe
you;" a silk dress pattern from brother Daniel R.; a $50 check from
sister Mary; $200 from Sarah Willis of Rochester, and $100 from the
Woman's Political Equality Club of that city; seventy golden dollars
from the Toledo Suffrage Club; $50 from Mrs. Arthur A. Mosher of St.
Louis, and enough $5 bills in friendly letters to bring the amount to
over $500. The very next day Miss Anthony gave a part of this to friends
who were ill or needy, including $50 to Phoebe Couzins.
[54] Described in detail in Chapter XXXV.
[55] Miss Anthony wrote in her journal that night: "Harriot said but a
few words, yet showed herself worthy her mother and her mother's
life-long friend and co-worker. It was a proud moment for me."
[56] Among those who contributed largely to this fund were Senator
Stanford, $300; Rachel Foster Avery, $300; George C. Lemon, Washington
City; Hon. Ezra V. Meeker, Puyallup; Rev. Anna H. Shaw; Isabella
Hedenberg, Chicago; Alice Stone Blackwell; Emily Howland, Sherwood, N.
Y.; O. G. and Alice Peters, Columbus, O.; John L. Whiting, Boston;
Senator R. F. Pettigrew, Sioux Falls; Albert O. Willcox, New York, $100
each; Mary H. Johnson, Louisville, $115, which she earned by knitting
wool shawls and fascinators; May Wright Sewall sent nearly $200,
collected from Indiana friends; James and Martha Callanan, Des Moines,
$150; Mary Grew, $143 for the Pennsylvania society. Other women sent
their jewelry to be sold, and one offered a gift of western land. The
rest of the $5,500 was sent in smaller amounts, and all receipts and
expenditures were carefully entered on the national treasurer's books
for 1890. When later some carping individuals complained at so much
money passing through Miss Anthony's hands, Mrs. Livermore silenced them
by saying: "Susan would use every dollar for suffrage if millions were
given to her."
[57] Mary Grew wrote her immediately: "All hail and congratulations! I
read in this morning's paper that you were in the House yesterday; and I
have no doubt that today you are doing something to promote the passage
of the bill through the Senate.... One object of this letter is to urge
you to take more care of your health. Emily Howland reports that you are
very much overworked and exhausted. Pray stop awhile and rest yourself,
for the sake of the cause as well as for your own and your friends'."
[58] I will authorize you to add my signature to yours in approving any
bills relating to the expenses of the National-American convention just
past. It will save time and trouble. You are on the spot and know all
about the bills. Yours sincerely,
LUCY STONE.
CHAPTER XXXVIII.
THE SOUTH DAKOTA CAMPAIGN.
1890.
Miss Anthony left Washington to attend the wedding of her nephew,
Wendell Phillips Mosher, and Carolyn Louise Mixer, at Cleveland, O.,
April 17; stopped in Chicago for a day, and reached Huron, S. Dak.,
April 23, 1890.[59] During the early winter she had had the most urgent
letters from this State, begging her to hasten her coming, that all
depended upon her. "If you will come we will throw off our coats and go
to work," wrote the men. "Woe to the man or woman who is not loyal to
you! If ever you were needed anywhere, you are needed here now," wrote
the women. When she had been in South Dakota the previous autumn, all
had united in urging her to take charge of the campaign, and for months
she had been receiving appeals for help. "We have not enough money to
organize one county," came from a member of the executive committee. In
January, from Alonzo Wardall, vice-president of the State Association,
"We are very grateful for your earnest efforts in our behalf and trust
you will be able to spend the coming summer with us." His wife, the
superintendent of press, wrote in February: "We shall give you the
credit, dear Miss Anthony, if we succeed next November."
On March 5, the president of the association, S. A. Ramsey, said in the
course of a long letter: "I had begun to feel misgivings relative to our
success, because we were so poorly prepared for the great conflict
which is pending; but the appointment by the national convention of a
special committee to aid us in our work has inspired me with great hope,
especially as you were placed at the head of that committee." Mrs. H. M.
Barker, State organizer, wrote March 10: "Organizing must have stopped
in the third district, had it not been for the money you sent. It is
utterly impossible for us to pay even $10 a week to organizers. I have
been disappointed in my home workers, so many incapacitated for various
reasons. We shall make suffrage a specialty in all our W. C. T. U.
county and district conventions." And April 11, the State secretary,
Rev. M. Barker, supplemented this with: "It is absolutely impossible to
raise money in the State to pay speakers and furnish literature. This
you understand. The election must go by default if it is expected."
At the Washington convention it had been ordered that all contributions
should be forwarded to the national treasurer and disbursed by order of
the committee. Notwithstanding this, a large proportion was sent
directly to Miss Anthony with the express stipulation that it should be
expended under her personal supervision. There never was a woman
connected with the suffrage movement who could collect as much money as
she; people would give to her who refused all others, with the
injunction that she should use according to her own judgment. That which
was sent her for Dakota she turned over at once to the treasurer, Mrs.
Spofford, and paid all the campaign bills by checks.
The Dakota people had made the mistake of electing a suffrage board
entirely of men, except the treasurer and State organizer, and, although
they had not a dollar in their treasury and no prospects, they agreed to
pay the secretary $100 a month for his services! When money from all
parts of the country had been sent to the national treasurer, until the
Dakota fund reached $5,500, the executive committee of that State
suddenly discovered that they could manage their own campaign, and made
a demand upon the national committee to turn the funds over to them.
Miss Anthony, as chairman, already had sent them $300 for preliminary
work; had written and telegraphed that the services of Miss Shaw could
be had for only one month, at that time, and asked if they would arrange
her routes; and had twice written them to send her their "plan of
campaign," but had received no answer to any of these communications. At
the last moment she was obliged herself to make out Miss Shaw's route
and send her into the field with practically no advertisement. On March
29 she wrote to the State president:
Immediately on the receipt of your answer to my first letter to
your executive committee, instead of sending you a personal reply I
wrote again to the entire committee, answering the various points
presented by you, Mr. and Mrs. Barker and others. This I did to
save writing the same thing to half a dozen different people, as
well as to make sure that I should get your official action upon
what seemed to me most important matters; but to this date I have
received not only no official answer, but no information which
shows my letter to have been acted upon. Nor have I heard from any
member of the committee that you have mapped out any plan of
campaign, or have accepted and proposed to work on the one which I
outlined last November at the Aberdeen meeting, and twice over have
stated in my letters.
You, personally, say to me that you must have the national funds
put into your treasury before you can plan work. Now, my dear sir,
as a business man you never would give your money to any person or
committee until they had presented to you a plan for using it which
met your approval. Then I have had no indication of any intention
on the part of your executive committee or State organizer to hold
any series of suffrage meetings or conventions. The only ones
written of are W. C. T. U. county and district conventions.
California's suffrage lecturer, I am informed, is to be introduced
to the State at the First District W. C. T. U. Convention.
Now, I want to say to you individually, and to the executive
committee generally, that the National-American South Dakota
committee will pay the money entrusted to them only to _suffrage_
lecturers and _suffrage_ conventions. We shall not pay it to any
individual or association for any other purpose, or in any other
name, than suffrage for women, pure and simple. We talked this over
fully in your executive committee meeting at Aberdeen last fall,
and all agreed that, while the temperance societies worked for
suffrage in their way, the suffrage campaign should be carried
forward on the basis of the one principle. Our national money will
not go to aid Prohibition leagues, Grand Army encampments, Woman's
Relief Corps, W. C. T. U. societies or any others, though all, we
hope, will declare and work for the suffrage amendment. We can not
ally ourselves with the Prohibition or Anti-Prohibition party--the
Democrats or the Republicans. Each may do splendid work for
suffrage within its own organization, and we shall rejoice in all
that do so; but the South Dakota and the National-American
Associations must stand on their own ground.
Co-operation is what our committee desire, and we stand ready to
aid in holding three series of county conventions with three sets
of speakers, at least one of each set a national speaker, beginning
on May 1 and continuing until the school election, June 24. I am
feeling sadly disappointed that every voting precinct of every
county has not been visited, and will not have been by the 1st of
May, as was agreed upon at Aberdeen. Still, I want to begin now and
henceforth push the work; but the entire fund would not pay every
single man and woman in the State who helps, hence every one who
can must work without cost either to the State or national
committee.
On the 7th of April Miss Anthony wrote to the State secretary:
Yours mailed April 3 is received. The National-American committee
have only about $1,300 yet in hand, and we have arranged a trip
through your State for Rev. Anna Shaw. When your committee did not
answer my telegram, I could not wait longer for fear of losing Miss
Shaw's good work before the students of your various educational
institutions, and having had urgent importunities from Mrs. D. W.
Mayer to send some of our very best speakers to Vermillion so that
the 600 students there might be roused to thought before separating
for the summer, I felt the cause could not afford to lose Miss
Shaw's effective services and so mapped out her route, and
telegraphed and wrote asking that she be advertised.
Now, my dear friends, once for all, I want to say on behalf of our
South Dakota committee, the National-American Association, and the
friends who have placed money in our hands--that we shall no more
turn it over to you to appropriate as your executive committee
please, without our voice or vote, than you would turn over the
money entrusted to your care to our committee to spend as we
choose, without your voice or vote. But while we shall retain our
right to expend the national fund in accordance with our best
judgment, we shall in future, as I have several times written your
committee, hold ourselves ready to help defray the cost of whatever
work you present to us. I have once verbally, and twice or oftener
by letter, presented a plan of campaign asking your adoption of it,
or of one which suited you better, telling you that we would
co-operate with you in executing the plan and paying therefor; and
to all of my propositions to help, the one reply has been: "The
wheels are blocked until you turn the money over to us. You in
Washington can not run the South Dakota campaign." Now nearly five
months have elapsed, and, so far as reported, the resident
committee have adopted no plan and had no organizers at work in the
different counties.
Rev. Anna Shaw made her lecture tour throughout the State, and wrote
Miss Anthony that the people everywhere were most anxious for her to
come and there was not the slightest disaffection except on the part of
two or three persons who wished to handle the funds. To these Miss Shaw
said:
What our committee object to, and what they have no right to do by
the vote of our convention, is to put a dollar of our money into
your treasury to be spent without our consent or for any purpose of
which we do not approve. For example, not one of us, myself least
of all, will consent to take out of the contributions from friends
of suffrage one dollar to pay towards a salary of $100 a month to
any man as secretary. We do not pay our national secretary a cent,
and we have no doubt there are plenty of women in the State of
Dakota who would be glad to do the secretary's work for love of the
cause. I understand it has been planned, and the statement has gone
out, that your committee propose to cut loose from Miss Anthony.
Now if you do, you cut loose from the goose that lays the golden
egg for the South Dakota work; you cut loose from all the national
speakers and workers and all the money given.
Miss Anthony wrote Alice Stone Blackwell:
I fully agree with you and dear Mrs. Wallace about not antagonizing
the prohibition and W. C. T. U. people who made the 6,000 majority
last fall in South Dakota; but I also feel that we must not
antagonize the license people, for they are one-half of the voters,
lacking only 6,000, and fully 6,000 of the Prohibition men are
anti-suffragists and can not be converted. Hence it is also vastly
important that the license men shall not have just cause to feel
that our national suffrage lecturers are W. C. T. U. agents. That
is my one point--that we shall not at the outset repel every man
who is not a Prohibitionist.
But we shall see. I surely am as earnest a prohibitionist and total
abstainer as any woman or man in South Dakota or anywhere else. But
they have prohibition, and now are after suffrage; therefore it
should not be the old prohibition and W. C. T. U. yardstick in this
campaign, but instead it must be the woman suffrage yardstick alone
by which every man and every woman shall be measured. Best assured
I shall try not to offend a single voter, of whatever persuasion,
for it is votes we are after now. I hope to make such a good
showing of work done in this spring campaign, that our friends will
feel like giving another and larger contribution to help on the
fall canvass.
The editors of the two suffrage papers, the officers of the
National-American Association, the largest contributors to the fund and
the other members of the committee, all sustained Miss Anthony in her
position. Zerelda G. Wallace published the following notice: "Having
pledged to the committee on work in South Dakota one month's services in
the projected suffrage campaign in that State, I wish to announce
publicly that all I do there will be done under the direction of the
South Dakota committee of which Susan B. Anthony is chairman."
Finally, on April 15, the executive committee of South Dakota forwarded
their plan, which included a provision that "every dollar expended
should pass through the State treasury, and that the State executive
committee should have control of all plans of work and decide what
lecturers should be engaged;" but by the time it reached Washington Miss
Anthony was well on her way to South Dakota. When she arrived she found
that it was just as she had been informed, the disaffection was confined
to a few persons, but the body of workers made her welcome and she was
cordially received throughout the State. Mrs. Emma Smith DeVoe, State
lecturer and one of the ablest women, at once placed her services at
Miss Anthony's disposal, and in a short time nearly all were working in
harmony with the national plan.
The autumn previous, when Miss Anthony was attending a convention in
Minneapolis, H. L. Loucks and Alonzo Wardall, president and secretary of
the South Dakota Farmers' Alliance, had made a journey expressly to ask
her to come into the State to conduct this canvass. She had replied that
she never again would go into an amendment campaign unless it was
endorsed and advocated by at least one of the two great political
parties. They assured her that the Farmers' Alliance dominated politics
in South Dakota, that it held the balance of power, and the year
previous had compelled the Republicans to put a prohibition plank in
their platform and, through the influence of the Alliance, that
amendment had been carried by 6,000 majority. They were ready now to do
the same for woman suffrage. It was wholly because of the assurance of
this support that Miss Anthony took the responsibility of raising the
funds and conducting the campaign in South Dakota.
When she arrived in the State, April 23, none of the political
conventions had been held. In co-operation with the State executive
board, she at once planned the suffrage mass meetings, arranged work for
the corps of speakers, pushed the district organization and made
speeches herself almost every night. The National-American Association
sent into the State and paid the expenses of Rev. Anna Shaw, Rev.
Olympia Brown, Laura M. Johns, Mary Seymour Howell, Carrie Chapman
Catt, Julia B. Nelson and Clara B. Colby.[60] It also contributed over
$1,000 to the office expenses of the State committee, paid $400 to the
Woman's Journal and Woman's Tribune for thousands of copies to be sent
to residents of South Dakota during the campaign, and flooded the State
with suffrage literature. The speakers collected altogether $1,400 in
South Dakota, which went toward their expenses. California, as her
contribution to the national fund, raised $1,000 through a committee
consisting of Hon. George C. Perkins, Mrs. Ellen Clark Sargent, Mrs.
Knox Goodrich, Hon. W. H. Mills, Miss Sarah C. Severance and Dr. Alida
C. Avery. This was used to pay the expenses of Matilda Hindman for eight
months, as one of the campaign organizers and speakers.
As Miss Anthony was on her way to a meeting June 3, she received a
telegram which sent her at once to Huron, where the annual convention of
the Farmers' Alliance was in session. Upon arriving she found her
information had been correct, that the Alliance and the Knights of Labor
had combined forces and were about to form an independent party. She was
permitted to address the convention and in the most impassioned language
she begged them not to take this step, as it would be death to the woman
suffrage amendment. She appealed to them in the name of their wives and
daughters at home, doing double duty in order that the men might attend
this convention; she reminded them of their pledges to herself and the
other women to stand by the amendment, and showed them that, of
themselves, they would not be strong enough to carry it, and that the
Republican party, unless sustained by the Alliance, would not and could
not support it. Her appeals fell upon deaf ears, and the old story was
repeated--the women sacrificed to party expediency.
The Alliance of 478 delegates, at its State convention the previous
year, November, 1889, after Miss Anthony's speech and after she had met
with its business committee, had passed this resolution:
_Resolved_, That we will do all in our power to aid in woman's
enfranchisement in South Dakota at the next general election, by
bringing it before the local Alliances for agitation and
discussion, thereby educating the masses upon the subject.
The Knights of Labor, at their annual convention in Aberdeen, January,
1890, had adopted the following:
_Resolved_, That the Knights of Labor, in assembly convened, do
hereby declare that we will support with all our strength the
amendment to the State Constitution of South Dakota, to be voted on
at the next general election, giving to our wives, mothers and
sisters the ballot.... We believe that giving to the women of our
country the ballot is the first step towards securing those reforms
for which all true Knights of Labor are striving.
This action was taken by both conventions after the amendment had been
submitted, and it was intended as a pledge of support. And yet the
following June these two bodies formed a new political party and refused
to put a woman suffrage plank in their platform! H. L. Loucks was
himself a candidate for governor on this Independent ticket, and in his
annual address at this time never mentioned woman suffrage. Before
adjourning, the convention passed a long resolution making seven or
eight declarations, among them one that "no citizen should be
disfranchised on account of sex," but, during the entire campaign, as
far as their party advocacy was concerned, this question was a dead
issue.[61]
The State Democratic Convention met at Aberdeen the following week, and
a committee of representative Dakota women was sent to present the
claims of the amendment. They were invited to seats on the platform and
there listened to an address by Hon. E. W. Miller, of Parker county,
land receiver of the Huron district, in which, according to the press
reports, "he declared that no decent, respectable woman asked for the
ballot; that the women who did so were a disgrace to their homes; that
when women voted men would have to suckle the babies," and used other
expressions of an indecent nature, "which were received with prolonged
and vigorous cheers." (Argus-Leader, June 16, 1890.)[62] Judge Bangs, of
Rapid City, who had brought in a minority report in favor of a suffrage
plank, supported it in an able and dignified speech, but it was
overwhelmingly voted down amidst great disorder. A large delegation of
Russians came to this convention wearing great yellow badges (the
brewers' color in South Dakota) lettered "Against woman suffrage and
Susan B. Anthony."
The Republican State Convention met in Mitchell, August 27. A suffrage
mass meeting was held the two days preceding, and every possible effort
made to secure a plank in the platform. Most of the national speakers
and a large body of earnest and influential South Dakota men and women
were present. Rev. Anna Shaw graphically relates an incident which
deserves a place in history:
When the Republicans had their State convention some of the leading
men promised that we should have a plank in the platform, so we
went down to see it through. We requested seats in the body of the
house for our delegation, which was composed of most of the
national speakers and the brainiest women in South Dakota, but we
were informed there was absolutely no room for us. Finally a friend
secured admission for ten on the very back of the platform, where
we could neither see nor hear unless we stood on our chairs. We
begged a good seat for Miss Anthony but no place could be made for
her. Soon after the convention opened, an announcement was made
that a delegation was waiting outside and that back of this
delegation would probably be 5,000 votes. It was at once moved and
seconded that they be invited in, and a committee was sent to
escort them to seats on the floor of the house. In a moment it
returned, followed by three big, dirty Indians in blankets and
moccasins. Plenty of room for Indian men, but not a seat for
American women!
We asked for a chance to address the delegates, but the chairman
adjourned the convention, and then announced that we might speak
during the recess. That night we went back again to the hall, and
the resolution committee not being ready to report, the audience
called for leading speakers, but none of them dared say a word
because they did not yet know what would be in the platform.
Finally when no man would respond they called for me, and I went
forward and said: "Gentlemen, I am not afraid to speak, for I know
what is in _our_ platform and I know also what I want you to
introduce into yours."
She then made her plea. It was cordially received, but the platform
entirely ignored the question of woman suffrage. This was true also of
the press and party speakers during the campaign, with one exception.
Hon. J. A. Pickler was renominated for Congress, and in his speech of
acceptance declared his belief in woman suffrage and his regret that the
Republicans did not adopt it in their platform. He was warned by the
party leaders, but replied that he would advocate it even if he
imperilled his chances for election. He spoke in favor of the amendment
throughout his campaign and was elected without difficulty. His wife,
Alice M. Pickler, was one of the most effective speakers and workers
among the Dakota women and, although Mr. Pickler was a candidate, she
did not once speak upon Republican issues but confined herself wholly to
the question of woman suffrage. She was as true and courageous as her
husband. Although fair reports of the suffrage meetings were published,
scarcely a newspaper in the State gave editorial endorsement to the
amendment.
The adverse action of the party conventions virtually destroyed all
chance for success, but the suffrage speakers usually found enthusiastic
audiences, and the friends still hoped against hope that they might
secure a popular vote. Miss Anthony never lost courage, and her letters
were full of good cheer. "Tell everybody," she wrote, "that I am
perfectly well in body and mind, never better, and never doing more
work.... Anna Shaw and I are on our way to the Black Hills, and shall
rush into Sioux City for a pay lecture and turn the proceeds over to the
Dakota fund.... O, the lack of the modern comforts and conveniences! But
I can put up with it better than any of the young folks.... All of us
must strain every nerve to move the hearts of men as they never before
were moved. I shall push ahead and do my level best to carry this State,
come weal or woe to me personally.... I never felt so buoyed up with the
love and sympathy and confidence of the good people everywhere....
The friends here are very sanguine and if I had not had my hopes dashed
to the earth in seven State campaigns before this, I, too, would dare
believe. But I shall not be cast down, even if voted down."
[Illustration: Anna Howard Shaw (Signed: "With affectionate severence
for women's truest friend, Anna Howard Shaw.")]
The eastern friends sent appreciative letters. "The thought of you and
your fellow-workers in South Dakota in this hot weather and with
insufficient funds, has lain like lead upon my heart," wrote John
Hooker. "How I wish I could accept your invitation to come to you and
talk to the old soldiers," said Clara Barton; "but alas, I have not the
strength. My heart, my hopes, are with you and if there is a spoke I can
get hold of, I will help turn that wheel before the campaign is over. My
love is always with you and your glorious cause, my dear, dear Susan
Anthony."
[Illustration: Autograph: "Hoping once more to see you I am my dear
friend, Yours faithfully, Clara Barton"]
Anna Shaw wrote from Ohio in August: "I am trying to follow your
magnificent example, in quietly passing over every personal matter for
the sake of the greatest good for the work. Whenever I find myself
giving way, I think of you and all you have borne and get fresh courage
to try once more. Dear Aunt Susan, my heart is reaching out with such a
great longing for my mother, now eighty years old, that I must go to her
for a few days before I enter upon that long canvass, but I will come to
you soon."
It was a hard campaign, the summer the hottest ever known, the distances
long, the entertainment the best which could be offered, good in the
towns but in the rural districts sometimes very poor, and the speakers
slept more than once in sod houses where the only fuel for preparing the
meals consisted of "buffalo chips." The people were in severe financial
straits. A two years' drouth had destroyed the crops, and prairie fires
had swept away the little which was left. "Starvation stares them in the
face," Miss Anthony wrote. "Why could not Congress have appropriated the
money for artesian wells and helped these earnest, honest people,
instead of voting $40,000 for a commission to come out here and
investigate?"
Frequently the speakers had to drive twenty miles between the afternoon
and evening meetings, in the heat of summer and the chill of late
autumn; at one time forty miles on a wagon seat without a back. On the
Fourth of July, a roasting day, Miss Anthony spoke in the morning, drove
fifteen miles to speak again in the afternoon, and then left at night in
a pouring rain for a long ride in a freight-car. At one town the school
house was the only place for speaking purposes, but the Russian trustees
announced that "they did not want to hear any women preach," so after
the long trip, the meeting had to be given up. Several times in the
midst of their speeches, the audience was stampeded by cyclones, not a
soul left in the house.[63] The people came twenty and thirty miles to
these meetings, bringing their dinners. Miss Anthony speaks always in
the highest terms of the fine character of the Dakota men and women, and
of their large families of bright, healthy children.
The speakers never tire of telling their experiences during that
campaign. Mary Seymour Howell relates in her own interesting way that
once she and Miss Anthony had been riding for hours in a stage which
creaked and groaned at every turn of the wheels, the poor, dilapidated
horses not able to travel out of a walk, the driver a prematurely-old
little boy whose feet did not touch the floor, and a cold Dakota wind
blowing straight into their faces. After an unbroken, homesick silence
of an hour, Miss Anthony said in a subdued and solemn voice, "Mrs.
Howell, humanity is at a very low ebb!" The tone, the look, the words,
so in harmony with the surroundings, produced a reaction which sent her
off into a fit of laughter, in which Miss Anthony soon joined.
They had been warned to keep away from a certain hotel, at one place, as
it was the very worst in the whole State. At the close of the afternoon
meeting there, a man came up and said he would be pleased to entertain
the speakers and could make them very comfortable. This seemed to be a
sure escape, so they thankfully accepted his invitation, but when they
reached his home, they discovered that he was the landlord of the poor
hotel! Miss Anthony charged Mrs. Howell to make the best of it without a
word of complaint. They went to supper, amidst heat and flies, and found
sour bread, muddy coffee and stewed green grapes. Miss Anthony ate and
drank and talked and smiled, and every little while touched Mrs.
Howell's foot with her own in a reassuring manner. After supper Mrs.
Howell went to her little, bare room, which she soon learned by the
clatter of the dishes was next to the kitchen, and through the thin
partition she heard the landlady say: "Well, I never supposed I could
entertain big-bugs, and I thought I couldn't live through having Susan
B. Anthony here, but I'm getting along all right. You ought to hear her
laugh; why, she laughs just like other people!" Mrs. Howell gives this
graphic description of the meetings at Madison, July 10:
In the afternoon we drove some distance to a beautiful lake where
Miss Anthony spoke to 1,000 men, a Farmers' Alliance picnic. When
she asked how many would vote for the suffrage amendment, all was
one mighty "aye," like the deep voice of the sea. That evening we
spoke in the opera house in the city. While Miss Anthony was
speaking a telegram for her was handed to me, and as I arose to
make the closing address I gave it to her. I had just begun when
she came quickly forward, put her hand on my arm and said, "Stop a
moment, I want to read this telegram." It was from Washington,
saying that President Harrison had signed the bill admitting
Wyoming into the Union with woman suffrage in its constitution.
Before she could finish reading the great audience was on its feet,
cheering and waving handkerchiefs and fans. After the enthusiasm
had subsided Miss Anthony made a short but wonderful speech. The
very tones of her voice changed; there were ringing notes of
gladness and tender ones of thankfulness. It was the first great
victory of her forty years of work. She spoke as one inspired,
while the audience listened for every word, some cheering, others
weeping.
When Miss Anthony was starting for South Dakota she was urged not
to go, through fear of the effect of such a campaign on her health.
Her reply was, "Better lose me than lose a State." A grand answer
from a grander woman. And this night in South Dakota we had won a
State and still had Miss Anthony with us, the central figure of the
suffrage movement as she was the central figure in that
never-to-be-forgotten night of great rejoicing.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Ever affectionately and faithfully yours,
Mary Seymour Howell."]
As very few women were able to hire help, many were obliged to bring
their babies to the meetings and, before the speaking was over, the heat
and confusion generally set them all to crying. Miss Anthony was very
patient and always expressed much sympathy for the overworked and tired
mothers. One occasion, however, was too much for her, and Anna Shaw thus
describes it:
One intensely hot Sunday afternoon, a meeting was held by the side
of a sod church, which had been extended by canvas coverings from
the wagons. The audience crowded up as close as they could be
packed to where Miss Anthony stood on a barn door laid across some
boxes. A woman with a baby sat very near the edge of this
improvised platform. The child grew tired and uneasy and finally
began to pinch Miss Anthony's ankles. She stepped back and he
immediately commenced to scream, so she stepped forward again and
he resumed his pinching. She endured it as long as she could, but
at last stooped down and whispered to the mother, "I think your
baby is too warm in here; take him out and give him a drink and he
will feel better." The woman jerked it up and started out,
exclaiming, "Well, this is the first time I have ever been insulted
on account of my motherhood!" A number of men gathered around her,
saying, "That is just what to expect from these old maid
suffragists." Some one told Miss Anthony she had lost twenty votes
by this. "Well," she replied, "if they could see the welts on my
ankles where they were pinched to keep that child still, they would
bring their twenty votes back."
She said to me the next day: "Now, Anna, no matter how many babies
cry you must not say one word or it will be taken as an insult to
motherhood." That afternoon I gave a little talk. The church was
crowded and there were so many children it seemed as if every
family had twins. There were at least six of them crying at the top
of their lungs. The louder they cried, the louder I yelled; and the
louder I yelled, the louder they cried, for they were scared.
Finally a gentleman asked, "Don't you want those children taken
out?" "O, no," said I, "there is nothing that inspires me so much
as the music of children's voices," and although a number of men
protested, I would not allow one of them taken from the room. I was
bound I wouldn't lose any votes.
Among the racy anecdotes which Miss Shaw relates of that memorable
campaign, is one which shows Miss Anthony's ready retort:
Many of the halls were merely rough boards and most of them had no
seats. I never saw so many intemperate men as at ----, in front of
the stores, on the street corners, and in the saloons, and yet they
had a prohibition law! We could not get any hall to speak in--they
were all in use for variety shows--and there was no church
finished, but the Presbyterian was the furthest along and they let
us have that, putting boards across nail kegs for seats. It was
filled to overflowing and people crowded up close to the platform.
One man came in so drunk he could not stand, so he sat down on the
edge and leaned against the table. Miss Anthony gave her argument
to prove what the ballot had done for laboring men in England and
was working up to show what it would do for women in the United
States, when suddenly the man roused and said: "Now look 'ere, old
gal, we've heard 'nuf about Victoria; can't you tell's somethin'
'bout George Washington?" The people tried to hush him, but soon he
broke out again with, "We've had 'nuf of England; can't you tell's
somethin' 'bout our grand republic?" The men cried, "Put him out,
put him out!" but Miss Anthony said: "No, gentlemen, he is a
product of man's government, and I want you to see what sort you
make."
In September Carrie Chapman Catt, one of the coolest, most logical and
level-headed women who ever went into a campaign, at the request of the
State executive committee gave her opinion of the situation as follows:
We have not a ghost of a show for success. Our cause can be
compared with the work of prohibition, always remembering ours is
the more unpopular. Last year the Methodist church led off in State
conference and declared for prohibition. It was followed by every
other church, except the German Lutheran and Catholic, even the
Scandinavian Lutherans voting largely for it. Next the Republican,
the strongest party, stood for it, because if they did not it meant
a party break. The Farmers' Alliance were solid for it. The
leaders were put to work, a large amount of money was collected and
representative men went out in local campaigns. It was debated on
the street, and men of influence converted those of weaker minds.
Now what have we? 1st.--The Lutherans, both German and
Scandinavian, and the Catholics are bitterly opposed. The
Methodists, our strongest friends everywhere else, are not so here.
2d.--We have one party openly and two others secretly against us.
3d.--While this county, for instance, gave $700 to prohibition, it
gives $2.50 to suffrage and claims that for hall rent, the amount
then not being sufficient. 4th.--When I suggested to the committee
to start a vigorous county campaign and get men of influence to go
out and speak, they did not know of one man willing to face the
political animosities it would engender.
With the exception of the work of a few women, nothing is being
done. We have opposed to us the most powerful elements in the
politics of the State. Continuing as we are, we can't poll 20,000
votes. We are converting women to "want to vote" by the hundreds,
but we are not having any appreciable effect upon the men. This is
because men have been accustomed to take new ideas only when
accompanied by party leadership with brass bands and huzzahs. We
have a total lack of all. Ours is a cold, lonesome little movement,
which will make our hearts ache about November 5. We must get
Dakota _men_ in the work. They are not talking woman suffrage on
the street. There is an absolute indifference concerning it. We
need some kind of a political mustard plaster to make things
lively. We are appealing to justice for success, when it is
selfishness that governs mankind....
The campaign was continued, however, with all the zeal and ability which
both State and national workers could command. There were between
fifteen and twenty thousand Scandinavians in the State and a woman was
sent to address them in their own language--one woman! A German woman
was sent among the men of that nationality. The last night before
election, mass meetings were held in all the large towns, Miss Anthony
and Miss Shaw being at Deadwood. In her excellent summing-up of the
campaign, Elizabeth M. Wardall, State superintendent of press, gives:
"Number of addresses by the national speakers, 789; by the State
speakers, 707; under the auspices of the W. C. T. U., 104; total, 1,600;
local and county clubs of women organized, 400. Literature sent to every
voter in the State."
What was the result of all this expenditure of time, labor and money?
There were 68,604 ballots cast; 22,972 for woman suffrage; 45,632
opposed; majority against, 22,660. Eight months of hard work by a large
corps of the ablest women in the United States, 1,600 speeches, $8,000
in money, for less than 23,000 votes! There were 30,000 foreigners in
South Dakota, Russians, Scandinavians, Poles and other nationalities. It
is claimed they voted almost solidly against woman suffrage, but even if
this were true they must have had the assistance of 15,000 American men.
If only those men who believed in prohibition had voted for woman
suffrage it would have carried, as had that measure, by 6,000 majority.
The opponents of prohibition, of course, massed themselves against
putting the ballot in the hands of women.
The main interest of this election was centered in the fight between
Huron and Pierre for the location of the capital. There never in any
State was a more shameless and corrupt buying and selling of votes, and
the woman suffrage amendment was one of the chief articles of barter.
The bribers, the liquor dealers and gamblers, were reinforced here, as
had been the case in other State campaigns, by their faithful allies,
"the Remonstrants of Boston," who circulated their anonymous sheet
through every nook and corner of the State.
All of the speakers who took any prominent part in the campaign were
paid except Miss Anthony.[64] She contributed her services for over six
months and refused during that time an offer of $500 from the State of
Washington for ten lectures and a contract from one of the largest
lecture bureaus in the country at $60 per night.[65] At the close of the
canvass she gave from the national fund $100 each to Mrs. Wardall and
Philena E. Johnson, who had worked so faithfully without pay. Then,
lacking $300 of enough to settle all the bills, she drew that amount
from her own small bank account and put it in as a contribution to the
campaign.
At the annual meeting of the State W. C. T. U., September 26, a strong
resolution was adopted endorsing Miss Anthony's work in South Dakota
and she was made an honorary member. After the election the State
suffrage committee unanimously passed the following resolution: "The
earnest and heartfelt gratitude of all the suffragists of South Dakota
is hereby extended to Susan B. Anthony, who has devoted her entire time,
energy and experience for six months to the cause of liberty and
justice."
Anna Shaw said that in all her years of preaching and lecturing she had
never been so exhausted as at the close of that canvass. Mrs. Catt was
prostrated with typhoid fever immediately upon reaching home, and
hovered between life and death for many months, in her delirium
constantly making speeches and talking of the campaign. Mary Anthony
said, "When my sister returned from South Dakota I realized for the
first time that she was indeed threescore and ten."
FOOTNOTES:
[59] "I am homesick already," she wrote Mrs. Spofford, "and have been
every minute since I left Washington. My choice would be to live there
most of the year, but no! Duty first, ease and comfort afterwards, even
if they never come."
[60] Mrs. Wallace was kept at home by serious illness in her family. In
a letter to Miss Anthony, August 18, expressing her deep regret, she
said: "Money would be no object with me if I could overcome the other
difficulties in the way, but as I can not, I fear I shall have to let
you think I am unreliable. I regret this, as there is no woman (except
Miss Willard) whose good opinion I value so highly as yours."
[61] In order to keep her next engagement, Miss Anthony was obliged to
leave Huron at 7:30 A. M., drive sixteen miles in the face of a heavy
northwest wind and rain, travel all day and speak that evening. "I did
the best I could," she wrote in her journal.
[62] Then E. W. Miller took the floor, and in a disgusting manner and
vile language berated the women present and all woman suffragists....
Miller disgraced the name of Democracy, disgraced his constituents,
disgraced South Dakota, disgraced the name of man by his brutal and low
remarks in the presence of ladies and gentlemen.--Aberdeen Pioneer.
[63] At one place where this happened, the Russian sheriff had locked
the court house doors, but the women compelled him to open them. He was
entirely converted by the addresses of the afternoon, and in the evening
when the storm was approaching, he rushed to Miss Anthony and exclaimed,
"Come, quick, and let me take you to the cellar, where you will be
perfectly safe." "O, no, thank you," she replied, "a little thing like a
cyclone does not frighten me."
[64] Henry B. Blackwell made a speaking tour of six weeks through the
State at his own expense.
[65] A letter from Mrs. Catt said: "I think you are the most unselfish
woman in all the world. You are determined to see that all the rest of
us are paid and comfortable, but think it entirely proper to work
yourself for nothing. If some of your self-sacrificing spirit could be
injected into the great body of suffragists, we would win a hundred
years sooner."
CHAPTER XXXIX.
WYOMING--MISS ANTHONY GOES TO HOUSEKEEPING.
1890-1891.
Miss Anthony accepted the defeat in South Dakota as philosophically as
she had those of the past forty years, bidding the women of the State be
of good cheer and continue the work of education until at last the men
should be ready to grant them freedom. With Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Julia B.
Nelson she went directly to the Nebraska convention at Fremont, November
12.[66] The 18th found her in Atchison with Mrs. Catt and Mrs. Colby, at
the Kansas convention, "where," the Tribune says, "she took part in all
the deliberations and methods of work as critically and earnestly as if
she herself would have to carry them out."
Two weeks were pleasantly spent visiting at Leavenworth and Fort Scott.
Thanksgiving was passed at the latter place and the next day the
suffrage friends, under the leadership of Dr. Sarah C. Hall, whom Miss
Anthony called "the backbone of Bourbon county," gave her a very pretty
reception at the home of Mrs. H. B. Brown. Saturday she spoke, morning,
afternoon and evening, at the county suffrage convention. Her time for
rest and recreation was very brief, and by December 4 she and Mrs. Catt
were in the midst of the Iowa convention at Des Moines. As usual when
flying from one side of the continent to the other, she stopped at
Indianapolis for a few days' work with Mrs. Sewall, and they sat up into
the wee, sma' hours, planning and arranging for the Washington
convention, the National Council and the World's Fair Congress of Women.
She arrived in Rochester Saturday morning; that evening Anna Shaw came
in from her tour of lectures all along the way from South Dakota, and it
would not be surprising to know that a business meeting of two was held
the next day after church services. Monday evening the Political
Equality Club tendered them a reception at the Chamber of Commerce,
which was largely attended. On December 16 and 17 they addressed the
State Suffrage Convention in this city, and soon afterwards Miss Anthony
started for Washington by way of New York and Philadelphia.
The year 1890 had been eventful for the cause of woman suffrage, in
spite of the defeat in Dakota. The bill for the admission of Wyoming as
a State had been presented in the House of Representatives December 18,
1889. Its constitution, which had been adopted by more than a two-thirds
vote of the people, provided that "the right of its citizens to vote and
hold office should not be denied or abridged on account of sex." The
House Committee on Territories, through Charles S. Baker, of Rochester,
reported in favor of admission. The minority report presented by William
M. Springer, of Illinois, covered twenty-three pages; two devoted to
various other reasons for non-admission and twenty-one to objections
because of the woman suffrage clause, "which provides that not only
males may vote but their wives also." Incorporated in this report were
the overworked articles of Mrs. Leonard and Mrs. Whitney, supplemented
by a ponderous manifesto of Goldwin Smith, and it ended with the same
list of "distinguished citizens of Boston opposed to female suffrage,"
which had several times before been brought out from its pigeonhole and
dusted off to terrify those citizens of the United States who did not
reside in Boston.
As it was supposed Wyoming would be Republican its admission was
bitterly fought by the Democrats, who used its suffrage clause as a club
to frighten the Republicans, but even those of the latter who were
opposed were willing to swallow woman suffrage for the sake of bringing
in another State for their party. The changes were rung on the old
objections with the usual interspersing of those equivocal innuendoes
and insinuations which always make a self-respecting woman's blood boil.
The debate continued many days and it looked for a time as if the woman
suffrage clause would have to be abandoned if the State were to be
admitted. When this was announced to the Wyoming Legislature, then in
session, the answer came back over the wire: "We will remain out of the
Union a hundred years rather than come in without woman suffrage."[67]
After every possible effort had been made to strike out the
objectionable clause, the final vote was taken March 26, 1890; for
admission 139; against, 127.
The bill was presented in the Senate by Orville H. Platt, of
Connecticut, from the Committee on Territories, and discussed for three
days. After a repetition of the contest in the House, the vote was taken
June 27; in favor of admission 29; opposed 18. Woman suffrage clubs in
all parts of the country, in response to an official request by Miss
Anthony and Lucy Stone, celebrated the Fourth of July with great
rejoicing over the admission of Wyoming, the first State to enfranchise
women.
Another event of importance during 1890, was the first majority report
from the judiciary committee of the House of Representatives in favor of
the Sixteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which should
confer suffrage upon women. Hon. Ezra B. Taylor, of Warren, O., was
chairman of the committee and had exerted all his influence to secure
this report, which was presented May 29 by L. B. Caswell, of
Wisconsin.[68] On August 12, the Senate committee on woman suffrage
again presented a majority report for a Sixteenth Amendment.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Our country needs the vote of her best
citizens--women--E. B. Taylor."]
It had long been Miss Anthony's earnest desire to have suffrage
headquarters in Washington, pleasant parlors where local meetings could
be held and friends gather in a social way. In the midst of her great
work and responsibility she exchanged many letters during 1890 with
ladies in that city regarding this project, but it was finally decided
that it would not be judicious to incur the expense. Out of this
agitation, however, was evolved a stock company, incorporated under the
name of Wimodaughsis, organized for the education of women in art,
science, literature and political and domestic economy by means of
classes and lectures. As Miss Anthony never gave herself to any work
except that which tended directly to secure suffrage for women, she took
no part in the new enterprise except to bestow upon it her blessing and
$100. Rev. Anna Shaw was elected its first president. The
National-American Association took two large rooms in the new club house
for headquarters.
[Illustration: Harriet Taylor Upson (Signed "Faithfully Yours Harriet
Taylor Winston")]
Two deaths in 1890 affected Miss Anthony most deeply. Ellen H. Sheldon,
of Washington, for a number of years had served as national recording
secretary and had endeared herself to all. She was a clerk in the War
Department and her entire time outside business hours was devoted to
gratuitous work for the association. Her reports were accurate and
discriminating and Miss Anthony felt in her death the loss of a
valued friend and helper. Julia T. Foster, of Philadelphia, who passed
away November 16, was as dear to her as one of her own nieces. A sweet
and beautiful woman, wealthy and accomplished, she was so modest and
retiring that her work for suffrage and the large sums of money she
contributed were known only to her most intimate friends. In remembrance
Rachel Foster Avery sent Miss Anthony all the handsome furnishings of
her sister's room.
Miss Anthony arrived in Washington January 3, 1891, and received the
usual welcome by Mr. and Mrs. Spofford. On the 24th she went to Boston
in response to an invitation to attend the Massachusetts Suffrage
Convention.[69] She reached the Parker House Sunday morning, but Wm.
Lloyd Garrison came at once and took her to his hospitable home in
Brookline, and a most fortunate thing it was. Since leaving South Dakota
she had been fighting off what seemed to be a persistent form of la
grippe and the next morning she collapsed utterly, pneumonia threatened
and she was obliged to keep her room for a week. She received the most
loving attention from her hostess, Ellen Wright Garrison, and had many
calls and numerous pleasant letters, among them the following:
What a mercy it was that you fell into the shelter and care of the
Garrisons when so serious an illness came upon you. Of course
everybody was disappointed that you could not be at the meeting so
that they might at least see you. Now that you are convalescing and
we trust on the high road to recovery we want to arrange an
informal reception at our office, so that those or some of those
who were sorry not to see you at the meeting, may have a chance to
do so. I was too tired today to go with my two, and maybe you would
have been too tired to see us if we had gone. It is not quite the
same when we are seventy-two as when we are twenty-seven; still I
am glad of what is left, and wish we might both hold out till the
victory we have sought is won, but all the same the victory is
coming. In the aftertime the world will be the better for it.
Trusting you may soon be well again, I am your fellow-worker,
LUCY STONE.
Her old comrade, Parker Pillsbury, urged her to come for a while to his
home in Concord, N. H., saying: "Should you come you may be sure of a
most cordial greeting in this household, and by others; but by none more
heartily and cordially than by your old friend and coadjutor in the
temperance, anti-slavery and suffrage enterprises." Mrs. Pillsbury
supplemented this with a pressing invitation; and another came from the
loved and faithful friend, Armenia S. White. Miss Anthony appreciated
the kindness but there was too much work awaiting her in Washington to
allow of visiting, and thither she hastened even before she was fully
able to travel.
The first triennial meeting of the National Woman's Council, Frances E.
Willard, president, Susan B. Anthony, vice-president, began in Albaugh's
Opera House, February 22, 1891, and continued four days. It was as
notable a gathering as the great International Council of 1888. Forty
organizations of women were represented; "one," said Miss Willard in her
opening address, "for every year during which this noble woman at my
right and her colleagues have been at work." The meeting was preceded by
a reception tendered by Mrs. Spofford at the Riggs to 500 guests. The
services for two Sundays were conducted entirely by women, Revs. Anna
Shaw, Anna Garlin Spencer, Ida C. Hultin, Caroline J. Bartlett, Amanda
Deyo, Olympia Brown, Mila Tupper and, among the laity, Margaret Bottome,
president of the King's Daughters, and Miss Willard. The most famous
women of the United States took part in this council. Especial interest
was centered in the beautiful Mrs. Bertha Honore Palmer, president of
the Board of Lady Managers of the Columbian Exposition, who occupied a
seat on the stage. This board was represented also by its
vice-president, Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin and by Mrs. Virginia C. Meredith.
Each great national organization sent its most representative women to
present its objects and its work.
As Mrs. Stanton was still in Europe, her paper, "The Matriarchate," was
read by Miss Anthony. Miss Willard introduced the reader in her own
graceful way, saying: "I will not call her Mrs. Stanton's faithful
Achates, for that would fail to express it, but will say that the paper
written by one of the double stars of the first magnitude will be read
by the other star." Miss Anthony was so happy over this great
assemblage, the direct result of all her long years' work for the
evolution of woman into a larger life and a catholicity of spirit which
would enable those of all creeds, all political beliefs and all lines of
work to come together in fraternal council, that she herself scarcely
could be persuaded to make even the briefest address. Her one anxiety
was that all the noted speakers present should be seen and heard.[70]
The council was received by Mrs. Harrison at the White House.
The Twenty-third Annual Convention of the National-American W. S. A.
commenced the morning after the council closed, and the vast audiences
which filled the opera house at every session hardly knew when one ended
and the other began. The interest was sufficient to sell the boxes for
the latter at $10, and single seats at 50 cents. Miss Anthony presided
and read Mrs. Stanton's fine address, "The Degradation of
Disfranchisement," saying as she commenced that "they might imagine how
every moment she was wishing they could see, instead of her own, the
sunny face and grand white head of the writer." At its close she
introduced Lucy Stone, who came forward amid great applause, and said
that "while this was the first time she had stood beside Miss Anthony at
a suffrage convention in Washington, she had stood beside her on many a
hard-fought battlefield before most of those present were born." She
then gave a graphic picture of the work accomplished by the suffrage
advocates from 1850 to 1890.
All sections of the United States were represented at this convention;
delegates were present from Canada, and Miss Florence Balgarnie, of
London, spoke for the women of England.[71] Mrs. Henrotin presented an
official invitation from the Board of Lady Managers for the association
to take part in the Woman's Congress to be held during the World's Fair.
The newspapers of Washington, and those of other cities through their
correspondents, gave columns of reports, indisputable evidence of the
important and stable position now secured by the question of woman
suffrage. The board of officers was re-elected, Mrs. Stanton receiving
for president 144 of the 175 votes; Miss Anthony's election unanimous.
The Women's Suffrage Society of England had sent official
congratulations on the admission of Wyoming with enfranchisement for
women, and Miss Anthony was determined they should be read in the United
States Senate. This letter from Senator Blair will show how it was
accomplished: "The memorial of congratulation which you sent me is not
one which I could press for presentation as a matter of right, but
fortunately, by a pious fraud, I succeeded in reading it without
interruption, so that it will appear word for word in the Record, and it
is referred to the noble army of martyrs known as the committee on woman
suffrage."
At a delightful breakfast given by Sorosis at Delmonico's on its
twenty-third birthday, Miss Anthony was the guest of honor, seated at
the right of the president, Mrs. Ella Dietz Clymer, and in her short
address recalled the fact that she had known Mrs. Clymer and their
incoming president, Dr. Jennie de la M. Lozier, when they were no taller
than the table.
She gave a Sunday afternoon reception at the Riggs to Mrs. Annie Besant,
of London, and in his letter regretting that absence from the city would
prevent his attendance, ex-Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCulloch
said: "I am sorry I can not see you often. I have been for many years a
'looker on' and I appreciate the work which you have done for the
benefit of the race. You have not labored in vain and you have the
satisfaction of knowing that your good work will follow you." She
accepted a cordial invitation to dine at his home and received assurance
of his thorough belief in suffrage for women.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Sincerely Yours, Hugh McCulloch"]
Easter Sunday she went to Philadelphia to witness the christening, or
consecration, of the Foster-Avery baby, by Rev. Anna Shaw, who had
married the father and mother. On Monday Mrs. Avery gave a reception for
her in the parlors of the New Century Club, and on the following day she
addressed the 1,600 girls of the Normal School.
She made this entry in her diary May 1: "Left Washington and the dear
old Riggs House today. For twelve winters this has been my home, where I
have had every comfort it was possible for Mr. and Mrs. Spofford to
give. For as many winters it has been the National Association's
headquarters, but now both will have to find a new place, for the hotel
is to pass under another management." Miss Anthony reached home the next
day, and by the 12th was on hand for the State convention at Warren, O.,
the guest as usual of Mr. and Mrs. Upton at the home of Hon. Ezra B.
Taylor. From here she went to Painesville, where she was entertained at
the handsome residence of General J. S. and Mrs. Frances M. Casement,
whose hospitality she had enjoyed for many years whenever her
journeyings took her to that city.
After a few days at home Miss Anthony started for Meriden, to attend the
Connecticut convention on May 22, and when this was over went home with
Mrs. Hooker. A letter to the Woman's Tribune said:
I wish I could tell you of my journeyings. I had a pleasant visit
with Mrs. Hooker at her charming home in Hartford. En route from
Boston I spent a few days with Hon. and Mrs. William Whiting in
their beautiful home at Holyoke. One day was devoted to a luncheon
party of a hundred or more in their picturesque log cabin three
miles down the river, through the lovely Connecticut valley. This
cabin, with fireplace worthy the grandest old back-log and
fore-stick, polished floors, and lunch served by a Springfield
caterer, is not like those of our dear old grandmothers. After the
tables were cleared, Mrs. Whiting called on me for a talk. Another
day we visited Mount Holyoke Seminary, going through the various
buildings and, in the great old kitchen, looking upon neat plateaus
of light, sweet-smelling bread, biscuits and cake, all made by the
girls during the morning. Each must do a certain amount of work,
and all is done in memory of the sainted Mary Lyon, whose monument
stands under the grand old trees which surround the buildings.
Then on Sunday I went to Cheshire, to dine with my mother's dear
cousin, ninety-five years of age, bright and cheerful in her
on-look. Next I hied me to the house of my Grandfather Anthony, who
lived in it from the day of his marriage in 1792, to his death at
the age of ninety-six.... From here I went to Saratoga and took a
drink from the old Congress Spring, and Wednesday reached home. The
paper tells you what happened on Thursday evening, and now I am
enjoying to the fullest all the good-will of my dear friends.
"What happened" was that Miss Anthony went to housekeeping! After the
mother's death, Miss Mary rented the lower part of the house, which now
belonged to her, reserved the upper rooms for herself and sister, and
took her meals with her tenants. This plan was followed for a number of
years. Now, however, Miss Anthony had passed one year beyond the
threescore and ten which are supposed to mark the limit of activity if
not of life, and her friends urged that she should give up her long
journeys from one end of the continent to the other, her hard State
campaigns, her constant lectures and conventions. She felt as vigorous
as ever but had long wished for the comforts and conveniences of her own
home, and she concluded that perhaps her friends were right and she
should settle down in one place and direct the work, rather than try to
do so much of it herself. She thought this might be safely done now, as
so many new and efficient workers had been developed and the cause had
acquired a standing which made its advocacy an easy task compared to
what it had been in the past, when only a few women had the courage and
strength to take the blows and bear the contumely. So Miss Mary took
possession of the house; masons, carpenters, painters and paper-hangers
were put to work, and by June all was in in beautiful readiness.
The friends in various parts of the country were deeply interested in
the new move. Letters of approval came from all directions, among them
this from Mrs. Stanton in England: "I rejoice that you are going to
housekeeping. The mistake of my life was selling Tenafly. My advice to
you, Susan, is to keep some spot you can call your own; where you can
live and die in peace and be cremated in your own oven if you desire."
When Miss Anthony returned from her eastern trip on June 11, a pleasant
surprise awaited her. The Political Equality Club had taken part in the
housekeeping program. Handsome rugs had been laid on the floor, lace
curtains hung at the windows, easy chairs placed in the rooms, a large
desk in Miss Mary's study, a fine oak table in the dining-room, all the
gift of the club. Mrs. Avery had sent a big, roomy desk and Mrs. Sewall
an office chair for Miss Anthony's study; Miss Shaw and Lucy Anthony, a
set of china; Mr. Avery, the needed cutlery; the brother Daniel R., a
great box of sheeting, spreads, bolts of muslin, table linen and towels,
enough to last a lifetime. From other friends came pictures, silver and
bric-a-brac without limit. The events of the evening after Miss Anthony
arrived at home are thus described by the Rochester Herald:
The truth of the matter is that for a long time the Woman's
Political Club has been in love with Miss Anthony, a feeling which
she has not been slow to reciprocate. The affair culminated last
evening, the nuptial ceremony being a housewarming tendered by the
club. The reception was a complete success, and the rooms were
crowded for several hours, the number of visitors being estimated
at no less than 300. The house was brilliantly lighted and
everywhere was a profusion of cut flowers and potted ferns. At the
entrance the visitors were greeted by Mrs. Greenleaf, president of
the club, who presented them to Miss Anthony. In greeting each
new-comer the hostess displayed her remarkable power of memory and
brilliance as a conversationalist, having a reminiscent word for
every one. In the parlor before the fireplace stood the old
spinning-wheel which in 1817 had been a wedding gift to her mother.
It was decked with marguerites and received no small degree of
attention....
A short time after the housewarming, her cousin, Charles Dickinson, of
Chicago, stopped over night and, after he had gone, Miss Anthony found
this note: "It makes me blush for the wealthy people of the country,
that they forget their duty to others. Here art thou, with thy moderate
income, spending all of it for humanity's cause, thinking, speaking,
doing a work that will last forever. Please take rest enough for good
health to be with thee, and to make this easier I enclose a check for
$300. Call it a loan without interest, already repaid by the good done
to our fellow-beings."
In June she made a long-promised visit to her friend Henrietta M. Banker
at her home in the Adirondacks, which she thus describes:
Rev. Anna Shaw and I have had a lovely week. Almost every day we
drove out among the mountains; one day to the Ausable lakes,
through beautiful woods, up ravines a thousand feet; another to
Professor Davidson's summer school, high up on the mountainside.
But the day of days was when we drove to the farm-home of old
Captain John Brown at North Elba. We found a broad plateau,
surrounded with mountain peaks on every side. We ate our dinner in
the same dining-room in which the old hero and his family partook
of their scanty fare in the days when he devoted his energies to
teaching the <DW52> men, who accepted Gerrit Smith's generous
offer of a bit of real estate, which should entitle the possessor
to a right to vote. Of all who settled on those lands, called the
"John Brown opening," only one grayheaded <DW64> still lives, though
many of their old houses and barns yet stand, crumbling away on
their deserted farms.
In front of the house is a small yard and occupying one-half of it
is a grand old boulder with steps leading to the top, where one
sees chiseled in large letters, "John Brown, December 2, 1859." At
the foot is the grave of the martyr, marked by an old granite
headstone which once stood at his grandfather's grave, and on it
are inscribed the names of three generations of John Browns. The
vandals visiting that sacred spot chipped off bits of the granite
until it became necessary to make a cover and padlock it down, so
that the farmer unlocks the cap and lifts it off for visitors now.
Thus is commemorated that fatal day which marks the only hanging
for treason against the United States Government. John Brown was
crucified for doing what he believed God commanded him to do, "to
break the yoke and let the oppressed go free," precisely as were
the saints of old for following what they believed to be God's
commands. The barbarism of our government was by so much the
greater as our light and knowledge are greater than those of two
thousand years ago....
July 25 is to be Suffrage Day at Chautauqua, and dear Mrs. Wallace
and Anna Shaw are to preach the gospel of equal rights. I do hope
Bishop Vincent will be present and there learn from those two, who
are surely "God's women," the law of love to thy neighbor--woman,
as to thyself--man. I am hoping the gate receipts on that day will
be greater than those of any other during the summer. Wouldn't that
tell the story of the interest in this question?
In June she accepted the urgent invitation of the Ignorance Club to
honor them by being their guest at their annual frolic on Manitou beach
and respond to a toast which should allow her to say anything she liked.
Three most enjoyable weeks were spent at home and during this time Miss
Anthony addressed the W. C. T. U. She expressed herself in no uncertain
tones as to the futility of third parties, declaring that the
Prohibition party already had taken some of the best temperance men out
of Congress, and made a speech so forcible that it lifted the bonnets of
some of the timid sisters. The evening paper reported:
... Rev. C. B. Gardner said Miss Anthony had given the company some
excellent political advice, but he inclined to the belief that the
temperance reform could be brought about without woman suffrage.
"The women would bring the men around in time; they could
accomplish much by their moral influence; in this they resembled
ministers." Miss Anthony wished to know if it would not be a good
thing then, to disfranchise the ministers and let them depend
entirely on their moral influence. She explained that in what she
had said about prayer she meant prayer by action. She would not
have it understood that she did not believe in prayer; she thought,
however, that an emotion never could be equal to an action.
She went to Chautauqua July 25, when, for the first time in its history,
woman suffrage was presented. Zerelda G. Wallace delivered a grand
address and Rev. Anna Shaw gave "The Fate of Republics." Miss Anthony
followed in a short speech, and the Jamestown Sunday News said: "Woman's
Day was fully justified by the reception given to that intrepid Arnold
Winkelreid of women." Frances Willard wrote a few days later from the
assembly grounds: "Dearest Susan, I could sing hallelujah over you and
our Anna Shaw and 'Deborah' Wallace! It was the best and biggest day
Chautauqua ever saw. Do urge your suffragists to go in for this on next
year's program."
Miss Anthony attended the golden wedding of John and Isabella Beecher
Hooker, in Hartford, August 5; "a most beautiful occasion," she writes
in her diary, "but to the surprise of all there was no speaking." An
affair without speeches was to her what a feast without wine would have
been to the ancients. On the 15th suffrage had a great day at Lily
Dale, the famous Spiritualist camp meeting grounds, Miss Shaw and
herself making the principal addresses. Miss Anthony thus speaks of the
meeting in a letter:
... To Brother Buckley's assertion, made a short time before, that
women should not be allowed to vote because the majority of
Spiritualists, Christian Scientists and all false religions were
women, Miss Shaw replied that there was a larger ratio of men in
the audience before her than she had seen in any Methodist or
temperance camp meeting or Chautauqua assembly this summer. When
Mr. Buckley charged that women were too numerous in the false
religions to vote, she would remind him that there were three women
to one man in the Methodist church also; and she was quite willing
to match the vast majorities of women in the various religions,
false and true, with the vast majorities of men at the horse races,
variety theaters, police stations, jails and penitentiaries
throughout the country. She brought the house down with, "Too much
religion unfits women to vote! Too much vice and crime qualifies
men to vote!"
People came from far and near. Fully 3,000 were assembled in that
beautiful amphitheater decorated with the yellow and the red, white
and blue.... There hanging by itself was our national suffrage
flag, ten by fourteen feet, with its regulation red and white
stripes, and in the center of its blue corner just one great golden
star, Wyoming, blazing out all alone. Every cottage in the camp was
festooned with yellow, and when at night the Chinese lanterns on
the piazzas were lighted, Lily Dale was as gorgeous as any Fourth
of July, all in honor of Woman's Day and her coming freedom and
equality.
Our hosts, Mr. and Mrs. Thomas Skidmore, are the center of things
at Lily Dale, and right royal are they in their hospitality as well
as their love of liberty for all. This camp has been in existence
twelve summers, there has been no police force, and no disturbance
ever has occurred. Every one is left to his own sense of propriety
of behavior and every one behaves properly.
Miss Anthony still intended, however, to remain at home and in the
intervals when she was not coaxed away no bride ever enjoyed more fully
her first experiment at housekeeping. All the forty years of travelling
up and down the face of the earth had not eradicated from her nature the
domestic tastes, and she loved every nook and corner of the old home
made new, going from room to room, putting the finishing touches here
and there, and fairly revelling in the sense of possession. Hospitality
was her strongest instinct, and during all these years she had accepted
so much from her friends in Rochester and elsewhere without being able
to return it, that now she wanted to entertain everybody and all at
once. The diary speaks often of ten and twelve at the table for dinner
or tea, and Miss Mary, who constituted the committee of ways and means,
was quite overwhelmed with the new regime. The story in the journal runs
like this:
Our dear old friends, Sarah Willis and Mary Hallowell, shared our
first Sunday dinner with us.... Our old Abolition friends, Giles B.
and Catharine F. Stebbins and three or four others took tea with us
tonight.... My old friend Adeline Thomson has come to stay several
weeks with us. How nice to have my own home to entertain my
friends.... Anna Shaw and niece Lucy came today and we had five
others to dinner. A very pleasant thing to be able to ask people to
stop and dine.... Brother D. R., sister Anna and niece Maud came
today for a week. It is so good to receive them in our own home. D.
R. enjoys the fire on the hearth.... Had Maria Porter, Mr. and Mrs.
Greenleaf and eleven altogether to tea this evening. How I do enjoy
it!... Who came this day? O, yes, Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley, of
Chicago, her son and her mother, Mrs. Susan Look Avery, of
Louisville, Ky. It makes me so happy to return some of the
courtesies I have had in their beautiful home.... Just before noon
Mrs. Greenleaf popped into the woodshed with a great sixteen-quart
pail full of pound balls of the most delicious butter, and we made
her stay to dinner. The girl was washing and I got the dinner
alone: broiled steak, potatoes, sweet corn, tomatoes and peach
pudding, with a cup of tea. All said it was good and I enjoyed it
hugely. How I love to receive in my own home and at my own table!
She went to Warsaw September 17 to help the Wyoming county women hold
their convention. The 23d had been set apart as Woman's Day at the
Western New York Fair, held at the Rochester driving park. Mrs.
Greenleaf presided; Miss Anthony and Rev. Anna Shaw were the speakers.
The former spoke briefly, insisting with her usual generosity that the
honors of the occasion should belong to Miss Shaw.[72] In the course of
her few remarks she said: "We who represent the suffrage movement ask
not that women be like men, but that they may be greater women by having
their opinions respected at the ballot-box. Only men's opinions have
prevailed in this government since it was founded. Enfranchisement says
to every man outside of the State prisons, the insane and idiot asylums:
'Your judgment is sound; your opinions are worthy of being crystallized
in the laws of the land.' Disfranchisement says to all women: 'Your
judgment is not sound; your opinions are not worthy of being counted,'
Man is the superior, woman the subject, under the present condition of
political affairs, and until this great wrong is righted, ignorant men
and small boys will continue to look with disdain on the opinion of
women."
From the time that Mrs. Stanton had decided to return to America for the
remainder of her days, Miss Anthony had hoped they might have a home
together and finish their life-work of history and reminiscence. When
she learned that her friend, with a widowed daughter and a bachelor son,
contemplated taking a house in New York, she was greatly distressed, as
she felt that this would be the end of all her plans. She wrote her
immediately:
We have just returned from the Unitarian church where we listened
to Mr. Gannett's rare dissertation on the religion of Lowell; but
all the time there was an inner wail in my soul, that by your
fastening yourself in New York City I couldn't help you carry out
the dream of my life--which is that you should take all of your
speeches and articles, carefully dissect them, and put your best
utterances on each point into one essay or lecture; first deliver
them in the Unitarian church on Sunday afternoon, and then publish
in a nice volume, just as Phillips culled out his best. Your
Reminiscences give only light and incidental bits of your life--all
good but not the greatest of yourself. This is the first time since
1850 that I have anchored myself to any particular spot, and in
doing it my constant thought was that you would come here, where
are the documents necessary to our work, and stay for as long, at
least, as we must be together to put your writings into systematic
shape to go down to posterity. I have no writings to go down, so my
ambition is not for myself, but it is for one by the side of whom I
have wrought these forty years, and to get whose speeches before
audiences and committees has been the delight of my life.
Well, I hope you will do and be as seemeth best unto yourself,
still I can not help sending you this inner groan of my soul, lest
you are not going to make it possible that the thing shall be done
first which seems most important to me. Then, too, I have never
ceased to hope that we would finish the History of Woman Suffrage,
at least to the end of the life of the dear old National.
Mrs. Stanton's children would not consent to this plan, but she came to
Rochester for a month's visit in September. It was desired by many
friends that to the very satisfactory busts of Miss Anthony and Lucretia
Mott, which had been made by Adelaide Johnson, should be added one of
Mrs. Stanton, and all be placed in the Woman's Building at the World's
Fair. To accomplish this Miss Anthony rented a large room in the
adjoining house for a studio and invited the sculptor to her home for a
number of weeks, until the sittings were finished.
During Mrs. Stanton's visit Miss Anthony entertained the Political
Equality Club and a large company of guests, the evening being devoted
to the subject of the admission of women to Rochester University. A
number of the faculty, Congressmen Greenleaf and Baker, several
ministers, the principal of the free academy--about 200 altogether were
present and the discussion was very animated. Practically all of them
believed in opening the doors and a letter of approval was read from
David J. Hill, president of the university. The trustees were
represented by Dr. E. M. Moore, who was in favor of admitting women but
declared that it would be impossible unless an additional fund of
$200,000 was provided beforehand. Miss Anthony insisted that the girls
should first be admitted and then, when a necessity for more money was
apparent, it would be much easier to raise it. In the course of his
remarks Dr. Moore said it was more important to educate boys than girls
because they were the breadwinners.
The Utica Sunday paper came out a few days later with a half-page
cartoon representing the university campus; on the outside of the fence
were Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton heading a long procession of girls,
books in hand; standing guard over the fence, labeled "prejudice and old
fogyism," was Dr. Moore pointing proudly to the "breadwinners," who
consisted of two confused and struggling masses, one engaged in a "cane
rush" and the other in a fight over a football. This little incident
merely proved the oft-repeated assertion that these two women never were
three days together without stirring up a controversy, in which the
opposing forces invariably were worsted and public sentiment was moved
up a notch in the direction of larger liberty for woman.
Together they visited the palatial home, at Auburn, of Eliza Wright
Osborne, daughter of Martha C. Wright, where they were joined by
Elizabeth Smith Miller, daughter of Gerrit Smith; and there were
delightful hours of reminiscence and chat of mutual friends, past and
present. The diary shows that Miss Anthony purchased a full set of books
to join the Emerson and Browning classes this year, but there is no
record of attendance save at one meeting. One entry says: "Dancing to
the dentist's these days." Another tells of forgetting to go to a
luncheon after the invitation had been accepted; and still another of
inviting a number of friends to tea and forgetting all about it.
In November she went again to Auburn to the State convention, remaining
four days. The Daily Advertiser said: "Miss Susan B. Anthony, the grand
old woman of the equal rights cause, was then introduced and spoke at
length upon the objects for which she had labored so faithfully all her
life. Except for her gray hair and a few wrinkles, no one would suppose
the speaker to be in her seventy-second year. The full, firm voice, the
active manner and clear logic, all belonged to a young woman." At the
close of the convention Mrs. Osborne gave a reception in her honor,
attended by nearly one hundred ladies.
By invitation of the Unitarian minister, Rev. W. C. Gannett, Miss
Anthony participated with himself and Rabbi Max Lansberg in Thanksgiving
services at the Unitarian church. The topic was "The Unrest of the Times
a Cause for Thankfulness," as indicated by "The Woman, the Social and
the Religious Movements." Miss Anthony responded to the first in a
concise address, considered under twelve heads and not occupying more
than that number of minutes in delivery, beginning with Ralph Waldo
Emerson's declaration, "A wholesome discontent is the first step toward
progress," and giving a resume of women's advancement during the past
forty years, due chiefly to dissatisfaction with their lot.
It had not been an easy matter for Miss Anthony to have even this
fragment of a year at home. From many places she had received letters
begging her to come to the assistance of societies and conventions, and
she was just as anxious to go as they were to have her. The most urgent
of these appeals came from Mrs. Johns, of Kansas, where a constitutional
convention was threatened and the women wanted a suffrage amendment.
When Miss Anthony did not go to the spring convention, Mrs. Johns wrote,
April 18: "I can never tell you how I missed you, and the people--they
seemed to think they must have you. Letter after letter came asking, 'Is
there no way by which we can get Miss Anthony?'" When she declined to go
to the fall convention, Mrs. Johns wrote, November 26: "I declare it
seemed as if I did not know how to go on without you, and our women felt
just as I did. We have had you with us so often that we depended on your
presence more than we knew." In another long letter she said:
I hope the national association will not leave Kansas to work out
her own salvation. Surely you, to whom we owe municipal suffrage,
are not going to fail to come to us at this awful juncture! Dear
Aunt Susan, you won't get any wounds here. I will take charge of
the office and make the routes, which I am able to do well; I will
speak; I will organize; I will do anything you think best, and
there will be nobody inquiring what you do with funds, and there
will be no disgraceful charges and counter-charges, unless I am
greatly mistaken in Kansas women and in myself. We all love you
here and we want the cause to succeed more than we want personal
aggrandizement.
Mrs. Johns persuaded Mrs. Avery to join in her plea and finally Miss
Anthony could hold out no longer, but December 11 wrote to the latter:
"I have been fully resolved all along not to go to Kansas during this
first campaign, because I felt that my threescore and ten and two years
added ought to excuse me from the fearful exposure; still, since you and
dear Laura are left so deserted and will be so heartbroken if I stick to
my resolve, I will say yes, tuck on my coat and mittens and start. But
alas! how soon must that be? I am thoroughly in the dark as to when and
where I shall be wanted to begin, but I will do my level best."
[Illustration: Autograph: "Very truly yours, Frances E Warren"]
The closing days of 1891 were devoted to the voluminous correspondence
which preceded every national convention. The large number of letters on
file from prominent senators and representatives show that Miss Anthony
was keeping an eye on the committees and pulling the wires to have known
friends placed on those which would report on woman suffrage. "I am in
full sympathy with you upon the question of woman's enfranchisement,"
wrote Senator Dolph, of Oregon, "and also with your effort to secure a
chairman of the committee who favors the movement and is able to present
it with intelligence and ability." Speaker Reed closed his letter by
saying, "When the eleventh hour comes, we all shall flock in, clamorous
for pennies." Words of encouragement were received from many others, and
Senator and ex-Governor Francis E. Warren, of Wyoming, wrote: "I am
always in harness for woman suffrage wherever I may be. My spoken and
written testimony for a score of years has been in its praise and of its
perfect working and results in Wyoming."
FOOTNOTES:
[66] While here Miss Anthony received a letter from Rev. N. M. Mann,
formerly pastor of the Unitarian church in Rochester but now residing in
Omaha, which said: "Are you not coming to the metropolis of the State,
when some of us here are just perishing for the sight of your face? I
speak for myself and Mrs. Mann firstly, though judging from the number
of parlors I go into where your picture is the first thing one sees, I
fancy there are a good many others who would be hardly less glad than we
to greet you. Come and spend a Sunday, and hear a good old sermon, and
lecture in my church."
[67] As women had been voting in the Territory over twenty years and
this answer was sent by a legislature composed entirely of men, it would
seem to show that the evils predicted of woman suffrage were wholly
disproved by actual experience.
[68] Mr. Taylor wrote Miss Anthony: "The delay, which seemed long to
you, was absolutely necessary and I am sure you will understand that I
have been faithful to the cause. My daughter Harriet, the most wonderful
of all women to me, is largely influential in the result...."
[69] DEAR SUSAN ANTHONY: We are to celebrate the fortieth anniversary of
the First National Woman's Rights Convention in this State and want to
make the meeting as useful to the cause as we can. You ought to be here.
Will you come? The sheaves gathered in these forty years are to be
presented, and of course there will be some reminiscences of pioneer
times. We shall be glad to announce you as one of the speakers. I hope
you are a little rested since the hard campaign in Dakota. Yours truly,
LUCY STONE.
[70] In her letter describing the council Mrs. Margaret Bottome wrote of
Miss Anthony: "I have met, since I have been in Washington, a woman whom
I have heard of since I can remember anything. We are not of the same
faith--she has devoted her life to what during the past I have shrunk
from--and I met her here for the first time; but I shall carry with me
always the impression of her spirit upon my own, of the Christ-life, the
Christ-spirit. I got it before she had said five words to me, and I
could have sat down at her feet and drank in the spirit of Jesus Christ
that is in her, though she does not see him just as I do."
[71] After the convention Miss Balgarnie wrote: "It has been one of the
most genuine pleasures of my life to meet you, my dear Miss Anthony. I
felt 'strength go out of you,' as it were, directly you took my hand."
[72] Miss Anthony was equally generous in regard to speakers of less
renown. She wrote to Mrs. Blake during this year: "I felt so happy to
give half of my hour at Syracuse to Mrs. C., so that splendid audience
might see and hear her. And I am always glad to surrender my time to any
unknown speakers whom we find promising; but first they ought to have
tried their powers at their home meetings and in rural districts."
CHAPTER XL.
IGNORED BY THE PARTIES--APPOINTED TO OFFICE.
1892.
On her way to the convention of 1892, Miss Anthony stopped in New York
in response to an urgent letter from Mrs. Stanton, now comfortably
ensconced in a pleasant flat overlooking Central Park, saying that
unless she came and took her bodily to Washington she should not be able
to go. "All the influences about me urge to rest rather than action,"
she wrote--exactly what Miss Anthony had feared. She was now in her
seventy-seventh year and naturally her children desired that she should
give up public work; but Miss Anthony knew that inaction meant rust and
decay and, as her fellow-worker was in the prime of mental vigor, she
was determined that the world should continue to profit by it. Her
address this year was entitled "The Solitude of Self," considered by
many one of her finest papers.
Mrs. Stanton received a great ovation at the opening session, January
16, but this proved to be her last appearance at a national convention.
For more than forty years she had presided with a grace and dignity
which never had been surpassed, and now she begged that the scepter, or
more properly speaking the gavel, might be transferred to Miss Anthony,
whose experience had been quite as extended as her own. The delegates
yielded to her wishes and Miss Anthony was elected national president.
The office of chairman of the executive committee was abolished; Mrs.
Stanton and Lucy Stone were made honorary presidents, and Rev. Anna H.
Shaw vice-president-at-large.
Miss Anthony presided over the ten sessions of the convention and they
required a firm hand, for the discussions were spirited, as the
questions considered were important. Among them were the work to be done
at the World's Fair; the opening of the fair on Sunday; the proposition
to hold every alternate convention in some other city than Washington;
the plan to carry suffrage work into the southern States; the
advisability of making another campaign in Kansas; and other matters on
which there was a wide difference of opinion.
John B. Allen, of Washington, had introduced in the Senate, and Halbert
S. Greenleaf in the House, a joint resolution proposing an amendment to
the Constitution extending the right to women to vote at all federal
elections. The House Judiciary Committee, January 18, granted a hearing
to such speakers as should be selected by the national convention then
in session. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton, Lucy Stone and Mrs. Hooker were
chosen. This was the first Democratic committee before whom an appeal
had been made; they listened courteously, but brought in no report on
the question.
The Senate committee granted a hearing January 20, and three-minute
addresses were made by eighteen women representing as many States.
Before they left the room, Senator Hoar moved that the committee make a
favorable report and the motion was seconded by Senator Warren, Senator
Blair also voting in favor. Senators Vance, of North Carolina, and
George, of Mississippi, voted in the negative. Senators Quay and
Carlisle were absent.
During the convention the district suffrage society gave a reception in
the parlors of the Wimodaughsis club house. Later, Mrs. Noble, wife of
the Secretary of the Interior, issued cards for a reception in honor of
Miss Anthony, Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone. It was attended by members of
the Cabinet, Senate, House, diplomatic corps and many others prominent
in official and social life.
As Miss Anthony had no longer her comfortable quarters at the Riggs
House free of all expense, she did not linger in Washington, but went to
Philadelphia for a week with the friends there and reached home
February 6. "I send congratulations, I always wanted you to be
president," wrote Mrs. Johns. "Now can't you come to our Kansas City
Inter-State Convention? We do need you so and there wouldn't be standing
room if you were there." And later: "Do any of my wails reach you? The
Kansas City people plead for you to come if only to be looked at. Is
there any hope?" Miss Anthony was perfectly willing to make a winter
campaign in Kansas, but her friends insisted that there were plenty of
younger women to do this work and she should wait till spring. So Anna
Shaw, Mary Seymour Howell and Florence Balgarnie, of England, went to
the assistance of the women there, and Rachel Foster Avery gave $1,000
to this canvass.
Every day at home was precious to Miss Anthony. Sometimes on Sunday
afternoon she went to Mount Hope, on whose sloping hillsides rest the
beloved dead of her own family and many of the friends of early
days;[73] or she walked down to the long bridge which spans the
picturesque Genesee river and commands a fine view of the beautiful
Lower Falls. Occasionally a friend called with a carriage and they took
the charming seven-mile drive to the shore of Lake Ontario. Sunday
mornings she listened to Mr. Gannett's philosophical sermons; and
through the week there were quiet little teas with old friends whom she
had known since girlhood, but had seen far too seldom in all the busy
years. Instead of forever giving lectures she was able to hear them from
others; and she could indulge to the fullest, on the big new desk, her
love of letter-writing, while the immense work of the national
association was always pressing. She had a number of applications for
articles from various magazines and newspapers, but her invariable reply
was, "I have no literary ability; ask Mrs. Stanton;" and no argument
could convince her that she could write well if she would give the time
to it.
She addressed the New York Legislature in April in reference to having
women sit as delegates in the approaching Constitutional Convention. In
response to a request from the Rochester Union and Advertiser, she wrote
an earnest letter advocating the opening of the World's Fair on Sunday,
and giving many strong reasons in favor. On April 22, she joined Miss
Shaw, who was lecturing at Bradford, Penn., and Sunday afternoon
addressed an audience which packed the opera house. The next day she
organized a suffrage club of seventy members among the influential women
of that city. After leaving there Rev. Anna Shaw, herself an ordained
Protestant Methodist minister, wrote her that she had been shut out of
several churches because she had addressed an audience at the Lily Dale
Spiritualist camp meeting. She said: "I told them that I would speak to
5,000 people on woman suffrage anywhere this or the other side of Hades
if they could be got together."
The first week in May, at the urgent invitation of her good friends,
Smith G. and Emily B. Ketcham, of Grand Rapids, Miss Anthony attended
their silver wedding. From this pleasant affair she went to the Michigan
Suffrage Convention at Battle Creek, where she visited an old
schoolmate, Mrs. Sarah Hyatt Nichols. She reached Chicago in time for
the biennial meeting of the General Federation of Woman's Clubs. Special
trains were run from New York and Boston, Central Music Hall was crowded
and numerous elegant receptions were given for the 300 delegates from
all parts of the country. Many eminent women sat upon the platform,
among them the president of the federation, Mrs. Charlotte Emerson
Brown, Frances E. Willard, Susan B. Anthony, Julia Ward Howe, May Wright
Sewall, Jenny June Croly and Dr. Sarah Hackett Stevenson, all of whom
were heard at different times during the convention. Miss Anthony was
the guest of Lydia Avery Coonley, whose mother wrote to Mary Anthony:
I have been intending for several days to tell you that however
your sister may have been regarded forty years ago, she is today
the most popular woman in these United States. The federation
closed, as you probably know, on Friday night. During the meetings
she was several times asked to come forward on the platform, which
she did to the manifest gratification of the people, saying
something each time which "brought down the house." On the last
night a note was sent to the president asking that "Susan B.,"
Julia Ward Howe and Ednah D. Cheney would please step forward. They
came, but only your sister spoke and what she said was vociferously
cheered over and over again.
The business committee of the National Council--Miss Willard, Mrs.
Sewall, Mrs. Foster Avery, Miss Anthony and others--met in Chicago the
same week, the principal subject of consideration being the Woman's
Congress to be held the next year during the World's Fair. While in the
city Miss Anthony gave a number of sittings to Lorado Taft, the
sculptor. Miss Willard had asked that he might make the bust to be
placed in the gallery of famous women at the World's Fair, she herself
to be responsible for all expenses. "Come and spend a week with me in my
home," she wrote, "while he prepares a model of that statesmanlike head,
the greatest of them all." Desirous of pleasing her, Miss Anthony
agreed, but at once many of the strong-minded protested that the bust
must be made by a woman.
A number of amusing letters were exchanged. From Miss Willard: "Mr. Taft
is the most progressive believer in woman and admirer of you, dear
Susan, that I know. He is in full sympathy with all of our ideas. I am
sure that as a friend of mine, appreciated by me as highly as you are by
any woman living, you will not place me in the position of declining to
have this work done. Please do not take counsel of women who are so
prejudiced that, as I once heard said, they would not allow a male
grasshopper to chirp on their lawn; but out of your own great heart,
refuse to set an example to such folly."
Mr. Taft himself wrote Miss Anthony: "I can put myself in your place
sufficiently to appreciate in part the objections which you or your
friends may feel toward having the work done by a man. My only regret is
that I am not to be allowed to pay this tribute to one whom I was early
taught to honor and revere.... Come to think of it, I believe I am
provoked after all. Sex is but an accident, and it seems to me that it
has no more to do with art than has the artist's complexion or the
political party he votes with." Again from Miss Willard: "Do you not
see, my friend and comrade, that having engaged a noble and large-minded
young man, who believes as we do, to make that bust, engaged him in good
faith and announced it to the public, it is a 'little rough on me,' as
the boys say, for my dear sister to wish me to break my contract? We can
not have too many busts of you, so let Miss Johnson go on and make hers,
and let me have mine, and let those other women make theirs, and we will
yet have one of them in the House of Representatives at Washington, the
other in the Senate, the third in the White House!... My dear mother and
Anna wish to be remembered to you, knowing that you are one of our best
and most trusted friends, only I must say that you are a naughty woman
in this matter of the 'statoot.'" Miss Anthony's common sense finally
induced her to waive objections and she gave Mr. Taft as many sittings
as he desired. When the work was finished Miss Willard wrote: "My
beloved Susan, your statue is perfect. Lady Henry and I think that _one_
man has seen your great, benignant soul and shown it in permanent
material."
The 25th of May Miss Anthony attended a meeting of the Ohio association
at Salem, where had been held in April, 1850, the second woman's rights
convention in all history. There was present one of the pioneers who had
called that convention, Emily, wife of Marius Robinson, editor of the
Anti-Slavery Bugle. Miss Anthony read her paper for her, as she was over
eighty years old, and added her own strong comments, of which the report
of the secretary said: "Her burning words can never be forgotten, and
many a soul must have responded to her call for workers to carry to
glorious completion what was begun in such difficulty."
There was some talk at this time of holding a Southern Woman's Council
and Miss Anthony wrote to the Arkansas Woman's Chronicle:
The New England States hold an annual suffrage convention and have
done so for nearly thirty years, and I do not see any valid reason
why the States of any section may not have a society or a
convention. Larger numbers from the six New England States can
meet and help each other in Boston, than could possibly go to
Washington to get the soul-refreshing which comes through the
gathering together of kindred spirits from the entire nation.
As I shall be glad to see the women of the South, of all possible
aims and ends, meet in council, so I should rejoice to see them
hold a southern States' suffrage convention. I say this because I
want you to know that my heartiest sympathy goes with you in your
effort to call together the women of your section of the Union; and
I shall rejoice to see the women of the far-off northwestern States
doing the same thing. Women should have their local societies and
meetings, their county, State and section conventions, and then,
for our great national gathering, each State should send its
representatives to Washington, there to confer together and go
before the committees of Congress to urge our claims. What a power
women would be if all could but see eye to eye in their struggle
for freedom!
She remained at home long enough to prepare the memorials to the
national political conventions, and June 4 found her at Minneapolis
ready for the Republican gathering. She was entertained by Mr. and Mrs.
T. B. Walker, and found Mrs. J. Ellen Foster also a guest in that
hospitable home. The memorial presented by the National-American W. S.
A. contained the same unanswerable arguments for the enfranchisement of
women which had been made for so many years, and asked for the following
plank: "As a voice in the laws and the rulers under which we live is the
inalienable right of every citizen of a republic, we pledge ourselves,
when again in power, to place the ballot in the hand of every woman of
legal age, as the only weapon with which she can protect her person and
property and defend herself against all aggressive legislation."
Miss Anthony was notified that she could have a hearing before the
platform committee on the evening of June 8. She was promptly on hand
and was kept standing in the hall outside of the committee room until
after 9 o'clock. Finally she was so tired she sent for one of the
committee to ask how much longer she would have to wait. She learned
that its chairman, J. B. Foraker, of Ohio, refused to preside or call
the committee to order to hear any argument on woman suffrage. Senator
Jones, of Nevada, then hunted him up and asked if he might preside in
his place, and permission being given she was invited into the room. She
spoke for thirty minutes as only a woman could speak who had suffered
the persecution of an Abolitionist before the Republican party was born,
who had been loyal to that party throughout all the dark days of the
Civil War, who had not once repudiated its principles in all the years
which had since elapsed. She pleaded that now she and the women she
represented might have its support and recognition in their right to
representation at the ballot-box. This committee was composed of
twoscore of the most prominent men in the Republican party and, at the
close of Miss Anthony's address, every one in the room arose and many
crowded about her, giving her the most earnest assurance of their belief
in the justice of her cause, but telling her frankly that they could not
put a woman suffrage plank in their platform as the party was not able
to carry the load! The plank eventually adopted read as follows:
We demand that every citizen of the United States shall be allowed
to cast one free and unrestricted ballot in all public elections,
and that such ballot shall be counted as cast; that such laws shall
be enacted and enforced as will secure to every citizen, be he rich
or poor, native or foreign, white or black, this sovereign right
guaranteed by the Constitution. The free and honest popular ballot,
the just and equal representation of all the people, as well as
their just and equal protection under the laws, are the foundation
of our republican institutions, and the party will never relax its
efforts until the integrity of the ballot and the purity of
elections shall be guaranteed and protected in every State.
This was identical with the one adopted in 1888, at which time a number
of women had telegraphed the chairman asking if the convention intended
it to apply to women, and he had answered that he did not understand it
to have any such intention. Therefore the women who went to the
Republican convention of 1892 asking for bread, received instead "the
water in which the eggs had been boiled."
There were present at this convention two regularly appointed women
delegates from Wyoming, and the difference in the attention bestowed
upon them and upon those who came to press the claims of the great class
of the disfranchised, ought to have been an object lesson to all who
assert that women will lose the respect of men when they enter
politics. Not a newspaper in the country had a slur to cast on these
women delegates. The Boston Globe made this pertinent comment: "An
elective queen in this country is no more out of place than one seated
by hereditary consent abroad. It is no rash prediction to assert that
the child is now born who will see a woman in the presidential chair.
Thomas Jefferson will not be fully vindicated until this government
rests upon the consent of all the governed."
After just five days at home Miss Anthony left for Chicago to attend the
Democratic National Convention, June 21, which was requested to adopt
the following plank: "Whether we view the suffrage as a privilege or as
a natural right, it belongs equally to every citizen of good character
and legal age under government; hence women as well as men should enjoy
the dignity and protection of the ballot in their own hands."
Miss Anthony and Isabella Beecher Hooker took rooms at the Palmer House
and the latter made arrangements for the hearing before the resolution
committee, which was assembled in one of the parlors, Henry Watterson,
of Louisville, chairman. The ladies made their speeches, were
courteously heard, politely bowed out, and the platform was as densely
silent on the question of woman suffrage as it had been during its whole
history. Mrs. Hooker remained alone in the convention until 2 o'clock in
the morning, hoping to get a chance to address that body. She had not
been fooled as many times as Miss Anthony, who returned to the hotel and
went to bed.
The Union Signal, Frances E. Willard, editor, spoke thus of the
occasion:
That heroic figure, Susan B. Anthony, sure to stand out in history
as plainly as any of our presidents, has given added significance
to the two great political conventions of the year. Neither party
has recognized her plea, but both have innumerable adherents who
openly declare themselves in favor of her principles. She states
that this year she felt for the first time that she had a pivot on
which to hang her quadrennial plea, and that pivot was Wyoming, the
men of that equal-minded State in both conventions holding up her
hands. Miss Anthony's pathetic eyes reveal that she has attained to
loneliness--the guerdon of great spirits who struggle from any
direction toward the mountain tops of human liberty. But on the
heights such souls meet God, and one day all women shall call her
blessed.
The National Prohibition Convention at Cincinnati, June 30, was not
visited by Miss Anthony, as she felt that the women of this party needed
no assistance in looking after the interests of suffrage. The third
plank in the platform there adopted read: "No citizen should be denied
the right to vote on account of sex."
From Chicago she went directly to Kansas to look after the fences in
that State. Mrs. Johns and Anna Shaw joined her and they spoke before
the Chautauqua Assembly at Ottawa, June 27, going thence to Topeka, as
Miss Anthony expressed it, "to watch the State Republican Convention."
They received a hearty greeting and she was invited to address the
convention June 30. The Capital said: "There were loud calls for Susan
B. Anthony and as she advanced to the platform she was greeted with the
most cordial applause." In the evening a reception was given in the
Senate chamber to the ladies in attendance at the convention. Miss
Anthony, Mrs. Johns and Mrs. May Belleville Brown addressed the
resolution committee. The platform was reported with a plank favoring
the submission to the voters of a woman suffrage amendment, which was
enthusiastically adopted--455 to 267--in the largest Republican
convention ever held in Kansas.[74]
Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw then hastened to Omaha for the first national
convention of the People's party July 4. They arrived about 9 P. M.,
July 2, to find they were booked for speeches at the Unitarian church
that evening and the audience had been waiting since 7:30, so they
rushed thither, hot, dusty and tired, and made their addresses. Sunday
afternoon they went to a workingwomen's meeting in the exposition
building and heard Master Workman Powderly for the first time. At his
invitation Miss Anthony also spoke.
The People's party, from its inception, had recognized women as speakers
and delegates and claimed to be the party of morality and reform, but
after a day at the convention Miss Anthony writes in her diary: "They
are quite as oblivious to the underlying principle of justice to women
as either of the old parties and, as a convention, still more so." The
resolution committee refused to grant the ladies even an opportunity to
address them, which had been done willingly by the Republicans and
Democrats. Their platform contained no reference to woman suffrage
except that in the long preamble occurred the sentence: "We believe that
the forces of reform this day organized will never cease to move forward
until every wrong is righted, and equal rights and equal privileges
securely established for all the men and women of this country." This
sentiment, however, was universally accepted by the delegates as
including the right of suffrage.
Miss Anthony spoke at the Beatrice Chautauqua Assembly, and then
returned to Rochester. She had some time before received a letter from
Chancellor John H. Vincent saying: "The subject of woman suffrage will
be presented at Chautauqua on Saturday, July 30, 1892. A prominent
speaker will be secured to present the question as forcibly as possible.
In behalf of the Chautauqua management, I take pleasure in extending to
you a hearty invitation to be present and take a place upon the platform
on that occasion. Trusting that you will be able to accept this
invitation, I am, faithfully yours."
She had had a long, hot and fatiguing trip and her cool, spacious home
was so restful that she decided to defer her visit to Chautauqua until
later in the season.[75] On August 8, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Foster Avery and
Miss Anthony, who had been having a little visit together, started from
Rochester for Chautauqua, where the Reverend Anna was to debate the
question of woman suffrage with Rev. J. M. Buckley, editor New York
Christian Advocate. She gave her address amidst a succession of cheers
and applause, Miss Anthony sitting on the platform with her, an honor
rarely accorded at the assembly. In the evening a delightful reception
was given to the three ladies in the Hall of Philosophy. Dr. Buckley
made his reply the next day to an audience so cold that even his supreme
self-satisfaction was disturbed. If any one thing ever has been
demonstrated at Chautauqua, by those speeches and all preceding and
following them on the same question, it is that the sentiment of the
vast majority of the people who annually visit this great assembly is in
favor of woman suffrage.
After speaking at the Cassadaga Lake camp meeting, August 24, Miss
Anthony went in September to the Mississippi Valley Conference at Des
Moines. It was thought that possibly by holding a great convention in
the West, large numbers in that section of the country and the States
along the Mississippi could attend who would find it inconvenient to go
to Washington. She was glad to give her co-operation and spoke and
worked valiantly through all the sessions. From Des Moines she went to
Peru, Neb., at the urgent invitation of President George L. Farnham, to
address the State Normal School.[76]
Early in October she began her tour of the State of Kansas under the
auspices of the Republican central committee. She was accompanied one
week by Mrs. Johns, and then each went with some of the men who were
canvassing the State. Mrs. Johns made Republican speeches; Miss Anthony
described the record of the party on human freedom and urged them to
complete that roll of honor by enfranchising women. The campaign
managers were very much dissatisfied because she talked suffrage instead
of tariff and finance, but as she was paying her own travelling expenses
and contributing her services, she reserved the right to speak on the
only subject in which she felt a vital interest. If the Republicans had
won the election, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Johns expected that of course
they would take up the question of woman suffrage and carry it to
success; but the State was carried by the newly formed People's party.
As soon as she was thoroughly rested and renovated in her own home,
after this hard campaign, Miss Anthony left for the State convention at
Syracuse, November 14.[77] The Standard, intending to compliment the
ladies, said: "The loud-voiced, aggressive woman of other days was not
here. In her place were low-voiced, quietly-dressed, womanly women, and
those who expected to see the 'woman rioter' of the past failed to find
one of the sort. The graceful, dignified and quiet woman of today bears
no likeness to some who have gone before, who thought to break through
and gain their desires."
A contemporary called the paper down as follows: "When it is remembered
that Susan B. Anthony was one of the originators of the movement, that
Lucy Stone and Mrs. Greenleaf and a host of others who have marched
right along in the suffrage ranks from the beginning, were also the
leaders in this 'low-voiced' assembly who came on tip-toe and acted in
pantomime, the compliment, to say the least, has negative qualities." An
interview on this statement contains the following paragraph:
"It simply shows," said Miss Anthony, smiling, "how differently the
question is regarded now. Among the women who were pioneers in the
movement were Elizabeth Cady Stanton and myself. I don't think it
probable that we are any sweeter-faced or that our voices are any
more melodious than they were thirty years ago. It is only that the
whole matter was regarded with such horror and aversion then that
any one connected with it was looked upon in a disagreeable light;
it is very different now." Her pleasant face, with a suggestion of
her Quaker descent in its soft bands of gray hair, took on a gently
reminiscent expression, which her visitor could not help but
contrast amusedly with the imaginary portrait of the redoubtable
Amazon that in her early years was conjured up by the sound of
Susan B. Anthony's name.
Thanksgiving Day she attended service at the Universalist church and
comments in her diary: "Mr. Morrill, the associate pastor, spoke on
'The undiscovered Church without a Bishop;' Mr. Gannett, 'The
undiscovered State without a King;' Mr. Lansberg, 'Many States in One;'
all good, but all alike gave not the faintest hint of any undiscovered
America, where the male head of the family should not be considered
'divinely appointed.' I had hard work to keep my peace."
The next day she went to Buffalo to address the alumnae of the ladies'
academy, and was entertained by Miss Charlotte Mulligan, founder of the
missionary school for boys. During this time she was investigating the
new law permitting women to vote for county school commissioners in New
York, and found to her disgust that by the use of the words "county
clerk" instead merely of "clerk who prints and distributes the ballots,"
all the women of the large towns and cities were still disfranchised;
just as the law of 1880 had used the words "school meeting," which also
cut off the women of the cities. This was another illustration of the
manner in which every step of the way to suffrage for women has been
made as difficult as possible.
In December Miss Anthony became an office-holder! It happened in this
way: Her neighbor, Dr. Jonas Jones, who had been one of the trustees of
the State Industrial School located at Rochester, died on the 4th. She
immediately wrote to Governor Roswell P. Flower requesting that a woman
be put on the board in his place, in addition to the one already serving
(Mrs. Emil Kuichling), and suggested Mrs. Lansberg, wife of the rabbi;
at the same time she asked Mary Seymour Howell, who resided in Albany,
to see the governor and use her influence. She did so and found he was
quite willing to appoint a woman but would not consider any but Miss
Anthony. She, however, was away from home so much she thought that in
justice to the institution she ought not take the position; but when she
learned that her refusal might result in a man's being given the place,
she telegraphed her willingness to accept. She was appointed at once to
fill out the unexpired term of Dr. Jones, and May 4, 1893, was
re-appointed by Governor Levi P. Morton for a full term. Of course
numerous letters and telegrams of congratulation were received and the
newspapers contained many kind notices, similar in tone to this from the
Democrat and Chronicle:
It is a good appointment; a fitting recognition of one of the
ablest and best women in the commonwealth. There has been a vast
amount of cheap wit expended upon Miss Anthony during the past
years, and although it has been almost entirely good-natured it has
served to give a wrong impression to the unthinking of one of the
clearest-headed and most unselfish women ever identified with a
public movement.... Speaking of her appointment she said: "You see
I have been regarded as a hoofed and horned creature for so long
that even a little thing touches my heart, and when it comes to
being recognized as an American citizen after fighting forty years
to prove my citizenship, it begins to look as if we women have not
fought in vain." ... A braver-hearted woman than Susan B. Anthony
never lived, but those who can read between the lines of her remark
will not miss the little touch of pathos in her pride, and the hint
of the disappointments which have hurt in the long struggle.
A new charter for the city of Rochester had been prepared and a mass
meeting of citizens was announced for December 12, to hear an exposition
of its points. The morning paper said: "By far the most largely attended
meeting the Chamber of Commerce has ever held was that of last evening.
The large attendance was due to the announcement that the new charter
would be discussed by Miss Susan B. Anthony, and the interest of the
meeting was largely due to the fact that, true to her colors, she kept
her engagement...." Miss Anthony's commission had been received from the
governor that day, which fact was announced by President Brickner as he
introduced her, and she was greeted with cheers. In the course of her
speech she said:
Since promising to address this body, I have tried in vain to find
some word which would settle the question with every member present
in favor of so amending the charter as to give our women equal
voice in conducting the affairs of the city. It seems such a
self-evident thing that the mother's opinion should be weighed and
measured in the political scales as well as that of her son. It is
so simple and just that the wife's judgment should be respected and
counted as well as the husband's. And who can give the reason why
the sister's opinion should be ignored and the brother's
honored?... Over 5,000 women of this city pay taxes on real estate,
and who shall say they are not as much interested in every
question of financial expenditure as any 5,000 men; in the public
parks, street railways, grade crossings, pavements, bridges, etc.?
And not only the 5,000 tax-paying women, but all the women of the
city are equally interested in the sanitary condition of our
streets, alleys, schools, police stations, jails and asylums....
To repair the damages of society seems to be the mission assigned
to women, and we ask that the necessary implements shall be placed
in their hands. But, you say, women can be appointed to see to
these matters without voting. Yes, but they are not; and if they
were, without the ballot they would be powerless to effect the
improvements they might find necessary. If the women of this city
had the right to vote, those on the board of charities, for
instance, would not be compelled year after year to beg each member
of every new council for the appointment of some women as city
physicians, as scores of them have done for the past six or eight
years. Had we the right to vote, do you suppose we should have to
plead in vain before the two parties to place women in nomination
for the school board?
I want this amendment of the charter first, because it is right and
just to women; second, that women may have a political fulcrum on
which to plant their lever for everything they wish to secure
through government; third, that the opinions of the women of this
city may be respected, and there is no other way to secure respect
but to have them counted with those of men in the ballot-box on
every possible question which is carried to that tribunal; and
fourth, to free the mothers from the cruel taunt of being
responsible for the character of their grown-up sons while denied
all power to control the conditions surrounding them after they
pass beyond the dooryards of their homes.
She continued by showing the good effects of woman's municipal suffrage
in England, Canada and also in Kansas, and full suffrage in Wyoming; and
closed with an earnest appeal for an amendment to the new charter which
should confer the municipal franchise upon women. A few days later the
board of trustees took final action on the charter, of which the
Democrat and Chronicle said: "The amendment proposed by Miss Susan B.
Anthony extending the suffrage to women was defeated, although by a
close vote. Had there been a full meeting of the board it is a question
whether it would not have been adopted, as several of the members who
were not present last evening had expressed themselves as
favorable."[78]
Miss Anthony addressed the Monroe County Teachers' Institute at
Brighton, December 16. The diary records many visits to the Industrial
School, conferences with the other fourteen trustees and much
correspondence with the boards of similar institutions elsewhere. In her
mail this year were letters from most of the civilized countries on the
globe, among them several from the leaders of the movement in New
Zealand, saying that her name was more familiar than all others there,
and asking for advice and encouragement in their work of securing the
ballot for women.[79] The following was received from Mrs. Kate Beckwith
Lee, Dowagiac, Mich.: "Mr. Bonet, our sculptor, obtained your
photograph, and we now have your grand face looking down in stone from
the front of our theater, which was erected as an educator to our people
and a memorial to my father, P. D. Beckwith, who was liberal toward all
mankind and a believer in woman's equality, and I sincerely hope you may
some time see the building." The other women sculptured on this handsome
edifice are George Eliot, George Sand, Rachel, Mary Anderson and Sarah
Bernhardt. Among the great mass of correspondence, this is selected:
An incident which is of no particular consequence to this inquiry,
constrains me to write in the hope that you may find time to place
upon paper your recollection of the connection that my father (the
late George H. Thacher, then mayor of the city of Albany) had with
your anti-slavery meeting in this city just before the war. I was
too young to have it make a vivid impression upon me, but it has
sometimes been said that was the first opportunity your
organization had to freely express its views within the State of
New York. I will be very grateful if you will permit your memory to
go back some thirty years and recall that incident.[80] Yours,
JOHN BOYD THACHER.
This illustrates the pride which the children of the future will have in
showing that their parents or grandparents rendered some assistance to
the cause of woman and of freedom. Yet Mr. Thacher, who, as a member of
the New York Board of General Managers of the Columbian Exposition, had
the selection of those who should compose the Woman's Board of the
State, did not name one who had been identified with the great movement
for equal rights during the past forty years, and had made it possible
for women to participate in this celebration.
A case which had been commenced in the courts of New York in 1891 and
had run along through several years, may as well be described here as
elsewhere. Miss Anthony had but an indirect connection with it and it is
mentioned more for its utter ridiculousness than for any other reason. A
woman's art association in New York City, Mrs. Elizabeth Thompson,
president, Miss Alice Donlevy, secretary, had the promise of a legacy to
build an academy, and they decided to place a statue or bust at each
side of the entrance, representing Reform and Philanthropy. Miss Anthony
was selected for the one and Mrs. Mary Hamilton Schuyler for the other.
The latter, in 1852, founded the New York School of Design for Women,
had been the friend and patron of art, and for many years before her
death had been noted for her philanthropic work.
A serious difficulty at once arose in the opposition of Mrs. Schuyler's
nephew and stepson, Philip Schuyler, who objected to the "disagreeable
notoriety." He carried the matter into the courts, which of course
attracted the comment of all the newspapers of the country, pro and con,
and caused more "disagreeable notoriety" than a dozen statues would have
done. He obtained a preliminary injunction against the art association
and then took the case to the supreme court for a permanent injunction,
on the ground that the "right of privacy" had been violated. The real
secret of his objections, however, was exposed in his complaint before
the supreme court. Among the twenty-eight grievances alleged were the
following:
Twenty-second.--The said Mary M. Hamilton Schuyler took no part
whatever in any of the various so-called woman's rights agitations,
with which the aforesaid Susan B. Anthony was, and is, prominently
identified; and that she took no interest in such agitations or
movements, and had no sympathy whatever with them; and that, as
the plaintiff believes, she would have resented any attempt such as
is made by the defendants to couple her name with that of the said
Susan B. Anthony.
Twenty-third.--The acts of the defendants in attempting to raise
money by public subscription for a statue of the said Mary M.
Hamilton Schuyler; in associating her name with the name of Susan
B. Anthony, and in announcing that the projected statue of her is
to be placed on public exhibition at the Columbian Exposition as a
companion piece to a statue of the said Susan B. Anthony,
constitute, and are an unlawful interference with the right of
privacy, and a gross and unwarranted outrage upon the memory of the
said Mary M. Hamilton Schuyler, under the specious pretense of
doing honor to her memory; and that the surviving members of her
family have been, and are, greatly distressed and injured thereby.
The supreme court continued the injunction, and the art association then
carried the case up to the court of appeals. Here the decision of the
lower court was reversed. The opinion was rendered by Justice Rufus W.
Peckham, afterwards appointed by President Cleveland to the Supreme
Bench of the United States. It is not often that a judge of the highest
court in the State incorporates in a legal decision a compliment to a
woman, and for this reason the tribute of Justice Peckham is the more
highly appreciated. After holding that "persons attempting to erect a
statue or bust of a woman no longer living, if their motive is to do
honor to her, and if the work is to be done in an appropriate manner,
can not be restrained by her surviving relatives," he continued:
Many may, and probably do, totally disagree with the advanced views
of Miss Anthony in regard to the proper sphere of women, and yet it
is impossible to deny to her the possession of many of the
ennobling qualities which tend to the making of great lives. She
has given the most unselfish devotion of a long life to what she
has considered would tend most for the benefit and practical
improvement of her sex, and she has thus lived almost literally in
the face of the whole world, and during that period there has never
been a single shadow of any dark or ugly fact connected with her or
her way of life to dim the lustre of her achievements and of her
efforts.
FOOTNOTES:
[73] In the center of the Anthony lot, not far from the main gateway, is
a square monument of Medina granite, the four sides of its cap-stone
inscribed Liberty, Justice, Fraternity, Equality.
[74] At the convention of Republican clubs a few days previous, Senator
Ingalls, having been defeated for re-election to the Senate and feeling
somewhat humbled, said in his speech: "I believe every man ought to be a
politician; I might say every woman also. If a plank endorsing woman
suffrage were inserted in the Republican platform, I would stand upon
it." Ten years before, in this same city, he had declared it to be "that
obscene dogma, whose advocates are long-haired men and short-haired
women, the unsexed of both sexes, human capons and epicenes."
[75] Henry B. Blackwell delivered the address at Chautauqua. At its
close he asked all who were opposed to woman suffrage to rise, and about
twenty persons stood up. He then asked all who were in favor to stand,
and the great audience, filling the huge amphitheater, rose in a body.
[76] When she spoke in the New York State Teachers' Convention in 1853,
the first time a woman's voice had been heard in that body, Professor
Farnham, then superintendent of the Syracuse public schools, was one of
the three men who came up and congratulated her.
[77] While here Miss Anthony received a telegram: "Greeting, gratitude
and good-by to the noblest Roman of them all and her brave host, from
Isabel Somerset and Frances E. Willard." They had expected to stop in
Rochester and visit her before leaving for England, but had gone to New
York by another route.
[78] Jean Brooks Greenleaf, at this time in Washington with her husband,
wrote Miss Anthony:
"I felt heart-sick when I learned the result of the charter business and
I am not over it yet. I told Mr. Greenleaf I would dispose of every bit
of taxable property I have in Rochester. I can not bear to think that,
with so glorious an opportunity to be just, men prefer to be so unjust.
They can help it if they will, those men who speak us so fair. If they
would make one solid stand for our rights they could overrule the masses
who are not half so unready to do women justice as they are represented.
Good God! when I think of it I wonder how you have borne it all these
years and not gone wild."
[79] Full suffrage was granted to the women of New Zealand in 1893.
[80] In February, 1861; see Chapter XIII.
CHAPTER XLI.
WORLD'S FAIR--CONGRESS OF REPRESENTATIVE WOMEN.
1893.
It is not surprising that Miss Anthony writes in her journal at the
beginning of the New Year, 1893: "The clouds do not lift from my spirit.
I am simply overwhelmed with the feeling that I can not make my way
through the work before me." Never a year in all her crowded life opened
with such a mountain of things to be attended to--suffrage conventions,
council meetings, the great Woman's Congress at the World's Fair, State
campaigns, Industrial School matters, lecture engagements--the list
seemed to stretch out into infinity, and it is no wonder that it
appalled even her dauntless spirit.
The first necessity was to get the Washington annual convention out of
the way. It had been set for an early date this winter, and she left
home January 5. Headquarters were at Willard's Hotel and the convention
opened in Metzerott's Music Hall, January 15, continuing the usual five
days. At the opening session Miss Anthony read beautiful tributes by
Mrs. Stanton to George William Curtis, John Greenleaf Whittier,
Ernestine L. Rose and Abby Hutchinson Patton, who had died during the
year, all earnest and consistent friends of woman's equality.
Resolutions were adopted recognizing the splendid services of Francis
Minor, Benjamin F. Butler, Abby Hopper Gibbons, Rev. Anna Oliver and a
number of other active and efficient workers who also had passed away.
Miss Anthony, in her president's address, gave a strong, cheery account
of the past year's work and an encouraging view of the future, and at
both day and evening sessions there were the usual number of able and
entertaining speeches. Reports were made by delegates from thirty-six
States. At the business meeting the question again came up of holding
the annual convention in Washington at the beginning of each new
Congress and in some other part of the country in alternate years. This
plan was vigorously opposed by Miss Anthony, who said in her protest:
The sole object, it seems to me, of this national organization is
to bring the combined influence of all the States upon Congress to
secure national legislation. The very moment you change the purpose
of this great body from National to State work you have defeated
its object. It is the business of the States to do the district
work; to create public sentiment; to make a national organization
possible, and then to bring their united power to the capital and
focus it on Congress. Our younger women naturally can not
appreciate the vast amount of work done here in Washington by the
National Association in the last twenty-five years. The delegates
do not come here as individuals but as representatives of their
entire States. We have had these national conventions here for a
quarter of a century, and every Congress has given hearings to the
ablest women we could bring from every section. In the olden times
the States were not fully organized--they had not money enough to
pay their delegates' expenses. We begged and worked and saved the
money, and the National Association paid the expenses of delegates
from Oregon and California in order that they might come and bring
the influence of their States to bear upon Congress.
Last winter we had twenty-three States represented by delegates.
Think of those twenty-three women going before the Senate
committee, each making her speech, and convincing those senators of
the interest in all these States. We have educated at least a part
of three or four hundred men and their wives and daughters every
two years to return as missionaries to their respective localities.
I shall feel it a grave mistake if you vote in favor of a movable
convention. It will lessen our influence and our power; but come
what may, I shall abide by the decision of the majority.
Miss Anthony was warmly supported by a number of delegates but the final
vote resulted: in favor, 37; opposed, 28.
Among the notable letters received by the convention was the following
from Lucy Stone: "Wherever woman suffragists are gathered together in
the name of equal rights, there am I always in spirit with them.
Although absent, my personal glad greeting goes to every one; to those
who have borne the heat and burden of the day, and to the strong, brave,
younger workers who have come to lighten the load and complete the
victory. We may surely rejoice now when there are so many gains won and
conceded, and when favorable indications are on every hand. The way
before us is shorter than that behind; but the work still calls for
patient perseverance and ceaseless endeavor. The end is not yet in
sight, but it can not be far away." Those who listened little thought
that this would be the last message ever received from that earnest
worker of fifty long years. Letters of greeting were sent to her and to
Mrs. Stanton. Miss Anthony was unanimously re-elected president.
She lingered for a few days' visit with Mrs. Greenleaf, who gave a
reception for her, at which Grace Greenwood was one of the receiving
party. She had a luncheon at Mrs. Waite's, wife of the Chief-Justice,
and after several other pleasant social functions, left Washington
February 1.[81] There was now a magnet in New York City and henceforth
she always arranged her hurried eastern trips so that she might spend a
few hours or days with Mrs. Stanton, when as in the old time, they wrote
calls, resolutions and memorials and made plans to storm the
strongholds.
On February 8, Miss Anthony spoke at Warsaw, the guest of Mrs. Maud
Humphrey; and for the next week the journal says: "Trying all these days
to get to the bottom of my piles of accumulated letters." On her
seventy-third birthday the Political Equality Club gave a reception at
the pleasant home of Rev. and Mrs. W. C. Gannett, and presented her with
a handsome silver teapot, spirit lamp and tray. Mrs. George Hollister
gave her a set of point lace which had belonged to her mother, the
daughter of Thurlow Weed; and there were numerous other gifts. She wrote
to Mrs. Avery on the 23d: "It is just ten years ago this morning, dear
Rachel, since we two went gypsying into the old world. Well, it was a
happy acquaintance we made then and it has been a blessed decade which
has intervened. Ten years of constant work and thought, but ten years
nearer the golden day of jubilee!"
She arranged a meeting at the Rochester Chamber of Commerce, March 1,
for May Wright Sewall, president National Council of Women, to speak on
the approaching Woman's Congress at the World's Fair. On March 6 she
began a brief lecture tour, speaking in Hillsdale, Detroit, Saginaw, Bay
City, Grand Rapids, Lansing, Battle Creek, Charlotte and in Toledo. Nine
evening addresses, several receptions, and over a thousand miles of
travel in twelve days, was not a bad record for a woman past
seventy-three.[82]
Among the pleasant letters received through the winter were several from
the South. Miss Anthony was especially appreciative of the friendship of
southern women, as her part in the "abolition" movement in early times
had created a prejudice against her, and in later days the sentiment for
suffrage had not been sufficient to call her into that part of the
country, where she might form personal acquaintances and friendships.
She had, during these months, earnest letters from the women of Italy
asking for encouragement and co-operation in their struggles. Many
letters came also from teachers, stenographers and other wage-earning
women, full of grateful acknowledgment of their indebtedness to her.
There were invitations enough for lectures to fill every month in the
year, ranging from the Christian Association at Cornell to the
Free-thinkers' Club in New York, and covering all the grades of belief
or non-belief between the two. She was asked to contribute to a
symposium on "The Ideal Man," to write an account of "The Underground
Railroad," and to give so many written opinions on current topics of
discussion that to have complied would have kept her at her desk from
early morning until the midnight hour.
In a letter to a friend she said: "The other day a millionaire who wrote
me, 'wondered why I didn't have my letters typewritten.' Why, bless him,
I never, in all my fifty years of hard work with the pen, had a writing
desk with pigeonholes and drawers until my seventieth birthday brought
me the present of one, and never had I even a dream of money enough for
a stenographer and typewriter. How little those who have realize the
limitations of those who have not."
She wrote to Robert Purvis at this time: "What a magnificent opening
speech Gladstone made, and how splendid his final remarks: 'It would be
misery for me if I had foregone or omitted in these closing years of my
life any measure it was possible for me to take towards upholding and
promoting the cause--not of one party or one nation, but of all parties
and all nations.' So can you and I say with Gladstone, we should be
miserable but for the consciousness that we have done all in our power
to help forward every measure for the freedom and equality of the races
and the sexes."
In April she lectured at a number of places in New York to add to the
limited fund which kept the pot boiling at home.[83] She also went to
Buffalo to talk over Industrial School matters with Mrs. Harriet A.
Townsend, president of the Women's Educational and Industrial Union,
which had proved so great a success in that city. On the 28th she spoke
before the Woman's Columbian Exposition Committee of Cincinnati, "to a
very fashionable and representative audience," the Enquirer said. For
this lecture she received $125. During the spring she wrote the Woman's
Tribune:
How splendidly Kansas women voted, and now come suffrage amendments
in Colorado, New York and Kansas! Well, we must buckle on our armor
for a triple fight, and we must shout more loudly than ever to our
friends all over the country for money to help these States.
Although Kansas is the most certain to carry the question,
nevertheless we must organize every school district of every county
of each State in which the battle of the ballot for woman is to be
fought. _Organize_, _agitate_, _educate_, must be our war cry from
this to the day of the election.
Today's mail brought $100 to our national treasury from Mrs. P. A.
Moffett, of Fredonia. How my heart leaped for joy as I read her
letter and again and again looked at her check, and how I
ejaculated over and over, "O that a thousand of our good women who
_wish_ success to our cause would be moved thus to send in their
checks!" Only a very few can go outside to work, but many can
contribute money to help pay the expenses of those who do leave all
their home-friends, comforts and luxuries. If the many who stay at
home and wish, could only believe for a moment that we who go out
not knowing where our heads will rest when night comes, really love
our homes as they love theirs, they would vie with each other to
throw in their mite to make the path smooth for the wayfarers. But
we, every one of us who can speak acceptably, must do all in our
power to persuade the men of these States to vote for the
amendment. Do let us all take to ourselves new hope and courage for
the herculean task before us. Who will send the next $100? O, that
we had $10,000 to start with!
Miss Anthony and Mrs. Avery met at Mrs. Sewall's for a conference on
Woman's Congress matters and then went to Chicago to attend, by
invitation, the formal opening of the Columbian Exposition May 1, 1893.
Miss Anthony wrote: "Mrs. Palmer's speech was very fine, covering full
equality for woman." Her address the year before at the dedication
ceremonies contained one of the noblest tributes ever paid to women,
closing with these beautiful sentences: "Even more important than the
discovery of Columbus, which we are gathered together to celebrate, is
the fact that the general government has just discovered woman. It has
sent out a flashlight from its heights, so inaccessible to us, which we
shall answer by a return signal when the exposition is opened. What will
be its next message to us?" Upon this occasion she was even more
eloquent. Her keen expose of the absurd platitudes in regard to woman's
sphere, and her fine defence of women in the industrial world, deserve a
place among the classics.
Since Miss Anthony's part in this great world's exposition must
necessarily be condensed into small space, it seems most satisfactory to
place it all together. It has been related in the chapter of 1876 how
women were denied practically all governmental recognition in the
Centennial. They were determined that this should not be the case in
1893. As early as 1889 she began making plans to this effect and
conferring with other prominent women. Several officials, who were in
positions to influence action on this question, had declared that
"those suffrage women should have nothing to do with the World's Fair;"
and as some women whose social prestige might be needed were likely to
be frightened off if suffrage were in any way connected with the matter,
Miss Anthony felt the necessity of moving very discreetly. As "those
suffrage women" had been behind every progressive movement that ever had
been made in the United States for their own sex, it was hardly possible
that they would not be the moving force in this. Miss Anthony was not
seeking for laurels, however, either for herself or for her cause, but
only to carry her point--that women should participate in this great
national celebration and that they should do this with the sanction and
assistance of the national government. In her plans she had the valuable
backing of Mrs. Spofford, who made it possible for her to remain in
Washington every winter, gave the use of the Riggs House parlors for
meetings and aided in many other ways.
Miss Anthony went quietly about among the ladies in official life whom
she could trust, and as a result various World's Fair meetings were held
at the hotel, participated in by Washington's influential women, and a
committee appointed to wait upon Congress and ask that women be placed
on the commission. She did not appear at these gatherings, and only her
few confidantes knew that she was behind them. Meanwhile it was
announced early in January, 1890, that the World's Fair Bill had been
brought before the House, and Miss Anthony at once prepared a petition
asking for the appointment of women on the National Board of Management.
This was placed in the hands of ladies of influence and in a few days
one hundred and eleven names were obtained of the wives and daughters of
the judges of the Supreme Court, the Cabinet, senators, representatives,
army officials; as distinguished a list as could be secured in the
national capital.
This petition was presented to the Senate January 12. It requested that
women should be placed on the board with men, but instead, the bill was
passed in March creating a commission of men and authorizing them to
appoint a number of women to constitute a "Board of Lady Managers."
These 115 appointments were intended to be practically of a
complimentary nature, it was not expected that the women would take any
prominent part, and no particular rule was observed in their selection.
While perhaps in some States they were not the ablest who might have
been found, they were, as a board, fairly representative. To bring this
great body into harmonious action and guide it along important lines of
work, required a leader possessed of a combination of qualities rarely
existing in one person--not only the highest degree of executive ability
but self-control, tact and the power of managing men and women. They
were found, however, in the woman elected to preside over this board,
Mrs. Bertha Honore Palmer, of Chicago. At the close of the exposition it
was universally conceded that she had proved herself pre-eminently the
one woman in all the country for this place. Her record, during the
several years that she held this very responsible position, is one of
the most remarkable ever made by any woman.
At the time Miss Anthony prepared her petition to Congress for
representation, no action had been taken by any organized body of women
in the country, and if she had not been on the field of battle in
Washington and acted at the very moment she did, the bill would have
passed Congress without any provision for women. They would have had no
recognition from the government, no appropriations for their work, no
official power, and their splendid achievements at the Columbian
Exposition, which did more to advance the cause of women than all that
had been accomplished during the century, would have been lost to the
world. Having secured this great object, she asked no office for herself
or for any other woman. On several public occasions, in the early months
of the fair, she refused to speak or to sit on the platform, lest she
might embarrass the President of the Board of Lady Managers by
committing her to woman suffrage. Mrs. Palmer, however, showed her the
most distinguished courtesy, in both public and private affairs,
inviting her to the platform and including her in the social functions
at her own residence. Miss Anthony soon felt that she was in full
sympathy with herself in every measure which tended to secure for women
absolute equality of rights, a point which Mrs. Palmer emphasized in the
most unmistakable language in her eloquent address delivered in the
Woman's Building, at the close of the exposition.
In these circumscribed limits it will be impossible to give any adequate
account of that greatest of all accomplishments of women at the World's
Fair--the Woman's Congress--whose proceedings fill two large volumes in
the official report. In order that intellectual as well as material
progress should be presented, it had been decided to hold a series of
congresses which should bring together a representation of the great
minds of the world. C. C. Bonney was made president of the Congress
Auxiliary; Mrs. Palmer, president, and Mrs. Ellen M. Henrotin,
vice-president of the Woman's Branch. Although women were to participate
in all, Mr. Bonney desired to have one composed of them alone. To assist
Mrs. Henrotin, who had been made acting president, as well as to further
insure the success of this congress, Mr. Bonney appointed May Wright
Sewall chairman, and Rachel Foster Avery secretary, of the committee of
organization, and they were assisted by an efficient local committee.
As president and secretary of the National Council of Women, and Mrs.
Sewall vice-president of the International Council, no two could have
been secured with so wide a knowledge of the organizations of women
throughout the world and the best methods of securing their
co-operation. The magnitude of their labors can be appreciated only by
an examination of the official report. The fact of their merging into
this congress the International Council of Women, which was to have been
held in London that year, was one of the most potent elements of its
success. Miss Anthony wrote Mrs. Sewall: "The suffrage work has missed
you, oh, so much, still I would not have had you do differently. I glory
in Rachel's and your work this year beyond words."
The World's Congress of Representative Women, which opened May 15,
1893, was the largest and most brilliant of any of the series which
extended through the six months of the fair, and was considered by many
the most remarkable ever convened. Twenty-seven countries and 126
organizations were represented by 528 delegates. During the week
eighty-one meetings were held in the different rooms of the Art Palace.
There were from seven to eighteen in simultaneous progress each day and,
according to official estimate, the total attendance exceeded 150,000
persons. The fifteen policemen stationed in the building stated that
often hundreds of people were turned away before the hour of opening
arrived, not only the audience-rooms but the halls and ante-rooms being
so crowded that no more could enter the building, which held 10,000.
All who were in attendance at this congress, all who read the accounts
in the Chicago daily papers, will testify that it is not the bias of a
partial historian which prompts the statement that Susan B. Anthony was
the central figure of this historic gathering. Every time she appeared
on the stage the audience broke into applause; when she rose to speak,
they stood upon the seats and waved hats and handkerchiefs. People
watched the daily program and when she was advertised for an address,
there was a rush from other halls and an impenetrable jam in the
corridors. Again and again she was obliged to call upon a stout
policeman to make a way for her through the throngs which pressed about
her, anxious to get even a sight of her face. No matter what department
of the congress she visited, whether of education, religion,
philanthropy or industries, the audience demanded a speech and would not
be satisfied until it was made.[84] Large numbers of the women who gave
addresses in these various meetings paid tribute to her work, and the
mention of her name never failed to elicit a burst of applause. At the
many public and private receptions given to the congress the post of
honor was assigned to her, and no guest ever was satisfied to leave
without having touched her hand.
[Illustration: May Knight Sewall (with signature)]
It is not too much to say that no woman in this country, or in any
other, ever was so honored because of her own individual services to
humanity. It was the universal recognition of her labors of nearly half
a century, that had laid the foundation upon which had been reared all
the great organizations represented by the women in this congress. Hers
had been the pioneer work, the blazing of the pathway through the
forests of custom and prejudice which for untold centuries had forbidden
them to step beyond the narrow limits of domestic occupations. All of a
sudden, it seemed, the women of the world had awakened to the knowledge
that she had borne ridicule, abuse, misrepresentation, disgrace, that
they might enter into the kingdom of woman's right to her highest
development. Long-delayed though it had been, the women of her own and
other countries came to lay their homage at her feet, to bow before her
in loving gratitude, to rise up and call her blessed.
Letters of congratulation were received from far and wide; one from
Frances E. Willard in Switzerland said:
MY BELOVED SUSAN: You are a happy woman and we are all crowing to
think the people love, honor and call for you so loud and long. It
suits one's sense of poetic justice; it confirms one's faith in
human nature and the Heavenly Power not ourselves "that makes for
righteousness." Lady Henry, Anna Gordon and I have "hoorayed" over
your laurels and said, "Bless her; she is not only _our_ Susan but
everybody's." Lady Henry says you have the true sign of greatness
that you are absolutely without pretension. You do not take up all
the time and luxuriate in the sound of your own voice, but are glad
to give the other ones a bit of breath too. She says no woman of
fame has ever so thoroughly made this impression of modesty and
unselfishness upon her mind. And I say Selah.[85]
[Illustration: Autograph: "Isabel Somerset"]
In her London letter the noted correspondent, Florence Fenwick Miller,
of England, wrote:
Amidst all the attractive personalities and ideas presented, the
most sought of all--the one whose presence drew crowds everywhere,
who was made to speak in whatever hall she entered, and who was
surrounded in every corridor and every reception, just as the
queen-bee is surrounded in the hive by her courtiers, was the
veteran leader of the woman suffragists of America, Susan B.
Anthony. At seventy-three she is as upright of form, as clear and
powerful of mind, as strong of voice, as courageous and
uncompromising as ever. Let our revered and beloved Miss Anthony
have the last word.
The program for the Woman's Congress assigned but one session to the
National-American Suffrage Association, and it was the honest intention
to give no more time to the discussion of political equality than to
each of the other departments. It made a place for itself, however, in
practically every one of the meetings. Whether the subject were
education, philanthropy, reform or some other, the speakers were sure to
point out the disabilities of woman without the ballot. So strong was
the desire to hear this question discussed that it became necessary to
hold afternoon meetings in the large halls, aside from those on the
regular morning and evening program, in order to give the eager crowds
an opportunity to hear its distinguished advocates from all parts of the
world. It is doubtful if the whole fifty years of agitation made as many
converts to equal suffrage as did the great object lesson of the Woman's
Congress.
Many pleasant letters passed between Miss Anthony and Mr. Bonney, Mrs.
Palmer and Mrs. Henrotin. The last named asked her to take part in the
Temperance, the Labor and the Social and Moral Reform Congresses and
requested her advice and assistance. She was placed by Mr. Bonney on the
advisory council of the Political, Social and Economic Congresses. Mrs.
Palmer wrote: "I should like you to send us special suggestions for
speakers and topics." Miss Anthony was much pleased at the selection of
Mrs. Palmer for president of the Board of Lady Managers, heartily
seconded all her efforts and lent no support to the dissensions made by
several women who thought there should have been more recognition of
those who had been pioneer workers. That this was appreciated is shown
by a letter written as early as April, 1891:
I feel that I must express my thanks to you that you did not
condemn us unheard, for I naturally supposed that as ---- ----
belonged to your organization you would take her view of any matter
which interested her. I thank you very much for your
fair-mindedness, and beg that you will read the statement which I
shall send you and which will probably give you a better idea of
this unpleasant matter than anything else you have seen.
I remember with great pleasure our meeting in Washington, and hope
it was only the first of many such pleasant occasions for me.
Thanking you again, I am most cordially yours,
[Illustration: Autograph: "Most Cordially Yours, Bertha M H Palmer"]
Miss Anthony spoke several times at the noon-hour meetings held in the
Woman's Building.[86] Mrs. James P. Eagle, chairman, who edited the
report of the noon-hour addresses, wrote her: "I would not take much
pleasure in publishing our book if I could not have something from your
addresses to go in it. You must not deny me. One of your talks was
'Woman's Influence vs. Political Power,' another 'The Benefits of
Organization.' If it is your best and easiest way, make the speeches and
employ a stenographer to take them and send me the bill. I can not
afford to miss them. You have been so very kind and encouraging to me
all along that I shall feel it a Brutus blow if you fail me now." As she
never wrote a speech in these days and could not make the same one
twice, she was unable to comply with this request.
Miss Anthony was invited to speak at the Press Congress May 27, the day
when the religious press as a leader of reforms was under consideration.
The managers became very uneasy and began trying to find out how she
meant to handle the question. Her only reply was, "I shall speak the
truth." The speech, delivered before an audience containing many
ministers, caused a tremendous sensation. She took up the reforms,
temperance, anti-slavery, woman's rights, labor, and showed conclusively
that in every one the church and the religious press, instead of being
leaders, were laggards. At the close the chairman remarked
apologetically that of course the speaker did not expect people in
general to agree with everything she had said. The Chicago Tribune thus
finished its report: "As Miss Anthony had an engagement she was obliged
to leave at this point, and most of the audience went with her."
The Congress on Government convened August 7 and, at Mr. Bonney's
request, Miss Anthony was present at the opening ceremony and responded
to an address of welcome in behalf of the civil service commission. Five
sessions of this Government Congress were devoted to a discussion of
equal suffrage, the speakers being women. The chairman, Hon. Wm. Dudley
Foulke, said it was not the intention to give this subject such
prominence, but women had shown so much more interest than men, half of
them accepting the invitation to take part and only one man in twenty
responding, that he was compelled thus to arrange the program.
Soon after the adjournment of the Woman's Congress Miss Anthony left the
Palmer House, which had been its headquarters, and, accepting the
invitation of Mrs. Lydia Avery Coonley, enjoyed the congenial atmosphere
of her beautiful home for a month. At the conclusion of her visit with
Mrs. Coonley she went for six weeks with Mr. and Mrs. Sewall, who had
taken a large house for the season. This was a social center and the
weekly receptions were a prominent feature, bringing together
distinguished people from all countries, who were in Chicago, as
officials or visitors, during this wonderful summer. While at Mrs.
Coonley's Miss Anthony formed two acquaintances who from that date have
been among her most valued friends--Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E. Gross. After
leaving the Sewalls she spent a delightful month with them at their
residence on the Lake Shore drive, where she was surrounded with every
luxury which wealth and affection could bestow. This added another to
the homes in that city always open to her, and Mrs. Gross often wrote:
"Your visits are a sweet benediction to our family."[87]
Among the most elegant of the many social affairs to which she was
invited was the luncheon in the great banquet hall of the Hotel
Richelieu, given by the officers of the National Council to those of the
International, the foreign delegates and a few other guests, 150 in all.
May Wright Sewall presided with great dignity and charm over the "after
dinner speech-making" of this assemblage of the representative women
from the most highly civilized nations of the world, and Miss Anthony
sat at her right hand.
Once she went to Harvey and spoke at a camp meeting of 3,000 persons;
and later to the Bloomington Chautauqua to give an address; then all the
way to Kansas to speak at the State Fair in Topeka and fill a month's
lecture engagements. Two weeks she spent in her own home visiting with
relatives; then rushed down to Long Island to hurry Mrs. Stanton with
her paper; and back again to Chicago to read it for her at the
Educational Congress. Many days and evenings were passed among the
wealth of attractions on the exposition grounds; and so the summer waxed
and waned, one of the longest holidays she ever had known, and yet with
not an idle hour through all the four months of delightful associations
and cherished acquaintances. She writes in the diary October 30: "This
was my last sight of the White City in its full glory by night."
Among the many graceful words of farewell spoken by the press of
Chicago, may be quoted the following from the Inter-Ocean, which
suggests the strong and graceful pen of Mary H. Krout:
It is pleasant in these reminiscent days when we talk over the
glories and delights of the World's Fair, to recall the honors
heaped upon Susan B. Anthony. Her personal friends vied with each
other in arranging elaborate entertainments of which she was the
central figure. There were dinners and luncheons, banquets and
receptions, and at each and all the refined and delicate face
shone above the board with a beauty and tranquillity far exceeding
the mere beauty of youth and faultlessness of feature. It was the
beauty of experience, sweetened and purified by success and
appreciation....
It must seem a strange contrast to the woman who has worked so
perseveringly in the face of untold difficulties--this change that
a few years have wrought. It has not been so very long since she
was the universal butt of ridicule, lampooned and caricatured, with
all that malice, in its coarsest and most brutal form, could
suggest. Her age was the favorite theme of the callow witling, her
cause a never-failing subject for reproach and abuse. It is all
over and done with, thanks to the new race of men which women
themselves are training and educating. There are no words for her
nowadays but those of praise and affection. She has lived to see
truth survive and justice vindicated. Men no longer regard her as
the arch-enemy to domestic peace, disseminating doctrines that mean
the destruction of home and the disorganization of society. They
perceive in her, rather, the advocate of that liberty which knows
no limitations either of sex or of condition--a freedom which,
achieved, means the incalculable advancement of the race.
In all the assemblages where Miss Anthony was present during those
memorable months--the observed of all observers, holding a
veritable court--her admirers were both men and women, and no belle
at a ball was ever more unmistakably deferred to. It made her
happy, as it should have done. But it made far happier those who
have believed in her all these years, that she should have
triumphed over ignorance and prejudice, and at threescore and ten
have come into her kingdom at last. When it is asked what woman was
most prominent, most honored, most in demand in all the public
ceremonials and private functions held in Chicago during the
Columbian Exposition, there can be but one answer--Susan B.
Anthony.
Through all the summer and autumn of 1893 a campaign had been going
forward in Colorado, where the legislature had submitted the question of
woman suffrage to the voters. The national association was represented
by Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who rendered splendid service. Mrs. Leonora
Barry Lake spoke under the auspices of the Knights of Labor. The rest of
the work was done by the women of Colorado, who proved a host in
themselves. Miss Anthony held herself in readiness to go at any time but
the friends felt that, unless vitally necessary, she should be spared
the hardships. Circumstances were favorable; there had been a vast
change in public sentiment since the defeat of 1877; the question was
submitted at a time when only county elections were held and there was
no political excitement; Populists and Republicans not only endorsed it
but worked for it; Democrats offered no party opposition and many of
them gave it cordial support; more than half of the newspapers in the
State advocated it. The campaign in Colorado differed from all those
which had been conducted in other States in the fact that it was not
left for women to carry on alone, but the most prominent men in all
parties lent their assistance and made the victory possible.[88] The
amendment was carried by nearly 6,000 majority, about three to one in
favor. Miss Anthony received the telegram announcing the fact November
8, the day after election, and she was the happiest woman in America.
Immediately upon returning home from Chicago she went to the State
suffrage convention which met in Historical Hall, Brooklyn, November 13.
While in New York she was the guest of Mrs. Russell Sage at the dinner
of the Emma Willard Alumnae. Four days were given to the convention,
one or two spent with Mrs. Catt, in her delightful home at
Bensonhurst-by-the-Sea, and a few at the suburban residence of Mrs.
Foster Avery. While here she addressed the New Century Club in
Philadelphia, and for several days following was in attendance at the
Pennsylvania convention. On December 18, she lectured at Jamaica; the
19th at Riverhead; the 20th at Richmond; the 22d she attended the
Foremothers' Day dinner in New York and made an address; the 23d she
spoke before the Women's Conference of the Ethical Society in that city.
When not lecturing she was struggling with her mass of correspondence,
attending to her duties in connection with the Industrial School, and
making preliminary arrangements for two big State campaigns which
required the writing of hundreds of letters, all done with her own hand.
Invitations came during these days to address the New York Social Purity
League, the Women's Republican Association, the Pratt Institute and the
National Convention of the Keeley Cure League; and requests for articles
on "Why Should Young Men Favor Woman Suffrage?" for the Y. M. C. A.
paper of Chicago; "What Should the President's Message Say?" for the New
York World; "If you had $1,000,000 what would you do with it?" for a
symposium; and at least a score of similar applications. The friendly
letters included one from Judge Albion W. Tourgee, acknowledging receipt
of the History of Woman Suffrage, "from one whose devotion to principle
and brave advocacy of right have ever commanded my profound esteem." He
also expressed his interest and belief in the principle of woman
suffrage. The same mail brought a letter from Professor Helen L.
Webster, asking for a copy of the History to place in the library of
Wellesley College "so that it may be within reach of the students."
The Kansas legislature again had submitted a suffrage amendment and many
letters were coming from the women of that State, begging Miss Anthony's
help. She filled reams of paper during December, telling them how to put
everybody to work, to organize every election precinct in the State, to
raise money, and above all else to create a public sentiment which would
demand a woman suffrage plank in the platform of each of the political
parties. "I am going to make a big raid to get a fund for Kansas," she
wrote, "but nothing will avail without the support of the parties." The
work in Kansas was not, however, by any means the most formidable
undertaking which confronted her. The women of New York were about to
enter upon the greatest suffrage campaign ever attempted, and toward its
success she was bending every thought, energy and effort, earnestly
cooeperating with the strongest and best-equipped workers in the State.
FOOTNOTES:
[81] James G. Blaine died while she was in Washington and the diary
says: "He should have lived, and the Republicans should have honored him
as their leader. He _was that_, though not chosen by them."
[82] The newspapers, almost without exception, in all these places,
spoke in unqualified praise of Miss Anthony and her work, of her "royal
welcome," her "packed audiences," her "masterly address," etc. Several
of them, notably the Bay City Tribune, contained strong editorial
endorsement of woman suffrage. At Lansing she addressed the House of
Representatives and the next day the bill conferring municipal suffrage
on women was voted on; 38 ayes, 39 nays. It was reconsidered, received a
good majority in both Houses and was signed by the governor, but
afterwards declared unconstitutional by the supreme court of the State.
[83] The diary shows a gift for this purpose, during the month, of $150
from Rachel Foster Avery and $50 from Adeline Thomson.
[84] "More than once--indeed, I believe more than a score of times--I
saw speakers of eloquence and renown interrupted in the midst of a
discourse by audiences who simply would not listen, after Miss Anthony's
entrance into the hall, until she had been formally introduced and an
opportunity given them to express their reverence by prolonged
applause."--From letter of Mrs. Sewall.
[85] Lady Henry had just returned from Chicago where she had attended
the World's Fair Temperance Congress and here had heard Miss Anthony for
the first time. At the close of her speech declaring that there could be
no effective temperance work among women until they had the ballot, Lady
Henry came forward and gave it her most hearty endorsement.
[86] "As only the most gifted women will be invited to participate in
these entertainments, we hope the invitation will be esteemed as an
honor conferred by the Board of Lady Managers, and your acceptance will
be gratefully appreciated."--Note of Invitation.
[87] As a memento of these visits Mrs. Gross presented Miss Anthony with
$100; and Mrs. Coonley gave her a rich brocaded silk dress and a
travelling suit, both beautifully made by her own dressmaker, with
bonnets to match.
[88] The "Remonstrants" flooded the State with their literature, but as
this contained a conspicuous advertisement of a large liquor
establishment, it defeated itself. The headquarters of the organized
opposition were located in a Denver brewery.
CHAPTER XLII.
THE SECOND NEW YORK CAMPAIGN.
1894.
The year 1894 is distinguished in the annals of woman suffrage for two
great campaigns: one in New York to secure from the Constitutional
Convention an amendment abolishing the word "male" from the new
constitution which was to be submitted to the voters at the fall
election; the other in Kansas to secure a majority vote on an amendment
which had been submitted by the legislature of 1893, and was to be voted
on in November. In order to make the story as clear as possible, each of
these campaigns, both of which were in progress at the same time, will
be considered separately. Before entering upon either, the leading
features of the twenty-sixth of the series of Washington conventions,
which have run like a thread through Miss Anthony's life for more than a
quarter of a century, will be briefly noticed.
On January 13, she lectured before the University Association at Ann
Arbor in the great University Hall--the second woman ever invited to
address that body, Anna Dickinson having been thus honored during the
war. Sunday morning she spoke for the University Christian Association,
in Newbury Hall. Monday morning the State Suffrage Association commenced
a three days' convention, during which she gave numerous short
addresses. Wednesday evening a large reception was given by her hostess,
Olivia B. Hall, whose home Miss Anthony always regarded as one of her
most enjoyable resting-places in her many trips through Michigan. Mrs.
Hall had contributed hundreds of dollars to the cause of woman
suffrage, and made a number of timely presents to Miss Anthony for her
personal use.
From Michigan they went to the twenty-fifth anniversary of the suffrage
association of Toledo. It is worthy of note that Miss Anthony had helped
organize this society in the house of Mrs. Hall, who lived there at that
time. She was here, as always when in this city, the guest of her
friend, Anna C. Mott, whose father and uncle, Richard and James Mott,
were her staunch supporters from the early days of the abolition
movement. The papers contained long and flattering notices, which had
now become so customary that to quote one is to give the substance of
all.
Miss Anthony lectured in Baltimore February 13, going from there to
Washington. The convention opened in Metzerott's Music Hall, February
15, welcomed by Commissioner John W. Ross, of the District. Among the
speakers were Senator Carey and Representative Coffeen, of Wyoming;
Senator Teller and Representatives Bell and Pence, of Colorado; Senator
Peffer and Representatives Davis, Broderick, Curtis and Simpson, of
Kansas; ex-Senator Bruce, of Mississippi; Hon. Simon Wolf, of the
District; Catherine H. Spence, of New Zealand; Miss Windeyer, of
Australia; Hannah K. Korany, of Syria; Kate Field; and Mary Lowe
Dickinson, secretary King's Daughters.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours truly, Kate Field"]
Appropriate memorial services were held for the distinguished dead of
the past year who had rendered especial service to the cause of woman
suffrage: Lucy Stone, George W. Childs, Leland Stanford, Elizabeth
Peabody, Elizabeth Oakes Smith. Eloquent tributes were offered by the
various members of the convention, and Miss Anthony added one to Mary F.
Seymour, founder of the Business Woman's Journal. The death of Myra
Bradwell, editor Legal News, occurred too late for her honored name to
be included in these services. Bishop Phillips Brooks and ex-President
Rutherford B. Hayes, both of whom had unequivocally expressed themselves
in favor of suffrage for women, also had died in 1893.
At the opening session, on Miss Anthony's birthday, she was presented by
the enfranchised women of Wyoming and Colorado with a beautiful silk
flag which bore two shining stars on its blue field. She accepted it
with much emotion, saying: "I have heard of standard bearers in the army
who carried the banners to the topmost ramparts of the enemy, and there
I am going to try to carry this banner. You know without my telling how
proud I am of this flag, and how my heart is touched by this
manifestation." From the ladies of Georgia came a box of fresh flowers,
and among other pleasant remembrances were seventy-four American Beauty
roses from Mrs. S. E. Gross, of Chicago. A little later, when Virginia
D. Young brought the greetings of South Carolina, Miss Anthony said:
I think the most beautiful part of our coming together in
Washington for the last twenty-five years, has been that more
friendships, more knowledge of each other have come through the
hand-shakes here, than would have been possible through any other
instrumentality. I shall never cease to be grateful for all the
splendid women who have come up to this great center for these
twenty-six conventions, and have learned that the North was not
such a cold place as they had believed; I have been equally glad
when we came down here and met the women from the sunny South and
found they were just like ourselves, if not a little better. In
this great association, we know no North, no South, no East, no
West. This has been our pride for twenty-six years. We have no
political party. We never have inquired what anybody's religion
was. All we ever have asked is simply, "Do you believe in perfect
equality for women?" That is the one article in our creed.
There were many pleasant newspaper comments on Miss Anthony's
re-election, among them the following from the Chicago Journal:
The national suffrage association honored itself yesterday by again
electing to its presidency Susan B. Anthony. She has suffered long
for a cause she believes to be right, and it is fitting that in
these later years of her active life, when the cause has become
popular, she should wear the honors her patient, persistent
endeavor has won. Susan B. Anthony is one of the most remarkable
products of this century. She is not a successful writer; she is
not a great speaker, although a most effective one; but she has a
better quality than genius. She is the soul of honesty; she
possesses the gift of clear discrimination--of seeing the main
point--and of never-wavering loyalty to the issue at hand....
For more than forty years she has led the women of America through
the wilderness of doubt, and now from Pisgah's heights looks over
into the Canaan land of triumphant victory. Past the allotted time
of threescore years and ten, Miss Anthony may never cross the
Jordan of her hopes, but she has led her hosts safely through the
gravest dangers and trained up others well fitted to wear the
mantle of leadership. It is the hope of all who have learned to
know and appreciate this heroic woman, that her wise counsel and
earnest, faithful spirit may long continue to inspire and direct
the affairs of this great association.
The office of national organizer was created and Carrie Chapman Catt
elected to fill it. The association accepted an invitation to hold the
next meeting in Atlanta, Ga. At the close of the convention a hearing
was granted by the Senate and House committees. Miss Anthony introduced
the various speakers, representing all sections of the country, and at
the conclusion one of the new members came to her and said earnestly:
"If you had but adopted this course earlier, your cause would have been
won long ago." He was considerably surprised when she informed him that
they had had just such hearings as this for the past twenty-six years.
The legislature of New York had ordered the necessary measures to be
taken for a delegate convention to revise the constitution. Governor
Hill in 1887 and Governor Flower in 1892 had recommended that women
should have a representation in this convention. The bill, as it finally
passed both branches of the legislature, provided that any male or
female citizen above the age of twenty-one should be eligible to
election as delegate. When the district conventions were called to
choose these, both Democrats and Republicans refused to nominate any
woman. As the delegates would draw $10 a day for five months, the
political plums were entirely too valuable to give to a disfranchised
class. The Republicans of Miss Anthony's district would not consider
even her nomination, although she was recognized as the peer of any man
in the State in a knowledge of constitutional law. The Democrats in that
district, who were in a hopeless minority, made the one exception and,
as a compliment, nominated Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf, who ran several
hundred votes ahead of the ticket.
The women then proceeded to inaugurate a great campaign in order to
create a public sentiment which would demand from this convention an
amendment conferring suffrage on women. To begin this, which would
require a vast amount of money, they had not a dollar. No delegate owed
his election to a woman, nor could any woman further his ambition for
future honors to which his record in this body might prove a
stepping-stone. So far as any political power was concerned, women were
of less force than the proverbial fly on the wagon wheel, and the
majority of men who go into a convention of this kind do so from that
particular sort of lofty patriotism which sees an official position in
the near or distant future. On the other hand, the element which is
forever and unalterably opposed to any move in the direction of suffrage
for women, represented the dominant financial and political power in the
greatest metropolis in America, whose ramifications extend to every
city, village and cross-roads in the State. With its money and its votes
this element can make and unmake politicians at will, and under present
conditions, with the ballot in the hands of men only, it is virtually an
impossibility for a candidate to be elected if this organization exert
its influence against him. How to persuade the parties and the
individual men to risk defeat until they succeed in the enfranchisement
of women, which alone will destroy the absolute domination of this
oligarchy, is a problem yet to be solved. That the women of New York
dared attempt it, showed courage and determination of the highest order.
This necessarily had to be a campaign of education, of forming new
public sentiment and putting into definite shape that which already
existed. This could be done in four ways: by organization, by petitions,
by literature and by speeches. The petitions were put into circulation
in 1893.[89] As it would be necessary to use every dollar to the very
best advantage, the Anthony home in Rochester was put at the service of
the committee in order to save rent. Practically every room in the house
was called into requisition. The parlors became public offices; the
guest chamber was transformed into a mailing department; Miss Anthony's
study was an office by day and a bedroom by night; and even
the dining-room and kitchen were invaded. Here Mary S. Anthony,
corresponding secretary, and Mrs. Martha R. Almy,
vice-president-at-large, with a force of clerks, worked day and night
from December, 1893, to July, 1894, sending out thousands of letters,
petition blanks, leaflets, suffrage papers, etc.[90] The letter boxes
were wholly inadequate, and the post-office daily sent mail-sacks to the
house, which were filled and set out on the front porch to be collected.
Hither came every day the State president, Mrs. Greenleaf, who toiled
without ceasing from daylight till dark; and into this busy hive Miss
Anthony rushed from the lecture field every Saturday to get the report
of the work and consult as to the best methods for the coming week. It
is not possible to describe in detail the vast amount of labor performed
at these headquarters, but it is thus summed up in the report of the
corresponding secretary:
... Add to the correspondence incident to the circulation of our
great petition, the sending out of nearly 5,000 blank
petition-books and instructions to insure the work's being properly
done, literature for free distribution, the planning and arranging
for sixty mass meetings in as many counties, and we have a task
before which Hercules himself might well stand aghast. To
accomplish this work has taken not only the entire time of your
corresponding secretary, but that of our president, Mrs.
Greenleaf, for a full year. Hundreds of women over all the State
worked as never before, petitions in hand, travelling from house to
house in all sorts of weather to secure the names of people who
believe in the right of women to a voice in the government under
which they live.
[Illustration: Mary S. Anthony (Signed: "Your Sister Mary S. Anthony")]
It has so often been asserted by those in power that when any
considerable number of women wanted to vote, there would be perfect
freedom for them to do so, that it was now decided thoroughly to
test the truth of such assertion. Over 332,000 individual names,
more than half being those of women, were thus actually obtained,
neatly put up in book form and presented to the Constitutional
Convention with a feeling that such a showing could not, by any
possible means, fail to make the men of that convention and of the
State clearly understand that _women do want to vote_.[91]
[Illustration: Autograph: "Lillie Devereux Blake"]
The entire management of New York City was put in charge of Lillie
Devereux Blake, and Brooklyn in that of Mariana W. Chapman. While the
petition work was going forward a great series of mass meetings was in
progress, for which Miss Anthony, who knew every foot of New York State
as well as her own dooryard, mapped out the routes. The management of
these was placed in the hands of Harriet May Mills and Mary G. Hay, who
proved remarkably efficient. Rev. Anna Shaw spoke at over forty of these
meetings and Mary Seymour Howell at a large number. Several speakers
from outside the State came in at different times and rendered excellent
service. Carrie Chapman Catt made nearly forty speeches in New York,
Brooklyn and vicinity. Miss Anthony herself, at the age of seventy-four,
spoke in every one of the sixty counties of the State, beginning at
Albion, January 22, and ending at Glens Falls, April 28.[92]
The campaign opened with a mass meeting at Rochester, of which the
Democrat and Chronicle said in a leading editorial: "In pursuance of a
call signed by over a hundred prominent citizens, a public meeting will
be held January 8.... This should be largely attended, not only in honor
of our distinguished townswoman, Miss Susan B. Anthony, but to declare
in terms which can not be mistaken that the constitution should be
revised. The <DW64> and the Indian have been enfranchised; women alone
remain under political disabilities. They demand justice. Let it be
granted freely, and without any exhibition of that selfishness which has
so long kept them waiting."
Judge George F. Danforth presided over this meeting and among the
prominent citizens on the platform were Dr. E. M. Moore, Rev. Asa Saxe,
Eugene T. Curtis, Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Howell and Miss Anthony, all of
whom made strong speeches in favor of the amendment. The list of
vice-presidents comprised the leading men and women of the city.
Forcible resolutions were presented by Henry C. Maine, and letters of
approval read from Judge Thomas Raines, Rev. H. H. Stebbins, of the
Central Presbyterian church, and others. The papers said, "Miss Anthony
went home as happy as a young girl after her first ball."
On January 9 Miss Anthony addressed the Political Equality Club of
Syracuse, and a handsome reception was given to Elizabeth Smith Miller
and herself by its president, Mrs. E. S. Jenney. The next day, she went
to a big rally at Buffalo, under the auspices of the city suffrage club,
Dr. Sarah Morris, president, where speeches were made by Judge Stern,
Rabbi Aaron, Rev. Joseph K. Mason and others. On the 22d, the great
sweep of county mass meetings began.[93] The scrap-books containing the
voluminous accounts show that usually the audiences were large and
sympathetic; that the newspapers, almost without exception, gave full
and friendly reports, and although most of them were non-committal in
the editorial columns, a number came out strongly in favor of having a
suffrage amendment incorporated in the constitution. "Oh, if those who
attend our meetings could do the voting," wrote Miss Anthony, "it would
carry overwhelmingly, but alas, the riff-raff, the paupers, the
drunkards, the very chain-gang that I see passing the house on their way
to and from the jail, will make their influence felt on the members of
the Constitutional Convention." In another letter she said: "I am in the
midst of as severe a treadmill as I ever experienced, travelling from
fifty to one hundred miles every day and speaking five or six nights a
week. How little women know of the power of organization and how
constantly we are confronted with the lack of it!"[94]
Most of the other speakers were paid for their services but Miss Anthony
would not accept a dollar for hers, and refused to take even her
travelling expenses out of the campaign fund. That year she received the
bequest of her friend, Mrs. Eliza J. Clapp, of Rochester, who had died
in 1892, leaving her $1,000 to use as she pleased. The court costs were
$55 and she received $945. Although she was drawing from her small
principal for her current expenses, she gave $600 of this to the State
of New York and $400 to the national association, paying the court fees
out of her own pocket.
A new and gratifying feature of this campaign was the interest taken by
the women of wealth and social position in New York and Brooklyn.
Heretofore it had seemed impossible to arouse any enthusiasm on the
question of woman's enfranchisement among this class. Surrounded by
every luxury and carefully protected from contact with the hard side of
life, they felt no special concern in the conditions which made the
struggle for existence so difficult among the masses of women. All of a
sudden they seemed to awake to the importance of the great issue which
was agitating the State. This possibly may have been because it met the
approval of many of the leading men of New York, for among those who
signed the petition were Chauncey M. Depew, Russell Sage, Frederick
Coudert, Rev. Heber Newton, Rev. W. S. Rainsford, Bishop Potter, Rabbi
Gottheil, John D. Rockefeller, Robert J. Ingersoll, William Dean Howells
and others of the representative men of the city. The wives of these
gentlemen opened their elegant parlors for suffrage meetings, and in a
short time the following card was sent to a large number of people:
A committee of ladies invite you and all the adult members of your
household, to call at Sherry's on any Saturday in March and April,
between 9 and 6 o'clock, to sign a petition to strike out, in our
State Constitution, the word "male" as a qualification for voters.
Circulars explaining the reason for this request may be obtained at
the same time and place.--Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, Mrs. Joseph
H. Choate, Mrs. Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. J. Warren Goddard, Mrs.
Robert Abbe, Mrs. Henry M. Sanders, Miss Adele M. Fielde.
Sherry, the famous restaurateur, placed one of his handsomest rooms at
the disposal of the ladies and, for many weeks, one or more of them
might always be found there ready to receive signatures to the
petitions. The New York World expressed the situation in a strong
article, saying in part:
Within the month there has been a sudden and altogether unexpected
outbreak of the woman suffrage movement in New York.... Some one
gave a signal and from all parts of the State rose the cry for the
enfranchisement of women. It is not hard to discover the original
cause which set on foot the insurrection--for in a certain sense it
is an insurrection. It was an appeal which appeared in the latter
part of February and was signed by many eminent men and women. Here
were nearly twoscore of names, as widely known and honorable as any
in this State--names of people of the highest social standing, not
because of extravagant display or fashionable raiment, but because
of distinction in intellect, in philanthropy and in the history of
the State. The reason of the coming of the petition just at this
time was, of course, plain. The meeting of the Constitutional
Convention would be the one chance of the woman suffragists in
twenty years....
It will be noticed that these women are in Mr. McAllister's Four
Hundred, but not of it. They do not go in for frivolity. They go in
for charity, for working among the masses, for elevating standards
of living and morals in the slums of the city. They have awakened
to the fact of the other half, and of how that other half lives,
and they have expressed their indignation over the small salaries
paid women for doing men's work; over the dishonest men in
political places, put there because they could vote and control the
votes of a number of saloon loungers; over the wretched lot of the
woman school teacher, ill-paid and neglected because useless on
election day.
And to go back a little further, the most of these society women
are the products of that higher education which the pioneer
suffragists made possible. They are women of wide reading, of
independent thought, of much self-reliance. They began to wonder
why they could not vote, when the sloping-shouldered,
sloping-skulled youths who proposed to marry them, or had married
them, had that right and did not exercise it and showed no
information and no concern as to the rottenness of the local
government.... The upper class of women are enlisted. Woman
suffrage is the one interesting subject of discussion in the whole
fashionable quarter.
This campaign brought also another surprise. In all the forty years of
suffrage work, one of the stumbling-blocks had been the utter apathy of
women themselves, who took no interest either for or against, but now
they seemed to be aroused all along the line. In Albany a small body of
women calling themselves "Remonstrants" suddenly sprung into existence.
For a number of years there had been a handful of women in Massachusetts
under that title, but this was the first appearance of the species in
New York. They seemed to be fathered by Bishop William Croswell Doane,
and mothered by Mrs. John V. L. Pruyn. Seven men and a number of women
were present at the first meeting in that lady's parlor, and they formed
an organization to counteract the vicious efforts of those women who
were asking for political freedom. Evidently under the direction of her
spiritual adviser, Mrs. Pruyn submitted a set of resolutions, which were
adopted, begging the Constitutional Convention "not to strike out the
word 'male';" setting forth "that suffrage was not a natural right; that
there was no reason why this privilege should be extended to women; that
no taxation without representation did not mean that every citizen
should vote; that universal suffrage was a mistake; that the possession
of the suffrage would take women into conflicts for which they were
wholly unfitted; and that it would rudely disturb the strong and growing
spirit of chivalry." Another branch was formed in Brooklyn with Mrs.
Lyman Abbott at its head and the Outlook at its back, edited by Rev.
Lyman Abbott. A society appeared in New York at about the same time and
opened headquarters at the Waldorf. There was also an "Anti" club at
Utica.[95]
The Democrat and Chronicle published a long interview with Miss Anthony
in regard to these "Remonstrants," from which the following is an
extract:
"This opposition movement is not the work of women," she said,
"although it has that appearance. There was held in Albany
yesterday afternoon a meeting at which resolutions condemning our
work were adopted. Listen to the names of the women who were
present. Do you see that they are all Mrs. John and Mrs. George and
Mrs. William this and that? There is not a woman's first name in
the whole list, and I do not see a Miss, either. This goes to show
that the women are simply put forward by their husbands.
"Another point: These men who are stirring up the opposition would
not only deny the right of women to vote but would qualify the word
'male' as it now stands in the constitution. They say in so many
words in their resolutions that the right of suffrage is already
extended to too many men; and they pay a doubtful compliment to the
intelligence of their mothers, wives and sisters by adding that the
class of undesirable voters would be swelled by giving the ballot
to women. These are men of wealth who would confine the exercise of
the right of suffrage to their own class--in fact would make this
government an aristocracy."
These new organizations seemed to be abundantly supplied with money, but
though they were able to pay for the work of circulating petitions,
which with the suffrage advocates had to be a labor of love, they
secured only 15,000 signatures. The petitions asking for a suffrage
amendment received 332,148 individual signatures, including the 36,000
collected by the W. C. T. U. In addition to these the New York
Federation of Labor sent in a memorial representing 140,000; the Labor
Reform Conference, 70,000; several Trades Unions, 1,396; Granges,
50,000; total, 593,544. Added to these were petitions from a number of
societies, making in round numbers about 600,000. It had been
impossible, for several reasons, to make a thorough canvass, and this
was especially true of New York and Brooklyn, containing half the
population of the State; and yet there were over one-half as many
signers as there were voters in the entire State.
The Constitutional Convention assembled in Albany, May 8, and elected
Joseph H. Choate, of New York City, president. Although only a few
months previous he had expressed himself favorable to woman suffrage,
all his influence in the convention was used against it. Mr. Choate,
according to universal opinion, accepted this office with the
expectation that it would lead to his nomination as governor of the
State, and he had no intention of offending the power behind the
gubernatorial chair. The amendment was doomed from the moment of his
election. His first move was to appoint a committee to have charge of
all suffrage amendments, and on this committee of seventeen he placed
twelve men, carefully selected, because they were known to be strongly
opposed to woman suffrage. He appointed as chairman a man who could be
depended on to hesitate at no means which would secure its defeat.[96]
In all his efforts to kill the amendment beyond hope of resurrection,
Mr. Choate was actively supported by his first lieutenant, Hon. Elihu
Root, also of New York City.
Having ruined all the chances of the amendment, President Choate then
announced that every courtesy and consideration would be extended to the
ladies having it in charge. Miss Anthony was invited to address the
suffrage committee May 24, and the hearing was held in the Assembly room
of the Capitol. Not only the committee but most of the delegates were in
their seats and a large audience was present. This was said to be one of
her best efforts and she seemed to have almost the complete sympathy of
her audience. She spoke for three-quarters of an hour, and then urged
that those opposed should state their reasons and give her an
opportunity to answer them. Although there were twelve men on the
committee who even then intended to bring in an adverse report, and
ninety-eight delegates who afterwards voted against it, not one could be
persuaded to rise and present his objections. It was said by many that
if the vote could have been taken at that moment, no power could have
prevented a majority in favor.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Very truly yours, Mary Putnam Jacobi"]
The women of New York City were accorded a hearing May 31, and it was on
this occasion, with the petitions of the 600,000 stacked on a table in
front of her, that Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi made that masterly speech
which ranks as a classic. Miss Margaret Livingstone Chanler, in a
beautiful address, also spoke in behalf of the "Sherry contingent." The
regular New York City League was ably represented by Lillie Devereux
Blake and Harriet A. Keyser. The platform was filled with the
distinguished women of the State, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Greenleaf and Dr.
Jacobi occupying the central position.
On June 7 a hearing was granted to the women from the senatorial
districts, each presenting in a five-minute speech the claims of the
thousands of petitioners from her district. Among these speakers were
some of the best-known women in the State, socially and intellectually;
and a number of others, of equal standing, who never had taken part in
public work and who now left their homes only to plead for the power
which would enable women better to conserve the interests of home.[97]
The State president, Mrs. Greenleaf, presided over all of these
hearings, her commanding presence, great dignity and fine mental power
giving especial prestige to these bodies of women, who in character and
intellect could not be surpassed. The final hearing of those in favor of
the amendment was held June 28, when U. S. Senator Joseph M. Carey, who
had come by urgent invitation, made a most convincing speech, describing
the practical workings of woman suffrage in Wyoming and urging the men
of New York to enfranchise the women of the State. He was followed by
Mrs. Mary T. Burt, representing the W. C. T. U., and by Mary Seymour
Howell.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Your cause has become the cause of states and
nations. Your success will form a [illegible] for the generations to
come. Sincerely Yours, Joseph M. Carey"]
One hearing was given to the "Remonstrants," or "Antis," as the press
had dubbed them. Because of their extreme modesty, and for other more
obvious reasons, they did not make their own appeals but were
represented by the male of their species. Their petition was presented
by Elihu Root. Hon. Francis M. Scott, whose wife was one of the leading
"Antis" in New York, made the principal address. He described
pathetically the timid and shrinking class of women for whom he pleaded,
insisted that the legislature never had refused women anything they
asked, declared the suffrage advocates represented only an
"insignificant minority,"[98] and closed with the eloquent peroration:
"I vote, not because I am intelligent, not because I am moral, but
solely and simply because I am a man." Rev. Clarence A. Walworth, Hon.
Matthew Hale and J. Newton Fiero were the other speakers. The first
individual did not believe in universal manhood suffrage and could not
favor anything which would double the vote. Mr. Hale devoted most of his
argument to the so-called "bad women," declaring there were over 100,000
of them in the State who would sell their votes as they did their
bodies--enough to overcome the votes of the virtuous women. Mr. Fiero
said woman was unfitted for the ballot because she was influenced by
pity, passion and prejudice rather than by judgment. A letter was read
from Hon. Abram S. Hewitt, objecting to the amendment because the
majority of women do not care to vote.
These insults to their sex seemed very acceptable to the fashionably
dressed "Antis" who occupied the front rows of seats. How far their
influence affected the adverse vote of the convention it is of course
impossible to determine. While the liquor dealers were sending to
wavering members their kegs of beer and jugs of whiskey, the "Antis"
supplemented their efforts with champagne suppers, flowers, music and
low-necked dresses. And the suffrage advocates hoped to offset these
political methods by trudging through mud and snow with their petitions
and using their scanty funds to send out literature! A mistaken policy,
perhaps, but the only one possible to the class of women who are asking
for enfranchisement.
The committee, as had been foreordained, brought in an adverse report.
The evenings of August 8, 9, 14 and 15, were devoted to a discussion of
this report. The Assembly chamber was crowded at each session. The women
had known for weeks that they were defeated but had not abated their
efforts in the slightest degree. Their work was now finished and they
assembled in large numbers to hear the final debate. The amendment had,
from first to last, an able and earnest champion in Edward Lauterbach,
of New York, who opened the discussion in a speech of an hour and a
quarter, said to have been the ablest made in the convention. Nineteen
members spoke in favor and fourteen in opposition. The debate throughout
was serious and respectful and as dignified as was possible with the
frivolous objections made by the opponents. The delegates showed an
evident appreciation of the importance of the question at issue, which
was about to be sacrificed as usual to political exigency.
The opponents were led by Elihu Root, of New York, who begged
pathetically that "we be not robbed of the women of our homes;" and
declared that "he would hesitate to put into the hands of women the
right to defend his wife and the women he loved and respected." William
P. Goodelle, of Syracuse, chairman of the committee, closed the
discussion with a long speech in which he asserted that "the question
was not whether large numbers of male and female citizens asked for
woman suffrage, or protested against it, or are taxed or not, but was it
for the benefit of the State?" This being the case, why did Mr. Goodelle
not favor its being submitted to the voters of the State in order that
they might decide?
It required an hour and a half to take the vote, as most of the members
found it necessary to explain why they voted as they did. While it was
being taken President Choate left his chair and talked earnestly with
many of the delegates--probably about the weather--stopping occasionally
to receive the approving smiles of the "Antis." When his name was called
for the last vote he recorded himself against the amendment, and the
great battle was over![99] In favor of submission 58, opposed 98.
No question before the convention had attracted so much attention
throughout the State. The New York Recorder led the newspapers which
championed the submission of the amendment, and Harper's Weekly and the
Evening Post were prominent among the opposition, a mighty descent from
the days when they were under the editorial management of George William
Curtis and William Cullen Bryant. The day after the vote was taken the
suffrage committee closed its Albany headquarters in the Capitol and the
ladies returned to their homes. They had raised $10,000 and expended it
in the most economical manner; they had given a year of the hardest and
most conscientious work; and they did not regret a dollar of the money
or a day of the time.[100] In her president's report Mrs. Jean Brooks
Greenleaf said:
These days will never be forgotten by the trio of the State
committee who daily met to work and plan--to make the campaign
"bricks" without financial "straw." No one with a heart will recall
the pecuniary distress of last winter without a shudder, and to
those who had, what was in their estimation, a cause at stake
precious as life itself, the outlook was often well nigh
disheartening.... Could the full history of the past winter's work
be given, the doubts expressed of woman's desire for the ballot
would be set at rest forever. No more pathetic stories are told of
the struggle for liberty in the days of the Revolution than could
be told of the women of New York in this campaign....
In closing, we come to the name of one who, we all know, is the
inspired leader of women up the heights of honor, purity and
self-devotion--Susan B. Anthony. To her marvellous energy and
resolution we owe both the conception and the success of this
wonderful campaign. In her seventy-fifth year she started out as
one of the principal speakers to be heard in the sixty counties of
the State; never once did she fail to keep an appointment, never
once did she cry a halt.... This noble woman, leaving a home of
which she is as fond as any woman can be, travelled night or day,
as the case required, not only speaking, but plying her busy
pen--and all for what? Not for money, for she has stoutly refused
to receive one penny of a salary, which, had it been paid, would
have exceeded the sum of $3,000. She gave her services for love of
liberty and justice, with the hope that New York would prove to be
in truth the Empire State of the Union.
From the hour when she learned that a Constitutional Convention would be
held, up to the opening of this convention, Miss Anthony had believed
that it would incorporate a suffrage amendment which, in all
probability, would be allowed by the voters to pass with the rest of the
constitution. She found herself outwitted by the politicians, as she had
been so many times before, but while this defeat was the bitterest
disappointment of her life, it did not crush her dauntless spirit. It
is related of her that as she came down the steps of the Capitol with
the other ladies at midnight, after the vote had been taken, she began
planning another campaign.
Among the many appreciative and sympathetic letters she received at this
time was one from Isabella Charles Davis, secretary International King's
Daughters, saying for herself and Mrs. Mary Lowe Dickinson: "I do not
believe you know how tenderly we love you and in what high respect and
honor we hold you. Mrs. Dickinson was present at one of those meetings
at Sherry's, and she said the only thing lacking to make the occasion
perfect was dear Miss Anthony's strong, brave face looking down upon the
great multitude." Henry B. Blackwell wrote: "You are to be congratulated
on having made a splendid fight in New York. To have secured 600,000
petitions is itself a victory."
In answer to a letter from Isabel Howland, the efficient State recording
secretary, she expressed the welcome recognition which she always
extended to young workers: "Well, I am truly glad for the discovery of
our twin New York girls, Harriet May Mills and Isabel Howland, who
promise to take up the laboring oar and pull us to the promised land.
Give my warmest regards to your precious mother and aunt Emily; how I
have learned to know and love the two!" She went as a guest of the
Howlands for a few brief days in the Catskills, and they drove over to
Eagle's Nest, in Twilight Park, where Miss Willard and Lady Henry
Somerset were spending the summer.
Miss Anthony lectured at Keuka College, August 7, and on the 22d, gave
the annual address on suffrage, at Cassadaga lake. The next day she
found herself thus reported in the Buffalo Express:
If, instead of Spiritualists, this great body of people had been
Baptists, Presbyterians, Methodists or Catholics, their praises for
the firm stand they have taken for the enfranchisement of half the
people of this country, would have been everywhere sung in song and
told in story. But the suffrage women of America always have been
afraid to give voice to the "thank you" in their hearts, for
Spiritualism has been fully as unpopular as woman suffrage; and
they feared if they displayed too much gratitude for this
endorsement the public would at once pronounce them Spiritualists
and they would thus be doubly damned. But there are a few of our
members who are brave enough to rejoice in the damnation of
orthodox religions and orthodox politics!
Her consternation at these closing words was intensified by the letters
which began coming in upon her before forty-eight hours. She wrote at
once to the paper: "This is all right until you come to the last
sentence. I had illustrated also the danger of expressing kind words to
unpopular political parties, and then I concluded--not as printed--but
with: 'There are still a few of us brave enough to rejoice in every good
word and work said and done for woman, and to publicly express our
thanks therefor, notwithstanding the "denunciation" (not damnation) of
orthodox religionists and orthodox politicians.'" The Express published
her correction, but it is doubtful if it ever was able to overtake the
original statement.
Miss Anthony was very anxious to influence the next legislature, through
the public sentiment which had been created, to submit a suffrage
amendment. For this purpose she laid out a plan of work to continue the
organization and petitions, and herself held meetings in a number of
counties. It was decided by the committee to go before the Republican
and Democratic State Conventions, which were to be held at Saratoga. An
address was prepared and a resolution asking for an endorsement of a
woman suffrage amendment. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Greenleaf and Mr.
Lauterbach went before the resolution committee, September 18, which
allowed five minutes for the three to present their case, and never gave
it one minute's attention afterwards.
Frances Willard and Lady Somerset came down from their mountain retreat
to attend this convention, and after their return Miss Willard wrote:
"... As for you, our leader of leaders, I wish I could transfer to your
brain all the loving thoughts and words of our trio toward you. As you
stood before that roomful of people, so straight and tall and masterful,
with that fine senatorial head and face, on which the strength and
heroism of your character are so plainly marked, I thought, 'There is
one of the century's foremost figures; there is the woman who has been
faithful among the faithless and true among the false!'"
[Illustration: Autograph: "I am with sisterly regard, Frances E
Willard"]
Five minutes allowed such women! Had they represented an enfranchised
class, the whole committee would have been at their feet.
Miss Anthony, Mrs. Blake and Mrs. Greenleaf went to the Democratic
convention and met with about the same experience. They were permitted
to address the resolution committee and bowed out as quickly as
possible. There was no especial rudeness or discourtesy, but they had no
constituency behind them, no political power, and in the hurry and worry
of a State convention the men did not care to waste time with them, even
had they been the most eminent women on the face of the earth.
Miss Anthony had a number of urgent invitations to spend the hot months
of July, August and September at various charming summer homes in the
mountains and at the seaside, but she declined all and resolutely
continued at work. The hardest for her to resist had been a triumphant
call from the women of Colorado to come and help them celebrate the
Fourth of July. It was to be the jubilee of their political
emancipation, the first since their enfranchisement. The State
president, Mrs. Mary C. C. Bradford, wrote: "The women of Colorado feel
that their precious holiday will be less precious if the beloved
suffrage leader and the suffrage flag are not present." At first she
sent an acceptance, but later, affairs in New York became so pressing
that she was obliged, most reluctantly, to recall it. After filling an
engagement to lecture before the alumnae of the Girls' Normal School in
Philadelphia, October 13, she started on the 16th for the final struggle
in Kansas.
FOOTNOTES:
[89] In November of this year Miss Anthony called at the office of the
New York Sun and had an interview with Mr. Dana, who always had
maintained that when any considerable number of women expressed a desire
for the ballot, the men would grant it. She asked him how many names
would suffice and he replied: "If you can get a petition of 100,000
women it will be amply sufficient to compel the convention to submit the
amendment." Although more than twice this number signed the petition,
Mr. Dana's very first editorial after the convention had refused to
submit the amendment, declared the reason was that not enough women had
asked for it!
[90] A salary was voted to Mary Anthony which she declined to accept;
Mrs. Almy received $50 a month; the clerks either donated their services
or gave them for a mere trifle.
[91] The president's report pays this tribute:
"The corresponding secretary, Miss Mary S. Anthony, ostensibly had
charge of the department of distribution and State correspondence, but
all this was only a small fraction of the labor performed by her. Being
president of the local club of Rochester, she had charge of the canvass
of that city; and it is enough to say that no city or town equalled hers
in the work done or results obtained. As our chieftain was leading our
hosts through the State, the housekeeping, too, fell to the said
secretary's charge and, it being convenient for the speakers and
managers to stay at headquarters when in town, her family was seldom a
small one; and all this gratuitously, be it understood. I can not hope
to tell the story in full, but I trust I have said enough to cause you
all, when you say, "God bless Susan B. Anthony," to add "and her sister
Mary, also."
[92] During this time Miss Anthony gave ten days to the national
convention in Washington; and the day after the last of the mass
meetings she started for Kansas; stopped in Cincinnati for the Ohio
convention, speaking each of the three days; opened the Kansas campaign
May 4, spoke in that State every day for two weeks; and on May 21
presented herself, fresh and cheerful, at the Constitutional Convention
in Albany, N. Y.
[93] As has been noted, Miss Anthony spoke at Ann Arbor, Mich., January
13, 14, 15, 16 and 17; at Toledo the 19th, and was ready to open the New
York campaign the 22d.
[94] In December Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton had issued an address
calling upon the women of New York to unite in this grand effort for
political freedom. During the entire campaign Mrs. Stanton contributed
to the New York Sun masterly arguments for woman suffrage, which were
widely copied by the press of the State.
[95] Mrs. Jane Marsh Parker, a newspaper woman of Rochester, attempted
to organize a club there and secure a petition in opposition to the
amendment. Her efforts evidently did not meet with marked success for,
in a letter to the New York Evening Post, she says, "In offering the
'protest' for signatures, quality rather than quantity has been
considered." That prince of editors, Joseph O'Connor, at that time in
charge of the Rochester Post-Express, gave the lady a delicious dressing
down in an editorial beginning: "What is 'quality'?" and ending:
"Probably she means no more by the offensive words 'quality' and
'quantity' than this--that she has secured to the protest only the
signatures of a few representative women, no better and no worse than
many of their opponents. Such an interpretation saves the statement from
being insulting; but unhappily very many women in Rochester give it a
different interpretation."
[96] Mr. Choate might claim that he did not know the position of these
men on this question, but it was so well understood that Miss Anthony
and her associates felt all hope depart when they read the names of the
committee. John Bigelow and Gideon J. Tucker had favored a woman
suffrage amendment when they were members of the Constitutional
Convention in 1867, but, being now over eighty, were not able to make an
aggressive fight for it.
[97] The addresses made on this occasion were issued in pamphlet form
and presented to the suffrage association by Messrs. Lauterbach and
Towns, of the committee.
[98] Although their petitions contained 600,000 names and those of the
"Antis" 15,000.
[99] Mrs. Choate was one of the women who signed the first call for the
suffrage advocates to meet at Sherry's; just as, in 1867, Mrs. Greeley
canvassed her whole county to secure signatures to the woman's petition.
Horace Greeley, as chairman of the suffrage committee of that
Constitutional Convention, threw the whole weight of his influence
against the amendment, lest it might hurt the Republican party; just as
Mr. Choate did in this one, lest it might hurt the party and himself.
Significant answers to the threadbare assertion that the husband
represents the wife!
[100] From official report: Emily Howland generously contributed $1,200.
That staunch friend, Sarah L. Willis, of Rochester, gave $720. Abby L.
Pettengill, of Chautauqua county, gave $220. General Christiansen, of
Brooklyn, began the contributions of $100, of which there were, if I
mistake not, seven others from our own State--Semantha V. Lapham,
Ebenezer Butterick, of New York, Mrs. H. S. Holden, of Syracuse, Marian
Skidmore, of Chautauqua county, Hannah L. Howland, of Sherwood, Mr. and
Mrs. James Sargent and Colonel H. S. Greenleaf, of Rochester, completing
the number.
CHAPTER XLIII.
THE SECOND KANSAS CAMPAIGN.
1894.
The Kansas legislature of 1893 had submitted an amendment conferring
full suffrage on women, to be voted on in November, 1894. Mrs. Laura M.
Johns, president of the State Suffrage Association, had written Miss
Anthony in April, 1893: "Republicans and Populists are pledged to the
support of the amendment. I consider both parties equally committed by
their platforms this year, and by their votes in the legislature. We
ought to have somebody present in each county convention of both, next
year, to secure a suffrage resolution which would insure such a plank in
each State platform. You see if one party leaves it out the other will
take it up and use it against the first."
During all the voluminous correspondence of 1893, in which Mrs. Johns
assured Miss Anthony again and again that her assistance in the campaign
was absolutely necessary to success, the latter did not once fail to
impress upon her that the endorsement of the political parties was the
one essential without which they could hope for nothing. She mapped out
and sent to Mrs. Johns a complete plan of work, covering many pages of
foolscap, arranging for a thorough organization of every precinct in the
State, for the specific purpose of bringing to bear a pressure upon the
political conventions the next summer which would compel them to put a
plank in their platforms endorsing the amendment. She made it perfectly
clear that, if the conventions did not do this, she would not go into
the State.
When the Kansas women came to the Washington convention in February,
1894, Miss Anthony for the first time had her suspicions aroused that
the politicians of that State were getting in some shrewd work to
prevent them from pressing the question of planks in the platforms. Mrs.
Johns had made the serious mistake of accepting also the presidency of
the State Republican Woman's Association, and had been actively
organizing clubs and conferring with Republican leaders. She insisted
that she was making woman suffrage the primary feature of her work, but
Miss Anthony held that her strong Republican affiliations could not
avoid weakening her influence with the Populists. She did, it is true,
send out circulars urging the local organizations to work for planks in
both State conventions; and she did advise the women to keep clear of
partisan action, but this advice could hardly be effective coming from
the State president of the Republican Woman's Association. Miss Anthony
wrote her: "My dear Laura, you must choose whom you will serve--the
Republican party or the cause of woman's enfranchisement;" and she
replied: "Please don't insult my loyalty with any such suggestion as
this; I have never served anything but the suffrage cause since I began
the suffrage work;" and continued to look after the welfare of her
Republican clubs and arrange Republican meetings.
There is no question that a tremendous pressure was brought to bear upon
the suffrage leaders by the Republican politicians. If space would
permit the publication of their many letters now on file they would make
interesting reading. That of Charles F. Scott, of the Iola Register,
urging Mrs. Johns to call off her women and telling her the exact
language in which to do it, is a masterpiece of political shrewdness. It
concludes: "Try to get E. W. Hoch nominated for governor and we won't
need any platform." As a specimen of pure humor might be quoted one from
Case Broderick, M. C., in which he says:
I have thought a good deal about this question and have concluded
we can recognize the movement by a resolution similar to this:
"While the question of the amendment of the constitution, now
pending, granting the right of suffrage to women, is wholly
non-partisan and should not be made a test of Republicanism, yet
we can not view with apprehension the effort to fully confer upon
the women of Kansas the elective franchise."
He then closes: "Some will contend that we ought to say one thing or the
other ... but such a resolution as this would not drive any from our
party." One must admit that it would not scare them to death. Mr.
Broderick, however, was an honest believer in woman suffrage and later
did attempt to secure some recognition for it in the platform. The
Republicans sent an agent of adroit address among the suffrage clubs to
explain to them how "an endorsement by the political parties would be
really a hindrance to their success," and it was charged that this was
done with the consent of some of the leading women.
Miss Anthony wrote to Mrs. Johns at this time: "You know as well as I do
that not one of those Republicans thinks party endorsement will damage
the suffrage amendment, as they are trying to make the women believe,
but every one of them does fear that it will hurt his chances for some
position and lose the party the votes of the Germans and the whiskey
dealers. The shame for them now is vastly greater than it was
twenty-seven years ago, for then they feared to lose the enfranchisement
of the <DW64>. Their proposal to leave out the plank now, after they have
carried the question thus far, is too wicked to be tolerated by any sane
woman![101] I marvel that you do not see and feel the insult and
humiliation."
On March 6, 1894, Mrs. Johns wrote: "I find a stampede here on the plank
question. _Women_ of _both_ parties are going against it. Judge Johnston
of the supreme bench is opposed to it; so is Judge Horton. Do write them
for their views; you know they are good friends of ours. I am worried.
The Republicans will hold the first convention, and the general talk of
candidates, managers and leaders is against a plank. I was yesterday
about to go into print in regard to it, but am afraid if I make
strenuous efforts and am beaten that it will hurt us more than if I keep
quiet. Prominent men are writing and besieging me to relieve the party
of the embarrassment of this demand. I am not clear in my own mind what
to do."
As the weeks went on it became more and more apparent that the women
were yielding to the pressure. The officers of the National-American
Association, which had pledged nearly $2,300 to help Kansas, insisted
that the women should continue to demand the endorsement of the
political parties and let the onus of failure rest upon the men and not
upon themselves. It might not be worth while to quote from the official
letters sent, the campaign having passed into history, but for the fact
that they may serve as a guide to other States in the future.
Carrie Chapman Catt, the national organizer, wrote: "It is very plain
that the chief fight is now. We must compel endorsement, and I believe
we can do it. How any man in his sane senses could think non-endorsement
would give votes and sympathy, I can not conceive; or how the women can
have a hope of winning without it, after all the experience of our
campaigns." Henry B. Blackwell, editor of the Woman's Journal and an
experienced politician, wrote Miss Anthony:
At the request of Mrs. Johns I enclose a letter from Mr. Wagener,
of Topeka. He gives the worst possible advice, and Mrs. Johns'
letter seems to show that she is surrounded by bad advisers and in
doubt as to her course. If there is anything which twenty-seven
years' work has taught us, it is that a woman suffrage amendment
can not be carried without at least one political party squarely
behind it. In Colorado, for the first time, we have had a majority;
and Mrs. Catt, and Mrs. Reynolds and Mrs. Stansbury of Denver, all
say that the amendment could not have been carried if the
Republican, Populist and many of the Democratic district
conventions had not first endorsed it in their platforms. It thus
became a live issue and the masses of voters became interested and
enlightened.
On the other hand, our South Dakota experience is conclusive....
All three parties ignored it, and the press of the State joined in
a conspiracy of silence. The campaign speakers were instructed not
to name it. We had to rely for the discussions upon the efforts of
suffragists as outsiders. Consequently ... we were beaten two to
one. The same will surely be true in Kansas in 1894.... If we do
not capture the Republican and Populist State conventions we shall
be beaten in advance. All hinges on that!
I have just talked with Mrs. Lease, who fully agrees with me. The
Republican convention will be the first to meet. If Mrs. Johns will
go before the resolution committee and urge her plank, securing at
least its presentation as a minority report offered in open
session, it will stampede the convention and be carried. Then the
Populists will put one in so as not to be behind the Republicans,
and _then_ we shall probably win. Do write Mrs. Johns to stand by
her guns. No one but her can do this work, because she is
personally dear to the Republicans. The fate of the amendment will
be then and there decided.
[Illustration: Carrie Chapman Catt (Signed: "Yours Faithfully Carrie
Chapman Catt")]
Rev. Anna Shaw, vice-president-at-large, wrote Mrs. Johns in this
vigorous language:
I must confess that while I can readily understand the abject
cowardice and selfishness which prompt men and political tricksters
to urge the abandonment of the plank, I can not understand how you
or any other woman with a grain of sense can listen to such
proposals for a moment. That endorsement is our only hope. If that
fail us, our cause is lost in advance; for it will show the body of
the party what the leaders think and feel on the subject, and be a
tacit command to kill it. The hypocrisy of the whole business
should not receive from women even a show of belief. What wonder
men despise us as a shallow lot of simpletons, if we are deceived
by so thin a pretense as this? I for one protest against it so
strongly that if your committee agree to it and do not push party
endorsement, I must decline to fool away my time in Kansas. If you
give up that point I must refuse to go a single step or raise a
dollar. I am sick of the weakness of women, forever dictated to by
men. Experience has taught us what a campaign unendorsed means.
Think of submitting our measure to the advice of politicians! I
would as soon submit the subject of the equality of a goose to a
fox. No; we must have party endorsement or we are dead.
If I am not to go to Kansas, I want to know it immediately. It is
too late even now, for I refused twenty consecutive engagements for
May in one State, thinking it was all given up to Kansas. The man
or woman who urges surrender now is more a political partisan than
a lover of freedom. I care nothing for all the political parties in
the world except as they stand for justice. I can not tell you how
even the suggestion of this surrender affects me. For the love of
woman, do not be fooled by those men any longer.
Finally, as the case grew more hopeless, Miss Anthony, as president of
the National-American Association, on March 11, sent the following:
_To the Kansas Woman Suffrage Amendment Campaign Committee--Laura
M. Johns, Bina M. Otis, Sarah A. Thurston, Annie L. Diggs and
Others:_
MY DEAR FRIENDS: I have the letter of your chairman, Mrs. Johns,
together with one she forwards from a lawyer of Topeka, with the
added assertion that Judges Horton, Johnston et al., and leading
editors and politicians, are begging your committee to cease to
demand of the two great political parties, the Republican and
People's, that they put a suffrage plank in their platforms; but
instead, simply allow the amendment to go before the electors on
its merits--that is to say, repeat the experiment as it has been
made and has failed eight times over....
The one and only sure hope of carrying the amendment in Kansas is
to have on its side all the aid of the political machinery of its
two great parties. My one object in consenting to go into your
campaign for May and June, was to create so strong a public demand
as to make sure that every delegate elected to the State nominating
conventions of the Republican and People's parties shall be
instructed by his constituents, in county convention assembled, to
vote for a woman suffrage plank in the platform. The moment your
committee abandons this aim, I shall lose all interest in your
work. You say: "Prominent Republicans are besieging us to relieve
their party of the embarrassment of this demand." So did they
besiege us twenty-seven years ago. No; not for a moment should you
think of relieving the politicians from the duty of declaring for
this amendment. If you do, you are unworthy the trust reposed in
you. I surely never would have promised to go into your campaign,
or begged the friends to contribute, had I dreamed of the
possibility of your surrendering to the cowardice of political
trimmers.
If the convention which meets first do not endorse the amendment,
then the other will not; in which event, its discussion will not be
germane in either party's fall campaign. On the other hand, if the
first put a plank in its platform, the other will be sure to do so;
and then the question will be a legitimate one to be advocated in
the meetings of both parties and this will ensure the presentation
of our cause to all the voters of the State.
By this means the two parties will run your amendment campaign, and
you will not be compelled to make a separate suffrage campaign.
That you can not do in any event, because (1st) you can not get
either the speakers or the money necessary; and (2d) if you could
get both, you would have only women in your meetings, and defeat
would be just as certain as in the eight States which have had such
separate woman's campaigns. Therefore, if you decide to abandon the
demand for political endorsement and active help, as the first and
chief object of this spring's work, you may count me out of it; for
I will not be a party, even though a protesting one, to such a
surrender of our only hope of success.
I came home for a rest over Sunday, after speaking five successive
nights in five different counties, in our New York campaign, and
these letters with the weak--the wicked--thought of not demanding
of the political leaders to make their parties help carry the
amendment, raged through my brain all night long. How to put the
shame of surrender strongly enough was my constant study, sleeping
and waking alike. No, a thousand times no, I say; and if you do
yield to this demand at the behest of men claiming to be your
friends, you make yourselves a party with those men to ensure your
defeat. The speakers will advocate no measure, and the vast
majority of men will vote for none, which is not approvingly
mentioned in the platform. If you give up trying for political
endorsement, or fail after trying, all hope of carrying the
amendment will be gone. So, over and over I say, demand party help!
Lovingly but protestingly,
SUSAN B. ANTHONY.
Mrs. Johns, of course, indignantly rejected the imputation that she was
not working night and day to secure a plank from the Republican
convention. She was a most efficient manager, but the cause of her
weakness and that of the other women, was that they were trying to serve
two masters. The very fact that the Republican men were begging them not
to ask for a plank, shows the power which the women already possessed in
their municipal suffrage, and they should have had the courage to stand
firm in their demands for recognition in the platform, for the dignity
of their cause and their womanhood, whether there were hope of getting
it or not. There is no doubt that Mrs. Johns did make an earnest effort
to this end, but there is also no doubt that every Republican leader
understood that even if the party did not endorse the suffrage
amendment, she and her associates still would be no less Republicans and
would work no less vigorously for the party's success. Miss Anthony's
Kansas correspondence during 1894 comprises 300 letters and all confirm
the statements thus briefly outlined.
The Republican politicians made the women believe if they would not
insist on the party's placing itself on record and thus losing the
support of the elements opposed to woman suffrage, all of them would
vote for the amendment. Should the women of Kansas ever become
politically free, the publication of these letters would be fatal to
some aspiring male candidates, but so long as the men still have it in
their power to grant to women or to withhold the full franchise, it is
the part of wisdom to leave them on their files. There were many Kansas
women, however, who refused to be deceived and sustained Miss Anthony's
position. In April she wrote to one of the Republican leaders:
If the Republicans had two grains of political sense, they would
see that for them to espouse the amendment and gain the glory, as
they surely would, of lifting the women of the State into full
suffrage, would give them new life, prestige and power greater and
grander than they ever possessed; and they would not be halting
and belittling themselves with such idiotic stuff and nonsense as
their advice to let the amendment go to the electors of the State
"on its own merits." But however politicians may waver, our
suffrage women must not have a doubt, but must persist in the
demand for full recognition in both platforms. We must exact
justice and if they do not give it, the curse be on their heads,
not ours.
The same month she wrote Mrs. Johns:
I can not tell you how more and more it is borne in upon me that
our one chance lies in securing the Republican pledge to carry us
to victory, for that will mean a Populist pledge, and both planks
will mean a clean-cut battle between the different elements of the
grand old party combined as one on this question--and the Democracy
of the State. Even with so solid an alliance of the two branches,
we shall have a hard enough fight of it. Every woman who listens to
the siren tongues of political wire-pullers and office-seekers not
to demand a plank, will thereby help to sell Kansas back into the
hands of the whiskey power. Behind every anti-plank man's word,
written or spoken, is his willingness to let Kansas return to
saloon rule. Sugar coat it as they may, that is the unsavory pill
in the motive of every one of them.
Sincerely and hopefully yours, trusting in good and keeping our
powder dry.
Enough has been quoted to show the situation. Miss Anthony, Mrs. Catt
and Miss Shaw went to Kansas to open the spring canvass, May 4, to
influence the State conventions. Miss Anthony had been advertised for
forty-three speeches. The women of New York, where a great campaign was
in progress, were highly indignant that she should leave her own State,
but she had put her heart into this Kansas campaign as never into any
other, and she fully believed that, if properly managed, the result
could not fail to be victory for the amendment. The three ladies held
the first meeting in Kansas City, May 4. Miss Anthony made a speech
which fairly raised the hair of her audience, demanding in unqualified
terms the endorsement of the amendment by the Republican and People's
parties. She closed by offering the following resolution, which was
unanimously adopted:
WHEREAS, From the standpoint of justice, political expediency and
grateful appreciation of their wise and practical use of school
suffrage from the organization of the State, and of municipal
suffrage for the past eight years, we, of the Republican and
People's parties, descendants of that grand old party of splendid
majorities which extended these rights to the women of Kansas, in
mass meeting assembled do hereby
_Resolve_, That we urgently request our delegates in their
approaching State conventions to endorse the woman suffrage
amendment in their respective platforms.
That night she wrote in her journal: "Never did I speak under such a
fearful pressure of opposition. Mrs. Johns, presiding, never smiled, and
other women on the platform whispered angrily and said audibly, 'She is
losing us thousands of votes by this speech.'" Miss Anthony repeated it
in the county mass conventions at Leavenworth and Topeka, to the dismay
of the Republican women and the wrath of the men.[102] While at the
latter place she received an urgent summons to return immediately to New
York, as fresh dangers threatened; and so she hastened eastward, leaving
the others to fill her engagements. On her way, she stopped by
invitation at Kansas City, Mo., and with Miss Shaw held a Sunday
afternoon meeting at which $133 were raised for the Kansas campaign.
In three weeks Miss Anthony returned to Kansas, arriving June 5. She
found the Republican Woman's State Convention in session, Mrs. Johns
presiding. The committee reported a weak resolution declaring that they
would not make the adoption of a suffrage plank by the Republican State
Convention "a test of party fealty," etc. Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw
condemned this in the strongest English they could command. Mrs. Johns
also severely criticised the committee, but Mrs. J. Ellen Foster, who
had come for both conventions, said: "I care more for the dominant
principles of the Republican party than I do for woman suffrage." The
committee finally were compelled to report a stronger resolution asking
for recognition.
The Republican convention met June 6. C. V. Eskridge, of Emporia, the
oldest and bitterest opponent of woman suffrage in the State of Kansas,
was made chairman of the committee on resolutions. The proposal to hear
the women speak, during an interim in the proceedings, was met by a
storm of noes. Finally Mrs. Foster and Mrs. Johns were permitted to
present the claims of women, but neither Miss Anthony nor Miss Shaw was
given an opportunity to address the convention. They did, however, plead
the women's cause most eloquently before the resolution committee of
thirty-five members, but the platform was entirely silent on the
subject, not even containing the usual complimentary allusions,
recognition of their services, etc.[103] Not the slightest attempt was
made to deny the fact that agents of the party had been at work for
weeks among the various county conventions to see that delegates were
appointed who were opposed to a suffrage plank, and that the resolution
committee had been carefully "packed" to prevent any danger of one. In
conversations which Miss Anthony held with several of the leading
candidates who in times past had advocated woman suffrage, they did not
hesitate to admit that the party had formed an alliance with the whiskey
ring to defeat the Populists. "We must redeem the State," was their only
cry. "Redeem it from what?" she asked. "From financial heresies," was
the answer. "Yes," she retorted, "even if you sink it to the depths of
hell on moral issues."
[Illustration: Autograph: "Your Brother, D R Anthony"]
It is not probable that any earthly power could have secured Republican
endorsement at this time, although heretofore the party always had posed
as the champion of this cause. There never was a more pitiable
exhibition of abject subserviency to party domination. Men who had stood
boldly for woman suffrage in the legislature, men who had spoken for it
on the platform in every county in the State, sat dumb as slaves in this
convention, sacrificing without scruple a lifelong principle for the
sake of a paltry political reward. While many of the papers had spoken
earnestly in favor of the amendment, the Leavenworth Times, owned and
edited by D. R. Anthony, was the only one of size and influence which
demanded party endorsement.[104] The Republican managers had but one
idea--to overthrow Populist rule and get back the reins of
government--and they were ready to take on or pitch overboard whatever
would contribute to this end.
A suffrage mass meeting was held in Topeka the Saturday following the
convention and, in spite of a heavy thunderstorm, there was an audience
of over one thousand. Annie L. Diggs presided and Miss Anthony and Miss
Shaw spoke, the former on "Reasons why the dominant parties do not put a
plank in their platforms;" the latter on, "Woman first, Republican or
Populist afterwards."
The great question now was whether it were wise to ask for a suffrage
plank in the Populist platform, and here again was great diversity of
opinion. Some thought that endorsement by this party would make it
appear like a Populist measure, and the Republicans would vote against
it rather than allow them to have the credit of carrying it. Others held
that the Populists carried the State at the last election and were
likely to do so again, and with their party vote, the Prohibition and
such Republican votes as certainly could be counted on, the amendment
would go through without fail. Miss Anthony belonged to the latter class
and directed every energy towards securing an endorsement in their State
convention, June 12. Although woman suffrage had been one of the tenets
of this party from its beginning, there was by no means a unanimous
sentiment in favor of a plank of endorsement. This was especially true
in regard to the leaders. Governor Lewelling, who was a candidate for
re-election, was openly opposed, and P. P. Elder, chairman of the
resolution committee, made a determined fight against it.
While the resolution committee was out Miss Anthony addressed the
convention, saying in the course of her remarks: "I belong to but one
party under the shadow of the flag, and that is the party of idiots and
criminals. I don't like my company. Are you going to leave your mothers,
wives and sisters in that category? I ask you to say that every woman by
your side shall have the same rights as you have." When she concluded
one of the delegates said: "Miss Anthony, with all due respect, I wish
to ask, in the event of the Populists putting a woman suffrage plank in
their platform, will you work for the success of this party?" The
newspapers thus report her reply and what followed:
"For forty years I have labored for woman's enfranchisement, and I
have always said that for the party which endorsed it, whether
Republican, Democratic or Populist, I would wave my handkerchief. I
will go before the people at your meetings, and though I know very
little about the other principles of your party and never discuss
finance and tariff, I will try to persuade every man in those
meetings to vote for woman suffrage."
"Miss Anthony," said Mr. Carpenter, "we want more than the waving
of your handkerchief, and if the People's party put a woman
suffrage plank in its platform, will you go before the voters of
this State and tell them that because the People's party has
espoused the cause of woman suffrage it deserves the vote of every
one who is a supporter of that cause?"
Miss Anthony answered: "I most certainly will!"
Immediately upon hearing this, the convention went wild--yelled and
cheered and applauded to its very utmost--hundreds rose to their
feet--the cheering lasted five minutes without intermission.
In the confusion Miss Anthony thus finished her interrupted sentence:
"For I would surely choose to ask votes for the party which stood
for the principle of justice to women, though wrong on financial
theories, rather than for the party which was sound on the
questions of money and tariff, and silent on the pending amendment
to secure political equality to half the people."
None of the reporters caught this and, as a result, the simple
statement, "I certainly will," appeared in all the Kansas papers and
went the rounds of the press of the entire country.
The suffrage question had its opponents and advocates among leaders and
delegates. It occupied the resolution committee until late at night, and
finally went down to defeat, 8 to 13. When the resolutions were reported
they considered finance, labor, taxes, banks, bonds, arbitration,
pensions, irrigation, freight rates, transportation, initiative and
referendum--everything under the sun but the suffrage amendment. In
regard to that much agitated point they were painfully silent. On this
committee was one woman delegate, Mrs. Eliza Hudson, who could not be
coaxed or bullied. She gave notice at once that she would make a
minority report and carry it to the floor of the convention. The
following was signed by herself and seven other members of the
committee: "_Whereas_, The People's party came into existence and won
its glorious victories on the fundamental principles of equal rights to
all and special privileges to none; therefore be it resolved that we
favor the pending constitutional amendment."
Meanwhile Miss Anthony, Mrs. Catt and Miss Shaw addressed the convention
and were enthusiastically received. When the minority report was
presented and every possible parliamentary tactic had failed to prevent
its consideration, it was vehemently discussed for four hours, in
five-minute speeches, Judge Frank Doster leading the affirmative. The
debate was closed by Mrs. Diggs, and the resolution was adopted, ayes
337, noes 269; carried by 68 majority in a delegate body of 606. During
the fray a tail in some way tacked itself on to the resolution, which
said, "_but we do not regard this as a test of party fealty_." So the
party adopted a plank declaring that it did not regard a belief in one
of its own fundamental principles as a test of fealty; but in the wild
excitement which ensued, a little thing like this was not noticed. The
State Journal thus describes the scene:
When it became evident the resolution had carried, and before the
vote could be announced, the convention jumped up and yelled. Canes
were waved, hats thrown high in the air, men stood on chairs and
shouted frantically. The whole convention was one deep,
all-prevailing impersonated voice. How they howled and stamped, as
though every one loved suffrage and suffragists with all their
hearts!
"I want Miss Shaw to come forward and give that Populist whoop that
she promised she would last night," said a delegate. Miss Shaw came
to the front of the platform and said: "I do not know any better
whoop than that good old tune, 'Praise God From Whom All Blessings
Flow.'" "Sing," said Chairman Dunsmore. The vast audience shook
every particle of air in the big hall with the full round notes of
the long meter doxology. "Let all the people cry amen," said Alonzo
Wardall, who was on the platform. Hundreds of voices which had not
pronounced the word for years joined in the great, resounding,
unanimous "amen" that filled the hall.
Susan B. Anthony, Annie L. Diggs and Anna Shaw leaned over the
front of the stage and shook every man's hand as he passed along,
and hundreds of brown, calloused hands were thrust up to give a
grasp of congratulation. Miss Anthony warmed to her work and had to
push up her sleeves, but she didn't mind that for suffrage, for
which she had just won a glorious victory. Many said, as they
grasped her hand: "You're going to be a Populist now, ain't you?"
During the confusion an old soldier came up and pinned a Populist badge
on her dress, and this was magnified by the newspapers into the
thrilling description: "Miss Anthony seized a Populist badge and,
pinning it on her breast, declared: 'Henceforth and forever I belong to
the People's party!'"
The State Prohibition convention was in progress at Emporia at the same
time, and the women had been notified that a suffrage plank would be
adopted without any effort on their part. On June 13 the following
telegram was sent by the secretary of the convention to Miss Anthony and
Miss Shaw: "Recognizing the right of suffrage as inherent in
citizenship, the Prohibition party stands unequivocally pledged to use
its utmost efforts to secure the adoption of the pending constitutional
amendment for the enfranchisement of women." This was their response
from the Populist convention hall: "The National-American Woman Suffrage
Association sends greeting, and is gratified that there is one political
party which does not need to be urged to declare for justice to women."
The Capitol said: "There was a wild demonstration as their names were
read."
It is hardly possible to give an adequate idea of the storm which
followed the announcement of Miss Anthony's declaration in regard to
the People's party. There was scarcely a newspaper in the country which
did not have its fling. Kate Field's Washington led off with a full
first page entitled, "The Unholy Alliance." Editors opposed to woman
suffrage made it a text for double leaders. Republican papers berated
her without mercy. Letters poured in upon her from personal friends,
judges, mayors, ministers, members of Congress, accepting the published
reports and condemning her in unmeasured terms. Others wrote begging her
to set herself right in the eyes of the public, as they knew she had
been misrepresented. It seemed impossible, however, for her to make
herself clearly understood. She writes in her journal: "One would think
I had committed the unpardonable sin against the Holy Ghost in thanking
the Populists for their good promise and saying I preferred them with
justice to women, no matter what their financial folly, to the
Republicans without justice to women, no matter what their financial
wisdom."
She returned home June 20 and all the Rochester reporters were on hand
for an interview. The following from the Democrat and Chronicle is
practically what appeared in all:
Miss Anthony was perfectly willing to talk, and this is a resume of
what the reporter learned: 1. Miss Anthony is not a Populist. 2.
Miss Anthony is not a Democrat. 3. Miss Anthony is not a
Republican. 4. Miss Anthony can not say what party she will join
when the right to vote is given her.
"I didn't go over to the Populists by doing what I did in Kansas,"
she said. "I have been like a drowning man for a long time, waiting
for some one to throw a plank to me. The Republicans refused, but
the Populists threw an excellent plank in my direction. I didn't
step on the whole platform, but just on the woman suffrage plank. I
went forward at the close of the convention and told the men how
glad I was to see one of the dominant parties take up woman
suffrage. I said that we had been besieging the big political
parties for twenty-five years. Here is a party in power which is
likely to remain in power, and if it will give its endorsement to
our movement, we want it.
"I do not claim to know anything of the merits of the issues which
brought the Populist party into existence. All I know is that it is
chiefly made up from the rank and file of the old Republican party
of that State, and that the men who compose it think they have
better methods for the correction of existing evils. They are
protesting against the present order of things, and certainly no
one will deny there is ground for it. I do not endorse their
platform, but I would be one of the last to condemn an honest
protest."
"But," said the reporter, "it always has been understood that you
are a strong Republican."
"Why has it been so understood? Simply because a majority of the
national legislators who have favored us have been Republicans.
Suppose the Republican party of New York, at its coming convention,
refuses to endorse woman suffrage; suppose the Democratic does
endorse it. My action with the Democrats would be just what it was
with the Populists of Kansas. I am for woman suffrage and will work
with any party which will help us. Remember I say 'with,' not
'for.'"
Miss Shaw finished her two months' engagement in Kansas and did not
return to that State. Mrs. Catt wrote Miss Anthony a few weeks after the
conventions:
It is remarkable the difference of opinion that is floating about.
We hear of Populists who are so mad about the plank they declare
they will go back to the Democratic party. Others, even those who
are suffragists, are so mad at the women for putting the plank
forward they say they will vote against the amendment. Democrats
say there can be no fusion and that will mean death to the Populist
party. Some Republicans say they will not vote for the amendment
because it is now a Populist question. Again some Republicans and
some Democrats say they will vote the Populist ticket because of
the plank. From all these varied ideas it is impossible to find out
whether we are better or worse off.... At any rate, the question
now has a political standing, and it will depend upon party
developments where we find ourselves. My own hope is that it may
bring the Republicans to time, but if the Populists say too much,
it may drive them to secret opposition, and then we are done for.
Miss Anthony took a much more cheerful view and replied to the various
letters:
At last one of the dominant parties in a State, and that one the
party in power, has adopted a woman suffrage amendment, and upon
that one plank I have planted my feet. The Republicans by ignoring
us give party sanction to every anti-suffrage man among them; while
the Populists' endorsement makes every anti-suffrage man among them
feel that he will be the better Populist if he vote "yes."...
Meantime, every Farmers' Alliance picnic, every school-house
meeting, will be on fire with the enthusiasm born of their party's
heroic action; for such it was, in defiance of their leaders'
command to imitate the Republicans and ignore the amendment. The
900 Republicans in the State convention obeyed their masters; while
68 more than one-half of the 606 Populists rebelled against theirs.
Surely there is more to hope from the party, a majority of whose
men dare vote opinions against their bosses, than for the one in
which not a single man dares even raise a protest. What would our
friends have had us do? Bless the Republicans for slapping us in
the face, and blast the Populists for giving us a helping hand?
Among the comforting letters which came during these troublous times was
one from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, with whose father she had fought the battle
of Abolitionism, in which he said: "I saw Mrs. Isabel Barrows yesterday
and heard from her of your weary journey together from Chicago, your
discouragement regarding Kansas, and the personal pain occasioned you by
untrue newspaper reports and the harsh criticism of friends. I write to
express my word of sympathy and cheer. Send me a brief statement of the
Populist matter and let me break a lance in your behalf. A reformer's
life is full of misrepresentations. How little they signify in the long
run and, if they did not wound the spirit, would not be worth the
mention. To be misjudged by one's own friends hurts more than all the
bitterness of the rest of the world."
In a public address made this summer, Miss Anthony referred to the
matter in the following beautiful words:
Had the Republicans of Kansas adopted a woman suffrage plank, and
Miss Shaw and Miss Anthony declared that, because of such
endorsement, they would prefer the success of that party, nobody
would have thought it meant that they had endorsed the whole
Republican platform, and made themselves responsible for the right
conduct of every officer and nominee of that party.
I was born and reared a Quaker, and am one still; I was trained by
my father, a cotton manufacturer, in the Henry Clay school of
protection to American products; but today all sectarian creeds and
all political policies sink into utter insignificance compared with
the essence of religion and the fundamental principle of
government--equal rights. Wherever, religiously, socially,
educationally, politically, justice to woman is preached and
practiced, I find a bond of sympathy, and I hope and trust that
henceforth I shall be brave enough to express my thanks to every
individual and every organization, popular or unpopular, that gives
aid and comfort to our great work for the emancipation of woman,
and through her the redemption of the world.
To a letter from Henry B. Blackwell, urging her to be non-partisan if
she could not be Republican, she replied, July 9:
The difference between yourself and me, and Mrs. Johns and me, is
precisely this--that you two are and have been Republicans _per
se_, while I have been a Republican only in so far as the party and
its members were more friendly to the principle of woman suffrage.
I agree with you that it will be in line with Mrs. Johns' ideas for
her to work for the Republican party, false though its platform and
its managers are to the pending amendment; but I could not do so.
The rank and file of the Populist men of Kansas may not possess
equal book or brain power with the Republicans, but they are more
honest and earnest to establish justice, and 337 of their delegates
had manhood enough to break out of the whiskey-Democratic bargain
which their leaders, like the Republican fixers, had made. No, I
shall not praise the Republicans of Kansas, or wish or work for
their success, when I know by their own confessions to me that the
rights of the women of their State have been traded by them in cold
blood for the votes of the lager beer foreigners and whiskey
Democrats....
I have not allied and shall not ally myself to any party or any
measure save the one of justice and equality for woman; but the
time has come when I strike, and proclaim my contempt for the
tricksters who put their political heel on the rights of women at
the very moment when their help is most needed. I never, in my
whole forty years' work, so utterly repudiated any set of
politicians as I do those Republicans of Kansas. When it is a mere
matter of theory, a thousand miles from a practical question, they
can resolve pretty words, but when the crucial moment comes they
sacrifice us without conscience or honor. The hubbub with the
Republicans shows they have been struck in the right place. I never
was surer of my position that no self-respecting woman should wish
or work for the success of a party which ignores her political
rights.
These few extracts from scores of similar letters, speeches and
interviews, show the position consistently and unflinchingly maintained
by Miss Anthony, and justified by many years of experience in such
campaigns. During the summer of 1894, while she was being thus harassed,
she kept steadily on, speaking and working in the New York campaign and
preparing to return to Kansas in the fall. She wrote to the Republican
and the Populist central committees, offering to speak on the suffrage
question upon their platforms. The former, through its chairman, Cyrus
Leland, declined her offer.
To John W. Breidenthal, of the People's party, she wrote: "Do you not
think it will be a great deal better, both for the suffrage amendment
and the Populist party, if in all the announcements it shall be
distinctly stated that Miss Anthony speaks only on the subject of
woman's enfranchisement?" To this he replied, August 6: "I leave the
matter entirely with you whether you confine yourself only to the
suffrage amendment, or whether you add to that the discussion of the
other questions now attracting public attention." Meanwhile she had
been receiving cheerful messages from the Populist women of Kansas,
among them a long and cordial letter from Annie L. Diggs, written August
16:
Nearly everything along the line of my experience and observation
would make you glad. I have large audiences, say the best and
strongest things I know for suffrage and always find the heartiest
response. I see more and more the wisdom of your insistence on
platform mention. Oh, I am so thankful that I, too, saw straight
before it was too late to get the Populist endorsement. I have been
speaking almost constantly, sometimes twice a day, and at every
meeting other speakers and _candidates_ say the best kind of words
for the amendment. Governor Lewelling speaks in warm endorsement,
reports to the contrary notwithstanding. I can not say that he does
so always, but he did at the three meetings which we held together.
The Populists who wanted to shake my head off at the convention,
give me, if possible, warmer greetings than the others. They are
truly glad they took that righteous step....
We Populists wish so much for you and Miss Shaw to come to Kansas.
People constantly ask me if you will talk for the Populists when
you come. I answer that you will talk suffrage at Populist meetings
and will also say that, inasmuch as in Kansas the Populists endorse
suffrage, therefore the party ought to win. Is not that your
intention? How I wish I could describe to you some of the success I
have had in talking to German audiences. But I have not another
minute only to thank you for your kind words about me, and to say
again, as I have said so many years, "I love and revere you."
[Illustration: Autograph: "Faithfully yours, Annie L. Diggs."]
Mrs. Johns wrote, August 27: "I think the Republicans are conscious
dimly of the increasing strength of the Populists. It looks as if they
will win, and it is generally believed the amendment will go through."
As late as October 12, Mrs. Catt, who had been speaking at suffrage
meetings for the past six weeks and whose judgment was generally sound,
said in a letter from Hutchinson:
After all the vicissitudes, hard feelings and distresses of the
campaign, it begins to look as if we were going to come in "on the
home stretch." The last two weeks have wrought wonderful changes.
The tide has set in our favor. I think the chief cause is the
published fact that we are going to count the votes to see how many
out of each party are cast for the amendment, and Republicans
understand they will be in a bad way if they don't make a good
showing. Since this came out, Morrill has spoken for the amendment.
Judge Peters, at the big McKinley meeting here, advocated it and
they tell me it created more enthusiasm than anything else during
the meeting. Cyrus Leland admits that it will carry. The
Republicans are coming over splendidly and, if the Populists stand
firm, we will surely come in with a fine majority. It seems as if
nothing can defeat us now.
Two weeks before the election, October 21, Mr. Breidenthal wrote her: "I
am confident the amendment will have 30,000 majority." Miss Anthony
reached the State October 20 and began her two weeks' tour the 22d,
speaking at Populist meetings in the largest cities up to election day,
November 6.[105] From the hour of her arrival she realized there was not
a shadow of hope for the amendment, and it was marvellous to her how the
others could have been so deceived.
At the previous election when the Populists came into power it had been
through a fusion with the Democrats. This year the Democrats had their
own ticket, and not only had ignored the pleading of the Democratic
women for a suffrage plank, but had adopted a resolution denouncing
it.[106] The great railroad strike and its attendant evils, during that
summer, were attributed by many to Populistic sentiment and created a
strong prejudice against the party. The argument was made that if the
amendment carried, the women would feel so grateful to the Populists
that it would result in securing to them the woman's vote, thus keeping
them in power. This induced many to vote against it who disliked
Populism, and it decided a number of even those Republicans who believed
in woman suffrage to reject the amendment this year rather than allow
the Populists to have the credit of carrying it. To destroy the last
hope, word came from Colorado that the People's party was about to be
defeated there. It was the first time for the women of that State to
vote and, while there was no evidence to prove that they were
responsible, the bare possibility was enough to stampede the Kansas
Populists and prevent their giving the ballot to the women of that
State.
The amendment was lost by 34,827 votes; 95,302 for; 130,139 against. The
total vote cast for governor was 299,231; total vote on suffrage
amendment, 225,441; not voting on amendment, 73,790. There was an
attempt to keep count of the ballots according to parties, but it was
not successful and there was no way of correctly estimating the
political complexion of the vote. The vote for Governor Morrill lacked
only 1,800 of that for the other three candidates combined, which shows
how easily the Republican party might have carried the amendment.
Subtracting the 5,000 Prohibition votes which it was conceded were cast
for the amendment, it lacked 28,000 of receiving as many votes as were
cast for the Populist candidate for governor. Since some Republicans
must have voted for it, the figures prove that a vast number of
Populists did not do so. In Miss Anthony's journal on the night of the
election she wrote: "Our friends remembered to forget to vote for the
suffrage amendment, while not an enemy forgot to remember to stamp his
ticket against it."
Though she had expected defeat, her regret was none the less keen. In
all the past years she had given more time and work to Kansas than to
any other State, even her own. Her hopes had been centered there. It
having been the first State to grant school suffrage and the first to
grant municipal suffrage to women, she had confidently expected that
when the amendment for full suffrage was again submitted it would be
carried. The events of the campaign confirmed her belief that the
granting of municipal suffrage is a hindrance rather than a help toward
securing full enfranchisement. By its exercise women naturally become
partisan, show the influence they can wield through the ballot, and
thereby create enmities and arouse antagonisms which bitterly oppose any
further extension of this power. She resolved henceforth to advise women
not to attempt to secure fragmentary suffrage, but to demand the whole
right and work for nothing less.
FOOTNOTES:
[101] It was the Republicans who framed the original constitution of the
State so as to give women liberal property rights, equal guardianship of
their children, and school suffrage. In 1867 they gave to women an equal
voice on the question of local option. In 1887 they granted to them
municipal suffrage. In various State conventions they adopted an
unequivocal endorsement of full suffrage for women.
[102] See Appendix for full speech.
[103] The women of the Topeka Equal Suffrage Club, at their next
meeting, adopted a resolution thanking the Republican convention _for
not declaring against the amendment_!
[104] It will be cowardice for the Republicans to fail to endorse woman
suffrage in their State platform. In past years, when no amendment was
pending, the Republican party of Kansas has encouraged the presentation
of such an amendment. Will it now attempt to sneak out of the
responsibility and go back on its past record? The women of our State
have shown themselves intelligent voters, in every way worthy of being
entrusted with full suffrage. None of the evils have come upon us which
were predicted by the opponents of the reform, and they never will come.
To place a plank in the platform will save many votes to the party. It
is the right, the brave thing to do. What is brave and right has, in the
past, been the thing that the Republican party has done. Let it not now
begin to do the cowardly thing.--Leavenworth Times, May 17, 1894.
[105] Miss Anthony did not receive a dollar for her services daring the
year in Kansas, and was enabled to make the three trips there solely
through the kindness of her brother Daniel R., who furnished
transportation. It was also by his assistance that she had made her long
railroad journeys from east to west during the past thirty years.
[106] Fifteenth.--We oppose woman suffrage as tending to destroy the
home and family, the true basis of political safety, and express the
hope that the helpmeet and guardian of the family sanctuary may not be
dragged from the modest purity of self-imposed seclusion to be thrown
unwillingly into the unfeminine places of political strife.
CHAPTER XLIV.
THE SOUTHERN TRIP--THE ATLANTA CONVENTION.
1895
The day following the Kansas election, November 7, 1894, Miss Anthony
started at 10 o'clock in the morning for Beatrice, Neb., to make the
opening speech at the State Suffrage Convention; arrived at 6 P. M.,
took a cup of tea, dressed and, without having had one moment's rest,
found herself at the opera house in the presence of a splendid audience.
After she was seated on the platform a telegram was handed her saying
the suffrage amendment had been lost in Kansas by an immense majority.
Yet, in spite of the terrible physical strain of the past weeks and in
the face of this stunning news, it is said she never made a stronger,
more logical and comprehensive speech than on this occasion. She
reviewed the amendment campaigns of the last twenty-five years,
describing the causes of defeat or success, and pointing out the
necessity of educational effort beginning with the primaries and
continuing through all the conventions and political meetings up to the
very day of election.
Although she received urgent invitations to speak at various points in
the State, she declined all and left the next morning early for
Leavenworth; and the day following, November 9, was on her way eastward.
After a day in Chicago she went directly to Philadelphia, where she
attended a reception given by the New Century Club to Mary Mapes Dodge;
had several business meetings regarding the affairs of the national
association; then hastened by night train to the New York convention at
Ithaca. Here again, without a day's rest, she made a stirring address to
an audience which packed the opera house to the top row of the upper
gallery, sat on the steps and filled the aisles. The convention was
welcomed by the mayor of Ithaca and President Schurmann, of Cornell. The
latter invited the officers and delegates to visit the university and
accompanied them on their tour of inspection. Miss Anthony spoke to the
girls of Sage College after dinner, gave them many new ideas long to be
remembered, and was received with enthusiasm and affection.
The next evening, November 15, she returned to Rochester. She had just
concluded two of the hardest campaigns ever made for woman suffrage; for
almost one year she had found no rest for the sole of her foot, not an
hour's respite for the tired brain, and yet the letters and the entries
in the journal show her to be as cheerful, as philosophical, as full of
hopeful plans, as ever she had been in all her long and busy life. After
just one day at home she started for Cleveland. The W. C. T. U. were
holding a national convention in that city and were to have a great
"gospel suffrage" meeting in Music Hall, Sunday afternoon, which she was
invited to address. The Cleveland Leader, in describing the occasion,
said:
Miss Willard, the chieftain of the white ribbon army, introduced
Miss Anthony, the chieftain of the yellow ribbon army, saying:
"Once we would not have allowed the yellow ribbon to be so
generously displayed here. Had its wearers asked us to admit it
with the white we might have voted it down; but the yellow badge of
the suffragists looks natural now. The golden rule has done it.
Well do I remember that in the hard struggle mother and I had in
paying the taxes on our little home, no man appeared to pay them
for us. Had I been condemned to death I would not have expected a
man to startup and take my place. Susan B. Anthony--she of the
senatorial mind--will be remembered when the politicians of today
have long been doomed to 'innocuous desuetude.'" Miss Willard then
quoted a few familiar lines ending with the sentence, "And Susan B.
Anthony has been ordained of God to lead us on."
Miss Anthony was greeted with a rousing Chautauqua salute. "I am
delighted beyond measure," she said, "that at last the women of
this great national body have found there is only one way by which
they can reach their desired end, and that is by the ballot. What
is 'gospel suffrage?' It is a system by which truth and justice
might be made the uppermost principles of government. Every
election is the solution of a mathematical problem, the figuring
out of what the majority desire. We have in this country
mercantile, mining, manufacturing and all kinds of business by
which money can be made. The interests of every one of these are
put into the political scale, but when the moral issues are put in
the other side the material pull them down. Why? Because the moral
issues are not weighted with votes. The men who are associated with
women in movements of reform get no more in the way of legislation
than do women themselves, because when they go to the legislatures
or to Congress they have back of them only a disfranchised class.
"If you would have your requests granted your legislators must know
that you are a part of a body of constituents who stand with
ballots in their hands. Women, we might as well be dogs baying the
moon as petitioners without the power to vote! If you have no care
for yourselves, you should at least take pity on the men associated
with you in your good works. So long as State constitutions say
that all may vote when twenty-one, save idiots, lunatics, convicts
and women, you are brought down politically to the level of those
others disfranchised. This discrimination is a relic of the dark
ages. The most ignorant and degraded man who walks to the polls
feels himself superior to the most intelligent woman. We should
demand the wiping out of all legislation which keeps us
disfranchised.
Almost every sentence of this brief address was punctuated with applause
from the immense audience.
Always when in Cleveland Miss Anthony was a guest at the palatial home
of Mrs. Louisa Southworth, At this time, with her hostess' permission,
she had summoned the entire National-American Board to a business
meeting, and all were entertained under this hospitable roof. For thirty
years Mrs. Southworth had been among the leading representatives of the
suffrage movement in northern Ohio, and during all that time had been
Miss Anthony's staunch and unfailing friend. She had given thousands of
dollars to the suffrage cause, and hundreds to Miss Anthony for her
personal use. On this occasion she presented her with $1,000 to open the
much desired national headquarters. One such supporter in every State
would win many battles which are lost because of insufficient funds to
do the necessary work.
Miss Anthony soon afterwards went to New York to prepare with Mrs.
Stanton the call and resolutions for the approaching national
convention, and to revise the article on "Woman's Rights" for Johnson's
new edition of the Encyclopedia. She was the guest of her cousin, Mrs.
Semantha Vail Lapham, whose home overlooked Central Park. Mrs. Stanton's
cosy flat was on the other side, and through this lovely pleasure ground
each bright day Miss Anthony took her morning walk. When the weather was
inclement she was sent in the carriage, and the two old friends talked
and worked together as they had done so many times in days gone by.
The evenings were spent with her cousin and various friends and
relatives. Once they dined with a kinsman in his elegant Tiffany
apartments. She and Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Josephine Shaw Lowell, Mrs. Henry
M. Sanders and Mrs. George Putnam, had a delightful luncheon with Dr.
Mary Putnam Jacobi. She was invited by Mr. and Mrs. Edward Lauterbach to
hear the opera of Faust, which was followed by a supper at the Waldorf.
With a relative she attended the "Authors' Uncut Leaves Club," at
Sherry's. One Sunday she went to hear Robert Collyer and the diary says:
"His grand face, his rich voice, his white hair, were all as attractive
as ever; he was a beautiful picture in the pulpit. He gave me a cordial
greeting at the close of the sermon." She ran over to Orange for a few
days with a loved cousin, Ellen Hoxie Squier; and then on down to
Philadelphia and Somerton for a little visit with the friends there, of
which she writes: "Rachel and I had a soul-to-soul talk all the day long
and until after midnight." She was a guest at the Foremothers' Dinner,
December 22, given at Jaeger's by the New York City Woman Suffrage
League, Lillie Devereux Blake, president, with nearly 300 prominent
women at the table.[107] The dinner and the speeches lasted until after
5 o'clock, Miss Anthony responding to the toast, "Our Future Policy."
Thus a month slipped pleasantly by, and then, with the work all
finished, the body rested and the mind refreshed, she returned home to
spend Christmas. The two sisters dined with Dr. and Mrs. F. H. Sanford
and a few old-time friends, and passed a happy day. Among the numerous
Christmas remembrances were several pieces of fine china and an elegant
velvet cloak from Mrs. Gross.[108]
On December 30, Miss Anthony received word of the death of her old
co-worker, Amelia Bloomer, at Council Bluffs, Ia., aged seventy-seven,
and sent a telegram of sympathy to the husband. A death felt most keenly
in 1894 was that of Virginia L. Minor, of St. Louis, August 14, which
closed a beautiful and unbroken friendship of thirty years. She left
Miss Anthony a testimonial of her love and confidence in a legacy of
$1,000.
The year ended amidst the usual pressure of requests, invitations and
engagements. Would she lecture for the Art League, for the Musical
Society, for the Church Guild and for a dozen other organizations of
whose purposes she knew practically nothing? Would she accept a
"reception" from the Scribblers' Club of Buffalo? Would she send a
package of documents to the girls of Vassar College, who were going to
debate woman suffrage? Would she please reply to the following
questions, from various newspapers: "Have not women as many rights now
as men have? What is woman's ideal existence and what woman has most
nearly attained it? Have you formed any resolutions for the coming year,
and what has been the fate of former New Year's resolutions?" and so on,
ad infinitum.
The "woman's edition" fever raged with great violence at this time, and
it is not an exaggeration to say that the editors of ninety-nine
hundredths of them wrote to Miss Anthony for an article. Of course it
was an impossibility to comply, but occasionally some request struck her
so forcibly that she made time for an answer. For instance, the woman's
edition of the Elmira Daily Advertiser was for the purpose of helping
the Young Men's Christian Association, and to its editor, Mrs. J. Sloat
Fassett, she wrote:
I should feel vastly more interested in, and earnest to aid the Y.
M. C. A., if the men composing it were, as a body, helping to
educate the people into the recognition of the right of their
mothers and sisters to an equal voice with themselves in the
government of the city, State and nation. Nevertheless, I avail
myself of your kindly request, and urge all to study the intricate
problem of bettering the world; not merely the individual
sufferings in it, but the general conditions. Such study will show
the great need of a new balance of power in the body politic; and
the conscientious student must arrive at the conclusion that this
will have to be obtained by enfranchising a new class--women. If
the Y. M. C. A. really desire to make better moral and social
conditions possible, they should hasten to obey the injunction of
St. Paul, and "help those women" who are working to secure
enfranchisement.
Miss Anthony received soon after this a consignment of pamphlets, etc.,
that she had ordered printed, on the outside of which the manager of the
printing house, a man entirely unknown to her, had written:
"A wreath, twine a wreath for the brave and the true,
Who, for love of the many, dared stand with the few."
Among the pleasant letters was one from Mrs. Mary B. Willard, who was
then abroad, in which she said: "I am so glad that you live on to know
how much you are loved and to enjoy the fruit of your blessed labors."
One invitation which Miss Anthony especially appreciated came from Rev.
Jenkin Lloyd Jones, of Chicago, editor of Unity and pastor of All Souls
church: "I am sure your heart goes out with us in our dreams as
represented by the enclosed printed matter.[109] One number of the
program is, 'What is woman's part in this larger synthesis,' or 'What
can woman do for liberal religion?' I enclose Dr. Thomas' letter that it
may reinforce my own pleading that you should come and speak on this
topic. Phrase it yourself. Pour your whole heart into it. Make it the
speech of your life. Give your large religious nature freedom. We will
pay all your expenses and I do hope you will make an effort to come. We
will give you from thirty to forty minutes, then we would want to ask
one or two women to follow in the discussion, perhaps a Jewess and may
be some woman who represents the independent church, like Dr. Thomas'
and Prof. Swing's...."
Dr. H. W. Thomas' letter said in part: "Your suggestion is wise; no
other can perhaps so fittingly and ably represent the larger place and
work of woman as Susan B. Anthony. It will honor her and help the cause
to have her speak at the congress. Bless her dear soul, how I would like
to see her--to hear her--to have her one with us--her counsel, her
spirit, her great heart of love and hope so much like the Christ."
After the receipt of Miss Anthony's reply Dr. Jones wrote again: "I
received your modest protest against being made, as you are, one of the
vice-presidents of the Liberal Congress organization; but the very
reason you urged against it is the very reason for putting you on. We
want you not for what you can do but for what you are. We can not take
the congress into the polemics of the woman question, but George
Washington went into the first Continental Congress with his uniform on,
said nothing, yet that was his speech. So we organize with Susan B.
Anthony's name among our vice-presidents, and this is our war speech on
that question. Do let your name stay there.... Ever rejoicing in your
work and its slowly approaching triumph, I am, brotherly yours."
The New Year of 1895 promised less in the way of work and anxiety than
the one which had just closed. There were to be no State amendment
campaigns with their annoying complexities, their arduous labors, their
usual defeats. So many capable and energetic women had come into the
national organization that Miss Anthony was relieved of much of the
burden which used to rest upon her in the olden times, when she had to
attend personally to details of arrangement and assume the financial
responsibility. She found it difficult at first to adapt herself to the
new regime, but soon learned to have confidence in the judgment and
ability of her much-loved "body guard," as she liked to call the
official board. It was not so easy for others of the old workers to
accept the new order of things, and they rebelled occasionally against
the "red tape" requirements of this executive body. To one of these Miss
Anthony wrote: "My dear, what we older ones all have to learn is that
these young and active women now doing the drudgery in each of the
forty-five States, must be consulted and must have a vote on all
questions pertaining to the association, and we must abide by the
decision of the majority. This is what I am trying to learn. No one or
two can manage now, but all must have a voice."
The voluminous correspondence shows, however, that the new workers were
very glad to feel the touch of her firm and experienced hand on the
helm, and that usually she was consulted on every point. She especially
impressed upon them the necessity of keeping the financial accounts with
the strictest care and accuracy, and for a number of years would not
allow a report to be published until she herself had examined every
detail. At one time when two contributions had been accidentally omitted
from the statement sent for her inspection, she wrote: "Not finding
those two in your copy congealed the blood to the very ends of my
fingers and toes, lest the givers should think I had not sent their
money to you."
New Year's Day twelve friends were gathered around the Anthony table,
the Gannetts, the Greenleafs, the Sanfords, Mrs. Hallowell and Mrs.
Willis, and the occasion was a pleasant one. A week later Miss Anthony
started on an extended southern trip. There had been practically no
suffrage work done in the South, with the exception of Kentucky,
Tennessee, Missouri and Louisiana. As the national convention was to
meet in Atlanta, Miss Anthony thought it advisable to make a lecture
tour through the South to arouse a sentiment which might be felt there a
month later. She invited Mrs. Chapman Catt to accompany her,
guaranteeing her expenses although she had no assurance she would be
able to make even her own.
At Lexington they were guests in the fine old home of Mrs. Mary J.
Warfield Clay and daughter Laura, and spoke in the Christian church to a
sympathetic audience. They held meetings at Wilmore, Louisville,
Owensboro, Paducah and Milan, receiving many social courtesies at each
place visited, and they reached Memphis January 17. The management here
was in the capable hands of the Woman's Council and a fine audience
greeted them at the Young Men's Hebrew Association Hall. They were
introduced by their hostess, Mrs. Lide Meriwether, president of the
Equal Suffrage Club, and cordially received. The Appeal, Avalanche and
Scimitar gave long and interesting reports. The next morning Miss
Anthony and Mrs. Catt were handsomely entertained by the ladies of the
Nineteenth Century Club. In the afternoon Mrs. Mary Jameson Judah,
president of the Woman's Club, gave a reception in their honor. Saturday
morning they were guests of the <DW52> Women's Club; in the afternoon
the Woman's Council, composed of forty-six local clubs, tendered a large
reception, and in the evening they lectured again. Sunday morning they
spoke in the Tabernacle to the <DW52> people; and they left at 5.30 P.
M. feeling they had not wasted much time at Memphis.
[Illustration: Autograph: "For your lifelong work for Truth and Liberty
I am, Gratefully yours, Laura Clay."]
They reached New Orleans Monday morning; were met at the train by the
president and several members of the Portia Club, and escorted to the
residence of Judge Merrick. Each of the daily papers contained lengthy
and excellent mention of the lectures. The Picayune said at the
beginning of a four-column report:
If any one doubted the interest that southern women feel in the
all-absorbing question of the day, "Woman and her Rights," that
idea would have forever been dispelled by a glance at the splendid
audience assembled last night to hear Miss Susan B. Anthony, the
world-famed apostle of woman suffrage, and Mrs. Carrie Chapman
Catt, the distinguished western leader. The hall was literally
packed to overflowing, not only with women but with men, prominent
representatives in every walk of life. Standing room was at a
premium, corridors and windows were filled with a sea of earnest,
interested faces, the name of Miss Anthony was on every lip, and
all eyes were directed to the platform, which was beautifully
decorated with palms and potted plants, the suffrage color, yellow,
predominating among the verdant foliage.
Seated upon the platform were the four ladies who have successively
filled the position of president of the Portia Club, Mrs. Elizabeth
Lyle Saxon, Mrs. Caroline E. Merrick, Mrs. Evelyn B. Ordway and
Miss Florence Huberwald. The entrance of Miss Anthony and Mrs. Catt
was the signal for a burst of applause, which rose into an ovation
when Miss Huberwald, in a few graceful words, presented Mrs.
Merrick, who in turn introduced Miss Anthony as the most famous
woman in America. When the applause subsided, Miss Anthony, whose
voice is singularly sweet and clear, began to speak.
She was presented with a basket of flowers and a bouquet from Mrs. J. M.
Ferguson, president of the Arena club. At the close hundreds pressed
forward to take the hands of the speakers.
They left this charming and hospitable city Wednesday evening, Mrs. Catt
going to Greenville, Miss Anthony to Shreveport. Here she was
entertained by Mrs. M. F. Smith and Professor C. E. Byrd, principal of
the high school. The Hypatia Club sent her two lovely floral offerings.
Of her lecture the Times said editorially:
This veteran apostle of woman's rights addressed a magnificent
audience last evening at the court-house, a representative
assemblage comprising all the best elements of all the best classes
of Shreveport's citizens, and one which was equally divided between
men and women. Miss Anthony is certainly a remarkable woman in
every respect, and one whose genius will leave its mark not only on
the recorded history of the nineteenth century, but in the advanced
position of woman now and for all time to come. She was one of the
first women in America to raise her voice in advocacy of woman's
rights, and she has lived to see herself and her sisters gradually
released from legalized bondage and, in everything but suffrage,
made the full equal of man. No one can deny that her claims are
founded on justice; and in the light of cold and clear reason,
divested of all sentiment and cleansed of all prejudice, her
arguments can not be successfully controverted.
By failure of the train to connect with the ferry she was unable to join
Mrs. Catt and keep her appointment at Jackson. When, after waiting two
hours, she finally reached that station at half-past nine, she found a
message from Mrs. Catt that she was holding a magnificent audience for
her. According to her journal she "was too oozed-out even to be looked
at, much less to try to speak in the House of Representatives packed
with the flower of southern chivalry;" so she went on to Birmingham.
Here she found inadequate arrangements had been made and a northern
blizzard interfered with her meetings. The News, however, gave an
excellent two-column account beginning:
Only a moderate audience greeted Susan B. Anthony, the chief
suffrage leader in the United States, but that audience was
cultured and able to appreciate the very energetic, clear-minded
and vigorous woman, whose name is as well-known as that of any man
in the Union, and who has done more than any other woman to prove,
by her strong and unique personality, the mental equality of woman
with man and her fitness for the things sought to be entrusted to
her care, share and share alike with the sterner sex. After a
graceful introduction by Colonel J. W. Bush, the lecturer plunged
at once with ease and distinction into her subject and line of
argument.... She is a very able and incisive speaker, talks
fluently and distinctly, and makes easy and graceful gestures. In a
word, she is as good a lecturer as a good man-lecturer.
They spoke in the opera house at New Decatur, and were the guests of
Mrs. E. S. Hildreth. At Huntsville they were entertained by Mrs. Milton
Hume, and introduced to the audience by Mrs. Clay-Klopton. The Evening
Tribune headed its report, "Grand and Enthusiastic Meeting; Eloquent
Addresses Presented by Noble and Gifted Women;" and said:
Much to the surprise of a great many, the city hall was filled last
night with a very large and intelligent audience of ladies and
gentlemen.... Miss Anthony spoke for an hour in a plain, unassuming
manner, but ably and learnedly. She has been an active worker for
more than forty years in this cause and now, at life's closing
hours, sees the right accorded woman in the States of Wyoming and
Colorado, and the cause gaining momentum as intelligence spreads
and the blessings become known which follow in the pathway of
woman's ballot. No one can look upon the face of that venerated,
noble woman, who has grown gray in her life-work, and not be
impressed that there has been something more than sentiment, more
than a cranky idea, impelling her in all these long, sacrificing
years.
Mrs. Chapman Catt as completely charmed as she surprised the large
audience. She is a young woman of winning personality, as beautiful
as she is brilliant, with a command of language and convincing
eloquence that would do credit to the matchless Prentiss....
The next day, with Mrs. Alberta Chapman Taylor, they started for
Atlanta, joining the Kentucky delegation at Knoxville and reaching their
destination at noon. The headquarters were at the Aragon, where they
found a large number of delegates, warm rooms and everything bright and
comfortable, with the promise of a fine meeting.
The Twenty-seventh Annual Convention opened at De Give's opera house,
January 31, continuing six days. Ninety-three delegates were present
from twenty-eight states, numbers were in attendance from southern
cities, and the people of Atlanta turned out en masse. An evidence of
the interest taken in this convention is the fact that a number of the
New York papers had daily reports of several thousand words telegraphed,
and the large newspapers throughout the country had extended accounts.
The Atlanta Constitution had had columns of matter pertaining to it,
pictures and personal descriptions of the prominent women, which, added
to its extended daily reports, contributed largely to the success of the
meeting; but it was as careful to avoid editorial endorsement as its
contemporaries in the North. The other city papers were generous with
space and complimentary mention, but the Sunny South, edited by Colonel
Henry Clay Fairman, was the only one which advocated the principle of
woman suffrage.
Many beautiful homes were opened to the visitors, and all the officers
and speakers were entertained at the Aragon at the expense of the newly
formed Georgia State Association. The most of it was borne, in fact, by
three sisters residing at Columbus, H. Augusta Howard, Miriam Howard Du
Bose and Claudia Howard Maxwell. With the genuine southern hospitality,
they declined the offer of several societies and of the association to
reimburse them. A handsome reception at the hotel was attended by
hundreds of Atlanta's representative citizens. Mrs. W. A. Hemphill, one
of the board of the Atlanta Exposition, received the visitors in her
lovely home, assisted by the wife of the recently-elected Governor
Atkinson.
A Baptist preacher, Rev. J. B. Hawthorne, built on the antiquated plan,
delivered a sermon not only denouncing suffrage but abusing its
advocates. The result was to make the other ministers in the city offer
their pulpits to the convention speakers, and on Sunday lectures were
given in various churches by Emily Howland, Elizabeth Upham Yates, Mrs.
Colby and Mrs. Meriwether. Rev. Anna Shaw preached in the opera house
and the Constitution prefaced its report as follows: "When the opening
hour arrived there was not an empty chair in the house. So dense became
the crowd that the doors were ordered closed before the services began.
The vast congregation was made up of all classes of citizens. Every
chair that could be found had been utilized and then boxes and benches
were pressed into service. Many prominent professional and business men
were standing on the stage and in different parts of the house."
Miss Anthony, besides her president's address, made many brief speeches
and also read Mrs. Stanton's fine paper on "Educated Suffrage," which
was especially acceptable to a southern audience.[110] One of the most
eloquent speakers was General Robert R. Hemphill, member of the South
Carolina legislature. Among the able and interesting southern delegates
Laura Clay and Josephine K. Henry, of Kentucky, and A. Viola Neblett and
Helen Lewis Morris, of North Carolina, were especial favorites. After
the convention a mass meeting was held in the courthouse, which was
crowded with an enthusiastic audience. Mrs. M. L. McLendon, president of
the Atlanta Club, requested Miss Anthony to take charge. The
Constitution said:
Miss Anthony was received with such a warmth of demonstration on
the part of the large audience as to thoroughly convince her that
she was addressing those who were in sympathy with the suffrage
movement. As she stood up in the presence of the vast congregation
of faces a profound silence filled the hall and every one seemed to
be intently waiting for her opening words. Within the railing a
large number of men, who preferred to stand near the speaker rather
than secure seats in the rear of the hall, were grouped in a solid
mass, and appeared to be equally as much concerned as the ladies.
There were many distinguished women present at the convention, from the
South and the North, and all separated with the feeling that fraternal
bonds had been strengthened and many converts made to the belief in
equal suffrage.
Miss Anthony was much revered by the <DW52> race and while here she
addressed the students of the Atlanta University, and spoke with Bishop
Turner to an immense audience at Bethel church. She was invited also to
address the alumnae of the girls' high school. At the close of the
convention she went, with her sister Mary, niece Lucy, Anna Shaw and
Mrs. Upton, for a three days' visit at the spacious old-time mansion of
the Howards, in Columbus. She left for Aiken, S. C., February 9, where
she spoke in the courthouse and was introduced by the Baptist minister.
Here she was the guest of Miss Martha Schofield, and was much interested
in the very successful industrial school for <DW52> children, founded
by her during the war. On February 12, she lectured at Columbia for the
Practical Progress Club, introduced by Colonel V. P. Clayton. The Pine
Tree State contained an excellent editorial in favor of woman suffrage,
but thought "it could be more successfully advocated in that locality by
some one of less pronounced abolitionism." Her hostess, Mrs. Helen
Brayton, gave a reception for her, and she met a large number of the
representative people of Columbia. Her last lecture was given at
Culpepper, Va. The six weeks' southern trip had been very pleasant; she
had made many friends and found much sentiment in favor of suffrage. The
only drawback had been the severity of the weather, the coldest ever
known in that locality, which will long be remembered because of the
destruction of the orange groves.
Miss Anthony reached Washington on the morning of her seventy-fifth
birthday, February 15. The National Woman's Council was to open its
second triennial meeting on the 18th, and its official board and many
delegates were already in the city. When she arrived she found that
"her girls," as she was fond of designating the younger workers, had
arranged for a banquet in her honor at the Ebbitt House that evening.
Covers were laid for fifty and it was a beautiful affair. After a number
of speeches had been made, Rachel Foster Avery arose and stated that the
friends of Miss Anthony from ocean to ocean and the lakes to the gulf,
had placed in her hands sums of money amounting to $5,000. This she had
put into a trust fund, purchasing therewith an "annuity" of $800, which
she now took great pleasure in presenting. There were 202 contributors
and although Mrs. Avery had been for several months collecting the
money, incredible as it may seem, the whole matter was a complete
surprise to Miss Anthony. Realizing that during the last forty-five
years she had spent practically all she had earned and all that had been
given her, to advance the cause to which she had devoted her life, they
determined to put this testimonial into such shape as would make it
impossible thus to expend it. She was greatly overcome and for once
could not command the words to voice her feelings.
As each three months have rolled around since that occasion, and the
$200 check has been sent with a pleasant greeting from the Penn Mutual
insurance company, hoping that she might live to use the entire
principal, her heart has thrilled anew with gratitude and affection to
Mrs. Avery and the friends who put their love and appreciation into this
material shape. It suffices to pay the monthly expenses of the modest
household and, with the income from the few thousands that have been
laid away, an occasional paid lecture and the gifts from generous
friends, Miss Anthony is freed from financial anxiety, although obliged
to exercise careful economy.
It is impossible in this limited space to attempt a description of that
great council extending through the days and evenings of two weeks,
attended by delegates from twenty national organizations, representing
the highest intellects and activities among women and covering a wide
range of vital questions. Miss Anthony stood for the department of
Government Reform. Although at this council she desired to be simply
one of the many representatives of different organizations, the public
would make her the central figure of all occasions. On February 28, Mrs.
John R. McLean, assisted by Mrs. Calvin Brice, gave a reception in her
honor, attended by many of the official, literary, artistic and musical
people of the capital.
Frederick Douglass came into the council the afternoon of the 20th and
was invited by the president, Mrs. Sewall, to a seat on the platform. He
accepted, but declined to speak, acknowledging the applause only by a
bow. Upon entering his home in Anacostia, a few hours later, he dropped
to the floor and expired instantly. Funeral services were held in the
African Metropolitan church, Washington, February 25, in which, at the
request of the family, Miss Anthony took part, paid a brief tribute and
read Mrs. Stanton's touching memorial of the only man who sustained her
demand for the enfranchisement of women in that famous first convention
of 1848.
At the close of the council Miss Anthony lectured at Lincoln, Va., in
the ancient Quaker meeting house. Returning to Washington she was
entertained by Mrs. Mary S. Lockwood at a dinner party on the evening of
the Travel Club, at which she was one of the speakers. Reaching
Philadelphia March 9, she turned her steps, as was always her custom,
directly towards her old friend Adeline Thomson, and her surprise and
grief may be imagined when she found that she had died a month previous.
Her relations with Adeline and Annie Thomson, who had passed away nearly
ten years before, had been those of affectionate sisters, and for nearly
forty years their home had been as her own. She had received many
contributions from them, and Adeline had made her a personal gift of
$1,000. She often had said to her and written in her letters, that she
had $5,000 more laid away for her after she herself should have no
further use for it, but as is so often the case she neglected to make
provision for this, and all her property went to a nephew.
[Illustration: Rachel Foster Avery (Signed: "Always lovingly yours,
Rachel Foster Avery")]
From Mrs. Avery's suburban home at Somerton, Miss Anthony sent grateful
letters to every one of the 202 contributors to her annuity. She
addressed the 500 students at Drexel Institute, and left for New York
March 12. Here she had an important business meeting with Mary Lowe
Dickinson, the newly elected president of the National Council, and then
went to tell all about the Atlanta convention, the Woman's Council and
various other events to Mrs. Stanton, who still felt the liveliest
interest although not physically able to take an active part.
The day after Miss Anthony reached home she read in the morning paper
that two of the State Industrial School girls and two of the free
academy boys had been seen the night before coming out of a questionable
place; the girls were arrested and locked up in the station house, the
boys were told to go home. It was an everyday injustice but she
determined to protest, so she went straightway to the police court,
where she insisted that the boys should not go free while the girls were
punished. She pleaded in vain; the girls were sent to the reformatory,
the boys being used as witnesses against them and then dismissed without
so much as a reprimand.
A short time afterwards Miss Anthony went to the Baptist church one
Sunday evening to hear a young <DW52> woman, Miss Ida Wells, lecture on
the lynching of <DW64>s in the South. The speaker was rudely interrupted
several times by a fellow from Texas who was in Rochester attending the
theological school. She answered him politely but at length he asked:
"If the <DW64>s don't like it in the South, why don't they leave and go
North?" At this Miss Anthony, who had been growing more indignant every
moment, sprung to her feet and, with flashing eyes and ringing voice,
said: "I will tell you why; it is because they are treated no better in
the North than they are in the South." She then related a number of
instances, which had come to her own knowledge, of the cruel
discrimination made against <DW52> people, to the utter amazement of
the audience who did not believe such things possible.[111]
She took Miss Wells home with her for the rest of her stay. She had
employed a young woman stenographer for a few weeks to clear up her
accumulated correspondence and, having to go away the next day, she told
Miss Wells the girl might help her with her pile of letters. When she
returned in the evening she found her scribbling away industriously and
the stenographer at leisure. In answer to her inquiry the latter
replied: "I don't choose to write for a <DW52> person." "If you can not
oblige me by assisting a guest in my house," said Miss Anthony, "you can
not remain in my employ." The girl, although in destitute circumstances,
gave up her situation.
Miss Anthony had been feeling for a long time that, in justice to
herself and to the State Industrial School, she should resign her
position on the board of managers. When she accepted it she had intended
to give up the greater part of her travelling and direct her forces from
the seat of government in her own home, but she had found this
practically impossible. The demands for her actual presence and personal
work were too strong to be resisted. There were very few women in the
country who could draw so large an audience as herself, or who knew so
well how to manage a convention or carry on a campaign, and the women of
the different States, who had one or the other of these in hand, were
unwilling to accept a substitute. She was as well and vigorous as at
fifty, and there seemed to be no adequate reason why she should refuse
the many opportunities to advance the cause for which she had given the
active service of nearly half a century. The several years since she
began housekeeping, therefore, had found her at home no more of the time
than those which had preceded.
When she first visited the school she found the boys' departments fitted
up with all the appliances of a steam laundry, while a large number of
the girls were bending their backs over washtubs and ironing-boards the
whole of every week. She soon succeeded in having the washing sent over
to the laundry, where a few girls were able to do it all in two or three
days; she also made many valuable suggestions in the sewing department.
When in the city she went to the school on Sunday, helped with the
services and talked to the 700 boys and 150 girls. Some of the latter
came to her one Sunday and said pathetically that it was the first time
a speaker ever had seemed to know there were any girls there! She wrote
in her journal, with quiet humor, that the men on the board were going
the next day to select a cooking stove. She realized even more strongly
than ever that, though the best and wisest men may be on the boards of
public institutions, there is need also of women, but she felt that,
with so vast an amount of other work on hand, she could not do her duty
by the school. As she was about to go away again for a number of months
she decided to delay her resignation no longer and forwarded it to
Governor Morton April 15, after having served about two and a half
years. She then finished her lecture engagements and completed
arrangements for what proved to be one of the pleasantest journeys of
her life.
FOOTNOTES:
[107] At these annual feasts gentlemen are permitted to sit in the
gallery, listen to the toasts and watch the ladies enjoy the dinner.
[108] During this year Mrs. Gross had presented Miss Anthony with $1,000
to complete the education of a nephew and niece.
[109] A plan for a great Liberal Religious Congress, the outgrowth of
the Parliament of Religions in 1893.
[110] After 1892 Miss Anthony had to read most of Mrs. Stanton's
addresses, and the latter wrote her: "If you pronounce what I write
'good,' I know it is up to the mark. Many thanks for reading all my
papers so well as everybody says you do. I am sure of your rich voice
and deep sympathy with the subject, and I much prefer to have you read
my speeches rather than any other person, as I am always told that your
reading makes a deep impression. Our thoughts have the same trend on the
woman suffrage question, and we have written and talked over every phase
of the subject so much together that what I write is essentially yours
as well as mine."
[111] The Rochester dailies came out next morning with full reports of
this episode and editorial remarks; citizens of both sexes wrote to the
papers, pro and con; other newspapers took up the question, and a wave
of comment swept over the country.
CHAPTER XLV.
THE SECOND VISIT TO CALIFORNIA.
1895.
It has been said in another chapter that Miss Anthony established
herself firmly and forever in the hearts of the people at the Columbian
Exposition of 1893. Men and women were there from every State in the
Union, many of whom never had seen or heard her and had been deeply
prejudiced against her, but she conquered all and they returned home
henceforth to sing her praises. Naturally they wanted their friends and
neighbors to be converted like themselves, and invitations to lecture
came from all quarters. One of the most urgent was from the Woman's
Congress Auxiliary of the great California Midwinter Exposition, which
followed the World's Fair, but as she had two campaigns on hand in 1894
she could not accept it. Out of this auxiliary had grown a permanent
Woman's Congress Association, with Sarah B. Cooper at its head. When a
pressing request came to attend their first anniversary in San
Francisco, in 1895, she accepted with pleasure. The corresponding
secretary, Mrs. Minna V. Gaden, wrote in reply:
I can not attempt to express to you the joy and gratification of
the executive board over your consent to be with us and take part
in the congress in May. I wish I could have phonographed the
exclamations of delight and photographed the beaming countenances
of the members when I read them your letter. In answer to your
question as to whether we desired to have you speak upon some
special point of the subject for which you stand, I would say we
want Susan B. Anthony and all that she is; and we are sure that
the right word will be said, the great facts made plain and the
true inspiration given. We want _you_ and all that your presence
means and all that your life's work has brought.
Miss Anthony had another reason for wishing to go to California in
addition to the desire of meeting and helping the women of that
beautiful State in their congress. Its legislature, the previous winter,
had submitted a woman suffrage amendment which was to be voted on in
1896. This visit would enable her to look over the field, talk with the
men and women, and render any assistance they might desire towards
planning their campaign. She wrote Mrs. Cooper stating that she did not
wish to make the journey alone, that she liked to have one of her
"lieutenants" to relieve her of the burden of much speaking, and would
be glad of the privilege of bringing with her Rev. Anna Shaw. Mrs.
Cooper responded with a check of $450, for travelling expenses, saying:
"We rejoice to know that Miss Shaw will come with you, as another grand
helper for us. I send you the money and want you to have every possible
comfort on the journey."
From that time until Miss Anthony reached California not over three days
ever passed without a letter from Mrs. Cooper, rejoicing over the
promised visit. "Everybody is full of expectancy looking for your
advent. I have engaged the First Congregational church of San Francisco
for Miss Shaw's sermon. Hattie and I send you a heart full of love. May
God hold you safe in His keeping." "San Francisco and the whole Pacific
coast have a warm welcome for you both; every one is looking forward to
meeting you, great and noble champion of all that is good." So the
letters ran, and they were supplemented by long and loving ones from the
daughter Harriet, who lived but to second her mother's work and wishes.
When the papers heralded abroad the news that Miss Anthony was going to
California, the large western towns along the route sent earnest
requests for lectures and visits, and the journey assumed the aspect of
a triumphal tour. She started April 27, full of health and spirit and
with happy anticipations; spent one day with Mrs. Upton, at Warren, O.,
one with Mrs. Sewall, at Indianapolis, going thence to Chicago, where
she was entertained by Mr. and Mrs. Gross. Here she found Harriet
Hosmer, who had been with them seven months, while she worked on her
statue of Lincoln. In the evening half a dozen reporters called and the
papers bristled with interviews. The next day she went with her hostess
to the famous Woman's Club. Miss Shaw joined Miss Anthony in Chicago,
and May 1 they left for St. Louis, where they remained four days at the
New Planters' Hotel, the guests of Mrs. Gross, who had accompanied them.
Their mission at St. Louis was to address the Mississippi Valley Woman's
Congress, under the auspices of the W. C. T. U., Mrs. E. B. Ingalls,
presiding. Miss Anthony spoke on "The Present Outlook," and the papers
described enthusiastically "the splendid ovation" she received, the many
floral offerings, and the hundreds of personal greetings at the close of
the evening. Just before her address, seventy-five little boys and
girls, several ones among them, marched past her on the
platform, each laying a rose in her lap. The day after the congress the
State Suffrage Association held its convention, and on the evening of
May 4 a handsome banquet, with covers laid for 200, was given for her at
the Mercantile Club rooms.
She reached Denver May 8, at 4 A. M., remained in the sleeper till six
and then could stand it no longer but took a carriage and sallied forth.
When the reception committee came to the station at seven to escort her
to the elaborate breakfast which had been prepared at the Brown Palace
Hotel, where a large number of friends were waiting, the guest had flown
and could not be found. While in the city she was entertained at the
home of Hon. Thomas M. Patterson, of the Rocky Mountain News, whose
progressive and cultured wife was her warm personal friend and had been
an advocate of suffrage long before it was granted to the women of
Colorado. Reverend Anna was the guest of ex-Governor and Mrs. Routt.
That afternoon Miss Anthony went to Boulder, where she was engaged to
lecture.
The next day the Woman's Club gave a large reception in their honor at
the Brown Palace Hotel, attended by over 1,200 women. The News, in its
account, said: "The scene marked, to the retrospective mind, the
enormous change that has taken place in the status of the sex within the
lifetime of one woman. It hardly seemed possible, as the spectator
beheld Miss Anthony surrounded by the richest and most conservative
women of Denver, to believe that in her youth the great lecturer was
hissed from the stage in the most cultured and liberal cities of the
United States, and cast out from polite society like a pariah. It is not
often either that one who has been a pioneer in an unpopular cause lives
to see it become fashionable and herself the center of attention from a
younger generation which has profited by her labors of earlier years."
The same paper commented editorially: "To accomplish the political
enfranchisement of her sex and open a broader field of work and
influence for women everywhere, Miss Anthony has devoted her life....
Among all the noble women who have stood boldly to champion the cause of
their sisters, she is easily chief, and is worthy of all the honors that
have been bestowed upon her. It must have been a proud satisfaction for
her yesterday to meet the women of Colorado, who are now endowed with
equal political rights because of the crusade she has been instrumental
in starting and maintaining. Well may these newly enfranchised women do
her reverence. Not more loyal should the silver men of Colorado be to
Dick Bland, than the women of Colorado to the apostle of equal
suffrage--Susan B. Anthony."
The Denver Times said in a leading editorial: "To Miss Anthony the women
of today owe a great debt, for through her life's work they enjoy a
hundred privileges denied them fifty years ago. From her devotion to a
cause which for decades made her a martyr to the derision of an
unsympathetic public, has grown a new order of things. Her hand has most
helped to open every profession and every line of business to women.
While all the women of the United States are under many obligations to
her, those of Colorado, who are now equal citizens, owe her the
greatest allegiance." The Times also quotes in an interview with Miss
Anthony: "When asked what subject she would take for her speeches to the
people of Colorado, she shook her head with a kindly smile and said: 'My
usual lectures will not do. What can I say to the women who have the
franchise? I can only encourage them to use their new power wisely, to
stand bravely for the right, and to help the equal suffrage cause in
other States.'"
The ladies lectured that evening to an immense audience in the Broadway
Theater. The papers reported with great headlines: "Enthusiastic
Greeting by Colorado's Enfranchised Citizens. Miss Anthony Overcome with
Hearty Congratulations. America's Joan of Arc Shakes Hands with an Army
of Women Voters." One searches in vain in these newspapers for evidences
of the terrible loss of respect which women were to experience when they
were endowed with the ballot. The News, in over a column report, said:
Miss Anthony's voice was clear and powerful, filling the big
theater without any apparent effort. She began by saying that she
believed the thing she had always claimed had come true; that the
women had learned a new and higher self-respect with their added
rights and responsibilities.... She paid the men of Colorado the
compliment of declaring them the best in the world. The men of
Wyoming had occupied this proud position up to 1893, but those of
Colorado had granted the ballot to a disfranchised class not
through the legislature, but by a popular vote. This act stands
alone in the history of the world; no class of men has ever done as
much for even another class of men....
She said she had heard that some of the women had voted with
sagacity and some had not. This was not strange, since men
continued to do this after more than one hundred years of voting.
If women made mistakes this year, they would remedy them next year,
and in time she believed they would become the balance of power
between the two parties in all social, moral and educational
questions.
At Cheyenne Senator and Mrs. Carey gave an elegant dinner party in their
honor, attended by Governor and Mrs. Rich, Senator and Mrs. Warren, Mrs.
Esther Morris, the first woman judge, Mrs. Therese Jenkins, State
president, Mrs. Amalia Post, a suffrage pioneer, and other distinguished
guests. They went immediately from dinner to the new Baptist church,
which was filled to overflowing, and were introduced by the governor. At
the close of the lectures, Mrs. Jenkins said, "Now I desire to introduce
the audience to the speakers." She then called the names of the governor
and all his staff, the attorney-general, the United States judges, the
senators and congressmen, the mayor and members of the city council.
Each rose as his name was mentioned, and before she was through, it
seemed as if half the audience were on their feet, and the applause was
most enthusiastic. Here again one could not discern an indication of the
dreadful loss of respect which was to be the portion of enfranchised
women.
It was long after midnight before the travellers were quietly in bed in
the delightful home of the Careys, but at half-past seven they had
finished breakfast and were on board train en route for Salt Lake City.
Learning from the conductor that Mrs. Leland Stanford's private car was
attached, Miss Anthony sent her card and soon was invited to a seat in
that luxurious conveyance, where she enjoyed a visit of several hours.
Mrs. Stanford told her of the government suit against the estate, and
Miss Anthony's parting words were a warning not to leave her lawyers to
go before the Supreme Court alone, but to be present herself in
Washington to protect her own interests and those of the great
university.
At Salt Lake, on Sunday morning, a large delegation of women,
representing the different religious sects and political organizations,
met the travellers and drove to the Templeton, where seventy-five sat
down to breakfast, and they were then taken for a drive over the city.
Miss Anthony was the guest of Mrs. Beatie, daughter of Brigham and Zina
D. H. Young, and Miss Shaw of Mrs. McVicker. At 3 P. M., the Reverend
Anna preached in the great Tabernacle, Bishops Whitney and Richards
assisting. At the close they congratulated her on having preached a
Mormon sermon; afterwards a Methodist minister who was in the audience
thanked her for her good Methodist sermon; and a little later a
Presbyterian minister shook her hand heartily and expressed his pleasure
at hearing her Presbyterian doctrine; so she concluded she had made a
politic address. Sunday evening she preached in the theater at what was
intended to be a union service. All of the Gentile ministers had been
invited to take part and all declined but the pastor of the Unitarian
church. He and the principal of the public schools, formerly a Unitarian
minister, were the only men on the stage.
The Inter-Mountain Woman Suffrage Association of Utah, Montana and Idaho
opened the next morning, May 13. The first day's sessions were held in
the new city building, but it was so crowded that an overflow meeting
was necessary and the next day the convention was transferred to the big
assembly hall. The seat of honor was given to Miss Anthony; on her right
Mrs. Emmeline B. Wells, president of the Utah association, on her left,
Rev. Anna Shaw. They were surrounded by a semicircle of the illustrious
women of the Territory who, for many years, had been active in the work
for suffrage. The hall was draped with the national colors and above the
stage were portraits of Lincoln, Miss Anthony and Mrs. Stanton. The
introductory address was made by Governor West, who, after paying an
earnest tribute to Miss Anthony, predicted that the new State
constitution, which was to go to the voters containing a woman suffrage
clause, would be overwhelmingly ratified.
During their stay in Salt Lake Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw received the
highest consideration. Monday afternoon Mr. and Mrs. F. S. Richards gave
a reception in their honor, and were assisted in receiving by Governor
West, President Woodruff, Hon. George Q. Cannon, and many ladies. The
next afternoon a reception was tendered by the W. C. T. U. In the
evening, a large party went to Ogden, where a banquet was given, a great
meeting held in the city hall, and an overflow meeting in one of the
churches.
The 16th of May found the travellers at Reno, Nev., where they were the
guests of Mrs. Elda A. Orr, president of the State association. In the
morning Miss Anthony talked to the 800 men and women students of the
State University. In the evening they spoke in the opera house, which
was crowded to its limits, while on the stage were the representative
men and women of the city and neighboring towns. The house was
beautifully decorated with flowers and banners, a brass band played on
the balcony and an orchestra within. They were introduced by Miss Hannah
H. Clapp, who had presented Miss Anthony to a Nevada audience at Carson,
in 1871. Saturday afternoon they enjoyed a charming reception in the
parlors of the women's clubhouse.
Late that day they resumed their journey, took supper at Truckee on the
summit of the Sierras, and had a delicious glimpse of Lake Donner just
as they plunged into the forty miles of snow-sheds. They were glad of a
long night's rest after the strain of the last three weeks and, when
they awoke the next morning, were rolling through the fertile Sacramento
valley. California in May! Never was there a pen inspired with the power
to describe its beauties. Not the brush of the most gifted artist could
picture the mountains with their green foot-hills and snow-capped
summits; the valleys, nature's own lovely and fragrant conservatories of
brilliant blossoms and luxuriant, riotous vines, and the great oaks with
their glossy foliage, all enveloped in a warm and shimmering atmosphere
and, bending above, the soft blue sky scarcely dimmed by a fleeting
cloud. They can not be put into words, they must be lived.
The travellers had been up and dressed and enjoying the sweet air and
lovely landscape for a long time when the train stopped at the Oakland
station at half-past seven Sunday morning, May 19. Early as was the
hour, with the mists still hovering over the bay, they found awaiting
them, laden with flowers, Mrs. Cooper and her daughter Harriet, from San
Francisco, Mrs. Isabel A. Baldwin, Mrs. Ada Van Pelt and several other
Oakland ladies, and Rev. John K. McLean, the Congregational minister,
whose eldest brother was the husband of Miss Anthony's sister. He
conveyed her at once to his own home, while the others took charge of
Miss Shaw. At 11 o'clock the reverend lady was in Dr. McLean's pulpit,
fresh and smiling, in her soft, black ministerial robes, with dainty
white lawn at neck and wrists. Every seat was filled, chairs were
placed in the aisles, people sitting on the steps, and the happiest
woman in all the throng was Susan B. Anthony as she sat beside her
friend. That evening the scene was repeated in the Congregational church
of San Francisco, where the chancel was adorned with lilies and the
revered Sarah B. Cooper made the opening prayer.
The Woman's Congress opened at Golden Gate Hall, on the morning of May
20. The newspapers of San Francisco had decreed that this congress
should be a success, and to this end they had been as generous with
space and as complimentary in tone as the most exacting could have
desired. The result was that at not a session during the week was the
great hall large enough to hold the audience which sought admission. It
presented a beautiful sight on the opening morning, festooned from end
to end with banners; the stage a veritable conservatory, with a
background of palms, bamboo and other tropical plants, and in front a
bewildering array of lilies, roses, carnations, sweet peas and other
fragrant blossoms. Grouped upon the platform, on chairs and divans,
under tall, shaded lamps, were the speakers and guests. At the right of
the president's desk was a large arm-chair artistically draped with
flowers beneath a canopy of La France roses. At half-past ten Mrs.
Cooper stepped out from the wings escorting Miss Anthony, followed by
Mayor Adolph Sutro and Rev. Anna Shaw. The audience burst into a storm
of applause and, amid cheers and the waving of handkerchiefs, Miss
Anthony was conducted to her floral throne. As soon as she was seated,
one woman after another came up with arms full of flowers until she was
literally buried under an avalanche of the choicest blossoms. No one who
was present ever will forget the lovely scene.
Mayor Sutro made the address of welcome, in which he emphasized his
belief that "the ballot should be placed in the hands of woman as the
most powerful agent for the uplifting of humanity." At the preceding
congress the general topic had been, "The Relation of Women to the
Affairs of the World," and the criticism had been made that it was too
much of a woman suffrage meeting. For this one the subject selected was
"The Home," but the results were the same. Whatever the
paper--"Hereditary Influence," "The Parents' Power," "The Family and the
State"--all led to suffrage; and the more suffrage, the greater the
applause from the audience. Mrs. Cooper had written Miss Anthony, "I
told the committee to put you and Miss Shaw anywhere on the program,
that you could speak on one subject as well as another;" so they found
themselves down for "Educational Influences of Home Life;" "Which Counts
More, Father's or Mother's Influence?" "Does Wifehood Preclude
Citizenship?" "The Evolution of the Home;" "The Family and the State;"
"Shall We Co-operate?" "The Rights of Motherhood;" and numerous other
topics. Both spoke every day during the Congress and the people seemed
never to tire of hearing them.
Mrs. Cooper presided in her dignified and beautiful manner, and in her
presentation said: "I have the very great honor and pleasure of
introducing to this assembly one who has done more towards lifting up
women than any other one person--Miss Susan B. Anthony." The Chronicle
reported: "Then the audience made still further demonstrations. They
clapped and cheered and waved, and some of the gray-haired women wiped
their eyes because it is so seldom that people live to be appreciated.
But Susan B. stood like a princess of the blood royal. Very erect of
head and clear of voice she began her little speech. It was full of
reminiscences, but some few people have the privilege of telling
recollections without the fear of ever boring any one. Miss Anthony is
one of these...."
Miss Shaw also received a hearty welcome; and all through that wonderful
week the bright, appreciative, warm-hearted California audiences crowded
the hall and listened and applauded and brought their offerings of
flowers and fruit to lay at the feet of these two women, who had come
from the far East to clasp their hands and unite with them in one great
cause--the uplifting of womanhood. The Chronicle said:
Twelve hundred women went to Golden Gate Hall on Monday; fourteen
hundred went Tuesday; two thousand Wednesday; twenty-five
hundred Thursday. Golden Gate Hall could not hold one-fourth of
the crowds, so all three of yesterday's sessions were held at the
First Congregational church. Even there a stream of humanity
blocked every aisle clear to the platform. Nobody ever supposed
that the women of San Francisco cared for aught except their gowns,
their teas and their babies. But they do. They like brains, even in
their own sex. And they can applaud good speeches even if made by
women, and they have all fallen madly, desperately in love with a
very short, very plump little woman whose name is Anna Shaw. A year
ago there were not more than a hundred women in San Francisco who
could have been dragged to a suffrage meeting, but yesterday
twenty-five times that number struggled and tore their clothing in
their determination to hear Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw.
[Illustration: Sarah B. Cooper (Signed: "Always Affectionately Yours,
Sarah B Cooper")]
Again it commented: "There has been some talk that the Woman's Congress
which expired last night attracted its crowds under false
pretenses--that it promised to talk about the home and then preached
suffrage. That is usually the case when Miss Anthony is about, but it
was always suffrage in its relation to the home. Who, knowing Miss
Anthony's reputation, could suppose that she would cross the continent
in the evening of her life to discuss the draping of a lace curtain or
the best colors for a parlor carpet?... Five thousand people waiting on
the steps of the Temple Emanu-El for the purpose of hearing the woman
preacher's last address does not look as if her position were uncertain.
Mere curiosity does not take the same people to nineteen consecutive
sessions."
"Apotheosis of Woman," the Examiner headed its fine reports; and the
Call, the Bulletin, the Post, the Report, and the newspapers around the
bay all gave columns of space to this great meeting which had discovered
to the State of California its own remarkable women.
Miss Anthony had been the guest of her old friend, Mrs. A. A. Sargent,
whose hospitality she had enjoyed so many years in Washington City. As
the suffrage amendment was to come up the next year, Miss Anthony and
Miss Shaw met with a large number of ladies at the Congregational church
and helped them organize a campaign committee, with Mrs. Cooper as its
chairman. In accepting the office she said: "I intend to put all there
is of me into current coin and use it to forward this Heaven-ordained
work. If ever a woman was thoroughly converted to this idea I have
been, and in this spirit I accept the charge."
In the afternoon of this same day Mrs. Cooper escorted them to the Y. M.
C. A. Hall to address the Congregational ministers at their regular
Monday meeting, to which they had been officially invited. That evening
they were the guests of honor at the Unitarian Club dinner at the Palace
Hotel, Miss Anthony responding to the toast, "The Rights and Privileges
of Man;" Miss Shaw to "The Manly Man;" Rev. A. C. Hirst and Dr. Horatio
Stebbins to "The Rights and Privileges of Woman" and "The Womanly
Woman;" and the evening was a lively one. They addressed the girls' high
school, and accepted also an invitation to speak to the 900 teachers at
the institute in session at Golden Gate Hall. They were the guests of
the Century Club, Sorosis and other San Francisco societies of women.
A friend, Mrs. Mary Grafton Campbell, wrote from Palo Alto that she
heard President Jordan say every remaining day and evening of the
semester were filled, and when she exclaimed, "But Miss Anthony is
coming; what about her?" he replied, "There will be room for Miss
Anthony if we have to give up classes." Immediately he wrote her a
cordial invitation to visit the university, offering to pay her
travelling expenses and expressing a wish to entertain her in his home.
She accepted for herself and Miss Shaw, and they spoke to as many
students as could crowd into the chapel. Mrs. Stanford sent a personal
invitation for them to attend the reception which she was to give the
first graduating class in her San Francisco residence.[112] They were
invited to the beautiful Water Carnival at Santa Cruz, and to the Flower
Festival at Santa Barbara. It would be impossible, indeed, to mention
all the delightful invitations of both a public and private nature, and
there was not a day that did not bring a remembrance in the shape of
flowers and the delicious fruit in which Miss Anthony revelled.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours with friendly greetings, Jane L.
Stanford"]
On May 29 the Ebell Club of Oakland gave them a breakfast at 11:30; at 2
P. M. they addressed the Alameda County Auxiliary of the Woman's
Congress, Rev. Eliza Tupper Wilkes, president. The audience filled every
inch of space in the Unitarian church, the most prominent ladies of
Oakland occupied seats on the platform, and a large reception in the
parlors followed the speaking. The evening session was held in the
Congregational church, an enthusiastic crowd in attendance. The next
afternoon they started for the Yosemite Valley, having for companions
Dr. Elizabeth Sargent and Dr. Henry A. Baker, Miss Anthony's
grand-nephew. There Miss Anthony, at the age of seventy-five, made the
usual trips on the back of a mule. She relates that the name of her
steed was Moses and Anna Shaw's Ephraim, and they had great sport over
them. They enjoyed to the full all the beauties of that wonderful
region, which never pall, no matter how often one visits them or how
long one remains among them. During this trip Miss Shaw went with one of
the Yosemite commissioners, George B. Sperry, to the Mariposa Big Trees.
Two, in a group of the largest three, were christened George Washington
and Abraham Lincoln, and he offered her the privilege of naming the
third. She gave it the title of Susan B. Anthony, it was appropriately
marked, and thus it will be known to future generations.
At San Jose they were the guests of Mrs. Sarah Knox Goodrich, who gave a
dinner for them, and over a hundred called during the evening. Sunday
afternoon Miss Anthony spoke in the Unitarian church, and Monday morning
addressed the students of the Normal School. At noon Mrs. Elizabeth Lowe
Watson gave a luncheon party under the great trees at her lovely home,
Sunny Brae, where the ladies spoke in the afternoon to several hundred
people from neighboring ranches. In the evening they lectured at San
Jose and, although fifty cents admission was charged, not nearly all who
had bought tickets could get into the building. When they left for Los
Angeles Mrs. Goodrich slipped into the hand of each $50 in gold, as a
present; just as Mrs. Sargent had done when they left San Francisco.
Long before Miss Anthony had started for California, cordial invitations
had been received from the southern part of the State, from old friends
and new. It was of course impossible to accept more than a small
fraction of these, but from the time the twain reached Los Angeles,
there was one continuous ovation. On the evening of their arrival, June
12, they addressed an audience of over 2,000 in Simpson tabernacle,
which had been transformed into a bower of choicest blossoms. While in
the city they were the guests of Mrs. Caroline M. Severance, with whom
Miss Anthony had worked for suffrage in Ohio forty years before.
In Riverside a reception was given them at the Glenwood by Mr. and Mrs.
F. M. Richardson, relatives of Miss Anthony. The beautiful drives for
which that place is famous were greatly enjoyed, and they went into
raptures over the oranges, which they never before had seen in such
quantities. They spoke to a large audience in the handsomely decorated
Methodist tabernacle at Pasadena. While here they were the guests of
Mrs. P. C. Baker, on Orange Avenue, and received many social attentions
from the people of this lovely little city. Thence they went to Pomona,
where they were met at the station by a delegation of ladies, escorted
to the Palomares Hotel, and found the committee had adorned their rooms
with flowers in a profusion which would be impossible outside of
California. They spoke here also in the Methodist church. The next day
Miss Shaw preached in Los Angeles and Miss Anthony spent the Sunday at
Whittier with Mrs. Harriet R. Strong at her ranche, so widely noted for
its walnut groves and pampas fields.
Monday morning they journeyed to San Diego where they were the guests of
Miss Anthony's niece, Mrs. George L. Baker. Elaborate preparations had
been made to receive them and they addressed a large audience in the
evening. The next afternoon a reception was given at the Hotel Florence
by all the woman's clubs of the city. The Union said: "The two guests of
honor were simply loaded and garlanded with flowers. They were presented
with baskets of sweet peas by the Y. W. C. A., yellow blossoms by the
suffrage club, red, white and blue by the Datus <DW53> corps; bouquets of
white roses by the W. C. T. U., of red and white carnations in a holder
of blue satin by Heintzelman W. R. C., of red roses by the Woman's
League, of pink roses by the Jewish women. There was music by an
orchestra as an accompaniment to the sociability of the occasion, in
which some 700 women participated during the afternoon."
The following day a picnic was given by the Woman's Club at "Olivewood,"
the home of Mrs. Flora M. Kimball, near National City, where tables were
spread on the lawn for the 200 guests who came by train and carriage.
That same evening, by request of many who could not be present at the
first meeting, the two ladies lectured again in San Diego. The next day
they returned to Los Angeles, laden with souvenirs of their delightful
visit; and that evening, without an hour's rest, addressed a mass
meeting there.
The following day the Los Angeles Herald gave an excursion to Santa
Monica in their honor. The ladies of that pretty seaside resort, under
the leadership of Mrs. C. H. Ivens, met them with carriages and
conducted them to the Hotel Arcadia. After luncheon, as they started for
the hall where they were to speak, twelve little girls strewed flowers
in their pathway, and after the addresses twelve large bouquets of
choice blossoms were laid at their feet. They were taken for a long
drive by Mrs. E. J. Gorham, then to the residence of her brother,
Senator John P. Jones; and at the close of a lovely day, returned to Los
Angeles. That evening a reception was given them by Mrs. Mark Sibley
Severance, which Miss Anthony always remembered as one of the handsomest
in her long experience. The next morning they met a committee from the
suffrage club and had a conference on the broad piazza of their hostess
in regard to the work of the coming campaign; and in the afternoon took
the train for San Francisco, after two of the most delightful weeks in
all their recollection. An especially gratifying feature was the
attitude of the press of Southern California. There had been scarcely a
discordant note in the extended reports of the public meetings and
social entertainments, and the editorial comments on the two ladies and
the cause of which they were leading representatives, were dignified,
fair and friendly.[113]
They reached San Francisco June 24 and were welcomed at the ferry by a
number of friends from the two cities. The next day they were
entertained at an elaborate dinner-party of ladies and gentlemen in the
artistic home of Mrs. Emma Shafter Howard, of Oakland. From the table
they went at once to the evening meeting. The Enquirer said: "It needed
no preliminary brass band or blare of trumpets to pack the
Congregational church with a live Oakland audience. The simple
announcement that Susan B. Anthony and Rev. Anna H. Shaw were to speak
was sufficient, and the chairman, Colonel John P. Irish, looked out over
an animated sea of faces."
The following evening the San Francisco farewell meeting was held in
Metropolitan Temple. Friday and Saturday were filled with social
engagements, sight-seeing and shopping. On Sunday Miss Shaw preached in
the California street Methodist church in the morning and the Second
Congregational in the evening, while Miss Anthony addressed a union
meeting of all the congregations in the city at the M. E. Zion
church, the historic building in which Starr King preached before the
war. Monday they spoke again at the Ministers' Meeting. The fact that
they would be present had been announced in the papers, and ministers of
all denominations were there from most of the towns within a radius of
forty miles. Miss Anthony told them in vigorous language: "The reason
why they, as a class, had so little influence with men of business and
political affairs was because the vast majority of the people they
represented had neither money nor votes; that if four or five hundred
ministers of the State should go up to Sacramento to ask for any
legislation, they would be treated politely and bowed out precisely as
would so many of their women church members. Whereas, on the other hand,
one manufacturer, one railroad official, one brewer or distiller, could
go before the same body and get whatever he asked, because every member
would know that behind this request were not only thousands of dollars
but thousands of votes." The ministers seemed to realize fully the force
of this statement and many expressed themselves thoroughly in favor of
the enfranchisement of women.
The State Suffrage Association, with a good delegate representation, met
in Golden Gate Hall, July 3, for their annual convention. There had been
heretofore some dissensions in this organization and, at this critical
time, co-operation was so vitally necessary that the friendly offices of
Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw were requested in the interests of harmony.
In view of the arduous campaign approaching, all desired that Mrs. A. A.
Sargent should accept the presidency, and the close of the convention
found the forces united and ready for work.
The Fourth of July witnessed the last public appearance of the two
eminent visitors, and thereby hangs a tale. The last of May Miss Anthony
had received from the chairman of the Fourth of July Executive
Committee, William H. Davis, the following: "Fully realizing the great
importance of your life-work, and rejoicing with you in the certainty
that the fruition of your labors and hopes is now no longer problematic,
but merely a question of days, we take much pleasure in extending to you
the right hand of American fellowship ... We cordially invite you to an
honorary position on our committee, and hope that you will do us the
honor of allowing us to select for you an appropriate and prominent
place in the celebration of our national independence."
When it had been decided to celebrate the Fourth on a more elaborate
scale than usual, an auxiliary board was appointed, composed of the
leading women of the city, with Sarah B. Cooper, chairman. Thinking to
add an interesting feature to the occasion, she requested of the
literary committee that Rev. Anna Shaw be placed on the program as one
of the orators of the day. To her amazement she was refused in
discourteous manner and language. The executive committee, learning of
this action, requested that it should be reconsidered and Miss Shaw
invited to speak. This being refused, the executive committee notified
them that unless it was done, their committee would be discharged and a
new one appointed. They then yielded to the inevitable, placing Miss
Shaw's name upon the list of orators, and the announcement was received
with cheers by all the other committees. The reverend lady had not the
slightest desire to make a Fourth of July speech, but she did wish to
see Mrs. Cooper win her battle with the little sub-committee. Meanwhile
the committee in Oakland, P. M. Fisher, chairman, did not wait to be
asked, but invited her to deliver an oration in that city as soon as she
had finished in San Francisco, and she accepted.
In the great Fourth of July procession, the very next carriage to that
of the mayor contained Mrs. Cooper, Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw, and the
rousing cheers of the people along the whole line of march showed their
appreciation of the victory gained for woman. At 2 o'clock in the
afternoon the ladies took seats on the platform at Woodward's Pavilion,
facing an audience of 5,000 people. San Francisco never heard such an
oration as was delivered that day by the little Methodist preacher, her
natural eloquence fired by the efforts to prevent her making it. After
she had finished and the cheers upon cheers had died away, there was a
great shout from the immense crowd, "Miss Anthony, Miss Anthony!"
Finally she was obliged to come forward and, when a stillness had
settled upon the audience, she said in strong, ringing tones: "You have
heard today a great deal of what George Washington, the father of his
country, said a hundred years ago. I will repeat to you just one
sentence which Abraham Lincoln, the savior of his country, uttered
within the present generation: 'No man is good enough to govern another
man without his consent.' Now I say unto you, 'No man is good enough to
govern any woman without her consent;'" and sat down amidst roars of
applause.
Miss Shaw had been placed at the very end of the program and when she
got out into the street it was 5 o'clock. It would require an hour to
reach Oakland, and she supposed of course some one had telegraphed the
situation and the people there had long since gone home; but this had
not been done, and a great audience on that side of the bay had
assembled in the Tabernacle, many going as early as 1 o'clock, and had
waited until 6. Knowing there was some mistake they separated with the
understanding that if Miss Shaw could be secured for the evening the
church bells would be rung. That lady had just seated herself at the
dinner table when a telegram was received explaining the situation. She
replied at once: "I will be with you at half-past eight." Miss Anthony
would not let her go alone and so, exhausted as they both were by the
hard demands of the day, they crossed the bay, reaching Oakland at 8
o'clock. No one was at the station to meet them, so they took a carriage
and drove to the Tabernacle but found it dark and deserted. They then
went the rounds of the churches, but all were closed. Finally they gave
up in despair and made the long journey back to San Francisco, reaching
the Sargent home at 11 o'clock. Why the telegram was not received was
never satisfactorily determined.
After a meeting with the amendment campaign committee the next morning
and a long discussion of their plan of work, the travellers started
eastward at 6 P. M. They were met at the Oakland ferry by a crowd of
friends from both cities with flowers, fruit and lunch baskets, and left
amidst a shower of affectionate farewells. They carried away the
sweetest memories of a lifetime and could find no words to express their
love and admiration for the people of California.
Miss Anthony preserves, as a memento of this visit, a large scrap-book
of over 200 pages entirely filled with personal notices from the
newspapers of that State during the six weeks of her stay, all, with a
few exceptions, of such a character as to make their reading a pleasure.
A source of even greater satisfaction was the wide discussion of woman
suffrage which her visit had inspired and the favorable consideration
accorded it by the press. In the months which followed she received
scores of letters from California women, many of them unknown to her,
expressing the sentiments of one from a teacher, which may be quoted:
"Many of us who could attend but few of the meetings and had not even
time to meet you personally, have caught something of their spirit and
have been with you in heart. We bless the day which brought you to us;
for your kindly words to women, and to men for women, have lifted the
fog, and the veiling mists are drifting away, leaving us a clearer view
of our duty not only to humanity but to ourselves. You have left a trail
of light."
FOOTNOTES:
[112] As soon as they arrived in California they were presented by Mrs.
Stanford with railroad passes throughout the State.
[113] The Los Angeles Times, Harrison Gray Otis, editor, furnished the
only exception of any importance to this rule.
CHAPTER XLVI.
MRS. STANTON'S BIRTHDAY--THE BIBLE RESOLUTION.
1895-1896.
On the way homeward they were met at every large station by friends with
something to add to the pleasure of their trip. Miss Shaw went through
to Chicago, but Miss Anthony journeyed towards Leavenworth. She dined
with friends at Topeka, and while waiting in the station, one of them
remarked, "We are to have our suffrage meeting tomorrow, what shall we
tell them from you?" In a spirit of fun she dashed off a resolution
saying that "since 130,000 Kansas men declared themselves against woman
suffrage at the late election and 74,000 showed their opposition by not
voting; therefore it is the duty of every self-respecting woman in the
State to fold her hands and refuse to help any religious, charitable or
moral reform or any political association, until the men shall strike
the adjective 'male' from the suffrage clause of the constitution."
She was in Topeka only five hours, but during that time attended a
dinner party, gave a two-column interview to a reporter from each of the
city papers, and furnished a resolution which set all the newspapers in
the country by the ears. "Talk about hysterics," she said, laughingly,
as she read the clippings, "it takes the editors to have 'em, if they
are opposed to woman suffrage and can get hold of something to help them
out." Any one who could have the patience to read the fearful morals
which were deduced, the frightful sermons which were preached, from what
was intended as a joking resolution, would quite agree with her. Even
had it been meant seriously, it would have been only such retaliation
as men would have visited upon women had the latter been possessed of
the power and voted three to one to take the ballot away from them.
She visited a week in Leavenworth and Fort Scott, arrived at Chicago
July 15, and was thus described by a Herald reporter:
Miss Anthony has grown slightly thinner since she was in Chicago
attending the World's Fair Congresses, thinner and more
spiritual-looking. As she sat last night with her transparent hands
grasping the arms of her chair, her thin, hatchet face and white
hair, with only her keen eyes flashing light and fire, she looked
like Pope Leo XIII. The whole physical being is as nearly submerged
as possible in a great mentality. She recalls facts, figures, names
and dates with unerring accuracy. It was no Argus-eyed autocrat who
told with pardonable pride last night of how her chair at every
great function in San Francisco was hung with floral wreaths, how
bouquets were piled at her feet until she could scarcely step for
them. It was a pleasing story, told by a sweet old woman, of honors
which she accepted for the sake of a beloved cause.
The next day she resumed her journey with Mr. and Mrs. Gross and Harriet
Hosmer, who were going to Bar Harbor. She reached her own home at
daybreak, and here, the diary shows, she sat down on the steps of the
front porch and read the paper for an hour or two rather than disturb
her sister's morning nap. The first word received from Miss Shaw was
that she had arrived at her summer home on Cape Cod with a raging fever,
the result of the great strain of constant speaking and travelling so
many weeks without rest, and she continued alarmingly ill the remainder
of the summer. She was much distressed because of an engagement she had
to lecture to the Chautauqua Assembly at Lakeside, O., and to relieve
her mind Miss Anthony telegraphed her that she would go in her place.
She herself felt not the slightest ill effect from her journey, and the
long interviews published in all the Rochester papers during the week
she was at home, displayed the keenest and strongest mental power. She
reached Lakeside on the 25th of July and the next day spoke to a large
audience. Towards the close of her address, she ended abruptly, dropped
into her chair and sank into a dead faint.
She was taken at once to Mrs. Southworth's summer home, at which she
was a guest, and telegrams were sent out by the press reporters
announcing that she could not live till morning. She learned afterwards
that long obituary notices were put in type in many of the newspaper
offices. One Chicago paper telegraphed its correspondent: "5,000 words
if still living; no limit, if dead." She was very much vexed at this
momentary weakness and, using her will-power, by the next day had
rallied sufficiently to return home. The national suffrage business
committee, by previous arrangement, met at her house, and she forced
herself to keep up for two days, but felt very dull and tired, and on
the morning of July 30 she did not rise. A physician was summoned and a
trained nurse, and for a month she lay helpless with nervous
prostration; her first serious illness in seventy-five years.
She is quoted as saying that if she "had pinched herself right hard she
would not have fainted." One of the papers remarked that "then she never
would have known how much the American people thought of her." Every
newspaper had something pleasant to say,[114] many friends wrote letters
of sympathy, and scores whom she had not known personally sent their
words of admiration. Only her body was weak, her mind was abnormally
alert; she appreciated all that was said and done for her, and remarked
often that this was the only real _rest_ of her lifetime. A number of
relatives came to visit her, and a little later Mrs. Coonley and Mrs.
Sewall. Mr. and Mrs. Gross also stopped on their way home, the latter
leaving $50 for "the very prettiest wrapper that could be had." From her
old anti-slavery co-worker, Samuel May, now eighty-five, came the words:
I suppose there is hardly another person in the United States, man
or woman, who has been engaged in actual hard public labor so long
as yourself; and is it not a part of your business and a part of
your duty--in view of the unattained results--to allow yourself
larger spaces of rest and to put upon yourself more moderate and
less exhausting tasks? We would not willingly see you retire from
the field altogether; therefore we want you to do less of the
common soldier's work and take charge of the reserves, keeping
watch from your tower of experience, and personally appearing only
when and where the enemy rallies in unusual numbers or with unusual
craftiness. This does not imply a lessening of your usefulness but
an increase, being a wiser application of your strength and
resources.
From Parker Pillsbury, the old comrade, aged eighty-six: "We have heard
of your late illness, a warning to constant prudence and care for your
health as you come down to 'life's latest stage.' Hold on, my
dear--_our_ dear--Susan, hold on to the last hour possible. You have
seen great and glorious changes, almost revolutions, but yet how much
remains to be encountered and accomplished.... We shall hope you may
live to see the one grand achievement--the equal civil and political
rights of all women before the law. Then you may well say: 'Lord, now
lettest Thou Thy servant depart in peace; for mine eyes have seen Thy
salvation.'"
Mrs. Stanton wrote: "I never realized how desolate the world would be to
me without you until I heard of your sudden illness. Let me urge you
with all the strength I have, and all the love I bear you, to stay at
home and rest and save your precious self." From Mrs. Cooper this urgent
message: "You are too far along in years to work as hard as you do. Take
it easy, my beloved friend, and let your young lieutenants bear the heat
and burden of the day, while you give directions from the hill-top of
survey. Age has the right to be peaceful, as childhood has the right to
be playful. You are the youngest of us all, nevertheless nature cries a
halt and you must obey her call in order to be with us as our leader for
a score of years to come."
There is a long hiatus in the diary, and then for many days the brief
entry, "On the mend." In September she began to walk out a little and
then to call on the nearest friends, and by the last of the month she
attended a few committee meetings. The rumor had been persistently
circulated that she was to resign the presidency of the
National-American Association and retire to private life. In fact, she
never had the slightest intention of giving up active work. She realized
that inactivity meant stagnation and hastened both physical and mental
decay, and she was determined to keep on and "drop in the harness" when
the time came to stop.[115] It was evident, however, that she must have
relief in her immense correspondence. This she recognized, and so
secured an efficient stenographer and typewriter in Mrs. Emma B. Sweet,
who assumed her duties October 1, 1895. The five large files packed with
copies of letters sent out during the remaining months of the year show
how pressing was the need of her services. Miss Anthony relates in her
diary with much satisfaction, that she "managed to have a letter at
every State suffrage convention held that fall."
She thought possibly she might have to work a little more moderately for
a while, and one of her first letters was written to the head of the
Slayton Lecture Bureau: "I should love dearly to say 'yes' to your
proposition for a series of lectures at $100 a night. Nothing short of
that would tempt me to go on the lyceum platform again, and even to
that, for the present, I must say 'nay.' I am resolved to be a home-body
the coming year, with the exception of attending the celebration of Mrs.
Stanton's eightieth birthday and our regular Washington convention."
Among the characteristic short letters is this to Dr. Sarah Hackett
Stevenson, of Chicago, who had asked for a word of encouragement in
regard to a hospital she was founding for mothers whose children were
born out of wedlock:
I hope your beneficent enterprise may succeed. I trust the day will
come when there will be no such unfortunate mothers, but until
then, it certainly is the duty of society to provide for them. The
first step towards bringing that day is to make women not only
self-supporting but able to win positions of honor and emolument.
Since no disfranchised class of men ever had equal chances in the
world, it is fair to conclude that the first requisite to bring
them to women is enfranchisement. It is not that all when
enfranchised will be capable, honest and chaste, but it is that
they will possess the power to control their own conditions and
those of society equally with men. Therefore my panacea for the
ills which your hospital would fain mitigate is the ballot in the
hands of women.
The editor of the Voice wrote for her opinion as to the cause of the
prevailing "hard times," and she answered:
The work of my life has been less to find out the causes of men's
failure to successfully manage affairs, than to try to show them
their one great failure in attempting to make a successful
government without the help of women. It used to be said in
anti-slavery days that a people who would tacitly consent to the
enslavement of 4,000,000 human beings, were incapable of being just
to each other, and I believe the same rule holds with regard to the
injustice practiced by men towards women. So long as all men
conspire to rob women of their citizen's right to perfect equality
in all the privileges and immunities of our so-called "free"
government, we can not expect these same men to be capable of
perfect justice to each other. On the contrary, the inevitable
result must be trusts, monopolies and all sorts of schemes to get
an undue share of the proceeds of labor. There is money enough in
this country today in the hands of the few, if justly distributed,
to make "good times" for all.
Reporters were constantly besieging her for her views on "bloomers,"
which had been re-introduced by the bicycle, and she usually replied in
effect:
My opinion about "bloomers" and dress generally for both men and
women is that people should dress to accommodate whatever business
or pastime they pursue. It would be quite out of good taste as well
as good sense, for a woman to go to her daily work with trailing
skirts, flowing sleeves, fringes and laces; and certainly, if women
ride the bicycle or climb mountains, they should don a costume
which will permit them the use of their legs. It is very funny that
it is ever and always the men who are troubled about the propriety
of the women's costume. My one word about the "bloomers" or any
other sort of dress, is that every woman, like every man, should be
permitted to wear exactly what she chooses.
When women have equal chances in the world they will cease to live
merely to please the conventional fancy of men. As long as there
was no alternative for women but to marry, it was about as much as
any woman's life was worth to be an old maid, and her one idea was
to dress and behave so as to escape this fate. She now has other
objects in life, and her new liberty has brought with it a freedom
in matters of dress which is cause for rejoicing.
These opinions might be multiplied almost to infinity and all would
emphasize two points: 1st, the broad views entertained by Miss Anthony
on all questions, based on her idea of individual freedom, the same for
both sexes; 2d, her fundamental belief that, until women cease to be a
subject class, and until they stand upon the plane of perfect equality
of rights and privileges, there can be no such thing as a fair solution
or adjustment of the issues of the day, either great or small; in other
words, that these can not be satisfactorily and permanently settled
through the judgment and decision of only one-half the people.
On October 18 she celebrated her complete recovery by accepting an
invitation to "come and take a cup of tea with Aunt Maria Porter," in
honor of her ninetieth birthday. She was obliged to cancel her
engagement to speak at the Atlanta Exposition, but during this month
made a trial of her strength by an hour's speech at the annual meeting
of the Monroe County Suffrage Club at Brockport, "attempting it," she
says, "with fear and trembling, but going through as if I never had had
a scare." Assured by this that she had herself well in hand once more,
she went to Ashtabula, Ohio, for a three days' convention of the State
association, attending every business meeting and public session. This
fact being duly heralded in the newspapers, they put the obituary
notices back into their pigeonholes.
She started for New York November 6 to be present at an event to which
she had looked forward with more pleasure than to anything of that
nature in all her life--the celebration of the eightieth birthday of
Mrs. Stanton. At the convention in February it had been unanimously
decided that the National-American Association should have charge of
this, but at the Woman's Council in Washington it was agreed that it
would have greater significance if held under the auspices of that
body, which cheerfully accepted the charge. Its new president, Mary Lowe
Dickinson, urged Miss Anthony to take the chairmanship of the committee
of arrangements, insisting that no one else could make so great a
success of it, but Miss Anthony assured her of what afterwards proved to
be true, that no one could manage the affair more perfectly than Mrs.
Dickinson herself.
Naturally many of the suffrage women resented having any one outside
their own association as the leader on this great occasion, and Lillie
Devereux Blake wrote: "Mrs. Stanton stands for suffrage above all else
and she should be honored by our societies. To have the celebration
under the charge of the secretary of the King's Daughters, an orthodox
organization, seems very much out of taste, greatly as I honor Mrs.
Dickinson. I do not think any one else will make the celebration such a
success as you would; you, the long-time companion and co-worker with
our dear leader, are the person who should be at the head and, with your
admirable manner as a presiding officer, you would give a tone to it
that no one else could." To this Miss Anthony replied:
All of you fail to see the higher honor to Mrs. Stanton in having
the celebration mothered by a great body composed of twenty
national societies, instead of by only our one. Surely, for all
classes of women--liberal, orthodox, Jewish, Mormon, suffrage and
anti-suffrage, native and foreign, black and white--to unite in
paying a tribute of respect to the greatest woman reformer,
philosopher and statesman of the century, will be the realization
of Mrs. Stanton's most optimistic dream. I am surprised and
delighted at the action of the council. It shows a breadth and
comprehensiveness on the part of the leaders of its twenty-in-one
organization of which I am very proud. Of course Mrs. Stanton
stands for suffrage first, last and all the time, and the
conservative women who join in this celebration do so knowing that
she stands thus for a free and enfranchised womanhood.
Don't you see that for Anthony to head the fray, preside and be
general master of ceremonies, would reduce it to a mere mutual
admiration affair? The celebration is not taken away from us. We,
the suffrage women, will have our modicum of time to set forth what
Mrs. Stanton has done for our specific cause, and the other women
will have theirs. O, no, my dear, it is not possible that the
greater can be less than one of the parts which compose it.
Her own "girls," Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Avery, could not help being a
little jealous for their general, and insisted that her name should head
the invitations, but to them she wrote:
Do you not see that for Susan B. Anthony's name to stand at the
top, will frighten the conservatives? Everybody will conclude that
the big suffrage elephant has possessed the council, body and
soul--all thrust into the suffrage hopper and the wheel turned by
S. B. A. To make me chairman will wholly spoil the intention of the
council, which is and should be to bring the fruits of Mrs.
Stanton's first demand, fifty years ago, and lay them at her feet;
not only the suffrage children, but those of education, literature,
science, reform, religion, all as one. If Mrs. Dickinson single out
the hoofed and horned head of suffrage as the commander-in-chief,
not only the nineteen other societies but all the world outside
will say it is suffrage after all; which it will be, because the
others won't train under our leadership. No, no; Mrs. Dickinson
herself must be the chief cook of this broth and appoint her own
lieutenants, one of whom, with name far down in the middle of the
list, I shall be most happy to be, and do all I possibly can to
help, but always in the name of the president of the council.
She was true to her word, and in every way assisted Mrs. Dickinson in
the immense amount of preparation necessary for what was the largest and
most perfect affair of this nature ever given in America. At her request
Miss Anthony wrote over a hundred letters to collect funds, secure the
presence of the pioneer workers among women, etc., but still insisted on
keeping herself so much in the background as even to refuse to make one
of the principal speeches of the occasion. When she reached New York,
she went for the night to her cousin, Mrs. Lapham, and early the next
morning to Mrs. Stanton's to read over the birthday speech, of which she
writes: "My only criticism was that she did not rest her case after
describing the wonderful advance made in state, church, society and
home, instead of going on to single out the church and declare it to be
especially slow in accepting the doctrine of equality to women. I tried
to make her see that it had advanced as rapidly as the other departments
but I did not succeed, and it is right that she should express her own
ideas, not mine."
The next day she went to Newburgh to address the State convention,
returning to New York on the 9th. Friends had come from all parts of
the country to attend the celebration, and the three days following were
pleasantly spent in visiting with them at the different hotels. On the
evening of the 12th occurred the birthday fete. There is not room in
these pages to describe in full that magnificent gathering, the great
Metropolitan Opera House crowded from pit to dome, each of the boxes
brilliantly and appropriately decorated and occupied by the
representatives of some organization of women. On the stage was a throne
of flowers and above it an arch with the name "Stanton" wrought in red
carnations on a white ground. When Mrs. Stanton entered, the entire
audience of 3,000 rose to salute her with waving handkerchiefs. At the
right and left of the floral throne sat Miss Anthony and Mrs. Dickinson.
Instead of responding with a set speech, when called upon, Miss Anthony
paid an eloquent tribute to the "pioneers," and then read the most
important of the one hundred telegrams of congratulation which had been
received from noted societies and eminent men and women in the United
States and Europe.[116] The New York Sun said: "In ordinary hands this
task would have been dull enough, but Miss Anthony enlivened it with her
wit and cleverness and made a success of it." It may be truly said that
not one woman in that audience, not even Mrs. Stanton herself, was
prouder or happier than Miss Anthony over this splendid ovation.
The next day a large reception was given at the Savoy by Mrs. Henry
Villard, the only daughter of Wm. Lloyd Garrison; and after various
luncheons and dinners and good-by calls, Miss Anthony returned to
Rochester. She plunged into the mountain of correspondence and,
expecting to spend most of the next year at home, gave every spare
moment to the arranging and classifying of her mass of documents,
preparatory to some contemplated literary work. On November 21, the
Political Equality Club celebrated Mrs. Stanton's birthday in a
beautiful manner at the Anthony home, over 200 guests attending. Several
unkind newspaper attacks being made upon Miss Anthony by disgruntled
women, she wrote Mrs. Stanton, who was much distressed: "This fresh
onslaught reminds me of the old adage, 'When one is over-praised by the
many, the few will try to pull down and destroy.' Certainly I know that
in my head and heart there never has been any but the strongest desire
that all the other workers should have their full meed of opportunity
and reward."
A telegram came November 25 announcing the sudden death, in Boston, of
Mrs. Ellen Battelle Dietrick. She had been actively in the suffrage work
for only a few years, but in that time Miss Anthony had learned her
splendid powers and had said of her: "I feel that into her hands can
safely fall the work of the future, both as to principle and policy."
She had been made chairman of the national press work, and had shown an
unsurpassed beauty and strength of style and thought. "She was a
philosopher, a student," Miss Anthony wrote, "possessed of the
conscience and the courage to stand by the truth as she saw it. Can it
be that she is gone in the very prime of her womanhood? Why can not we
keep with us the brave and beautiful souls; why can not the weak and
wicked go? The world seems darker to me now, a light has gone out."
On December 2 she gathered about her a group of the very oldest and
dearest friends in memory of what would have been her mother's one
hundred and second birthday. She records attending a lecture by
President Andrew D. White, at the close of which he presented his wife
to her, saying: "I want you to know her; she is of your kind." The day
before Christmas came another telegram, this one from May Wright Sewall,
containing simply the words: "Dear General, my Theodore is taken." It
meant the desolation of one of the happiest, most perfect homes ever
made by two mortals. It told the breaking of as strong and sweet a tie
as ever united husband and wife. What could she write? Only, "Be brave
in this inevitable hour; take unto yourself the 'joy of sorrow' that you
did all in mortal power for his restoration, that his happiness was the
desire of your life; find comfort in the blessed memories of his tender
and never-failing love and care for you in all these beautiful years."
But the poverty, the powerlessness of words in times like this!
And so the old year rolled into the past and the record was finished.
Among the letters which came to cheer its close, was one from Mary Lowe
Dickinson, which ended:
In every way, in all this work, how grandly you stood by and helped
me! Some day you will understand how grateful I am, and how
thoroughly I appreciate the support, moral and other, that you have
given me. I know this holiday season will bring you a great many
loving souvenirs from all over the world, and I haven't sent you
anything at all; but I have a gift for you, notwithstanding, a gift
of loyal reverence for the grand outspoken bravery of your life and
service, a gift of genuine gratitude for what you have been and
what you have done, and an affection that has been growing ever
since my first talk with you in Chicago. This is quite a
declaration for a reserved woman, but it is as sincere as it is
unusual, and I wish you all sorts of blessings for the New Year,
and most of all that it may show great progress in the work which
lies so close to your heart.
And this from her beloved friend, Mrs. Leland Stanford:
It is needless for me to express all I feel in regard to your
tender and long-continued friendship. I always prized it when I had
my dear husband by my side to help me bear the burdens and sorrows
of life, but now, standing as I do alone with the weighty cares and
sacred duties depending upon me, I cherish your sympathy, your
friendship and your tender words as an evidence of God's love. He
can instigate and guide hearts to reach out sustaining helpfulness
to His children, who need just such support as you have given me.
Long years past and gone, you and Mrs. Stanton were appreciated and
extolled by my husband more than you ever realized. He predicted
twenty years ago what has now come, and mainly through the
instrumentality of yourself and her--the advancement and elevation
of womanhood--and we are only on the eve of what is to follow in
the twentieth century.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Leland Stanford"]
Miss Anthony was very glad to go back to Washington with the annual
convention, which was held January 23 to 28, 1896. She went on a week
beforehand to satisfy herself that all was in readiness. Although the
details of the work were assumed by the younger members of the board,
she was always on the scene of action early enough to look over the
ground before the battle opened. This year the papers said: "A notable
feature of the suffrage movement is the large number of college alumnae
and professional women who are coming into the ranks." The committee
reported organizations in every State and Territory except Alaska.
Delegates were present from almost every one, among them Mrs. Hughes,
wife of the governor of Arizona, Mrs. Teller, wife of the senator from
Colorado, Mrs. Sanders, wife of the ex-senator from Montana, the wives
of Representatives Arnold, Allen, Shafroth and Pickler, Mrs. Ella
Knowles Haskell, assistant attorney-general of Montana. Most of them
addressed the committees of the Senate and House, who gave long and
respectful hearings.
The principal cause of rejoicing at this convention was the admission of
Utah as a State with the full enfranchisement of women. A clause to this
effect had been put into the State constitution, endorsed by all
political parties, voted on by the men of the Territory and carried.
This constitution had been accepted, the new State admitted by Congress,
and the bill was signed by President Cleveland January 4, 1896. A
noteworthy circumstance in this case was that, while the admission of
Wyoming with a woman suffrage clause in its constitution was fought for
many days in both Senate and House in 1890, that of Utah was accepted
with scarcely a protest against its enfranchisement of women. There was
also rejoicing over the fact that, during the autumn of 1895, the full
franchise had been conferred upon the women of South Australia.
The occurrence of the convention which forever made its memory a sad one
to Miss Anthony was the so-called "Bible resolution." It had this effect
not only because of the resolution itself but because those who were
responsible for it were especially near and dear to her. Elizabeth Cady
Stanton, assisted by a committee of women, had been for several years
preparing a work called the "Woman's Bible." It contained no discussion
of doctrinal questions but was simply a commentary upon those texts and
chapters directly referring to women, and a few others from which they
were conspicuously excluded. Naturally, however, this pamphlet caused a
great outcry, especially from those who had not read a word of it. That
women should dare analyze even the passages referring to themselves in a
book which heretofore, neither in the original writing nor in all the
revisions of the centuries, had felt the impress of a woman's brain or
the touch of a woman's hand, stirred the orthodox to their greater or
less depths. Mrs. Stanton was honorary president of the
National-American Suffrage Association, but had not attended its
meetings or actively participated in its work for a number of years.
Several members of the board, who were children when she and Miss
Anthony founded that organization, and unborn when Mrs. Stanton called
the first woman's rights convention, decided that her Woman's Bible was
injuring the association, although only the chapters on the Pentateuch
thus far had been published. They determined that this body should take
official action on the question, but they understood perfectly that it
would have to be brought before the convention without any previous
knowledge on the part of Miss Anthony. Therefore it was planned to have
a paragraph of condemnation and renunciation of the Woman's Bible
incorporated in the report of the corresponding secretary. When it was
read in open meeting she was struck dumb. Mrs. Colby sprung to her feet
and moved that the report be accepted, all but the paragraph relating to
the Woman's Bible. After an animated discussion the secretary's report
was laid on the table and later was adopted with the offending clause
stricken out. Miss Anthony supposed this was the end of the matter but,
to her amazement, the committee on resolutions reported the following:
"This association is non-sectarian, being composed of persons of all
shades of religious opinions, and has no official connection with the
so-called Woman's Bible, or any theological publication."
This resolution was wholly gratuitous. While true that the association
was composed of persons of all shades of religious opinion, it comprised
also among some of its oldest and ablest members those who entertained
no so-called religious beliefs. Mrs. Stanton invariably had announced
that this revision of the Scriptures was the individual work of herself
and her committee, and there was no ground for holding the whole
association responsible. The resolution, however, was debated for an
hour. Miss Anthony was moved as never before. Not only was she fired
with indignation at this insult to the woman whom she loved and revered
above all others, but she was outraged at this deliberate attempt to
deny personal liberty of thought and speech. Leaving the chair she said
in an impassioned appeal:
The one distinct feature of our association has been the right of
individual opinion for every member. We have been beset at each
step with the cry that somebody was injuring the cause by the
expression of sentiments which differed from those held by the
majority. The religious persecution of the ages has been carried on
under what was claimed to be the command of God. I distrust those
people who know so well what God wants them to do, because I notice
it always coincides with their own desires. All the way along the
history of our movement there has been this same contest on account
of religious theories. Forty years ago one of our noblest men said
to me, "You would better never hold another convention than allow
Ernestine L. Rose on your platform;" because that eloquent woman,
who ever stood for justice and freedom, did not believe in the
plenary inspiration of the Bible. Did we banish Mrs. Rose? No,
indeed!
Every new generation of converts threshes over the same old straw.
The point is whether you will sit in judgment on one who questions
the divine inspiration of certain passages in the Bible derogatory
to women. If Mrs. Stanton had written approvingly of these passages
you would not have brought in this resolution for fear the cause
might be injured among the _liberals_ in religion. In other words,
if she had written _your_ views, you would not have considered a
resolution necessary. To pass this one is to set back the hands on
the dial of reform.
What you should say to outsiders is that a Christian has neither
more nor less rights in our association than an atheist. When our
platform becomes too narrow for people of all creeds and of no
creeds, I myself can not stand upon it. Many things have been said
and done by our _orthodox_ friends which I have felt to be
extremely harmful to our cause; but I should no more consent to a
resolution denouncing them than I shall consent to this. Who is to
draw the line? Who can tell now whether these commentaries may not
prove a great help to woman's emancipation from old superstitions
which have barred its way? Lucretia Mott at first thought Mrs.
Stanton had injured the cause of all woman's other rights by
insisting upon the demand for suffrage, but she had sense enough
not to bring in a resolution against it. In 1860 when Mrs. Stanton
made a speech before the New York Legislature in favor of a bill
making drunkenness a ground for divorce, there was a general cry
among the friends that she had killed the woman's cause. I shall be
pained beyond expression if the delegates here are so narrow and
illiberal as to adopt this resolution. You would better not begin
resolving against individual action or you will find no limit. This
year it is Mrs. Stanton; next year it may be I or one of
yourselves, who will be the victim.
If we do not inspire in women a broad and catholic spirit, they
will fail, when enfranchised, to constitute that power for better
government which we have always claimed for them. Ten women
educated into the practice of liberal principles would be a
stronger force than 10,000 organized on a platform of intolerance
and bigotry. I pray you vote for religious liberty, without
censorship or inquisition. This resolution adopted will be a vote
of censure upon a woman who is without a peer in intellectual and
statesmanlike ability; one who has stood for half a century the
acknowledged leader of progressive thought and demand in regard to
all matters pertaining to the absolute freedom of women.
Rev. Anna Shaw, Carrie Chapman Catt, Henry B. and Alice Stone Blackwell,
Laura M. Johns, Annie L. Diggs, Rachel Foster Avery, Laura Clay, Mariana
W. Chapman, Elizabeth Upham Yates, and others spoke in favor of the
resolution; Lillie Devereux Blake, Clara B. Colby, Mary S. Anthony,
Emily Rowland, Charlotte Perkins Stetson and Caroline Hallowell Miller
were among those who opposed it. The vote resulted, 53 ayes, 41 nays;
and the resolution was adopted. The situation was felicitously expressed
in a single sentence by Mrs. Caroline McCullough Everhard, president of
the Ohio Suffrage Association: "If women were governed more by principle
and less by prejudice, how strong they would be!"
Miss Anthony's feelings could not be put into words. At first she
seriously contemplated resigning her office, but from all parts of the
country came letters from the pioneer workers--the women who had stood
by her for more than twoscore years--pointing out that this action of
the convention was a striking illustration of the necessity for her
remaining at the helm. Mrs. Stanton urged that they both resign, but
Miss Anthony replied:
During three weeks of agony of soul, with scarcely a night of
sleep, I have felt I must resign my presidency, but then the rights
of the minority are to be respected and protected by me quite as
much as the action of the majority is to be resented; and it is
even more my duty to stand firmly with the minority because
principle is with them. I feel very sure that after a year's
reflection upon the matter, the same women, and perhaps the one
man, who voted for this interference with personal rights, will be
ready to declare that their duty as individuals does not require
them to disclaim freedom of speech in their co-workers. Sister Mary
says the action of the convention convinces her that the time has
not yet come for me to resign; whereas she had felt most strongly
that I ought to do it for my own sake. No, my dear, instead of my
resigning and leaving those half-fledged chickens without any
mother, I think it my duty and the duty of yourself and all the
liberals to be at the next convention and try to reverse this
miserable, narrow action.
In letters to the different members of her "cabinet," who had voted in
favor of the resolution, she thus expressed herself:
In this action I see nothing but the beginning of a petty
espionage, a revival of the Spanish inquisition, subjecting to
spiritual torture every one who speaks or writes what the other
members consider not good for the association. Such disclaimers
bring quite as much of martyrdom for our civilization as did the
rack and fire in the barbarous ages of the past.
That a majority of the delegates could see no wrong personally to
Mrs. Stanton and no violation of the right of individual judgment,
makes me sick at heart; and still, I don't know what better one
could expect when our ranks are now so filled with young women not
yet out of bondage to the idea of the infallibility of that book.
To every person who really believes in religious freedom, it is no
worse to criticise those pages in the Bible which degrade woman
than it is to criticise the laws on our statute books which degrade
her. Everything spoken or written by Jew or Greek, Gentile or
Christian, or by any human being whomsoever, is not too sacred to
be criticised by any other human being.
She was far too magnanimous, however, and loved the cause too well to
relax her efforts for the welfare of the association. Before the year
closed she received from Mrs. Avery and Mrs. Upton most tender and
beautiful letters, acknowledging their mistake, expressing their sorrow
and begging to be reinstated in her confidence and affection.[117]
In order that Miss Anthony's position maybe clearly understood and that
she may not appear biased and one-sided, and in order also to consider
this question all at one time, her point of view will be a little
further illustrated. In an interview in the Rochester Democrat and
Chronicle she is thus reported:
"Did you have anything to do with the new Bible, Miss Anthony?" was
asked.
"No, I did not contribute to it, though I knew of its preparation.
My own relations to or ideas of the Bible always have been
peculiar, owing to my Quaker training. The Friends consider the
book as historical, made up of traditions, but not as a plenary
inspiration. Of course people say these women are impious and
presumptuous for daring to interpret the Scriptures as they
understand them, but I think women have just as good a right to
interpret and twist the Bible to their own advantage as men always
have twisted and turned it to theirs.... It was written by men, and
therefore its reference to women reflects the light in which they
were regarded in those days. In the same way the history of our
Revolutionary War was written, in which very little is said of the
noble deeds of women, though we know how they stood by and helped
the great work; and it is the same with history all through."
Although she stood so firm for individual rights she nevertheless
regretted that Mrs. Stanton should give the few remaining years of her
precious life to this commentary, and frequently wrote in the following
strain, when importuned to assist in it:
I can not help but feel that in this you are talking down to the
most ignorant masses, whereas your rule always has been to speak to
the highest, knowing there would be a few who would comprehend, and
would in turn give of their best to those on the next lower round
of the ladder. The cultivated men and women of today are above the
need of your book. Even the liberalized orthodox ministers are
coming to our aid and their conventions are passing resolutions in
favor of woman's equality, and I feel that these men and women who
are just born into the kingdom of liberty can better reach the
minds of their followers than can any of us out-and-out radicals.
But while I do not consider it my duty to tear to tatters the
lingering skeletons of the old superstitions and bigotries, yet I
rejoice to see them crumbling on every side.
Months after this Washington convention, when Miss Anthony was in the
midst of a great political campaign in California, she sent Mrs. Stanton
this self-explanatory letter:
You say "women must be emancipated from their superstitions before
enfranchisement will be of any benefit," and I say just the
reverse, that women must be enfranchised before they can be
emancipated from their superstitions. Women would be no more
superstitious today than men, if they had been men's political and
business equals and gone outside the four walls of home and the
other four of the church into the great world, and come in contact
with and discussed men and measures on the plane of this mundane
sphere, instead of living in the air with Jesus and the angels. So
you will have to keep pegging away, saying, "Get rid of religious
bigotry and then get political rights;" while I shall keep pegging
away, saying, "Get political rights first and religious bigotry
will melt like dew before the morning sun;" and each will continue
still to believe in and defend the other.
Now, especially in this California campaign, I shall no more thrust
into the discussions the question of the Bible than the manufacture
of wine. What I want is for the men to vote "yes" on the suffrage
amendment, and I don't ask whether they make wine on the ranches in
California or believe Christ made it at the wedding feast. I have
your grand addresses before Congress and enclose one in nearly
every letter I write. I have scattered all your "celebration"
speeches that I had, but I shall not circulate your "Bible"
literature a particle more than Frances Willard's prohibition
literature. So don't tell Mrs. Colby or anybody else to load me
down with Bible, social purity, temperance, or any other arguments
under the sun but just those for woman's right to have her opinion
counted at the ballot-box.
I have been pleading with Miss Willard for the last three months to
withdraw her threatened W. C. T. U. invasion of California this
year, and at last she has done it; now, for heaven's sake, don't
you propose a "Bible invasion." It is not because I hate religious
bigotry less than you do, or because I love prohibition less than
Frances Willard does, but because I consider suffrage more
important just now.
It seems that Miss Anthony's attitude ought to be perfectly understood
by the testimony here presented. It is one from which she never has
swerved and on which she is willing to stand in the pages of
history--entire freedom for herself from religious superstition--the
most absolute religious liberty for every other human being.
To return to the Washington convention: Among many pleasant social
features Miss Anthony was invited to an elegant luncheon given by Mrs.
John R. McLean in honor of the seventieth birthday of Mrs. Ulysses S.
Grant and, at the reception which followed, received the guests with
Mrs. Grant and Mrs. McLean.
[Illustration: Autograph: "I am yours with great respect and sincere
admiration, Julia D. Grant"]
At the close of the convention the principal speakers and many of the
delegates went to Philadelphia to a national conference, which was
largely attended. It was here that "Nelly Bly" had the famous interview
published in the New York World of February 2, 1896. She had tried to
secure this in Washington, but Miss Anthony could not spare time for it,
so she followed her to Philadelphia. It filled a page of the Sunday
edition and contained Miss Anthony's opinions on most of the leading
topics of the day, in the main correctly reported, although not a note
was taken. It began thus:
Susan B. Anthony! She was waiting for me. I stood for an instant in
the doorway and looked at her. She made a picture to remember and
to cherish. She sat in a low rocking-chair, an image of repose and
restfulness. Her well-shaped head, with its silken snowy hair
combed smoothly over her ears, rested against the back of the
chair. Her shawl had half fallen from her shoulders and her soft
black silk gown lay in gentle folds about her. Her slender hands
were folded idly in her lap, and her feet, crossed, just peeped
from beneath the edge of her skirt. If she had been posed for a
picture, it could not have been done more artistically.
"Do you know the world is a blank to me?" she said after we had
exchanged greetings. "I haven't read a newspaper in ten days and I
feel lost to everything. Tell me about Cuba! I almost would be
willing to postpone the enfranchisement of women to see Cuba
free...."
"Do you believe in immortality?"
"I don't know anything about heaven or hell," she answered, "or
whether I will meet my friends again or not, but as no particle of
matter is ever destroyed, I have a feeling that no particle of mind
is ever lost. I am sure that the same wise power which manages the
present may be trusted with the hereafter."
"Then you don't find life tiresome?"
"O, mercy, no! I don't want to die as long as I can work; the
minute I can not, I want to go. I dread the thought of being
enfeebled. The older I get, the greater power I seem to have to
help the world; I am like a snowball--the further I am rolled the
more I gain. But," she added, significantly, "I'll have to take it
as it comes. I'm just as much in eternity now as after the breath
goes out of my body."
"Do you pray?"
"I pray every single second of my life; not on my knees, but with
my work. My prayer is to lift woman to equality with man. Work and
worship are one with me. I can not imagine a God of the universe
made happy by my getting down on my knees and calling him
'great.'...
"What do I think of marriage? True marriage, the real marriage of
soul, when two people take each other on terms of perfect equality,
without the desire of one to control the other, is a beautiful
thing; it is the highest condition of life; but for a woman to
marry for support is demoralizing; and for a man to marry a woman
merely because she has a beautiful figure or face is
degradation...."
"Do you like flowers?" I asked, leading her into another channel.
"I like roses first and pinks second, and nothing else after," Miss
Anthony laughed. "I don't call anything a flower that hasn't a
sweet perfume."
"What is your favorite hymn or ballad?"
"The dickens!" she exclaimed merrily. "I don't know! I can't tell
one tune from another. I know there are such hymns as 'Sweet By and
By' and 'Old Hundred,' but I can not tell them apart. All music
sounds alike to me, but still if there is the slightest discord it
hurts me. Neither do I know anything about art," she continued,
"yet when I go into a room filled with pictures my friends say I
invariably pick out the best. I have good company, I always think,
in my musical ignorance. Wendell Phillips couldn't recognize tunes;
neither could Anna Dickinson."
"What's your favorite motto, or have you one?"
"For the last thirty years I have written in all albums, 'Perfect
equality of rights for women, civil and political;' or, 'I know
only woman and her disfranchised.' There is another, one of Charles
Sumner's, 'Equal rights for all.' I never write sentimental
things....
"Yes, I'll tell you what I think of bicycling," she said, leaning
forward and laying a hand on my arm. "I think it has done more to
emancipate woman than any one thing in the world. I rejoice every
time I see a woman ride by on a wheel. It gives her a feeling of
self-reliance and independence the moment she takes her seat; and
away she goes, the picture of untrammelled womanhood."
"What do you think the new woman will be?"
"She'll be free," said Miss Anthony. "Then she'll be whatever her
best judgment dictates. We can no more imagine what the true woman
will be than what the true man will be. We haven't him yet, and it
will be generations after we gain freedom before we have the
highest man and woman. They will constantly change for the better,
as the world does. What is the best possible today will be outgrown
tomorrow."
"What would you call woman's best attribute?"
"Good common sense; she has a great deal of uncommon sense now, but
I want her to be an all-around woman, not gifted overly in one
respect and lacking in others...."
"And now," I said, approaching a very delicate subject on tip-toe,
"tell me one thing more. Were you ever in love?"
"In love?" she laughed. "Bless you, Nelly, I've been in love a
thousand times!"
"Really!" I gasped, taken back by this startling confession.
"Yes, really," nodding her snowy head; "but I never loved anyone so
much that I thought it would last. In fact, I never felt I could
give up my life of freedom to become a man's housekeeper. When I
was young, if a girl married poverty, she became a drudge; if she
married wealth, she became a doll. Had I married at twenty-one, I
would have been either a drudge or a doll for fifty-five years.
Think of it!" and she laughed again....
Miss Anthony's seventy-sixth birthday was celebrated by the Rochester
Political Equality Club at the residence of Dr. and Mrs. S. A. Linn. The
spacious and beautifully decorated rooms were crowded with guests, and
interesting addresses were given by Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Gannett, Mr. J.
M. Thayer and Mary Seymour Howell, to which Miss Anthony made a happy
response. On February 17 she spoke at a church fair given by the <DW52>
people of Bath, and then completed her preparations for a long journey
and a great campaign. It will be remembered that Miss Anthony had
decided to rest from "field work" during 1896, and to arrange her papers
for the writing of the history of her life, which her friends felt was
now the most important thing for her to do. To this end a roomy
half-story had been built on the substantial Rochester home, and therein
were placed all the big boxes and trunks of letters and documents which
had been accumulating during the last fifty years and stored in
woodshed, cellar and closets; a stenographer had been engaged and all
was in readiness for the great work. Then came an appeal from 3,000
miles away which rent asunder all her resolutions.
When she had been in California the previous year and had helped the
women plan their approaching campaign, nothing had been further from her
thoughts than returning to give her personal assistance. As the time for
action drew near, those who had the matter in charge began to realize
that the task before them was far greater than they had anticipated, and
that they were lacking in the experience which would be needed. There
were very few women who could be depended on to draw together and
address great audiences of thousands of people, to speak thirty
consecutive nights in each month, and to be equal to every emergency of
a political campaign; nor were there any considerable number who
understood the best methods of organization. It was then both natural
and sensible that the State society should appeal to the national
association for assistance. It is an essential part of the business of
the officers of that body to respond to such calls.
Miss Anthony had been home from California but a short time in 1895 when
Ellen C. Sargent, president of the State association, wrote an earnest
official request for the help of the national board. At the same time
Sarah B. Cooper, president of the campaign committee, sent the strongest
letter her eloquent pen could write, emphasizing Mrs. Sargent's
invitation. These were followed by similar pleas from the other members
of the board and from many prominent women of the State. Miss Anthony
felt at first as if it would not be possible for her to make the long
trip and endure the fatigue of a campaign, which she understood so well
from having experienced it seven times over. On the other hand she
realized what a tremendous impetus would be given to the cause of woman
suffrage if the great State of California should carry this amendment,
and she longed to render every assistance in her power. It was not,
however, until early in February that she yielded to the appeals and
decided to abandon all the plans she had cherished for the year. The
moment her decision reached California, Harriet Cooper, secretary of the
committee, telegraphed their delight and sent her a check of $120 for
travelling expenses.
The question now arose with Miss Anthony what she should do with her
secretary, whom she had engaged for a year but did not feel able to take
with her. This was settled in a few days through the action of Rev. and
Mrs. W. C. Gannett, who went among the friends and in a short time
raised the money to pay Mrs. Sweet's expenses to California and back,
all agreeing that Miss Anthony must have some one to relieve her of the
mechanical part of the burden she was about to assume. This seemed too
good to be true, as she had had no such help in all her forty-five years
of public work. The two started on the evening of February 27, a large
party of friends assembling at the station to say good-by to the veteran
of seventy-six years about to enter another battle. They stopped at Ann
Arbor for the Michigan convention, the guests of Mrs. Hall, and then a
few days in Chicago, where Miss Anthony and Mrs. Gross sat for a
statuette by Miss Bessie Potter.
She reached San Diego March 10 and, after attending the Woman's Club,
went to Los Angeles where she was beautifully received, sharing the
honors with Robert J. Burdette at the Friday Morning Club. Mrs. Alice
Moore McComas wrote to Mrs. Sargent and Mrs. Cooper the next day: "Dear
Miss Anthony came, saw and conquered, and we are hers! Letters and
telegrams were dispatched in every direction as soon as we found she was
coming and she has been able to reach women that I have almost despaired
of. Dozens who have heretofore held aloof, have promised me today to
stand by the amendment till all is over, and with these recruits we feel
that we can undertake the convention work in this county. The women are
aroused and we will see that they stay aroused. Miss Anthony's visit was
opportune and just what was needed."
She arrived at San Francisco a few days later, being joyfully greeted at
the Oakland station by Mrs. Cooper and Harriet. She went directly to the
Sargent residence, and from this delightful home, Miss Anthony, the
National president, and Mrs. Sargent, the State president, directed the
great campaign.
FOOTNOTES:
[114] The following from the Wichita Eagle is noteworthy because in the
Kansas campaign the year before, and in all previous years, it had been
abusive beyond description and had at all times put every possible
stumbling-block in the way of woman suffrage and berated all who
advocated it:
"What an experience Miss Anthony has had! None but a remarkable woman
could have accepted such a life-work at a time when prejudice and
education ran all in the opposite direction. Finely-balanced and
self-educated as to her special cause, she has not only won a name and
fame world-wide, but turned perceptibly the entire current of human
conviction. And she has been, through it all, the modest woman, truly
womanly. The men and women of this country--of the world--who believe
that the ballot for woman means better government and the elevation of
society to a higher plane, must ever recognize Susan B. Anthony as the
real pioneer prophetess of the cause, for so will history record her."
[115] Miss Anthony was many times besought to tell the secret of her
wonderful vitality and power for work, and on one occasion wrote the
following:
"As machinery in motion lasts longer than when lying idle, so a body and
soul in active exercise escape the corroding rust of physical and mental
laziness, which prematurely cuts off the life of so many women. I
believe I am able to endure the strain of daily travelling and lecturing
at over threescore years and ten, mainly because I have always worked
and loved work. As to my habits of life, it has been impossible for me
to have fixed rules for eating, resting, sleeping, etc. The only advice
I could give a young person on this point would be: 'Live as simply as
you can. Eat what you find agrees with your constitution--when you can
get it; sleep whenever you are sleepy, and think as little of these
details as possible.'"
[116] Among others was a beautiful testimonial from Theodore Tilton, who
had been for many years a resident of Paris, in which he said:
"At the present day, every woman who seeks the legal custody of her
children, or the legal control of her property; every woman who finds
the doors of a college or a university opening to her; every woman who
administers a post-office or a public library; every woman who enters
upon a career of medicine, law or theology; every woman who teaches a
school, or tills a farm, or keeps a shop; every one who drives a horse,
rides a bicycle, skates at a rink, swims at a summer resort, plays golf
or tennis in a public park, or even snaps a kodak; every such woman, I
say, owes her liberty largely to yourself and to your earliest and
bravest co-workers in the cause of woman's emancipation. So I send my
greetings not to you alone, but also to the small remainder now living
of your original bevy of noble assistants, among whom--first, last and
always--has been and still continues to be your fit mate, chief
counselor and executive right hand, Susan B. Anthony; a heroine of hard
work who, when her own eightieth birthday shall roll round, will
likewise deserve a national ovation, at which she should not
inappropriately receive the old Roman crown of oak."
This was accompanied by a personal letter to Miss Anthony, saying,
besides other pleasant things: "I heard lately that you were dying! I
did not believe the canard. Dying? No! You are to live forever. Give my
love to the heroine of the hour--and prepare yourself for an equal
picnic when your own time shall come. Ever yours as of old."
[117] In a letter to the Woman's Tribune Mrs. Jean Brooks Greenleaf
said: "I was absent from the convention and could not vote against that
resolution. The 'Woman's Bible' a hindrance to organization? Of course
it is. What of it? The belief in the old theories about women, which had
their basis in doctrines taught from King James' version of the Bible,
was a much more monumental hindrance to the work of the pioneers, in not
only the woman suffrage movement but in all movements for the
advancement of women."
CHAPTER XLVII.
THE CALIFORNIA CAMPAIGN.
1896.
In their State convention of 1894 the Republicans of California had
adopted the strongest possible plank in favor of woman suffrage and, as
the legislature the next year was Republican by a considerable majority,
Clara Foltz and Laura de Force Gordon, attorneys, and Nellie Holbrook
Blinn, at that time State president, Mrs. Peet, Madame Sorbier, Mrs.
Bidwell, Mrs. Spencer, of Lassen county, and others made a determined
effort to secure a bill enfranchising women. That failing, the
legislature consented to submit an amendment to the constitution to be
voted on in 1896. This bill was signed by Governor James H. Budd and the
women then prepared to canvass the State to secure a favorable majority.
Out of the officers of the State suffrage association and the amendment
committee, a joint campaign committee was formed and, in addition to
this, a State central committee.[118] These two constituted the working
force at State headquarters. There were also speakers and organizers,
and a regularly officered society in each county, co-operating with the
officials at headquarters.
At the request of the State committee Miss Anthony's niece, Lucy E., for
seven years Miss Shaw's secretary and thoroughly experienced in planning
and arranging meetings, went out early in February to assist Dr.
Elizabeth Sargent in the preparations for the first series of
conventions. She carried with her a complete list, made by Miss Anthony
herself with great labor and care, of every town of over two hundred
inhabitants in every county in the State, with instructions to plan for
a meeting there during the campaign. One scarcely can describe the
perplexing work of these young women in arranging this great sweep of
conventions, two days in every county seat, each convention overlapping
the next, getting the speakers from one to the other on time, finding
women in each town or city who would take charge of local arrangements,
and rounding up the whole series in season for the Woman's Congress in
May. In March the campaign committee invited Mary G. Hay, who had had
twelve years' experience in organization work, and Harriet May Mills,
the State organizer of New York, to manage the conventions; and Rev.
Anna Shaw and Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates as speakers. It is impossible
to follow these meetings in detail further than to say that, with but
few exceptions, they were very successful, the audiences were large and
cordial, clubs were formed, much suffrage sentiment was created, and the
conventions considerably more than paid all expenses. The women of
California possessed ability, energy, patriotism and desire for
political freedom, but up to this time they had no conception of the
immense amount of money and work which would be required for a campaign.
As soon as they grasped the situation they were fully equal to its
demands and never in all the history of the movement was so much
splendid work done, or so large a fund raised, by the women of any
State.
[Illustration: Ellen Clark Sargent (Signed: "Ellen Clark Sargent.")]
It was unanimously agreed that Miss Anthony should remain in San
Francisco, answering the numerous calls for addresses in that city and
the surrounding towns, and having general oversight of the campaign.
Mrs. Sargent assigned to her the largest, sunniest room in her spacious
home, but her hospitality and her services to the cause of the amendment
did not end here. Another large apartment was appropriated to Rev. Anna
Shaw and her secretary. The room formerly used as the senator's
office was dedicated to the work, the typewriters ensconced there, and
it soon was crowded with documents, newspapers and all the paraphernalia
of a campaign. In a little while they encroached on the library and it
was filled with the litter. Then a typewriter found its way into one
corner of the long dining-room. The committee meetings were held in the
drawing-room; and, during the whole eight months, there was scarcely a
meal at which there were not from one to half a dozen speakers, members
of committees, out-of-town workers and others besides her family at the
table. Every hour of Mrs. Sargent's and Dr. Elizabeth's time was devoted
to the campaign. The latter was placed at the head of the literary
committee and also took entire charge of the petition work for the
State, involving months of most exacting labor. In addition to all this,
both gave most liberally in money. How much was accomplished by Mrs.
Sargent's quiet influence, her wise and judicial advice, her many
logical and dignified appeals in person and by letter, never can be
estimated.
The State board and committees were composed of women of fine character
and social standing, who commanded the highest respect; and during the
long campaign they put aside every other duty and pleasure and devoted
themselves, mind and body, to the success of the amendment. Across the
bay in Oakland, Alameda and Berkeley were a large and active county
society, Mrs. Isabel A. Baldwin, president, and city organizations of
women of equal ability and prestige, who were in daily communication
with State headquarters and performed the most valuable and
conscientious work. What was true here was equally so of the women in
all the counties from San Diego to Del Norte. It seems invidious to
mention a single name where so many gave such excellent service. It must
be admitted, however, that while hundreds of women worked for their
political freedom, thousands contributed absolutely nothing in either
money or service; and yet there were many among them who believed fully
in the principle of woman suffrage. They simply allowed domestic duties
or the demands of society or apathetic indifference to prevent their
rendering any assistance, and they could not be prevailed upon even to
give money to help those who performed the labor. If all such had lent
their influence, the women of California today would be enfranchised;
but they left the whole burden to be carried by the few, and these could
not do the work necessary for success, because human nature has its
limits.
The attitude of the press of California deserves especial mention
because to it was largely due the marked consideration which the
suffrage amendment received throughout the State. Miss Anthony met in
California an acquaintance, Mrs. Ida H. Harper, recently of the
editorial staff of the Indianapolis News, and requested her to act as
chairman of the press committee. As the press of San Francisco could
kill the amendment at the very start, if it chose to do so, they decided
to call upon the editors of the daily papers in that city and ascertain
their position. They visited the managing editors of the Call, Examiner,
Chronicle, Post, Report and Bulletin and, without a single exception,
were received with the greatest courtesy and assured that the amendment
and the ladies who were advocating it would be treated with respect,
that there would be no ridiculing, no cartooning and no attempt to
create a sentiment in opposition.
The Post came out editorially in favor of the amendment and established
a half-page department, headed "The New Citizen," which was continued
daily during the campaign, the largest amount of space ever given by any
paper to woman suffrage. Dr. Elizabeth Sargent assumed most of the
responsibility for this department, assisted by members of the staff.
The Report gave editorial endorsement and a double-column department
entitled "The Woman Citizen," edited every Saturday by Winnifred Harper.
The Bulletin expressed itself as friendly and later in the campaign
opened a suffrage department conducted by Eliza D. Keith; but the paper
contained editorials from time to time, which the friends did not
construe as favorable to the measure. The managing editor gave the
ladies to understand that there would be no opposition from the
Chronicle, and during the campaign it contained several strong
editorials, not advocating the amendment, but decidedly favorable to
woman suffrage. This paper also gave a prominent place to a number of
articles from Mrs. Harper and others. Two days before election, however,
it advised its readers to vote against the amendment.
The Examiner was friendly and offered a column on the editorial page of
the Sunday edition, throughout the campaign if Miss Anthony would fill
it. She protested that she was not a writer, but it was only upon this
condition that the space would be given. It was too valuable to be
sacrificed and so she accepted it, and for seven months furnished Sunday
articles of 1,600 words. These were widely copied, not only throughout
the State, but in all parts of the country. Every possible influence was
exerted to persuade William R. Hearst, the proprietor, who was residing
in New York, to bring out the paper editorially in favor of the
amendment. Miss Anthony wrote an earnest personal letter which closed:
"So, I pray you for the love of justice, for the love of your noble
mother, and for the sake of California--lead the way for the Democratic
party of your State to advocate the suffrage amendment. The Examiner has
done splendidly thus far in publishing fair and full reports of our
meetings and articles from our leading suffrage women. The one and only
thing we do ask is that it will editorially champion the amendment as it
will every other measure it believes in which is to be voted upon next
November." All pleadings were in vain and the great paper remained
silent. It did not, however, contain a line in opposition.
During Miss Anthony's visit to San Francisco the previous year, the
Monitor, the official Catholic organ of California, had come out in two
editions with full-page editorials in favor of woman suffrage, as strong
as anything ever written on that subject. When the two ladies called on
the editor, he assured them of his full sympathy and agreed to accept a
series of articles from the chairman of the press committee. These were
published regularly for a time and then suddenly were refused, and every
effort to ascertain the reason was unsuccessful. Miss Anthony called on
him several times and waited for half an hour in his anteroom, but he
declined to see her and, during the remainder of the campaign, the
amendment received no recognition from the Monitor.
The response from the other papers of the State was most remarkable. The
Populist press, without exception, was for woman suffrage. Every
newspaper in Oakland, Alameda and Berkeley spoke in favor of the
amendment. The majority of those in Los Angeles and San Diego counties
endorsed it. All but one in San Jose, and all but one in Sacramento, did
likewise. Before the campaign closed, 250 newspapers declared
editorially for the suffrage amendment. Only two of prominence in the
entire State came out boldly in opposition, the Record-Union, of
Sacramento, and the Times of Los Angeles. The former ceased its
opposition some time before election; the latter continued to the end,
ridiculing, misrepresenting, denouncing, and even going to the extent of
grossly caricaturing Miss Anthony.
The Star, the Voice of Labor and other prominent journals published in
the interests of the wage-earning classes; those conducted by the
<DW52> people; the Spanish, French and Italian papers; the leading
Jewish papers; the temperance, the A. P. A. and the Socialist organs;
and many published for individual enterprises, agriculture, insurance,
etc., spoke strongly for the amendment. The firm which supplied plate
matter to hundreds of the smaller papers accepted a short article every
week. There were very few newspapers in the State which did not grant
space for woman suffrage departments, and these were ably edited by the
women of the different localities. Matter on this question was furnished
to the chairman of the press committee by the San Francisco Clipping
Bureau, and these clippings were carefully tabulated and filed. At the
close of the eight months' campaign they numbered 9,000, taken from the
press of California alone. Twenty-seven papers came out in opposition;
these included a number of San Francisco weeklies of a sensational
character and a few published in small towns.
It must be remembered, in this connection, that the woman suffrage
organization had not a dollar to pay for newspaper influence, had no
advertising to bestow, and that even the notices for meetings were
gratuitous. All this advocacy on the part of the papers was purely a
free-will offering and represented the honest and courageous sentiments
of the editors. It is deemed especially worthy of notice because there
was never anything like it in previous suffrage campaigns. Toward the
end, when the influence of the opposition began to do its fatal work,
these papers were closely watched and in not one instance was there a
defection.
Notwithstanding this splendid support of the press, Miss Anthony was
firm in her decision that she would not remain through the campaign
unless the amendment could secure the endorsement of the political
parties, and every energy was directed toward this point. Several of the
Republican county conventions declared for it, and a number of
Republican leaders who were visited, announced themselves in favor of
the plank. The State Convention was to be held May 5. On May 3, the
Sunday edition of the San Francisco Call, the largest and most
influential Republican paper in the State, came out with flaming
headlines declaring boldly and unequivocally for woman suffrage! The
sensation created was tremendous, and amendment stock went up above par.
The Monday and Tuesday editions continued the editorial endorsement,
declaring that the Republican party stood committed to woman suffrage,
and that the Call constituted itself the champion and would carry it to
victory.
Tuesday morning the Republican convention opened at Sacramento. The
woman suffrage delegation, consisting of Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. John F.
Swift, Mrs. Blinn, Mrs. Austin Sperry, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, Miss Anthony,
Rev. Anna Shaw, Miss Hay, Miss Yates, Mrs. Harper, opened their
headquarters at the Golden Eagle Hotel, decorated their parlor with
flowers, spread out their literature and badges and waited for the
delegates. They had not long to wait. With the influence of the Sunday
Call, a copy of which had been laid on the seat of every delegate in the
convention hall, they had a prestige which found favor in the eyes of
the politicians. The visitors came early and stayed late; they went away
and returned bringing their friends to be converted. The Call account
said: "They went in twos and threes, in large groups and in entire
delegations, to pay homage to their more modest workers and apparently
to beg the privilege of serving them." The rooms were crowded until
after midnight.
The delegates put on the badges, and when the convention opened 250 of
them were wearing the little flag with its three stars. The ladies were
given the best seats in the great building. The delegates were divided
into two hostile camps, representing opposite wings of the party, and
the women had to move very carefully, as it was by no means certain
which faction would secure control of the convention. They also had to
frame many non-committal answers to the question, "How do you stand on
the A. P. A.?" The headquarters were thronged with reporters; every
woman was interviewed at length and her opinions telegraphed to the
great San Francisco dailies. Miss Anthony's interviews occupied a column
in the Examiner, each day of the convention. Those alarmists who fear
women will lose the respect of men when they are invested with political
influence should have had this object lesson.
The chairman of the convention was considered not favorable to woman
suffrage. Of the seven men appointed on the resolution committee, five
were said to be opposed to the plank. The spirits of the ladies began to
droop. In the evening permission was given them to address the platform
committee. Mrs. Harper wrote the San Francisco Call:
I wish I could picture that scene. In the small room, seated around
the table, were the seven men who held the fate of this question in
their hands. At one end stood Miss Anthony, the light from above
shining upon her silver hair until it seemed like a halo, and she
spoke as no one ever heard her speak before. On the face of every
delegate was an expression of the deepest seriousness, and before
she had finished tears were in the eyes of more than one. She was
followed by Miss Shaw, who stood there the embodiment of all that
is pure, sweet and womanly, and in a low, clear voice presented the
subject as no one else could have done. As we were about to leave
the room, the chairman said, "Ladies, we will take the vote now, if
you desire." We thanked him, but said no, we would withdraw and
leave them to consider the matter at their leisure.
Within a very few minutes we had their decision--six in favor of
the resolution and one opposed. Here I want to call attention to
one thing. Eight women knew of the favorable action of the
committee by 9 o'clock, but although we were besieged by reporters
and delegates until nearly midnight we gave no sign, and the
Wednesday morning papers could only say that it was probable there
would be a woman suffrage plank. It is charged that women can not
keep a secret, but this is one of those many ancient myths which
take a long time to die.
The plank was adopted next day in the big convention with only one
dissenting voice. The Woman's Congress was in session at San Francisco
and when Mrs. Cooper, its president, stepped forward on the platform and
read the telegram announcing the result, the enthusiasm hardly can be
described. The ladies went down from Sacramento to the Congress the next
day and received a continuous ovation throughout the rest of the
meetings.
Among the pleasant letters which came to Miss Anthony was one from
Abigail Scott Duniway, of Portland, Ore., in which she said: "Your
triumphs in California are marvellous. Hurrah, and again, hurrah! I
believe now the women of the Golden State will win. All honor to you and
your noble confreres!" And one from Lucy Underwood McCann, of Santa
Cruz, saying: "It is to you, most honored and revered of women, we owe
the fact, because of your long martyrdom in this great reform, that we
stand now, as we hope and pray, upon the brink of realization of our
rights. This has been made possible only through the patient toil of
such heroic souls as your own. Your wisdom in planning this campaign, in
which we confidently expect a glorious victory, is our mainstay, upon
which all other hopes depend."
Miss Anthony's happiness over the action of the Republicans knew no
bounds, and she began with renewed courage to prepare for the Populist
convention May 12. The prominent Populists who were visited assured the
ladies that they need not waste time or money going to Sacramento to
secure a plank in their platform, as woman suffrage was one of the
fundamental principles of their party. The suffrage leaders felt,
however, that this convention was entitled to the same courtesy as the
others and they attended in a body, headed by Miss Anthony and Mrs.
Sargent. When they entered the convention hall they were received with
cheers and waving of hats, escorted to the front seats, invited to
address the convention and surrounded by delegates during the recess.
Without any solicitation the resolution committee reported and the
convention adopted a strong woman suffrage plank, and then gave three
cheers for the ladies. They were told that not half a dozen men in that
body were opposed to the amendment.
From here they went to the Prohibition convention at Stockton, were met
at the station by a delegation of ladies, and received with
distinguished consideration by the convention. Miss Anthony was twice
invited to address them, and the plank endorsing the amendment was
adopted by a hearty and unanimous vote. A reception was then held at the
hotel and over a hundred ladies called.
One convention yet remained, the Democratic. While a few of the leaders
of this party were in favor of the amendment, most of them were opposed
and gave no encouragement to the attempt to secure a plank. The ladies,
however, carried out the program, and the same large delegation returned
to Sacramento June 16, the number increased by Mrs. Cooper, Mrs. E. O.
Smith, of San Jose, Mrs. Alice M. Stocker, of Pleasanton, and several
others. A month had intervened and the opposition had had time to
organize. Some of the county conventions had declared against the
amendment and many of the delegates had been instructed to vote against
it.
The suffrage representatives were disappointed in the hope that they
might come to this convention with the editorial endorsement of the
Examiner, but they were greatly pleased to receive from that paper, on
the morning of the opening, a package of 2,000 woman suffrage leaflets.
The Examiner had collected at its own expense a large amount of fresh
and valuable testimony from the leading editors and officials of
Colorado and Wyoming, as to its satisfactory practical working in those
States, and had arranged it in large type on heavy cream-tinted paper,
making the handsomest leaflet of the kind ever issued. These were placed
in the hands of the delegates, and also distributed throughout the
State.
The women's headquarters at the Golden Eagle were practically unvisited.
A few lone delegates, and two or three delegations that had been
instructed to vote for the amendment, strayed up to express their
sympathy, but most of them were too well subjugated by the political
bosses even to pay a visit of courtesy. A new element was introduced
here in the person of a woman of somewhat unpleasant record who claimed
to be the representative of the anti-suffrage organization. The platform
committee consisted of thirty-five and met in a large room filled with
spectators. The ladies presented a petition signed by 40,000 California
men and women asking for woman suffrage. The entire delegation of
speakers, with Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw at the head, was granted
twenty minutes to present its claims, and the one woman above referred
to was given the same amount of time. She did not occupy more than a
minute of it, simply saying that her anti-suffrage league was going to
organize all over the State and work for the Democratic party. The
resolution was laid on the table, almost before they were out of the
room.
A minority report was prepared by Charles Wesley Reed, of San Francisco,
and signed by himself, Mr. Alford, chairman of the committee, and two
others. In a letter to the Call, Mrs. Harper thus describes subsequent
events:
Mr. Reed assured the ladies that he would bring this report before
the convention and he kept his word, although he had other fights
on hand and endangered them by standing for woman suffrage. This
minority report, although properly drawn and signed by four members
of the platform committee, including the chairman, was "smothered"
by the secretary of the convention and its chairman, Mr. Frank
Gould. Every other minority report was read and acted upon by the
convention; that alone on woman suffrage was held back. In vain Mr.
Reed protested; the chairman ignored him and called for a vote on
the platform as a whole. It was adopted with a roar, and our fight
was lost! It was near midnight. We had sat two long hot days in the
convention, had slept but little, were worn out and very, very
wrathy. At this juncture John P. Irish addressed the convention,
stating that a distinguished lady was present, etc., and would they
hear Miss Susan B. Anthony? Thinking it was too late for her to do
any harm, she was received with loud applause.
It was impossible to say what the convention expected, but they got
a rebuke for allowing such action on the part of their chairman and
for treating the women of the State in this unjust and undemocratic
manner, which caused a hush to fall upon the whole body. It was a
dramatic and impressive scene, one not to be forgotten. At its
conclusion there were loud cries for Anna Shaw. The little fighter
was at the boiling point, but she stepped upon the platform with a
smile, and with that sarcasm of which she is complete master
supplemented Miss Anthony's remarks. As she stepped down, half the
convention were on their feet demanding the minority report. The
chairman stated that it was too late for that, but a resolution
might be offered. The original resolution was at once presented,
and then there was an attempt to take a viva-voce vote, but our
friends demanded a roll-call. It resulted in 149 ayes and 420 noes.
Mr. Gould's own county voted almost solidly in favor. Alameda
county, led by W. W. Foote, gave 32 noes and 3 ayes, yet this
county sent in the largest petition for woman suffrage of any in
the State.
To secure more than a one-fourth vote of a convention which had been
determined not to allow the question even to come before it, was not a
total defeat.[119]
The battle was now fairly begun and it grew hotter with every passing
week for the next five months. A few days after the last convention the
women held a mass meeting in Metropolitan Temple to ratify the planks.
The great hall was crowded to the doors and hundreds stood during all
the long exercises. As the ladies who had been to the conventions came
upon the stage, the building fairly rang with applause. The Republican,
Populist, Prohibition, Democratic and Socialist-Labor parties were
represented by prominent men who made strong suffrage speeches.
Congressman James G. Maguire spoke for those individual Democrats who
believed in woman suffrage, among whom he was always a staunch
advocate. Miss Anthony was cheered to the echo and it seemed as if the
audience could not get enough of her bright, pithy remarks, as she
introduced the different speakers.
The suffrage advocates, elated with their victory in three conventions,
opened headquarters in the large new Parrott building and swung their
banner across the street.[120] Five rooms were filled with busy workers
directed by Mary G. Hay, chairman of the State central committee, while
the other members took turns in receiving the reporters, the people on
business and the throngs of visitors from all parts of the State. To
follow this campaign in detail, to name all of those most prominently
connected with it, would be obviously impracticable. It would be utterly
impossible to mention individually the hundreds of women who thoroughly
canvassed their own precincts and deserve a full share of the credit for
the large vote cast. A number of competent California women took up the
organization of the different counties. Every woman in the State who
could address an audience found her place and work. Mrs. Alice Moore
McComas and Rev. Mila Tupper Maynard headed the list of Southern
California speakers. Miss Sarah M. Severance spoke under the auspices of
the W. C. T. U. Mrs. Naomi Anderson represented the <DW52> women. Rev.
Anna Shaw spoke every night during the campaign, except the one month
when she returned East to fill engagements. She paid the salary of her
secretary and donated her services to the headquarters for five months.
Miss Elizabeth Upham Yates, of Maine, made about one hundred speeches.
The last two months Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, national organizer, gave
several addresses each day. There were very few men who worked as hard
during that campaign as did scores of the women, each according to her
ability.
No description could give an adequate idea of the amount of labor
performed by Miss Anthony during those eight months. There was scarcely
a day, including Sundays, that she did not make from one to three
speeches, often having a long journey between them. She addressed great
political rallies of thousands of people; church conventions of every
denomination; Spiritualist and Freethinkers' gatherings; Salvation Army
meetings; African societies; Socialists; all kinds of labor
organizations; granges; Army and Navy Leagues; Soldiers' Homes and
military encampments; women's clubs and men's clubs; Y. M. C. A.'s and
W. C. T. U.'s. She spoke at farmers' picnics on the mountaintops, and
Bethel Missions in the cellars of San Francisco; at parlor meetings in
the most elegant homes; and in pool-rooms where there was printed on the
blackboard, "Welcome to Susan B. Anthony."
She was in constant demand for social functions, where her presence gave
an opportunity for a discussion of the all-absorbing question. One of
the handsomest of these was a breakfast of two hundred covers, given by
the Century Club in the "maple room" of the Palace Hotel, where were
gathered the leading women of San Francisco and other cities in the
State. Miss Anthony sat at the right hand of the president and responded
to the toast, "Those who break bread with us." The club privileges were
extended to her and, at the close of the campaign, she was made an
honorary member. This club was composed largely of conservative women,
but its president, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, was one of the most prominent
of the suffrage advocates. She addressed the Woman's Press Association,
the Laurel Hall Club, the Forum, Sorosis, Association of Collegiate
Alumnae and most of the other women's organizations of San Francisco. An
invitation to luncheon was received from Mrs. Stanford signed, "Your
sincere friend and believer in woman suffrage," and a very pleasant day
was spent in her lovely home at Menlo Park.
A breakfast was given in her honor by the Ebell Club of Oakland, Mrs. G.
W. Bunnell, president. She rode in a beautifully decorated carriage at
the great Fabiola Fete, or floral festival, held annually in this city.
Many social courtesies were extended in the towns around the bay, among
them being dinner parties by Senator and Mrs. Fred Stratton, Mr. and
Mrs. A. A. Moore, Mrs. Henry Vrooman, Mr. and Mrs. F. M. Smith, Mrs.
Emma Shafter Howard, Mr. and Mrs. F. C. Havens, Mrs. Alice H. Wellman,
of Oakland; Judge and Mrs. J. A. Waymire, of Alameda; Mr. and Mrs.
William A. Keith, of Berkeley. All this would have been very enjoyable
but for the fact that most of these occasions included a speech, and she
was usually obliged to come from just having spoken, or to rush away to
keep another engagement. One unique experience was a complimentary trip
tendered, through Mrs. Lovell White, by the proprietors of the new Mill
Valley and Mount Tamalpais Scenic Railway, to Miss Anthony and a large
number of guests. From the top of this high peak, which overlooks the
Golden Gate, they enjoyed a view that for beauty and grandeur is not
surpassed in the world.
Miss Anthony visited also various towns throughout the central part of
the State and along the coast, speaking in wigwams, halls, churches,
schoolhouses and the open air, taking trains at all hours, travelling
through heat and dust, wind and cold; and there was never a word of
complaint during all the long campaign. She was always ready to go,
always on time, always full of cheer and hope.
The first week in June she went to Portland to attend the Woman's
Congress, Abigail Scott Duniway, president. Its officers were among the
prominent women of the city, and she was royally received. She spoke a
number of times during the nine sessions and was handsomely treated by
the press. Sarah B. Cooper joined her here, on her way home from the
National Federation of Clubs at Louisville, Ky. A number of receptions
were given in their honor, among them one by the Woman's Club. There was
an elaborate luncheon at "the Curtis;" and a reception was tendered by
the managers of the Woman's Union. No effort was spared to make their
visit in everyday delightful. Miss Anthony lectured in the opera house
at Seattle under the auspices of the Woman's Century Club, and a
reception was given by her hostess, Mrs. Kate Turner Holmes. Many
inducements were offered for her to extend the visit, but she was
desirous of returning to the field of work in California at the earliest
possible moment and was absent only nine days.
Miss Anthony was invited by both Republican and Populist managers to
address their ratification meetings in San Francisco, and received an
ovation from the great audiences representing the two parties. One wing
of the Democrats held their ratification meeting after night in the open
air and of course she was not invited to speak, but the other wing
extended a cordial invitation and she addressed them in Metropolitan
Temple, receiving an enthusiastic greeting. The suffrage women
themselves held a second mass meeting September 10, according to the
Call, "amid a mighty outburst of popular enthusiasm, the like of which
has seldom if ever been seen at a political meeting held in this city."
Here again the part taken by prominent men from all political parties
demonstrated the non-partisan character of the woman's campaign. This
was Mrs. Catt's first appearance before a California audience and the
papers said: "As she and the other ladies delivered their clear-cut,
logical speeches, cheers rent the air and handkerchiefs and hats were
waved with overmastering enthusiasm."
And so the months went by, with their cares and pleasures, their hopes
and fears, their elation and depression. In her letters to her sister,
Miss Anthony wrote: "Sometimes I have a homesick hour and feel as if I
must leave all and rush back to my own hearthstone, but then I pull
myself together and resolve to go through to the end." A similar
campaign was in progress in Idaho and Mrs. Catt was there in August at
the request of that State board, to represent the national association.
They were very anxious that Miss Anthony should come also, but to their
many letters she replied:
I should love dearly to go to Boise at once, as you request, and I
should have been in Idaho during the last two months had it been
possible for one human being to be in two places at the same
time.... I learn that the men who believe in suffrage in your
State, object to an open demand for party endorsement, but prefer a
"still hunt." I have seen this tried before, but our opponents
always can make a stiller hunt. Our only hope of success lies in
open, free and full discussions through the newspapers and
political party speakers.... Won't it be a magnificent feather in
our cap if we get both California and Idaho into the fold this
year? How beautiful the blue field will look with two more
stars--five little gold stars! Remember that the woman suffrage
stars are gold, not silver. Not that I think gold is better than
silver, but it is a different color from the forty-five on the
regular flag.[121]
There were, of course, some misrepresentations, both intentional and
unintentional, of Miss Anthony's attitude. The fact of her speaking on
the platforms of all political parties was something which many people
could not comprehend, and the party organs could not refrain from
twisting her remarks a little bit in the direction of their doctrines;
then would come a storm of protests from the other side, and she would
have to explain what she actually said. Thus, with the reporters
constantly at her elbow, the public watching every utterance and the
politicians on the alert to discover what party she and her
fellow-workers really did favor, she lived indeed for many months in
"the fierce light that beats upon a throne."
"O, that I had you by my side; what a team we would make!" she often
wrote to Mrs. Stanton, who answered: "I read all the papers you send and
watch closely the progress of the campaign. I feel at times as if I
should fly to your help. We are the only class in history that has been
left to fight its battles alone, unaided by the ruling powers. White
labor and the freed black men had their champions, but where are ours?"
In June the National Republican Convention was held at St. Louis. Miss
Anthony could not make the long journey but she sent the following
resolution and asked its adoption: "The Republican Party in national
convention assembled hereby recommends that Congress shall submit an
amendment to the Federal Constitution providing that the right of
citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by
the United States, or by any State, on account of sex."
The platform committee labored and this is what it brought forth: "The
Republican party is mindful of the rights and interests of women.
Protection of American industries includes equal opportunities, equal
pay for equal work, and protection to the home. We favor the admission
of women to wider spheres of usefulness, and welcome their co-operation
in rescuing the country from Democratic mismanagement and Populist
misrule."
Miss Anthony's indignation, anger and contempt when she read this
resolution can not be put into words. It required the combined efforts
of those who were nearest her to prevent the expression of her opinion
in reply to the many reporters and letters wanting to know how she
regarded this plank. "You must not offend the Republicans and injure our
amendment," they argued, and she would acquiesce and subside. Then,
after thinking it over, she would again burst forth and declare the
women of the country should not be compelled to submit to this insult
without a protest from her. "Women want the suffrage as a sword to smite
down Democratic and Populist misrule. Infamous!" she exclaimed again and
again. "That climaxes all the outrages ever offered to women in the
history of political platforms." To Mrs. Stanton she wrote: "O, that you
were young and strong and free, and could fire off of the planet such
ineffable slush as is being slobbered over our cause!" But she held her
peace, and all the brainy women who were conducting this great campaign
kept silent, although there was not one of them who did not feel exactly
like Miss Anthony in regard to this plank. Nor was there a woman in the
country, who was able to comprehend the resolution, that did not regard
it as an insult and feel that she would prefer never again to have women
mentioned in a national platform if the men who should make it had no
higher conception of justice than this.
On October 11, Miss Anthony started on a southern tour, speaking first
at San Luis Obispo to an audience which crowded the hall. From here to
Santa Barbara, through the courtesy of Superintendent Johnson, of the
narrow gauge railroad, the train was stopped at every station for a
ten-minute address. At some places a stage had been extemporized, at
others she spoke from the rear platform of the car. Her coming had been
announced and, even in those rather thinly settled regions, there would
be as many as a thousand people gathered at the station. When she
concluded, quantities of flowers would be thrown in her pathway and the
platform literally banked with them.[122] After a stage ride of forty
miles she received an enthusiastic welcome at Santa Barbara, where she
was the guest of Dr. Ida Stambach. The ovation was continued at all the
towns visited in the southern part of the State.
A little flurry had been caused early in the campaign by the
announcement that the National W. C. T. U. Convention would be held in
San Francisco during the autumn of 1896. Miss Anthony had written Miss
Willard that she thought this would be very injudicious. She then had
agreed to postpone it until after the election, and Miss Anthony again
had objected, saying:
I am glad you think it will be possible to postpone your convention
to November; but, you see, even to do that all California will be
full of your advertisements, and the papers all telling how the W.
C. T. U. is going to bring its convention to San Francisco
immediately after the women have the right to vote, so as to
educate them to destroy the wine-growing and brandy-distilling
business; in other words, that it is going to start in the first
thing to ruin what today is the one means of livelihood for immense
numbers of ranchmen throughout the State. So, I hope--nay, I
beseech that you will withdraw the convention altogether from
California for this year. I have had letters from the amendment
campaign committee, and every one of them deplores the coming of
the convention....
Now, my dear, hold your convention any place but in a State where
we are trying to persuade every license man, every wine-grower,
every drinker and every one who does not believe in prohibition,
as well as every one who does, to vote "yes" on the woman suffrage
question. If you only will do this, I am sure you will do the most
effective work in the power of any mortal to secure the end we all
so much desire.
Miss Willard replied in a cordial letter that she had not the slightest
wish to antagonize her or the suffrage movement and would use her
influence to have the place of the convention changed. To Mrs. B.
Sturtevant Peet, president of the California W. C. T. U., who was
somewhat in doubt as to the necessity for such change, Miss Anthony
wrote:
What you say of the good influence of your national convention in
San Francisco is true so far as concerns the actual Prohibition
men; but we must consider those who are making their daily bread
out of the manufacture as well as the sale of liquors. There are
many excellent men in California who are not total abstainers, but
who believe in wine as the people of Italy and France believe in
it; and I think that, in waging our campaign, we should be careful
not to run against the prejudices or the pecuniary interests of
that class. As I have said before, if it were a Prohibition
amendment which was pending I should think it exceedingly unwise to
run that campaign under the banner of woman suffrage. The average
human mind is incapable of taking in more than one idea at a time.
The one we want to get into the heads of the voters this year is
woman's enfranchisement, and we must pull every string with every
possible individual man and class of men to secure their votes for
this amendment. We should be extremely careful to base all our
arguments upon the right of every individual to have his or her
opinion counted at the ballot-box, whether it is in accordance with
ours or not. Therefore, the amendment must not be urged as a
measure for temperance, social purity, or any other reform, but
simply as a measure to give to women the right to vote yea or nay
on each and all of them. I want every woman in California to work
for the amendment, but I want her to work in the name of suffrage,
not of prohibition.
The national convention was withdrawn entirely from California, and the
W. C. T. U. women, in most places, worked under the one banner of the
suffrage amendment during the campaign. In proof that there was no
feeling on the part of the leaders against Miss Anthony, it may be
stated that she received official invitations to be present at the
birthday celebration of Mrs. Peet, in April; to address the State W. C.
T. U. Convention at Petaluma, in October; to attend the National
Convention at St. Louis in November; and to join in the farewell
reception to Miss Willard in New York on the eve of her departure for
Europe.
The managers of the woman's campaign supposed of course that the
endorsement by the Populist and Republican State Conventions meant not
only that the speakers of those parties would advocate the suffrage
plank just as they did the others in their respective platforms, but
that they also would permit the women themselves to speak for it in
their political meetings. When they applied to Mr. Wardall and the other
members of the Populist Central Committee, the schedule was promptly
furnished and they were assured that their speakers would be welcomed.
When they applied to the Republican Central Committee, to their
amazement, they were put off with an evasive answer. Meanwhile they had
Miss Anthony, Miss Shaw, Mrs. Catt and other speakers waiting for
engagements and did not dare make dates ahead lest it might interfere
with the big Republican rallies which they wished them to address. Again
and again they went to the Republican Central Committee and asked for
the schedule of their meetings and the privilege of sending their
speakers to them. Finally, after weeks of anxious waiting, the chairman,
Major Frank McLaughlin, sent a letter to the suffrage headquarters
saying in effect: "The committee had decided not to grant this
privilege; in the language used at one time by Miss Anthony, it meant
'too many bonnets at their meetings,' and they wished to reach the
voters."
He added that they were at liberty to make any arrangements they chose
with the county chairmen. This meant, of course, that they must
ascertain the name and address of every county chairman in the State,
watch the papers for the announcements of meetings, hold their speakers
in reserve, and beg the privilege of having them heard. All this, when
the endorsement of the suffrage amendment was the first plank in the
Republican platform unanimously adopted by the State convention! There
was nothing, however, except to make the best of it; but when they
attempted to arrange with the county chairmen, they found Major
McLaughlin had written them not to allow the women speakers on their
platforms! While many of them refused to obey his orders, he had
practically destroyed the best opportunity for reaching the people.
The Republican State Convention had enthusiastically adopted a
resolution declaring for "the free coinage of silver at a ratio of 16 to
1." When the National Convention met in St. Louis soon afterwards it
adopted a gold standard plank, and there they were! The Populists and
Democrats who agreed on a financial plank saw here an opportunity and,
in many counties, effected a fusion and held their meetings together.
This, of course, nullified the permission given the women to put
speakers on the Populist platform, since the Democrats, as a party, were
opposed to woman suffrage, and there they were! If they attempted to
hold simply suffrage meetings, they could get only audiences of women,
because all the men were in attendance at the political rallies. So the
only thing left was for the women in every city and town in the State,
whenever a political mass meeting was advertised, to go to the managers
and humbly beg to have one of their speakers on the platform.
This was not often refused, and it was just as easy to get this
permission from Democrats as from Republicans. The former felt that if
the amendment should carry they would not object to a little of the
credit, and they soon found also that the women were a drawing card.
Whenever there was a purely Populist meeting, a conspicuous place and
all the time desired were given to the women, but at Republican,
Democratic or Fusion meetings, they always were placed at the end of the
program and allowed only five or, at most, ten minutes. In order simply
to get this little word, the women speakers would make long journeys and
sit on the platform until every long-winded male orator had finished his
speech, and until they were ready to drop from their chairs. But the
audience waited for them, no matter how late, and never failed to
receive them with the wildest enthusiasm. Many times when the managers
would have been willing to sandwich them between other speakers, the
latter would object, saying the people would go home as soon as the
women had finished!
As the campaign wore on it became a fight for life with the political
parties. The Call, which had come out so valiantly for woman suffrage,
had been struck in a vital part, i.e., in the counting-room, by the
opponents of this measure, who withdrew valuable advertising and in
every possible way sought to injure the paper. Its support was used by
the other wing of the Republican party to create a prejudice against the
candidates it advocated; the principal stockholders were not friendly to
the amendment; as the organ of the Central Committee it was deprived of
independent action. So it was not surprising that, long before the close
of the campaign, the great fight which the Call agreed to make had
dwindled to an occasional skirmish when the pleading of the women grew
too strong to be resisted.
Almost without exception the Republican orators were silent on the
question of woman suffrage, even those who personally favored it. The
women wrote them, interviewed them and begged them to advocate the first
plank in their platform as they did all the rest, and occasionally when
they would go in a body and sit on the front seats to watch the speaker,
he would say a few mild words in favor of the amendment, but there were
several of the Democrats who did as much. Some of the Populists
advocated it, but the most prominent, who always before had spoken for
it, went through the entire campaign without so much as a mention, in
order to secure Democratic support. When Thomas B. Reed came into the
State, at the very end of the campaign, the women felt sure of an ally,
as he had long been a pronounced advocate, but he did not so much as
refer to the question in his tour of the State, although they bombarded
him with letters which would have impressed a heart of stone. At the
last grand rally in Oakland, the day before election, with Miss Anthony
on one side of him and Miss Shaw on the other, he did say that he "knew
of no more reason why a woman should not vote than why a man should
not"--but the battle then was already lost.
Up to within a few weeks of election, in spite of all the drawbacks, it
looked as if the amendment would win. The general sentiment throughout
the State seemed to be in favor. The mere mention of the subject at any
meeting was received with the greatest enthusiasm. Almost every delegate
body which assembled in convention during that summer adopted a
resolution of endorsement; this was true of most of the church
conferences, the teachers' institutes, the State Grange and farmers'
institutes, the Chautauqua assemblies and countless others. And still
the women watched and waited! There was one element more powerful than
all these combined, which had not yet shown its hand. It never had
failed in any State to fight woman suffrage to the death, and there was
no reason to believe it would not kill it in California.
Ten days before election the fatal blow came. The representatives of the
Liquor Dealers' League met in San Francisco and resolved "to take such
steps as were necessary to protect their interests." The political
leaders, the candidates, the rank and file of the voters recognized the
handwriting on the wall. From that moment the fate of the amendment was
sealed. The women had determined, from the beginning of the campaign,
that they would give the liquor business no excuse to say its interests
were threatened, and therefore the temperance question had been kept out
of the discussion as had the religious, the tariff and the financial
questions. They took the sensible view that it had no more place than
these in the demand for women's right to vote as they pleased on all
subjects. Therefore the action of the liquor dealers had no
justification in anything which the women had said or done. It simply
showed that they considered woman suffrage a dangerous foe. The
following letter, signed by the wholesale liquor firms of San Francisco,
was sent to the saloon-keepers, hotel proprietors, druggists and grocers
throughout the State:
At the election to be held on November 3, Constitutional Amendment
No. Six, which gives the right to vote to women, will be voted on.
It is to your interest and ours to vote against this amendment. We
request and urge you to vote and work against it and do all you can
to defeat it.
See your neighbor in the same line of business as yourself, and
have him be with you in this matter.
The men in the slums of San Francisco were taken in squads and, with
sample ballots, were taught how to put the cross against the suffrage
amendment and assured that if it carried there never would be another
glass of beer sold in the city. When the chairman of the press committee
went to a prominent editor, who was opposed to woman suffrage and knew
that these things were being done, and asked if there were no way by
which some suffrage literature could be given to those men so that they
might see there was no ground for these threats, he said: "Most of them
can not read and if they could the whiskey men would never allow a page
of it to get into their hands." In what way the liquor dealers worked
upon the political parties, it is not necessary to speculate. The
methods were not new and are pretty well understood. They control tens
of thousands of votes not only in California but in every State, which
they can deliver to either of the great parties that does their bidding
and regards their interests.
It is absurd, however, to attribute the defeat of the suffrage amendment
wholly to the liquor dealers, or to the densely ignorant, or to the
foreigners. In the wealthiest and most aristocratic wards of San
Francisco and Oakland, where there were none of these, the proportion of
votes against the amendment was just as great as it was in the slum
wards of the two cities. Those respectable, law-abiding citizens who
cast their ballots against the amendment, thereby voted to continue the
power of the above mentioned classes.
For weeks before the election, the most frantic efforts were made by the
politicians to register new voters and colonize them in the wards where
they would be most needed.[123] Columns of appeals were issued in all
the newspapers to get the vast numbers of lately arrived immigrants to
come to the city hall and register. Men were sent around ringing big
bells and calling upon them to do this, and interpreters were employed
to explain that it would not cost them a cent. Finally the registry
books were carried to the parks and other places where these men were
employed, in order to secure their names.
Meanwhile the intelligent, order-loving, sober and industrious women of
the State were making such efforts as never were made by any class of
men, to secure this same privilege of placing in the ballot-box and
having counted their opinions on questions relating to the public
welfare;--opinions, one would think, that ought to be considered of as
much value to the State as those which such strenuous attempts were
being made to obtain. It seems, however, that intelligence, morality and
thrift must wait the pleasure of ignorance, vice and idleness.
During the months of the early spring, through the efforts of a few
women who worked without pay and used only their spare moments, the
names of nearly 30,000 women were secured to a petition asking for the
suffrage. This, of course, represented only a fraction of those which
might have been obtained by continued effort, but a petition signed by
even 30,000 men would have been considered worthy of attention. The vast
majority of women have no money of their own and those who work for
wages, as a rule, receive but a pittance, and yet there were raised in
California for this amendment campaign almost $19,000, and the amount
contributed by men was so small as not to be worth mentioning. The
financial success was due very largely to the State treasurer, Mrs.
Austin Sperry. She not only made a donation of $500, but borrowed from
the bank on her personal note, when necessary, and signed blank checks
to be used when the treasury was empty and repaid when outstanding
pledges were collected. Mrs. Phoebe Hearst headed the list with $1,000.
Mrs. Stanford gave almost as much in railroad transportation to the
speakers and organizers. The next largest contributor was Mrs. Knox
Goodrich, of San Jose, who for nearly thirty years had stood in
California a faithful advocate of woman suffrage, giving time, money and
influence. She added to her past donations nearly $500 for this
campaign. Mrs. Sargent's munificence has been mentioned. A few women
subscribed $100 each, but all the rest was given in sums ranging down
to a few cents.
[Illustration: Sarah L. Knox Goodrich (Signed: "Sarah L. Knox
Goodrich")]
[Illustration: Autograph: "regard with deep respect your heroic life and
entire devotion to the cause you have consecrated it to. Yours very
sincerely. Phebe A. Hearst."]
The true record of these contributions would wring the heart of every
man in the State. A large photograph of Miss Anthony and Miss Shaw was
given for every $2 pledge, and many poor seamstresses and washerwomen
fulfilled their pledges in twenty-five cent installments, coming eight
times with their mite. Often when there was not enough money on hand at
headquarters to buy a postage stamp, there would come a timid knock at
the door and a poorly dressed woman would enter with a quarter or
half-dollar, saying, "I have done without tea this week to bring you
this money;" or a poor little clerk would say, "I made a piece of fancy
work evenings and sold it for this dollar." Many a woman who worked hard
ten hours a day to earn her bread, would come to headquarters and carry
home a great armload of circulars to fold and address after night. And
there were teachers and stenographers and other workingwomen who went
without a winter cloak in order to give the money to this movement for
freedom. This pathetic story ought to be written in full and given to
every man who eases his conscience by saying, "The majority of women do
not want to vote;" and to every well-fed, well-clothed woman who
declares in her selfish ease, "I have all the rights I want."
Knowing that if the suffrage amendment were placed first or last among
the six which were to be voted on, it would be a target for those who
could not read, the ladies wrote to the Secretary of State asking that
it be placed in the middle of the list. He answered, June 26: "It shall
be as you request and the suffrage amendment be third in order as
certified by me to the various county clerks." When the tickets were
printed, however, it was placed at the end of the list and thus
necessarily at the end of the whole ticket, making it a conspicuous
mark. The explanation given was that Governor Budd had directed the
amendments to be placed on the ballot in the same order as they had
appeared in his proclamation. As this had not been issued until July 20,
a month after the official request of the ladies had been granted, one
must conclude there was a mistake somewhere. The results were exactly
what had been feared. In San Francisco alone hundreds of ballots were
cast on which there was only one cross and that against the amendment;
not even the presidential electors voted for.
There were 247,454 votes cast on the suffrage amendment; 110,355 for;
137,099 against; defeated by 26,734. The majority against in San
Francisco was 23,772; in Alameda county, comprising Oakland, Alameda and
Berkeley, 3,627; total, 27,399-665 votes more than the whole majority
cast against the amendment. Berkeley gave a majority in favor, so in
reality it was defeated by the vote of San Francisco, Oakland and
Alameda.[124] Alameda is the banner Republican county and gave a good
majority for the Republican ticket. There never had been a hope of
carrying San Francisco for the amendment, but the result in Alameda
county was a most unpleasant surprise, as the voters were principally
Republicans and Populists, both of whom were pledged in the strongest
possible manner in their county conventions to support the amendment,
and every newspaper in the county had declared in favor of it. The fact
remains, however, that a change of 13,400 votes in the entire State
would have carried the amendment; and proves beyond question that, if
sufficient organization work had been done, this might have been
accomplished in spite of the combined efforts of the liquor dealers and
the political bosses.
Near midnight of election day, a touching sight might have been
witnessed on a certain street in San Francisco: two women over seventy
years of age, one the beloved wife of a man whom California had selected
as its representative in the United States Senate and whom the
government had sent as its minister to the court of Germany; the other a
woman universally admitted to be the peer of any man in the country in
statesmanship and knowledge of public affairs--Mrs. A. A. Sargent and
Susan B. Anthony. In the darkness of night, arm in arm, they went down
the street, peering into the windows of the rough little booths where
the judges and clerks of the election were counting votes. The rooms
were black with tobacco smoke and in one they saw a man fall off his
chair too drunk to finish the count. They listened to the oaths and
jeers as the votes were announced against the suffrage amendment, to
which they had given almost their lives. Then in the darkness they crept
silently home, mournfully realizing that women must wait for another and
better generation of men to give them the longed-for freedom.
The next morning when Miss Anthony came down to breakfast she found a
group in the Sargent library reading the news of the election, and all
looked at her in sorrowing sympathy. She stood still in the center of
the room for a moment and then said sadly: "I don't care for myself, I
am used to defeat, but these dear California women who have worked so
hard, how can they bear it?"
Miss Anthony not only had donated her own services but had paid her
secretary's salary of $75 per month and permitted her to give her entire
time to the State headquarters for seven months, while she herself
attended to the drudgery of her immense correspondence whenever she
could get a spare hour. Even at the small sum of $25 for a regular
speech, she would have contributed over $3,000 to this campaign, in
addition to the scores of little parlor and club addresses. She gave her
services freely and willingly and did not regret them, but often said
that the California campaign was the most harmonious and satisfactory of
any in which she ever was engaged. There was not the slightest friction
between herself and the State association or State headquarters, and
most of those prominent in the work were of such refinement and nobility
of character that it was a pleasure to be associated with them. Not a
day passed that she did not receive some token of affection from the
women of the State. The Sargent home was filled with the flowers and
baskets and boxes of fresh and dried fruits, etc., which were sent to
her.[125]
On November 5, two days after the election, a large body of California
women met in Golden Gate Hall to hold the annual State Suffrage
Convention. Miss Anthony and all the national officers remained to help.
There was not a trace of defeat or disappointment; all were brave,
cheerful and ready to go to work again. Twelve hundred dollars were
raised to settle all outstanding bills and the campaign closed without a
dollar of indebtedness. As Mrs. Sargent was going abroad, a worthy
presidential successor was elected, Mrs. Mary Wood Swift, wife of John
F. Swift, minister to Japan, a fine presiding officer, a lady of much
culture, travel and social prestige, who had rendered valuable service
throughout the campaign. The next evening the suffrage forces held a
grand rally in Metropolitan Temple. Every seat in that fine auditorium
was occupied and the aisles were crowded. It was not a meeting of the
adherents of a lost cause, but of one which had suffered only temporary
defeat. Miss Anthony presided and was given a true California ovation
and, as her voice rang out with all its old-time vigor, there was not
one in that vast audience but hoped she might return to lead her hosts
to victory.
[Illustration: Autograph: "Yours with Love, Mary Wood Swift"]
Saturday evening at 6 o'clock the seven eastern women started homewards,
laden with tokens of affection, accompanied across the bay by a large
number of loving friends, and moving off amidst smiles and tears and a
shower of fragrant blossoms.
FOOTNOTES:
[118] Joint campaign committee: Ellen C. Sargent, chairman; Sarah B.
Cooper, vice-chairman; Ida H. Harper, corresponding secretary; Harriet
Cooper, recording secretary; Mary S. Sperry, treasurer; Mary Wood Swift
and Sarah Knox Goodrich, auditors. State central committee: Mrs.
Sargent, Miss Anthony, Mrs. Swift, Mrs. Sperry, Mrs. Blinn, with Mary G.
Hay, chairman.
[119] About 1 o'clock in the morning, after this eventful night, the
ladies were awakened by loud laughter and women's voices. They arose and
went to the window and there in the brilliantly lighted street in front
of the hotel were two carriages containing several gaily dressed women.
A number of the convention delegates came out and crowded around them,
three or four climbed into the carriages, wine bottles were passed and
finally, with much talk and laughter, they drove off down the street,
the men with their arms about the women's waists. The ladies returned to
their slumbers thoroughly convinced that they had not used the correct
methods for capturing the delegates of a Democratic convention.
[120] The use of these rooms was donated by the manager of the Emporium,
the large department store in the building. All through the summer and
autumn a number of most capable young women, who were employed as
stenographers, teachers, etc., gave every waking moment outside business
hours to the work at headquarters, carrying home with them great
packages of leaflets and circulars to be folded and addressed, looking
after their own precincts, and rendering services which could not have
been paid for in money. Although all were breadwinners they labored from
love of the cause and without a thought of thanks or remuneration.
[121] In Idaho all political State conventions, Republican, Populist and
Democratic, endorsed the amendment, it received a majority of the
popular vote, and the women now have full suffrage.
[122] To commemorate this journey Miss Selina Solomons, of San
Francisco, wrote a tender poem, beginning:
"She walks on roses! she whose feet
Have trod so long the stony way,
They tread who lead mankind to greet
The coming of a brighter day."
[123] Some of the women going the rounds with suffrage petitions in San
Francisco found a house consisting of one room with three cots, where
were registered twenty-seven voters.
[124] Los Angeles gave a majority of 3,600 in favor of the amendment.
[125] In her president's report, at the next annual convention, Mrs.
Sargent said: "Susan B. Anthony! We can never forget her labor of love
and devotion to the cause of woman suffrage in California. She counted
not her life dear to her so that she could help to awaken the interest
of men and women in the great principle to which she has devoted her
life. She was not cold, nor hungry, nor tired, nor sleepy, while there
was a chance to push forward the work. Throughout the campaign Miss
Anthony gave her own services and those of her secretary without money
and without price. She reminds one of the great Niagara, which would be
wonderful if its waters rolled and dashed for only a short period; but
when they roll and dash on ceaselessly, nor ever stop to rest, there the
wonder of it all comes in, and we can only gaze, admire and acknowledge
the great law or power behind it."
CHAPTER XLVIII.
HER LETTERS--BIRTHDAY PARTY--BIOGRAPHY.
1896-1897.
On the way home from California Miss Anthony and Mrs. Catt stopped at
Reno, Nev., lecturing there Sunday, while Miss Shaw hastened on to speak
at Salt Lake City. Then all met at Kansas City to attend the Missouri
convention, where they were the guests of Mrs. Sarah Chandler Coates.
The papers refer to Miss Anthony's speeches at this convention as being
the very strongest she ever had made, and of her perfect physical
condition at the close of an eight months' campaign.
She went from here directly home, and on November 19 a brilliant banquet
was given in honor of Miss Shaw and herself at the Hotel Livingston by
the Political Equality Club. Mary Lewis Gannett was toast-mistress and
about 250 guests were seated at the tables. This was followed by the
State convention at Rochester. After a few days' rest Miss Anthony went
to the home of Mrs. Catt, near New York, where a business meeting was
held of the national executive board. With Mrs. Avery she then took one
of the great Sound steamers for Boston to attend a meeting of the
National Woman's Council. A reception was given by Mrs. Charles W. Bond,
of Commonwealth Avenue, and one at the Hotel Vendome. She ran up to
Concord, N. H., for a few days' visit with her aged friends, Mr. and
Mrs. Parker Pillsbury and Mrs. Armenia S. White. Then back again to the
Garrisons', and out to Medford for a day with Mrs. Edward M. Davis, the
daughter of Lucretia Mott.
She left Boston December 9, to fulfill a promise made to Elizabeth
Buffum Chace, to spend her ninetieth birthday at her home in Valley
Falls, R. I. Mrs. Chace had written a number of letters with her own
trembling hand to arrange for this visit. It was only a family party,
but the diary tells of the cake with ninety little candles, and other
birthday features. Anna Shaw came in time for the supper, and the next
day Mrs. Chace sent them in her carriage to Providence to attend the
State convention. Here they were guests in the handsome old Eddy
homestead, and Miss Anthony addressed a large audience in the evening.
She stopped a day in New York to tell Mrs. Stanton about the California
campaign, and Sunday morning reached her own dear home. Her old and
loved friend, Maria Porter, had died the preceding night, and she
attended the funeral services next day. On December 23 she went to
Niagara Falls with her stenographer to secure reminiscences from her
cousin, Sarah Anthony Burtis, aged eighty-six, who was a teacher in the
home school at Battenville over sixty years before.
The year just closed had been busy but pleasant. It had brought the
usual number of tokens of appreciation, one of which was notice of
election as honorary member of the Chicago Woman's Club. Among the
scores of invitations on file were one from Judge George F. Danforth to
meet the justices of the appellate court at his home; and one to the
golden wedding of her old fellow-laborers, Giles B. and Catharine F.
Stebbins, at Detroit, the latter one of the secretaries of that famous
first convention of 1848. Major James B. Pond, the well-known lecture
manager, wrote Miss Mary Anthony: "Thank you for your kind letter and
the excellent photograph of your great sister, whom I have admired and
hoped and prayed for since I was a poor boy out in Kansas. I still
believe she will be spared to witness a general triumph of her noble
cause." The letter contained an offer of $100 for a parlor lecture by
Miss Anthony at Jersey City.
A few of Miss Anthony's own letters, taken almost at random from copies
on her file, will illustrate the vast scope of her correspondence and
her peculiarly trenchant mode of expression. To one who wanted a
testimonial from her that she might show in vindication of certain
accusations, she wrote:
I went through all the fire of charges of stealing, and of every
other crime in the whole calendar, twenty-five years ago--charges
made, too, by people of vastly more influence than any of the women
who are talking and writing today about you. I never made a public
denial of one of them, through all the years of the bitterest kind
of persecution, and believe I was greatly the gainer by working
right on and ignoring them. It will be the mistake of your life if
you go into print in your own defence. Your denial will reach a new
set of people and start them to talking, while the ones who read
the original charges will never see the refutation of them.
To one of the newly-enfranchised women of Utah:
The one word I should have to say to the women throughout your
State would be, not so much to try to get women elected to the
offices as to get the best persons, whether men or women. Naturally
there will be a far less number of women than of men capable of
holding office, from the very fact of their long disfranchisement.
I do hope your women therefore will set a good example not only for
Utah, but also for the States where they are not enfranchised;
namely, that of proving it is not the spoils of office they are
after. I think the women of Wyoming always have been wonderfully
judicious in not being anxious to hold offices themselves, but
mightily anxious as to what men hold them. It will be considered a
strong objection to woman suffrage if the vast majority of your
women should prove themselves mere partisans.
To a New York cousin: "Your little birthday present, the Book of
Proverbs, came duly. Solomon's wise sayings, however, don't help me very
much in my work of trying to persuade men to do justice to women. These
men and their progenitors for generations back have read Solomon over
and over again, and learned nothing therefrom of fair play for woman,
and I fear generations to come will continue to read to as little
purpose. At any rate, I propose to peg away in accordance with my own
sense of wisdom rather than Solomon's. All those old fellows were very
good for their time, but their wisdom needs to be newly interpreted in
order to apply to people of today."
In answer to a letter from Illinois asking the secret of her success in
life:
If I may be said to have made a success of my life, the one great
element in it has been constancy of purpose--not allowing myself
to be switched off the main road or tempted into bypaths of other
movements. It always has been clear to me that woman suffrage is
the one great principle underlying all reforms. With the ballot in
her hand woman becomes a vital force--declaring her will for
herself, instead of praying and beseeching men to declare it for
her. It has been a long, hard fight, a dark, discouraging road, but
all along the way here and there a little bright spot to cheer us
on. And now we have four true republics, whose women are
full-fledged citizens, and the prospects are hopeful for others
soon to follow in the wake of those blessed four. One of the most
cheering things in these days is the large number of young women
who are entering the work, bringing to it a new, strong enthusiasm
which will push on to victory. The women over all the country are
waking up to the fact that truly to possess themselves, to have
their opinions respected, they must have this right of suffrage.
A letter from the secretary of a national conference which was seeking
to bring about a union of reformers, Prohibitionists, Free Silver
advocates, etc., asked her assistance and called forth the following
response:
It is all very well for you men, who have the power to make and
unmake political parties, to form a third, fourth or fiftieth
party, as the case may be; but as for myself and all who are of my
class, disfranchised and helpless, we have nothing to do with any
of them--old or new--except to ask each and all to put a woman
suffrage plank in their platform and educate their members to place
a ballot in the hands of women. I never have identified myself with
any political party, but have stood outside of all, asking each to
pledge itself to the enfranchisement of women. Whenever any one of
them has asked me to speak in its meetings on the suffrage
question, I have accepted the invitation, but I never have
advocated the specific measures of any.
So, you see, I can be of no help to you, but I do know that no one
of the reform political parties ever will amount to much standing
alone, and that it would be a good thing for all of them to come
together in one body. I might say, however, that least of all could
I join yours, which makes "God the author of civil government." If
such civil government as we have was made by God, what reason is
there to expect any improvement in the future?
From a letter to Isabella Beecher Hooker:
Fortune indeed does not smile any too favorably upon us who feel so
longingly the need to use money. I am crippled all the time and
prevented from doing what I might by lack of funds. The old faith
would say, I suppose, that whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth
financially, but seems to me I could better do His work and my own
for the regeneration of the world, if I had the money to do it
with.... What a fuss the men are making nowadays over "good
government"--the idiots! Can't they see it is impossible to
improve things until they get a new and better balance of power
that will outweigh the one which now pulls down the political
scales and makes decency kick the beam every time? It does try my
soul that we can not make them see they are simply trying to lift
themselves by their bootstraps. Well, they are born of
disfranchised mothers, a subject class, and one can not expect
different results.
If I could spare the time and money I would love to accept your
invitation to sit with you and your dear John in your summer
retreat, and chat over the world of work for our good cause. Of the
before and the after I know absolutely nothing, and have very
little desire and less time to question or to study. I know this
seems very material to you, and yet to me it is wholly spiritual,
for it is giving time and study rather to making things better in
the _between_, which is really all that we can influence; but
perhaps when I can no longer enter into active, practical work, I
may lapse into speculations.
To a debating society asking her opinion on the question of "educated
and property suffrage:"
I always have taken the negative; that is, have believed in
universal suffrage without either property or educational
qualification. I hold that every citizen has a right to a voice in
the government under which he lives. While an education is highly
desirable, yet a man may be unable to read but may attend political
meetings, talk with his neighbors and form intelligent opinions. He
may be honest and beyond bribery, and a more desirable voter than
many wily and unscrupulous men who have a graduate's diploma. It
is, however, the duty of the State to educate its citizens; and the
Australian ballot, which has been largely adopted, is in itself an
educational qualification.
As to a property qualification: while in the majority of cases,
perhaps, the possession of property is evidence of ability and
thrift, there are many who do not own property and yet are
possessed of good sense and are more capable of casting an honest
and intelligent ballot than some of the wealthy men of the country;
then, too, those who have least are the ones who suffer most from
the legislation of the rich, and need the ballot for
self-protection. I am decidedly opposed to a property
qualification.
To one who was in deep grief she said in an affectionate letter: "Do
assure me that you are beginning to think of your dear one as he was
when well and moving about in his always helpful and cheering manner. To
get far enough from the sickness, the suffering and the death of our
friends, so as to be able to have only the thought of them in their full
vigor of life, is the greatest joy which possibly can come to those who
have lost their beloved."
While Miss Anthony was thus constantly giving out from the vast wealth
of her heart and brain, she was receiving, also, from all parts of the
country the strong and loving tributes of noble souls. A beautiful one
which shines on the pages of 1896 was pronounced by the eloquent Dr. H.
W. Thomas, of Chicago, in the course of a Sunday sermon entitled
"Progressive Greatness," delivered to a large audience assembled in
McVicker's Theater:
A Washington and a Lincoln have come in our great century, and
between their birthdays was born a Susan B. Anthony, whose grand
life has been given to a noble cause; once the target for the cruel
and bitter shafts of ridicule; now deemed the noblest among women.
The task of Washington and Lincoln could not be complete till the
crown was placed on the brow of woman as well as man; and when the
angels shall call Susan B. Anthony to the life immortal, her name,
her memory on earth should and will take its place among the
martyrs and saints of liberty, not for man alone, but for woman and
child."
To watch the old year out and the New Year in, Miss Anthony went to
Geneva, and here spent a few days very pleasantly with Elizabeth Smith
Miller and her guest, Harriot Stanton Blatch. Among the New Year's
remembrances were $50 from Mrs. Elda A. Orr, of Reno, Nev.; $150 from
Mrs. Gross, of Chicago; and $300 from Mrs. Cornelia Collins Hussey, of
Orange, N. J. The usual number of congratulatory letters were received
from all classes of people, high and low, old and young, white and
.
To show their wide range two or three may be given. From Mrs. Ellen M.
Henrotin, president of the General Federation of Women's Clubs: "I send
to you on the New Year a fraternal greeting and my best wishes that this
may prove for you and the interests you represent, a year of
fulfillment. We are all serving the same cause and we are surely among
the happy ones of earth that we are enabled to assist, by even a slight
impetus, the 'power which makes for righteousness.' ... Therefore I send
you today my heartfelt wishes for the continued success of your cause
and the peace and prosperity of your life."
Her friend of fifty years, John W. Hutchinson, the last of that
never-equalled family of singers, sent his New Year's greetings and
added: "I bless you and your work. Wonderful possibilities will be the
result of this great movement, which you have led, for equal rights and
the franchise for women." The president of the National Council of
Women, Mary Lowe Dickinson, an earnest, efficient worker for humanity,
said in the course of a long letter dated January 9:
I pray that all strength and blessing of every kind may crown this
coming year of your life; and O, how earnestly I hope that in it
you may see the fruition of some of the work that you have been
struggling with these many, many years. When I run over in my mind
the present situation of the cause you represent--which seems to me
more and more the one cause which must succeed if we are going to
have genuine success anywhere else--I see what ground you have for
encouragement and what a vast advance has been made; but I see,
too, how slow it must seem to you, and how weary of waiting you
must become. I know no courage like yours, and I do that courage
full honor.
She had received a telegram of greeting from Frances E. Willard as soon
as she arrived home from California, and January 5 accepted her urgent
invitation for a little visit with her at the sanitarium of Dr. Cordelia
Green, Castile; and while there addressed a parlor gathering of the
patients. On January 15 she was guest of honor at a luncheon given by
the Educational and Industrial Union of Rochester, at the Genesee
clubhouse, to the State executive committee of the Federation of Clubs.
Mrs. Charlotte Perkins Stetson spent a few days with her, and she
arranged for her to hold Sunday evening services in the Unitarian
church. On January 20 the two ladies, with Miss Mary, started for the
twenty-ninth annual convention of the national association, which was to
be held this year at Des Moines, Ia. The thermometer was 15 deg. below zero,
the snow very deep, and Miss Anthony's friends saw her set forth on the
journey to this cold western city with much anxiety. All their protests,
however, were not sufficient to keep her at home; but she thought with
much longing of the clean, beautiful streets of Washington, the mild
climate, the Congressional committees, the crowds of visitors there from
various parts of the country who always came to the convention, and she
felt more strongly than ever that it was a serious mistake to take it
away from the national capital.
She stopped at Chicago for a few days, and a characteristic little entry
in her diary says: "I slept on a $6,000 bed last night; my! how much
good suffrage work could have been done with that money." On the
afternoon of January 23, Miss Anthony addressed a large meeting of the
Woman's Club and in the course of her remarks paid a tribute to that
organization, in which she said: "This is the banner club of the United
States, not because it has such nice women for members, and not even
because it is located in Chicago, but because it is a club which does a
large amount of practical work."
Mrs. Foster Avery joined the party at Chicago and they reached Des
Moines January 24, where they found the rest of the executive board, and
all were entertained in the suburban mansion of James and Martha C.
Callanan. The meetings were held in the Central Christian church, whose
pastor, Rev. H. O. Breeden, extended a cordial greeting. Notwithstanding
the extreme severity of the weather, 24 deg. below zero, the audience-room
was crowded to its capacity at every public session, and overflow
meetings were held. The convention was officially welcomed by Governor
Francis M. Drake and Mayor John McVicar; Mrs. Adelaide Ballard, State
president, made the opening address, and Mrs. Macomber spoke in behalf
of the women's clubs of the city. State Senator Rowan was one of the
speakers. Among the letters of greeting was one from Miss Kitty Reed,
daughter of Speaker Thomas B. Reed. The memorial services showed that
never in any previous year had so long a list of friends to the cause
passed away as in 1896. There were thirty-seven names mentioned in the
resolutions.[126]
In Miss Anthony's address she spoke of the great victories in 1896, as
shown by the full enfranchisement of the women of Utah and Idaho. Mrs.
M. C. Woods, from the latter State, presented an interesting account of
the late campaign and an outline of their work for the future. Her
mother, Emmeline B. Wells, made the report for Utah. Delegates were
present from twenty States, and most of them were entertained in the
hospitable homes of the city. A reception, attended by 500 guests, was
tendered by Mr. and Mrs. Hubbell, at their elegant residence on Terrace
Hill. An imaginative reporter on this occasion transformed Miss
Anthony's historic garnet velvet gown, worn for the past fourteen years,
into a "magnificent royal purple," and her one simple little pin into
"handsome diamonds." A pleasant reception also was given by the Woman's
Club in their commodious parlors. The daily newspapers contained
excellent reports of the convention, but not one gave editorial
endorsement of the cause it represented.
Those who believed in holding the alternate national conventions away
from Washington were satisfied with the result; those who thought
differently continued to hold the same opinion, and among the latter was
Miss Anthony, who soon afterwards wrote to one of the business
committee:
The conventions at Atlanta and Des Moines have but confirmed me in
my judgment that our delegated body always should meet in
Washington. For local propaganda both were undoubtedly good, but
for effect in securing Congressional action, absolutely nil. I
believe in resuming our old plan of holding at least two
conventions every year, one for the election of officers and for
its influence upon Congress in Washington every winter; the other
in whatsoever State we have constitutional amendments pending,
where we need to do our greatest amount of work in that direction.
The best way for the national association to help create local
sentiment is to build up and make a success of the different State
annual meetings, and to have at least two of its ablest and most
popular speakers attend as many of them as possible every year; and
I think by this means we can do a great deal more to make the
States feel that the national is mother to them, than by once in a
lifetime holding a delegate convention within their borders. I am
more and more convinced that some of the national officers must be
present at every State annual meeting, and if well advertised there
would be as many representatives of the local clubs present as go
to our national convention.
On the way home from Des Moines Miss Anthony spent a few days at
Indianapolis. The evening of February 3, Mrs. Sewall gave a reception in
her honor, to which were invited the governor, members of the
legislature, State officials and their wives, members of the Woman's
Council and their husbands. At one end of the large drawing-room, on a
slightly raised platform covered with rugs, sat Miss Anthony and
Indiana's most revered woman, Zerelda G. Wallace, to whom Mrs. Sewall
presented the guests. Later in the evening both of these ladies, from
their "throne," as it was laughingly called, gave pleasant informal
addresses, to which Senator Roots responded on behalf of the
legislature. The next day Mrs. Wallace and Miss Anthony's old friend,
Hon. George W. Julian, were entertained at luncheon and had a long
afternoon chat. In the evening a reception was given for her by Mr. John
C. and Mrs. Lillian Wright Dean at their pleasant home "The Pines."
The morning of February 5 Miss Anthony was invited to address a joint
session of the Indiana legislature in the Assembly chamber. The judges
of the supreme and appellate courts and most of the State officials were
present, and all the visitors' seats on the floor and in the galleries
were filled with Indianapolis ladies. Miss Anthony was introduced with
words of praise by Representative Packard, and spoke for an hour, making
her usual strong plea for a Sixteenth Amendment enfranchising women.
On February 6, at 9 A. M., in the midst of rain and sleet, she arrived
in Rochester and, in less than an hour, reporters from every newspaper
in the city were on hand for an interview. They had learned long since
that they always were sure of a cordial reception at her cozy home, and
that the returned traveller would not fail to tell them something which
would make interesting reading. Miss Anthony was actuated by two motives
in this: One was her desire to get as much suffrage news as possible
into the papers, for no one could have a higher appreciation of the
value of the press; the other was a strong sentiment of admiration and
friendship for the faithful and industrious men and women who earn a
living at newspaper work.
Sunday night, February 14, the birthday of Frederick Douglass was
observed in the Plymouth Congregational Church. Miss Anthony presided
over the large meeting and introduced the speakers.
[Illustration: THE ANTHONY RESIDENCE.
SINCE 1865, ROCHESTER, N. Y.]
There had been something in the air of Rochester for several weeks,
something of a social nature in which most of the people in the city
seemed interested, and it promised to culminate on the approaching 15th
of February, when Miss Anthony should be eleven times seven years old.
This famous birthday, which had been beautifully celebrated in New York,
Washington and numbers of other cities and towns throughout the country,
also had been often pleasantly observed in Rochester; but it was thought
by many people here that it was time Miss Anthony's own city should hold
a celebration which should eclipse all on record. The first intimation
she had was the receipt of this invitation:
The woman's clubs of this city are planning to give a reception in
your honor at Powers Hall on the evening of your seventy-seventh
birthday, February 15, 1897. They have chosen this means of
publicly expressing the great esteem in which they hold you, and
the pride they feel in reckoning among their number a woman of
national reputation. They trust that this date will be
satisfactory, and this manner of showing their respect not
distasteful to you. Very sincerely,
OLIVE DAVIS,
_Corresponding Secretary of the Committee on Arrangements_.
The committee was composed of one member of each of the sixteen woman's
clubs, and the admirable manner in which the affair was conducted
certainly indicated that it was in the hands of representative
women.[127] Most of the Rochester papers contained editorials of
congratulation. Among others the Post-Express said of the celebration:
Its purpose is to indicate the esteem in which she is held by the
people of the city of which she has, for many years, been a
resident. It is not intended as a demonstration in behalf of the
cause with which she has been especially identified. Its meaning is
deeper and its scope is broader than this. It is the woman, rather
than the advocate, who is to be honored....
Rochester is proud of Susan B. Anthony--proud that it can call her
its citizen. It has come to appreciate her quality. It understands,
not alone that she has stood in the front ranks of those who have
done battle for the equality of woman with man at the ballot-box,
but that she has also done much for the emancipation of woman from
civil thralldom and social inferiority, and that in all good causes
she has been distinguished--in philanthropies as in politics, in
the reformation of moral abuses as in the righting of what seemed
to her civic wrongs. As her work has proceeded, she has conquered
prejudice and persuaded respect--respect for herself independent of
and even superior to that for the causes in which she has enlisted.
And so it occurs that the citizens of Rochester, without regard to
the opinions they entertain upon woman suffrage and cognate
movements, but wholly in admiration and affection for a noble
woman, unite in the reception which awaits her, cordial and full of
meaning. It will be a notable occasion, and one long to be
remembered.
The daily papers gave long and elaborate reports of this great
reception, headed, "Our beloved Susan; Two thousand hands grasped by the
Grand Old Woman;" "Rochester Shows its Love for Her," etc., etc. A
portion of the Herald account may be quoted as indicating the tone of
all:
The reception accorded to Susan B. Anthony at Powers Hall by the
woman's clubs of Rochester was one of the most brilliant events of
the kind ever held in this city. All the prominent people of both
sexes were there, and each vied with the others in doing honor to
the woman whose splendid attributes of mind and heart have
reflected so much credit on the city. But little preliminary work
was needed, as it partook largely of the nature of a spontaneous
tribute. Fully 2,000 people, representing the beauty, wealth and
intelligence of the city, passed before this unostentatious, kindly
woman during the evening and esteemed it an honor to press her
hand.
The guests began to arrive at 8:30 o'clock and continued to come in
a steady stream for two hours thereafter. Miss Anthony stood at the
western end of the large room and around her were gathered the
reception committee, composed of representatives from each of the
woman's clubs in the city. The guests formed in line as they
entered and each in succession took the hand of Miss Anthony. She
greeted every one cordially and had a pleasant word for each. In
one hand she held a beautiful bouquet of white and yellow roses
sent by Miss Frances E. Willard.
There were more than Rochester's most distinguished citizens; hundreds
of the poor and the humble, a number of <DW52> people, men and women in
all the walks of life, thronged the great hall surrounded with famous
paintings and radiant with electric lights, flowers and beautiful
costumes. They came to grasp the hand of one who had made no distinction
of race or rank or belief in her fifty years' work of uplifting all
humanity. If these had not been present, Miss Anthony would have felt
that her own city had not offered its full tribute of recognition.
At the Anthony home the day was a happy one. Rev. Anna Shaw came to help
celebrate. The house was filled with guests from out of town and many
callers, and the bell was ringing all day for telegrams, letters and
packages. There were potted plants and cut flowers, baskets of violets
and hyacinths, and great bunches of roses and carnations. Letters and
telegrams came from California and Massachusetts, and a number of States
between. Clubs of many descriptions sent messages, and even
Sunday-schools offered greetings. Mariana W. Chapman, president New York
State Suffrage Association, expressed the congratulations of that body,
and from all the National-American officers came words of appreciation.
Among these were the following from the national organizer, Carrie
Chapman Catt:
When a woman lives to be seventy-seven years old, having given a
whole half-century and more to the cause of human liberty, her age
becomes a crown of glory, before which every lover of progress bows
in acknowledgment. Such a woman is she whom we know as "Saint
Susan." Upon her birthday I have but one wish, and in this millions
of grateful American women join with me; may she live in health and
strength undiminished, until she witnesses the last woman in the
United States blessed with all the political privileges of
citizenship. If this wish might be fulfilled, I know it would bring
the highest joy ever permitted a human being; therefore because I
love her tenderly I make it, with gratitude for her years of
service and with a reverence unspeakable for the woman whose
courage, determination and adherence to principle made the service
possible.
A few evenings later Miss Anthony attended a meeting held in Rochester
by the Cuban League. As soon as she entered she was invited to a seat
on the stage and then the audience insisted on a speech. Finally she
came forward and said:
From the report of the first outrage in Cuba down to the present
time, there has not been a moment but that its people have had my
sympathy. Never since I began to know the meaning of the word
"freedom" has anything taken a stronger hold on me than this
struggle in Cuba. Even where all men are free, women are not, and I
trust that when Cuban men achieve their independence and frame
their constitution, they will not forget the women who have borne
the struggle with them, as our Revolutionary fathers forgot the
women who toiled by their side. The men of only four out of
forty-five States of our republic have yet granted liberty to the
women. I never can speak in a meeting like this without bearing
testimony to the cowardice of the men of this nation in refusing to
make the women free. I believe in liberty and equality for every
human being under every flag, not for men alone but for women also.
The last of February a telegram announced the death of Maude, wife of
Senator L. H. Humphrey, who but a few weeks before had visited the
Anthony home, and stated that the husband desired Miss Anthony to speak
at the funeral. She was a young and lovely wife and mother, treasurer of
the State Federation of Clubs and an officer of the State and county
suffrage associations. It was said that Miss Anthony spoke as one
inspired of the woman in whose death everything good had lost a helpful
hand, who had gone out of life with no fear for herself but only loving
thoughtfulness for others. She told of her courage in following the
truth wherever it might lead, of the freedom into which she had grown,
and the beautiful faith and trust in which she had lived; she said that
it was such who walked with God, and that her spiritual life could be
comprehended only by those who lived on the same high plane. It was a
deep regret to all who heard this exquisite eulogy that it was not
preserved word for word.
Reference has been made in a preceding chapter to Miss Anthony's
preparations for the writing of her biography, which were interrupted by
the urgent call from California. All her letters from friends and many
from strangers, for several years, had urged that it should not longer
be deferred. But who should do it? That was the important question.
There were a number of women who possessed the ability and the desire,
but some were absorbed in family cares and others in breadwinning
occupations; where was the one who could and would give a year or more
of her life to this vast undertaking? The question was still unanswered
when Miss Anthony laid everything else aside and plunged into the
California campaign. Long before this had ended, she had exacted a
promise from Mrs. Harper, who had charge of the State press during that
long and trying period, to come to Rochester and write the biography.
She herself agreed to remain at home till the work should be finished,
and give every possible assistance from the storehouse of reminiscence
and the wealth of material which had been so carefully garnered during
all the years.
So the first of March, 1897, the work began. A little while before, Miss
Anthony had written to a friend: "Some one soon will write the story of
my life and will want everything she can get about me, but she will find
there is precious little when she sits down to the task." What the
biographer did find was two large rooms filled, from floor to ceiling,
with material of a personal and historical nature. It seemed at first as
if nothing less than a cyclopedia could contain what would have to be
used. Ranged around the walls were trunks, boxes and bags of letters and
other documents, dating back for a century and tied in bundles just as
they had been put away from year to year. There were piles of legal
papers, accounts, receipts and memoranda of every description, and the
diaries and note-books of sixty years. The shelves were filled with
congressional, convention and other reports; there were stacks of
magazines and newspapers, large numbers of scrap-books and bushels of
scraps waiting to be pasted. There was, in fact, everything of this
nature which can be imagined, all carefully saved and put away, waiting
for the leisure when they could be sorted and classified.
It was fortunate indeed that the two women, who went to work so
cheerfully on that March morning, did not realize the task which was
before them, or their courage might have wavered. With the assistance of
their efficient secretary, Miss Genevieve Lel Hawley, the work went
steadily on from daylight till dark for many days, until at length the
sheep all were separated from the goats; the matter likely to be used
placed in one room, and the remainder arranged conveniently for
reference in the other. Every scrap of writing was pressed out and each
year's quota not only placed in a separate box, but arranged according
to months and days. The printed matter was carefully classified and the
scrap-books all finished, a complete set of nearly fifty years.
Then commenced the far more difficult labor of culling the most
important and interesting points from this great mass of material, and
condensing them into such space as would permit the reading of the
biography during at least an average lifetime. And thus was the task
continued, day after day, and far into the night, for much more than a
year. The snows of winter melted away; the bare branches of the tall
chestnut trees which towered above the windows put forth their buds and
burst into a wilderness of snowy blossoms; the birds built their nests
among the green leaves, reared their young and flew away with them to
warmer climes before the chill winds of approaching autumn; the
luxuriant foliage faded and dropped to the earth; again the naked
branches stretched out to a stormy sky, and the snow lay deep on the
frozen ground; while the story followed the life and work of this great
historic character through the slow unfolding out of the depths of the
past; the development from the springtime of youth into the fruitful
summer of maturity; the mellowing into the richness and beauty of
autumn; the coming at last into the snowy spotlessness of serene and
beautiful old age.
The attic workrooms were an ideal place for this long and exacting task,
secluded from all interruption and dedicated so entirely to the work
that not a book or paper ever was disturbed. A pretty description
written by Mrs. Minette Cheshire Hair, of the Rochester Democrat and
Chronicle staff, and published in a number of papers, thus began:
[Illustration: ATTIC WORK-ROOMS WHERE THE BIOGRAPHY WAS WRITTEN.]
Way up on the third floor of the cozy home at 17 Madison street,
away from the dust and noise of the pavement, in a charming den
admirably arranged for the purpose, two women have for months
been busily engaged getting together material and putting it in
shape for the publishers, which will give to the world a story--the
story of a career as remarkable as any ever written. Pausing on the
threshold, a description of the sanctum is not out of place, for
the pleasant atmosphere and surroundings at once impress the
visitor, so unconsciously have the occupants stamped it with their
own strong individuality. It consists of two large and airy rooms
which appear to be literally perched in the tree-tops, so close are
the swaying branches, which seem to nod approval and encouragement
to the two busy workers seated before a large bow window. Patches
of the blue sky glimmer above and through them, and the scene
without is restful and inspiring. Within is a large, low table
where the writing is done, and an easy couch piled with pillows
invites repose when the brain grows too weary.
The rooms are plain and ceiled above in natural wood, and on
shelves arranged along the sides are boxes containing years of
correspondence and documents, dating back to 1797--just one
century. In the room beyond, three stenographers do their part of
the work, and here also are large chests filled with the
accumulations of years of public life. It would seem as if the task
before these two dauntless women were almost endless, for every
letter must be read and carefully noted, every newspaper clipping
gleaned--and these alone would make volumes--old diaries perused,
and the whole digested and woven into the fabric of facts which not
only go to make the story of one woman, but the history of the
great progressive movement of women during the past fifty years.
FOOTNOTES:
[126] Among them were Harriet Beecher Stowe, Sarah B. Cooper, Drs. Hiram
Corson and Caroline B. Winslow, Judges E. G. Merrick and O. P. Stearns,
Mary Grew, J. Elizabeth Jones, Hannah Tracy Cutler, Sarah Southwick.
[127] The idea of giving the reception originated among the members of
the Wednesday Club, some of whom conceived the thought that it was time
for the women of Rochester in some way to recognize Miss Anthony's
ability, energy and labors in behalf of her sex.... Reformers, as a
rule, are not popular in their day, and Miss Anthony ran the gauntlet of
derision and abuse years ago, but today the magnificent services she has
rendered for woman are everywhere recognized.
The plans have been perfected upon a very elaborate scale. The following
are represented in the movement: the Wednesday Club, the Ethical
Society, the Women's Educational and Industrial Union, the Wellesley
Association, the Cornell Association, the Coterie, the Woman's Saturday
Club, the Holyoke Association, the Jewish Council, the Sisterhood of
Berith Kodesh, the Ignorance Club, the Tuesday Reading Club, the
Livingston Park Seminary Alumnae, the Rochester Female Academy Alumnae,
the Ladies' Travellers' Club, and Mrs. Hall's Art Class.
The reception is not to women only, but it is expected that a large
number of men will be present. [Then follows a list of names of many of
the prominent ladies of Rochester, who acted as a reception committee,
and of equally well-known young men, who served as ushers.]--Democrat
and Chronicle.
CHAPTER XLIX.
CHARACTERISTIC VIEWS ON MANY QUESTIONS.
1897.
Miss Anthony was strong in her determination to remain at home and
devote herself to the biographical task, but found it almost an
impossibility to resist the calls for her services which came from all
directions. Occasionally she would slip out for a lecture, but long
journeys and convention work for the most part were given up, and never
during fifty years had she remained at home a fraction of the time that
she spent here in 1897. Monday evening of each week was set apart to
receive callers and the pleasant parlors often were crowded, many of the
Rochester people declaring that this was their first chance of getting
acquainted with their illustrious townswoman. There were two roles,
however, which she never could fill with any pleasure to herself, that
of the society or the literary woman. While no one loves her friends
more faithfully or better enjoys receiving visits from them, she cares
for social life, in general, only so far as it can advance her cause.
Although letter-writing is a pleasure, she hates the use of the pen for
so-called literary work. Standing on the platform, words and ideas rush
upon her more rapidly than she can give them utterance, but with pen in
hand the thoughts still come but refuse to be formulated.
In the chapters describing the preparation of the History of Woman
Suffrage was set forth in detail her restiveness at such confinement. "I
love to make history but hate to write it," was her oft-repeated
assertion. The years had brought no change of feeling and her
correspondence shows how she chafed under the search of old records, the
reading of faded letters. Many times she wrote: "There is so much to be
done, so much more money is needed and so many more women are wanted for
the present work, that half the time I feel conscience-smitten to be
dwelling among the scenes and people of the past. There are so very few
of my early co-workers now on this side of the big river, that I am
really living with the dead most of the time; but as there is no way out
of this job except through it--through it I must go." In the journal she
says: "O, how it tires me to think over and talk over those old days,
not only of my own labors, but of the never-ceasing efforts to stir up
others to work."
The 9th of March Miss Anthony lectured before the Men's Club of the
Central Church at Auburn. On the 12th she spoke at a meeting addressed
by Booker Washington in the interest of the Tuskeegee Institute.
The 24th she went to Albany with Dr. Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. Catt,
Elizabeth Burrill Curtis, daughter of George William Curtis, Mrs.
Chapman, State president; and all addressed the senate judiciary
committee in behalf of a woman suffrage amendment. Miss Anthony went to
this hearing much against her will and, at its conclusion, declared she
never again would stoop to plead her cause before one of these
committees. She had made her appeals to their fathers and grandfathers,
and she was tired of begging for her liberty from men not half her own
age and with not a hundredth part of her knowledge of State and national
affairs.
The seventieth birthday of the devoted sister Mary would occur on April
2, and Miss Anthony decided to have a home reception in her honor. When
she broached the subject to a few intimate friends in the Unitarian
church and the Political Equality Club, she found they already had such
arrangements well under way and they insisted that she should leave the
matter entirely in their hands. Anything which concerned the Anthony
sisters interested Rochester, and the city papers contained extended
notices. The Herald began a long interview as follows:
Seventy! It did not seem possible that the sprightly, energetic
little woman who answered the reporter's ring could have reached
the allotted threescore and ten. Old Father Time is certainly no
more than a myth to Miss Mary Anthony. "Yes," said she, laughing,
"I am about to make my debut. Just think of it, a real reception in
my honor! By the time I'm eighty, my existence will probably have
become one whirl of delicious excitement."
The reporter asked to see Miss Susan B. Anthony; five minutes would
be sufficient; the matter was urgent and important.... Turning to
her the reporter said: "The Herald would like you to give an
account of your sister. You know she would never admit that she
ever did anything worth mentioning, so it is from you that the true
story must come."
She laughed as she took off her glasses, leaned back in her chair
and asked, "Where shall I begin?"
"At the beginning, please."
"Well then, my sister was born in Battenville, the youngest of four
daughters. One thing may surprise you. She, not I, is the suffrage
pioneer in our family. She attended the first woman's rights
convention, and when I came home from teaching school, I heard
nothing but suffrage talk, and how lovely Lucretia Mott was, and
how sweet Elizabeth Cady Stanton was. I didn't believe in it then,
and made fun of it; but sister Mary was a firm advocate. My
brother-in-law used to tell me that I could preach woman's rights,
but it took Mary to practice them.
"For twenty-six consecutive years, from 1857 to 1883, she taught in
our public schools. Many of the best citizens of Rochester once
went to school to her; and it is perhaps her influence upon those
minds and lives that my sister considers the most important part of
her life-work. She has always been identified with the suffrage
cause in this city and State, as I have with the national. For a
number of years she was corresponding secretary of the State
society, and for five years has been president of the city
Political Equality Club.
"I can not tell you how she has helped and sustained me. She has
kept a home where I might come to rest. From the very beginning,
she has cheered and comforted me. She has looked after the great
mass of details, my wardrobe, my business, etc., leaving me free.
She is the unseen worker who ought to share equally in whatever of
reward and praise I may have won."
The Democrat and Chronicle thus commenced a two-column account of the
reception:
... The occasion was the seventieth anniversary of Miss Mary
Anthony's birth and, in the afternoon and evening, crowds of her
friends gathered to offer their congratulations and do homage to
one who has done so much for the educational interests of the city
and social and political equality for her sex. Miss Mary, to be
sure, has not gained the national reputation which her famous
sister enjoys, yet among the people of Rochester she is regarded as
a sharer in the laurels won by Susan B. Whenever one is mentioned
the personality of the other is immediately brought to mind.... It
was with rare hospitality, interwoven with personal love and
respect, that Dr. and Mrs. J. E. Sanford devoted their handsome
home to the celebration of this birthday. Attired in black satin
and duchesse lace, with a pretty bouquet of bride roses in her
hand, Miss Mary presented a womanly and attractive appearance.
In the name of the club, Mrs. Sanford presented, with a felicitous
little speech, a handsome, jetted broadcloth cape. She was followed by
Mrs. Greenleaf, who tendered in affectionate words a purse containing
$70, a golden tribute for each year from many friends.[128] John M.
Thayer then made a witty and interesting address. He was followed by
Rev. W. C. Gannett, who dwelt especially on the work done by Miss Mary
in looking after the poor and needy for the past twenty years, not only
as an officer of the city charitable association but in a private
capacity, and closed by saying:
It takes two sorts of people to make a reform: One who become
public speakers and bear the brunt of obloquy, and the other who in
obscurity lend their assistance to the work. There are hundreds of
this latter class that the world never hears about. It is the
blessed silent side of life, and it seems to me that Mary is the
very incarnation of the quiet majority of this great reform which
is yet to celebrate its triumphs. In after years, when the story is
written of this political equality movement, men will say that the
battle was won by the two sisters, because there never could have
been a Susan abroad if it had not been for a Mary at home.
If there ever was a time when Miss Anthony was speechless from supreme
satisfaction it was on this occasion. All the honors ever bestowed upon
herself had not afforded her the joy of this testimonial to her gentle,
unassuming but strong and helpful sister, on whom she leaned far more
than the world could ever know.
[Illustration: MARY S. AND SUSAN B. ANTHONY, 1897.]
Miss Anthony assisted at the elegant golden wedding celebration of Mr.
and Mrs. James Sargent, April 29; not one in the receiving line under
seventy, and yet not one broken or enfeebled by age. The men erect
and vigorous, the women beautifully dressed and full of animation,
formed a striking illustration of the changed physical and social
conditions of the last half-century.
Early in June Miss Anthony, Rev. Anna Shaw, Miss Emily Howland and Mrs.
Harper went to Auburn to visit Eliza Wright Osborne, with whom Mrs.
Stanton and her daughter, Mrs. Lawrence, were spending the summer. The
days were delightfully passed, driving through the shaded streets of
that "loveliest village of the plain" and walking about the spacious
park and gardens surrounding the Osborne mansion; while in the evenings
the party gathered in the large drawing-room and listened to chapters
from the forthcoming biography, followed with delightful reminiscences
by the two elder ladies and Mrs. Osborne, whose mother, Martha C.
Wright, was one of their first and best-beloved friends and helpers. It
was a rare and sacred occasion, and those who were present ever will
cherish the memory of those two grand pioneers, sitting side by
side--Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony--the one just beyond, the
other nearing the eightieth milestone of life, both having given to the
world fifty years of unremitting service, and yet both as strong in
mind, as keen in satire, as brimming with cheerfulness, as in those
early days when they set about to revolutionize the prejudices and
customs of the ages.[129]
The correspondence this year seemed heavier than ever before, letters
pouring in from all parts of the United States and Europe. Even from
far-off Moscow, in conservative Russia, came the cry of women for help.
Pages written by the pen of another could not give so accurate an idea
of Miss Anthony's opinions on various topics as single paragraphs culled
from copies of her own letters, preserved, alas, only during the past
few years since she has employed a stenographer. One scarcely knows
which to select. To a newspaper inquiry she answered: "The 'greatest
compliment' ever paid me was, that by my life-work I had helped to make
the conditions of the world better for women." She wrote to an
exasperated Ohio woman:
The plan you propose, of our getting all the members of suffrage
clubs, and all individual women outside, in each State, to march to
the polls every election day and attempt to deposit their ballots,
sounds very well. But, my dear, it is impossible thus to persuade
the women, after the Supreme Court of the United States has
declared they have no right to vote under the National
Constitution. Your suggestion means a revolution which women will
not create against their own fathers, husbands, brothers and sons.
A whole race of men under a foreign or tyrannical government, like
the Cubans, may rise in rebellion, but for women thus to band
themselves against the power enthroned in their own households is
quite another matter. Hundreds have recommended your plan, so it is
nothing new, but it is utterly impractical. There can be but one
possible way for women to be freed from the degradation of
disfranchisement, and that is through the slow processes of
agitation and education, until the vast majority of women
themselves desire freedom. So long as mothers teach their sons and
daughters, by acquiescence at least, that present conditions need
no improving, you can not expect men to change them. Therefore do
not waste a single moment trying to devise any sort of
insurrectionary movement on the part of the women.
In a letter to Mrs. Stanton she said:
Mrs. Besant lunched with us, and I heard her last evening for the
second time. She is master of the English language, and whether or
not one can believe she sees and hears from the world of the
disembodied what she feels she does, one can not but realize that
she is a great woman and has a wonderful theory of how human souls
return to earth. But I tell her that it seems to me repellent that
we have to come back here through Dame Nature's processes, after a
period of such great freedom in the occult world, and again go
through with teething, mumps, measles, and similar inflictions. The
truth is, I can no more see through Theosophy than I can through
Christian Science, Spiritualism, Calvinism or any other of the
theories, so I shall have to go on knocking away to remove the
obstructions in the road of us mortals while in these bodies and on
this planet; and leave Madam Besant and you and all who have
entered into the higher spheres, to revel in things unknown to
me.... I will join you at Mrs. Miller's Saturday, and we'll chat
over men, women and conditions--not theories, theosophies and
theologies, they are all Greek to me.
There had been a question after the late election in Idaho whether the
suffrage amendment required a majority of all the votes cast, or only a
majority of those cast on the amendment. If the former, then it was
defeated. The case was carried to the supreme court, which put the
latter construction on the law. Miss Anthony wrote to the judges, Isaac
N. Sullivan, Joseph W. Huston, Ralph P. Quarles, (John T. Morgan
retired):
On behalf of the suffrage women of the United States, I thank you
for the decision which you have rendered. I had studied over the
clause a great deal and felt that if your judgments were biased by
the precedents and prejudices which had controlled the decisions of
the Supreme Courts of the United States, and of the different
States, upon the extension of rights to women, you certainly would
give the narrow interpretation. Instead of that, for the first time
in the history of our judiciary, the broadest and most liberal
interpretation possible has been given.
The Kentucky Daughters of the American Revolution, who were marking
historic spots, she advised as follows:
I hope in your selections you will be exceedingly careful to
distinguish those actions in which our Revolutionary mothers took
part. Men have been faithful in noting every heroic act of their
half of the race, and now it should be the duty, as well as the
pleasure, of women to make for future generations a record of the
heroic deeds of the other half. It is a splendid thing for your
association to devote the Fourth of July to a commemoration of
women. If I had the time, I too might be one of the
"Daughters,"[130] for my Grandfather Read enlisted and fought on
the heights of Quebec and at the battles of Bennington and
Ticonderoga; but I have been, and must continue to be, so busy
working to secure to the women of this day the paramount right for
which the Revolutionary War was waged, that I can give neither time
nor money to associations of women for any other purpose, however
good it may be.
When the answer came that they were doing the very thing that she
wished, she replied:
I am delighted; for however heroic our pioneer fathers may have
been, our pioneer mothers, in the very nature of things, must have
braved all the hardships of the men by their side with the added
one of bearing and rearing children when deprived of even the vital
necessities of maternity. Self-government is as necessary for the
best development of women as of men. Sentiment never was and never
can be a guarantee for justice, but with equal political power
women will be able to secure justice for themselves. We have had
chivalry and sentiment from the beginning of time, with some
privileges granted as a favor. We now demand rights, guaranteed to
us by codes and constitutions; and if their possession shall
forfeit us gallantry, we will make the best of it. But I do not
believe woman's utter dependence on man wins for her his respect;
it may cause him to love and pet her as a child, but never to
regard and treat her as a peer.
To Prof. C. Howard Young, of Hartford, Conn., for thirteen years an
invalid and yet an ardent advocate of woman suffrage, she wrote: "I want
you to feel that the dollar you have sent from year to year all this
time for your membership in the national association has helped bring to
us Idaho, for our organization committee's work in that State was a
large factor in securing the victory. Every one who gives a dollar helps
do the work where it is most needed to gain the practical result."
The following extracts are self-explanatory:
The vast majority of women easily can have their sympathies drawn
upon to help personal and public charities, while very few are
capable of seeing that the cause of nine-tenths of all the
misfortunes which come to women, and to men also, lies in the
subjection of woman, and therefore the important thing is to lay
the axe at the root. Now, my dear, if you and all the women who are
working for the different charities and reforms of your city, had
the right to vote, how long do you suppose the brothels and
gambling houses would be allowed to keep their doors open? Do you
believe that if women could vote for every officer whose duty it is
to enforce the laws, these dens would be licensed, or if not
absolutely licensed, would be allowed to run year in and year out
merely by the payment of fines from time to time? How long do you
think our streets would be infested with men walking up and down
seeking whom they might devour, and with women doing the same?
While some of you must work, as you are doing, giving heart and
soul to the mitigation of the horrors of our semi-barbaric
conditions, I must strike at the cause which produces them.
To the women of Kansas:
I hope your State association won't do the foolish thing of wasting
your time in asking the legislature to pass a law granting
"presidential" suffrage to women. Our chances in your State have
been postponed, if not absolutely killed, because of municipal
suffrage, and now if you should induce your legislature to give
"presidential" suffrage and the women should thwart the men's
wishes in their votes for President, as they already have done with
their limited franchise, you would be doomed never to get the right
to vote for congressmen, governor and legislators. I wish women
never would ask for any but full suffrage; and also that they would
stop asking the legislatures to submit an amendment to the voters,
until they have created public sentiment enough to get at least one
of the leading parties to stand for it from year to year. We have
been working at the top with the members of legislatures,
delegates to conventions, etc., too long; it is now time to begin
at the bottom with the voting precincts. Nothing short of this
should be considered organization.
Miss Anthony received many poems every year from admiring friends of
both sexes. This acknowledgment of one raises the suspicion that she was
not so appreciative as she might have been: "I find in a very handsome
lavender envelope a poem inscribed on lavender paper, addressed to Susan
B. Anthony. Since I know nothing of the merits of poetry, I am not able
to pass any opinion upon this, but I can see that 'reap' and 'deep,'
'prayers' and 'bears,' 'ark' and 'dark,' 'true' and 'grew' do rhyme, and
so I suppose it is a splendid effort, but if you had written it in plain
prose, I could have understood it a great deal better and read it a
great deal more easily. Nevertheless, I am thankful to you for poetizing
over me--although the fact is that I am the most prosaic, matter-of-fact
creature that ever drew the breath of life."
A relative in California wrote that "God would punish the people in that
State who worked against the woman suffrage amendment," and Miss Anthony
replied:
It is hardly worth while for you or anybody to talk about "God's
punishing people." If He does, He has been a long time about it in
a good many cases and not succeeded in doing it very thoroughly. He
certainly didn't punish the liquor dealers of San Francisco;
instead of that, He let them rejoice over us women because of their
power to cheat us out of right and justice. I think it is quite
time, at least for anybody who has Anthony blood in her, to see
that God allows the wheat and the tares to grow up together, and
that the tares frequently get the start of the wheat and kill it
out. The only difference between the wheat and human beings is that
the latter have intellect and ought to combine and pull out the
tares, root and branch. Instead of that, good men stay away from
the ballot-box or else form third, fourth and forty-'leventh
parties, thus leaving the liquor men and vicious elements, who
always know enough to stand together, a balance of power on the
side of the candidate or the party that will do most for their
interests. If the good men were as bright as the bad men, they
would pull together instead of separately.
To the Jewish Woman's Council: "From day to day I read the press reports
of your meetings, and was pleased to see how successful they were;
especially was I glad at the answer one of your women made to the
criticism of your holding a meeting on Sunday. It is time to teach some
of our Protestant women that it is just as worthy to do a good thing on
Sunday as on Monday or any other day in the week, and no worse to do a
bad one. They should learn also that they have no more right to ask you
to hold their Sunday sacred than you have to demand that they shall
observe your Jewish Sabbath."
Some California women wrote her that the politicians were advising them
to ask for "educated and property suffrage," and she replied:
I should answer them that it is quite difficult enough for women to
push their demand for enfranchisement on an _equal_ basis with men.
They all know there is not a man who has any political aspirations
or a party which hopes for success, that would take a public stand
in favor of such a measure as they wish us to adopt. I do not agree
with them that we have too many voters now. Instead of that, I say
we have just half enough, for a majority of the opinions of all the
people combined is sure to be better than the opinions of any one
class. They call it a "mistake" giving to poor and uneducated men
the right to vote; whereas, the greatest wrongs in our government
are perpetrated by rich men, the wire-pulling agents of the
corporations and monopolies, in which the poor and the ignorant
have no part.
No, they can not persuade me that it would be a right or even a
politic thing to ask that only educated, tax-paying women be
enfranchised. It would antagonize not only every man who had
neither property nor education but also every one whose wife had
neither, and all such would vote against the enfranchisement of the
rich and educated women. You can not start a demand for any sort of
restrictive qualification for women which will not lose more votes
for the measure in one direction than it can possibly gain in
another.
The habit of many women of continually intruding their religious beliefs
into their public work was a great annoyance to Miss Anthony. To a
prominent speaker on the Prohibition platform with whom she was well
acquainted, she wrote: "It seems to me that by your using constantly the
words 'God' and 'Jesus' as if they were material beings, when to you
they are no longer such, you impress upon your audience, grounded as the
vast majority yet are in the old beliefs, that you still hold to the
idea of their personality. The world, especially women, love to cling to
a personal, material help--God a strong man, Jesus a loving man." And
then a little further on, referring to the common habit of regarding
physical misfortunes as the punishment of God, she said: "God is not
responsible for our human ills and we should not believe or disbelieve
in Him on account of our aches and pains. It surely is not the good
people who escape bodily ailments. Certain fixed laws govern all, and
those who come nearest to obeying these laws will suffer least; but even
then we must suffer for the failures of our ancestors."
One of the leading women in a State where a suffrage amendment was
pending, wrote her that she felt sure the Lord would interpose in its
behalf and she should try to influence the voters by prayer. In response
Miss Anthony said:
I think you do not fully realize that the vast majority of the men
whom you have to convert to suffrage, neither know nor care whether
you and the rest of the women who want to vote, are especially
inspired by God to make the demand. Those who are good Methodists
like yourself ought to believe in suffrage already, and therefore
your appeals are to be made to the men who are not Methodists,
possibly not even Christians, and would be repelled by your
presenting any of the religious motives which are so powerful with
you and other church members. To prevail with the rank and file of
voters, you must appeal to their sense of justice. I am glad to
have you tell me personally about your communings with the Lord,
but for you to give that talk of "miraculous intervention" to the
common run of voters would be, as the Good Book says, "casting
pearls before swine."
To a nephew, D. R. Anthony, Jr., and his bride on the day of their
wedding, she telegraphed the beautiful words of Lucretia Mott: "May your
independence be equal, your dependence mutual, your obligations
reciprocal."
In the winter of 1897 a great cry was raised about what was called
"yellow" journalism, the mischievous sensationalism of certain
metropolitan newspapers. The matter was taken up by the W. C. T. U. and
Miss Willard sent out an address to prominent women asking that they
should protest against this journalism and also against such spectacles
as the recent Corbett-Fitzsimmons prize fight. When it reached Miss
Anthony she answered:
Your circular letter came duly, proposing that women should refuse
to patronize the so-called "yellow" newspapers, and also protest
against prize fighting. It seems to me that for the women of the
country to come out now with their little piping voices, after all
the great daily papers of the nation have written the strongest
kind of editorials against both these evils, would be very like the
caricatures of the old Conkling-Platt fight in the United States
Senate--the tall Conkling dealing his blow, and the little Platt
peeping, "Me, too."
Instead of going around echoing one or another class of men, it is
time for women to put their heads together and demand to have their
opinions counted the same as those of the men who make possible
"yellow journalism" and prize fighting. They who wish may waste
their time trying to make bricks without straw--to change the
conditions of society without votes--I shall go on clamoring for
the ballot and trying not to antagonize any man or set of men.
Don't you see, if women ever get the right to vote it must be
through the consent of not only the moral and decent men of the
nation, but also through that of the other kind? Is it not
perfectly idiotic for us to be telling the latter class that the
first thing we shall do with our ballots will be to knock them out
of the enjoyment of their pet pleasures and vices? If you still
think it wise to keep on sticking pins into the men whom we are
trying to persuade to give women equal power with themselves, you
will have to go on doing it. I certainly will not be one of your
helpers in that particular line of work.
In reading these and scores of similar expressions of wisdom and
philosophy, one can but echo the words of Rev. Anna Shaw, who wrote to
Miss Anthony: "Your letters sound like a trumpet blast. They read like
St. Paul's Epistles to the Romans, so strong, so clear, so full of
courage." Miss Anthony and Miss Willard always continued the best of
friends, each great enough to respect the other's individuality. In
reply to the above, Miss Willard wrote: "Dearest Susan, two women as
settled in their opinions as you and I, show their highest wisdom when
they mildly agree to differ and go on their way rejoicing, with mutual
good word, good will, good heart. Ever yours with warm affection." A
little later Miss Willard added to the official invitations to the
World's and the National W. C. T. U. Conventions, her warm personal
request for Miss Anthony's presence.
There was no end to the invitations which came by every mail: a banquet
given by the New York Woman's Press Club; the twenty-fifth anniversary
of the Woman's Club at Orange, N. J.; an anniversary breakfast of
Sorosis, at the Waldorf; a reunion of the old Abolitionists in Boston;
the Pilgrim Mothers' Dinner in the Astor Gallery; the dedication of the
Mother Bickerdyke Hospital in Kansas; the opening reception of the
Tennessee Centennial--the very answering of them consumed hours of
precious time.[131] Neither was there any limit to the newspaper
requests for opinions, such as, "Do you favor the use of birds for
personal adornment? Why, or why not?" "Christ's message, 'Peace on
earth, good will to men'--what has it done and what does it mean after
nineteen centuries?" etc. She seldom attempted to answer such queries,
but her comments while looking them over in her daily mail, if preserved
by stenographer and historian, would make piquant reading.
An amusing letter turns up among the almost nine hundred received in
1897, in which a county official, not seventy-five miles from Rochester,
asks these questions: "In how many cities have you spoken? How many
lectures delivered? Have you ever spoken in Washington before Congress?
Have you ever spoken in Albany before the legislature? How many people
would you think you had addressed in your lifetime?" Miss Anthony
responded: "It would be hard to find a city in the northern and western
States in which I have not lectured, and I have spoken in many of the
southern cities. I have been on the platform over forty-five years and
it would be impossible to tell how many lectures I have delivered; they
probably would average from seventy-five to one hundred every year. I
have addressed the committees of every Congress since 1869, and our New
York legislature scores of times."
As has been stated, she never replied to personal attacks, but during
1897 one so unjust and so bitter was made by a disgruntled woman of New
York City in the St. Louis Republic, that she yielded to the importunity
of friends and answered briefly:
I have been an officer in the National Suffrage Association since
1852, and its president since 1892. During that time I never have
had one dollar of salary, nor have I ever received any money for my
suffrage work from this association. I usually am paid for
lectures by any society which sends for me to come to a special
place. In all of the laborious State campaigns I have given my
services without money and without price. The various bequests
which have been left to me, to use at my discretion, all have been
appropriated directly to the suffrage cause. Not one officer of the
national association is or ever has been paid for her services, and
most of them have contributed many years of hard work and a large
amount of their own money.
By the middle of July the biography was so well advanced that the two
workers felt entitled to a vacation during midsummer. The completed
chapters were locked securely in the safety deposit vault and, with a
fervent hope that the house would not catch fire and burn up the
unwritten part of the book during their absence, they started, July 15,
for a little tour, going first to the home of Mr. and Mrs. James Sargent
on "Summerland," one of the loveliest of the Thousand Islands. Here Miss
Anthony tried very hard for a whole week to do nothing. Even
letter-writing was laid aside and she sat on the veranda and watched the
great steamers and the pleasure boats go up and down the broad St.
Lawrence; took long naps in the hammock swayed by the soft breezes;
wandered through the picturesque ravine and along the water's edge; at
evening watched the sun set in gorgeous splendor, leaving a trail of
glory on the waters which slowly faded as the stars came out in the
beauty of the night and were reflected in the still depths. Every day,
with host and hostess and the other guests in the house, she boarded the
little launch and sailed up the river, winding in and out among those
wonderful islands with their diversity of hotels, clubhouses, elegant
mansions and pretty cottages; but all surpassed by the adornments of
nature, tall trees with luxuriant vines climbing to the very tops, and
the great rocks of the ages, rent and cleft and covered with mosses and
ferns.
It was a charming week but, although the stay might have been prolonged
through the summer, Miss Anthony was far too busy a woman for much
visiting, and on the 22d started for her old home at Adams, Mass., where
a unique and long anticipated event took place, which will be described
in the next chapter. A number of relatives, who had come from various
parts of the country for this occasion, returned to Rochester with her.
A little trip was made to Geneva to visit with Mrs. Stanton at Mrs.
Miller's, and so the summer sped quickly and pleasantly away.
Miss Anthony attended the Ohio convention at Alliance, October 5, and
was the guest of Mrs. Emma Cantine. While here, at the request of
President Marsh, she addressed the students of Mount Union College on
"The Progress of Women during my Lifetime." She had said again and again
that she would not leave her work and go to this convention, but when at
last a telegram was received, "For heaven's sake come; all depends on
you"--she put on her bonnet and went, just as she had done a hundred
times before.
She spoke, October 20, at the celebration of the hundredth birthday of
Rev. Samuel J. May, in the beautiful church erected to his memory in
Syracuse. She had known Mr. May intimately from 1850 to the time of his
death, and those who have read the first chapters of this book and seen
what he was to her in those early days of abolitionism and woman's
rights when the enemies far outnumbered the friends, can imagine how
eloquently she voiced the love and gratitude in her heart.
The next evening Miss Anthony left Rochester for ten days at Nashville,
Tenn. The Woman's Board had invited a number of national organizations
to hold conventions during the Exposition, and the last week was set
apart for the Woman's Council. This was not a suffrage meeting; it was
simply a national council where each one of the speakers asked for the
suffrage to enable her association to do its work. Headquarters were at
the Maxwell House, and the officers and many other notable women came
from various parts of the country for the week. The public sessions were
held in the Woman's Building, which was crowded to its capacity.
Although suffrage was a comparatively new subject in this city, the
announcement of Miss Anthony's address filled the assembly-room and she
was received with enthusiasm.
They met with a hearty greeting from the people of Nashville. Among the
elegant receptions given in their honor was one by Mr. and Mrs. W. W.
Berry at Vauxhall Place. The president of the Exposition, Mr. John W.
Thomas, and his wife gave a handsome entertainment, of which the
American's account said: "By the hostess stood her honored guest, Miss
Susan B. Anthony, in simple attire. Warm was the reception accorded this
gray-haired woman, and her grand face impressed all with the noble part
she had played in this century." At the close of the council the
visitors, as the guests of the lady directors, were driven in tally-ho
and carriages to the beautiful country-seat of the president of the
board, Mrs. Van Leer Kirkman, where they were royally received.
Miss Anthony spoke also before the Liberal Congress of Religions in
session at this time, and was introduced by the president, Dr. Thomas,
as "one who had stood for the cause of liberty when it cost something to
stand, and had borne the storm of calumny and abuse for fifty years."
While she was in Nashville President Erastus M. Cravath, of Fiske
University, called with his carriage and took her to that institution,
where she addressed the faculty and 600 students, speaking, by request,
on "The Early Days of Abolitionism."
After a day or two at home Miss Anthony attended the New York Suffrage
Convention at Geneva, November 3. Here she made a speech criticising the
women of New York City for having gone so actively into partisan
politics during the recent campaign, although none of the parties
advocated giving them the right of suffrage, and pointed out the
absurdity of hoping for "good government" from any party until it was
reinforced by the votes of women. The speech created something of a
sensation, and when she reached home a reporter was waiting for her, to
whom she gave an interview which intensified the original excitement.
Not only did she review the political situation in New York, but she
declared also that no movement could succeed unless it were managed by a
so-called "ring." Leaders must be surrounded by those who are in
sympathy with their ideas and willing to carry out their methods, or
nothing can be accomplished. In commenting, the paper quoted the remark
so often made, "When Susan B. Anthony was born a woman, an adroit
statesman was lost to the world."
On November 11 Miss Anthony started on a great swing of western
conventions, or conferences, stopping on her way to the railroad station
to attend the golden wedding reception of her friends of nearly fifty
years, Dr. and Mrs. Edward M. Moore. These conferences--Miss Anthony,
Mrs. Catt, Miss Shaw, speakers--were for the purpose of arousing
interest and raising money for the suffrage celebration to be held in
Washington in the winter of 1898. They began at Minneapolis and
continued for two days each in Madison, Chicago, Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo
and Toledo. At the first city Miss Anthony addressed the students of the
State University, introduced by President Cyrus Northrop. A reception
was given in the public library building by the local Woman's Council.
At each of the cities visited the ladies were entertained by prominent
residents, the audiences were large and appreciative, and the newspapers
contained long and favorable reports. There was not a discord in the
chorus of pleasant welcome; not a disrespectful word of either the
speakers or the cause they advocated. The question was treated with the
same consideration and dignity as others before the public for
discussion, and it required no more courage to present it than to talk
of any other reform of the day.
If one desire an illustration of the progress made by women during half
a century, let him turn to the early chapters of this book and read the
story of those first meetings where Miss Anthony, rising timidly in her
seat and asking to make a remark, was literally howled down because no
woman was allowed to speak in public; and then let him read these
closing chapters of her ovations extending from ocean to ocean. From a
canvass of New York State in a sleigh, speaking to little handfuls of
people in country schoolhouses, ridiculed by the newspapers and outlawed
by society--to an endless series of conventions and congresses in all
the great cities of the country, with no hall large enough to hold the
audiences and with almost the unanimous approval of press and people!
Only a short period of less than fifty years, scarcely a second in the
eons of history, and yet in that brief time a revolution in public
sentiment, an overturning of the customs and prejudices of the ages, the
release of womanhood from unknown centuries of bondage!
FOOTNOTES:
[128] Among other birthday remembrances were a diamond pin from Miss
Shaw, Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Louise Mosher James and Lucy E. Anthony; $50 from
Mrs. Gross; many smaller gifts and quantities of flowers.
[129] During this month a fine medallion of Miss Anthony was made for
the Political Equality Club of Rochester and put on sale to obtain money
for the suffrage fund. Some time before, a handsome souvenir spoon was
designed by Mrs. Millie Burtis Logan, of Rochester.
[130] Later Miss Anthony was made honorary member of Irondequoit
Chapter, D. A. R. (Rochester).
[131] Miss Anthony was this year made honorary member of the Cuban
League, the Rochester Historical Society, the Ladies of the Maccabees,
and various other organizations.
CHAPTER L.
HOME LIFE--THE REUNION--THE WOMAN.
1897.
The unsurpassed powers of endurance, which have enabled Miss Anthony to
work without ceasing for more than sixty years, are due to her perfect
physical condition. She comes of a long-lived race, in which
centenarians have been not unusual. Her paternal grandfather lived past
the age of ninety-seven, able to oversee his farm to the very last; the
grandmother lived beyond sixty-seven; both the maternal grandparents
died in their eighty-fourth year; her father at sixty-nine, and her
mother at eighty-six. She never has abused her inheritance of a fine,
strong constitution. Travelling so much of the time, she has not been
able to observe regular hours and, being usually entertained in private
families, has not had a choice of food, but nevertheless, as far as
possible, she has observed the laws of health which she made for herself
in youth.
She never fails to take each morning, regardless of the weather, a cold
sponge bath from head to foot, followed by a brisk rubbing, which puts
the skin in excellent condition. She has a good appetite, drinks tea and
coffee moderately and eats always the simplest food, cereals, bread and
butter, vegetables, eggs, milk, a little meat once a day, plenty of
fruit at every meal, whatever is in season, and never can be tempted by
rich salads, desserts or fancy dishes. Whenever it is possible she rests
a short time after each meal, and lies down for an hour during the
afternoon, even if she can not sleep; retires at nine or ten and rises
at six or seven. She travels by night, when convenient, as she thus can
avoid much of the fatigue of the journey. When travelling in the daytime
she reads very little, never writes or dictates letters on the train, as
many busy people do, but makes herself comfortable and dozes and rests.
An invariable rule, with which nothing is allowed to interfere, is
plenty of fresh air and exercise, and she regards these as the
mainspring of her long years of health and activity. If she has been on
the cars all day, she walks from the station to her stopping-place.
After a speech, she walks home. When in Rochester she often writes until
nearly 10 o'clock at night, then puts on a long cloak, ties a scarf over
her head, goes out to the mail box, and walks eight or ten blocks,
returning in a warm glow; gives herself a thorough rubbing, and is ready
for a night's rest in a room where the window is open at all seasons.
The policemen are accustomed to the late pedestrian and often speak a
word of greeting as she passes. It is not an unusual thing for her to
take up a broom, when it has been snowing all the evening, and sweep the
walks around and in front of the house, just before going to bed. While
not an adherent of any special "sciences" or "cures," she believes
thoroughly in not dwelling upon either mental or bodily ills; giving
disagreeable things and people only such attention as is absolutely
necessary, and then putting them out of mind; observing the laws of
hygiene with regard to the body and then banishing it also from the
thoughts. Over and above all else is she an advocate of work, employment
for mind and body, as a means of salvation.
In dress Miss Anthony is extremely particular. She considers it poor
economy to wear cheap material, always buys the best fabrics, linings
and trimmings, and employs a competent dressmaker. She has one gown a
year and often this is a present from some loving friend. While she
wears only black silk or satin in public, she loves color and her house
dress is usually maroon or soft cardinal. Her laces and few pieces of
jewelry are gifts from women. The slender little ring, worn on the
"wedding finger," was placed there thirty years ago by her devoted
friend, Dr. Clemence Lozier. She never in a lifetime has changed the
style of wearing her hair, once dark brown, glossy and abundant, now
thin and fine and shining like spun silver, which is always evenly
parted, combed over the ears and coiled low at the back, thus showing
the fine contour of her head. In all the details of the toilet she is
most fastidious, and a rent, a missing button or a frayed edge is
considered almost an unpardonable sin.
Miss Anthony attends Unitarian church but retains her membership in the
Society of Quakers. On the rare occasions when she needs a physician,
she consults some woman of the homeopathic school, but she is opposed to
much medicine, believing that proper diet and exercise are the best cure
for most maladies. Although pleased always to welcome callers, she makes
few visits, except to the faithful friends of olden times whose names so
often have been mentioned in these pages. She finds the days all too
short and too few for the great work whose demands increase with every
year. While Miss Anthony feels an abiding interest in household affairs,
the details and management necessarily devolve upon her sister Mary, who
also looks carefully after the finances, to see that the modest income
is not all appropriated to the cause of woman suffrage. In matters of a
material nature she is the needed complement to the life of her gifted
sister. On all vital questions, suffrage, religion, the various reforms,
the two are in perfect accord and, as they sit together in the quiet
home for the usual twilight chat before the lamps are lighted, there is
none of that dwelling in the past, to which old people are so prone, but
all is of the present, the live topics of the day, and the plans and
hopes which they share alike.
The Anthony home in Rochester stands in Madison street, one of the
nicely paved, well-shaded avenues in the western part of that beautiful
city. It is a plain, substantial two-and-a-half story brick house of
thirteen rooms, with modern conveniences, and belongs to Miss Mary. It
is furnished with Quakerlike simplicity but with everything necessary to
make life comfortable. In the front parlor are piano, easy chairs and
many pictures and pieces of bric-a-brac, given by friends. Over the
mantel hangs a fine, large painting of the Yosemite, presented to Miss
Anthony in 1896 by William Keith, the noted artist of California.
Beneath it stand three fine photographs, Mary Wollstonecraft, Lucretia
Mott and Frederick Douglass. Between the windows is the very mahogany
table upon which were written the call and resolutions for the first
woman's rights convention ever held--the gift of Mrs. Stanton. In the
back parlor the most conspicuous object is the library table strewn with
the papers and magazines which come by every mail. This is surrounded
with arm-chairs, tempting one to pause awhile and enjoy this luxury of
literature. On one side are the bookcases, and on the walls large
engravings of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Susan B. Anthony, and a handsome
copy of Murillo's Madonna, while in one corner stands the mother's
spinning-wheel. Opening out of this room is Miss Mary's study, the big
desk filled with work pertaining to the Political Equality Club of 200
members, whose efficient president she has been for a number of years;
and here she spends several hours every day looking after her own work
and relieving her sister of a part of hers. There is a sewing-machine
here also, and a big, old-fashioned haircloth sofa, suggesting a nap and
a dream of bygone days.
In the dining-room is a handsomely carved mahogany sideboard, a family
heirloom, containing china and silver which belonged to mother and
grandmother, and here hang very old steel engravings of Washington and
Lincoln. The large, light kitchen, with its hard coal range, is a
favorite apartment, and Miss Anthony especially enjoys sitting there in
a low rocking-chair while she reads the morning paper. The front room
upstairs, with little dressing-room attached, is the guest chamber. It
contains a great chest of drawers, a dressing-table and mirror which
were part of the mother's wedding outfit over eighty years ago, a
mahogany bedstead and a modern writing-desk and rocking-chairs. On the
walls are several paintings, the work of loved hands long since at rest,
and two engravings, over one hundred years old, such as used to hang in
every Abolitionist's parlor in early days. They are copies of paintings
by G. Morland, engraved in 1794, by "J. R. Smith, King St., Covent
Garden, engravers to H. R. H. the Prince of Wales." One is entitled
"African Hospitality," and represents a ship wrecked off the coast of
Africa with the white passengers rescued and tenderly cared for by the
natives; the other is named "The Slave Trade," and shows these same
<DW64>s loaded with chains and driven aboard ship by the white men whom
they had saved. These pictures have little meaning to the present
generation, but one can imagine how they must have fired the hearts of
those who were laboring to eradicate the curse of slavery from the
nation.
Back of the guest chamber, in this interesting home, is Miss Mary's
sleeping-room, with quaint old furniture and family pictures; then the
maid's room, another guest chamber and, in the southwest corner, next
the bathroom, the pleasant bedroom of Miss Anthony with the pictures of
those she loves best, and the dresser littered with the little toilet
articles of which she is very fond. The most attractive room in the
house, naturally, is Miss Anthony's study in the south wing on the
second floor. It is light and sunshiny and has an open gas fire. Looking
down from the walls are Benjamin Lundy, Garrison, Phillips, Gerrit
Smith, Frances Wright, Ernestine L. Rose, Abby Kelly Foster, Harriet
Beecher Stowe, Lucy Stone, Lydia Maria Child and, either singly or in
groups, many more of the great reformers of the past and present
century. On one side are the book shelves, with cyclopedia, histories
and other volumes of reference; on another an inviting couch, where the
busy worker may drop down for a few moment's repose of mind and body. By
one window is the typewriter, and by the other the great desk weighted
with letters and documents.
Each morning, as soon as the postman arrives, Miss Anthony sits down at
her desk and, going over the piles of letters, puts to one side those
which can wait, dictates replies to those requiring the longest answers
and, while they are being typewritten, plunges with her pen into the
rest. Many hours every day and often into the night she writes steadily,
but the pile never diminishes. As president of the National-American
Association not only must she direct the work for suffrage, which is
being carried on in all parts of the country to a much greater extent
than the public imagines, but she also must keep in touch with the
hundreds of individuals each of whom is helping in a quiet but effective
way. There are few days that do not bring requests from libraries,
associations, colleges, high schools or clubs for literature and other
information concerning woman suffrage, which is now the subject of
debate from the great universities down to the cross roads schoolhouse.
In past years libraries have been very deficient in matter upon this
question because there was no general call for it, but now the demand is
so large that it scarcely can be supplied, and all instinctively turn to
Miss Anthony for information.
Some idea has been given of the scope of her correspondence of a public
nature, but it hardly would be possible to describe the private letters.
Standing for half a century as the friend and defender of women, and
known so widely through her travels and newspaper notices, she is
overwhelmed with appeals for advice and assistance. From the number of
wives, and husbands also, who pour the tale of their domestic grievances
into her ears, she would be fully justified in believing marriage a
failure. She is daily requested to sign petitions for every conceivable
purpose, and begged for letters of recommendation by people of whom she
never heard. Women entreat her to obtain positions for their husbands
and children and to help themselves get pensions, or damages, or wages
out of which they have been defrauded. Girls and boys want advice about
their plans for the future. Women, and men too, without education or
experience, insist upon being placed as speakers on the suffrage
platform. Authors send books asking for a review. People write of their
business ventures, their lawsuits, their surgical operations, their
diseases and those of all their family, and of every imaginable
household matter. Scores of letters ask for a "word of greeting" on all
sorts of occasions. Editors of papers and pamphlets, advocating every
ology and ism under the sun, send them with the entreaty that she will
examine and express an opinion, each insisting that "it will take only
a few hours of her time." She is besieged to dress dolls and make aprons
for fairs, to write her name upon pieces to be used for quilts and
cushions, and to furnish scraps of her gowns for the same purpose.
Babies are named for her and she is asked to send a letter of
acknowledgment and a little keepsake. Requests for autographs outnumber
the days of the year.
She is constantly importuned to examine MSS., and not only to do this
but to secure a publisher. During the year 1897 one man sent an article
of sixty-eight closely typewritten pages of legal cap, asking that she
give it a careful reading, revise it, and send it where it would be
published; and no postage stamps accompanied this nervy request. A woman
whose grammar and rhetoric were most defective announced that she had
written a book called "The Intemperate Life of my Father;" also two
stories and a play. She would send all of them to Miss Anthony, to 'fix
up just as if they were her own and help her sell them; she wanted the
proceeds to assist her brothers who had failed in business.' It is a
common occurrence for persons to ask, without so much as enclosing a
stamp, that she prepare an address on woman suffrage and send for them
to read as their own production. One enthusiastic poem begins:
"When the grain is ripe we will gather the sheaves,
And weave a crown for your brow of laurel leaves."
A man from the great Northwest sends a long article entitled, "Sun and
Moon Bathed in Blood! Ring, Ring the Bells!" desiring that it be put in
the "index of the biography," meaning the appendix. One writes: "You are
said to be very good about assisting helpless girls; now you could not
find one more helpless than I am;" and then requests that she select,
have made and pay for a school outfit for her. Another has a great
scheme for starting a "workingwoman's home" and wants Miss Anthony to
furnish the money. The list might be extended almost indefinitely and,
while one is amused and disgusted by turns, there are among this vast
correspondence many letters which touch the heart. During the tariff
debate in Congress in 1897 a paragraph was widely published that a tax
was to be placed on tea, and this note, evidently written by a child,
was received: "My mamma goes out to work while I go to school and she
loves her cup of tea. Our groceryman tells us we will have to pay more
for it now. I have heard how good you are to the poor, do please spare
time to write to the President and ask him not to make our tea dearer.
Tell him to put the tax on beer and whiskey."
Miss Anthony is very conscientious about answering letters, too much so,
her friends think, for she is a slave to her correspondence. Sometimes,
however, she reaches the point of exasperation, as when she opened eight
pages of a faintly written scrawl beginning, "My heart goes out to you
in sympathy." "Well, I wish it would go out in blacker ink," she
exclaimed, and threw it into the waste-basket. Invitations to lecture
and to attend all sorts of gatherings pour in, and she often says to the
younger workers, "If I might but transfer them to you, how much good you
could accomplish." Every mail brings also loving and appreciative
letters which illuminate the whole day, take the sting out of the unkind
ones and lighten the burdens never entirely lifted. The women who have
come into the work in late years continually ask, "How have you borne it
so long?" Sometimes when their own endurance ceases they write her that
they will have to resign, and she makes answer: "If all the young women
fail, then the octogenarian must work the harder till a new reserve
comes to the rescue;" and of course they are ashamed and redouble their
labors to show their loyalty.
With all her hours of toil she is never satisfied with what she has
accomplished, but always feels that she might have done a little more,
that something or somebody has been neglected. In looking over the
mention made in these chapters of a few of the most valuable gifts and
noteworthy letters, she said with sadness: "And no notice has been taken
of the hundreds of little tokens of affection which cost far more of
sacrifice on the part of the givers, and of the thousands of letters
from obscure but faithful women, without which I never could have had
the courage to do my work."
[Illustration: THE ANTHONY FAMILY AT THE REUNION, ADAMS, MASS., JULY 30,
1897.]
While Miss Anthony has remained at home more days in 1897 than in any
previous year for half a century it has been one of the busiest in
regard to letter-writing. It is the dream of her life to raise a
permanent fund to be placed in the hands of trustees, after the manner
of the famous Peabody fund, the income to be used to further the cause
of woman suffrage. To accomplish this she is exerting her strongest
powers of appeal. During all these years of labor for humanity she has
had to beg practically every dollar she has used, and she longs to
relieve the workers of the future from this drudgery and humiliation, by
providing an assured income, so they may not be obliged to expend half
their time and strength in obtaining the money with which to do the
work. In addition to this Standing Fund, she is endeavoring also to
secure enough money for the early establishment of a Press Bureau for
the purpose of taking up and answering, day by day, the false statements
made in regard to woman suffrage, its ultimate aims and actual results;
to furnish news and arguments where they are desired; and to enlist the
support of the press for this question, which is now acknowledged to be
one of the leading issues of the day.
The event of 1897 which gave Miss Anthony more pleasure than all others,
in fact one of the happiest incidents of her life, was the Anthony
Reunion at Adams, Mass., the last of July. The Historical and Scientific
Society of Berkshire had for many years held an annual meeting at some
one of the historic spots for which that county is especially noted. In
1895 this had been held in the dooryard of the old Anthony homestead,
and she had been invited to be present, but was otherwise engaged. It
had been the custom to eulogize her highly at these gatherings but it
was determined that now she must come and speak for herself, therefore
the invitation was repeated for 1896, but then she was in California. In
1897 the letter from the president, A. L. Perry, said: "The present
writing is to give you a formal and official invitation, in the name of
the people of the entire county, whose representatives we are, to be
present and participate in our next meeting. You may be sure of a warm
welcome from your old neighbors who remain, and from the generation of
Berkshire people, men and women, now on the stage."
The meeting was to be held in Lee, and she wrote that if they would
again hold it at the old Anthony homestead she would put aside
everything else and come. She soon received this answer from Rev. A. B.
Whipple: "It gives me pleasure, as vice-president of the Berkshire
Historical Society, to inform you that we have decided to gratify your
'bit of sentiment' as well as our own inclination to meet again 'in that
old dooryard,' to do you honor as one of the natives of Berkshire whose
historic lives are finding a deserved and permanent record in our
society."
Miss Anthony ever wanted her friends to share in her joys and was
anxious that everybody should know her friends, so she wrote that she
would like to have the Berkshire people hear Miss Shaw and others among
the noted speakers. After some exchange of letters the officers of the
society requested her to take charge of the program of the day, and
promised to second all her arrangements. As she always combined business
with pleasure she appointed a meeting of the national suffrage committee
that week, and thus brought to Adams her "body guard," Miss Shaw, Miss
Blackwell, Mrs. Catt, Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Upton[132] and, by invitation,
Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby and Mrs. Harper. She had decided also to have at
this time a family reunion, and for many weeks had been writing far and
wide to the Anthonys, the Laphams, the Reads and the Richardsons,
bidding all come to Adams on the 29th of July, and as a result the "Old
Hive" swarmed as it never had done, even in the early days. She went on
a week ahead and joined forces with her cousin, Mrs. Fannie Bates, who
lived in the house. Albert Anthony, another cousin and near neighbor,
put himself, his horses and vehicles at their service; other relatives
came to their assistance, beds were set up, provisions laid in; and for
a week fifteen people picnicked in the old homestead. The overflow was
received in the hospitable homes of other relatives in the neighborhood,
and even Hotel Greylock, in the village, was pressed into service to
entertain the guests, who came from Kansas, Illinois, New York,
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New Hampshire and other States.
The suffrage committee meetings were held during several days and
evenings preceding the Historical Society celebration. It was a picture
always to be remembered, that group of distinguished women, standing at
the very head of the greatest progressive movement of the age, gathered
in serious conclave in those old-fashioned, low-ceiled rooms built over
a century ago, concocting schemes which would have filled their Quaker
owners with holy horror. It seemed almost as if they would come back
from the dim past to ask what it all meant. And yet, when one recalled
that the Quakers never commanded their women to keep silence in the
meeting house, but recognized their full equality there and elsewhere,
and stood for liberty in a world given over to religious and political
tyranny, it seemed indeed most fitting that the representatives of this
great association for securing freedom to all, should come together
under the roof of one of these old Friends. One felt as if the ancient
door-latch should lift, and Aunt Hannah, the wise and gentle Quaker
preacher, should glide in and take her seat among these other women whom
the Spirit also had moved. But the most remarkable feature of this
unique occasion was that the woman presiding over the deliberations of
this body of reformers, should have carried on her childish games in
this very room, seventy-five years before, and listened with awe to
parents and grandparents as they discussed the burning questions of
intemperance, slavery and religious intolerance.
An unseasonable storm of several days' duration had made it necessary to
transfer the meeting of the Historical Society to the pavilion in
Plunkett's Park. The ladies of Adams and vicinity, with Mrs. Susan
Anthony Brown at their head, had prepared a bountiful luncheon for the
officers of the society and the fifty invited guests, and here, at noon
on July 29, Miss Anthony sat at the upper end of the long table with
Rev. Anna Shaw on one hand and Rev. A. B. Whipple on the other. At the
conclusion of the luncheon, the officers and speakers took seats on the
stage in the large pavilion, which soon was filled with an audience that
had come from Williamstown, North Adams, Pittsfield, Great Barrington,
Lee and other surrounding towns. The Adams Freeman said: "If the group
of women speakers were brilliant, the audience that honored them, while
less so perhaps in renown, was equal in intellectual attainments. It was
a cultured assembly, including the most progressive people of
Berkshire."[133]
[Illustration: AT THE OLD HOMESTEAD, JULY 30, 1897.]
In a few words of welcome Rev. Louis Zahner, the Episcopal minister,
spoke of the Anthony family as having laid the foundations of the
schools, the industries and the prosperity of Adams, and of the
community's indebtedness to them for the best it has today. Mr. Whipple,
in a cordial address, then introduced Miss Anthony and placed the
meeting in her charge. Can any pen describe her pride and happiness in
returning thus to the loved home of her birth and childhood, to meet
this warm and appreciative welcome and to introduce in turn her cabinet
of eminent women?
After relating some very interesting recollections of her ancestors and
of early events, which were especially appreciated by the old residents,
she introduced Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, who said in the course of a
graceful address:
There is no citizen of this great nation who would not be delighted
with the privilege of visiting these Berkshire hills, famed for
their beauty, but it is not because of this that most of us have
made this pilgrimage to Adams; rather have we come with much of
that spirit which led the thousands upon thousands of Christians in
the early centuries to Jerusalem, or which later prompted thousands
of Mohammedans to make their pilgrimage to the city of Mecca. We
have come to Adams because it is the birthplace of the greatest
woman of our time.
Many centuries ago, on the 15th of February, there was born a man
whose name is familiar to every school-child throughout the
civilized world, and yet that man never knew a happy day. He was
reviled, persecuted, martyred, tried, condemned, and died sorrowful
and broken-hearted. And what was his offense? He declared that this
earth turned upon its axis and that it moved around the sun. There
were no newspapers in that day, but every pulpit thundered its
denunciation against the great Galileo. When he was condemned to
die he was compelled to renounce this belief, but under his breath
he said, "The world does move!" A century after he had gone, not a
pulpit in Christendom, not a scholar, was there but knew that he
had told the truth.
It is a curious coincidence that upon the anniversary of the
birthday of Galileo there was born Susan B. Anthony. She also
perceived a great truth and the world did not agree with her. It
reviled her for the belief she had propounded, but in this century
she never renounced that belief, but thundered back to the pulpit
and to the newspapers that the world does move and the time will
come when women shall be free; the time will come when they shall
have every right, every privilege, every liberty which any man
enjoys.... We, today, are making the first pilgrimage to the
birthplace of Susan B. Anthony, but I prophesy that in another
quarter of a century there will be many pilgrimages hither, and no
child will be so illiterate as not to know that in this county it
was this greatest of American women was born.
Mrs. Rachel Foster Avery followed with an entertaining account of her
trip abroad with Miss Anthony and the latter's utter indifference to the
titles of the nobility. As she never could get them right she discarded
all of them and insisted on calling everybody plain "Mr." and "Mrs." She
then related this incident:
We had in our party for a few weeks a couple of English ladies.
When driving in Rome, one of them, a great dame of noble lineage,
was admiring an old palace belonging to some very ancient Roman
family and made the statement that this same family owned five
other famous palaces in Italy. Miss Anthony seemed to be making a
mental calculation, and finally said with enthusiasm, "What a
magnificent orphan asylum that would make."
"Why, Miss Anthony, do you mean that you would actually turn the
home of this old family into an orphan asylum?"
"Yes," said she, "I think about 700 of these little ragamuffins
could be put in there. Think of the streets just full of them, and
all these big houses vacant! I don't see a better use to which
these old palaces could be put."
Mrs. Upton in her bright, humorous way related some amusing stories
which she had heard from her ancestors, who were born in Berkshire, and
adroitly turned them into an argument for woman suffrage. A beautiful
poem was read, entitled "Pioneers," dedicated to Miss Anthony by her old
friend John M. Thayer, of Rochester. Col. D. R. Anthony created great
mirth by telling among other stories that eighty years ago his father
had a cotton mill of twenty-six looms; one day all of them suddenly
stopped and, rushing out to ascertain the cause, he found that his wife,
in rinsing her mop in the stream, had stopped the power which moved the
machinery! He then referred to the Plunkett factories with 2,600 looms,
and the other great mills of Adams, as illustrating the progress of the
century. In an address which glowed with beauty and eloquence, Mrs. May
Wright Sewall thus compared Miss Anthony's character with the scenes
amidst which she was born:
We, who own and follow our general, know that she goes where
Liberty leads, where Justice calls, where Love whispers his divine
commands; and we have found in her the gravity of your stately
mountains, the yearning for freedom of your lofty hills lifted
toward the sky spaces. We have found in her the impetuosity of your
mountain streams, which, fretting against narrow bounds, broke
through them, widening and widening ever the channel of the life of
American womanhood; and so we, who love appropriateness, gaze with
delight upon this scenery, the environment of her infancy and the
nurturing influence of her childhood, as a fine illustration of the
eternal fitness of things.
One of the most exquisite addresses of the day was made by Mrs. Clara B.
Colby, who said in part:
Miss Anthony's love of justice links her with the divine. This has
been her impelling motive, and her patient endurance has been the
secret of her success. No matter how keen might have been her sense
of the injustice done to women, no matter how courageously she
might have set out to right the wrong, had she lacked endurance,
she had never been the one to lead us to victory. As justice is the
root of the tree of character, and patience the stalk from which
all growth proceeds, so tenderness is the outflowering of the
divinity within. By her tenderness Miss Anthony has made herself
loved where she might have only been honored.
It was perhaps the drop hardest to swallow from the cup of
bitterness which was ever pressed to the lips of the early woman
suffragists, that they were destroyers of the home. To Miss
Anthony, the home and kindred-lover--homeless only for the sake of
the homes of the mother-half of the race--this must have been
especially hard to bear. There are such all over the land where she
has been a tender and sympathetic friend and where she is enshrined
in the hearts of the homekeepers.... Thus Miss Anthony,
justice-loving, patient and tender, has erected for herself a
lasting monument in the hearts of the women of this nation. May the
time be long deferred when she shall pass from the leadership of
her now triumphant host, but when that day comes, let there be, as
she has enjoined upon us, no tears, but only glad thankfulness for
a great life-work wrought in courage, fidelity and tenderness.
Mrs. Colby urged the Historical Society to purchase the old homestead,
if possible, as a depository not only for relics of the Anthony family
but for mementoes of suffrage work and workers. No report ever can give
an adequate idea of the eloquence of Anna Shaw, so artistically
diversified by delicious bits of humor and keen points of satire. A
portion of her address was as follows:
Amidst all the eulogy which has surrounded Miss Anthony this
afternoon, her brother said to me, "Don't you think they will turn
Susan's head?" I answered, "No, she has had so many years of
misrepresentation and abuse that if they keep on eulogizing her as
long as she lives, it won't balance the other side." There is no
danger in this world that the leader of an unpopular cause ever
will die of overpraise, for, in America as in Jerusalem, the
prophets of God have always been received with stones. We who know
her best love her most, and to me the truest and deepest love of my
existence, since my mother entered the life beyond, is that which I
cherish for Susan B. Anthony.
The remonstrants today tell us that our movement will destroy the
affectionate tenderness of the womanly nature and unsex woman until
she becomes a weak man. I believe in men, and I do not believe that
all the love, the tenderness, the power to sacrifice is feminine. I
believe that the love of man is as true and deep and tender as the
love of woman. I will not accept the theory that "man is the head"
and "woman is the heart." I believe that when God created head and
heart for the human race He divided them equally and gave man his
part and woman hers, and both have kept their own all the way down
the centuries.
The part of Miss Anthony's life which is dearest to us is that into
which she has admitted the few who belong to the sacred inner
circle, who have seen her toil, her suffering, her soul's anguish
and travail for the freedom, the larger growth, the diviner
possibilities of womanhood; and if there is any evidence that
living in the world, working for its uplift, does not destroy this
trait in human character, it is shown in the life of Miss Anthony.
There is no human being whom I have ever known who had more
tenderness for the erring and greater willingness to overlook the
frailties of human life. In this she shows that contact with the
most disagreeable side of the reformer's work, makes the real woman
not less but more womanly. I believe that if the principles which
she advocates, the ideals for which she stands, were embodied in
all womankind, we would have a motherhood diviner than any this
world has ever known, a motherhood such as God had in his thought
when he created woman to be the mother of the race....
It is not a name we love today, it is not a person we revere, but a
great, an ideal life of a woman who has battled with the world, who
has been misunderstood, who has borne its scorn, who has been
ostracised, and who, in the midst of all, has kept her life sweet,
her heart young, her love tender; and when the best thing shall be
said of her which men and women can say, it will be--she was true,
she was noble, she was woman.
The day after the meeting of the Historical Society, occurred the
Anthony Reunion at the old homestead, when eighty of the clan sat down
at the long tables spread in grandfather's room, the keeping-room and
the weaving-room; and what a dinner the famous cooks of the
Anthony-Lapham-Read-Richardson families had prepared for this great
occasion! Not the least important features were the eighteen apple-pies
eaten with the world-renowned Berkshire cheese; and then the sweet bread
and butter, the fried chicken, the baked beans, the rich preserves and
cream, the delicious cake--but why attempt to describe a New England
dinner prepared by New England women? Those who have eaten know what it
is; those who have not, can not be made to understand.
Where Susan B. Anthony sat was the head of the table; at her right hand,
the brother Daniel R.; at her left, the brother Merritt; and close by,
the quiet, smiling sister Mary; and then all along down the line, the
cousins, the nephews, the nieces, three and four generations, who had
joined so heartily with her for the success of this rare occasion.
Before the dinner began, Miss Anthony asked that, in accordance with the
custom of their ancestors, there might be a moment of silent thanks; and
at the close of the meal, when the chatter and mirth were stilled, she
arose and in touching words paid tribute to the loved and gone who once
blessed these rooms by their presence. She then called upon the
representatives of the different branches, old and young, who, in prose
or poetry, with wit or pathos, made delightful response.
[Illustration: THE QUAKER MEETING HOUSE, ADAMS, MASS. 150 YEARS OLD.
SEVERAL MEMBERS OF THE ANTHONY FAMILY IN THE GROUP OF PIONEERS.]
After all had finished they adjourned to the dooryard and a reception
commenced which even the roomy old house could not have accommodated.
For several hours a long line of carriages wound up the hill--the people
of Adams and vicinity coming to pay respect to their illustrious
townswoman and her relatives and friends. The immediate members of the
family were photographed in a group on the old porch, as was also the
dinner party gathered in the historic dooryard. The mountain air was
sweet and invigorating, and the view in every direction most enchanting.
A more picturesque spot scarcely can be imagined: in front, the long
range of Berkshire hills, a spur of the Green mountains of Vermont whose
faint outlines are visible in the distance; at the back, glorious "Old
Greylock," the highest peak in the State; at the right, the steep,
winding road leading down to the village a mile below, through a ravine
perfectly bewildering in its beauty of overhanging trees, moss-grown
rocks and fern-bordered brook tumbling over the massive boulders in its
rapid descent to join the Hoosac; and then united they flow through the
pretty town of Adams, turning the countless wheels of the great mills
and factories.
The next day after the reunion a merry party of thirty, the guests of a
cousin, William Anthony, started in two great coaches, each drawn by six
horses, for the all-day trip to the top of Mount Greylock. The gayest
and happiest of them all was Miss Anthony, with her red shawl over her
shoulders, and her heart as light as when she used to climb these
mountainsides, a little, barefooted girl, more than seventy years ago.
Several days thereafter were spent visiting the pleasant homes of the
relatives, and going with her friends to point out the various places of
interest. Every spot connected with her early life was as sacred to them
as it was dear to her. Together they went to the deserted Quaker meeting
house, a century and a half old, and were shown the very spot where sat
the grandfather, the father, mother and little ones; and the raised
bench occupied by the grandmother, who was a "high-seat Quaker," and
Aunt Hannah Hoxie, the preacher. They strolled through the little
graveyard, with its lines of unmarked mounds. They visited the site of
the old mill, built by Daniel Anthony at the very beginning of the
manufacturing industry, where now only a few sunken stones mark the
foundation. They rested beneath the great trees which stand like
sentinels in front of the girlhood home of the mother, the house long
since crumbled away. They gazed curiously at the ancient Bowen's Tavern,
the favorite stopping-place of the mountaineers in early days.
And then they went with Miss Anthony into her own old home. They stepped
reverently into the very room where she was born. They climbed to the
garret and she pointed out the exact spot by the tiny window where she
used to sit with her simple playthings. They stood with her by the
little stream which still ran merrily through the dooryard, and listened
with misty eyes as she recalled many touching incidents of days long
past; but, however her own heart might have ached with tender
recollections, there were no words of vain longing, no useless tears for
those who had fulfilled their mission and passed away, leaving to her
their legacy of hope and courage and determination. Strong, brave and
cheerful, she honored the memory of the dead in showing herself by her
works to be the worthy descendant of a noble race. And here, where the
story of this pure, single-hearted, self-sacrificing life began, it
shall be ended.
* * * * *
The usual fate of reformers is "praise when the ear has grown too dull
to hear, fame when the heart it should have thrilled is numb." Seldom it
is, indeed, that they live to see the fulfillment of the end for which
they labored, and even recognition usually is deferred until it can be
given only to a memory, but there are a few happy exceptions. While true
reformers seek no personal reward, those who love them rejoice when they
are spared to receive the honors they have earned. Susan B. Anthony's
self-imposed task, for almost half a century, has been to secure equal
rights for women--social, civil and political. When she began her
crusade, woman in social life was "cabin'd, cribb'd, confined," to an
extent which scarcely can be conceived by the present independent and
self-reliant generation; in law she was but little better than a slave;
in politics, a mere cipher. Today in society she has practically
unlimited freedom; in the business world most of the obstacles have been
removed; the laws, although still unjust in many respects, have been
revolutionized in her favor; in four States women have the full
franchise, in one the municipal ballot, in twenty-five a vote on school
questions, and in four others some form of suffrage; while in each
campaign their recognition as a political factor grows more marked. Miss
Anthony's part in securing these concessions may be judged from the
record of these pages. She is the only woman who has given her whole
time and effort to this one end, with no division of interest in behalf
of husband and children, no diversion of other public questions. Is
there an example in all history of either man or woman who devoted half
a century of the hardest, most persistent labor for one reform?
"Of the dead naught shall be spoken except good," is a rule so
universally observed that post mortem compliments have little weight,
but when beautiful things are said of those who still live and toil,
they are full of meaning. Not only is it a delight to her
contemporaries, but it will be a pleasure to future generations who
shall read her history, that Miss Anthony lived to receive her meed of
appreciation. While not all of even the enlightened minds of today have
progressed far enough to accept her doctrine of perfect equality, which
will be universally admitted by the next generation, there are few who
do not recognize and honor the splendid character of the woman and the
service she has rendered. Just as these closing words are being written,
the State superintendent of public works, George W. Aldridge, announces
that he has ordered her face to be carved in the Capitol at Albany, one
of the magnificent public buildings of the world. Here, wrought in
imperishable stone, amidst those of the country's greatest warriors and
statesmen, it will look down forever upon that grand staircase whose
marble steps were so many times pressed by her weary feet, as she made
her annual pilgrimage to plead for liberty.
The sweetest strains in this great oratorio are the tributes of women
voicing their love and gratitude. They come from those in all the walks
of life, and a distinguishing feature is that they who have known her
longest and best are most loyal and devoted. The secret of this is
perfectly expressed by May Wright Sewall, when she says:
Mortals with all their consciousness of their own infirmities are
exacting of one another. It is a proof of the infinite
possibilities involved in the human soul, and a foundation for the
infinite hope which sustains us, that we are satisfied with nothing
less than perfection in other people. Is a woman great? To please
us she must be also good. Is a woman both great and good? We are
not satisfied unless she be likewise loving and lovable. No one can
come near to the life of Miss Anthony without realizing how
responsive she is to personal needs; how lively in her sympathies;
how instinctive her outreaching of the helping hand. The same
fidelity and single-minded loyalty which have characterized her
public career, distinguish her in all private relations. Others may
forget us in our griefs, she never forgets. Others may forget us in
our pleasures, she never forgets.
It is indeed true that Miss Anthony never forgets. In her letters to
hundreds of people, she recollects always to send a message to the
different members of the family, to refer to some agreeable incident of
their acquaintance, and to express either pleasure or regret over
personal affairs which any one else would have failed to remember amidst
such a pressure of work and responsibility.
After an unbroken friendship of twenty-five years, Frances E. Willard,
herself one of the grandest women of the century, paid this beautiful
tribute in December, 1897:
Ever since I "came to myself" my love and loyalty have enveloped
the name, Susan B. Anthony. I look upon her as that figure full of
courage, resource and dignity which will yet be enshrined in the
admiring affection of the whole republic, even as it already has
been for so long in that of thoughtful women. Others have done
nobly and we count over their names with devout remembrance and
gratitude, but Susan B. Anthony by reason of her heroic
self-sacrifice, her lonely life, her changeless devotion, her
disregard for money and position, her concentration of purpose and
universal good will, has made for herself a place on the highest
pedestal in America's pantheon of women.
We do not forget "the slings and arrows" of the earlier time, now
that she is justly honored in these years of greater intelligence
and progress; we do not forget that high sense of personal
integrity which led her to pay off the debts on The Revolution,
although no legal obligation rested upon her to do so; we do not
forget her testing of an unjust law in the great "case" in
Rochester; we do not forget that (jointly with her great associate,
Mrs. Stanton) she prepared for us that invaluable historic record
of the suffrage movement from its earliest inception; we do not
forget the untiring labors which have carried her, from youth to
age, into every nook and corner of the Union; and many of us are
cognizant of unnumbered acts of personal kindness toward women in
need who cherish her as if she were their sister or their mother.
Although the press once misrepresented her, it would hardly venture
to do so now, for her standing with the public is such that not to
know Miss Anthony argues one's self unknown, and to vilify her
argues one's self a villain.
Blessed Sister Susan, accept the homage of one whom you have
cheered and comforted, and who rejoices to believe that the loving
friendship begun here shall grow and deepen in the bright light of
that happier world where there is no injustice, and where we have
abundant reason to believe that women will stand on a plane of
perfect equality.
A number of years ago, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, in her own unsurpassed
beauty of language, said:
I will attempt no analysis of one as dear to me as those of my own
household. In an intimate friendship of many years, without a break
or shadow; in daily consultation, sometimes for months together
under the same roof, often in circumstances of great trial and
perplexity, I can truly say that Susan B. Anthony is the most
charitable, self-reliant, magnanimous human being that I ever knew.
As I recall the honesty and heroism of her public life; her
tenderness and generous self-sacrifice to friends in private; her
spontaneous good will towards her worst enemies, a new hope kindles
within me for womankind--a hope that by giving some high purpose to
their lives, all women may be lifted above the petty envy,
jealousy, malice and discontent that now poison so many hearts
which might, in healthy action, overflow with love and helpfulness
to all humanity. Miss Anthony's grand life is a lesson to all
unmarried women, showing that the love-element need not be wholly
lost if it is not centered on husband and children. To live for a
principle, for the triumph of some reform by which all mankind are
to be lifted up--to be wedded to an idea--may be, after all, the
holiest and happiest of marriages.
In the twilight of age, when Mrs. Stanton prepared for future
generations the Reminiscences of her life and work of fourscore years,
she wrote to her old friend: "The current of our lives has run in the
same channel so long it can not be separated, and my book is as much
your story as, I doubt not, yours is mine;" and when it was ended she
placed upon it the inscription, "I dedicate this volume to Susan B.
Anthony, my steadfast friend for half a century."
Steadfast! No other word so fitly defines the keystone of the arch of
noble attributes upon which this heroic life is founded--as constant to
a principle as to a friendship. There is nothing of the martyr in Miss
Anthony's nature and she refuses to consider herself in the light of a
vicarious sacrifice. "I do not look back upon a hard life," she says; "I
have been continually at work because I enjoyed being busy. Had this
never-ending toil made me wretched in mind or body, I have no doubt that
in some way I should have gotten out of it." "What thanks did you
receive for the stand you made?" once was asked her. "I had my own
thanks for retaining my self-respect," was the reply. Again one
inquired, "Did you not grow discouraged in those olden times?" "Never,"
she answered; "I knew that my cause was just, and I was always in good
company." Her character, instead of growing embittered by the hard
experiences of early days, has been sweetened and strengthened by the
high moral purpose which has dominated her life. She is a philanthropist
in her love of mankind and her work for humanity, but she is governed by
philosophy rather than emotion, ever examining causes and effects by the
pure light of reason and logic.
Susan B. Anthony has been called the Napoleon of the woman suffrage
movement and, in the planning of campaigns and the boldness and daring
of carrying them forward, there may be the qualities of that famous
general, but in character and principles the comparison fails utterly.
She has been termed the Gladstone among women, and in statesmanlike
ability and long years of distinguished service, there may be points of
resemblance, but she would repudiate the sacrifice of justice to party
expediency, oftentimes charged against the noted English politician. It
has been said that she has been the great Liberator of women, as Lincoln
was of the <DW64>s. There is indeed something in her countenance and
manner which reminds one of Lincoln, the same unconscious dignity, the
same rugged endurance, the same strong, resolute face, softened by lines
of weariness and care and spiritualized by an expression of infinite
patience and indescribable pathos. She has not, however, the
conservatism, the forbearance, the reverence for existing laws and
constitutions, which made Lincoln slow to act and tolerant almost to the
point of criticism.
She has been described as being to the cause of woman's emancipation,
what Garrison was to that of the slave. She has, perhaps, more of the
characteristics of Garrison than of the other three conspicuous figures
of the century. His motto, "No Compromise," has been her watchword. Like
Garrison, she strikes a body-blow straight from the shoulder. She
recognizes no such word as expediency and accepts no halfway measures.
Theoretically a non-resistant, she fights to the last ditch and never
accepts a defeat as final. She has the natural gift of selecting always
the strongest word, and the power of carrying conviction to her
audience. She is conventional in outward observances, but most radical
in thought and speech. She detests all forms of cruelty and oppression,
but it is the action, not the person, that she censures, and she is most
charitable in excuses for the faults and failings of others. She bears
the ills of life with cheerful fortitude, and accepts the blessings with
fine humility. There is no need of comparison. She has her own strong
individuality, which has made its indelible impress upon history and
secured for her a place among the immortals. Now, in life's evening, her
world is illumined with the beauty of a sunset undimmed by clouds--and
as she contemplates the infinite, she takes no heed of the gathering
darkness of night, but looking into a clear sky beholds only the
ineffable glory of other spheres.
FOOTNOTES:
[132] Miss Laura Clay and Mrs. Catharine Waugh McCulloch, the national
auditors, were unable to be present.
[133] There were present also reporters from the New York Sun, New York
World, Springfield Republican, Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, and
other papers.
APPENDIX.
CHAPTER XIV--PAGE 229.
ADDRESS TO PRESIDENT LINCOLN.
_Adopted by the Women's National Loyal League, May 14, 1863._
... We ask not for ourselves or our friends redress of specific
grievances or posts of honor or emolument. We speak from no
considerations of mere material gain; but, inspired by true patriotism,
in this dark hour of our nation's destiny, we come to pledge the loyal
women of the Republic to freedom and our country. We come to strengthen
you with earnest words of sympathy and encouragement. We come to thank
you for your proclamation, in which the nineteenth century seems to echo
back the Declaration of Seventy-six. Our fathers had a vision of the
sublime idea of liberty, equality and fraternity; but they failed to
climb the heights which with anointed eyes they saw. To us, their
children, belongs the work to build up the living reality of what they
conceived and uttered. It is not our mission to criticise the past.
Nations, like individuals, must blunder and repent. It is not wise to
waste our energy in vain regret, but from each failure we should rise up
with renewed conscience and courage for nobler action. The follies and
faults of yesterday we cast aside as the old garments we have outgrown.
Born anew to freedom, slave creeds and codes and constitutions all now
must pass away. "For men do not put new wine into old bottles, else the
bottles break and the wine runneth out and the bottles perish; but they
put new wine into new bottles and both are preserved."
Our special thanks are due to you, that by your proclamation 2,000,000
women are freed from the foulest bondage humanity ever suffered. Slavery
for man is bad enough, but the refinements of cruelty ever must fall on
the mothers of the oppressed race, defrauded of all the rights of the
family relation and violated in the most holy instincts of their nature.
A mother's life is bound up in that of her child. There center all her
hopes and ambitions. But the slave-mother in her degradation rejoices
not in the future promise of her daughter, for she knows by experience
what her sad fate must be. No pen can describe the unutterable agony of
that mother whose past, present and future all are wrapped in darkness;
who knows the crown of thorns she wears must press her daughter's brow;
who knows the wine-press she treads those tender feet must tread alone.
For, by the law of slavery, "the child follows the condition of the
mother."
By your act, the family, that great conservator of national virtue and
strength, has been restored to millions of humble homes around whose
altars coming generations shall magnify and bless the name of Abraham
Lincoln. By a mere stroke of the pen you have emancipated millions from
a condition of wholesale concubinage. We now ask you to finish the work
by declaring that nowhere under our national flag shall the motherhood
of any race plead in vain for justice and protection. So long as one
slave breathes in this republic, we drag the chain with him. God has so
linked the race, man to man, that all must rise or fall together. Our
history exemplifies this law. It was not enough that we at the North
abolished slavery for ourselves, declared freedom of speech and press,
built churches, colleges and free schools, studied the science of
morals, government and economy, dignified labor, amassed wealth,
whitened the sea with our commerce and commanded the respect and
admiration of the nations of the earth--so long as the South, by the
natural proclivities of slavery, was sapping the very foundations of our
national life....
You are the first President ever borne on the shoulders of freedom into
the position you now fill. Your predecessors owed their elevation to the
slave oligarchy, and in serving slavery they did but obey their masters.
In your election, northern freemen threw off the yoke, and with you
rests the responsibility that our necks never shall bow again. At no
time in the annals of the nation has there been a more auspicious moment
to retrieve the one false step of the fathers in their concessions to
slavery. The Constitution has been repudiated and the compact broken by
the southern traitors now in arms. The firing of the first gun on Sumter
released the North from all constitutional obligations to slavery. It
left the government, for the first time in our history, free to carry
out the declaration of our Revolutionary fathers, and made us in fact
what we ever have claimed to be, a nation of freemen.
"The Union as it was"--a compromise between barbarism and
civilization--can never be restored, for the opposing principles of
freedom and slavery can not exist together. Liberty is life, and every
form of government yet tried proves that slavery is death. In obedience
to this law, our republic, divided and distracted by the collisions of
class and caste, is tottering to its base and can be reconstructed only
on the sure foundation of impartial freedom to all. The war in which we
are involved is not the result of party or accident, but a forward step
in the progress of the race never to be retraced. Revolution is no time
for temporizing or diplomacy. In a radical upheaving the people demand
eternal principles on which to stand.
Northern power and loyalty never can be measured until the purpose of
the war be liberty to man; for a lasting enthusiasm ever is based on a
grand idea, and unity of action demands a definite end. At this time our
greatest need is not men or money, valiant generals or brilliant
victories, but a _consistent policy_, based on the principle that "all
governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed."
The nation waits for you to say that there is no power under our
declaration of rights nor under any laws, human or divine, by which free
men can be made slaves; and therefore that your pledge to the slaves is
irrevocable, and shall be redeemed.
If it be true, as it is said, that northern women lack enthusiasm in
this war, the fault rests with those who have confused and confounded
its policy. The pages of history glow with instances of self-sacrifice
by women in the hour of their country's danger. Fear not that the
daughters of this republic will count any sacrifice too great to insure
the triumph of freedom. Let the men who wield the nation's power be
wise, brave and magnanimous, and its women will be prompt to meet the
duties of the hour with devotion and heroism.
When Fremont on the western breeze proclaimed a day of jubilee to the
bondmen within our gates, the women of the nation echoed back a loud
amen. When Hunter freed a million men and gave them arms to fight our
battles, justice and mercy crowned that act and tyrants stood appalled.
When Butler, in the chief city of the southern despotism, hung a traitor
we felt a glow of pride; for that one act proved that we had a
government and one man brave enough to administer its laws. And when
Burnside would banish Vallandigham to the Dry Tortugas, let the sentence
be approved and the nation will ring with plaudits. Your proclamation
gives you immortality. Be just, and share your glory with men like these
who wait to execute your will.
On behalf of the Women's National Loyal League,
ELIZABETH CADY STANTON, _President_.
SUSAN B. ANTHONY, _Secretary_.
CHAPTER XV--PAGE 247.
RECONSTRUCTION.
_Address Delivered at Ottumwa, Kansas, July 4, 1865._
_Mr. President, and Men and Women of Kansas:_
It is a pleasure to me, beyond the reach of words, to be with you today.
I accepted the invitation of your committee that I might feast my eyes
on your grand prairies, ever fringed with the darker green of their
timber-skirted creeks and rivers. I came here on this 89th anniversary
of our National Independence, that I might look into the honest, earnest
faces of the men and the women who, ten years ago, taught the nation
anew, that "resistance to tyrants is obedience to God." Through all this
glorious decade of heroic struggle, my interests, my sympathies, my
affections have been bound up with yours; for, during and since the
cruel outrages of the summer of 1856, my two and only brothers have
stood shoulder to shoulder with the freedom-loving, freedom-voting,
freedom-fighting men of Kansas. And, as I have waited the telegraphic
word that trembled along the western wires, telling of your successes
and your defeats, it has ever been with bated breath lest those of my
own home circle, too, should be numbered among the slain. Therefore,
though not here in person through all these trial years, in spirit I
have been with you, in your privations and hardships, in your sufferings
and sacrifices to make freedom and free institutions the sure
inheritance of Kansas and the nation.
You have already listened to the grand old Declaration of the Fathers of
1776. You have heard the true words of your representative to the next
Congress.[134] His manly utterances here today give you assurance that
he will faithfully reflect the highest and truest sentiments of his
constituency. Men and women of Kansas, I congratulate you, that you have
in this chosen agent a man who will speak and vote on the vital
questions to come before the next Congress from the standpoint of human
equality.
It is my purpose to call your attention to the recent declarations of
our President to our "erring sister States" of the South. I ask you
specially to note his proclamation to Mississippi. After pointing out
that the Constitution of the United States guarantees to every State in
the Union a republican form of government, and that the late rebellion
has deprived the people of Mississippi of all civil government, he
continues:
Now, therefore, in obedience to the high and solemn duties imposed
upon me by the Constitution of the United States, and for the
purpose of enabling the loyal people of said State to organize a
State government, whereby justice may be established, domestic
tranquillity insured, and loyal citizens protected in all their
rights of life, liberty, and property, I, Andrew Johnson, President
of the United States, and Commander-in-Chief of the army and navy
of the United States, do hereby appoint William L. Sharkey
Provisional Governor of the State of Mississippi, whose duty it
shall be, at the earliest practicable period, to prescribe such
rules and regulations as may be necessary and proper for convening
a convention, composed of delegates to be chosen by that portion of
the people of said State who are loyal to the United States, and no
others, for the purpose of altering or amending the constitution
thereof; and with authority to exercise, within the limits of said
State, all the powers necessary and proper to enable such loyal
people of the State of Mississippi to restore said State to its
constitutional relations to the Federal government, and to present
such republican form of State government as will entitle the State
to the guarantee of the United States therefor, and its people to
protection by the United States against invasion, insurrection, and
domestic violence: Provided, That in any election that may be
hereafter held for choosing delegates to any State Convention as
aforesaid, no person shall be qualified as an elector, or shall be
eligible as a member of such convention, unless he shall have
previously taken and subscribed the oath of amnesty, as set forth
in the President's proclamation of May 29, A. D. 1865, _and is a
voter qualified as prescribed by the Constitution and laws of the
State, of Mississippi, in force immediately before the ninth (9th)
of January, A. D. 1861, the date of the so-called ordinance of
secession_; and the said convention, when convened, or the
Legislature that may be thereafter assembled, will prescribe the
qualifications of electors, and the eligibility of persons to hold
office under the Constitution and laws of the State, a power the
people of the several States composing the Federal Union have
rightfully exercised from the origin of the government to the
present time.
The President says he finds the people of Mississippi "deprived of all
civil government" by the revolutionary progress of the rebellion;
therefore he appoints a provisional governor, to call an election of the
loyal people for delegates to a convention to alter or amend the
constitution that was in force prior to the rebellion. He does this "for
the purpose of enabling the loyal people of said State to organize a
State government whereby justice may be established, domestic
tranquillity insured, and loyal citizens protected in all their rights
of life, liberty and property." To this laudable end he instructs the
governor, who is his military agent, to allow no man to vote or to be
voted for, unless he shall have previously taken and subscribed to the
oath of amnesty of May 29, 1865, _and is a voter by the old constitution
and laws of the slaveholding State of Mississippi_. By this ordering,
the President makes it impossible for the great mass of the loyal people
to have a voice in organizing the new government. He re-establishes
precisely the same basis of class representation that worked out the
ruin of the old State government. Not to mention the loyal women, who
make fully one-half of the loyal people, he shuts out all the loyal
black men, with all the loyal poor white men, who were not allowed to
vote under the old regime of slavery.
Thus, by this initiative step, the President makes it inevitable that
the rebuilding of the government shall be controlled by the ex-rebels;
the men who have fought desperately for four years to overthrow the
federal government; the men who hate republicanism; the men who love and
are determined to enjoy aristocracy. The loyal white men there, who have
stood firmly and truly by the government through all the cruel
persecutions of this bloody rebellion, are today a most powerless and
pitiable minority; and yet the President tells this little handful that
their only hope of organizing a genuine republican form of government
lies in their ability to outvote the vast horde of disloyal civilians
and pardoned, but not penitent, returned rebel soldiers. Such an
offence against white loyalty is enough to make the very stones cry out.
But what shall we say of the other and deeper crime against the
thousands of loyal black soldiers, who have fought bravely for us from
the hour we permitted them to shoulder the musket; against the entire
slave population, who have welcomed our Yankee soldiers, been faithful
spies and guides to our armies, nursed our sick and wounded, relieved
and rescued our starving prisoners, and in every conceivable way and
manner given "aid and comfort" to our Union cause? I tell you, men and
women of Kansas, no tongue can speak the ingratitude, the injustice, the
shame and outrage of a proposition thus to leave those true and faithful
freedmen to the cruel legislation of their old tyrants and oppressors,
made tenfold more their enemies, because of their attachment and service
to the government which they themselves have failed to destroy. Think of
it, to thrust four million loyal people under the political heel of
eight millions, almost to a man, disloyal!
I am sure you, who have given the best blood of Kansas to put down the
slaveholders' rebellion against the rightful rule of the majority, will
never by your silence give seeming consent to a reorganization of those
rebel States on any basis save that of the ballot to all loyal citizens,
black and white. You will never consent that loyal Union soldiers and
friends, for no crime but the color of their skin, shall be made
subjects, if not slaves, to disloyal rebel soldiers and enemies, with no
virtue but that of belonging to the "governing race," as the President's
North Carolina appointee calls the white faces. No, no, you will make
these grand old prairies ring with your thunder-toned protests until
they shall be felt and feared in the legislative halls at Washington.
Then will your honorable and honored representative say for you on the
floor of the next Congress, as he has said here today in the shadow of
these mighty oaks of your Neosho, "no reconstruction except on the basis
of the ballot in every loyal hand, black and white." Then will your
senator[135] echo your voice from his seat in the Capitol, as he did the
other day in old, Faneuil Hall, when he said, "the price of our
victories is lost unless we give the <DW64> the homestead, the musket,
and the ballot."
And then will your other senator,[136] who has not spoken since he, with
his colleagues in the Senate, said, "colonize" the faithful, loyal
blacks; since he said, admit Louisiana and Arkansas back into the Union
on the vote of the merest minority of their freshly-oathed white
men--then will he say "no reconstruction without <DW64> suffrage." But,
good people, I charge you, suffer not this man to return to his seat in
the Senate, until he has not only repented and confessed, but given sure
promise forever to forsake his old sins of "white suffrage" and "black
colonization." You owe it to yourselves and your country to see that
your entire representation in the next Congress is right on this one
vital question of reunion. Tell your senator if he must advocate a class
and caste government in the rebel States, it must be loyal blacks, not
disloyal whites. If he must colonize somebody, it must be the cowed,
unconverted rebels, the anti-<DW64>-equality white faces. Tell him
henceforth to speak and vote to disfranchise, and drive out if need be,
the persons who make war and oppress and outrage, and are resolved not
to give "fair play" to peaceable, industrious citizens. You have but to
speak and you will be obeyed, for it is the people's will, not that of
their servants, which is law.
Now, a word on your State legislature: One of the first reports that met
my ear on my arrival in your State last winter, was that the Republicans
of Kansas, almost in a body, had voted against a bill for "<DW64>
suffrage," and that they voted thus for the reason that the question was
introduced and urged by the opposition party of the State. My humble but
earnest advice to you is that you permit those delegates who voted
against right, against justice, against equality to all men, for so
paltry a reason, henceforth to remain quietly at home. Teach them and
all other aspirants for your suffrages that your representatives must
speak and vote for the right, though the arch-demon from the pit below
shall present the measure. That miserable political quibbling at Topeka
last winter lost Kansas the place which of right belonged to her--that
of being the first of the loyal States to give her freedmen their
inalienable right to self-protection.
Our hope of salvation from the fatal errors that are now fastening
themselves upon the plan and the policy of reorganization, lies in the
prompt and right action of the coming Congress. The delegates from any
and all of the rebel States, sent up to Washington by "free white loyal
male" suffrages to knock for admission into the Union, must be sent home
with instructions that no member will be admitted to Congress except he
be elected by a majority of all the loyal men of the State, black as
well as white. To the end that Congress may thus reject the amnestied
white suffrage delegates, the people, all over the country, should unite
in one mighty voice and demand that their representatives shall thus
speak and thus vote. "The price of liberty is eternal vigilance." If we
sleep now, all is lost; for on this one question of the <DW64> hangs the
future of our republic.
Since the firing of the first gun of the rebellion there has been no
hour fraught with so much danger as is the present. To have been
vanquished on the field of battle would have involved much of misery;
but to be foiled now in gathering up the fruits of our blood-bought
victories, and to re-enthrone slavery under the new guise of <DW64>
disfranchisement, <DW64> serfdom, would be a defeat and disaster, a
cruelty and crime, which would surely bequeath to coming generations a
legacy of wars and rumors of wars, equalled only by that which the
Revolutionary fathers entailed upon their descendants by their fatal
compromises with slavery. It would leave the final triumph of the great
principles of republicanism, universal freedom and equality, "taxation
and representation inseparable," the "consent of the governed," to be
worked out and established in each of those old slave States, through a
fearful re-enactment of the early struggles which you of Kansas so well
remember.
If Congress shall admit the rebel representatives on the basis of white
suffrage, those States will have added to their old representation the
other two-fifths of what used to be "all other persons," which will give
them an increase of fourteen votes in the House as a reward for their
four years of fire and sword against the government. With this added
power on the floor of Congress united to their political aiders and
abettors from the Northern States, there is scarcely any project they
may not be able to carry through in their own time and way. Nor is there
room for a doubt, that it is the spirit and purpose of the slave
oligarchy, whipped and cowed as they say by force of might, not right,
to make a most desperate political fight to regain their old supremacy
in the legislation of the country.
I base my estimate of the nature and intentions of the to-be-restored
representation of the South, on the results of the elections already
held in several of the rebel States, and from the efforts everywhere
among the old planters again to reduce the black freedmen, as nearly as
possible, to the status of slavery. In Virginia, the elections gave a
legislature largely secession and almost wholly anti-<DW64>. The planters
have solemnly leagued themselves together to pay only five dollars per
month to able field hands, each laborer to furnish his own clothes and
pay his own doctor bills. This, too, when these same planters used to
pay or receive for the hire of these same laborers, the sum of fifteen
dollars and upwards. In South Carolina, Gen. Rufus Saxton reports that
the old planters are actually driving the freedmen to work in the fields
in chain gangs, and that the woods are strewn with the bodies of <DW64>s
shot dead in their efforts to escape the cruel torture. In Murfreesboro,
Tennessee, the city election resulted in a secession mayor and common
council. The only Union success I have noticed is that of Fernandina,
Florida, and there the <DW64>s were allowed to vote. Even the loyal
State of Missouri saved her free constitution by less than two thousand
votes.
The result of white suffrage can not be other than the election of large
majorities of anti-<DW64>, if not absolutely secession State and National
representatives. Tennessee, the President's own State, of the loyalty of
whose people we have heard much, has adopted a free constitution, and
under it framed a new code of anti-<DW64> laws; and we can hardly expect
any rebel State to do better, for these new free State law-makers are
the persecuted loyal men of Tennessee who have been outraged in their
homes, hunted to the caves and mountains, or for a time driven out of
the State altogether by the secessionists. One of these new free State
laws says, the testimony of no "free <DW52> person shall be received in
court against any white person." By this enactment, the meanest white
man may enter the home of the bravest black soldier, or wealthiest
citizen, may murder his sons, ravish his wife and daughters,
pillage and burn his house, commit any and every possible crime against
him and his, and yet, if no human eye but his own, or that of his
family, or his friends, witness the barbarisms, that black man,
the father, the husband, the land-holder, outraged beyond measure, has
no possible legal redress in the courts of Tennessee.
Then again, in case a free <DW52> person is imprisoned and unable to
pay his jail fees, he may be apprenticed out to labor until the sum be
paid. And yet again, the courts may apprentice <DW52> children as they
see proper. The law does not even say friendless or orphan children. Is
not that slavery under a new form? Thus, to leave those devoted black
men's lives, liberties and property to be protected by white men, whose
loyalty to the government is because it is a means to secure power to
themselves, not from any love of its republican principles, is to doom
them to all the ignominies and cruelties of slavery itself.
Let us not be deceived by the wicked wiles of politicians who tell us
that President Johnson can not give the right to the ballot to the black
loyalists of the South; for it is but the new "refuge of lies" to which
slavery resorts. The same men told us that Lincoln had not the power to
emancipate the slaves; that the government had no right to arm the
<DW64>, etc. If President Johnson has constitutional authority, either
civil or military, to take away a man's right to vote, as a punishment
for disloyalty, he must have power to give a man the same right, as a
reward for loyalty; if the President may disfranchise a rebel soldier in
order to enable the loyal people of a State to organize a republican
form of government, he may also enfranchise a Union soldier to
accomplish the same purpose. If the President has not the right nor the
power to give the ballot to any person not entitled to it under the old
order of slavery, how will he organize South Carolina, by whose old
constitution no person was allowed to vote unless he owned ten slaves or
was worth ten thousand dollars? Of course nobody owns ten slaves, and
how many men, think you, who remained loyal at home, or how many
returned soldiers or amnestied civilians have the requisite ten thousand
dollars? In South Carolina, therefore, the President will be compelled
to create voters; and, if he shall enfranchise any of the white
non-voters, can he not also enfranchise the loyal black non-voters?
Let us watch and pray without ceasing. Let us hope that the day will
dawn, and that soon, when law shall be found on the side of justice to
the black race. These objectors never questioned McClellan's military
right to put down slave insurrections with an "iron hand," or Halleck's
infamous Order No. 3 to drive all <DW64>s outside the military lines. It
was only when Generals Fremont, Hunter and others declared the slaves
free, that they might <DW36> the rebel armies and add them to our Union
forces, that the cry of no law, no power was raised. Thus it is clear
that the blindness and inability to find rightful authority, civil or
military, first to emancipate, then to arm, and now to enfranchise the
<DW64>s, have the one source. Slavery perpetrated the "sum of all
villainies" on the <DW64>s, and then, to justify its wickedness, filled
the whole land with atrocious lies of their depraved and degraded
nature. The American people consented to the outrage; and their
continued prejudice against that oppressed race but proves the adage,
"we hate those whom we have injured."
Last of all comes the objection that the old masters will influence the
vote of the <DW64>s, and that, therefore, to enfranchise them will but
give increased power to the old lords of the lash. Do not believe such
nonsense. Think you, men who for four years have withstood every
possible temptation and torture to induce them to fight for the slave
oligarchy, can now be wheedled into voting for it? No, no. Those loyal,
brave, black men who have known enough to fight on the right side will
know enough to vote on the right side; and it is because the aiders and
abettors of the old slave power believe and know that the <DW64>s will
be an invincible host on the side of equality, that they thus fear them.
We never from the beginning have had a genuine republican form of
government in any State in the Union; for in no State have "the people"
ever been permitted to elect their representatives. Even in
Massachusetts and Vermont, the States nearest republican, only one-half
of the people, the "male inhabitants," are allowed to vote. In other
States it is only all "free white male persons," and in others still,
all "free white male inhabitants owning so many slaves or so much
property." It is not true therefore that _the people_ have ever
exercised the right to prescribe the qualifications of voters or
officers. From the beginning, Congress always has settled the question
in its organic act. That of your own Territory read, "Every free, white,
male inhabitant shall vote at the first election, and be eligible to any
office within the Territory." Thus you see Congress, not you, the
people, decided who should and who should not vote in Kansas. And when
the delegates of the prescribed "free, white, male" order met in
convention, they proved themselves nothing above human, very like the
so-elected conventions of other States, and retained all legislative
power within the limits of the original congressional permit. The same
is true of the rebel States, in which the President now finds the people
destitute of all civil government; when he specifies who may vote, when
he excludes any class from the ballot-box, he makes it impossible for
"the people" to form a republican government.
When the loyal black men are not allowed their right to vote in the
first election of the rebel States, their governments are thrown into
the hands of a very small minority, and that too of very doubtful
loyalty. The President by adhering to the old slave definition of "the
people," rules that all our brave black Union soldiers and our best
friends and allies, without whose aid we should still be struggling with
rebels in arms, shall be subjects, not citizens, of the government they
have rescued from the Confederate usurpers. It is not in human nature
that a people fanatically believing themselves a superior race, and
thereby rightful legislators over another and inferior race, shall
execute justice and equality toward those whom they decree shall be
"hewers of wood and drawers of water." No, the black man's guarantee to
the protection of his inalienable rights to "life, liberty and
property," is bound up in his right to the ballot.
When I speak of the inalienable rights of the <DW64>, I do not forget
that these belong equally to woman. Though the government shall be
reconstructed on the basis of universal manhood suffrage, it yet will
not be a true republic. Still one-half of the people will be in
subjection to the other half, and the time will surely come when the
whole question will have to be reopened and an accounting made with this
other subject class. There will have to be virtually another
reconstruction, based on the duty of the national government to
guarantee to every citizen the right of self-protection, and this right,
for woman as for man, is vested in the ballot.
That this superior "white male" class may not be trusted even to
legislate for their own mothers, sisters, wives and daughters, the cruel
statutes in nearly all the States, both slave and free, give ample
proof. In scarcely a State has a married woman the legal right to the
control of her person, to the earnings of her hands or brain, to the
guardianship of her children, to sue or be sued, or to testify in the
courts, and by these laws women have suffered wrongs and outrages second
only to those of chattel slavery itself. If this be true, that this
so-called superior class can not legislate justice even to those nearest
and dearest in their own hearts and homes, is it not a crime to place a
separate race, one hated and despised, wholly at the will of that
governing class?
It must not be; and the one great work for the people at this hour, and
every hour, between this and next December, is to agitate this question
until the entire nation shall speak in tones not to be mistaken, which
shall compel the coming Congress to refuse admission to every
representative from the rebel States, who is sent there by the so-called
"loyal white male" people.
"_No reorganization without <DW64> Suffrage_" is the word to send back to
every rebel State. Until Congress shall define and settle this question,
it can not in the future, as it has not in the past, perform its
duty--guarantee a republican form of government in each of the States.
When Congress shall thus decide, there will be work to do in most of the
loyal States. Let us all labor to that end.
Men and women of Kansas, what say you, shall new loyal States or old
rebel States be admitted into the Union until they present constitutions
and laws truly republican, until they send representatives to Washington
elected by a majority of all the people--white and black, men and women?
You say No; your blood-enriched prairies, your battle-fought ravines,
your sacked and burned cities, say No; your martyred dead, your own
immortal John Brown, their freed souls all gloriously marching on, say
No!
My friends, there is one word more I must leave with you. There is yet
another danger. The reverence, the almost idolatry of the American
people for their martyred President, is being used and abused by the
political managers at Washington, and over all the country. The people
are lulled to sleep over the most startling propositions, by insidious
whisperings that President Lincoln originated or approved them. Almost
every reconstruction plan is sent over the wires "sugar-coated" with,
"President Johnson, in this, is but carrying out the spirit and purpose
of Mr. Lincoln!" And there is no disguising or denying the fact, that
the people are today accepting, and that too without questioning, the
anti-<DW64> reorganization plans already inaugurated, because of these
wily, insinuating appeals to their reverence for the memory of their
sacred dead.
If the four years' administration of Abraham Lincoln taught the American
people any one lesson above another, it was that they must think and
speak and proclaim, and that he, as President, was bound to execute
their will, not his own. And if Lincoln were alive today, he would say
as he did four years ago, "I wait the voice of the people." The stern
logic of the events of today would guide him, not those of yesterday.
Therefore let us not be thrown off our watch by any of these appeals to
our reverence for the opinions and plans of our departed President. If
his freed spirit is permitted today to hover over each and all of the
vast gatherings of the loyal people throughout the nation, it is
beckoning every soul upward and onward in the path of equal justice to
all; it is urging the great heart of the nation to plant our new Union
on the everlasting rock of republicanism--universal freedom and
universal suffrage.
FOOTNOTES:
[134] Sidney Clark, of Lawrence.
[135] S. C. Pomeroy.
[136] James H. Lane.
CHAPTER XVI--PAGE 259.
ADDRESS TO CONGRESS.
_Adopted by the Eleventh National Woman's Rights Convention, held in New
York City, Thursday, May 10, 1866._
Prepared by Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Susan B. Anthony.
_To the Senate and House of Representatives:_
We already have presented to your honorable body during this session
many petitions asking the enfranchisement of women; and now, from our
national convention, we again make our appeal and urge you to lay no
hand on that "pyramid of rights," the Constitution of the Fathers,
unless to add glory to its height and strength to its foundation.
We will not rehearse the oft-repeated arguments on the natural rights of
every citizen, pressed as they have been on the nation's conscience for
the last thirty years in securing freedom for the black race, and so
grandly echoed on the floor of Congress during the past winter. We can
not add one line or precept to the comprehensive speech recently made by
Charles Sumner in the Senate, to prove that "no just government can be
formed without the consent of the governed;" to prove the dignity, the
education, the power, the necessity, the salvation of the ballot in the
hand of every man and woman; to prove that a just government and a true
church rest alike on the sacred rights of the individual.
As you are familiar with Sumner's speech on "Equal Rights to All," so
convincing in facts, so clear in philosophy, and so elaborate in
quotations from the great minds of the past, without reproducing the
chain of argument, permit us to call your attention to a few of its
unanswerable assertions regarding the ballot:
I plead now for the ballot, as the great guarantee, and the only
sufficient guarantee--being in itself peacemaker, reconciler,
schoolmaster and protector--to which we are bound by every
necessity and every reason; and I speak also for the good of the
States lately in rebellion, as well as for the glory and safety of
the republic, that it may be an example to mankind.
Ay, sir, the ballot is the Columbiad of our political life, and
every citizen who has it is a full-armed Monitor.
The ballot is schoolmaster. Reading and writing are of inestimable
value, but the ballot teaches what these can not teach.
Plutarch records that the wise man of Athens charmed the people by
saying that equality causes no war, and "both the rich and the poor
repeated it."
The ballot is like charity, which never faileth, and without which
man is only as sounding brass or a tinkling cymbal. The ballot is
the one thing needful, without which rights of testimony and all
other rights will be no better than cobwebs which the master will
break through with impunity. To him who has the ballot all other
things shall be given--protection, opportunity, education, a
homestead. The ballot is like the horn of abundance, out of which
overflow rights of every kind, with corn, cotton, rice and all the
fruits of the earth. Or, better still, it is like the hand of the
body, without which man, who is now only a little lower than the
angels, must have continued only a little above the brutes. They
are fearfully and wonderfully made; but as is the hand in the work
of civilization, so is the ballot in the work of government. "Give
me the ballot, and I can move the world."
Do you wish to see harmony truly prevail, so that industry,
society, government, civilization, may all prosper, and the
republic may wear a crown of true greatness? Then do not neglect
the ballot.
Lamartine said, "Universal suffrage is the first truth and only
basis of every national republic."
In regard to "taxation without representation," Mr. Sumner quotes from
Lord Coke:
The supreme power can not take from any man any part of his
property without consent in person or by representation.
Taxes are not to be laid on the people, but by their consent in
person or by representation.
I can see no reason to doubt but that the imposition of taxes,
whether on trade, or on land or houses or ships, or real or
personal, fixed or floating property in the colonies, is absolutely
irreconcilable with the rights of the colonies, as British subjects
and as men. I say men, for in a state of nature no man can take any
property from me without my consent. If he does, he deprives me of
my liberty and makes me a slave. The very act of taxing, exercised
over those who are not represented, appears to me to deprive them
of one of their most essential rights as freemen, and if continued
seems to be in effect an entire disfranchisement of every civil
right. For what one civil right is worth a rush, after a man's
property is subject to be taken from him at pleasure without his
consent?
In demanding suffrage for the black man you recognize the fact that, as
a freedman, he is no longer a "part of the family," and that therefore
his master is no longer his representative; hence, as he will now be
liable to taxation, he must also have representation. Woman, on the
contrary, has never been such a "part of the family" as to escape
taxation. Although there has been no formal proclamation giving her an
individual existence, the single woman always has had the right to
property and wages, the right to make contracts and do business in her
own name. And even married women, by recent legislation, have been
secured in these civil rights. Woman now holds a vast amount of the
property in the country and pays her full proportion of taxes, revenue
included. On what principle, then, do you deny her representation? By
what process of reasoning was Charles Sumner able to stand up in the
Senate, a few days after these sublime utterances, and rebuke 15,000,000
disfranchised tax-payers for the exercise of their mere right of
petition? If he felt that this was not the time for woman even to
mention her right to representation, why did he not, in some of his
splendid sentences, propose to release the wage-earning and
property-owning women from the tyranny of taxation?
We propose no new theories. We simply ask that you secure the practical
application of the immutable principles of our government to all,
without distinction of race, color or sex. And we urge our demand now,
because you have now the opportunity and the power to take this onward
step in legislation. The nations of the earth stand watching and waiting
to see if our Revolutionary idea, "all men are created equal," can be
realized in government. Crush not, we pray you, the myriad hopes which
hang on our success. Peril not this nation with another bloody war. Men
and parties must pass away, but justice is eternal; and only they who
work in harmony with its laws are immortal. All who have carefully
contrasted the speeches of this Congress with those made under the old
regime of slavery, must have seen the added power and eloquence which
greater freedom gives. But still you propose no action on your grand
ideas. Your joint resolutions, your reconstruction reports, do not
reflect your highest thought.
The Constitution, as it stands, in basing representation on "respective
numbers" covers a broader ground than any you have yet proposed. Is not
the only amendment needed to Article 1, Section 3, to strike out the
exceptions which follow "respective numbers?" And is it not your duty,
by securing a republican form of government to every State, to see that
these "respective numbers" are made up of enfranchised citizens, thus
bringing your legislation up to the Constitution--not the Constitution
down to your party possibilities? The only tenable ground of
representation is universal suffrage, as it is only through universal
suffrage that the principle of "equal rights to all" can be realized.
All prohibitions based on race, color, sex, property or education are
violations of the republican idea; and the various qualifications now
proposed are but so many plausible pretexts to debar new classes from
the ballot-box. The limitations of property and intelligence, though
unfair, can be met; as with freedom must come the repeal of statute laws
that deny schools and wages to the <DW64>, and time will make him a
voter. But color and sex! Neither time nor statutes can make black,
white, or woman, man! You assume to be the representatives of 15,000,000
women--American citizens--who already possess every attainable
qualification for the ballot. Women read and write, hold many offices
under government, pay taxes and suffer the penalties of crime, and yet
are denied individual representation.
For twenty years we have labored to bring the statute-laws of the
several States into harmony with the broad principles of the
Constitution, and have been so far successful that in many of them
little remains to be done except to secure the right of suffrage. Hence,
our prompt protest against the propositions before Congress to introduce
the word "male" into the Federal Constitution, which, if successful,
would sanction all State action in withholding the ballot from woman. As
the only way in which disfranchised citizens can appear before you, we
availed ourselves of the sacred right of petition; and, as our
representatives, it was your duty to give those petitions a respectful
reading and a serious consideration. How a Republican Senate failed in
that duty, is already inscribed on the page of history. Some tell us it
is not judicious to press the claims of women now; that this is not the
time. Time? When you propose legislation so fatal to the best interests
of woman and the nation, shall we be silent until after the deed is
done? No! As we love justice, we must resist tyranny. As we honor the
position of American senator, we must appeal from the politician to the
man.
With man, woman shared the dangers of the Mayflower on a stormy sea, the
dreary landing on Plymouth Rock, the rigors of New England winters and
the privations of a seven years' war. With him she bravely threw off the
British yoke, felt every pulsation of his heart for freedom, and
inspired the glowing eloquence which maintained it through the century.
With you, we have just passed through the agony and death, the
resurrection and triumph of another revolution, doing all in our power
to mitigate its horrors and gild its glories. And now, think you, we
have no souls to fire, no brains to weigh your arguments; that, after
education such as this, we can stand silent witnesses while you sell our
birthright of liberty to save from a timely death an effete political
organization? No, as we respect womanhood, we must protest against this
desecration of the magna charta of American liberties; and with an
importunity not to be repelled, our demand must ever be, "No compromise
of human rights"--"No admission to the Constitution of inequality of
rights or disfranchisement on account of color or sex."
In the oft-repeated experiments of class and caste, who can number the
nations that have risen but to fall? Do not imagine you come one line
nearer the demand of justice by enfranchising but another shade of
manhood; for, in denying representation to woman, you still cling to the
same false principle on which all the governments of the past have been
wrecked. The right way, the safe way, is so clear, the path of duty is
so straight and simple, that we who are equally interested with
yourselves in the result, conjure you to act not for the passing hour,
not with reference to transient benefits, but to do now the one grand
deed which shall mark the zenith of the century--proclaim Equal Eights
to All. We press our demand for the ballot at this time in no narrow,
captions or selfish spirit; from no contempt of the black man's claims,
nor antagonism to you who, in the progress of civilization, are now the
privileged order; but from the purest patriotism, for the highest good
of every citizen, for the safety of the republic, and as a glorious
example to the nations of the earth.
CHAPTER XX--PAGE 342.
MISS ANTHONY'S FIFTIETH BIRTHDAY.
_February 15, 1870._
Careful readers of the Tribune have probably succeeded in discovering
that we have not always been able to applaud the course of Miss Susan B.
Anthony. Indeed, we have often felt, and sometimes said, that her
methods were as unwise as we thought her aims undesirable. But through
these years of disputation and struggling, she has thoroughly impressed
friends and enemies alike with the sincerity and earnestness of her
purposes....
Fifty years ago the full moon of suffrage rose in the small, red and
wrinkled countenance of the infant Susan B. Anthony. "Agitation is the
word," says Miss Anthony, in these her later years. Agitation was
probably the word then, as a happy family surrounded the cradle of the
boisterous phenomenon. Miss Anthony has compressed into her half-century
a deal of work, talk, hurry and resolution. Beginning with the women's
temperance conventions in 1848, she has strewn the gliding years with
organizations, societies, conventions innumerable, to the wonderment, if
not always to the admiration, of an observant world. "Through all these
years," remarks Mrs. Henry B. Stanton, "Miss Anthony was the connecting
link between me and the outer world--the reform scout who went to see
what was going on in the enemy's camp, and returned with maps and
observations to plan the mode of attack." It has been intimated that
Miss Anthony has not remained sweet Dian's votary, in maiden meditation
fancy free, because nobody asked her to change her name and station.
Many victims, we are told, are carrying crushed hearts and blighted
hopes through life, and all because of the unrelenting cruelty exercised
by this usually good-humored woman towards the whole male sex.--The
Tribune.
* * * * *
Miss Anthony bears her fifty summers lightly. Whatever our sentiments
may be as to the cause she advocates, we do full justice to her
resistless energy and activity and unswerving fidelity to her
principles. Charming and cordial in her manners, with kind words for
all, she welcomed every guest last evening and made them at ease.--The
Times.
* * * * *
It was regarded last night, and was a topic of conversation, that the
public announcement that Miss Anthony was fifty years old was one more
of the courageous things for which her life has been distinguished.
Battling with the wrong and striving for the right has not left so rigid
a mark of the progress of time upon her features as to prevent her
keeping up a little fiction about being fair and forty. Miss Anthony
prefers the truth, and she says that the register in the family Bible
supports the assertion that a half-century of rolling years have passed
before her.--The Herald.
* * * * *
Miss Anthony looked her very best last night, and let the truth be said,
even should it be followed by persecuting proposals from the bachelors,
she didn't look much more than five-and-twenty. The genial salutations
and happy surroundings of the hour effaced for the time those lines
which care and labor and fifty years will make, however pure the soul
within. Miss Anthony was happy and she looked it.... She wears her years
and honors well. May we live till the celebration of her centenary, and
she read the report thereof next day in the columns of the Evening
Mail.--The Mail.
* * * * *
In these latter days the aspirations and activities of woman are greatly
quickened, and her day of pure and perfect freedom seems near at hand.
When the year of jubilee shall at last ring in, no name will be more
highly honored than that of Miss Susan B. Anthony; and her honors have
been well deserved. Early and late, in season and out, in places high
and low, all over this broad land, by voice and pen, has she labored
with unflagging zeal for the exalted liberty of woman.... Men who have
honored mothers, pure sisters, devoted wives and loving daughters, owe
to Miss Anthony a heavy debt of gratitude for her life-work in behalf of
women.--The Globe.
* * * * *
Miss Anthony's reception has been one of the events of the week.... Men
who have expended about half of the time and half of the energy in the
business of money-making which Miss Anthony has expended in benefiting
the race, have become millionaires, and have been held up to the rising
generation as examples of energy and industry worthy of imitation.
Bronzes have been erected and numerous biographies written to do them
honor. Had Miss Anthony labored for herself as devotedly as she has for
others, she would no doubt have received the usual reward in greenbacks;
and but for the fact of her being a woman, might have had a bronze
erected in her honor.--The Courier.
* * * * *
It is not always true that "the good die young," for Miss Susan B.
Anthony has lived to celebrate her fiftieth birthday.... Right glad are
we that the anniversary was observed with due pomp and circumstance. No
kindly tribute to great moral worth is too good for this good woman. As
one of the chief heroines of our generation, she abundantly deserves all
the honors which were paid her on that festal night. There are many
public-spirited workers in our busy land; many noble souls who have
devoted their life-long energies to the elevation of their
fellow-beings; many moral pioneers, who, when they die, will leave the
world better than they found it; and conspicuous among these is the
staunch, unwearied and indomitable woman who, at the end of half a
century of life, can remember but few idle or wasted days. If Miss
Anthony's persevering efforts in behalf of her sex are not worthy of
generous praise, then there is no just fame due to a brave career. If
her methods have sometimes lacked soundness of judgment, they have never
lacked nobility of purpose. There exists a peculiar, invaluable and
time-honored class of plain and substantial women who are said to be "as
honest as the day is long;" and Susan B. Anthony is the queen of this
royal race. Dauntless and tireless as the sterner sex, sympathetic and
tender as the gentler, we sometimes think that she is both man and woman
in one. She is one of the sterling characters of our day. The whole
people ought to rejoice that such a woman was born, has lived and still
toils.--The Independent.
* * * * *
Out of scores of letters received space allows the reproduction of but a
few:
* * * * *
I shall always be present in sympathy with any number of people who will
express their admiration of the sterling traits which adorn the life and
character of the lady who now passes the fiftieth anniversary of her
most devoted and unselfish life. I am glad to tender the legal
representative of a dollar for each of these years, with the confident
assurance of the early triumph of that cause to which her life has been
singularly devoted. This greenback is no surer of being redeemed in gold
than is my confidence in the golden era of legal enfranchisement for
woman!... Long before Miss Anthony sees her "threescore and ten," the
political equality of all American citizens will be fully established.
With sentiments of the highest esteem, I am, very cordially and truly,
S. C. POMEROY.
* * * * *
... God bless her, and may she live many happy, joyous years! That she
and her noble co-workers are soon to see the complete triumph of the
woman's cause I firmly believe. And when in after years the great
benefactors of this century are sought for, Susan B. Anthony's name will
be found occupying one of the highest niches in the temple of honest
fame. Truly yours,
J. P. ROOT. [Lieutenant-Governor of Kansas.]
* * * * *
... Enclosed is a check for $50, one for each year of your life. Will
agree to give you the same pro rata sum on your one hundredth, birthday.
With love, your brother,
D. R. ANTHONY.
* * * * *
There will be among those who sympathize with and rejoice in your
labors, no lack of testimony tonight to their persistency and value; but
from one who deplores both, you will perhaps be willing to hear a
hearty, cordial, admiring expression of the regard he is nevertheless
forced to cherish for the sincerity and the unmistakably disinterested
devotion which has marked your long and hopeful work in the cause you
hold so dear and serve so faithfully. I can not wish you the success you
seek--let me give you this better wish, that the anniversary your
friends celebrate tonight may never bring fewer tokens of regard than
now, and never find you seeming less the faithful worker "of cheerful
yesterdays and confident tomorrows." With renewed congratulations I am,
very cordially yours,
WHITELAW REID.
* * * * *
I could not be where I longed to be last evening, where I could look
upon the toilworn face of the true, tried and never found wanting--the
one of all others who has borne the heat of the day, and that without
wilting or complaining ever hopeful and ever pursuing "the even tenor of
her way." Absence shall not keep from thee my mite, and how I wish it
were ten, yes, twenty times as much, but here it is with my love,
respect and genuine friendship. Be of brave heart and believe that I am
thy fast friend,
ABBY HOPPER GIBBONS.
* * * * *
Yours is a "golden wedding" indeed--for the fiftieth anniversary of a
life that has been wedded to a great cause is a far more glorious golden
wedding than those which generally go by that name. Accept my heartiest
wishes for your welfare and for the success of your novel celebration.
Heretofore the privilege of growing old and possessing common sense has
belonged exclusively to the other sex. Sincerely yours,
FRANCES ELLEN BURR.
* * * * *
Please accept the enclosed check of $50, as a slight token of regard
from our absent trio. As I hardly need tell you, the lion's share of
this birthday gift is sent by my father, but neither mother nor I will
admit that in the unsubstantial, and yet I hope not valueless part of
the offering, the personal regard and appreciation of your noble work
for woman which accompany it, our contribution is any less than his. I
remain yours very truly,
LAURA CURTIS BULLARD.
* * * * *
You have worked for the slave and for woman. Your fifty years shine
about you and rest like a halo of glory around your head.... Fifty years
today! When that half-century again rolls around, you and I will be in
our graves and our names and work will stand back of us to all time. But
into that future I look with prophetic eye to see woman no longer
enslaved, and to find, not only on this continent, but over the world,
as benefactor of the race, the name of Susan B. Anthony. Your
affectionate friend,
MATILDA JOSLYN GAGE.
* * * * *
My good husband in writing from Toledo says: "Tell Susan that all the
newspaper accounts taken together could not increase the pride which I
have long felt in her pertinacious, obstinate, fault-finding, raspish,
strong-minded, dogmatic and grand career. God bless her!" To all of
which I subscribe most affectionately,
ELIZABETH R. TILTON.
* * * * *
... If your Bible says you are fifty, I will try to be as reverential as
possible when next we meet. I wish you similar health and strength when
you are seventy-five--you'll find no change in me. I send you by express
today Whittier's poems. Ever affectionately,
ELLEN WRIGHT GARRISON.
* * * * *
All the people who know you and who don't know you were given
opportunity to utter their good wishes, and poor me, wandering across
these western spaces, quite left out in the cold! Please ma'am, why did
I know nothing of your reception till it was all over? I should have
sent you what I now send--a gray silk gown, wherein you are to make
yourself fine and grand, and a draft for $200 as a little nest-egg.
If I only had a happy ease with my pen, how glad I would have been to
put on paper in glowing words just what I think of the faithful,
unselfish, earnest, single-minded, courageous years, which my dear old
Susan has given to the service of humanity. How, through poverty and
persecution, evil tongues and slanderous words, ridicule and reproach,
she has said, "Nothing shall daunt me; 'tis God's service;" and so
speaking, has held fast the profession of her faith without wavering....
God bless her! God bless her! The tears come to my eyes as I write that
benediction, and think how gently and earnestly men and women alike in
time to come will repeat it when her name is mentioned; when those same
men and women shall see her life and her work, not as now "through a
glass darkly," but as those who gaze through the sunshine of truth.
Good-by, dear friend--many happy years for you, prays your loving
ANNA E. DICKINSON.
* * * * *
Accept the enclosed check for $50, not as a present, merely, but as a
debt, honestly due, for "services rendered." Had there been no
"agitation" for the last twenty years, resulting in so complete a
"Revolution," we teachers might still be working for $1 per week and
"boarding 'round." But thanks to your unfailing "persistency," and the
faithfulness of your co-workers in speaking for a class, the majority of
whom dare not speak for themselves through fear of losing the little
already gained, the salaries of all workingwomen have been largely
increased.... So, if need be, fight as valiantly, dear sister, for the
next twenty years as for the last, or at least till woman's right to a
voice in the laws by which she is governed shall be acknowledged in
every State and Territory of our country. Affectionately your sister,
MARY S. ANTHONY.
* * * * *
On this, your fiftieth birthday, permit me to present you my check for
$50, as a slight and very inadequate expression of admiring gratitude on
my part for your twenty years of arduous and self-sacrificing labor in
the cause of woman. What woman has gained already, and it is much, what
I and others have been able to achieve in professional life, must be
mainly ascribed to you, and such as you.... Your faithful friend and
co-worker,
CLEMENCE S. LOZIER.
* * * * *
Although away here in Rome, I have kept track of your goings-on through
The Revolution, which comes regularly.... I wish I could have been there
to assist at the merrymaking. Miss Manning has kindly offered to take a
little remembrance [an Etruscan gold and garnet pin] to you when she
goes home, which you are to wear with that new silk dress. You see how
selfish I am. I wish to compel you not only to think of me, but to
associate me in your mind with our peerless Anna, God bless the dear
child! Ever affectionately,
KATE N. DOGGETT.
* * * * *
The presents received were too numerous to mention. From Mr. and Mrs.
Cheney, South Manchester, Conn., $50; Erie Co. (N. Y.) Suffrage
Association, $50; Henry Ward Beecher, the Tiltons, Frank D. Moulton,
Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. S. C. Pomeroy, $25 each; Mr. and Mrs. Samuel E.
Sewall, $20; and from other friends, sums of ten, fifteen and twenty
dollars, amounting in all to $1,000. In addition were a broche shawl
from Mrs. Stanton, gold watch, chain and pin from Miss Sarah Johnston,
pen-and-ink sketch from Eliza Greatorex, point and duchesse lace collars
and handkerchiefs, sets of books, engravings, gold pens, pocket-books,
travelling case, and floral offerings.
CHAPTER XXV--PAGE 435.
CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT.
_Delivered in twenty-nine of the post-office districts of Monroe, and
twenty-one of Ontario, in Miss Anthony's canvass of those counties prior
to her trial in June, 1873._
_Friends and Fellow-Citizens:_--I stand before you under indictment for
the alleged crime of having voted at the last presidential election,
without having a lawful right to vote. It shall be my work this evening
to prove to you that in thus doing, I not only committed no crime, but
instead simply exercised my citizen's right, guaranteed to me and all
United States citizens by the National Constitution beyond the power of
any State to deny.
Our democratic-republican government is based on the idea of the natural
right of every individual member thereof to a voice and a vote in making
and executing the laws. We assert the province of government to be to
secure the people in the enjoyment of their inalienable rights. We throw
to the winds the old dogma that government can give rights. No one
denies that before governments were organized each individual possessed
the right to protect his own life, liberty and property. When 100 or
1,000,000 people enter into a free government, they do not barter away
their natural rights; they simply pledge themselves to protect each
other in the enjoyment of them through prescribed judicial and
legislative tribunals. They agree to abandon the methods of brute force
in the adjustment of their differences and adopt those of civilization.
Nor can you find a word in any of the grand documents left us by the
fathers which assumes for government the power to create or to confer
rights. The Declaration of Independence, the United States Constitution,
the constitutions of the several States and the organic laws of the
Territories, all alike propose to _protect_ the people in the exercise
of their God-given rights. Not one of them pretends to bestow rights.
All men are created equal, and endowed by their Creator with
certain inalienable rights. Among these are life, liberty and the
pursuit of happiness. To secure these, governments are instituted
among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the
governed.
Here is no shadow of government authority over rights, or exclusion of
any class from their full and equal enjoyment. Here is pronounced the
right of all men, and "consequently," as the Quaker preacher said, "of
all women," to a voice in the government. And here, in this first
paragraph of the Declaration, is the assertion of the natural right of
all to the ballot; for how can "the consent of the governed" be given,
if the right to vote be denied? Again:
Whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends,
it is the right of the people to alter or abolish it, and to
institute a new government, laying its foundations on such
principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.
Surely the right of the whole people to vote is here clearly implied;
for however destructive to their happiness this government might become,
a disfranchised class could neither alter nor abolish it, nor institute
a new one, except by the old brute force method of insurrection and
rebellion. One-half of the people of this nation today are utterly
powerless to blot from the statute books an unjust law, or to write
there a new and a just one. The women, dissatisfied as they are with
this form of government, that enforces taxation without
representation--that compels them to obey laws to which they never have
given their consent--that imprisons and hangs them without a trial by a
jury of their peers--that robs them, in marriage, of the custody of
their own persons, wages and children--are this half of the people who
are left wholly at the mercy of the other half, in direct violation of
the spirit and letter of the declarations of the framers of this
government, every one of which was based on the immutable principle of
equal rights to all. By these declarations, kings, popes, priests,
aristocrats, all were alike dethroned and placed on a common level,
politically, with the lowliest born subject or serf. By them, too, men,
as such, were deprived of their divine right to rule and placed on a
political level with women. By the practice of these declarations all
class and caste distinctions would be abolished, and slave, serf,
plebeian, wife, woman, all alike rise from their subject position to the
broader platform of equality.
The preamble of the Federal Constitution says:
We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare and
secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do
ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of
America.
It was we, the people, not we, the white male citizens, nor we, the male
citizens; but we, the whole people, who formed this Union. We formed it
not to give the blessings of liberty but to secure them; not to the half
of ourselves and the half of our posterity, but to the whole
people--women as well as men. It is downright mockery to talk to women
of their enjoyment of the blessings of liberty while they are denied the
only means of securing them provided by this democratic-republican
government--the ballot.
The early journals of Congress show that, when the committee reported to
that body the original articles of confederation, the very first one
which became the subject of discussion was that respecting equality of
suffrage. Article IV said:
The better to secure and perpetuate mutual friendship and
intercourse between the people of the different States of this
Union, the free inhabitants of each of the States (paupers,
vagabonds and fugitives from justice excepted) shall be entitled to
all the privileges and immunities of the free citizens of the
several States.
Thus, at the very beginning, did the fathers see the necessity of the
universal application of the great principle of equal rights to all, in
order to produce the desired result--a harmonious union and a
homogeneous people.
Luther Martin, attorney-general of Maryland, in his report to the
legislature of that State of the convention which framed the United
States Constitution, said:
Those who advocated the equality of suffrage took the matter up on
the original principles of government: that the reason why each
individual man in forming a State government should have an equal
vote, is because each individual, before he enters into government,
is equally free and equally independent.
James Madison said:
Under every view of the subject, it seems indispensable that the
mass of the citizens should not be without a voice in making the
laws which they are to obey, and in choosing the magistrates who
are to administer them.... Let it be remembered, finally, that it
has ever been the pride and the boast of America that the rights
for which she contended were the rights of human nature.
These assertions by the framers of the United States Constitution of the
equal and natural right of all the people to a voice in the government,
have been affirmed and reaffirmed by the leading statesmen of the nation
throughout the entire history of our government. Thaddeus Stevens, of
Pennsylvania, said in 1866: "I have made up my mind that the elective
franchise is one of the inalienable rights meant to be secured by the
Declaration of Independence." B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, in the three
days' discussion in the United States Senate in 1866, on Senator Cowan's
motion to strike "male" from the District of Columbia suffrage bill,
said:
Mr. President, I say here on the floor of the American Senate, I
stand for universal suffrage and as a matter of fundamental
principle, do not recognize the right of society to limit it on any
ground of race or sex. I will go farther and say that I recognize
the right of franchise as being intrinsically a natural right. I do
not believe that society is authorized to impose any limitations
upon it that do not spring out of the necessities of the social
state itself. Sir, I have been shocked, in the course of this
debate, to hear senators declare this right only a conventional and
political arrangement, a privilege yielded to you and me and
others; not a right in any sense, only a concession! Mr. President,
I do not hold my liberties by any such tenure. On the contrary, I
believe that whenever you establish that doctrine, whenever you
crystallize that idea in the public mind of this country, you ring
the death-knell of American liberties.
Charles Sumner, in his brave protests against the Fourteenth and
Fifteenth Amendments, insisted that so soon as by the Thirteenth
Amendment the slaves became free men, the original powers of the United
States Constitution guaranteed to them equal rights--the right to vote
and to be voted for. In closing one of his great speeches he said:
I do not hesitate to say that when the slaves of our country became
"citizens" they took their place in the body politic as a component
part of the "people," entitled to equal rights and under the
protection of these two guardian principles: First, that all just
governments stand on the consent of the governed; and second, that
taxation without representation is tyranny; and these rights it is
the duty of Congress to guarantee as essential to the idea of a
republic.
The preamble of the constitution of the State of New York declares the
same purpose. It says: "We, the people of the State of New York,
grateful to Almighty God for our freedom, in order to secure its
blessings, do establish this constitution." Here is not the slightest
intimation either of receiving freedom from the United States
Constitution, or of the State's conferring the blessings of liberty upon
the people; and the same is true of every other State constitution. Each
and all declare rights God-given, and that to secure the people in the
enjoyment of their inalienable rights is their one and only object in
ordaining and establishing government. All of the State constitutions
are equally emphatic in their recognition of the ballot as the means of
securing the people in the enjoyment of these rights. Article I of the
New York State constitution says:
No member of this State shall be disfranchised or deprived of the
rights or privileges secured to any citizen thereof, unless by the
law of the land, or the judgment of his peers.
So carefully guarded is the citizen's right to vote, that the
constitution makes special mention of all who may be excluded. It says:
"Laws may be passed excluding from the right of suffrage all persons who
have been or may be convicted of bribery, larceny or any infamous
crime."
In naming the various employments which shall not affect the residence
of voters, Section 3, Article II, says "that neither being kept in any
almshouse, or other asylum, at public expense, nor being confined in any
public prison, shall deprive a person of his residence," and hence of
his vote. Thus is the right of voting most sacredly hedged about. The
only seeming permission in the New York State constitution for the
disfranchisement of women is in Section 1, Article II, which says:
"Every male citizen of the age of twenty-one years, etc., shall be
entitled to vote."
But I submit that in view of the explicit assertions of the equal right
of the whole people, both in the preamble and previous article of the
constitution, this omission of the adjective "female" should not be
construed into a denial; but instead should be considered as of no
effect. Mark the direct prohibition, "No member of this State shall be
disfranchised, unless by the law of the land, or the judgment of his
peers." "The law of the land" is the United States Constitution; and
there is no provision in that document which can be fairly construed
into a permission to the States to deprive any class of citizens of
their right to vote. Hence New York can get no power from that source to
disfranchise one entire half of her members. Nor has "the judgment of
their peers" been pronounced against women exercising their right to
vote; no disfranchised person is allowed to be judge or juror--and none
but disfranchised persons can be women's peers. Nor has the legislature
passed laws excluding women as a class on account of idiocy or lunacy;
nor have the courts convicted them of bribery, larceny or any infamous
crime. Clearly, then, there is no constitutional ground for the
exclusion of women from the ballot-box in the State of New York. No
barriers whatever stand today between women and the exercise of their
right to vote save those of precedent and prejudice, which refuse to
expunge the word "male" from the constitution.
The clauses of the United States Constitution cited by our opponents as
giving power to the States to disfranchise any classes of citizens they
please, are contained in Sections 2 and 4, Article I. The second says:
The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen
every second year by the people of the several States; and the
electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for
electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.
This can not be construed into a concession to the States of the power
to destroy the right to become an elector, but simply to prescribe what
shall be the qualifications, such as competency of intellect, maturity
of age, length of residence, that shall be deemed necessary to enable
them to make an intelligent choice of candidates. If, as our opponents
assert, it is the duty of the United States to protect citizens in the
several States against higher or different qualifications for electors
for representatives in Congress than for members of the Assembly, then
it must be equally imperative for the national government to interfere
with the States, and forbid them from arbitrarily cutting off the right
of one-half the people to become electors altogether. Section 4 says:
The times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and
representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the
legislature thereof; but Congress may at any time, by law, make or
alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing
senators.
Here is conceded to the States only the power to prescribe times, places
and manner of holding the elections; and even with these Congress may
interfere in all excepting the mere place of choosing senators. Thus,
you see, there is not the slightest permission for the States to
discriminate against the right of any class of citizens to vote. Surely,
to regulate can not be to annihilate; to qualify can not be wholly to
deprive. To this principle every true Democrat and Republican said amen,
when applied to black men by Senator Sumner in his great speeches from
1865 to 1869 for equal rights to all; and when, in 1871, I asked that
senator to declare the power of the United States Constitution to
protect women in their right to vote--as he had done for black men--he
handed me a copy of all his speeches during that reconstruction period,
and said:
Put "sex" where I have "race" or "color," and you have here the
best and strongest argument I can make for woman. There is not a
doubt but women have the constitutional right to vote, and I will
never vote for a Sixteenth Amendment to guarantee it to them. I
voted for both the Fourteenth and Fifteenth under protest; would
never have done it but for the pressing emergency of that hour;
would have insisted that the power of the original Constitution to
protect all citizens in the equal enjoyment of their rights should
have been vindicated through the courts. But the newly-made
freedmen had neither the intelligence, wealth nor time to await
that slow process. Women do possess all these in an eminent degree,
and I insist that they shall appeal to the courts, and through them
establish the powers of our American magna charta to protect every
citizen of the republic.
But, friends, when in accordance with Senator Sumner's counsel I went to
the ballot-box, last November, and exercised my citizen's right to vote,
the courts did not wait for me to appeal to them--they appealed to me,
and indicted me on the charge of having voted illegally. Putting sex
where he did color, Senator Sumner would have said:
Qualifications can not be in their nature permanent or
insurmountable. Sex can not be a qualification any more than size,
race, color or previous condition of servitude. A permanent or
insurmountable qualification is equivalent to a deprivation of the
suffrage. In other words, it is the tyranny of taxation without
representation, against which our Revolutionary mothers, as well as
fathers, rebelled.
For any State to make sex a qualification, which must ever result in the
disfranchisement of one entire half of the people, is to pass a bill of
attainder, an ex post facto law, and is therefore a violation of the
supreme law of the land. By it the blessings of liberty are forever
withheld from women and their female posterity. For them, this
government has no just powers derived from the consent of the governed.
For them this government is not a democracy; it is not a republic. It is
the most odious aristocracy ever established on the face of the globe.
An oligarchy of wealth, where the rich govern the poor; an oligarchy of
learning, where the educated govern the ignorant; or even an oligarchy
of race, where the Saxon rules the African, might be endured; but this
oligarchy of sex which makes father, brothers, husband, sons, the
oligarchs over the mother and sisters, the wife and daughters of every
household; which ordains all men sovereigns, all women subjects--carries
discord and rebellion into every home of the nation. This most odious
aristocracy exists, too, in the face of Section 4, Article IV, which
says: "The United States shall guarantee to every State in the Union a
republican form of government."
What, I ask you, is the distinctive difference between the inhabitants
of a monarchical and those of a republican form of government, save that
in the monarchical the people are subjects, helpless, powerless, bound
to obey laws made by political superiors; while in the republican the
people are citizens, individual sovereigns, all clothed with equal power
to make and unmake both their laws and law-makers? The moment you
deprive a person of his right to a voice in the government, you degrade
him from the status of a citizen of the republic to that of a subject.
It matters very little to him whether his monarch be an individual
tyrant, as is the Czar of Russia, or a 15,000,000 headed monster, as
here in the United States; he is a powerless subject, serf or slave; not
in any sense a free and independent citizen.
It is urged that the use of the masculine pronouns _he, his_ and _him_
in all the constitutions and laws, is proof that only men were meant to
be included in their provisions. If you insist on this version of the
letter of the law, we shall insist that you be consistent and accept the
other horn of the dilemma, which would compel you to exempt women from
taxation for the support of the government and from penalties for the
violation of laws. There is no _she_ or _her_ or _hers_ in the tax laws,
and this is equally true of all the criminal laws.
Take for example the civil rights law which I am charged with having
violated; not only are all the pronouns in it masculine, but everybody
knows that it was intended expressly to hinder the rebel men from
voting. It reads, "If any person shall knowingly vote without _his_
having a lawful right." It was precisely so with all the papers served
on me the United States marshal's warrant, the bail-bond, the petition
for habeas corpus, the bill of indictment--not one of them had a
feminine pronoun; but to make them applicable to me, the clerk of the
court prefixed an "s" to the "he" and made "her" out of "his" and "him;"
and I insist if government officials may thus manipulate the pronouns to
tax, fine, imprison and hang women, it is their duty to thus change them
in order to protect us in our right to vote.
So long as any classes of men were denied this right, the government
made a show of consistency by exempting them from taxation. When a
property qualification of $250 was required of black men in New York,
they were not compelled to pay taxes so long as they were content to
report themselves worth less than that sum; but the moment the black
man died and his property fell to his widow or daughter, the black
woman's name was put on the assessor's list and she was compelled to pay
taxes on this same property. This also is true of ministers in New York.
So long as the minister lives, he is exempted from taxation on $1,500 of
property, but the moment the breath leaves his body, his widow's name
goes on the assessor's list and she has to pay taxes on the $1,500. So
much for special legislation in favor of women!
In all the penalties and burdens of government (except the military)
women are reckoned as citizens, equally with men. Also, in all the
privileges and immunities, save those of the jury and the ballot-box,
the foundation on which rest all the others. The United States
government not only taxes, fines, imprisons and hangs women, but it
allows them to pre-empt lands, register ships and take out passports and
naturalization papers. Not only does the law permit single women and
widows the right of naturalization, but Section 2 says, "A married woman
may be naturalized without the concurrence of her husband;" (I wonder
the fathers were not afraid of creating discord in the families of
foreigners;) and again:
When an alien, having complied with the law and declared his
intention to become a citizen, dies before he is actually
naturalized, his widow and children shall be considered citizens,
entitled to all rights and privileges as such, on taking the
required oath.
If a foreign born woman by becoming a naturalized citizen is entitled to
all the rights and privileges of citizenship, do not these include the
ballot which would have belonged to her husband? If this is true of a
naturalized woman, is it not equally true of one who is native born?
The question of the masculine pronouns--yes, and nouns too--was settled
by the United States Supreme Court, in the case of Silver _versus_ Ladd,
December, 1868. The court said:
In construing a benevolent statute of the government, made for the
benefit of its own citizens, inviting and encouraging them to
settle on its distant public lands, the words "single man" and
"unmarried man" may, especially if aided by the context and other
parts of the statute, be taken in a generic sense. Held,
accordingly, that the Fourth Section of the Act of Congress, of
September 21, 1850, granting by way of donation lands in Oregon
Territory to every white settler or occupant, American half-breed
Indians included, embraced within the term single man an unmarried
woman.
Though the words persons, people, inhabitants, electors, citizens, are
all used indiscriminately in the national and State constitutions, there
was always a conflict of opinion, prior to the war, as to whether they
were synonymous terms, but whatever room there was for doubt, under the
old regime, the adoption of the Fourteenth Amendment settled that
question forever in its first sentence:
All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject
to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States, and
of the State wherein they reside.
The second settles the equal status of all citizens:
No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty or property
without due process of law, or deny to any person within its
jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws.
The only question left to be settled now is: Are women persons? I
scarcely believe any of our opponents will have the hardihood to say
they are not. Being persons, then, women are citizens, and no State has
a right to make any new law, or to enforce any old law, which shall
abridge their privileges or immunities. Hence, every discrimination
against women in the constitutions and laws of the several States is
today null and void, precisely as is every one against <DW64>s.
Is the right to vote one of the privileges or immunities of citizens? I
think the disfranchised ex-rebels and ex-State prisoners all will agree
that it is not only one of them, but the one without which all the
others are nothing. Seek first the kingdom of the ballot and all things
else shall be added, is the political injunction.
Webster, Worcester and Bouvier all define citizen to be a person, in the
United States, entitled to vote and hold office. Prior to the adoption
of the Thirteenth Amendment, by which slavery was forever abolished and
black men transformed from property to persons, the judicial opinions of
the country had always been in harmony with this definition: In order to
be a citizen one must be a voter. Associate-Justice Washington, in
defining the privileges and immunities of the citizen, more than fifty
years ago, said: "They include all such privileges as are fundamental in
their nature; and among them is the right to exercise the elective
franchise, and to hold office." Even the Dred Scott decision, pronounced
by the Abolitionists and Republicans infamous because it virtually
declared "black men had no rights white men were bound to respect," gave
this true and logical conclusion, that to be one of the people was to be
a citizen and a voter.
Chief-Justice Daniels said:
There is not, it is believed, to be found in the theories of
writers on government, or in any actual experiment heretofore made,
an exposition of the term citizen which has not been considered as
conferring the actual possession and enjoyment of an entire
equality of privileges, civil and political.
Associate-Justice Taney said:
The words "people of the United States" and "citizens" are
synonymous terms, and mean the same thing. They both describe the
political body, who, according to our republican institutions, form
the sovereignty, and who hold the power and conduct the government
through their representatives. They are what we familiarly call
"the sovereign people," and every citizen is one of this people,
and a constituent member of this sovereignty.
Thus does Judge Taney's decision, which was so terrible a ban to the
black man while he was a slave, now that he is a person and no longer
property, pronounce him a citizen, possessed of entire equality of
privileges, civil and political; and not only the black man, but the
black woman, and all women. It was not until after the abolition of
slavery, by which the <DW64>s became free men and hence citizens, that
any contrary opinion was rendered. U. S. Attorney-General Bates then
said:
The Constitution uses the word "citizen" only to express the
political quality, [not equality, mark,] of the individual in his
relation to the nation; to declare that he is a member of the body
politic, and bound to it by the reciprocal obligations of
allegiance on the one side and protection on the other. The
phrase, "a citizen of the United States," without addition or
qualification, means neither more nor less than a member of the
nation.
Then, to be a citizen of this republic is no more than to be a subject
of an empire. You and I, and all true and patriotic citizens, must
repudiate this base conclusion. We all know that American citizenship,
without addition or qualification, means the possession of equal rights,
civil and political. We all know that the crowning glory of every
citizen of the United States is that he can either give or withhold his
vote from every law and every legislator under the government.
Did "I am a Roman citizen" mean nothing more than that I am a "member"
of the body politic of the republic of Rome, bound to it by the
reciprocal obligations of allegiance on the one side and protection on
the other? When you, young man, shall travel abroad, among the
monarchies of the old world, and there proudly boast yourself an
"American citizen," will you thereby declare yourself neither more nor
less than a "member" of the American nation?
This opinion of Attorney-General Bates, that a black citizen was not a
voter, given merely to suit the political exigency of the Republican
party in that transition hour between emancipation and enfranchisement,
was no less infamous, in spirit or purpose, than was the decision of
Judge Taney, that a black man was not one of the people, rendered in the
interest and at the behest of the old Democratic party in its darkest
hour of subjection to the slave power. Nevertheless, all of the adverse
arguments, congressional reports and judicial opinions, thus far, have
been based on this purely partisan, time-serving decision of General
Bates, that the normal condition of the citizen of the United States is
that of disfranchisement; that only such classes of citizens as have had
special legislative guarantee have a legal right to vote.
If this decision of Attorney-General Bates was infamous, as against
black men, but yesterday plantation slaves, what shall we pronounce upon
Judge Bingham, in the House of Representatives, and Carpenter, in the
Senate of the United States, for citing it against the women of the
entire nation, vast numbers of whom are the peers of those honorable
gentlemen themselves in morals, intellect, culture, wealth, family,
paying taxes on large estates, and contributing equally with them and
their sex, in every direction, to the growth, prosperity and well-being
of the republic? And what shall be said of the judicial opinions of
Judges Cartter, Jameson, McKay and Sharswood, all based upon this
aristocratic, monarchial idea of the right of one class to govern
another?
I am proud to mention the names of the two United States judges who have
given opinions honorable to our republican idea, and honorable to
themselves--Judge Howe, of Wyoming Territory, and Judge Underwood, of
Virginia. The former gave it as his opinion a year ago, when the
legislature seemed likely to revoke the law enfranchising the women of
that Territory that, in case they succeeded, the women would still
possess the right to vote under the Fourteenth Amendment. The latter, in
noticing the recent decision of Judge Cartter, of the Supreme Court of
the District of Columbia, denying to women the right to vote under the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, says:
If the people of the United States, by amendment of their
Constitution, could expunge, without any explanatory or assisting
legislation, an adjective of five letters from all State and local
constitutions, and thereby raise millions of our most ignorant
fellow-citizens to all of the rights and privileges of electors,
why should not the same people, by the same amendment, expunge an
adjective of four letters from the same State and local
constitutions, and thereby raise other millions of more educated
and better informed citizens to equal rights and privileges,
without explanatory or assisting legislation?
If the Fourteenth Amendment does not secure to all citizens the right to
vote, for what purpose was that grand old charter of the fathers
lumbered with its unwieldy proportions? The Republican party, and Judges
Howard and Bingham, who drafted the document, pretended it was to do
something for black men; and if that something were not to secure them
in their right to vote and hold office, what could it have been? For by
the Thirteenth Amendment black men had become people, and hence were
entitled to all the privileges and immunities of the government,
precisely as were the women of the country and foreign men not
naturalized. According to Associate-Justice Washington, they already
had:
Protection of the government, the enjoyment of life and liberty,
with the right to acquire and possess property of every kind, and
to pursue and obtain happiness and safety, subject to such
restraints as the government may justly prescribe for the general
welfare of the whole; the right of a citizen of one State to pass
through or to reside in any other State for the purpose of trade,
agriculture, professional pursuit, or otherwise; to claim the
benefit of the writ of habeas corpus, to institute and maintain
actions of any kind in the courts of the State; to take, hold, and
dispose of property, either real or personal, and an exemption from
higher taxes or impositions than are paid by the other citizens of
the State.
Thus, you see, those newly-freed men were in possession of every
possible right, privilege and immunity of the government, except that of
suffrage, and hence needed no constitutional amendment for any other
purpose. What right in this country has the Irishman the day after he
receives his naturalization papers that he did not possess the day
before, save the right to vote and hold office? The Chinamen now
crowding our Pacific coast are in precisely the same position. What
privilege or immunity has California or Oregon the right to deny them,
save that of the ballot? Clearly, then, if the Fourteenth Amendment was
not to secure to black men their right to vote it did nothing for them,
since they possessed everything else before. But if it was intended to
prohibit the States from denying or abridging their right to vote, then
it did the same for all persons, white women included, born or
naturalized in the United States; for the amendment does not say that
all male persons of African descent, but that all persons are citizens.
The second section is simply a threat to punish the States by reducing
their representation on the floor of Congress, should they disfranchise
any of their male citizens, and can not be construed into a sanction to
disfranchise female citizens, nor does it in any wise weaken or
invalidate the universal guarantee of the first section.
However much the doctors of the law may disagree as to whether people
and citizens, in the original Constitution, were one and the same, or
whether the privileges and immunities in the Fourteenth Amendment
include the right of suffrage, the question of the citizen's right to
vote is forever settled by the Fifteenth Amendment. "The right of
citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged
by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color or
previous condition of servitude." How can the State deny or abridge the
right of the citizen, if the citizen does not possess it? There is no
escape from the conclusion that to vote is the citizen's right, and the
specifications of race, color or previous condition of servitude can in
no way impair the force of that emphatic assertion that the citizen's
right to vote shall not be denied or abridged.
The political strategy of the second section of the Fourteenth Amendment
failing to coerce the rebel States into enfranchising their <DW64>s, and
the necessities of the Republican party demanding their votes throughout
the South to ensure the re-election of Grant in 1872, that party was
compelled to place this positive prohibition of the Fifteenth Amendment
upon the United States and all the States thereof.
If once we establish the false principle that United States citizenship
does not carry with it the right to vote in every State in this Union,
there is no end to the petty tricks and cunning devices which will be
attempted to exclude one and another class of citizens from the right of
suffrage. It will not always be the men combining to disfranchise all
women; native born men combining to abridge the rights of all
naturalized citizens, as in Rhode Island. It will not always be the rich
and educated who may combine to cut off the poor and ignorant; but we
may live to see the hard-working, uncultivated day laborers, foreign and
native born, learning the power of the ballot and their vast majority of
numbers, combine and amend State constitutions so as to disfranchise the
Vanderbilts, the Stewarts, the Conklings and the Fentons. It is a poor
rule that won't work more ways than one. Establish this precedent, admit
the State's right to deny suffrage, and there is no limit to the
confusion, discord and disruption that may await us. There is and can be
but one safe principle of government--equal rights to all.
Discrimination against any class on account of color, race, nativity,
sex, property, culture, can but embitter and disaffect that class, and
thereby endanger the safety of the whole people. Clearly, then, the
national government not only must define the rights of citizens, but
must stretch out its powerful hand and protect them in every State in
this Union.
If, however, you will insist that the Fifteenth Amendment's emphatic
interdiction against robbing United States citizens of their suffrage
"on account of race, color or previous condition of servitude," is a
recognition of the right of either the United States or any State to
deprive them of the ballot for any or all other reasons, I will prove to
you that the class of citizens for whom I now plead are, by all the
principles of our government and many of the laws of the States,
included under the term "previous condition of servitude."
Consider first married women and their legal status. What is servitude?
"The condition of a slave." What is a slave? "A person who is robbed of
the proceeds of his labor; a person who is subject to the will of
another." By the laws of Georgia, South Carolina and all the States of
the South, the <DW64> had no right to the custody and control of his
person. He belonged to his master. If he were disobedient, the master
had the right to use correction. If the <DW64> did not like the
correction and ran away, the master had the right to use coercion to
bring him back. By the laws of almost every State in this Union today,
North as well as South, the married woman has no right to the custody
and control of her person. The wife belongs to the husband; and if she
refuse obedience he may use moderate correction, and if she do not like
his moderate correction and leave his "bed and board," the husband may
use moderate coercion to bring her back. The little word "moderate," you
see, is the saving clause for the wife, and would doubtless be
overstepped should her offended husband administer his correction with
the "cat-o'-nine-tails," or accomplish his coercion with blood-hounds.
Again the slave had no right to the earnings of his hands, they belonged
to his master; no right to the custody of his children, they belonged to
his master; no right to sue or be sued, or to testify in the courts. If
he committed a crime, it was the master who must sue or be sued. In many
of the States there has been special legislation, giving married women
the right to property inherited or received by bequest, or earned by the
pursuit of any avocation outside the home; also giving them the right to
sue and be sued in matters pertaining to such separate property; but not
a single State of this Union has ever secured the wife in the enjoyment
of her right to equal ownership of the joint earnings of the marriage
copartnership. And since, in the nature of things, the vast majority of
married women never earn a dollar by work outside their families, or
inherit a dollar from their fathers, it follows that from the day of
their marriage to the day of the death of their husbands not one of them
ever has a dollar, except it shall please her husband to let her have
it.
In some of the States, also, laws have been passed giving to the mother
a joint right with the father in the guardianship of the children.
Twenty-five years ago, when our woman's rights movement commenced, by
the laws of all the States the father had the sole custody and control
of the children. No matter if he were a brutal, drunken libertine, he
had the legal right, without the mother's consent, to apprentice her
sons to rumsellers or her daughters to brothel-keepers. He even could
will away an unborn child from the mother. In most of the States this
law still prevails, and the mothers are utterly powerless.
I doubt if there is, today, a State in this Union where a married woman
can sue or be sued for slander of character, and until recently there
was not one where she could sue or be sued for injury of person. However
damaging to the wife's reputation any slander may be, she is wholly
powerless to institute legal proceedings against her accuser unless her
husband shall join with her; and how often have we heard of the husband
conspiring with some outside barbarian to blast the good name of his
wife? A married woman can not testify in courts in cases of joint
interest with her husband.
A good farmer's wife in Illinois, who had all the rights she wanted, had
had made for herself a full set of false teeth. The dentist pronounced
them an admirable fit, and the wife declared it gave her fits to wear
them. The dentist sued the husband for his bill; his counsel brought the
wife as witness; the judge ruled her off the stand, saying, "A married
woman can not be a witness in matters of joint interest between herself
and her husband." Think of it, ye good wives, the false teeth in your
mouths are a joint interest with your husbands, about which you are
legally incompetent to speak! If a married woman is injured by
accident, in nearly all of the States it is her husband who must sue,
and it is to him that the damages will be awarded. In Massachusetts a
married woman was severely injured by a defective sidewalk. Her husband
sued the corporation and recovered $13,000 damages, which belong to him
absolutely, and whenever that unfortunate wife wishes a dollar of that
money she must ask her husband for it; and if he be of a niggardly
nature, she will hear him say, every time, "What have you done with the
twenty-five cents I gave you yesterday?" Isn't such a position
humiliating enough to be called "servitude?" That husband sued and
obtained damages for the loss of the services of his wife, precisely as
he would have done had it been his ox, cow or horse; and exactly as the
master, under the old regime, would have recovered for the services of
his slave.
I submit the question, if the deprivation by law of the ownership of
one's own person, wages, property, children, the denial of the right as
an individual to sue and be sued and testify in the courts, is not a
condition of servitude most bitter and absolute, even though under the
sacred name of marriage? Does any lawyer doubt my statement of the legal
status of married women? I will remind him of the fact that the common
law of England prevails in every State but two in this Union, except
where the legislature has enacted special laws annulling it. I am
ashamed that not one of the States yet has blotted from its statute
books the old law of marriage, which, summed up in the fewest words
possible, is in effect "husband and wife are one, and that one the
husband."
Thus may all married women and widows, by the laws of the several
States, be technically included in the Fifteenth Amendment's
specification of "condition of servitude," present or previous. The
facts also prove that, by all the great fundamental principles of our
free government, not only married women but the entire womanhood of the
nation are in a "condition of servitude" as surely as were our
Revolutionary fathers when they rebelled against King George. Women are
taxed without representation, governed without their consent, tried,
convicted and punished without a jury of their peers. Is all this
tyranny any less humiliating and degrading to women under our
democratic-republican government today than it was to men under their
aristocratic, monarchial government one hundred years ago? There is not
an utterance of John Adams, John Hancock or Patrick Henry, but finds a
living response in the soul of every intelligent, patriotic woman of the
nation. Show me a justice-loving woman property-holder, and I will show
you one whose soul is fired with all the indignation of 1776 every time
the tax-collector presents himself at her door. You will not find one
such but feels her condition of servitude as galling as did James Otis
when he said:
The very act of taxing exercised over those who are not represented
appears to me to be depriving them of one of their most essential
rights, and if continued seems to be in effect an entire
disfranchisement of every civil right. For what one civil right is
worth a rush after a man's property is subject to be taken from him
at pleasure without his consent? If a man is not his own assessor
in person, or by deputy, his liberty is gone, for he is wholly at
the mercy of others.
What was the three-penny tax on tea or the paltry tax on paper and sugar
to which our Revolutionary fathers were subjected, when compared with
the taxation of the women of this republic? And again, to show that
disfranchisement was precisely the slavery of which the fathers
complained, allow me to cite Benjamin Franklin, who in those olden times
was admitted to be good authority, not merely in domestic but also in
political economy:
Every man of the commonalty, except infants, insane persons and
criminals, is, of common right and the law of God, a freeman and
entitled to the free enjoyment of liberty. That liberty or freedom
consists in having an actual share in the appointment of those who
are to frame the laws, and who are to be the guardians of every
man's life, property and peace. For the all of one man is as dear
to him as the all of another; and the poor man has an equal right,
but more need, to have representatives in the legislature than the
rich one. They who have no voice or vote in the electing of
representatives do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved
to those who have votes and to their representatives; for to be
enslaved is to have governors whom other men have set over us, and
to be subject to laws made by the representatives of others,
without having had representatives of our own to give consent in
our behalf.
Suppose I read it with the feminine gender:
Women who have no voice or vote in the electing of representatives
do not enjoy liberty, but are absolutely enslaved to men who have
votes and to their representatives; for to be enslaved is to have
governors whom men have set over us, and to be subject to the laws
made by the representatives of men, without having representatives
of our own to give consent in our behalf.
And yet one more authority, that of Thomas Paine, than whom not one of
the Revolutionary patriots more ably vindicated the principles upon
which our government is founded:
The right of voting for representatives is the primary right by
which other rights are protected. To take away this right is to
reduce man to a state of slavery; for slavery consists in being
subject to the will of another; and he that has not a vote in the
election of representatives is in this case. The proposal,
therefore, to disfranchise any class of men is as criminal as the
proposal to take away property.
Is anything further needed to prove woman's condition of servitude
sufficient to entitle her to the guarantees of the Fifteenth Amendment?
Is there a man who will not agree with me that to talk of freedom
without the ballot is mockery to the women of this republic, precisely
as New England's orator, Wendell Phillips, at the close of the late war
declared it to be to the newly emancipated black man? I admit that,
prior to the rebellion, by common consent, the right to enslave, as well
as to disfranchise both native and foreign born persons, was conceded to
the States. But the one grand principle settled by the war and the
reconstruction legislation, is the supremacy of the national government
to protect the citizens of the United States in their right to freedom
and the elective franchise, against any and every interference on the
part of the several States; and again and again have the American people
asserted the triumph of this principle by their overwhelming majorities
for Lincoln and Grant.
The one issue of the last two presidential elections was whether the
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments should be considered the irrevocable
will of the people; and the decision was that they should be, and that
it is not only the right, but the duty of the national government to
protect all United States citizens in the full enjoyment and free
exercise of their privileges and immunities against the attempt of any
State to deny or abridge. In this conclusion Republicans and Democrats
alike agree. Senator Frelinghuysen said: "The heresy of State rights has
been completely buried in these amendments, and as amended, the
Constitution confers not only National but State citizenship upon all
persons born or naturalized within our limits."
The call for the National Republican Convention of 1872 said: "Equal
suffrage has been engrafted on the National Constitution; the privileges
and immunities of American citizenship have become a part of the organic
law." The National Republican platform said: "Complete liberty and exact
equality in the enjoyment of all civil, political and public rights,
should be established and maintained throughout the Union by efficient
and appropriate State and Federal legislation."
If that means anything it is that Congress should pass a law to protect
women in their equal political rights, and that the States should enact
laws making it the duty of inspectors of elections to receive the votes
of women on precisely the same conditions as they do those of men.
Judge Stanley Matthews, a substantial Ohio Democrat, in his preliminary
speech at the Cincinnati Liberal Convention, said most emphatically:
"The constitutional amendments have established the political equality
of all citizens before the law."
President Grant, in his message to Congress, March 30, 1870, on the
adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, said, "A measure which makes at
once four millions of people voters, is indeed a measure of greater
importance than any act of the kind from the foundation of the
government to the present time."
How could _four_ million <DW64>s be made voters if two million out of
the four were women?
The California Republican platform of 1872 said:
Among the many practical and substantial triumphs of the principles
achieved by the Republican party during the past twelve years, it
enumerates with pride and pleasure the prohibiting of any State
from abridging the privileges of any citizen of the republic, the
declaring the civil and political equality of every citizen, and
the establishing all these principles in the Federal Constitution,
by amendments thereto, as the permanent law.
Benjamin F. Butler, in a recent letter to me, said: "I do not believe
anybody in Congress doubts that the Constitution authorizes the right of
women to vote, precisely as it authorizes trial by jury and many other
like rights guaranteed to citizens."
It is upon this just interpretation of the United States Constitution
that our National Woman Suffrage Association, which celebrates the
twenty-fifth anniversary of the woman's rights movement next May in New
York City, has based all its arguments and action since the passage of
these amendments. We no longer petition legislature or Congress to give
us the right to vote, but appeal to women everywhere to exercise their
too long neglected "citizen's right." We appeal to the inspectors of
election to receive the votes of all United States citizens, as it is
their duty to do. We appeal to United States commissioners and marshals
to arrest, as is their duty, the inspectors who reject the votes of
United States citizens, and leave alone those who perform their duties
and accept these votes. We ask the juries to return verdicts of "not
guilty" in the cases of law-abiding United States citizens who cast
their votes, and inspectors of election who receive and count them.
We ask the judges to render unprejudiced opinions of the law, and
whereever there is room for doubt to give the benefit to the side of
liberty and equal rights for women, remembering that, as Sumner says,
"The true rule of interpretation under our National Constitution,
especially since its amendments, is that anything _for_ human rights is
constitutional, everything _against_ human rights unconstitutional." It
is on this line that we propose to fight our battle for the
ballot--peaceably but nevertheless persistently--until we achieve
complete triumph and all United States citizens, men and women alike,
are recognized as equals in the government.
CHAPTER XXV--PAGE 436
NEWSPAPER COMMENT ON MISS ANTHONY'S TRIAL.
It is perhaps needless to say that whoever listens candidly to Susan B.
Anthony, no matter how he previously regarded her and her sentiments, is
certain to respect her and them afterwards.--Geneva Courier.
* * * * *
Miss Susan B. Anthony is sharp enough for a successful politician. She
is under arrest in Rochester for voting illegally, and is conducting her
case in a way which beats even lawyers. She stumped the county of Monroe
and spoke in every post-office district so powerfully that she has
actually converted nearly the entire male population to the woman
suffrage doctrine. The sentiment is so universal that the United States
district-attorney dare not trust his case to a jury drawn from that
county, and has changed the venue to Ontario. Now Miss Anthony proposes
to stump Ontario immediately, and has procured the services of Matilda
Joslyn Gage, of Fayetteville, to assist her. By the time the case comes
on, Miss Anthony will have Ontario county converted to her
doctrine.--Syracuse Standard.
* * * * *
If Miss Anthony has converted every man in Monroe county to her views of
the suffrage question, as the district-attorney intimates in his recent
efforts to have her case adjourned, it is pretty good evidence--unless
every man in Monroe county is a fool--that the lady has done no wrong.
"Her case," remarks the Auburn Bulletin, "will probably be carried over
to another term, and all she has to do is to canvass and convert another
county. A shrewd woman that! Again we say she ought to vote."--Rochester
Democrat and Chronicle.
* * * * *
There is perplexity in the northern district of New York. It was in that
jurisdiction that Miss Susan B. Anthony and sundry "erring sisters"
voted at the November election. For this they were arrested and
indicted. The venue was laid in Monroe county and there the trial was to
take place. Miss Anthony then proceeded to stump Monroe county and every
town and village thereof, asking her bucolic hearers the solemn
conundrum, "Is it a crime for a United States citizen to vote?" The
answer is supposed generally to be in the negative, and so convincing is
Sister Anthony's rhetoric regarded that it is supposed no jury can be
found to convict her. Her case has gone to the jurymen of Monroe, in her
own persuasive pleadings, before they are summoned. The
district-attorney has, therefore, postponed the trial to another term of
the court, and changed the place thereof to Ontario county; whereupon
the brave Susan takes the stump in Ontario, and personally makes known
her woes and wants. It is a regular St. Anthony's dance she leads the
district-attorney; and, in spite of winter cold or summer heat, she
will carry her case from county to county precisely as fast as the venue
is changed. One must rise very early in the morning to get the start of
this active apostle of the sisterhood.--New York Commercial Advertiser.
* * * * *
It seems likely that the decision of the court will be in Miss Anthony's
favor. If such be the result the advocates of woman suffrage will change
places with the public. They will no longer be forced to obtain hearings
from congressional and legislative committees for their claims, but will
exercise their right to vote by the authority of a legal precedent
against which positive laws forbidding them from voting will be the only
remedy. It is a question whether such laws can be passed in this
country. A careful examination of the subject must precede any such
legislation, and the inference from the result of Judge Selden's
investigation is that the more the subject is studied the less likely
will any legislative body be to forbid those women who want to vote from
so doing.--New York Evening Post.
* * * * *
Miss Susan B. Anthony, whatever else she may be, is evidently of the
right stuff for a reformer. Of all the woman suffragists she has the
most courage and resource, and fights her own and her sisters' battle
with the most wonderful energy, resolution and hopefulness. It is well
known that she is now under indictment for voting illegally in Rochester
last November. Voting illegally in her case means simply voting, for it
is held that women can not lawfully vote at all. She is to be tried
soon, but in the meantime, while at large on bail, she has devoted her
time to missionary work on behalf of woman suffrage, and has spoken, it
is said, in every post-office district in Monroe county, where her trial
would have been held in the natural course of things. She has argued her
cause so well that almost all the male population of the county have
been converted to her views on this subject. The district-attorney is
afraid to trust the case to a jury from that county, and has obtained a
change of venue to Ontario on the ground that a fair trial can not be
had in Monroe.
Miss Anthony, rather cheered than discouraged by this unwilling
testimony to the strength of her cause and her powers of persuasion, has
made arrangements to canvass Ontario county as thoroughly as Monroe.
Some foolish and bigoted people who edit newspapers are complaining that
Miss Anthony's proceedings are highly improper, inasmuch as they are
intended to influence the decision of a cause pending in the courts.
They even talk about contempt of court, and declare that Miss Anthony
should be compelled to desist from making these invidious harangues. We
suspect that the courts will not venture to interfere with this lady's
speech-making tour, but will be of the opinion that she has the same
right which other people, male or female, have to explain her political
views and make converts to them if she can. We have never known it
claimed before that a person accused of an offense was thereby deprived
of the common right of free speech on political and other
questions.--Worcester Spy.
* * * * *
The vapid efforts of a part of the newspaper press to entertain the
public, of late, by descriptions, criticisms and comments, founded upon
pretended interviews with Miss Anthony, reveal a standard of courtesy
and truth discreditable to the American press, and a meagerness of
interesting matter suggesting the propriety of the suspension of such
sheets altogether. The Pittsburg Leader, among others, disgraces itself
by a scurrilous report of what "the gay old girl said to a reporter;"
and the New York World, of course, waxed very funny in its account of
the late convention. These gibes at Miss Anthony's personal appearance,
unwillingness to tell her age, "fishy eyes," etc., are read by her
friends in Rochester with indignation and with contempt for the press
which will publish such misrepresentations as truth.
All Rochester will assert--at least all of it worth heeding--that Miss
Anthony holds here the position of a refined and estimable woman,
thoroughly respected and beloved by the large circle of staunch friends
who swear by her common sense and loyalty, if not by her peculiar views.
As for her age, she tells it often enough unsolicited, whenever the
famous silk dress is alluded to; the dear old dress that a New York
reporter held up as such perfection of taste and fashion! Anna Dickinson
gave that dress to Miss Anthony upon her fiftieth birthday a number of
years ago, and the news was in all the papers. That dress is going into
history with Commissioner Storrs, Judge Selden and the illustrious rest.
It has always been worn by a lady--a genuine lady--no pretense nor
sham--but good Quaker metal. She is no "sour old maid," our Miss
Anthony, nor are the young men shy of her when she can find time to
accept an invitation out; genial, cheery, warm-hearted, overflowing with
stories and reminiscences, utterly fearless and regardless of mere
public opinion, yet having a woman's delicate sensitiveness as to
anything outre in dress or appearance.
Our Susan B. Anthony will work up into a charming bit of biography some
day without a dull page within the covers, providing, of course,
stupidity does not have the writing of it. Never mind what she has been
fighting for, and will fight for till the victory is sure, we must all
own hers a brave record, and she has already accomplished for her sex
much that their scorn and contumely did not prevent her striving for. We
heard a lady remark after attending the suffrage convention: "No, I am
not converted to what these women advocate, I am too cowardly for that;
but I am converted to Susan B. Anthony."--Rochester Evening Express.
CHAPTER XXVII--PAGE 472.
WOMAN WANTS BREAD, NOT THE BALLOT!
_Delivered in most of the large cities of the United States, between
1870 and 1880. The speech never was written, and this abstract was
prepared from scattered notes and newspaper reports._
My purpose tonight is to demonstrate the great historical fact that
disfranchisement is not only political degradation, but also moral,
social, educational and industrial degradation; and that it does not
matter whether the disfranchised class live under a monarchial or a
republican form of government, or whether it be white workingmen of
England, <DW64>s on our southern plantations, serfs of Russia, Chinamen
on our Pacific coast, or native born, tax-paying women of this republic.
Wherever, on the face of the globe or on the page of history, you show
me a disfranchised class, I will show you a degraded class of labor.
Disfranchisement means inability to make, shape or control one's own
circumstances. The disfranchised must always do the work, accept the
wages, occupy the position the enfranchised assign to them. The
disfranchised are in the position of the pauper. You remember the old
adage, "Beggars must not be choosers;" they must take what they can get
or nothing! That is exactly the position of women in the world of work
today; they can not choose. If they could, do you for a moment believe
they would take the subordinate places and the inferior pay? Nor is it a
"new thing under the sun" for the disfranchised, the inferior classes
weighed down with wrongs, to declare they "do not want to vote." The
rank and file are not philosophers, they are not educated to think for
themselves, but simply to accept, unquestioned, whatever comes.
Years ago in England when the workingmen, starving in the mines and
factories, gathered in mobs and took bread wherever they could get it,
their friends tried to educate them into a knowledge of the causes of
their poverty and degradation. At one of these "monster bread meetings,"
held in Manchester, John Bright said to them, "Workingmen, what you need
to bring to you cheap bread and plenty of it, is the franchise;" but
those ignorant men shouted back to Mr. Bright, precisely as the women of
America do to us today, "It is not the vote we want, it is bread;" and
they broke up the meeting, refusing to allow him, their best friend, to
explain to them the powers of the franchise. The condition of those
workingmen was very little above that of slavery. Some of you may
remember when George Thompson came over to this country and rebuked us
for our crime and our curse of slavery, how the slaveholders and their
abettors shouted back to Mr. Thompson, "Look at home, look into your
mines and your factories, you have slavery in England."
You recollect a book published at that time entitled, "The Glory and
Shame of England." Her glory was the emancipation of slaves in the
British West Indies, and her shame the degraded and outraged condition
of those very miners and factory men. In their desperation, they
organized trades unions, went on strike, fought terrible battles, often
destroying property and sometimes even killing their employers. Those
who have read Charles Reade's novel, "Put Yourself in his Place," have
not forgotten the terrible scenes depicted. While those starving men
sometimes bettered their condition financially, they never made a ripple
on the surface of political thought. No member ever championed their
cause on the floor of Parliament. If spoken of at all, it was as our
politicians used to speak of the <DW64>s before the war, or as they
speak of the Chinese today--as nuisances that ought to be suppressed.
But at length, through the persistent demands of a little handful of
reformers, there was introduced into the British Parliament the
"household suffrage" bill of 1867. John Stuart Mill not only championed
that bill as it was presented, but moved an amendment to strike out the
word "man" and substitute therefor the word "person," so that the bill
should read, "every person who shall pay a seven-pound rental per annum
shall be entitled to the franchise." You will see that Mr. Mill's motive
was to extend the suffrage to women as well as men. But when the vote
was taken, only seventy-four, out of the nearly seven hundred members of
the British Parliament, voted in its favor.
During the discussion of the original bill, the opposition was
championed by Robert Lowe, who presented all the stock objections to the
extension of the franchise to "those ignorant, degraded workingmen," as
he called them, that ever were presented in this country against giving
the ballot to the <DW64>s, and that are today being urged against the
enfranchisement of women. Is it not a little remarkable that no matter
who the class may be that it is proposed to enfranchise, the objections
are always the same? "The ballot in the hands of this new class will
make their condition worse than before, and the introduction of this new
class into the political arena will degrade politics to a lower level."
But notwithstanding Mr. Lowe's persistent opposition, the bill became a
law; and before the session closed, that same individual moved that
Parliament, having enfranchised these men, should now make an
appropriation for the establishment and support of schools for the
education of them and their sons. Now, mark you his reason why! "Unless
they are educated," said he, "they will be the means of overturning the
throne of England." So long as these poor men in the mines and factories
had not the right to vote, the power to make and unmake the laws and
law-makers, to help or hurt the government, no measure ever had been
proposed for their benefit although they were ground under the heel of
the capitalist to a condition of abject slavery. But the moment this
power is placed in their hands, before they have used it even once, this
bitterest enemy to their possessing it is the first man to spring to his
feet and make this motion for the most beneficent measure possible in
their behalf--public schools for the education of themselves and their
children.
From that day to this, there never has been a session of the British
Parliament that has not had before it some measure for the benefit of
the working classes. Parliament has enacted laws compelling employers
to cut down the number of hours for a day's work, to pay better wages,
to build decent houses for their employes, and has prohibited the
employment of very young children in the mines and factories. The
history of those olden times records that not infrequently children were
born in the mines and passed their lives there, scarcely seeing the
sunlight from the day of their birth to the day of their death.
Sad as is the condition of the workingmen of England today, it is
infinitely better than it was twenty years ago. At first the votes of
the workingmen were given to the Liberal party, because it was the
leaders of that party who secured their enfranchisement; but soon the
leaders of the Conservative party, seeing the power the workingmen had,
began to vie with the Liberals by going into their meetings and pledging
that if they would vote the Tory ticket and bring that party into
control, it would give them more and better laws even than the Liberals.
In 1874 enough workingmen did go over to bring that party to the front,
with Disraeli at its head, where it stood till 1880 when the rank and
file of the workingmen of England, dissatisfied with Disraeli's policy,
both domestic and foreign, turned and again voted the Liberal ticket,
putting that party in power with Gladstone as its leader. This is the
way in which the ballot in the hands of the masses of wage-earners, even
under a monarchial form of government, makes of them a tremendous
balance of power whose wants and wishes the instinct of self-interest
compels the political leaders to study and obey.
The great distinctive advantage possessed by the workingmen of this
republic is that the son of the humblest citizen, black or white, has
equal chances with the son of the richest in the land if he take
advantage of the public schools, the colleges and the many opportunities
freely offered. It is this equality of rights which makes our nation a
home for the oppressed of all the monarchies of the old world.
And yet, notwithstanding the declaration of our Revolutionary fathers,
"all men created equal," "governments derive their just powers from
the consent of the governed," "taxation and representation
inseparable"--notwithstanding all these grand enunciations, our
government was founded upon the blood and bones of half a million human
beings, bought and sold as chattels in the market. Nearly all the
original thirteen States had property qualifications which disfranchised
poor white men as well as women and <DW64>s. Thomas Jefferson, at the
head of the old Democratic party, took the lead in advocating the
removal of all property qualifications, as so many violations of the
fundamental principle of our government--"the right of consent." In New
York the qualification was $250. Martin Van Buren, the chief of the
Democracy, was a member of the Constitutional Convention held in Buffalo
in 1821, which wiped out that qualification so far as white men were
concerned. He declared, "The poor man has as good a right to a voice in
the government as the rich man, and a vastly greater need to possess it
as a means of protection to himself and his family." It was because the
Democrats enfranchised poor white men, both native and foreign, that
that strong old party held absolute sway in this country for almost
forty years, with only now and then a one-term Whig administration.
In those olden days Horace Greeley, at the head of the Whig party and
his glorious New York Tribune, used to write long editorials showing the
workingmen that they had a mistaken idea about the Democratic party;
that it was not so much the friend of the poor man as was the Whig, and
if they would but vote the Whig ticket and put that party in power, they
would find that it would give them better laws than the Democrats had
done. At length, after many, many years of such education and
persuasion, the workingmen's vote, native and foreign, was divided, and
in 1860 there came to the front a new party which, though not called
Whig, was largely made up of the old Whig elements. In its turn this new
party enfranchised another degraded class of labor. Because the
Republicans gave the ballot to <DW64>s, they have been allied to that
party and have held it solid in power from the ratification of the
Fifteenth Amendment, in 1870, to the present day. Until the Democrats
convince them that they will do more and better for them than the
Republicans are doing, there will be no appreciable division of the
<DW64> vote.
The vast numbers of wage-earning men coming from Europe to this country,
where manhood suffrage prevails with no limitations, find themselves
invested at once with immense political power. They organize their
trades unions, but not being able to use the franchise intelligently,
they continue to strike and to fight their battles with the capitalists
just as they did in the old countries. Neither press nor politicians
dare to condemn these strikes or to demand their suppression because the
workingmen hold the balance of power and can use it for the success or
defeat of either party.
[Miss Anthony here related various timely instances of strikes
where force was used to prevent non-union men from taking the
places of the strikers, and neither the newspapers nor political
leaders ventured to sustain the officials in the necessary steps to
preserve law and order, or if they did they were defeated at the
next election.]
It is said women do not need the ballot for their protection because
they are supported by men. Statistics show that there are 3,000,000
women in this nation supporting themselves. In the crowded cities of the
East they are compelled to work in shops, stores and factories for the
merest pittance. In New York alone, there are over 50,000 of these women
receiving less than fifty cents a day. Women wage-earners in different
occupations have organized themselves into trades unions, from time to
time, and made their strikes to get justice at the hands of their
employers just as men have done, but I have yet to learn of a successful
strike of any body of women. The best organized one I ever knew was that
of the collar laundry women of the city of Troy, N. Y., the great
emporium for the manufacture of shirts, collars and cuffs. They formed a
trades union of several hundred members and demanded an increase of
wages. It was refused. So one May morning in 1867, each woman threw down
her scissors and her needle, her starch-pan and flat-iron, and for three
long months not one returned to the factories. At the end of that time
they were literally starved out, and the majority of them were compelled
to go back, but not at their old wages, for their employers cut them
down to even a lower figure.
In the winter following I met the president of this union, a bright
young Irish girl, and asked her, "Do you not think if you had been 500
carpenters or 500 masons, you would have succeeded?" "Certainly," she
said, and then she told me of 200 bricklayers who had the year before
been on strike and gained every point with their employers. "What could
have made the difference? Their 200 were but a fraction of that trade,
while your 500 absolutely controlled yours." Finally she said, "It was
because the editors ridiculed and denounced us." "Did they ridicule and
denounce the bricklayers?" "No." "What did they say about you?" "Why,
that our wages were good enough now, better than those of any other
workingwomen except teachers; and if we weren't satisfied, we had better
go and get married." "What then do you think made this difference?"
After studying over the question awhile she concluded, "It must have
been because our employers bribed the editors." "Couldn't the employers
of the bricklayers have bribed the editors?" She had never thought of
that. Most people never do think; they see one thing totally unlike
another, but the person who stops to inquire into the cause that
produces the one or the other is the exception. So this young Irish girl
was simply not an exception, but followed the general rule of people,
whether men or women; she hadn't thought. In the case of the
bricklayers, no editor, either Democrat or Republican, would have
accepted the proffer of a bribe, because he would have known that if he
denounced or ridiculed those men, not only they but all the trades union
men of the city at the next election would vote solidly against the
nominees advocated by that editor. If those collar laundry women had
been voters, they would have held, in that little city of Troy, the
"balance of political power" and the editor or the politician who
ignored or insulted them would have turned that balance over to the
opposing party.
My friends, the condition of those collar laundry women but represents
the utter helplessness of disfranchisement. The question with you, as
men, is not whether you want your wives and daughters to vote, nor with
you, as women, whether you yourselves want to vote; but whether you will
help to put this power of the ballot into the hands of the 3,000,000
wage-earning women, so that they may be able to compel politicians to
legislate in their favor and employers to grant them justice.
The law of capital is to extort the greatest amount of work for the
least amount of money; the rule of labor is to do the smallest amount of
work for the largest amount of money. Hence there is, and in the nature
of things must continue to be, antagonism between the two classes;
therefore, neither should be left wholly at the mercy of the other.
It was cruel, under the old regime, to give rich men the right to rule
poor men. It was wicked to allow white men absolute power over black
men. It is vastly more cruel, more wicked to give to all men--rich and
poor, white and black, native and foreign, educated and ignorant,
virtuous and vicious--this absolute control over women. Men talk of the
injustice of monopolies. There never was, there never can be, a monopoly
so fraught with injustice, tyranny and degradation as this monopoly of
sex, of all men over all women. Therefore I not only agree with Abraham
Lincoln that, "No man is good enough to govern another man without his
consent;" but I say also that no man is good enough to govern a woman
without her consent, and still further, that all men combined in
government are not good enough to govern all women without their
consent. There might have been some plausible excuse for the rich
governing the poor, the educated governing the ignorant, the Saxon
governing the African; but there can be none for making the husband the
ruler of the wife, the brother of the sister, the man of the woman, his
peer in birth, in education, in social position, in all that stands for
the best and highest in humanity.
I believe that by nature men are no more unjust than women. If from the
beginning women had maintained the right to rule not only themselves but
men also, the latter today doubtless would be occupying the subordinate
places with inferior pay in the world of work; women would be holding
the higher positions with the big salaries; widowers would be doomed to
a "life interest of one-third of the family estate;" husbands would "owe
service" to their wives, so that every one of you men would be begging
your good wives, "Please be so kind as to 'give me' ten cents for a
cigar." The principle of self-government can not be violated with
impunity. The individual's right to it is sacred--regardless of class,
caste, race, color, sex or any other accident or incident of birth. What
we ask is that you shall cease to imagine that women are outside this
law, and that you shall come into the knowledge that disfranchisement
means the same degradation to your daughters as to your sons.
Governments can not afford to ignore the rights of those holding the
ballot, who make and unmake every law and law-maker. It is not because
the members of Congress are tyrants that women receive only half pay and
are admitted only to inferior positions in the departments. It is simply
in obedience to a law of political economy which makes it impossible for
a government to do as much for the disfranchised as for the
enfranchised. Women are no exception to the general rule. As
disfranchisement always has degraded men, socially, morally and
industrially, so today it is disfranchisement that degrades women in the
same spheres.
Again men say it is not votes, but the law of supply and demand which
regulates wages. The law of gravity is that water shall run down hill,
but when men build a dam across the stream, the force of gravity is
stopped and the water held back. The law of supply and demand regulates
free and enfranchised labor, but disfranchisement estops its operation.
What we ask is the removal of the dam, that women, like men, may reap
the benefit of the law. Did the law of supply and demand regulate work
and wages in the olden days of slavery? This law can no more reach the
disfranchised than it did the enslaved. There is scarcely a place where
a woman can earn a single dollar without a man's consent.
There are many women equally well qualified with men for principals and
superintendents of schools, and yet, while three-fourths of the teachers
are women, nearly all of them are relegated to subordinate positions on
half or at most two-thirds the salaries paid to men. The law of supply
and demand is ignored, and that of sex alone settles the question. If a
business man should advertise for a book-keeper and ten young men,
equally well qualified, should present themselves and, after looking
them over, he should say, "To you who have red hair, we will pay full
wages, while to you with black hair we will pay half the regular price;"
that would not be a more flagrant violation of the law of supply and
demand than is that now perpetrated upon women because of their sex.
And then again you say, "Capital, not the vote, regulates labor."
Granted, for the sake of the argument, that capital does control the
labor of women, Chinamen and slaves; but no one with eyes to see and
ears to hear, will concede for a moment that capital absolutely
dominates the work and wages of the free and enfranchised men of this
republic. It is in order to lift the millions of our wage-earning women
into a position of as much power over their own labor as men possess
that they should be invested with the franchise. This ought to be done
not only for the sake of justice to the women, but to the men with whom
they compete; for, just so long as there is a degraded class of labor in
the market, it always will be used by the capitalists to checkmate and
undermine the superior classes.
Now that as a result of the agitation for equality of chances, and
through the invention of machinery, there has come a great revolution in
the world of economics, so that wherever a man may go to earn an honest
dollar a woman may go also, there is no escape from the conclusion that
she must be clothed with equal power to protect herself. That power is
the ballot, the symbol of freedom and equality, without which no citizen
is sure of keeping even that which he hath, much less of getting that
which he hath not. Women are today the peers of men in education, in the
arts and sciences, in the industries and professions, and there is no
escape from the conclusion that the next step must be to make them the
peers of men in the government--city, State and national--to give them
an equal voice in the framing, interpreting and administering of the
codes and constitutions.
We recognize that the ballot is a two-edged, nay, a many-edged sword,
which may be made to cut in every direction. If wily politicians and
sordid capitalists may wield it for mere party and personal greed; if
oppressed wage-earners may invoke it to wring justice from legislators
and extort material advantages from employers; if the lowest and most
degraded classes of men may use it to open wide the sluice-ways of vice
and crime; if it may be the instrumentality by which the narrow,
selfish, corrupt and corrupting men and measures rule--it is quite as
true that noble-minded statesmen, philanthropists and reformers may make
it the weapon with which to reverse the above order of things, as soon
as they can have added to their now small numbers the immensely larger
ratio of what men so love to call "the better half of the people." When
women vote, they will make a new balance of power that must be weighed
and measured and calculated in its effect upon every social and moral
question which goes to the arbitrament of the ballot-box. Who can doubt
that when the representative women of thought and culture, who are today
the moral backbone of our nation, sit in counsel with the best men of
the country, higher conditions will be the result?
Insurrectionary and revolutionary methods of righting wrongs, imaginary
or real, are pardonable only in the enslaved and disfranchised. The
moment any class of men possess the ballot, it is their weapon and their
shield. Men with a vote have no valid excuse for resorting to the use of
illegal means to fight their battles. When the masses of wage-earning
men are educated into a knowledge of their own rights and of their
duties to others, so that they are able to vote intelligently, they can
carry their measures through the ballot-box and will have no need to
resort to force. But so long as they remain in ignorance and are
manipulated by the political bosses they will continue to vote against
their own interests and turn again to violence to right their wrongs.
If men possessing the power of the ballot are driven to desperate means
to gain their ends, what shall be done by disfranchised women? There are
grave questions of moral, as well as of material interest in which women
are most deeply concerned. Denied the ballot, the legitimate means with
which to exert their influence, and, as a rule, being lovers of peace,
they have recourse to prayers and tears, those potent weapons of women
and children, and, when they fail, must tamely submit to wrong or rise
in rebellion against the powers that be. Women's crusades against
saloons, brothels and gambling-dens, emptying kegs and bottles into the
streets, breaking doors and windows and burning houses, all go to prove
that disfranchisement, the denial of lawful means to gain desired ends,
may drive even women to violations of law and order. Hence to secure
both national and "domestic tranquillity," to "establish justice," to
carry out the spirit of our Constitution, put into the hands of all
women, as you have into those of all men, the ballot, that symbol of
perfect equality, that right protective of all other rights.
CHAPTER XXVII--PAGE 468.
SOCIAL PURITY.
_First delivered at Chicago in the Spring of 1875, in the Sunday
afternoon Dime lecture course._
Though women, as a class, are much less addicted to drunkenness and
licentiousness than men, it is universally conceded that they are by far
the greater sufferers from these evils. Compelled by their position in
society to depend on men for subsistence, for food, clothes, shelter,
for every chance even to earn a dollar, they have no way of escape from
the besotted victims of appetite and passion with whom their lot is
cast. They must endure, if not endorse, these twin vices, embodied, as
they so often are, in the person of father, brother, husband, son,
employer. No one can doubt that the sufferings of the sober, virtuous
woman, in legal subjection to the mastership of a drunken, immoral
husband and father over herself and children, not only from physical
abuse, but from spiritual shame and humiliation, must be such as the man
himself can not possibly comprehend.
It is not my purpose to harrow your feelings by any attempt at depicting
the horrible agonies of mind and body that grow out of these monster
social evils. They are already but too well known. Scarce a family
throughout our broad land but has had its peace and happiness marred by
one or the other, or both. That these evils exist, we all know; that
something must be done, we as well know; that the old methods have
failed, that man, alone, has proved himself incompetent to eradicate, or
even regulate them, is equally evident. It shall be my endeavor,
therefore, to prove to you that we must now adopt new measures and bring
to our aid new forces to accomplish the desired end.
Forty years' efforts by men alone to suppress the evil of intemperance
give us the following appalling figures: 600,000 common drunkards!
Which, reckoning our population to be 40,000,000, gives us one drunkard
to every seventeen moderate drinking and total-abstinence men. Granting
to each of these 600,000 drunkards a wife and four children, we have
3,000,000 of the women and children of this nation helplessly,
hopelessly bound to this vast army of irresponsible victims of appetite.
[Reference was here made to woman's helplessness under the laws.]
The roots of the giant evil, intemperance, are not merely moral and
social; they extend deep and wide into the financial and political
structure of the government; and whenever women, or men, shall
intelligently and seriously set themselves about the work of uprooting
the liquor traffic, they will find something more than tears and prayers
needful to the task. Financial and political power must be combined
with moral and social influence, all bound together in one earnest,
energetic, persistent force.
[Statistics given of pauperism, lunacy, idiocy and crime growing
out of intemperance.]
The prosecutions in our courts for breach of promise, divorce, adultery,
bigamy, seduction, rape; the newspaper reports every day of every year
of scandals and outrages, of wife murders and paramour shootings, of
abortions and infanticides, are perpetual reminders of men's incapacity
to cope successfully with this monster evil of society.
The statistics of New York show the number of professional prostitutes
in that city to be over twenty thousand. Add to these the thousands and
tens of thousands of Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, New Orleans, St.
Louis, Chicago, San Francisco, and all our cities, great and small, from
ocean to ocean, and what a holocaust of the womanhood of this nation is
sacrificed to the insatiate Moloch of lust. And yet more: those myriads
of wretched women, publicly known as prostitutes, constitute but a small
portion of the numbers who actually tread the paths of vice and crime.
For, as the oft-broken ranks of the vast army of common drunkards are
steadily filled by the boasted moderate drinkers, so are the ranks of
professional prostitution continually replenished by discouraged,
seduced, deserted unfortunates, who can no longer hide the terrible
secret of their lives.
The Albany Law Journal, of December, 1876, says: "The laws of
infanticide must be a dead letter in the District of Columbia. According
to the reports of the local officials, the dead bodies of infants,
still-born and murdered, which have been found during the past year,
scattered over parks and vacant lots in the city of Washington, are to
be numbered by hundreds."
In 1869 the Catholics established a Foundling Hospital in New York City.
At the close of the first six months Sister Irene reported thirteen
hundred little waifs laid in the basket at her door. That meant thirteen
hundred of the daughters of New York, with trembling hands and breaking
hearts, trying to bury their sorrow and their shame from the world's
cruel gaze. That meant thirteen hundred mothers' hopes blighted and
blasted. Thirteen hundred Rachels weeping for their children because
they were not!
Nor is it womanhood alone that is thus fearfully sacrificed. For every
betrayed woman, there is always the betrayer, man. For every abandoned
woman, there is always _one_ abandoned man and oftener many more. It is
estimated that there are 50,000 professional prostitutes in London, and
Dr. Ryan calculates that there are 400,000 men in that city directly or
indirectly connected with them, and that this vice causes the city an
annual expenditure of $40,000,000.
All attempts to describe the loathsome and contagious disease which it
engenders defy human language. The Rev. Wm. G. Eliot, of St. Louis, says
of it: "Few know of the terrible nature of the disease in question and
its fearful ravages, not only among the guilty, but the innocent. Since
its first recognized appearance in Europe in the fifteenth century, it
has been a desolation and a scourge. In its worst forms it is so subtle,
that its course can with difficulty be traced. It poisons the
constitution, and may be imparted to others by those who have no outward
or distinguishable marks of it themselves. It may be propagated months
and years after it seems to have been cured. The purity of womanhood and
the helplessness of infancy afford no certainty of escape."
[Medical testimony given from cities in Europe.]
Man's legislative attempts to set back this fearful tide of social
corruption have proved even more futile and disastrous than have those
for the suppression of intemperance--as witness the Contagious Diseases
Acts of England and the St. Louis experiment. And yet efforts to
establish similar laws are constantly made in our large cities, New York
and Washington barely escaping last winter.
To license certain persons to keep brothels and saloons is but to throw
around them and their traffic the shield of law, and thereby to blunt
the edge of all moral and social efforts against them. Nevertheless, in
every large city, brothels are virtually licensed. When "Maggie Smith"
is made to appear before the police court at the close of each quarter,
to pay her fine of $10, $25 or $100, as an inmate or a keeper of a
brothel, and allowed to continue her vocation, so long as she pays her
fine, _that is license_. When a grand jury fails to find cause for
indictment against a well-known keeper of a house of ill-fame, that,
too, is _permission_ for her and all of her class to follow their trade,
against the statute laws of the State, and that with impunity.
The work of woman is not to lessen the severity or the certainty of the
penalty for the violation of the moral law, but to prevent this
violation by the removal of the causes which lead to it. These causes
are said to be wholly different with the sexes. The acknowledged
incentive to this vice on the part of man is his own abnormal passion;
while on the part of woman, in the great majority of cases, it is
conceded to be destitution--absolute want of the necessaries of life.
Lecky, the famous historian of European morals, says: "The statistics of
prostitution show that a great proportion of those women who have fallen
into it have been impelled by the most extreme poverty, in many
instances verging on starvation." All other conscientious students of
this terrible problem, on both continents, agree with Mr. Lecky. Hence,
there is no escape from the conclusion that, while woman's want of bread
induces her to pursue this vice, man's love of the vice itself leads him
into it and holds him there. While statistics show no lessening of the
passional demand on the part of man, they reveal a most frightful
increase of the temptations, the necessities, on the part of woman.
In the olden times, when the daughters of the family, as well as the
wife, were occupied with useful and profitable work in the household,
getting the meals and washing the dishes three times in every day of
every year, doing the baking, the brewing, the washing and the ironing,
the whitewashing, the butter and cheese and soap making, the mending and
the making of clothes for the entire family, the carding, spinning and
weaving of the cloth--when everything to eat, to drink and to wear was
manufactured in the home, almost no young women "went out to work." But
now, when nearly all these handicrafts are turned over to men and to
machinery, tens of thousands, nay, millions, of the women of both
hemispheres are thrust into the world's outer market of work to earn
their own subsistence. Society, ever slow to change its conditions,
presents to these millions but few and meager chances. Only the barest
necessaries, and oftentimes not even those, can be purchased with the
proceeds of the most excessive and exhausting labor.
Hence, the reward of virtue for the homeless, friendless, penniless
woman is ever a scanty larder, a pinched, patched, faded wardrobe, a
dank basement or rickety garret, with the colder, shabbier scorn and
neglect of the more fortunate of her sex. Nightly, as weary and worn
from her day's toil she wends her way through the dark alleys toward her
still darker abode, where only cold and hunger await her, she sees on
every side and at every turn the gilded hand of vice and crime
outstretched, beckoning her to food and clothes and shelter; hears the
whisper in softest accents, "Come with me and I will give you all the
comforts, pleasures and luxuries that love and wealth can bestow." Since
the vast multitudes of human beings, women like men, are not born to the
courage or conscience of the martyr, can we wonder that so many poor
girls fall, that so many accept material ease and comfort at the expense
of spiritual purity and peace? Should we not wonder, rather, that so
many escape the sad fate?
Clearly, then, the first step toward solving this problem is to lift
this vast army of poverty-stricken women who now crowd our cities, above
the temptation, the necessity, to sell themselves, in marriage or out,
for bread and shelter. To do that, girls, like boys, must be educated to
some lucrative employment; women, like men, must have equal chances to
earn a living. If the plea that poverty is the cause of woman's
prostitution be not true, perfect equality of chances to earn honest
bread will demonstrate the falsehood by removing that pretext and
placing her on the same plane with man. Then, if she is found in the
ranks of vice and crime, she will be there for the same reason that man
is and, from an object of pity, she, like him, will become a fit subject
of contempt. From being the party sinned against, she will become an
equal sinner, if not the greater of the two. Women, like men, must not
only have "fair play" in the world of work and self-support, but, like
men, must be eligible to all the honors and emoluments of society and
government. Marriage, to women as to men, must be a luxury, not a
necessity; an incident of life, not all of it. And the only possible way
to accomplish this great change is to accord to women equal power in the
making, shaping and controlling of the circumstances of life. That
equality of rights and privileges is vested in the ballot, the symbol of
power in a republic. Hence, our first and most urgent demand--that women
shall be protected in the exercise of their inherent, personal,
citizen's right to a voice in the government, municipal, state,
national.
Alexander Hamilton said one hundred years ago, "Give to a man the right
over my subsistence, and he has power over my whole moral being." No one
doubts the truth of this assertion as between man and man; while, as
between man and woman, not only does almost no one believe it, but the
masses of people deny it. And yet it is the fact of man's possession of
this right over woman's subsistence which gives to him the power to
dictate to her a moral code vastly higher and purer than the one he
chooses for himself. Not less true is it, that the fact of woman's
dependence on man for her subsistence renders her utterly powerless to
exact from him the same high moral code she chooses for herself.
Of the 8,000,000 women over twenty-one years of age in the United
States, 800,000, one out of every ten, are unmarried, and fully one-half
of the entire number, or 4,000,000, support themselves wholly or in part
by the industry of their own hands and brains. All of these, married or
single, have to ask man, as an individual, a corporation, or a
government, to grant to them even the privilege of hard work and small
pay. The tens of thousands of poor but respectable young girls
soliciting copying, clerkships, shop work, teaching, must ask of men,
and not seldom receive in response, "Why work for a living? There are
other ways!"
Whoever controls work and wages, controls morals. Therefore, we must
have women employers, superintendents, committees, legislators; wherever
girls go to seek the means of subsistence, there must be some woman.
Nay, more; we must have women preachers, lawyers, doctors--that wherever
women go to seek counsel--spiritual, legal, physical--there, too, they
will be sure to find the best and noblest of their own sex to minister
to them.
Independence is happiness. "No man should depend upon another; not even
upon his own father. By depend I mean, obey without examination--to the
will of any one whomsoever." This is the conclusion to which Pierre, the
hero of Madame Sand's "Monsieur Sylvestre," arrives, after running away
from the uncle who had determined to marry him to a woman he did not
choose to wed. In freedom he discovers that, though deprived of all the
luxuries to which he had been accustomed, he is happy, and writes his
friend that "without having realized it, he had been unhappy all his
life; had suffered from his dependent condition; that nothing in his
life, his pleasures, his occupations, had been of his own choice." And
is not this the precise condition of what men call the "better half" of
the human family?
In one of our western cities I once met a beautiful young woman, a
successful teacher in its public schools, an only daughter who had left
her New England home and all its comforts and luxuries and culture. Her
father was a member of Congress and could bring to her all the
attractions of Washington society. That young girl said to me, "The
happiest moment of my life was when I received into my hand my first
month's salary for teaching." Not long after, I met her father in
Washington, spoke to him of his noble daughter, and he said: "Yes, you
woman's rights people have robbed me of my only child and left the home
of my old age sad and desolate. Would to God that the notion of
supporting herself had never entered her head!" Had that same lovely,
cultured, energetic young girl left the love, the luxury, the protection
of that New England home for marriage, instead of self-support; had she
gone out to be the light and joy of a husband's life, instead of her
own; had she but chosen another man, instead of her father, to decide
for her all her pleasures and occupations; had she but taken another
position of dependence, instead of one of independence, neither her
father nor the world would have felt the change one to be condemned....
Fathers should be most particular about the men who visit their
daughters, and, to further this reform, pure women not only must refuse
to meet intimately and to marry impure men, but, finding themselves
deceived in their husbands, they must refuse to continue in the
marriage relation with them. We have had quite enough of the sickly
sentimentalism which counts the woman a heroine and a saint for
remaining the wife of a drunken, immoral husband, incurring the risk of
her own health and poisoning the life-blood of the young beings that
result from this unholy alliance. Such company as ye keep, such ye are!
must be the maxim of married, as well as unmarried, women....
[Numerous instances cited of the unjust discrimination against
women where men were equally guilty.]
So long as the wife is held innocent in continuing to live with a
libertine, and every girl whom he inveigles and betrays becomes an
outcast whom no other wife will tolerate in her house, there is, there
can be, no hope of solving the problem of prostitution. As long
experience has shown, these poor, homeless girls of the world can not be
relied on, as a police force, to hold all husbands true to their
marriage vows. Here and there, they will fail and, where they do, wives
must make not the girls alone, but their husbands also suffer for their
infidelity, as husbands never fail to do when their wives weakly or
wickedly yield to the blandishments of other men.
[Examples given to prove this point.]
In a western city the wives conspired to burn down a house of ill-fame
in which their husbands had placed a half-dozen of the demi-monde. Would
it not have shown much more womanly wisdom and virtue for those legal
wives to have refused to recognize their husbands, instead of wreaking
their vengeance on the heads of those wretched women? But how could they
without finding themselves, as a result, penniless and homeless? The
person, the services, the children, the subsistence, of each and every
one of those women belonged by law, not to herself, but to her
unfaithful husband.
Now, why is it that man can hold woman to this high code of morals, like
Caesar's wife--not only pure but above suspicion--and so surely and
severely punish her for every departure, while she is so helpless, so
powerless to check him in his license, or to extricate herself from his
presence and control? His power grows out of his right over her
subsistence. Her lack of power grows out of her dependence on him for
her food, her clothes, her shelter.
Marriage never will cease to be a wholly unequal partnership until the
law recognizes the equal ownership in the joint earnings and
possessions. The true relation of the sexes never can be attained until
woman is free and equal with man. Neither in the making nor executing of
the laws regulating these relations has woman ever had the slightest
voice. The statutes for marriage and divorce, for adultery, breach of
promise, seduction, rape, bigamy, abortion, infanticide--all were made
by men. They, alone, decide who are guilty of violating these laws and
what shall be their punishment, with judge, jury and advocate all men,
with no woman's voice heard in our courts, save as accused or witness,
and in many cases the married woman is denied the poor privilege of
testifying as to her own guilt or innocence of the crime charged against
her.
Since the days of Moses and the prophets, men and ministers have
preached the law of "visiting the iniquity of the fathers upon the
children and the children's children, to the third and fourth
generations." But with absolute power over woman and all the conditions
of life for the whole 6,000 years, man has proved his utter inability
either to put away his own iniquities, or to cease to hand them down
from generation to generation; hence, the only hope of reform is in
sharing this absolute power with some other than himself, and that other
must be woman. When no longer a subject, but an equal--a free and
independent sovereign, believing herself created primarily for her own
individual happiness and development and secondarily for man's,
precisely as man believes himself created first for his own enjoyment
and second for that of woman--she will constitute herself sole umpire in
the sacred domain of motherhood. Then, instead of feeling it her
Christian duty to live with a drunken, profligate husband, handing down
to her children his depraved appetites and passions, she will _know_
that God's curse will be upon her and her children if she flee not from
him as from a pestilence.
It is worse than folly, it is madness, for women to delude themselves
with the idea that their children will escape the terrible penalty of
the law. The taint of their birth will surely follow them. For pure
women to continue to devote themselves to their man-appointed mission of
visiting the dark purlieus of society and struggling to reclaim the
myriads of badly-born human beings swarming there, is as hopeless as
would be an attempt to ladle the ocean with a teaspoon; as
unphilosophical as was the undertaking of the old American Colonization
Society, which, with great labor and pains and money, redeemed from
slavery and transported to Liberia annually 400 <DW64>s; or the Fugitive
Slave Societies, which succeeded in running off to Canada, on their
"under-ground railroads," some 40,000 in a whole quarter of a century.
While those good men were thus toiling to rescue the 400 or the 40,000
individual victims of slavery, each day saw hundreds and each year
thousands of human beings born into the terrible condition of
chattelism. All see and admit now what none but the Abolitionists saw
then, that the only effectual work was the entire overthrow of the
system of slavery; the abrogation of the law which sanctioned the right
of property in man.
In answer to my proposal to speak in one of the cities of Iowa, an
earnest woman replied, "It is impossible to get you an audience; all of
our best women are at present engaged in an effort to establish a 'Home
for the Friendless.' All the churches are calling for the entire time of
their members to get up fairs, dinners, concerts, etc., to raise money.
In fact, even our woman suffragists are losing themselves in devotion to
some institution."
Thus, wherever you go, you find the best women, in and out of the
churches, all absorbed in establishing or maintaining benevolent or
reform institutions; charitable societies, soup-houses, ragged schools,
industrial schools, mite societies, mission schools--at home and
abroad--homes and hospitals for the sick, the aged, the friendless, the
foundling, the fallen; asylums for the orphans, the blind, the deaf and
dumb, the insane, the inebriate, the idiot. The women of this century
are neither idle nor indifferent. They are working with might and main
to mitigate the evils which stare them in the face on every side, but
much of their work is without knowledge. It is aimed at the effects, not
the cause; it is plucking the spoiled fruit; it is lopping off the
poisonous branches of the deadly upas tree, which but makes the root
more vigorous in sending out new shoots in every direction. A right
understanding of physiological law teaches us that the cause must be
removed; the tree must be girdled; the tap-root must be severed.
The tap-root of our social upas lies deep down at the very foundations
of society. It is woman's dependence. It is woman's subjection. Hence,
the first and only efficient work must be to emancipate woman from her
enslavement. The wife must no longer echo the poet Milton's ideal Eve,
when she adoringly said to Adam, "God, thy law; thou, mine!" She must
feel herself accountable to God alone for every act, fearing and obeying
no man, save where his will is in line with her own highest idea of
divine law.
The president of the Howard Mission School, New York, said, "Miss
Anthony, it is a marvel to me that, with so much brain and common sense,
you should always devote yourself to mere abstractions. Why is it that
you never set yourself about some practical work?"
"Like the Howard Mission?" said I. "How many less children have you now
than ten years ago?"
"Oh, no less, but many, many more."
"Would it not be a practical work, then, to make it possible for every
mother to support her own children? That is my aim and my work; while
yours is simply to pick up the poor children, leaving every girl-child
to the mother's heritage of helpless poverty and vice. My aim is to
change the condition of women to self-help; yours, simply to ameliorate
the ills that must inevitably grow out of dependence. My work is to
lessen the numbers of the poor; yours, merely to lessen the sufferings
of their tenfold increase."
If the divine law visits the sins of the fathers upon the children,
equally so does it transmit to them their virtues. Therefore, if it is
through woman's ignorant subjection to the tyranny of man's appetites
and passions that the life-current of the race is corrupted, then must
it be through her intelligent emancipation that the race shall be
redeemed from the curse, and her children and children's children rise
up to call her blessed. When the mother of Christ shall be made the true
model of womanhood and motherhood, when the office of maternity shall be
held sacred and the mother shall consecrate herself, as did Mary, to the
one idea of bringing forth the Christ-child, then, and not till then,
will this earth see a new order of men and women, prone to good rather
than evil.
I am a full and firm believer in the revelation that it is through woman
that the race is to be redeemed. And it is because of this faith that I
ask for her immediate and unconditional emancipation from all political,
industrial, social and religious subjection.
"What is most needed to ensure the future greatness of the empire?"
inquired Madame Campan of the great Napoleon. "Mothers!" was the terse
and suggestive reply. Ralph Waldo Emerson says, "Men are what their
mothers made them." But I say, to hold mothers responsible for the
character of their sons while you deny them any control over the
surroundings of their lives, is worse than mockery, it is cruelty!
Responsibilities grow out of rights and powers. Therefore, before
mothers can be held responsible for the vices and crimes, the wholesale
demoralization of men, they must possess all possible rights and powers
to control the conditions and circumstances of their own and their
children's lives.
A minister of Chicago sums up the infamies of that great metropolis of
the West as follows: 3,000 licensed dram-shops and myriad patrons; 300
gambling houses and countless frequenters, many of them young men from
the best families of the city; 79 obscene theatres, with their thousands
of degraded men and boys nightly in attendance; 500 brothels, with their
thousands of poor girls, bodies and souls sacrificed to the 20,000 or
30,000 depraved men--young and old, married and single--who visit them.
While all the participants in all these forms of iniquity, victims and
victimizers alike--the women excepted--may go to the polls on every
election day and vote for the mayor and members of the common council,
who will either continue to license these places, or fail to enforce the
laws which would practically close them--not a single woman in that city
may record her vote against those wretched blots on civilization. The
profane, tobacco-chewing, whiskey-drinking, gambling libertines may
vote, but not their virtuous, intelligent, sober, law-abiding wives and
mothers!
You remember the petition of 18,000 of the best women of Chicago, a year
ago, asking the common council not to repeal the Sunday Liquor Law? Why
were they treated with ridicule and contempt? Why was their prayer
unheeded? Was it because the honorable gentlemen had no respect for
those women or their demand? No; on the contrary, many of them,
doubtless, were men possessed of high regard for women, who would have
been glad to aid them in their noble efforts; but the power that placed
those men in office, the representatives of the saloons, brothels and
obscene shows, crowded the council chamber and its corridors,
threatening political death to the man who should dare give his voice or
his vote for the maintenance of that law. Could those 18,000 women, with
the tens of thousands whom they represented, have gone to the ballot-box
at the next election and voted to re-elect the men who championed their
petition, and defeat those who opposed it, does any one doubt that it
would have been heeded by the common council?
As the fountain can rise no higher than the spring that feeds it, so a
legislative body will enact or enforce no law above the average
sentiment of the people who created it. Any and every reform work is
sure to lead women to the ballot-box. It is idle for them to hope to
battle successfully against the monster evils of society until they
shall be armed with weapons equal to those of the enemy--votes and
money. Archimedes said, "Give to me a fulcrum on which to plant my
lever, and I will move the world." And I say, give to woman the ballot,
the political fulcrum, on which to plant her moral lever, and she will
lift the world into a nobler and purer atmosphere.
Two great necessities forced this nation to extend justice and equality
to the <DW64>:
First, Military necessity, which compelled the abolition of the crime
and curse of slavery, before the rebellion could be overcome.
Second, Political necessity, which required the enfranchisement of the
newly-freed men, before the work of reconstruction could begin.
The third is now pressing, Moral necessity--to emancipate woman, before
Social Purity, the nation's safeguard, ever can be established.
CHAPTER XXXV--PAGE 642.
OPEN LETTER TO BENJAMIN HARRISON,
_Republican Nominee for President._
INDIANAPOLIS, IND., June 30, 1888.
DEAR SIR: We, representatives of the National Woman Suffrage
Association, respectfully ask you to consider the following facts:
The first plank in the platform adopted by the Republican convention
recently held in Chicago, entitled "The Purity of the Ballot," reaffirms
the unswerving devotion of the Republican party to the personal rights
and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories of the
Union, and especially to "the supreme and sovereign right of every
lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign, white or black, to cast
one free ballot in public elections and to have that ballot duly
counted." And again the platform says: "We hold the free and honest
popular ballot, and the just and equal representation of all the people,
to be the foundation of our republican government."
These declarations place the Republican party in its original attitude
as the defender of the personal freedom and political liberties of all
citizens of the United States. These sentiments, even the phraseology in
which they are here expressed, may be found in every series of
resolutions adopted by the National Woman Suffrage Association since its
organization.
The advocates of woman suffrage would have been glad to see the phrase
"male or female" inserted after the phrase "white or black" in the
resolution above quoted, because this would be a fitting conclusion to
the enumeration by antithesis of the classes into which citizens are
divided. However, no enumeration of classes was necessary to explain or
to enforce the declaration of the party's devotion to "the supreme and
sovereign right of every lawful citizen to cast one free ballot in
public elections and to have that ballot duly counted." It is the
unimpeded exercise of this "supreme and sovereign right of every lawful
citizen" which the women we represent demand.
That women are "lawful citizens" is undeniable, since the law recognizes
them as such through the visits of the assessor and tax-gatherer; since
it recognizes them as such in the police stations, the jails, the courts
and the prisons. Only at the ballot-box is the lawful citizenship of
women challenged! Only at the ballot-box, which is declared to be the
sole safe-guard of the citizen's liberty--only there is the liberty of
the female citizen denied.
But reverting to the first resolution in the Republican platform, so
satisfactory in its sentiments, we beg to suggest that its value will
depend solely upon its interpretation, and that its authoritative
interpretation must be given by the leaders of the Republican party.
Therefore to you, the chosen head of that party, we address ourselves,
asking that your letter of acceptance of the nomination to the
presidency of the United States be so framed as to indicate clearly your
recognition of the fact that the Republican party has pledged itself to
protect _every citizen_ in the free exercise of "the supreme and
sovereign right" to vote at public elections.
It appears to us that the application of Republican principles which we
seek must be in harmony with your own inherited tendencies. One familiar
with the history of the English-speaking people, during the last two and
a half centuries, with their struggles for conscience, and freedom's
sake, must deem it a matter of course that by this time the sense of
individual responsibility has become strong even in the hearts of women;
and the descendant of one who in the name of individual liberty stood
with Cromwell against the "divine right of kings" and the tyranny
consequent upon that obnoxious doctrine, can not be surprised to find
himself appealed to by his country-women, in that same sacred name, to
stand with the most enlightened portion of his party--with such men as
Morton, Sumner and Lincoln--against the divine right of sex and the
political tyranny involved in this doctrine, which in a republic
presents such an anomaly.
Hoping that the question suggested by this appeal will command from you
the attention which its importance merits, we subscribe ourselves,
Yours with high esteem,
SUSAN B. ANTHONY,
_Vice-President-at-Large N. W. S. A._
MAY WRIGHT SEWALL,
_Chairman Executive Committee N. W. S. A._
CHAPTER XLIII--PAGE 785.
DEMAND FOR PARTY RECOGNITION.
_Delivered in Kansas City at the opening of the campaign, May 4, 1894._
I come to you tonight not as a stranger, not as an outsider but, in
spirit and in every sense, as one of you. I have been connected with you
by the ties of relationship for nearly forty years. Twenty-seven years
ago I canvassed this entire State of Kansas in your first woman suffrage
campaign. During the last decade I have made a speaking tour of your
congressional districts over and over again. Now I come once more to
appeal to you for justice to the women of your State.
To preface, I want to say that when the rebellion broke out in this
country, we of the woman suffrage movement postponed our meetings, and
organized ourselves into a great National Women's Loyal League with
headquarters in the city of New York. We sent out thousands of petitions
praying Congress to abolish slavery, as a war measure, and to these
petitions we obtained 365,000 signatures. They were presented by Charles
Sumner, that noblest Republican of them all, and it took two stalwart
<DW64>s to carry them into the Senate chamber. We did our work
faithfully all those years. Other women scraped lint, made jellies,
ministered to sick and suffering soldiers and in every way worked for
the help of the government in putting down that rebellion. No man, no
Republican leader, worked more faithfully or loyally than did the women
of this nation in every city and county of the North to aid the
government.
In 1865 I made my first visit to Kansas and, on the 2d of July, went by
stage from Leavenworth to Topeka. O, how I remember those first acres
and miles of cornfields I ever had seen; how I remember that ride to
Topeka and from there in an open mail wagon to Ottumwa, where I was one
of the speakers at the Fourth of July celebration. Those were the days,
as you recollect, just after the murder of Lincoln and the accession to
the presidential chair of Andrew Johnson, who had issued his
proclamation for the reconstruction of Mississippi. So the question of
the <DW64>'s enfranchisement was uppermost in the minds of leading
Republicans, though no one save Charles Sumner had dared to speak it
aloud. In that speech, I clearly stated that the government never would
be reconstructed, that peace never would reign and justice never be
uppermost until not only the black men were enfranchised but also the
women of the entire nation. The men congratulated me upon my speech, the
first part of it, every word I said about <DW64> suffrage, but declared
that I should not have mentioned woman suffrage at so critical an hour.
A little later the Associated Press dispatch came that motions had been
made on the floor of the House of Representatives at Washington to
insert the word "male" in the second clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment. You remember the first clause, "All persons born or
naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction
thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they
reside. No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges and immunities of citizens." That was magnificent. Every
woman of us saw that it included the women of the nation as well as
black men. The second section, as Thaddeus Stevens drew it, said, "If
any State shall disfranchise any of its citizens on account of color,
all that class shall be counted out of the basis of representation;" but
at once the enemy asked, "Do you mean that if any State shall
disfranchise its <DW64> women, you are going to count all of the black
race out of the basis of representation?" And weak-kneed Republicans,
after having fought such a glorious battle, surrendered; they could not
stand the taunt. Charles Sumner said he wrote over nineteen pages of
foolscap in order to keep the word "male" out of the Constitution; but
he could not do it so he with the rest subscribed to the amendment: "If
any State shall disfranchise any of its MALE citizens all of that class
shall be counted out of the basis of representation."
There was the first great surrender and, in all those years of
reconstruction, Elizabeth Cady Stanton, the great leader of our woman
suffrage movement, declared that because the Republicans were willing to
sacrifice the enfranchisement of the women of the nation they would lose
eventually the power to protect the black man in his right to vote. But
the leaders of the Republican party shouted back to us, "Keep silence,
this is the <DW64>'s hour." Even our glorious Wendell Phillips, who said,
"To talk to a black man of freedom without the ballot is mockery,"
joined in the cry, "This is the <DW64>'s hour;" but we never yielded the
point that, "To talk to women of freedom without the ballot is mockery
also." But timidity, cowardice and want of principle carried forward the
reconstruction of the government with the women left out.
Then came in 1867 the submission by your Kansas legislature of three
amendments to your constitution: That all men who had served in the
rebel army should be disfranchised; that all black men should be
enfranchised; and that all women should be enfranchised. The Democrats
held their State convention and resolved they would have nothing to do
with that "modern fanaticism of woman's rights." The Germans held a
meeting in Lawrence, and denounced this "new-fangled idea." The
Republicans held their State convention and resolved to be "neutral."
And they were neutral precisely as England was neutral in the rebellion.
While England declared neutrality, she allowed the _Shenandoah_, the
_Alabama_ and other pirate ships to be fitted up in her ports to maraud
the seas and capture American vessels. The fact was not a single stump
speaker appointed by the Republican committee advocated the woman
suffrage amendment and, more than this, all spoke against it.
Then, of course, we had to make a woman suffrage campaign through the
months of September and October. We did our best. Everywhere we had
splendid audiences and I think we had a larger ratio of men in those
olden times than we have nowadays. Election day came, that 5th day of
November, 1867, when 9,070 men voted yes, and over 18,000 voted no. On
the <DW64> suffrage amendment, 10,500 voted yes and the remainder voted
no. Both amendments were lost. All the political power of the national
and State Republican party was brought to bear to induce every man to
vote for <DW64> suffrage; on the other hand, all the enginery and power
of the Republican, as well as of the Democratic party, were against us;
and many were so ignorant they absolutely believed that to vote for
woman suffrage was to vote against the <DW64>. It was exactly like
declaring here tonight that if every woman in this house should fill her
lungs with oxygen, she would rob all you men of enough to fill yours.
Nobody is robbed by letting everybody have equal rights.
Since 1867 seven other States have submitted the question. Let me run
them over.
[Miss Anthony then gave a graphic description of the campaigns in
Michigan, 1874; Colorado, 1877; Nebraska, 1882; Oregon, 1884; Rhode
Island, 1886; Washington, 1889; South Dakota, 1890; all of which
failed for lack of support from the political platforms, editors
and speakers.]
But at last in Colorado, in the second campaign, we won by the popular
vote, _gained through party endorsement_, the enfranchisement of women.
During the summer of 1893 nearly every Republican and Populist and not a
few Democratic county conventions put approving planks in their
platforms. When the fall campaign opened every stump orator was
authorized to speak favorably upon the subject; no man could oppose it
unless he ran counter to the principles laid down in his party platform.
That made it a truly educational campaign to all the voters of the
State. A word to the wise is sufficient. Let every man who wants the
suffrage amendment carried, demand a full and hearty endorsement of the
measure by his political party, be it Democrat, Republican, Populist or
Prohibition, so that Kansas shall win as did her neighbor State,
Colorado.
The Republicans of Kansas made the Prohibition amendment a party measure
in 1880. After they secured the law they had planks in their platform
for its enforcement from year to year, until they were tired of fighting
the liquor dealers, backed by the Democrats in the State and on the
borders. They wearied of being taunted with the fact that they had not
the power to enforce the law. Then in 1887 they gave municipal suffrage
to women as a sheer party necessity. Just as much as it was a necessity
of the Republicans in reconstruction days to enfranchise the <DW64>s, so
was it a political necessity in the State of Kansas to enfranchise the
women, because they needed a new balance of power to help them elect and
re-elect officers who would enforce the law. Where else could they go to
get that balance? Every man in the State, native and foreign, drunk and
sober, outside of the penitentiary, the idiot and lunatic asylums,
already had the right to vote. They had nobody left but the women. As a
last resort the Republicans, by a straight party vote, extended
municipal suffrage to women.
This political power was put into the hands of the women of this State
by the old Republican party with its magnificent majorities--82,000, you
remember, the last time you bragged. It was before you had the quarrel
and division in the family; it was by that grand old party, solid as it
was in those bygone days!
Last year, and two years ago, after the People's party was organized,
when their State convention was held, and also when the Republican
convention was held, each put a plank in its platform declaring that the
time had come for the submission of a proposition for full suffrage to
women. What then could the women infer but that such action meant
political help in carrying this amendment? If I had not believed this I
never would have come to the State and given my voice in twenty-five or
thirty political meetings, reminding the Republicans what a grand and
glorious record they had made, not only in the enfranchisement of the
black men but in furnishing all the votes on the floor of Congress ever
given for women's enfranchisement there, and in extending municipal
suffrage to the women of Kansas. I have vowed, from the time I began to
see that woman suffrage could be carried only through party help, that I
never would lend my influence to either of the two dominant parties that
did not have a woman suffrage plank in its platform.
I consider, by every pledge of the past, by the passage of the
resolution through the legislature when the representatives of the two
parties, the People's and Republican, vied with each other to see who
would give the largest majority, that both promised to make this a party
measure and I speak tonight to the two parties as the old Republican
party. You are not the same men altogether, but you are the descendants,
the children, of that party; and I am here tonight, and have come all
the way from my home, to beg you to stand by the principles which have
made you great and strong, and to finish the work you have so nobly
begun.
The Republicans are to have their State convention the 6th of June. I
shall be ashamed if the telegraph wires flash the word over the country,
"No pledge for the amendment," as was flashed from the Republican League
the other day. Should this happen, as I have heard intimated, and there
is a woman in the State of Kansas who has any affiliation with the
Republican party, any sympathy with it, who will float its banner after
it shall have thus failed to redeem its pledge, I will disown her; she
is not one of my sort.
The Populist convention is to be held the 12th of June. If it should
shirk its responsibility, and not put a strong suffrage plank in its
platform, pledging itself to use all its educational powers and all its
party machinery to carry the amendment, then I shall have no respect for
any woman who will speak or work for its success.
The Democrats have declared their purpose. They are going to fight us.
What does the good Book say? "He that is not for me is against me." We
know where the Democratic party is, it is against us. If the Republican
and People's parties say nothing for us, they say and do everything
against us. No plank will be equivalent to saying to every woman
suffrage Republican and Populist speaker, "You must not advocate this
amendment, for to do so will lose us the whisky vote, it will lose us
the foreign vote." Hence, no plank means no word for us, and no word for
us means no vote for us. But while no word can be spoken in favor, every
campaign orator, as in 1867, is free to speak in opposition.
Men of the Republican party, it comes your time first to choose whom
you will have for your future constituents, to make up the bone and
sinew of your party; whether you will have the most ignorant foreigners,
just landed on our shores, who have not learned a single principle of
free government--or the women of your own households; whether you will
lose to-day a few votes of the high license or the low license
Republicans, foreign or native, black or white, as the case may be, and
gain to yourselves hereafter the votes of the women of the State. These
are the alternatives. It has been stated that you can not have a
suffrage plank in the Republican platform in Saline county because it
would lose the votes of the Scandinavians. Will those 1,000 Scandinavian
men be of more value to the Republicans than will be the votes of their
own wives, mothers, daughters and sisters in all the years to come?
The crucial moment is upon you now, and I say unto you, men of both
parties, you will have driven the last nail in the coffin of this
amendment and banished all hope of carrying it at the ballot-box if you
do not incorporate woman suffrage in your platforms. I know what the
party managers will say, I have talked with and heard from many of them.
I read Mr. Morrill's statement that "this question should go to the
ballot-box on its merits and should not be spoken of in the political
meetings or made a party measure."
The masses are rooted and grounded in the old beliefs in the inferiority
and subjection of women, and consider them born merely to help man carry
out his plans and not to have any of their own. Now, friends, because
this is true, because no man believes in political equality for woman,
except he is educated out of every bigotry, every prejudice and every
usage that he was born into, in the family, in the church and in the
state, so there can be no hope of the rank and file of men voting for
this amendment, until they are taught the principles of justice and
right; and there is no possibility that these men can be reached, can be
educated, through any other instrumentality than that of the campaign
meetings and campaign papers of the political parties. Therefore, when
you say this is not to be a political question, not to be in your
platform, not to be discussed in your meetings, not to be advocated in
your papers, you make it impossible for its merits to be brought before
the voters.
Who are the men that come to our women's meetings? We have just finished
the tour of the sixty counties in the State of New York. We had
magnificent gatherings, composed of people from the farthest townships
in the county, and in many of them from every township, with the largest
opera houses packed, hundreds going away who could not get in. Our
audiences have been five-sixths women, and the one man out of the six,
who was he? A man who already believed there was but one means of
salvation for the race or the country, and that was through the
political equality of women, making them the peers of men in every
department of life. How are we going to reach the other five-sixths of
the men who never come to women's meetings? There is no way except
through the political rallies which are attended by all men. Now if you
shut out of these the discussion of this question, then I say the fate
of this amendment is sealed.
Even if it were possible to reach the men through separate meetings,
the women of Kansas can not carry on a fall campaign. They can not get
the money to do it unless you men furnish it. Our eastern friends have
already contributed to the extent of their ability to hold these spring
meetings, and you very well know that after the husbands shall have paid
their party assessments there will be nothing left for them to "give to
their wives" to defray the expenses of a woman suffrage campaign.
Therefore, no discussion in the regular political meetings means no
discussion anywhere. But suppose there were plenty of money, and there
could be a most thorough fall campaign, what then? Why, the same old
story of "women talking to women," not one of whom can vote on the
question.
Again, with what decency can either of the parties ask women to come to
their political meetings to expound Populist or Republican doctrines
after they have set their heels on the amendment? Do you not see that if
it will lose votes to the parties to have the plank, it will lose votes
to allow women to advocate the amendment on their platforms? And what a
spectacle it would be to see women pleading with men to vote for the one
or the other party, while their tongues were tied on the question of
their own right to vote! Heaven and the Republican and Populist State
Conventions spare us such a dire humiliation!
But should the Republicans refuse to insert the plank on June 6 and the
Populists put a good solid one in their platform on June 12, what then?
Do you suppose all the women in the State would shout for the
Republicans and against the Populists? Would they pack the Republican
meetings, where no word could be spoken for their liberty, and leave the
benches empty in the Populist meetings where at every one hearty appeals
were made to vote for woman's enfranchisement? My dear friends, woman
surely will be able to see that her highest interest, her liberty, her
right to a voice in government, is the great issue of this campaign, and
overtops, outweighs, all material questions which are now pending
between the parties.
I know you think your Kansas men are going to vote on this amendment
independently of party endorsement. You are no more sanguine today than
were the men and women, myself included, in 1867, that those Free State
men, who had given up every comfort which human beings prize for the
sake of liberty, who had fought not only through the border ruffian
warfare but through the four years of the rebellion, would vote freedom
to the heroic women of Kansas. Where would you ever expect to find a
majority more ready to grant to women equal rights than among those old
Free State men? You have not as glorious a generation of men in Kansas
today as you had in 1867. I do not wish to speak disparagingly, but in
the nature of things there can not be another race of men as brave as
those. If you had told me then that a majority of those men would have
gone to the ballot-box and voted against equal rights for women, I
should have defended them with all my power; but they did it, two to
one.
Do you mean to repeat the experiment of 1867? If so, do not put a plank
in your platform; just have a "still hunt." Think of a "still hunt" when
it must be necessarily a work of education! My friends, I know enough of
this State, to feel that it is worth saving. I have given more time and
money and effort to Kansas than to any other State in the Union, because
I wanted it to be the first to make its women free. Women of Kansas,
all is lost if you sit down and supinely listen to politicians and
candidates. Both reckon what they will lose or what they will gain. They
study expediency rather than principle. I appeal to you, men and women,
make the demand imperative: "The amendment must be endorsed by the
parties and advocated on the platform and in the press." Let me propose
a resolution:
WHEREAS, From the standpoint of justice, political expediency and
grateful appreciation of their wise and practical use of school
suffrage from the organization of the State, and of municipal
suffrage for the past eight years, we, Republicans and Populists,
descendants of that grand old party of splendid majorities which
extended these rights to the women of Kansas, in mass meeting
assembled do hereby
_Resolve_, That we urgently request our delegates in their
approaching State conventions to endorse the woman suffrage
amendment in their respective platforms.
[The resolution was adopted by a unanimous vote.]
That vote fills my soul with joy and hope. Now I want to say to you, my
good friends, I never would have made a 1,500 mile journey hither to
appeal to the thinking, justice-loving men of Kansas. They already are
converted, but they are a minority. We have to consider those whose
votes can be obtained only by that party influence and machinery which
politicians alone know how to use. This hearty response is a pledge that
you will demand of your State conventions that the full power of this
political machinery shall be used to carry the woman suffrage amendment
to victory.
INDEX.[137]
AARON, RABBI, addresses suff. con., 762.
ABBE, MRS. ROBT., petit. for wom. suff., 764.
ABBOTT, REV. LYMAN, opp. wom. suff., 766.
ABBOTT, MRS. LYMAN, remonstrant agnst. wom. suff., 766.
ADAMS, ABIGAIL, demands ballot, 475.
ALBRO, ATTILIA, 71.
ALCOTT, A. BRONSON, approves wom. suff., 251;
at A.'s lect. in Chicago, 468;
sends A. compli. ticket to Concord School Philos., 510;
spks. at suff. con., 533; 563;
death, 645.
ALCOTT, LOUISA MAY, 645.
ALDRIDGE, GEO. W., orders A.'s face carved in Capitol at Albany, 949.
ALFORD, MR., signs minority res. for wom. suff., 873.
ALLEN, MR. and MRS., 404.
ALLEN, ETHAN, 4.
ALLEN, JOHN B., SEN., introd. suff. res., 718.
ALMY, MARTHA R., work for wom. suff. amend., 760.
AMES, BLANCHE BUTLER, 381.
AMES, REV. CHARLES G., 394;
welcomes suff. con. Phil., 541; 547.
AMES, MRS. CHAS. G., 394.
AMES, OAKES, endorses suffrage, 284.
AMES, SARAH FISHER, 342.
ANDERSON, MARY, 733.
ANDERSON, PRESIDENT M. B., tribute to A., 471; 558.
ANDERSON, NAOMI, spks. for wom. suff., 875.
ANDREWS, STEPHEN PEARL, res. at con., 384.
ANGLE, JAMES L., favors legal rights for women, 110.
ANNEKE, MME. MATHILDE, first appearance in suff. work, 103; 327; 446.
ANTHONY, ALBERT, 940.
ANTHONY, ANCESTORS, William, Derrick, Francis, John, John, Jr.,
Abraham, William, William, Jr., David, 3.
ANTHONY, ANNA O., 552.
ANTHONY, CHARLES, 71.
ANTHONY, D., father of Susan B., born, 4;
sent to "Nine Partners'" school, testimonials, 8;
teaches home school, 9;
falls in love, 10;
marries, Quakers forgive, wedding trip, builds home and cotton
factory, 11;
removes to Battenville, N. Y., 17;
refuses to sell liquor or allow employes to use it, 18;
looks after welfare of employes, 19;
criticised by Quakers for dress, 20;
liberal family discipline, 21;
objects to music, 23;
wealth, 24;
advises daughters to teach, 24;
postmaster, 25;
letters on financ. panic, VanBuren, Wash., New York, agony over
business failure, 33;
removes to Hardscrabble (Center Falls), strug. for existence, 35;
allows dancing school to meet in his house, 36;
turned out of Quaker Soc., grows more liberal, refuses to pay taxes,
supports the Union, 37;
cuts timber in mountains, wife stays with him, goes to Virginia,
Mich., N. Y., looking for new location, buys farm near Roch., 45;
arrives in Roch., takes family out to farm, house put in order, 47;
neighbors, abolition meet., Sunday morning work, farm work, goes
into N. Y. Life Ins. Co., 48;
did not vote till 1860, 61;
signs call for wom. temp. con., 67;
on woman's need of ballot, 85;
advises A. to preserve press notices, 125;
sustains A. in defending wronged mother, 204;
death, love of family, character, 223;
belonged to Henry Clay sch. of protect., 793;
site of old mill, 947.
ANTHONY, D. R., born, 12;
clerking at Lenox, 46;
makes first speech, 121;
letters from Kan. in 1857, 157;
elect. mayor Leav., 231;
marriage, 235;
on plat, at G. F. Train's sp. in Leav., 287;
praises Train, 290;
offers to assist Revolution, but urges A. to provide for own
future, 355;
shot, 470;
strug. for life, 471;
gives A. R. R. passes, 492;
schoolmate Pres. Arthur, 538;
farewell tele. to A. on depart. for Europe, 548;
loses children, nominated for mayor, 649;
defeat, 650; 672;
present to A., 707; 711;
demands wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Rep. plat., 786;
furnishes passes to A. 30 yrs., 796;
at Berk. Hist, meet., grandmother stopped cotton looms by rinsing
mop, 944;
Anthony reunion, 946;
to A. on 50th birthday, 974.
ANTHONY, MRS. D. R., 649; 711.
ANTHONY, D. R., JR., describes A. in Ann Arbor, 658;
A. sends tele. on wed. day, 923.
ANTHONY, ELIZA TEFFT, 12; 23.
ANTHONY, GUELMA (see McLean).
ANTHONY, HANNAH, 1st (see Hoxie).
ANTHONY, HANNAH, 2d (see Mosher).
ANTHONY, HANNAH LAPHAM, 4;
religion, dowry, dress, 6;
domestic qualities, 7.
ANTHONY, SENATOR HENRY B., reports in favor wom. suff., 543;
reports in favor wom. suff., 590, 591;
praises Hist. Wom. Suff., 614.
ANTHONY, HUMPHREY, business ambition, 4;
objects to brother's taking father away, 7;
thinks higher education unnecessary, 8;
at A.'s lecture, 129.
ANTHONY, J. MERRITT, born, 12;
A. advises shd. have own money, 133;
fights at Osawatomie, 144;
nurses brother, 471;
Anthony reunion, 946.
ANTHONY, JUDITH HICKS, 3.
ANTHONY, LOTTIE B., registers and votes, 424.
ANTHONY, LUCY E., childhood, 214;
lives in home of A., 513; 552; 659;
present to A., 812;
Miss Shaw's sec., arranges county cons. in Calif. campn., 863;
successful results, 864;
at wom. suff. headqrs., 875; 916.
ANTHONY, LUCY READ, mother of Susan B., born, 4;
early training, 6;
playmate and pupil of Daniel Anthony, 9;
hesitates to marry Quaker, fond of music, learns to love Friends'
religion, 10;
birth of children, life's realities, modesty, 12;
entertains Quaker preachers, boards employes, 19;
shut out of Quaker business meet., 20;
cares for father and mother, 23;
grief at losing child, parents and home, 35;
sorrow over sale of farm home, 231;
lends A. money for Rev., 355;
death, 512;
characteristics, 513:
old spin. wheel and wed. furniture, 934;
site of childhood home, 948.
ANTHONY, MARY LUTHER, 122.
ANTHONY, MARY S., born, 12;
attends first W. R. Con., 59;
let. on raspberry experiment, 159;
stands for wom. rights in schools, 191, 192;
lends A. money for Revolution, 355;
helps on paper, urges A. to abandon it, 356;
upholds A. in defending Laura D. Fair, 392;
registers and votes, 424;
tends mother, 459;
educates nieces, 513;
devotion to mother and sister, 517;
sees A. start for Europe, 550;
let. from A. 562;
only one left, 623; 672;
stays with Mrs. Avery, 678;
realized A.'s age, 696;
prep. home for self and A., 706;
Roch. Pol. Eq. Club present desk, 707;
com. of ways and means in new home, 711;
work for wom. suff. amend. in N. Y. campn., declines salary, 760;
canvasses, Roch., entertains speak., 761; 812;
urges A. to stand by her post, 855;
opposes res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; 896;
goes to Des Moines con. 901;
70th birthday, 914;
acct. Roch. Herald, suff. pioneer, teacher, pres. Pol. Equal. Club,
helper to sister, Chron. description recep., 915;
presents, trib. Rev. W. C. Gannett, 916;
financial respons. of household, 933; 934; 935;
Anthony reunion, 946;
let. to A. on 50th birthday, 976.
ANTHONY, MAUDE, 552;
trip with A., 653.
ANTHONY, SARAH (see Burtis).
ANTHONY, MAJOR SCOTT, 247.
ANTHONY, SUSAN B., born, 12;
precocity, 13;
childish recollections, 14;
works two weeks in father's factory, 20;
attacked by dog, 21;
early schooling, fine needlework, 22;
teaches home school, 23;
teaches at Easton and Reid's Corners, goes to boarding-school, 24;
stilted literary style, 25;
boarding-school lets., 25, 26, 27;
extracts from diary, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31;
leaves school, teaches in Union Village, sorrow at leaving home, 34;
last schooldays, 35;
housework, criticises worldly dress, 36;
trip by boat, 37;
shocked at slavery discussion, enjoys debate on religion, beaux,
dreams of marriage, objects to poem on love, dislikes bachelors,
38;
girls marry lunatics, teaches in boarding-school at New Rochelle,
tells of severe medical methods, defends <DW52> people, objects
to their treatment by Friends, 39;
likes women preachers, criticises uncle for drinking, describes
medical practice, 40;
criticises reception to Pres. Van Buren and scores him, 41;
silkworm culture, remembrances to family, 42;
school closes, small wages, school "bully," excursions of olden
times, first proposal, studies algebra, can make biscuits also,
43;
teaches in Cambridge and Ft. Edward, let. to mother, Whig con.,
first knowledge of Unitarianism, 44;
lends wages to father, sees injustice to wom. teachers, 45;
second proposal of marriage, removes to Rochester, 46;
teaches at Canajoharie, 49;
love of dress, beaux, first quarterly examination, costume, great
success, 50;
visits sisters at Easton, fashionable career, another "exhibition,"
first circus, last dance, liquor controls election, tired of
teaching, 51;
fine clothes, Margaret's headache, illness, death, A.'s
discouragement, longs to go to California, 52;
sec. Daughters of Temp., opposed by women, describes temp. supper,
first public address, 53;
returns home, revels in peaches, takes charge of farm, supply
teacher, leaves schoolroom forever, 55;
reasons for adopting public life, 57;
friendship of May and Channing, 58;
calls on F. Douglass, 59;
not quite in favor of wom. suff., 61;
manages temp. festival, offers toasts, 62;
meets S. S. and A. K. Foster, 63;
first meets H. Greeley, G. Thompson, Mrs. Stn., L. Stone, Mrs.
Bloomer, 64;
snubbed at men's temp. meet. at Albany, arranges one for women, 65;
calls first Woman's State Temp. Con., 66;
opens con. in Rochester, elected sec., 67;
appointed State temp, agent, 68;
delegate to Syracuse Temp. Con., 69;
tries to speak but silenced, sees work for women, 70;
appeals to mothers and declares for wom. suff., 71;
resolves to attend State Teachers' Con., objects to decollete dress,
sec. Syracuse W. R. Con., 72;
urges women to speak louder, 75;
shows up young ministers, 76;
fine voice, 77;
convinced of great need of wom. suff., losing interest in temp.
work, arranges hearing before N. Y. legis., 81;
presides over temp. meet. in Albany, 82:
resolves to make woman's name on petition equal to man's, speaks in
New York and Brooklyn on temp, and makes tour of State, attack of
Utica Telegraph, 83;
delegate to Brick Church temp. meet., 87;
refused place on business com., 88;
presides at W. R. meet. in Broadway Tabernacle, 89;
attack of N. Y. Commercial-Advertiser, 90;
approves men as members of temp. soc., learns mistake, refuses to
serve as sec., leaves soc., 95;
never again member of temp. soc., works up Whole World's Temp. Con.,
urges L. Stone to assist, 96;
demands woman's right to speak at teachers' cons., grief at
indifference of wom. teachers, 98;
first speech at teachers' con., insulted by women, 99;
women find their voices, proposes to invite Hugo and H. Martineau to
temp. con., 100;
vows women shall have right to speak in public, shows difference
between men's and women's wages, 102;
at Cleveland W. R. Con., temp, addresses in southern N. Y., 103;
women's need of pecuniary independence, 104;
arranges State Suff. Con. at Albany, 105;
development, consecration of life to freedom of women, 107;
carrying petitions, snubbed by women, insulted by minister, prints
and circulates Mrs. Stn.'s address before legis., 108;
ad. legis. com. at Albany on legal, civil and polit. rights of
women, 109;
named "Napoleon" by Channing, appointed gen. agent for N. Y., no
funds provided, 110;
canvasses State for W. R., uses own money, great moral and physical
courage, 111;
adopts Bloomer costume, 113;
martyrdom, of wearing it, doubts as to good results, 116;
states objections to Bloomers or any conspicuous dress, 117;
spks. in Washington for first time, goes to Alexandria and
Baltimore, criticises shiftless management and effect of slavery
on labor, 118;
debates existence after death, treatment by ministers, 119;
teachers con. at Oswego, demands women shall hold office in assn.
and position of principal, compli. by papers, all speakers
disappoint her at Saratoga con., no faith in own powers, 120;
purse stolen, attends anti-Neb. con. at Saratoga, Methodist trustees
at Canajoharie refuse church, 121;
guest with Garrison at Lucretia Mott's, Greeley refuses to take
money, Phillips lends $50, she starts out alone to canvass N. Y.,
122;
at Mayville, Sherman, 123;
posters amuse people, smart editors refer to Mark Antony, Rondout
Courier compliments, 124;
begins scrap-books by father's advice, at Olean, Angelica, Corning,
Elmira, T. K. Beecher's theology, presents petitions to N. Y.
legis., 125;
proposal of marriage, Schroon Lake country, tries "water cure" for
injured foot, 126;
results at Riverhead, 127;
women afraid to come to lecture, ends campn. and returns Phillips'
money but he refuses it, husbands eat warm meals, wives cold ones,
regrets marriages of L. Stone and A. Brown, 128;
thinks women soon will have their rights, grandfather sits on her
platform at Adams, she throws away medicine, 129;
arranges con. at Saratoga, appointed at Utica State Teachers' Con.
to read paper on co-education, 130;
goes to Worcester Hydropathic Institute, let. describing Mass. W. R.
Con., social courtesies, distinguished people met, 131;
visits baby show, thinks Apocrypha inspired, 132;
hears Hale, Wilson, Sumner, Burlingame, longs to join Garrisonians,
urges young brother be given his own money, 133;
woman must stand or fall by own strength, sends sister Mary to
Cincinnati W. R. Con. in her place, describes new bonnet, future
wives will have time for culture, treatment at water cure, 134;
reads and enjoys herself, 135;
takes out life insurance, 136;
invited by Am. A. S. Soc. to act as agent, 137;
second canvass of N. Y., lets. describing hardships, snowdrifts,
hard life of wives, 138;
they do work, husbands rec. money, asks release from A. S. Com.,
139;
begs Mrs. Wright to speak, finishes meetings alone, labors for
wage-earning women, entertains Garrison, presents petit. to
N. Y. legis., 140;
shows wife she fails to appreciate husband, 141;
trying to prepare paper on co-education, 142;
holds meet. alone at Saratoga, 143;
let. to brother on raid at Osawatomie, 144;
renews engagement with A. S. Com., given control of N. Y., 148;
begins Garrisonian meet., 149;
disheartening experiences as manager, 150;
economies in dress, sympathetic lets., no faith in own power as
speaker, 151;
describes Remond's speech, 152;
abandons written addresses, notes of speeches, 153;
spks. in Me., newspaper comment, 154;
res. in favor of pupils and of co-education, State Teachers
Con. in Binghamton, 155;
defended by Republican, 156;
resumes A. S. meet., 157;
on soul-communing, longing for sympathy, 158;
raspberry experiment, 159;
out-door life for women, "good old days," 160;
"health food cranks," glad to reach home, 161;
on com. to arrange A. S. Annivers. and W. R. Con., no one else for
common work, on large families, 162;
unterrified by mob, rebukes teachers at Lockport con., 163;
demands equal pay for women, not frightened by fogies, 164;
calls meet. to oppose capital punishment, hissed by mob, trustee of
Jackson fund, 165;
desire for Free church, 167;
persists in lecture courses for Rochester, shrinks from active work,
feels spiritual loneliness, 168;
exhorts women to be discontented, no freedom without pecuniary
independence, outrage of denying to woman right of self-govt.,
married woman sinks individuality, 169;
true woman will have purpose, married women can not be relied on for
public work, 170;
distrusts own power to resist marriage, though it blots out freedom,
would use Hovey fund for wom. suff. propaganda, 171;
spicy extracts from diary, criticises Curtis' lecture, 172;
at Albany working for Personal Liberty Bill, member of lobby,
arranges lect. for Cheever, finishes lect. on True Woman, love of
gardening, 173;
presides over suff. con. in Mozart Hall, 174;
prepares Memorial to legis., goes to picnic, escort lacks moral
spine, opens canvass at Niagara Falls, 175;
speaks at N. Y. watering places, lectures teachers en route to
Poughkeepsie, waiter at hotel refuses to take order, 176;
rebukes young Quaker preacher, drains millpond too low, need of
souls baptized into work, women keep her in suspense, 177;
disapproves women's neglecting households, makes canvass alone,
carefully kept expenses, assists Mrs. Nichols and Mrs. Wattles to
plan Kan. campn., 178;
too busy to see humorous features, ignores complaints, incident at
Gerrit Smith's when Mrs. Blackwell preached, 179;
we dwell in solitude, arranges John Brown meet., 180;
no one to assist, 181;
urged to resume A. S. work, 182;
speaks to southerners at Ft. Wm. Henry, meets Judge Ormond of Ala.,
sends memorial to him and urges his daughters to take up serious
work in life, his two replies, 183;
right of suff. underlying principle, 185;
urges Mrs. Stn. to address legis. at Albany, 186;
distaste for writing, power as critic, joint work with Mrs. Stn.,
caring for children, 187;
speeches in appendix her own work, 188;
gives radical bill to legis. com., 189;
carrying petit. in face of insult and ridicule, debt owed by women,
arranges course of lectures for Rochester, 190;
rec. vote of thanks at W. R. Con. in Cooper Instit., "better have
been at home," 193;
marriage one sided contract, favors divorce res., 194;
regrets Phillips' action, rec. lets. of approval, no desire to
dictate platform, 195;
writes Phillips for money, he praises her, tilt with Rev. Mayo, 196;
fights Mrs. Stn.'s battles, on the skirmish line, looks after
"externals," domestic work, 197;
extracts from journal, demands equal pay for women at State
Teacher's Con., Syracuse, writes from birthplace of women's hard
work there, 198;
climbs "Greylock," describes visit to old home, receives invitation
to give agricultural ad. at Dundee Fair, 199;
describes fair, speech contains modern ideas on farming, takes up
cause of wronged mother, 200;
goes with mother and child to New York, refused admission to hotels,
rejected by landlady at boarding-house, 201;
declines to leave hotel, places charges with Mrs. Gibbons, welcomed
home by Lydia Mott, persecuted by family of mother, 202;
defies brothers, 203;
refuses to yield to Garrison's and Phillips' requests, sustained by
her father, 204;
arranges Garrisonian meet., mobbed at Buffalo, 208;
hissed at Rochester, will not give up meet., 209;
encounter with mayor of Utica, mob at Rome, 210;
declines to abandon meet. at Syracuse, mobbed and burned in effigy,
goes to Albany, 211;
agrees to adjourn meet. there, 212;
begged to give up W. R. Annivers. because of war, refuses, rearing
children a profession, offers to care for Mrs. Stn.'s, 213;
attitude of Abolits. towards War, 214;
takes charge of farm and does housework, 215;
sharp points from diary, Douglass, <DW64>s shd. be enlisted, slavery
must be blotted out, loneliness, opinion of "Adam Bede," 216;
A. S. meet, at Albany, sends Phillips money for lecture which he
returns, sends Tilton check, he defines her "sphere," 217;
compelled to give up W. R. Annivers., leaves "Abrahamic bosom of
home" for A. S. lecture field, visits Adams and censures men for
not furnishing kitchen properly, visits Hoosac Tunnel, speaks on
summit of Green Mts., 218;
let. on work of E. B. Browning, H. Hosmer, R. Bonheur, cares for
Mrs. Stn.'s boys, visits New York, Boston, Framingham, at the
Garrisons', 219;
anger at N. Y. legis. for repealing laws in favor of women, 220;
let. on private schools, her last teachers' con., results gained,
teachers' debt to her, 221;
speaking extemporaneously, support of Lydia Mott, complimented at
Mecklinburg, honored by teacher's con. after War, death of father,
222;
great bereavement, returns to work, 224;
disbelieves War will lead to wom. suff., continues work for slave,
225;
issues call for Women's Loyal League, 226;
calls meet. to order in Church of Puritans, nominates L. Stone for
pres., makes spirited ad., criticises Lincoln, demands
emancipation, appeals to women, 227;
no peace without wom. suff., presides at business meet., 229;
let. urging women to petit. for emancipation of slaves, opens
headqrs. in Cooper Instit., describes Draft Riots, 230;
let. on brother D. R.'s election and joy it wd. have given father,
longs for mother and father, regrets sale of home, tribute to
mother, 231;
efforts to raise money for league, 232;
goes to Thirtieth Anniversary of Am. A. S. Soc. at Phila., pushes
petition work for emancipation, economical lunches, appeals to
Beecher, pays deficit out of own pocket, 234;
helps at brother's "infare," in communication with Sumner and Robt.
Dale Owen, 235;
gets Mrs. Stn. to invite Phillips to speak, rec. proposal from
former sweetheart, speaks at annivers. of Loyal League, 237;
Sumner and Wilson acknowledge indebtedness, only old arm-chair as
reminder of League, humiliated at refusal of govt. to recognize
women, 238;
attends wedding of W. L. Garrison, Jr., and Ellen Wright, death of
niece Ann Eliza McLean, sunset at cemetery, faith in progress in
hereafter, 241;
too apt to criticise in home circle, starts to Kan. to visit brother
D. R., detained in Chicago, describes journey West during war
times, 242;
enjoys novel sights in Leavenworth, wins gloves on wager, the
"little clothes," work among <DW52> people, printer in
composing-room, meets Hiram Revels, 243;
urged to return East and longs to do so, sees momentous questions
demanding settlement, 244;
protests against disbanding A. S. Soc., 245;
letter on division, 246;
trip over prairies, among first to declare for <DW64> suff., spks. at
Ottumwa on Reconstruction, 247;
unpleasant night, spks. at Leavenworth to <DW52> people, Repubs.
object to her mention of wom. suff., learns "male" is to be put in
Fed. Constit. and starts eastward, speaking at Atchison, St.
Joseph, Chillicothe and Macon City, 248;
in old slave church at St. Louis, "soul-sharks," catches wom.
pickpocket, visits board of trade in Chicago, stops at many
places, maps out plan of campn. with Mrs. Stn., 249;
starts on thirty years' work, makes first demand for cong. action,
250;
speaks at Concord, Mrs. Emerson agrees with her as do the "sages of
Concord," untiring work for wom. suff., 251;
many visits, 252;
praise of N. Y. Independent, 253;
at Boston A. S. meet., finds Phillips and others opposed to uniting
with W. R. Soc., believes they will yield, 256;
eloquent demand for wom. suff., 257;
reads address to Congress at W. R. Annivers. in Church of Puritans
and offers res. for an Equal Rights Assn., 259;
speech in favor of ballot for <DW64> and woman, 260;
indignant at proposal of Phillips and Tilton to work for enfranchis.
of <DW64> but not of woman, points out degradation of it to Mrs.
Stn., 261;
never influenced by magnetic speeches, does not recognize
expediency, 262;
after her work for Standard it refuses to help women, much labor to
arrange E. R. meet. for Albany, speech on injustice to
working-women, 263;
abused by N. Y. World, presides at Cooper Instit. suff. meet., 264;
holds meet. in western N. Y., Repubs. led by Sumner refuse to
champion wom. suff., 265;
at A. S. meet. in Phila. begs Phillips to stand by women, also
Stevens chmn. Com. on Reconstruction, 267;
shows injustice of Standard, 268;
will not suffer in silence <DW64> placed in power over woman, 269;
deserted by old leaders, 270;
N. Y. meet. to secure representation of women in Constit. Con.,
Buffalo Commercial ridicules A. and Mrs. Stn., 271;
praise from Troy Times, at Fairfield, N. Y., scores wife of
principal of academy, 272;
assumes burdens of meet. and too tired to prepare speech and appear
at best, protests to Folger agnst. bill to license houses of
ill-repute, 273;
threatens to have women discuss it throughout State, urges L. Stone
to make canvass of Kan., 274; 275;
manhood suff. continuation of class legislation, 276;
Memorial to Cong. asking removal of all discriminations of sex or
color, 277;
hearing before N. Y. Constit. Con., tilt with Greeley, can fight
with goosequill as he did, suff. inalienable right, 278;
Rochester people some time be glad to know her, 279;
lets. from G. W. Curtis and A. Dickinson, snubbed by Greeley at A.
Gary's, 280;
solicits advertisements on Broadway to raise money for Kan. campn.,
appeals to Mrs. Wright and other friends, 282;
starts for Kan. and opens campn., 283;
peculiar nightly experience, 284;
complains of slipshod ways, speaks in cabins, etc., suff. advocates
shd. go earlier into new settlements, 285;
<DW64>s oppose wom. suff., 286;
accepts assistance of G. F. Train, lays out route for him, 287;
holds him to offer of help, will go alone if necessary, starts with
Train, lost in river bottoms, hard experiences, 288;
goes before audience hungry and tired, hears Gen. Blunt attack wom.
suff., mails Train's speeches, 289;
Train's announcement of new woman's paper, 290;
at Atchison, crosses ferry to complete arrangements with Train,
visits polling places in Leav., 291;
praised by Commercial, respect for Train, 292;
accepts his offer for extended lecture tour with herself and Mrs.
Stn., every comfort provided, Demo. papers approve, 293;
Repub. papers censure, old associates repudiate connection with
Train, claims right to accept aid from all sources, eventful year,
294;
begins The Revolution, comment of N. Y. Times, 295;
praise of N. Y. Independent, 296;
secures Pres. A. Johnson and other distinguished subscribers, 297;
refuses to vacate com. room of E. R. Assn., dismayed at Train's
departure for Europe, 298;
persecuted by friends, financial anxiety, 299;
wanted L. Stone to edit paper, founding of Revolution unexpected,
300;
lets. from Mrs. Wright and Ellen W. Garrison, 301;
office and editors described by Nellie Hutchinson, 302;
at Am. E. R. Assn., insists Mrs. Stn. shall preside, 303;
H. B. Blackwell praises work in Kan., independent com. formed, 304;
attends Demo. mass. con., comment of N. Y. Sun, meets pres. Natl.
Labor Union at Melliss' breakfast, 305;
attends Nat'l Demo. Con. in Tammany Hall, memorial received with
jeers, Chicago Republican describes insults, 306;
at Natl. Labor Union Cong. in New York, made chmn. com. on female
labor, wom. suff. repudiated, efforts for working women, advice to
women typesetters, 307;
struggle to maintain Revolution, 308;
takes up case of Hester Vaughan, calls meet. in Cooper Instit.,
offers res. demanding women be tried by their peers, have voice in
laws, and for abolit. of capital punishment, 309;
appeals to Gov. Geary, 310;
arranges first wom. suff. hearing before Cong. Com., described by
Grace Greenwood, 314;
tour of western cities, addresses Ill. legis., in speech at Chicago
declares she stands outside Repub. party but has laid no straw in
way of <DW64>, 315;
tribute by Mrs. Livermore, at New York Press Club speaks on "Why
don't women propose?" 316; 317;
almost alone in demanding word "sex" in Amend. XV, 318;
climbs seven flights of stairs many times daily, prepares for E. R.
Con., 320;
advised by S. S. Foster to withdraw from assn., 322;
protests against Amend. XV and clashes swords with Douglass,
defended by Wm. Winter, 323;
scores those who cry "free love," 325;
let. from Mrs. Livermore on Natl. Assn., 327;
invited by her to join in western lect. tour, 328;
secures testimonial for Mrs. Rose, 329;
speaks at Westchester, indignant note to tax collector, at Western
Wom. Suff. Con. in Chicago, 330;
at Dayton reviews laws for married women, wives object, Herald
compliments, 331;
at Mrs. Davis' meets Mrs. Hooker and they become firm friends, 332;
she arranges con. at Hartford and begs A. not to "flunk," 333;
speech at Hartford con., description by Post, praise from Mrs.
Hooker; forgetfulness of self, 334;
Dansville Sanitarium, let. from Dr. Kate Jackson, 335;
Mrs. Fremont's question, 337;
speech before cong. com. for Amend. XVI, 338;
descriptions of Hartford Courant and Hearth and Home, "the
Bismarck," 339;
trib. of Mary Clemmer, nothing can stop suff. movement, 340;
friends rally around, invitation to fiftieth birthday party, N. Y.
World describes occasion and A.'s appearance, 341;
compli. of press, gifts, lets., poems by P. Cary, J. Hooker, etc.,
342;
response, can speak only to rouse people to action, sympathetic note
to mother, luncheon with Cary sisters, disappointed Mrs. Stn., cd.
not share happiness, 343;
entry in journal on fiftieth birthday, "If I were dead," distrusts
power as orator, 344;
begins with Lyceum Bureau, A. Dickinson's devotion, at Peoria, Ill.,
Col. Ingersoll supplements her speech, debates with Rev. Fulton at
Detroit, attack in Free Press, 345;
tribute of Legal News, people quarrel to entertain her, hears
Beecher on "Sins of Parents," 346;
telegraphs suff. conference in New York that West desires union,
urges it in Revolution, 347;
younger women want her at head, 348;
votes to unite E. R. Assn. and Union Suff. Soc., 349;
calls mass meet. to consider McFarland-Richardson case, 351;
petit. governor to put McFarland in insane asylum, censured by
press, thanks of unhappy wives, prepares to give up Revolution,
353;
condition of Revolution, her work upon it, no salary, touching
appeals for money, 354;
terrible struggle, 355;
still hopeful, stock company projected, 356;
refuses to change name of Revolution, 358;
visits A. Cary and secures story, 359;
warns Mrs. Phelps that Revolution will hurt Woman's Bureau, 360;
strain increases, sells Revolution for one dollar after sinking
$35,000, 361;
grief over giving up paper, let. refuting charge of financial
recklessness, 362;
if she had known power as lecturer cd. have sustained paper, 363;
love for old volumes of Revolution, starts out to pay $10,000 debt,
Yankee bargain, 364;
"squelches" little professor, social courtesies, receives $100 at
Saratoga con. for first time, fine summing up of status wom.
suff., 365;
Natl. Labor Cong. at Phila., 366;
hostility because she advised women to take strikers' places,
credentials rejected, attack of Utica Herald, 367;
goes to New York to help Mrs. Davis with Twentieth Suff. Annivers.
diary shows her energy, makes great success, 368;
urges women not to identify themselves with polit. parties, resumes
lect. tour, death of nephew Thomas King McLean, starts out night
of funeral, 369;
lectures in Va., Wash., Phila., on "The False Theory," introduced by
venerable Lucretia Mott, first meet. with Phillips since
difference of opinion on Amend. XIV, 370;
Mrs. Stn. wants her for pres. of assn., 371;
as does Mrs. Wright, 372;
declines to be snubbed, lectures Mrs. Stn. on giving up the ship,
373;
Mrs. Hooker appeals for help, cancels lecture engagements to go to
her aid, 374;
learns Mrs. Woodhull will address cong. com., goes with Mrs. Hooker
and others to hear her, 375;
addresses cong. com. and begs consideration, described by Wash.
Daily Patriot, 376;
speaks on petit. of Mrs. Dahlgren and others against suff.,
presents resolution declaring women enfranchised by Amend. XIV,
377;
if this fail, go back to Amend. XVI, placed on educational com.,
378;
lectures throughout western cities, 379;
fatigue of trip, different bed every night for three months, compli.
by pres. of Antioch College, 380;
The New Situation, argument on woman's right to vote under Amend.
XIV, 381;
life strongest testimony against cry of "free love," 383;
compliments by N. Y. Standard, Tribune, Democrat, let. to Revolution
on single standard for men and women, 384;
visits Mrs. Hooker, starts for Calif., reception by Chicago Suff.
Club, entertained at Denver by governor, comments of western
press, 387;
letter describing journey, "love makes home heaven," Wy. land of
free, guest of Salt Lake dignitaries, dedication new Liberal
Institute, 388;
problems of polygamy, woman must have independent bread, missionary
work but not for priests, 389;
polygamy in East as well as West, declines to accept "man-visions,"
390;
visits Mrs. Fair in jail, first speech in San Francisco, "men do not
protect women," hissed by audience, 391;
denounced by press, her distress, sister Mary upholds her, goes to
Yosemite, 392;
describes trip, riding horseback, Mirror Lake, etc., 393;
speaks at San Jose, goes to geysers, sits with driver, visits old
teacher, 394;
enjoys getting away from reform talk, enjoys getting back into it,
en route by boat to Ore., first let. from Portland, 395;
enjoys not being Mrs. Stn's shadow, wishes she had said more on Mrs.
Fair's case in San Francisco, first lect. in Portland, 396;
accounts of Oregonian and Herald, insults of Bulletin, 397;
praise by New Northwest, let. on Chinese, 398;
Mrs. Duniway's compliment, at Walla Walla, Salem, Olympia, ride over
corduroy road, sunrise at Seattle, 399;
again at Portland, offer of marriage, incident at Umatilla, a sip of
wine and its results, 400;
addresses Wash. legis., sacrificed by others, praise by Olympia
Standard, misrepresented by Despatch, 401;
no women present in British Columbia audiences, abusive "cards" in
Victoria press, 402;
husband objects to entertaining her, peculiar marriage conditions,
stage ride southward, deep mud, bed-room next to bar-room, at
Yreka, 403;
Mt. Shasta, at Chico, Marysville, etc., discusses Holland Social
Evil Bill in San Francisco, 404;
at Mayfield, banquet at Grand Hotel, San Francisco, Chronicle
report, lect. arranged by L. de F. Gordon, at Nevada City, 405;
Virginia City in rainy season, guest of Sen. Sargent's family on
trip eastward, graphic account of snowbound journey, 406;
carries tea to mothers on train, 407;
hangs jury at mock trial, prefers to check own baggage, stops at
aunt's in Chicago, reaches Wash. in time for con., "not at all
tired," 408;
addresses Senate com. showing record of Repubs. on wom. suff., 410;
presented with $50 at Rochester, how friends have helped all the
years, 412;
sees in Woodhull and Claflin's Weekly call for new party under
auspices of Natl. Suff. Assn., rushes to New York, previous letter
forbidding use of her name, objects to influence of "men spirits,"
413;
thwarts efforts of Woodhull faction to obtain control of New York
Suff. Con., censured by Mrs. Stn. and Mrs. Hooker, elected pres.
of assn., 414;
carries on meet., deserted by friends, "ship almost lost," at Natl.
Liberal Repub. Con. in Cincinnati, rec. no consideration, compares
cause of wom. suff. to that of A. S., 415;
at Natl. Repub. Conv. in Philadelphia, calls on Demo. to stand by
women, corresponds with H. B. Blackwell relative to women's working
for Repub. party, 416;
at Dem. Natl. Con. in Baltimore, interview with Jas. R. Doolittle,
417;
no hope for women here, urges women to work for Repub. party, 418;
her political position, cares only for woman's interests, joy over
action of Repubs., rallying cry to Mrs. Bloomer, 419;
"Ft. Sumter gun of our war fired," congratulat. note from Henry
Wilson, 420;
Natl. Com. invites her to Washington, gives her $500 and N. Y. Com.
gives $500 for campaign meet., 421;
holds rallies at Rochester and New York, insists that women shall
speak only on wom. suff. plank, objects to hounding of Greeley,
422;
advocates no party that does not stand for wom. suff., is registered
to vote, 423;
comments of press, tells Mrs. Stn. about it, 424;
Judge Selden advises that she has right to vote under Amend. XIV,
425;
assures inspectors she will bear expenses if they are arrested, is
herself arrested, refuses to take herself to court, the warrant,
426;
examination before U. S. officers, does not want trial to interfere
with lecture engagements, 427;
sad anniversary, second hearing, speaks in behalf of inspectors,
refuses to give bail, trib. from Rochester Express, her own
defense, 428;
at Wash. con., opening speech on methods of securing wom. suff.,
431;
res. declare her arrest a blow at liberty, speakers defend her,
appears with counsel before Judge Hall at Albany, bail increased,
432;
refuses bail, overruled by Judge Selden, indictment of grand jury,
delivers "Constitutional Argument" in western cities, 433;
becomes unconscious on platform at Ft. Wayne, rallies and lectures
at Marion, votes again, issues call for May Anniversary in New
York, tells of arrest, 434;
res. of endorsement, speaks in twenty-nine post office districts of
Monroe Co., Dist.-Atty. threatens to move case to another county,
tells him she will canvass that, speech a masterpiece, her
appearance, 435;
speaks in twenty-one places in Ontario Co. on "Is it a crime for a
U. S. citizen to vote?" Rochester Union and Advertiser calls her
a "corruptionist," newspaper comment, trial opens, 436;
refused permission to testify, 437;
believed she had a right to vote, 438;
counsel demands jury be polled, refused and new trial denied,
encounter of words with Judge Hunt, dramatic scene, 439;
fined $100, 440;
declares she never will pay it, believes Conkling influenced judge,
trial a farce, extended newspaper comment, 441;
advised by Albany Law Journal to emigrate, attends trial of
inspectors, another tilt with Judge Hunt, 443;
Mr. Van Voorhis' opinion of her case after twenty-four years, 444;
heavy debts, 445;
sympathy and financial help, has Selden's speech and report of trial
printed, lect. in Rochester for benefit of inspectors, omitted as
charter member of Assn. for Advancement of Women, 446;
death of sister Guelma, let. to mother, love of family, "shall we
meet the dead?" tries to vote but finds name struck from register,
447;
Anson Lapham returns her notes for $4,000, 448;
decides to appeal to Cong., 449;
takes appeal to Washington, asks remission of fine, case presented
by Sargent and Loughridge, Tremaine reports adversely, 450;
says president has pardoned her, Butler presents minority report in
favor, Sen. Edmunds presents insulting report, Sen. Carpenter
reports favorably, 451;
writes Pres. Grant and Gen. Butler in behalf of inspectors, urges
them not to pay fine, breakfasts with them in jail, presented with
purse at Dansville Sanitarium, Sargent and Butler telegraph
inspectors are pardoned, 452;
fine still stands against A., 453;
returns to work of securing amends. to Federal and State constit.,
invites Vice-Pres. Wilson speak on suff. platform, Gen. Butler in
favor of wom. suff., 454;
conversation with Pres. Grant, 455;
tour of Conn. with Mrs. Hooker, Sumner's death, helps women organize
temp. crusade, 456;
tells them they can not succeed without ballot, anecdote of Douglass,
writes to Leavenworth Times on this subject, tells Industrial Cong.
women are a millstone around their necks, criticises Dio Lewis, 457;
writes one hundred lets. for May meet., telegram saying she smoked on
platform, etc., 458;
slips home often to see mother, writes fiftieth anniversary let. to
brother D. R., honesty best policy in home and society, 459;
canvassed Mich., larger audiences than Sen. Chandler, small profits,
suff. first, money afterwards, 460;
efforts to compel disclosures in regard to Beecher-Tilton trouble,
461;
complimented on silence by Chicago Tribune, J. Hooker, N. Y. Sun,
Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, refutes belief in "free love,"
462;
does not believe in second marriage or platonic friendship, love
for Mr. and Mrs. Tilton, 463;
in latter's praise for Beecher, A. saw only friendship, 464;
death of Gerrit Smith and Martha Wright, struggle to hold
Washington conv., 467;
advances funds and works without ceasing, Anson Lapham gives her
$1,000, lectures on Social Purity at Chicago, 468;
eulogized by St. Louis Democrat, condemned by country papers,
addresses Normal School at Carbondale on marrying for love, sixty
lectures in Iowa, trying experiences, 469;
telegram announcing brother shot, works all night on con. accounts,
journey to Kan., 470;
nine weeks by brother's bedside, skill and tenderness in sickroom,
takes niece Susie B. home with her, 471;
first hears F. E. Willard, refuses to compromise her by sitting on
platform, lectures in Rochester on Social Purity, misses
Washington con. for first time, lectures in Chicago, Bread and
Ballot, pays last dollar of Revolution debt, 472;
beautiful recognition of press, 473;
at New York Suff. Anniversary, chmn. Centennial Campn. Com., 474;
offers Hist. of Wom. Suff. as premium and fulfills pledges, opens
headquarters at Philadelphia and assumes financial
responsibility, 475;
besieges natl. polit. cons., "the golden hour," prepares Woman's
Declaration of Independence, 476;
obtains seat on platform as reporter, 477;
presents Declaration at Centennial Celebration, reads it on
Independence square, 478;
and in con., Luc. Mott's tea-pot, 479;
contibu. to Centennial Headqrs., Mrs. Mott sends tea, A. does not
work for financ. reward, begins Hist. Wom. Suff., 480;
dislike of the work, spks. at Mrs. Davis' funeral, sorrow at her
death and that of Anson Lapham, writes wom. suff. article for
encyclop., 481;
grief at absence from home, 482;
appeal for Amend. XVI, 483;
on floor of House of Repres., 485;
circular of Slayton Bureau, 486;
cancels engagements to be with sister Hannah, 487;
her death, takes orphan daughter home, gift of Helen Potter, Mrs.
Stn.'s let. on their friendship, misses May Annivers. first time,
488;
friendship for Mrs. Stn., love of her children for A., trib. of
Annie McDowell, offers services to Col., 489;
accepted, hard campn. experiences, 65 mile stage-ride, 490;
how husbands represent wives, spks. in saloons, no locks on doors,
Gov. Routt stands by her, 491;
insulting placards, receipts less than expenses, gifts of Mr. and
Mrs. Hall, Mrs. Knox Goodrich, at Denver meets Miss Hindman, Mrs.
Campbell, Abby S. Richardson, her memory of sister Hannah, 492;
at Dr. Avery's writing "Homes of Single Women," spks. at Boulder and
Denver, lect. tour of Neb., longs for sister Mary, fears mother
may die, man wants credit for holding children, 493;
sends $100 to Washington con., friends urge not to miss another
con., 494;
compli. by Phillips, by P. Couzins, arranges 30th Annivers. at
Rochester, 495;
comment of Roch. Demo. and Chronicle, remains with invalid mother,
declines Kan. invitations, writes Hayford regarding wom. suff.
in Wy., 496;
let. to L. Stone on attitude of women toward polit. parties, 497;
strong res. at Natl. Con., 499;
address to Pres. Hayes, 500;
lect. in New England, personal notices in scrap-books, change in
attitude of press, 502;
compli. by Ind. papers, 503;
attack of Richmond, Ky., and Grand Rapids papers, 504;
St. Paul lady acknowledges conversion, wom. needs ballot for temp.
legis., 505;
men fear wom. suff., trib. of Globe-Demo., 506;
response to floral offering, "used to stones," made
vice-pres.-at-large, friendship of Sargents, 507;
death of Garrison, has now a bank account, generosity, 508;
never fails to keep engagements, friends anxious she shd. save
money, desirous of woman's paper, efforts for one, helps edit
Ballot-Box, 509;
need of woman's work and opinion in daily papers, press work shd.
be feature of Natl. Assn., invited to Concord School of Philos.,
510;
new friends, at Washington con., compli. by Edmunds, 511;
Mrs. Spofford's hospitality, sees Luc. Mott last time, death of
mother, 512;
starts out again, 513;
carries point for series of cons., rallying cry for mass meet. in
Chicago, 515;
all send ideas to Mrs. Stn., watching legislators, on death of
sister, doubts of future life, 516;
apprecia. of sister Mary, presides at Indianapolis con., suff.
women married and number of children, 517;
ten minutes at Natl. Repub. Con., ad. Greenback-Labor Con., 518;
trib. of Cin'ti Commercial, 519;
calls on Gen. Garfield, 520;
official let. to president. candidates, 521;
let. to Garfield on Repub. party, 522;
blames women for rushing into campn., defends Garfield, criticises
Hancock, 523;
hopes for help from Repubs., continues work on History, Eliz.
Thomson gives $1,000, 524;
hates the work, calls on Whittier, death of Luc. Mott, persuades
Mrs. Stn. to vote, 525;
suggests Natl. Con. be omitted, owns Mrs. Stn. persuaded her, 526;
trib. to Luc. Mott, day at her home, her hosts in Philadelphia,
ridiculous account of Skye terrier, 527;
N. Y. Graphic on terrier, her disgust, 528;
love for Mrs. Nichols, wd. not spare parents for children's sake,
529;
did not carry out theory, pushing the history, bound to have Rose
and Nichol's pictures, 530;
valuable work done by Hist. Wom. Suff., 531;
starts for Mass. taking Mrs. Stn., 532;
tells Gov. Long women are weary, rec. gold medal from Phila. Suff.
Assn., entertained by Bird Club, Boston Globe pays trib., 534;
relief to roll burden on young shoulders, entertained by Pillsburys,
compli. let. from Mrs. Pillsbury, Mrs. Harbert, trib. of Mrs.
Wallace, 535;
death of Phebe Jones, no home in Albany, death of Garfield, no will,
his religion, 536;
Mrs. Stn.'s work for women kept her young, A. goes to Natl.
W. C. T. U. Con. in Washington, introduced by Miss Willard,
delegate declares she does not recognize God, sees wom. suff.
adopted by con., 537;
delegates announce A. did not influence con., souvenir from Childs,
writes Phillips on his seventieth birthday, his reply, 538;
attacks her work with courage, Phillips announces Eddy legacy, her
joy and gratitude, 539;
suit to break will, appeals from public for money, at Wash. con.,
540;
delight at appointment of cong. com. on rights of woman, presents
each member with Hist. Wom. Suff., con. at Phila., luncheon with
Hannah W. Smith, at N. Y. State Con., appeals to House Com. to
abolish "male" from Constit. of Dak., 541;
restive under history work, trib. of Elmira Free Press and Wash.
Republic, 542;
reads proof of Vol. II of Hist., influential friends in Cong., trib.
of Harriot Stanton, 543;
goes into Neb. campn., "not a white-haired woman on plat., not sure
of younger ones, 544;
gives time and $1,000, speaks in forty counties, debates with Edward
Rosewater, students make effigy, 545;
at St. Louis, ad. Lincoln Club in Rochester, confers with Cong. Com.
in Wash., decides to go abroad, birthday recep. in Phila., dislike
of "Aunt Susan," 546;
Times account of recep., ad. of Purvis, A. gives credit to other
workers, wd. have worked for man's freedom, Mrs. Sewall's
description of farewell honors, testimonial from Rochester
citizens and Natl. Assn., song dedicated, 547;
point lace, India shawl, trib. of Chicago Tribune, A. has "no peer,"
549;
farewell from Kan. City Journal, N. Y. Times' description of
departure, flag in stateroom, 550;
own description of tour abroad, on shipboard, stuck in mud,
recollect. of those left, 551;
rough sea, three falls, thoughts of nieces, talks suff. with
passengers, 552;
invited to Sargent's at Berlin, Mrs. Stn.'s welcome, at Liverpool,
Hist. of Wom. Suff. not in library, visit to Mrs. Rose, 554;
sees Irving and Terry, objects to lovemaking, at Contag. Dis. Act.
Meet., crossing channel, en route to Rome, no sleeper, bedrooms at
Milan, 555;
painting of Christ in railway station, Easter Sunday in Rome, at
Naples, Herculaneum, John Bright's address, 556;
invited to write for Italian Times, climbs Vesuvius, dishonest
tradesmen, Palermo, the dead Christ, Lake Avernus, streets of
Naples, interest in suff. work and friends at home, 557;
Vatican, no hope for freedom in old world, mother's knowledge of
history, too many languages, hears Ristori, at Milan,
disadvantages of compartment travel, 558;
at Zurich, at Munich, every girl shd. go abroad, at Sargents' in
Berlin, at Worms, Luther's statue at Cologne, lets. sent back from
post-office, 559;
up the Rhine, Heidelberg, Potsdam, emperors' tombs and palaces,
degradation of masses, at Strasburg, 560;
Alsace and Lorraine, in Paris, guest of Mme. de Barron, breakfast
in bed, calls on friends, Communists in Pere la Chaise, funeral
of Laboulaye, Le Soir wishes interview, 561;
calls on Hubertine Auclert and Leon Richer, disadvantage of not
speaking French, longs to be fighting battle for women in America,
Miss Foster's presentation at court, tomb of Napoleon, homesick,
begs sister Mary to come to Europe, 562;
shall we accept religious teaching of young, strong intellects or
old, weakened ones? 563;
Stopford Brooke on temp., talks to ladies under trees, visits
Albemarle and Somerville Clubs, prepares speeches, nights all
days, 564;
goes to Poor Law Guardian meet., spks. at Prince's Hall, Conway
delighted, 565;
St. James' Hall, 4th of July recep. at Mrs. Mellen's, 566;
at many dinners, recep., suff. meet., clubs, etc., calls from
factory women, velvet dress and India shawl, hears Canon
Wilberforce on temp., indignation, sees Bernhardt, 567;
bound to get all possible good, refuses to interfere in suff. work
in England, platonic friendship, goes to Edinburgh, at Mrs.
Nichol's, 568;
let. from Priscilla B. McLaren, celebrated places in Scotland,
outside of stage, home of Queen Mary, 569;
converts Prof. Blackie to wom. suff., he "seals it with a kiss,"
loses trunk, criticises English check system, drives among lakes,
visits Dr. Jex-Blake, 570;
at Ambleside, compares hills with those of America, home of H.
Martineau, 571;
class and caste ideas, urges discontent, in Belfast, men can not
vote on temp. question, meets old abolits., rides in third-class
car, at Cork, 472;
drunken men and women, filth, visits convent, incident at Killarney,
573;
woman with twins, sad spectacles, to Galway in rain, butter in
tobacco smoke, 574;
in Dublin, meets Davitt, Youghal, reads Children of Abbey, Belfast,
buys linen, Rugby, Kenilworth Castle, "Americans never see leg of
mutton," Stratford, Oxford, back in London, extracts from diary,
London fog, 575;
at Leeds, home of Bronte sisters, dreads trip home, 576;
hears John Bright forget to mention wom. suff. at Bristol, at Jacob
Bright's, let. from Mrs. Bright on little son's admiration for A.,
577;
urges sister to continue work if she never reach home, especial
interest in England on account of suff. movement, efforts to
secure co-operation between Eng. and Amer. women, 578;
recep. in Liverpool, com. formed to promote organizat., friends come
from London to say good-bye, safe landing in New York, 579;
welcome home, interview, did not see Queen, social idea more
important, trib. of N. Y. Evening Telegram, 581;
Cleveland Leader, woman of the future, Cin'ti Times-Star's
criticism, 582;
kindness to reporters, conferring with congressmen, agony of it,
583;
begs Kelley to take up suff. question, Repubs. in favor, 584;
writes to 112 congressmen, heads off injudicious women, 585;
on Douglass' marriage, everybody's burden on her shoulders, 586;
helpless women wear her out, always writes cheerful lets., death of
Phillips, 587;
goes to funeral, at Washington con., speech before Cong. Com. urging
Amend. XVI, 588;
goes to Conn., hastens back to watch congressmen, how she follows
them up, 591;
report of suff. con. fails, she and Mrs. Stn. get out report, wants
everybody to have credit, begins Vol. III of Hist. Wom. Suff.,
anxiety over Ore. election, sends Mrs. Duniway $100, restive under
historical work, 592;
criticises Gladstone, 593;
advises women to work for Repub. party, decides it was unwise,
criticises Miss Willard for favoring State Rights, Prohib. party
will repudiate wom. suff., prophecy fulfilled, 594;
at Wash. con., death of Mrs. Nichols, opposes res. denouncing dogmas,
answers St. Paul, 595;
rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon, regrets it, Mrs. Stn. approves, 596;
sends out Palmer's speech, goes to Mass., then to New Orleans Expo.,
guest of Mrs. Merrick, many addresses, trib. of Picayune, 597;
cordial recep., at Bishop's University, at St. Louis, message of J.
Ellen Foster, death of Grant, goes to Boston to rec. Eddy legacy,
fright on sleeper, 598;
appeals to share money, friends who repudiated come flocking back,
determined to finish Hist. Wom. Suff., agreement with Fowler and
Wells, 599;
buys out their rights, begins work again at Tenafly, assumes all
financ. responsibil., grief at not being a writer, good critic,
keeps Mrs. Stn. keyed up, applies lash to own back, 600;
meets Miss Eddy, they go to Mrs. Stn.'s, A. commends her, drudgery
on Hist., women complain of Mrs. Stn.'s blue pencil, between two
fires, 601;
refuses appeals for speeches, dislike of literary work, Mrs. Stn.'s
70th birthday, trib. from H. Stn. Blatch., 602;
comforts Julia and Rachel Foster at death of mother, 603;
starts to Wash. with light heart, taste in dress, holds members of
Cong. to their word, 605;
humorous note from Sen. Blair, A. directly connected with all cong.
action on wom. suff., 606;
at Wash. con., rec. $100 from Childs, looking after congressmen,
extracts from diary, Stanford, Dolph, 607;
Eustis, lets. from Mrs. Merrick, O. Brown, sends P. Couzins $100,
Vol. III of Hist. completed, visits in Kan., 608;
speaks at Salina for W. C. T. U., at Lake Bluff, Ill., camp meet.,
at Lake Geneva accompanied by Susie B., at Miss Willard's, at
Racine, at St. Louis, at Leav., spks. in cong. dists. of Kan., 609;
splendid audiences, mother brings baby for her to take in arms,
Baptist minister refuses church and then blesses meet., 610;
"spirit wd. not always soar," Municipal Suff. Bill signed on 67th
birthday, Chief-Justice Horton congratulates her, at Racine, 611;
canvasses Wis., eloquence in State House, lively let. to Mrs.
Spofford, get orthodox church for con., 612;
immense amount of money put into Hist. Wom. Suff., years of careful
collecting and saving of material, resume of the work, 613;
world indebted to her for it, in over 1,000 libraries, commendatory
lets., 614;
from Mary L. Booth, 615;
D. W. Wilder, Sarah B. Cooper, hopes to publish Vol. IV, goes to
Neb., 616;
at Chicago, Lansing, Wash. con., yellow dog, 617;
denounces Sen. Ingalls, he asks interview, 621;
proposes truce, she declines, refuses to go to Conn., "feels
guilty," visits Maria Mitchell at Vassar, ad. Constit. Con. at
Albany, back to Wash. "year after year," lying reports from
Leavenworth, corres. with Miss Willard regarding suff. plank in
Prohib. plat., 622;
opposes Third Party, will not fight Repubs., dreads starting out,
State Cons. at Indpls. and Cleveland, "only sister Mary left,"
rebukes conserv. women, faith in Repub. party, 623;
seminary graduates' essays, at Cape May, at childhood home, at
Magnolia, advises O. Brown and A. Gray not to bring suit under
school suff. law, 624;
tries to arrange old lets., etc., Mrs. Stn. advises to burn, in
Wis., campn. in Kan., scores Ingalls, 625;
at Mrs. Ingalls' luncheon, senator "will not argue with woman," Ind.
campn. in Wash., Blair's little joke, 626;
on com. for union of two assns., 627;
meets L. Stone and A. S. Blackwell in Boston, receives plan of union
from Mrs. Stone, advised not to take pres. of united assns.,
approves and urges union, 628;
"the way to unite is to unite," impatient of "red tape," exacts and
makes no pledges, chmn. com. on conference, 629;
makes no pledges, chmn. com. on conference, 629;
carries meet. in favor of union, willing to decline pres., lets.
declare she must take it, 630;
sp. in favor of Mrs. Stn., Natl. suff. platform means individ.
freedom, 631;
elected vice-pres.-at-large, co-operates with Mrs. Sewall in
securing union, always ready to sink personal feeling, 632;
dream of internatl. suff. assn., results in Internatl. Council,
her part in arranging it, 633;
"can't allow apologetic invitat.," women not ordained shall preach,
wants affirmations, not negations, glad L. Stone and A. Blackwell
are to be on plat., 634;
Mrs. Stn. expresses friendship and is coming back to Amer. to do
best work, later writes can not cross ocean, 635;
A. cables, she comes, A. shuts her up to write sp., presides over
Council, 636;
at receptions, pres. delegates to Pres. Cleveland, compli. from
Baltimore Sun and N. Y. World, her way of presiding, 637;
sp. and let. of Miss Willard, 638;
speakers acknowledge pers. indebtedness to A., chmn. of meet. to
form permanent councils, made Vice-Pres. Natl. Council, 639;
ad. Senate Com., praise from Mrs. S. E. Sewall, Mr. Blackwell, no
desire for rest, at Boston festival, 640;
in Central Music Hall at Chicago, recep. by Woman's Club, at Natl.
Repub. Con., Chicago, urges women to go to these cons., calls on
Gen. Harrison, 641;
open letter to him on "free ballot" plank, makes four years' financ.
rep. of Natl. Assn., 642;
publishes without authority of assn., restive under "red tape,"
"Andrew Jackson responsibility," poorest women want report, vast
amount of work, at W. C. T. U., Centennial, Columbus O., not well
recd., no little graves in speech, 643;
begins again with Slayton Bureau, Rachel Foster's marriage, young
workers throw away all plans when they marry, A.'s disappoint.,
644;
forms friendship with Rev. A. H. Shaw, old friends pass away, new
ones come, 645;
in Wash. preparing for con., little speeches, Six O'clock Club, 647;
on "Rbt. Elsmere," spks. in Cin'ti, Commercial-Gazette compli.,
guest of Burnet House, "more calls than Mrs. Hayes," namesake
Susie B. drowned, 648;
hastens to Leav., spks. in Ark., Jefferson City, recep. in St.
Louis, not able to ad. Catholics, vicar-gen. favors, spks. in
Leav. municipal campn., 649;
brother defeated for mayor, grief over death of Susie B., hurt of
breaking branch from tree, urges no heartbreak when she dies,
spirits of loved ones will forgive, at Indpls. Classical School,
650;
at Adaline Thomson's, recep. at Park Hotel, New York, newspapers
criticise velvet dress and point lace, spks. in Rochester and
Warren, 651, and Akron, O., denies report that she had renounced
wom, suff., attends wedding of niece Helen Louise Mosher, rec.
let. from Maria Deraismes, 652;
at Mt. McGregor, Grant relics condemned, waiter at Ft. Wm. Henry,
trip with niece Maude, ad. Seidl Club, Coney Island, 653;
"Broadbrim" pays trib., visits Mrs. Stn. at Hempstead, M. Louise
Thomas, legacy of $500 from Mrs. Hamilton, Ft. Wayne, tells Mrs.
Avery not to work during husband's vacation, 654;
at Wichita con., objects to God in suff. plat., at Ind. Suff. Con.
uncertain how women wd. vote on liquor question, visit with H.
Hosmer, 655;
"Bethany Homes," at Duluth, goes to S. Dak., lets. of invitat., 656;
minister explains to Almighty evils of orig. packages, A. canvasses
State, ad. Farmers' Alliance, Prohibs. keep wom. suff. in
background, presents Hist. Wom. Suff. to every town, 657;
plans winter's work in S. Dak., nephew describes her lecture in Ann
Arbor, at Toronto, spks. every night for three months, 658;
"Andrew Jackson-like" action in engaging hall at Wash., immense work
for S. Dak., makes eight women life members of Natl. Assn., 659;
Justice Fuller fails to discover women, work for Columbian Expo.,
death of friends, Mrs. Mendenhall leaves her $1,000, Washington
Star compli., 660;
at Riggs House, objects to having tickets sold for birthday banquet,
663;
wd. use money for S. Dak., wants everybody to have compli. ticket
and be invited to speak, description of banquet, 664;
accts. Wash. Star and N. Y. Sun, toasts by Couzins, Shaw, 665;
Gage, Colby, Chant, Parker, Hinckley, Rbt. Purvis, Mrs. Lawrence,
Mrs. Blatch, J. A. Pickler, 666, Mrs. Stn., 667;
poems by H. Hosmer, A. W. Brotherton, E. B. Harbert, I. B. Hooker,
her response, cd. have accomplished little alone, obligations to
Mrs. Stn., to family and friends, lets., etc., from L. Stone, 668;
Whittier, F. E. Willard, Curtis, Garrison, Hoar, Reed, 669;
O. Brown, Logan, Gannett, Palmer, Nordhoff, Carpenter, Dow, 670;
Dawes, Mr. and Mrs. Powderly, Barry, Colby, Johns, Cummings, 671;
dinner to relatives at Riggs House, presents, trib. of Boston
Traveller, A.'s theory of life, distinguished contemporaries,
gift to P. Couzins, 672;
trib. of Roch. Dem. and Chronicle, allied with all good causes, 673;
urges friends to come to union of assns., keep platform broad, not
annex to W. C. T. U., struggle to secure Mrs. Stn.'s presence,
arranges hearing before Cong. Coms., 674;
presides at Natl.-Am. Con., pride in H. Stanton Blatch, pledges
money and work for S. Dak., made chmn. com., 675;
remains in Wash, looking after Cong. Coms., incorporating assn.,
paying bills, sees Wy. admitted, Mary Grew congratulates, L. Stone
authorizes to settle bills, Mrs. Livermore says A. wd. give a
million to suff., 676;
her winters in Wash. help wom. suff., entertained by McLean's,
attends Cobweb Club, Mrs. Hearst approves speech, wd. rather face
audience than reception, Ad. Johnson makes bust, dreads to start
out, 677;
orthodox not careful about feelings of liberals, pre-natal
influence, joy at birth of Mrs. Avery's daughter, mother's
gratitude, 678;
attends nephew's wedding, reaches S. Dak., lets. begging her to
come, homesick for Washington, but duty first, 679;
ability to raise money, 680;
sends $300 for prelim. work, offers Miss Shaw's services, com. does
not answer, makes out her routes, writes for plan of campn,
refuses to put natl. funds into State treasury, can be used only
for suff. work, 681;
ready to co-operate, cd. not wait longer, again refuses to turn over
money, people anxious for her to come, 682;
will antagonize neither W. C. T. U. nor license advocates, measures
all by wom. suff. yardstick, sustained in her position, Mrs.
Wallace will work only under her direction, 683;
com. send plan after she has started, cordially recd., Loucks and
Wardall pledge support of Farmers' Alliance, 684;
Farmers' Alliance and Knights of Labor form new party and ignore
wom. suff., A.'s appeals, Mrs. Wallace's appreciation, 685;
res. adopted few months before, candidate Loucks, does not mention
wom. suff., dead issue in campn., A.'s hard journey, 686;
Russians wear brewers' badges "against S. B. A.," no seat for her in
Repub. State Con., 687;
lets. full of hope, can bear hardships better than young women,
buoyed up by friends, 688;
not cast down though voted down, sympathy from J. Hooker, C. Barton
sends love, A. Shaw feels her inspiration, A. sleeps in sod
houses, 689;
Cong. shd. appropriate money to irrigate, instead of sending com.,
twenty miles between meet., stampeded by cyclones, Russian sheriff
wants to help her, rides in old stage, 690;
"humanity at low ebb," gets into poor hotel, "laughs like other
people," at Madison telegram announces admission of Wyo., makes
great speech, 691;
"better lose me than lose State," experience with crying child,
woman insulted on account of motherhood, 692;
drunken man illustrates men's govt., 693;
at Deadwood, 694;
contributes services, draws from own bank account, Mrs. Catt's trib.
to her unselfishness, endorsed by S. Dak. W. C. T. U., 695;
and Suff. Assn., aged many years by campn., 696;
accepts defeat philosophically, at Neb. and Kan. Suff. Cons., in
Leav. and Ft. Scott, urged by Rev. Mann to visit Omaha, 697;
at Mrs. Sewall's planning Wash, con., Wom. Council and World's Fair
work, at Rochester, recep. by P. E. Club, State Suff. Con., goes
to Wash., 698;
requests women to celebrate admission of Wy., 699;
anxious for suff. headqrs. in Wash., assists Wimodaughsis, loss of
friends, 700;
ill in Boston, taken to Garrisons', let. from L. Stone and
invitation to attend Mass. Suff. Annivers., 701;
invitations from Pillsbury and Mrs. White, hastens to Wash.,
vice-pres. Triennial of Wom. Council, reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, 702;
Miss Willard introduces A. as one of the double stars, too happy to
speak, anxious all shd. be heard, presides at natl. suff. con.,
reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, presents L. Stone, trib. of M. Bottome,
703;
unanimously elect. vice-pres.-at-large, determined let. from English
Suff. Soc. shall be read in Senate, succeeds through Sen. Blair,
breakfast by Sorosis, gives recep. for A. Besant, lets, from
ex-Sec. McCulloch, F. Balgarnie, 704;
dines with McCulloch, recep. by Mrs. Avery, leaves Riggs House
forever as home, at Warren and Painesville, O., at Hartford with
Mrs. Hooker, entertained by Whitings, describes log cabin, 705;
Mt. Holyoke, old homestead at Adams, arrives home, goes to
housekeeping, decides to direct natl. work from home, Mrs. Stn.
approves, 706;
P. E. Club and friends furnish house, Roch. Herald describes recep.,
cousin Charles Dickinson presents $300, 707;
describes visit to Mrs. Banker in Adirondacks, trip to John Brown's
cabin and grave, condemns his execution, Wom. Suff. Day at
Chautauqua, 708;
guest of Ignorance Club, ad. W. C. T. U., opposed to third parties,
suggests ministers be disfranchised, prayer by action, at
Chautauqua, "Arnold Winkelreid among wom." Miss Willard congrat.,
at Hooker golden wedding, "no speeches," 709;
at Lily Dale, beautiful camp, love of domestic life, hospitality,
710;
how friends were entertained in new home, at Warsaw, at West. N. Y.
Fair, woman's opinion will not be respected until counted at
ballot-box, generosity to young speakers, 711;
urges Mrs. Stn. to share her new home and put her own writings in
shape, A "has no writings," 712;
entertains Mrs. Stn. for month, has Ad. Johnson make bust,
entertains P. E. Club, demands Roch. Univers. be opened to women,
cartoon in Utica Herald. A. and Mrs. Stn. always stir up
controversy, 713;
visits E. W. Osborne, joins Emerson and Browning classes, forgets
invitations, compli. of Auburn Advertiser, spks. at Thanksgiving
service in Unitarian ch., Roch., 714;
not easy to remain home, Mrs. Johns urges to come to Kan., will get
no wounds there, Mrs. Avery joins in plea, A. agrees, 715;
keeps eye on Cong. Coms., encouraging lets. from Dolph, Reed,
Warren, 716;
stops for Mrs. Stn. on way to Wash. con., elected pres. natl. assn.,
717;
presid. over con., ad. Cong. Coms., first hearing before Demo. com.,
recep. in Wash., no home in city, does not linger, 718;
renewed appeals from Kan. friends, precious days at home, insists
she has no literary ability, refers all eds. to Mrs. Stn., Anthony
lot in cemetery, ad. N. Y. legis., 719;
opening World's Fair on Sunday, at Bradford, Penn., at Ketcham silver
wedding, at biennial Wom. Fed. Clubs, Chicago, popularity
with audience, 720;
business com. Wom. Council, sits for bust by L. Taft, amusing corres.
between A., Miss Willard and Taft, shd. be made by woman, 721;
her bust shall be in Senate and White House, it pleases Miss W., at
Salem, O., reads Emily Robinson's paper, approves South. Wom.
Council, 722;
each section shd. have con., at Minneapolis Natl. Repub. Con.,
writes plank, kept waiting till 9 o'clock, Foraker refuses to hear
her, Sen. Jones comes to relief, 723;
ad. com. as Abolitionist and loyal woman, com. assure they believe
in her cause but party can not carry load, 724;
at Demo. Natl. Con., Chicago, presents plank, bowed out, Miss
Willard describes her at cons., one day all women will call her
blessed, 725;
not necessary to go to Prohib. Con., at Kan. Repub. Con., wom. suff.
amend. endorsed, at Omaha Popu. Con., at working wom. meet., 726;
Popu. Con. refuse to allow women to ad. them, but declare for equal
rights, at Beatrice, Dr. Vincent invites to speak at Chautauqua,
declines, goes later to hear debate between A. Shaw and Dr.
Buckley, 727;
sits on plat., at Miss. Valley Conf. at Des Moines, ad. Neb. Norm.
Sch. in Peru, begins tour of Kan. on Repub. plat., speaking for
wom. suff., 728;
at N. Y. Con., Syracuse, shows how some women now compli. by press
were formerly abused by it, farewell telegram from F. Willard and
Lady Somerset, 729;
ministers at thanksgiving serv. forget to recog. women, "hard work
to keep her peace," ad. ladies' acad. at Buffalo, law giving wom.
school suff. a failure, appointed on Board of Managers, St. Indus.
Sch. by Gov. Flower, 730;
reappointed by Gov. Morton, Democrat and Chronicle describes her
pride, ad. people of Roch. on new charter, reasons why women shd.
have municipal suff., 731;
effect in other places, defeated by close vote, Mrs. Greenleaf
expresses indignation, 732;
ad. Monroe Co. teachers, lets. from New Zealand and other foreign
countries, face carved on theatre, Dowagiac, J. B. Thacher asks
father's record, 733;
N. Y. Art Assn. desires to make statue of A., represent. reform.,
Phil. Schuyler objects to placing stepmother by side of A., 734;
declares it outrage on her memory, Justice Peckham decides agnst.
Schuyler and pays trib. to character of A., 735;
overwhelmed with work, at Wash. con., reads trib. to dead, 737;
opposes holding natl. con, outside of Wash., defeated, 738;
re-elected pres., receps. by Mrs. Greenleaf, Mrs. Waite, visits Mrs.
Stn., at Warsaw, birthday recep. at Rev. Gannett's, gift of
Thurlow Weed's granddaughter, writes Mrs. Avery, "just ten years
since we went gypsying," Blaine shd. have been Repub. leader, 739;
arranges meet. for Mrs. Sewall, tour of Mich., newspaper comment,
ad. House of Rep., vote on municipal suff. for women, lets. from
South, from Italy, from wage-earning women, wide range of
invitat., 740;
never had writing desk or stenog., can say with Gladstone, have
helped humanity, spks. for wom. World's Fair Com., Cinti., urges
women to organize, work or contribute money, gifts from pers.
friends "to keep pot boiling," 741;
opening of Columbian Expo., compli. Mrs. Palmer's ad., A.'s part in
World's Fair, 742;
determined women shd. participate, stands behind wom. coms.,
prepares petit. to Cong., Board of Lady Manag., 743;
her prompt action secured board, careful not to embarrass Mrs.
Palmer, latter's courtesy, 744;
in full sympathy, 745;
central fig. at Woman's Cong., audiences insist on her speaking,
post of honor assigned her, Mrs. Sewall's testimony, 746;
no woman so honored on acct. of personal work, tribs. of F. Willard,
Lady Somerset, 747;
suff. at Wom. Cong., lets. from Mr. Bonney, Mrs. Palmer, Mrs.
Henrotin, asked to spk. in many Congs., takes no part in dissens.
of women, seconds all Mrs. Palmer's efforts, 748;
spks. at noon-hour meet., can not furnish writ. report, spks. on
Relig. Press, managers uneasy, 749;
speech causes sensation, chmn. apologizes, audience leaves with A.,
welcomes Gov't Cong. on behalf Civ. Serv. Com., visits Mesdames
Coonley, Sewall, Gross, 750;
luncheon to Internat. Council, at Harvey, Bloomington, Ill., Topeka,
Rochester, Hempstead, reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper before Educat.
Cong., last sight of White City, gifts from Mrs. Gross, Mrs.
Coonley, farewell from Inter-Ocean, 751;
most honored of all women, ready to go to Col. if needed, 752;
rec. tele. announcing wom. suff. amend. carried in that State, N. Y.
con. in Brooklyn, ad. New Century Club, at Penn. con.,
Foremothers' dinner, Ethical Wom. Conf., New York, arranges two
State campns., scope of invitations, 753;
lets. from Tourgee, Helen Webster, advice to Kan. wom, as to work
for coming campn., prepares for N. Y. campn., 754;
Wash. cons, run like thread through life, at Ann Arbor, hospitality
of Mrs. Hall, 755;
25th annivers. at Toledo, in Baltimore, in Wash., 756;
acknowl. present of silk flag from wom. of Wyo. and Col., birthday
flowers, advantage of northern and southern women coming together
at natl. cons., no politics, no creed, 757;
Chicago Jour. comments on re-elect. as pres. "most remark., product
of century," at suff. hearing, a new member asks why wom. have not
gone to cong. coms. before, 758;
Repubs. wd. not nominate wom. dele. to N. Y. Consti. Con., 759;
her home devoted to campn. work, interview with Dana on number of
women who shd. petit. for ballot, 760;
maps outroutes and spks. in every county in N. Y., 761;
mass meet. in Rochester, A.'s happiness, at Syracuse, Buffalo,
remarkable tour of meet. in four States at 74, 762;
travels 100 mi. a day, spks. six nights a week, very chain-gang
influence Consti. Con., rec. bequest Eliza J. Clapp, applies all
to suff. work, ad. to N. Y. woman, 763;
opinion of remonstrants agnst. wom. suff., wd. make govt. an
aristocracy, 766;
ad. suff. com. N. Y. Constit. Con., opposed by Mr. Choate, 767;
on platform, 768;
gave serv. even travelling expenses, trib. of Mrs. Greenleaf,
outwitted by politicians, 772;
not crushed but plans another campn. when coming out of con.,
congrat. lets. from Isa. Charles Davis, H. B. Blackwell, guest of
Howlands in Catskills, calls on F. Willard and Lady Somerset at
Eagle's Nest, at Keuka College, Cassadaga Lake, suff. people fear
to thank Spiritualists, 773;
incorrect report in Buffalo Express, appeals to polit. State cons.,
five min. before resolu. com. at Repub. con., Saratoga. Miss
Willard's description, 774;
at Demo. con., women not wanted, continues work thro. hot weather,
Col. women invite to their first 4th of July, 775;
ad. Girl's Norm. Sch., Phila, starts to Kan., 776;
urged to come, sends Mrs. Johns a plan of campn., necessity for
party endorse., 777;
suspects Kan. politicians trying to influence women, objects to Mrs.
Johns being pres. Repub. club, 778;
scores Repubs. for proposing to leave wom. suff. plank out of plat.,
779;
sends official let. to Kan. Wom. Suff. Com. showing trickery of
politicians and uselessness of trying to secure wom. suff. without
party help, woman must not surrender, 781, 782;
received 300 lets. during Kan. campn., shows Repub. leaders wom.
suff. wd. give them new lease of life, 783;
women who yield help sell Kan. back to whiskey power, leaves N. Y.
for Kan., opens campn. at Kansas City, demands Repub. and Popu.
endorsement, both children of grand old party, 784;
opposit. of women, speaks at Leav., and Topeka, returns to N. Y., at
Kansas City, Mo., returns to Kan., Rep. Wom. Con. compelled to ask
State con. for plank, 785;
refused permis. to address Repub. State Con., pleads cause of wom.
before res. com., rejected, candidates admit alliance with whiskey
ring, will sink State on moral issues, 786;
ad. suff. mass meet. in Topeka, tries for endorse. by Popu. Con.,
787;
ad. that body, asked if she will support Popu. party, replies "Yes,"
wild scene in con., rest of sentence not heard, 788; 789;
shakes hands with delegates, soldier pins Popu. badge on her dress,
Prohib. con. telegraphs wom. suff. adopted, she sends greeting,
790;
storm of denunciation for endorsing Popu., prefers justice to women
to financial wisdom, explains posit, in Roch. Demo. and Chron.,
stands only on suff. plank, Popu. make honest protest, 791;
difference in treatment of women by Kan. Repubs. and Popu., 792;
comfort from Wm. Lloyd Garrison, A. believes in protecting home
products, all creeds and politics insignificant compared to
principle of equal rights, defends Popu. of Kan. and shows
treachery and corruption of Repubs., 793;
Repub. chmn. Cyrus Leland declines offer to speak, she asks Popu.
chmn. Breidenthal to announce she will speak only on suff. plank,
794;
Mrs. Diggs says Popu. want her to speak on suff. plank in Kan., 795;
makes tour of State, sees no hope for amend., donates year's work to
Kan., brother D. R. furnishes passes, 796;
suff. defeated, keen disappoint., hopes for Kan., 797;
confirmed in belief partial suff. hinders full suff., 798;
makes strong speech Neb. con., leaves for East, New Century Club
recep. in Philadelphia, 799;
ad. N. Y. con. at Ithaca, visits Cornell, speaks to girls Sage
College, close of two hard campns., full of hope and cheer,
introduced by F. Willard to W. C. T. U., gospel meet, in
Cleveland, "ordained of God," 800;
material outweigh moral interests, men in reforms handicapped by
disfranchis. women, might as well be dogs baying moon, Natl. Amer.
Bus. Com. entertained by Mrs. Southworth, her friendship and
generosity, goes to New York to prepare call with Mrs. Stn., 801;
and revise article for cycloped., guest of Mrs. Lapham, walk thro.
Central Park, lunch with Dr. Jacobi, opera with Lauterbachs, Uncut
Leaves Club, hears Robt. Collyer, visits Orange, Philadelphia,
Somerton, guest Foremother's Dinner, home for Christmas, 802;
Mrs. Minor leaves legacy $1,000, Mrs. Gross makes present $1.000,
velvet cloak, many invitations, requests for lectures, articles,
woman's edition favor, 803;
wd. have more interest in Y. M. C. A. if they stood for wom. suff.,
manager of printing house writes verse, let. Mary B. Willard,
invited by Revs. Jenkyn Lloyd Jones, H. W. Thomas to take part in
Lib. Relig. Cong., 804;
Dr. Thomas compares to Christ, urged to come as Geo. Washington went
into first Continent. Cong., relieved of part of work by younger
women, confidence in "body guard," 805;
urges old workers to consult with young ones, strictness in financ.
accts., alarm lest contribs. be omitted, entertains friends New
Year's, starts on south. tour taking Mrs. Catt, at the Clays in
Lexington, 806;
entertained at Memphis, spks. to col'd people in Tabernacle, at New
Orleans, Picayune's descrip. of lect., 807;
at Shreveport, floral offerings, trib. of Times, misses connect. for
Jackson, 808;
too "oozed-out" to speak, goes to Birmingham, trib. of News, at New
Decatur, Huntsville, compli. of Tribune, 809;
in Atlanta, 810;
presides over con., reads Mrs. Stn.'s paper, takes charge mass
meet., compli. of Constitution, Mrs. Stn.'s thanks for reading her
papers, 811;
ad. Atlanta Univers., etc., visits Howards in Columbus, spks. in
Aiken, guest Martha Schofield, in Columbia, Pine Tree State obj.
to Abolitionism, in Culpepper, in Wash., 812;
75th birthday banquet, Mrs. Avery presents annuity from friends,
A.'s surprise, freed from financ. anxiety, at Wom. Council, 813;
represents Govt. Reform, recep. by Mrs. McLean, spks. at funeral F.
Douglass, at Travel Club, lect. Lincoln, Va., death Adaline
Thomson, gave A. $1,000, sends thanks to contribs. to annuity
fund, 814;
at Drexel Instit., visits Mrs. Stn., goes to Police Court in
Rochester to have boys punished same as girls, at lect. on
lynching, tells audience col'd people treated no better in north
than south, takes Miss Wells home with her, 815;
discharges her stenog. because she refuses to write Miss Wells'
lets., impossible to refuse calls for help in suff. work, resigns
from Board St. Indus. Sch., her work for School, 816;
gratitude of girls, arrang. for long journey, 817;
invitations follow World's Fair, declines one but later accepts from
Calif. Wom. Cong., delight of exec, board, 819;
A. asks permis. to bring Anna Shaw, Mrs. Cooper sends money for
both, writes A. many loving lets., western towns want lect.,
starts for Calif., 820;
at Chicago, meets H. Hosmer, many interviews, at St. Louis, Missis.
Valley Cong., ovation, "75 roses," banquet, at Denver, misses
recep. com., at Boulder, 821;
recep. by Wom. Club, tribute Rocky Mountain News, Col. women owe
suffrage to her, trib. Times, all women under obligat. to her, 822;
knows not what to say to enfranchised women, lect. in Broadway
Theatre, ovation, compliments men, at Sen. Carey's, Cheyenne, 823;
distinguished aud. in Mrs. Stanford's private car, advises her to
watch case before Sup. Court, breakfast at Templeton, Salt Lake,
824;
guest of honor at Inter-Mountain Suff. Con., trib. Gov. West,
receps., banquet at Ogden, State Univers., Reno, 825;
spks. in opera house, Wom. Club recep., in lovely Calif., friends at
Oakland ferry, entertained by Rev. McLean, 826;
with Miss Shaw in pulpit, happiness at cordial recep., beautiful
scene at Wom. Cong., great ovation, 827;
spks. every day of Cong., "princess blood royal," 828;
immense audiences, guest of Mrs. Sargent, helps women organize suff.
campn., 829;
ad. Congregat. ministers' meet., spks. at Unit. Club dinner, teach.
institute, societies, Pres. Jordan invites to Stanford Univers.,
Mrs. Stanford sends passes and invites graduates' recep., 830;
social courtesies, Ebell Club, Alameda Co. Wom. Cong., in Yosemite,
big tree named for her, 831;
lect. in San Jose, guest Mrs. Knox Goodrich, ovation in Los Angeles,
at Riverside, Pasadena, Pomona, Whittiers, San Diego, 832;
recep. Hotel Florence, floral offerings, picnic at Olivewood, day at
Santa Monica, recep. Mrs. Severance, suff. meet., 833;
attitude of press, entertained by Emma Shafter Howard, spks. in
Oakland, in San Fr. Zion's Church to col'd people, at ministers'
meet., 834;
tells why they shd. favor wom, suff., at Calif. Suff. Assn., invited
to take part in 4th of July celebra., 835;
rides in procession, makes short speech, 836;
goes with Miss Shaw to Oakland, can not find audience, beautiful
farewell, 200 pages newspaper notices, 837;
apprecia. lets. from Calif. women, 838;
suff. res. at Topeka, throws eds. into hysterics, Chicago Herald
compares to Pope, 839;
reaches home daybreak, at Lakeside has nervous prostrat., 840;
papers prepare obit., friends and press show sympathy, trib. Wichita
Eagle, lets. from May, 841;
Pillsbury, Stanton, Cooper, 842;
no idea of giving up work, employs stenog., lect. bureau offer $100
a night, determ. to stay home, secret of vitality, 843;
suff. will lessen unfortunate mothers, men can not be just to each
other while unjust to women, money enough if justly distributed,
on "bloomers," men troubled about woman's dress, had to dress to
escape being old maids, 844;
women must cease to be subject class, recovers, goes to Ashtabula
con., papers put obit. notices away, at Mrs. Stn.'s 80th birthday,
845;
urged to be chmn. com. arrange., Mrs. Blake insists, A. shows
greater honor to have Wom. Council undertake it, 846;
Mrs. Sewall and Mrs. Avery obj., she shows suff. elephant must not
frighten outsiders, writes hundreds of lets. to assist Mrs.
Dickinson, criticises Mrs. Stn.'s speech on church, 847;
pays trib. to pioneers, reads lets. and teleg., N. Y. Sun compli.,
Tilton's testimonial, 848;
recep. by Mrs. Henry Villard, Mrs. Stn.'s birthday celebrated in
Anthony home, gives all workers full meed, trib. to Mrs. Dietrick,
mother's birthday, 849;
And. D. White presents wife, to Mrs. Sewall on death of husband,
trib. to Mrs. Dickinson, Mrs. Stanford, 850;
Wash, con., Utah admitted with wom. suff., 851;
Wom.'s Bible condemned, 852;
her indignat., speech for freedom of thought, 853;
vote for relig. liberty, 854;
contemplates resigning pres., agony of soul, no worse to criticise
Bible than statute laws, 855;
penitent lets. from Mrs. Avery and Mrs. Upton, position in regard to
Bible, regrets Mrs. Stn. shd. give time to commentary, talking
down to people, 856;
women wd. be no more superstit. than men if had broad life, polit.
rights lessen relig. bigotry, refuses to put prohib. or Bible
literature into Calif. campn., claims freedom of belief for all,
857;
at Mrs Grant's 70th birthday, "Nelly Bly" interview in N. Y. World,
Cuba, 858;
immortality, eternity, prayer, marriage, flowers, music, art,
favorite motto, bicycling, 859;
new woman needs common sense, cd. not give up freedom for marriage,
76th birthday celebrat. by Roch. P. E. Club, ad. col'd people at
Bath, arrang. to write biog., 860;
appeals for help in Calif. campn., lets. from Mrs. Sargent, Mrs.
Cooper, accepts, Harriet Cooper sends money, 861;
Rev. and Mrs. Gannett raise money to send her sec. with her, starts
for Calif., stops Ann Arbor, Chicago, statuette by Bessie Potter,
at Wom. Club, San Diego, Friday Morning Club, Los Angeles, praise
from Alice Moore McComas, at San Francisco, directs campn. from
Sargent residence, 862;
on St. Central Com., 863;
makes lists of all towns to have cons., in Sargent home, 864;
visits eds. of all San Francisco dailies with Mrs. Harper, cordial
recep., 866;
Examiner offers column on ed. page, A. fills it during campn.,
pleads with ed. Hearst to bring paper out for wom. suff., 867;
ed. Monitor will not see her, 868;
refuses to remain for campn. unless polit. part, endorse suff.
amend., at Repub. State Con., 869;
interviews in Examiner, before res. com., 870;
trib. from Mrs. Duniway, Mrs. McCann, prepares for Popu. con., 871;
enthusiastic recep. at con., at Prohib. con., at Demo. con., 872;
ad. res. com. for two minutes, 873;
rebukes con. for action on wom. suff. plank, at ratificat. meet. in
San Fr., 874, 875;
immense amt. of labor during campn., Cent. Club breakfast, social
courtesies, Ebell Club, Oakland, Fabiola Fete, 876;
other invitat., up Mt. Tamalpais, hardships of campn., no complaint,
at Wom. Cong., Portland, social events in Seattle, 877;
ad. Repub., Popu., and Demo. ratificat. meet. in San Fr.,
homesickness, longs to help Idaho, 878;
objects to "still hunt," people can not understand her on all
platforms, needs Mrs. Stn.'s help, sends res. to Natl. Repub.
Con., 879;
indignat. and contempt at plank adopted, holds her peace, 880;
triumphal tour of South. Calif., spks. from car plat., urges Miss
Willard not to hold W. C. T. U. con. in Calif., 881;
let. to Mrs. Peet on subject, shd. offend no voters, honors rec.
from W. C. T. U., 882;
no considera. from Repub. Cent. Com. "too many bonnets," 883;
at "Tom Reed" rally, 885;
photo. given for pledges, 889;
scenes witnessed in elect. booths, sympathy for Calif. wom., 891;
donates own services and those of sec., trib. to Calif. wom., their
remembrances, meets with State Assn., 892;
ovation, leaves for East, 893;
at Reno, Kansas City, perfect physical condit., banq. by Roch. P. E.
Club, N. Y. State Con., Natl. Wom. Council, Boston, visits in that
locality, 895;
Mrs. Chace's 90th birthday, ad. R. I. Suff. Con., in Eddy homestead
tells Mrs. Stn. of Calif. campn., funeral Maria Porter, securing
reminis. for biog., hon. member Chi. Wom. Club, Maj. Pond's
compli., offers $100 for lecture, 896;
never denies charges, urges women not to scramble for office, Book
of Prov. not much help in securing justice to women, constancy of
purpose, 897;
with ballot women wd. be vital force, women can not help polit.
parties, objects to calling God author of civil gov., cd. better
do God's work if had money, 898;
men trying to lift themselves by bootstraps, no time to speculate on
future life, opposed to educat. and property suff., think of dead
as when at best in life, 899;
trib. of Dr. H. W. Thomas, at Geneva, gifts from Mrs. Orr, Mrs.
Gross, Mrs. Hussey, greet. from Mrs. Henrotin, John W.
Hutchinson, 900;
Mrs. Dickinson, F. Willard invites to visit at Castile, ad. patients
Green sanitar., at lunch, ex. com. St. Fed. Clubs, arranges lect.
for Mrs. Stetson, starts for natl. con, at Des Moines, thinks
longingly of Wash., 901;
sleeps on $6,000 bed, compli. Chi. Wom. Club, at Callanan home,
pres. at natl. suff. con., victories in Utah and Idaho, 902;
reporter dresses her in royal purple and diamonds, advantage of
holding natl. cons. in Wash., Mrs. Sewall gives recep. to legis.
in her honor, 903;
ad. the guests, lunch, with Mrs. Wallace and G. W. Julian, recep. by
Mr. and Mrs. Dean, ad. Ind. Legislature, arrives home, friendship
for reporters, at Douglass birthday service, 904;
women's clubs of Rochester arrange 77th birthday recep. for A.,
comment of papers, 905;
trib. Post Express, Herald descrip. of recep., 906;
at the recep., day in Anthony home, greetings from individs. and
assns., trib. Mrs. Catt, at meet. Cuban League, 907;
hopes Cubans will remember their women, eulogy at funeral of Mrs.
Humphrey, urged not to delay biog., 908;
while in Calif. asks Mrs. Harper to write it, thinks will be little
to say, immense amt. of material, 909;
all sorted and arranged, 910;
in attic workrooms, 911;
difficult to remain home, rec. callers Monday evenings, dislikes
role of society or literary woman, 913;
chafes under old records, "living with the dead," lect. at Auburn
for Tuskegee Instit., ad. legis. com. at Albany, resolves never to
do it again, wants to celebrate sister's 70th birthday, finds
friends arranging for it, 914;
interview in Rochester Herald, trib. to life of sister Mary,
personal obligations, 915;
happiness over party, Sargent golden wedding, 916;
visits Mrs. Osborne, evenings of reminis. with Mrs. Stn., reading of
biog., lets. from all parts of world, greatest compli., medallion
and souvenir spoon, 917;
women can not rise in revolt agnst. fathers and sons, Mrs. Besant
and Theosophy, busy with work on this planet, 918;
thanks Sup. Judges of Idaho for decision on wom. suff., advises Ky.
Daught. of Rev. to commemorate deeds of women, hardships of
pioneer women, shd. demand rights Rev. fathers fought for,
honorary member Roch. D. A. R., 919;
woman's dependence on man does not win his respect, every dollar
helps wom. suff., women's sympathy easily aroused, do not strike
at root of public evils, urges women to work only for full suff.,
begin with voting precincts, 920;
opinion on poetry, God does not "punish" people, good men form third
parties and play into hands of enemy, 921;
week days sacred as Sunday, women shd. not ask for educat. and
property suff., objects to idea of pers. God, 922;
he is not respons. for human ills, can not influence voters by
prayer, telegram to nephew on wedding day, let. to F. Willard on
yellow journalism and prize fight, 923;
objects to threatening voters with woman's ballot, Miss Willard
sends conciliatory reply, urges her to come to World's and Natl.
W. C. T. U. Cons., no end of invitations, 924;
requests for opinions, amusing questions from county offic., A.'s
answer, hon. mem. Cuban League, Roch. Hist. Soc., Ladies of
Maccabees, etc., never recd. one dollar salary from Natl. Suff.
Assn., 925;
nor have any of offic., visits Thousand Islands, beautiful scenes,
starts for Adams, Mass., 926;
at Geneva, at O. St. Con., Alliance, ad. students Mt. Union Coll.,
S. J. May's Centennial, at Nashville Expo., spks. in Wom. Bldg.,
hearty greeting, 927;
recep. by pres. of Expo., compli. of American, entertained by pres.
Board of Lady Managers, ad. Lib. Cong. Relig., Fiske Univers.,
N. Y. Suff. Con., Geneva, criticises women for going into partisan
politics, defends "rings," 928;
"adroit statesman lost to world," gold. wed. Dr. and Mrs. E. M.
Moore, spks. Minneap., Madison, Grand Rapids, Kalamazoo, Toledo,
ad. students Minn. Univers., contrast bet. first canvass of N. Y.
and present ovations, 929;
daily life and habits, 931;
great amt. of exercise, not dwelling on ills, work, dress, 932;
toilet, religion, medical practice, few visits, harmonious life with
sister, home in Rochester, 933;
A. enjoys kitchen, mother's wed. furniture, old pictures, 934;
bedroom, study, daily mail, 935;
work as pres. Natl. Suff. Assn., requests from men, women and
children, schools, clubs, libraries, authors, eds., 936;
poets, "cranks," adventurers, 937;
let. from child, slave to correspond., "if young women fail,
octogenarian will work harder," 938;
trib. to obscure women, devoting closing yrs. to permanent fund for
wom. suff. and Press Bureau, Hist. Soc. invites to Berkshire, 939;
official and pressing invit., she invites natl. suff. com. and other
friends, arrang. for family reunion, "Old Hive" swarms, 940;
pres. suff. com. meet. in rooms where played as child, 941;
lunch in Plunkett's Pavilion, Adams, pres. Hist, meet., pride and
happiness, trib. of Mrs. Catt, 942;
Mrs. Avery, Mrs. Upton, compared to Galileo, wd. turn Roman palaces
into orphan asylums, future pilgrimages to birth-place, 943;
trib. Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Colby, love of justice, of home, 944;
trib. of Anna Shaw, tenderness, charity, love, great, ideal life,
945;
pres. Anthony reunion, New Eng. dinner, silent blessing, 946;
trip to Mt. Greylock, A. gayest of party, takes friends to all loved
spots, Quaker meet. house, 947;
own old home, room where born, worthy descendant noble race, task for
half-century to secure equal rights for women, 948;
contrast in condit. at begin. and end, her part, receives med. of
apprecia., face carved in capitol at Albany, 949;
trib. of women, Mrs. Sewall's analysis, "never forgets," F.
Willard's testimonial, 950;
Mrs. Stn. describes grand life, dedicates Reminiscences to A., 951;
"steadfast friend," A. not martyr, enjoyed work, retained
self-respect, always in good company, gov. by philos. rather than
emotion, compared to Napoleon, Gladstone, Lincoln, 952;
Garrison, own individuality, life's serene evening, 953;
ad. to Lincoln, "free women as you have slaves," 957;
ad. on Reconstruct. in 1865, Johnson's proclam. to Miss., ballot in
hand of every loyal citizen, 960;
ad. to Cong., eloquent demand for woman's enfranchis., 968;
newspaper trib. on 50th birthday, 972;
lets. and gifts, 974;
constitut. argu. deliv. in Monroe and Ontario counties, previous to
trial for voting, 1873, proving from Fed. and State constits.,
statutes and eminent men, right of women to franchise, 977;
newspaper comment on trial, 993;
scurrilous reports, famous silk dress, will make charming biog., 995;
Bread and Ballot speech deliv. 1870-1880, 996;
lect. on Social Purity deliv. in Chicago, 1875, 1004;
open let. to Benj. Harrison asking to interpret "free ballot" plank
in Repub. plat, as including women, 1013;
Demand for Party Recognition, deliv. in Kan., 1894, 1015.
ANTHONY, SUSIE B., 471, 552;
goes to Roch. with A., 609;
drowned, 648.
ANTHONY, WILLIAM, 947.
ARCHER, STEPHEN, A. hears preach, 39.
ARKELL, JAMES, writes play, 51.
ARKELL, WILLIAM J., 51.
ARNOLD, EDWIN, 554.
ARTHUR, CHESTER A., grants interview to A., 538;
rec. suff. delegates, 588.
ASHLEY, REV. MR., preaches agnst. equality for women, 79.
ATKINSON, MRS. WM. Y., reception to suff. con., 810.
AUCLERT, HUBERTINE, A. calls on, 562.
AVERY, DR. ALIDA C., accepts A.'s services for Colorado, 489;
hospitality, 493, 548;
work for S. Dak., 685.
AVERY, CYRUS MILLER, marries Rachel Foster, 644;
present to A., 707.
AVERY, ROSE FOSTER, 678.
AVERY, RACHEL FOSTER, 511;
arrang. lect. tour for A., 512; 527;
cor. sec. Natl. Assn., arrang. N. E. cons., 535; 538; 541;
manages Neb. campn., 545;
to accompany A. abroad, adopts name "Aunt Susan," 546;
starts for Europe with A., 550;
on shipboard, 552; 553; 555; 556; 558;
presented at court, 562; 564; 565; 566;
at Somerville club, 567;
death of mother, 603;
in Kansas, 625;
meets Stone in Boston, rec. plan of union of two soc. and list of
com., sec. of com., 628;
rec. list of Am. com., let. from A. urging union, 629;
cor. sec. unit, assns., 632;
arr. internat. council, 633;
marries, public work, 644;
continues after marriage, 645; 664;
arranges birthday banq. for A., 664; 676;
A. on pre-natal influ., birth of daught., gratitude to A., 678;
sends A. sister's furniture, 701;
gives recep. for A., 705; 707;
urges A. to go to Kan., 715;
in Kan. campn., gives $1,000, 719; 721;
at Chautauqua, 727;
gift to A., 741;
at opening World's Fair, 742;
sec. com. org. Wom. Cong., magnitude of work, respons. for success,
A.'s pride, 745; 753; 802;
secures annuity for A., 813;
wants A. to manage Stn. birthday, 847;
favors res. against Wom. Bible, 854;
asks A.'s forgiveness, 856; 895;
at Des Moines con., 902;
present to Mary Anthony, 916;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
at Berkshire Hist. meet., 943.
AVERY, SUSAN LOOK, entertains A., 654; 711;
A. at bien. Fed. of Clubs, 720.
BAKER, CHARLES S., M.C., favors admis. of Wy., 698; 713.
BAKER, ELLEN S., registers and votes, 424.
BAKER, MRS. GEORGE L., 832.
BAKER, GULA, 552.
BAKER, DR. HENRY A., Yosemite with A., 831.
BAKER, MRS. P. C., 832.
BALDWIN, ISABEL A., meets A. at ferry, 826;
pres. Alameda Co. suff. soc., 865.
BALGARNIE, FLORENCE, at Int'l. Council, let. 704;
in Kan. campn., 719.
BALLARD, ADELAIDE, 902.
BANGS, JUDGE, for wom. suff. in S. Dak., 687.
BANKER, HENRIETTA M., 708.
BANNISTER COUNTY SUPT., 288.
BARKER, RACHEL, A. hears preach., 40.
BARKER, MRS. H. M., nat'l ass'n funds keep up work in S. Dak., 680.
BARKER, REV. M., suff. amend. will go by default unless nat'l ass'n
helps, 680; 681.
BARNARD, HELEN, edits campn. paper, 509.
BARRON, MME. DE, entertains A., 561.
BARROWS, ISABEL, 793.
BARRY, LEONORA M., on A.'s birthday, 671;
in Col. campn., 752.
BARSTOW, HON. A. C., 87.
BARTLETT, REV. CAROLINE J., 702.
BARTOL, EMMA J., 548.
BARTON, CLARA, unrecognized by govt., 239; 276;
first appears at wom. suff. meet., 313; 314; 496;
at A.'s birthday banq., 665;
to A. in S. Dak., will help, 689.
BASCOM, EMMA C., 548; 612.
BASCOM, PRES., friendship for A., 612.
BATES, U. S., Atty.-Gen. Edw., citizen of U. S. means memb. of nation,
984;
infamous decis., 985.
BATES, FANNIE, 940.
BAYNE, JULIA TAFT, poem on Greylock, 13.
BEACH, REV. AND MRS. J. C., 288.
BEALE, GENERAL, 677.
BEATIE, MRS. ---- ----, 824.
BECK, JAMES B., SENATOR, opp. com. on rights of wom., 541.
BECKER, LYDIA E., 360;
A. meets in Eng., 553.
BECKWITH, P. D., for equal. of wom., 733.
BEECHER, CATHARINE, on divorce, 332;
agnst. wom. suff., 372;
points out Mrs. Woodhull's errors, 378;
wishes she had not, 379.
BEECHER, H. W., praise of Berkshire, 2;
W. R. sp. at Cooper Insti., 192;
assists Wom. Loyal League, 234;
agrees to lect. for wom. suff. movement, 252; 259;
on hay fever, 263;
describes manifold duties, can not work in organizations, 274;
sp. on pressing woman's claims at once, 276; 279;
endorses wom. suff., 284; 290; 308;
pres. Am. Suff. Assn., 328;
how to make audience laugh and cry, 334; 346; 347;
marriage of Richardson and Mrs. McFarland, 351; 373; 422;
magnetism, like elder brother to Tilton, devotion to Mrs. Tilton,
464;
birthday gift to A., 976.
BEECHER, REV. THOMAS K., theology, 125;
grants church for suff. meet., 178;
anecdote of, 373.
BELFORD, JAMES B., M. C., for wom. suff., 585.
BELL, JOHN C., M. C., ad. suff. con., 756.
BENNETT, JAMES GORDON, opp. wom. suff., 78.
BENNETT, SALLIE CLAY, 511; 607.
BEMIS, JULIA BROWN, 368.
BERNHARDT, SARAH., A. hears, 567; 733.
BERRY, MR. AND MRS. W. W., recep. to Woman's Council, 928.
BESANT, ANNIE, 577;
A. entertains, 704;
A. can not accept her ideas, 918.
BIDWELL, GEN. J. C., 404.
BIDWELL, ANNIE K., tries to secure suff. amend. from Calif. legis.,
863.
BIGELOW, JOHN, for wom. suff., 767.
BIGGS, CAROLINE ASHURST, 554.
BINGHAM, ANSON, in favor of wom. rights, 186.
BINGHAM, JOHN A., agnst. wom. suff., 382; 985; 986.
BIRD, FRANCIS W., speaks at suff. con., 533.
BISBEE, M. C., 590.
BLACKIE, PROF. JOHN STUART, converted by A. to wom. suff.; kisses her
hand, 570.
BLACKWELL, ALICE STONE, arrang. union of two assns., 628;
sends list of com., 629;
influence in favor of union, 630;
rec. sec. unit. assns., 632;
on S. Dak. com. 675; 676;
let. from A. on S. Dak. 683;
favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854;
at Anthony homestead, 940.
BLACKWELL, REV. ANTOINETTE BROWN, Vice Pres. Wom. Temp. Con., 67;
demands equal rights, 74;
Bible enjoins no subjection of woman, 76;
urges A. to speak, 82; 83; 90; 93; 94;
refused right to speak at World's Temp. Con., 101;
marries, 128; 131;
jokes A. about bachelor, 142;
preaches in Rochester, 167;
biog. in cycloped., 170;
wd. use Hovey fund for church work, 171;
con. at Niagara, 175;
anecdote of A.'s trying to order breakfast, 176;
demands of married life, 178;
teasing let. on A.'s obtuseness, disappoint. when preaching at
Peterboro, 179;
opp. divorce res., 193;
patriotic ad. Wom. Loyal League, 229; 253;
woman's paper for Mrs. Stn.'s benefit, 299;
A. writes regard. wom. preachers and sermons, 634; 636.
BLACKWELL, ELLEN, 131; 132.
BLACKWELL, DR. ELIZ., originates Sanitary Commission, 239.
BLACKWELL, HENRY B., marries Lucy Stone, 130;
rec. sec. Equal Rights Assn., 260;
accompanies wife to Kan., criticises Greeley and Repubs., 275;
for defeat of wom. suff. in Kan., 304;
rec. sec. Am. Suff. Assn., 328;
offers res. that Am. Equal Rights Assn. be dissolved, 348;
votes for it, 349;
bus. man. Wom. Journal, 361;
writes A. to stand by Repub. party, 416;
cor. sec. Am. W. S. A., 627;
sec. com. on union, 629; 640; 675;
contrib. serv. to S. Dak., 695;
spks. at Chautauqua, 727;
congrat. A. on N. Y. campn., 773;
must have endors. of Repubs. and Popu. in Kan., 780;
Mrs. Johns must stand by her guns, 781;
urges A. to be Repub. or non-partis., 793;
favors res. against Wom. Bible, 854.
BLAINE, JAS. G., tyranny to count citizens in represent. while denying
ballot, 499;
not friend of wom. suff., 594;
death, Repub. leader, 739.
BLAIR, SEN. HENRY W., 500;
rep. in favor wom. suff., 543;
same, 590; 591;
humorous note to A., 606; 607;
secures vote in senate on 16th Amend, 617;
spks. for it, 620;
A. must "fight for life," 626;
ad. suff. con., 647;
at A.'s birthday banq., 664; 665;
by "pious fraud" reads let. from Eng. Suff. Soc., 704;
rep. in favor wom. suff., 718.
BLAKE, LILLIE DEVEREUX, 377;
defends A. in voting, 432; 446;
presents Wom. Dec. of Ind., 478;
on trial by jury, 479; 511;
in Neb. campn., 545;
interviews Gen. Hancock, 520; 628; 629;
in N. Y. campn., 761;
ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., 768;
at N. Y. Demo. Con., 775;
pres. Foremothers' dinner, 802;
A. must manage Stn. birthday, 846;
opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854.
BLATCH, ALICE, 553.
BLATCH, HARRIOT STANTON, trib. to A., 543;
A. visits, 554; 564;
apprec. let. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 602;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666;
ad. Nat'l Con., 675;
at Geneva, N. Y., 900.
BLINN, NELLIE HOLBROOK, pres. Calif. suff. assn., tries to sec. suff.
amend. from legis., on St. Suff. Com., 863;
at Rep. St. Con., 869.
BLOOMER, AMELIA, Sec. Wom. Temp. Con., 67;
dele. Syr. Tem. Con., 69; 83; 93;
gave name to Bloomer costume, let. defending it, 114; 380;
death, 803.
BLOSS, WM. C., 165.
BLUE, HON. RICHARD W., introduces municipal wom. suff. bill in Kan.
Senate, 611; 647.
BLUNT, GEN., 289.
"BLY, NELLIE," interview with A., 858.
BOGELOT, ISABELLE, ad. Sen. Com., 640.
BOND, MRS. CHARLES W., Recep. To Wom. Council, 895.
BOND, ELIZ. POWELL, 152.
BONNEY, C. C., pres. Wom. Cong. Aux., appoints coms., 745;
places A. on advis. com. of various congs., 748;
requests her to spk. for Civil Serv. Com., at Govt. Cong., 750.
BOOTH, MARY L., first pub. appearance, 131;
shows injustice to wom. teachers, 143;
longs to help suff., 146; 155; 316;
love for A., 458;
praises A. and Hist. Wom. Suff., declares belief in wom. suff., 615;
death, 660.
BOTTOME, MARGARET, 702;
tribute to A., 703.
BOWEN, THOS. B., SENATOR, 607.
BOWEN, "UNCLE SAM," 5.
BOWLES, REV. ADA C., at suff. con., 533; 636.
BOWMAN, BISHOP THOS., for wom. suff., 588.
BOYNTON, ELIZABETH, 360. (see Harbert.)
BOYNTON, H. V., 608.
BRADFORD, MARY C. C., invites A. to Colorado women's 4th of July, 775.
BRADLAUGH, CHARLES, 577.
BRADLEY, MR. AND MRS. BENJ., 652.
BRADWELL, JUDGE, 315;
urges measures to unite two suff. org., 350.
BRADWELL, MYRA W., tribute to A., 315; 346;
defends A. for voting, 443;
death, 757.
BRAYTON, HELEN, 812.
BREEDEN, REV. H. O., welc. natl. suff. con., 902.
BREIDENTHAL, JOHN W., ch. Kan. Popu. Com. will leave it with A. as to
her speeches, 794;
confident suff. amend. will carry, 796.
BRICE, MRS. CALVIN, 814.
BRICKNER, MAX, 731.
BRIGHAM, PROF., 76.
BRIGHT, ALBERT, 576.
BRIGHT, JACOB, endorses wom. suff., 368; 564;
presides over wom. suff. meet., 566;
advocates wom. suff. in Parliament, 567.
BRIGHT, JOHN, Lord Rector's ad., 556; 565; 575; 577;
workingmen need franchise, 996.
BRIGHT, URSULA M., demands franchise for married women, 563; 564; 565;
A. visits, son's admiration for her, 577.
BROADHEAD, M. C., 590.
BRODERICK, CASE, M. C., ad. suff. con., 756;
suggests wom. suff. plank for Kan. Repubs., 778;
tries to have it in plat., 779.
BRONTE, ANNE, CHARLOTTE AND EMILY, home and life, 576.
BROOKE, STOPFORD, discouraging attempts at temp. work, 564.
BROOKS, D. C., sustains suff. meet., 544.
BROOKS, JAMES, M. C., franks women's petitions, 268, 295;
thanked by women, 422.
BROOKS, BISHOP PHILLIPS, for wom. suff., 757.
BROOMALL, J. W., endorses wom. suff., 284.
BROTHERTON, ALICE WILLIAMS, 668.
BROWN, REV. ANTOINETTE L. (see Blackwell).
BROWN, B. GRATZ, argues for wom. suff., 266; 318; 415;
franchise a natural right, 979.
BROWN, BERIAH, misrepresents A., 401.
BROWN, CHARLOTTE EMERSON, 720.
BROWN, ELIZABETH, 369.
BROWN, MRS. H. B., 697.
BROWN, JOHN, sleeps in cabin of Merritt Anthony, 144;
memorial meet. in Rochester, 181; 184;
A. visits home and grave, defends his memory, 708.
BROWN, COL. JOHN, 4.
BROWN, REV. JOHN, on Kan. suff. com., 287.
BROWN, SEN. JOS. A., opp. wom. suff., 590;
speech in opp. to wom. suff., 617;
phys. strength nec. for voting, 620.
BROWN, MATTIE GRIFFITH, 234; 260; 327; 350.
BROWN, MAY BELLEVILLE, 726.
BROWN, REV. OLYMPIA, work in Kan., 286;
ballot for woman as well as <DW64>, 304; 387;
on Repub. plat., 422;
defends A. in voting, 432;
A. is North Star, 608; 612;
suit under Wis. sch. suff. law, 624; 628; 629; 659;
A.'s birthday, 670;
in S. Dak., 684; 702.
BROWN, SARAH, 287.
BROWN, SUSAN ANTHONY, 942.
BROWNE, THOS. M., M. C., rep. in fav. wom. suff. 590;
has it printed, A. praises, 591.
BRUCE, SENATOR BLANCHE K., ad. suff. con., 756.
BRYANT, WM. CULLEN, trib. to Berkshire, 13;
condemns mob, 103;
favors wom. suff., 267;
ed. N. Y. Post favored wom. suff., 771.
BUCHANAN, JAMES, 150.
BUCKLEY, PROF. J. W., opp. co-educat., 156.
BUCKLEY, REV. JOHN H., Anna Shaw answers obj. to wom. suff., 710;
deb. suff. with A. Shaw, 727;
cold recep. from audience, 728.
BUDD, GOV. JAMES H., signs bill for suff. amend., 863;
places last on ticket, 889.
BUFFUM, JAS., 131.
BULLARD, LAURA CURTIS, 327; 350;
buys Revolution, 361;
gives it up, 363; 564;
let. and gift to A. on 50th birthday, 975.
BUNNELL, MRS. G. W., pres. Ebell Club, 876.
BURDETTE, ROBT. J., 862.
BURLEIGH, CELIA, 353.
BURLEIGH, WM. H., 69.
BURNETT, ASSEMBLYMAN, spks. agnst. wom. rights, 109.
BURNSIDE, GEN. AMBROSE E., 959.
BURR, FRANCES ELLEN, let. A.'s 50th birthday, 975.
BURT, MARY T., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., 769.
BURTIS, SARAH ANTHONY, teach. in Anthony family, 22;
sec. first W. R. Con., 59;
reminis., 896.
BURTON, CAPTAIN, 552.
BUSH, COL. J. W., introduces A., 809.
BUSHNELL, DR. KATE, spks. at Central Music Hall, Chicago, 640.
BUTLER, GEN. BENJ. F., fine rep. in favor of wom. suff., 382;
let. on wom. right to vote under Constit., 429;
rep. in favor of remit. A.'s fine for voting, 451;
intercedes for inspectors, 452;
in favor of wom. suff., 454;
retained in Eddy will case, 540;
pres. candidate, 594;
fees in Eddy case, 598;
death, 737;
in New Orleans, 959;
Constit. authoriz. right of women to vote, 991.
BUTLER, JOSEPHINE E., writes A., 458;
A. hears speak, 576.
BUTLER, SENATOR AND MRS. MATT. C., 677.
BYRD, PROF. C. E., 808.
BUTLER, DAVID, GOV. (Of Neb.), introduces A., 380.
CADY, MARGARET LIVINGSTON, 279.
CAIRD, MONA, 577.
CALLANAN, JAMES AND MARTHA C., 676; 902.
CAMERON, SENATOR ANGUS, reports in favor wom. suff., 502.
CAMERON, SENATOR DON, grants ten seats to wom. in Repub. con., 518.
CAMP, HERMAN, agnst. wom. delegates, 70.
CAMPBELL, GOV. JOHN A., vetoes bill repealing wom. suff. in Wyoming,
407; 408.
CAMPBELL, MARGARET, in Col. campn, 492.
CAMPBELL, MARY GRAFTON, 830.
CANNON, HON. GEO. Q., 825.
CANTINE, EMMA, 927.
CAREY, JOSEPH M., SENATOR, ad. suff. con., 617; 756;
ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor wom. suff., 769.
CAREY, MRS. JOSEPH M., 617; 823.
CARLISLE, JOHN G., Senator, 718.
CARPENTER, FRANK G., let. on A.'s birthday, 670.
CARPENTER, SEN. MATT. H., 337; 410;
U. S. has no well ordered system of jurisprudence, 451;
favors wom. suff., 500.
CARROLL, ANNA ELLA, plans Tenn. campn., 239.
CARTTER, SUP. JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985.
CARY, ALICE, 316; 343;
writes for Revolution, home and receptions, 358;
cd. not write heart's deepest thoughts, prepares "Born Thrall" for
Rev., dies before finishing it, 359; 360; 368.
CARY, PHOEBE, 316;
poem on A.'s 50th birthday, 342; 343;
tries to unite suff. assns., 346;
proposed ed. of Revolution, 357;
writes for Revolution, home and receptions, 358;
note to A., 359; 360; 368.
CARY, SAMUEL F., declines to assist wom. temp, con., 97;
opp. woman's speaking, 101.
CASEMENT, GEN. J. S. AND MRS. FRANCES M., hospitality to A., 705.
CASWELL, L. B., M. C., reports in favor of wom. suff., 699.
CATT, CARRIE CHAPMAN, 675;
in S. Dak., 685;
shows no hope of success, 693;
"lonesome movement," 694;
A.'s unselfishness, 695;
illness acc't work in S. D., 696;
at Kan. con., 697;
in Col. campaign, 752;
entertains A., 753;
elect. nat'l organizer, 758;
in N. Y. campn., 761;
no hope of suff. in Kan. without party endors., 780;
opens campn. in Kan. City, 784;
ad. Popu. St. Con., 789;
situation in Kan., 792;
amendment will win., 795;
with A. on south. lect. tour, 806;
entertained by Memphis clubs, 807;
at New Or., Greenville, Jackson, 808;
New Decatur, Huntsville, trib. of News, 809;
favors res. against Wom. Bible, 854;
work in Calif. campn., 875;
first app. at Natl. Con., 878; 883;
entertains natl. com., 895;
birthday trib. to A., 907;
ad. N. Y. legis., 914;
western conferences, 929;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
trib. to A. at Berk. Hist. meet. compares to Galileo, future
pilgrimages to birthplace, 942.
CHACE, ELIZ. BUFFUM, 90th birthday, 896.
CHACE, JONATHAN, SENATOR, for suff., 621.
CHADWICK, REV. JOHN, 346.
CHAMBERS, REV. JOHN, calls wom. deleg. "scum of con.," 89;
insults Miss Brown on platform, 101.
CHANDLER, SENATOR, ZACH., 460.
CHANLER, MARGARET LIVINGSTONE, ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor wom.
suff., 768.
CHANNING, W M. H., begin. of friendship for A., 58;
visits Anthony home, 60; 93;
defends Antoinette Brown at temp. con., 102;
prep. call for W. R. con. and leads it, 104;
audience at Albany refuses to hear, 108;
writes appeal for wom. suff., 110;
corporal awkward squad, 112;
opp. bloomer dress, 115;
compli. Hist. Wom. Suff. 531;
loves America, 554;
returns to early beliefs, 563;
death, 595.
CHANT, LAURA ORMISTON, ad. Sen. Com., spks. Central Music Hall,
Chicago, 640;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666; 672.
CHAPIN, REV. EDWIN H., 192.
CHAPMAN, MARIA WESTON, compli. A., 154.
CHAPMAN, MARIANA W., in N. Y. campn., 761;
pres. N. Y. Suff. Ass'n sends birthday greet. to A., 907;
ad. N. Y. legis., 914.
CHAPMAN, NANCY M., registers and votes, 424.
CHATFIELD, HANNAH, regis. and votes, 424.
CHEEVER, REV. GEO. B., 173; 174;
approves A.'s work, 182; 192.
CHENEY BROS., present to A., 549.
CHENEY, EDNAH D., at Fed. clubs, 721.
CHENEY, MR. AND MRS., gift to A., 976.
CHILD, LYDIA MARIA, 253; first ed. A. S. Standard, petit, for suff.
declared "inopportune" by Sumner, 265; 276; 549; 935.
CHILDS, GEO. W., 480;
gives A. money and souvenir, 538;
sends A. $100, 607;
death, 756.
CHOATE, JOSEPH H., pres. N. Y. Consti. Con., uses influence agnst.
wom. suff., 767;
votes agnst. suff. amend., fears to injure polit. prospects, 771.
CHOATE, MRS. JOSEPH H., petit, for suff., 764;
not represented by husb., 771.
CHURCHILL, MRS. JEROME, 404.
CLAFLIN, TENNIE C., 376.
CLAPP, ELIZA J., leaves A. $1,000, 763.
CLAPP, HANNAH H., introd. A. in '71, '95, 826.
CLARK, EMILY, temp. speaker, travels with A., 71; 87;
at Brick church meet., 90.
CLARK, HELEN BRIGHT, 576.
CLARK, JAMES G., 200.
CLARK, NANCY HOWE, Teacher's Trib. To Mr. and Mrs. A., 22; 47.
CLARK, SIDNEY M. C., 247;
endorses wom. suff. 284;
A. compliments, 960; 962.
CLARKSON, THOMAS, A. visits old home, 569.
CLAY, HENRY, preaches liberty attended by a slave, 42.
CLAY, LAURA, 511; 806; 807;
at Atlanta con., 811;
favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854; 940.
CLAY, MARY B., 511; 628.
CLAY, MARY J. WARFIELD, 511; 806.
CLAY-KLOPTON, MRS., 809.
CLAYTON, COL. V. P., 812.
CLEMMER, MARY, describes con., trib. to A., 340; 360;
scene in senate when petits. were pres. 485;
scores Sen. Wadleigh, strong argument for wom. suff., 501; 548.
CLEVELAND, GROVER, 594;
rec. Wom. Intl. Council, 637;
signs bill admit. Utah, 851.
CLEVELAND, MRS. GROVER, rec. Wom. Intl. Council, 637.
CLYMER, ELLA DEITZ, 704.
COATES, SARAH CHANDLER, 895.
COBBE, FRANCES POWER, 368; 566; 577.
COBDEN, JANE, 565; 576.
COCHRAN, HON. JOHN, how to fool the women, 418.
COCKRELL, SEN. FRANCIS M., opp. wom. suff., 590; 591; 608; 677.
COFFEEN, HENEY A., M. C., ad. suff. con., 756.
COKE, LORD, on taxation without representation, 969.
COGSWELL, MR. ----, compli. A., 535.
COLBY, CLARA B., first meets A., 493; 511; 541;
manages Neb. campn., 541;
in Kan. campn., 609;
A.'s eloquence at Madison, 612; 628; 629;
council issue of Wom. Trib., 633;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666;
compli. in Wom. Trib., 671; 672;
on S. Dak. com., 675;
in campn., 685;
at Neb. and Kan. cons., 697;
in Atlanta, 811;
objects to res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 852; 857;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
at Berk. Hist. meet., trib. to A., love of justice, home,
life-work, 944;
Anthony homestead shd. be purchased, 945.
COLE, HON. A. N., sustains wom. delegates, 70.
"COLE, CATHARINE," 597.
COLEMAN, LUCY N., 178; 216; 229.
COLLINS, JENNIE, at Natl. Con., 337; 349.
COLLYER, RBT., endorses wom. suff., 284; 371; 372; 373;
beautiful pict. in pulpit, 802.
COLLYER, ROBT. LAIRD, spks. agnst. wom. suff., 316.
COLVIN, HON. ANDREW J., champions woman's rights, 189.
CONDIT, REV., opp. woman's rights, 88.
CONKLING, ROSCOE, 410; A.'s trial for voting, 441; 485;
defeats com. on wom. rights, 527.
CONWAY, MONCURE D., A. visits, 563;
delighted with A.'s speech, 565.
CONWAY, MRS. MONCURE D., 563.
CONWAY, MILDRED, 566.
COONLEY, LYDIA AVERY, 711; 720;
entertains A. dur. World's Fair, 750;
gift, 751; 841.
COOPER, HARRIET, affect, let. to A., 820;
meets A. at ferry, 826;
sends money for A. to come Calif, to help in suff. campn., 861;
meets A., 862;
rec. sec. campn. com., 863.
COOPER, PETER, 422.
COOPER, SARAH B., On Hist. Wom. Suff., 616;
pres. Calif. Wom. Cong., 819;
sends A. money to come to Calif., loving letters, 820;
meets A. and Miss Shaw at ferry, 826;
at Congreg. church, San Fr.;
pres. Woman's Cong., 827;
gives A. and Miss Shaw freedom of speech;
trib. to A., 828;
chmn. campn. com., consecrates herself to suff., 829;
takes A. to minister's meet., 830;
chmn. 4th July wom. com., refused permission for A. Shaw to speak,
gains her point, rides in procession, 836;
sympathy for A., 842;
appeals to A. for help in Calif. campn., 861;
meets at ferry, 862; 863;
suff. plank in Repub. platform, 871;
at Demo. St. Con., 872;
at Portland Wom. Cong., 877.
CORLISS, DR. HIRAM, 45; 902.
COUDERT, FREDERICK, for wom. suff., 764.
COUZINS, PHOEBE, 322; 327; 349; 360;
urges A. and Mrs. Stn. to resume head of Natl. Assn., 382;
presents Wom. Dec. of Ind. at Centennial, 478; 479;
compli. A.'s management of Wash. cons., 495;
welcomes suff. con. to St. Louis, recep. to A., 506;
ad. Cong. Com., 511; 517;
dele. to Natl. Prohib. Con., 520;
at Mott memorial serv., 527;
in Neb. campn., 545;
A. sends $100, 608;
meets A. at station, 609;
A. makes her life memb. of Natl. Assn., 659;
at A.'s birthday banq., 665;
A. gives money, 672.
COWAN, SEN. EDGAR, moves to strike "male" from D. C. Suff. Bill,
266; 422.
CRAMER, MRS., 381.
CRAMPTON, REV. R. C., 87.
CRAVATH, PRES. ERASTUS M., invites A. to ad. students Mt. Union Coll.,
928.
CRAWFORD, S. G., endorses wom. suff., 284.
CRITTENDEN, A. P., 390.
CROLY, "JENNY JUNE," 353; 720.
CROMWELL, OLIVER, 1014.
CROSBY, ABBY BURTON, 327.
CROWELL, EX-MAYOR, 248.
CROWLEY, RICHARD, U. S. Dist. Atty., examines A. for having voted, 427;
threatens to move trial into another county, 435;
does so, 436;
two hrs. speech in prosecut. A., 438;
says A. had fair trial by jury, 450.
CULVER, PRES. & MRS., 598.
CULVER, JUDGE E. D., 330.
CULVER, MARY, registers and votes, 424.
CUMMINGS, ---- ---- MISS, A.'s Birthday, 671.
CUNNINGHAM, STEPHEN M., 393.
CURTIS, ELIZ. BURRILL, ad. N. Y. legis., 914.
CURTIS, EUGENE T., spks. for suff., 762.
CURTIS FAMILY, 395.
CURTIS, GEO. WM., hissed at W. R. con., 163;
lect. on Fair Play for Women, dislikes term, "woman's rights," 167;
objects to Ernestine L. Rose, replies to A.'s criticism,
172; 233; 270;
stands by women, presents Mrs. Greeley's petit., 279;
argu. for wom. suff. bef. N. Y. Constit. Con., real support comes
from Repubs., 280;
endorses suff., 284; 373;
let. on A.'s birthday, 669;
death, 737;
ed. Harper's Weekly fav. wom. suff., 771;
daught. Eliz. Burrill ad. N. Y. legis., 914.
CURTIS, MARY B. F., votes, 447.
CURTIS, NEWTON M., ad. suff. con., 756.
CUTLER, HANNAH M. TRACY, lectures with A., 178; 629; 902.
DAHLGREN, MRS. ADMIRAL, 372;
petit. agnst. wom. suff., 377.
DALL, CAROLINE H., 131;
conservative con., 196; 253.
DALLAS, MARY KYLE, 316.
DANA, CHAS. A., not enough women ask for suff., 760.
DANA, RICHARD H., lect. against women, 59.
DANFORTH, JUDGE GEO. F., presides suff. meet., 762;
invites A. to meet Justices Appellate Court, 896.
DANIELS, ASSO. JUSTICE, P. V. citizenship means entire equality, 984.
DANIELS, HATTIE, 553.
DARLING, ANNA B., 341.
DAVIES, CHARLES, LL.D., Pres. State Teach. Con., 98;
agnst. woman's right to speak, 99;
agnst. co-educa., 155;
reads first cable, 163.
DAVIS, EDWARD M., wants woman to wait till <DW64> is enfranchised, 314;
pres. Cit. Suff. Assn. tenders A. recep., 546; 550;
death, 645.
DAVIS, MRS. EDWARD M., A. visits, 895.
DAVIS, ISABELLA CHARLES, letter to A., 773.
DAVIS, JOHN, M. C., ad. suff. con., 756.
DAVIS, OLIVE, 905.
DAVIS, PAULINA WRIGHT, at Syracuse W. R. Con., 72;
pres. cons., 1850-1851, 75;
work in 1840-48, 82;
discouraged with women, 130; 253; 327;
entertains A., Mrs. Stan, and Mrs. Hooker, 332; 349;
gives $500 to Rev., 356; 358;
arranges 20th suff. annivers., 367;
ill and sends for A., 368;
20 yrs. Hist. of W. R. movement, her early work, 369; 372; 375; 376;
at N. Y. con., 384;
death, 481.
DAVIS, WILLIAM H., invites A. to 4th of July celebration, rejoices in
her work, 835.
DAVITT, MICHAEL, asks all for wom., 575; 775.
DAWES, H. L., SENATOR, for suff., 621;
on A.'s birthday, 671.
DEAN, JOHN C. AND LILLIAN WRIGHT, 904.
DEBS, EUGENE V., invites A. to lecture, 503.
DE GARMO, RHODA, votes, 424;
death, 447.
DELAVAN, MRS. E. C., Wom. Temp. Con., 67.
DELIVERGE, DORIS AND HULDAH, employ A. as teacher, 24.
DE LONG, JAS. C., A. S. assn. formed at house, 210.
DEMOREST (MME.), LOUISE, 282.
DEPEW, CHAUNCEY M. for wom. suff., 764.
DEPUY, MARIA WILDER, 615.
DERAISMES, MARIA, 652.
D'ESTRIA, DORA (see Koltzoff Massalsky).
DETCHON, ADELAIDE, 566.
DEVOE, EMMA SMITH, 657;
offers services to A., 684.
DEVOE, J. H., invites A. to S. Dak., 657.
DEYO, REV. AMANDA, 702.
D'HERICOURT MME., 322.
DICKINSON, ALBERT, criticises A.'s style of let. writing, 40; 242.
DICKINSON, ANN ELIZA, 408.
DICKINSON, ANNA, her work, let. on war, 220;
aid to Union, 239; 246;
will work for wom. suff, 258;
first speech for W. R., 262; 276;
indignat. over refusal of N. Y. Constit. Con. to adopt wom, suff.,
280;
described by Nellie Hutchinson, criticises Phillips, declares
emancipated black woman no better off than slave, 303; 304; 309;
replies to Robt. Laird Collyer, 316;
first to suggest Amend. XV, wd. be needed, 317;
enthusiastic let., 320;
sp. "Nothing Unreasonable," 327;
tired of lecturing, devoted to A., 345;
gives Mrs. Phelps $1,000 through friendship for A., 360;
talks of editing Rev., 361; 370;
criticised for lect. on social questions, 469; 859;
let. and gifts to A. on 50th birthday, 975; 995.
DICKINSON, CHARLES, 575;
$300 to A, 707.
DICKINSON, DR. FRANCES, 575;
arranges Social Purity meet., 640;
Isabella Mem., 655.
DICKINSON, MARY LOWE, ad. suff. con., 756;
needs A.'s face at Sherry meet., 773;
pres. Wom. Council, 815;
urges A. to manage Stn. birthday, 846;
makes it a success, 847; 848;
trib. to A., 850;
New Years greet. to A., suff. cause most important, 901.
DIETRICK, ELLEN BATTELLE, death, trib. of A., 849.
DIGGS, ANNIE L., on Kan. wom. suff. com., 781;
pres. suff. mass meet. in Topeka, 787;
demands wom. suff. plank from Kan. Popu. con., 789;
shakes hands with delegates, 790;
writes A. glad Popu. con. endorses wom. suff., audiences in favor,
urges her to take part in campn., 795;
fav. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854.
DILKE, MRS. ASHTON, 651.
DINGEE, MARTHA PARKER, A., 609.
DIX, DOROTHEA, work in war, 239.
DOANE, BISHOP WM. CROSWELL, organizes remonstrants agnst. wom. suff.
765.
DODGE, MARY MAPES, 799.
DOGGETT, KATE N., 327;
entertains A., 330;
let. and gift to A. on 50th birthday, 976.
DOLLEY, DR. SARAH C., 446;
A. visits, 653.
DOLPH, SEN. JOSEPH N., on admis. Wash. Ter. with wom. suff., 607; 608;
speech in favor wom. suff., 618;
sympathy with wom. suff., 716.
DOLPH, MRS. JOSEPH N., 607.
DOUGLASS, FREDERICK, moves to Roch. and estab. North Star, 59;
visits Anthony home, 60; 93;
favors A. as sec. of temp. soc., 95; 163;
silenced by mob, 165;
flees to Eng., 181; 198;
on death of Stephen A. Douglas, 215; 216;
at funeral D. Anthony, 224; 233; 260;
brands Demo. help to women a trick, 263;
ridiculed by N. Y. World, 264; 270;
asks women to take back seat, 304;
deserts wom. for <DW64> suff., 317;
forces indorse. Amend. XV, encounter with A., 323; 350;
at welcomes bolt from heaven or hell, 381;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Con., 377;
prayed with heels, 457; 527; 548;
ad. 30th suff. annivers., 495;
second marriage, 586;
let. on wom. suff. and first W. R. con., 634;
death, A. spks. funeral, 814; 904; 934.
DONLEVEY, ALICE, sec. Art Ass'n. desires to make A.'s statue, 734.
DOOLITTLE, HON. JAS. R., A. and Mrs. Hooker interview, 417.
DOSTER, JUDGE FRANK, for women suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. con., 789.
DOUGLAS, STEPHEN A., "King of Compromise," 215.
DOW, NEAL, pres. temp, con., 101;
society shd. control liquor traffic, 93;
on A.'s birthday, 670.
DOWNER, EZRA, leads mob, 211.
DOWNING, GEORGE, opp. wom. suff., 314.
DRAKE, GOV. FRANCIS M., welcomes Natl. Suff. con., 902.
DRAPER, MR. AND MRS. E. D., 282.
DU BOSE, MIRIAM HOWARD, arr. suff. con., 810;
A. visits, 812.
DUFFIELD, REV. GEO., 87.
DUNIWAY, ABIGAIL SCOTT, manages A.'s lecture tour, 395; 397; 398;
writes of A.'s success, 399;
comment on Repub. plank, 476;
A. sends $100, 592; 629;
congrat. A. on triumph in Cal., 871;
pres. Wom. Cong. invites A. to Portland, 877.
DUNSMORE, J. M., at Kan. Popu. con., 790.
EAGLE, GOV. JAS. B., introd. A. to aud., 649.
EAGLE, MRS. JAMES B., chmn. World's Fair com., urges A. to furnish
stenog. rep. of address, 749.
EASTMAN, MARY F., spks. at suff. con., 533; 607; 628;
rec. sec. Natl. Council, 639.
EATON, MR. (KAN.), 519.
EDDY, ELIZA JACKSON, A. visits, 131;
leaves large sum to A., 539;
legacy paid to A. and Lucy Stone, 598;
bequest used for Hist. Wom. Suff., 614.
EDDY, THE MISSES, determined to carry out mother's wishes, 540.
EDDY, SARAH J., meets A. first time, strong friendship, 601.
EDMUNDS, SENATOR GEO. F., presents petit. agnst. wom. suff., 377;
insult. report agnst. remitting A.'s fine for voting, 451;
compliments A., 511.
ELDER, P. P., opp. wom. suff. plank in Kan. Popu. plat., 788.
ELIOT, CHAS. W., Pres., remonstrates agnst. wom. suff., 620.
ELIOT, GEO., 733.
ELIOT, SENATOR THOMAS D., 236.
ELIOT, REV. T. L., 395.
ELIOT, MRS. T. L., 400.
ELIOT, REV. WM. G., 395;
soc. purity, on contagious diseases, 1005.
ELLET, E. F., cares for wronged mother and child, 202.
ELLIOTT, MAJOR, 407.
EMERSON, RALPH WALDO, accepts A.'s inv. to lecture, flowery
description women voting, 132;
not enough freedom under lyceum bureau, 190;
defers to wife, 251; 563;
"thorn in side of friend," 667;
"wholesome discontent," 714;
"men what mothers made," 1011.
EMERSON, MRS. RALPH WALDO, approves wom. suff., 251.
ERSKINE, HON. AND MRS. M. B., 611.
ESKRIDGE, C. V., opp. wom. suff., 281;
res. agnst., 283;
opp. wom. suff. at Kan. Repub. Con., 785.
ESTEE, MORRIS M., citizen's right to free ballot does not include
women, 642.
ESTLIN, MARY, 577.
EUSTIS, SENATOR, agnst. wom. suff., 608;
"nursing mother" argument, 618.
EVERHARD, CAROLINE MCCULLOUGH, woman governed more by principle and
less by prej., 854.
FAIR, SENATOR JAS. G., reports agnst. wom. suff., 543;
opp. wom. suff., 590.
FAIR, LAURA D., 391.
FAIRMAN, COL. HENRY CLAY, advocates wom. suff., 810.
FAITHFULL, EMILY, 368; 564.
FANNING, J. D., sustains A. at Teach. Con., 100.
FARNHAM, G. L., stands by A. at Teach. Con., 164;
invites A. to ad. Neb. Normal Sch., 728.
FARNHAM, ELIZA W., 252;
early work, 369.
FARWELL, CHAS. B., SENATOR, in favor wom. suff., 621.
FASSETT, MRS. J. SLOAT, 803.
FAWCETT, HENRY, 577.
FAWCETT, MILLICENT GARRETT, 577.
FENTON, MRS. REUBEN E., entertains A., 642.
FERGUSON. MRS. J. M., 808.
FERRY, SENATOR THOMAS W., pres. Centennial celebra. refuses
recognition to women, 477; 478;
presents wom. petit., 500;
introduces bill for 16th amend., 511;
reports in favor wom. suff., 543.
FIELD, JUSTICE AND MRS. STEPH. J., 677.
FIELD, DAVID DUDLEY, legal status of women, 185.
FIELD, KATE, ad. suff. con., 756;
scores A. for affiliating with Populists, 791.
FIELDS, ADELE M., petit, for wom. suff., 764.
FIERO, J. NEWTON, opp. to wom. suff., 769; 770.
FILLMORE, MILLARD, 329; present at A.'s trial, 436.
FISHER, P. M., chmn. 4th July com. inv. Miss Shaw to spk., 836.
FITCH, CHAS. E., trib. to A., 673.
FLOWER, GOV. ROSWELL P., appoints A. trustee St. Industrial School,
730;
recommends wom. in N. Y. Constit. Con., 758.
FOLGER, CHARLES J., women must not discuss social evil, 273.
FOLTZ, CLARA, tries to secure suff. amend. from Calif. legis., 863.
FOOTE, DR. E. B., 446.
FOOTE, HON. SAMUEL G., contemptuous report on wom. petit., 140.
FOOTE, W. W., opposes wom. suff. in Calif. Demo. Con., 874.
FORAKER, J. B., refuses to hear A. on wom. suff., 723.
FORD, ----, MR., composes music for song to A., 548.
FORD, HANNAH, A. visits, 576.
FORNEY, COL. JOHN W., fights under banner of A., 487.
FOSS (DRIVER), 394.
FOSTER, ABBY KELLY, first meets A., 63; 87; 88; 91;
A. center and soul of temp. cause, 93; 132; 150;
compli. A.'s anti-slav. work, 182;
encourages A., 222; 253;
early work, 369; 935.
FOSTER, J. ELLEN, 511; 525;
invites A. to ad. W. C. T. U. Con., 537;
loving message to A., 598; 723;
cares more for Repub. party than for suff., 785;
presents claims of wom. at Kan. Repub. Con., 786.
FOSTER, J. HERON, 527.
FOSTER, MRS. J. HERON, 527;
contrib. $500 to Neb., 545;
present, to A., 549;
death, 603.
FOSTER, JULIA T., 511; 527; 550; 701.
FOSTER, RACHEL G. (See AVERY).
FOSTER, STEPHEN S., first meets A., 63;
lect. under A.'s management, 138; 150; 208; 246;
loyal to women, 270;
suggests A. and Mrs. Stn. withdraw from E. R. Assn., 322.
FOULKE, WM. DUDLEY, 629;
ad. Natl. Am. con., 675;
chmn. Govt. Cong. World's Fair, women took more interest than men,
750.
FOWLER & WELLS, publish Hist. Wom. Suff., 530;
agreement with A., 599;
sell rights to A., 600.
FOWLER, PROFESSOR L. N., 83.
FOWLER, REV., opp. wom. rights, 70;
condemns women workers in reform, 89.
FOWLER, LYDIA F., at wom. temp. meet., 65;
entertains A., 83.
FOX, GEORGE, 569.
FOX, SISTERS, 58.
FRANCIS & LOUTREL, present A. with receipted bill, 468.
FRANKLIN, BENJ., in what freedom consists, poor need votes more than
rich, 990.
FREDERICK THE GREAT, 560.
FREDERICK, WILLIAM, 560.
FRELINGHUYSEN, SEN. F. F., 410; State Rights, 991.
FREMONT, JESSIE BENTON, 234; beautiful women at suff. con., 337.
FREMONT, GEN. JOHN C., proclaimed freedom to <DW64>s, 959.
FROTHINGHAM, REV. O. B., 192; 322; 351; 563.
FULLER, MARGARET, 131;
early work, 369.
FULLER, CHIEF-JUSTICE MELVILLE W., 660.
FULTON, REV. JUSTIN, debates with A. at Detroit, 345.
FURNESS, REV. WM. H., 478.
GADEN, MINNA V., delight at A.'s visit to Calif., 819.
GAGE, FRANCIS D., 102;
holds W. R. meet. with A., 138;
at N. Y. con., 163; 178;
spks. for Wom. Loyal League, 233;
compli. of N. Y. Independ., 253;
Vice-pres. E. R. Assn., 260;
death, 595.
GAGE, MATILDA J., first appearance at W. R. con., 75;
answers Rev. Sunderland, 79;
spks. at Saratoga, 121; 327; 360;
pays A. $100, 365;
call for forming new party, 413;
urges wom. to work for Repub. party, 418;
speaks for Repub. platform, 422;
defends A. for voting, 432;
issues call for con., 434;
spks. in 16 places on "The U. S. on trial, not S. B. A.," present
at trial, 436;
manages Wash. con., 472;
opens Centennial headqrs., 475;
prepares Wom. Dec. of Ind., 476;
presents it, 478;
on habeas corpus, 479;
appeal for 16th Amend., 483; 495;
ad. to Pres. Hayes, 500;
edits Ballot-Box, 510; 511;
ad. Greenback Labor Con., 518;
work on Hist. of Wom. Suff., 531; 601;
sells Hist. rights to A., 613; 628; 659;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666;
let. to A. on 50th birthday, 975; 993.
GALILEO, A., born on his birthday, 943.
GANNETT. REV. W. C., let. on A.'s birthday, 670;
on Lowell, 712;
invites A. to spk. at Thanks, serv., 714;
sermons, 719; 730;
birthday recep. to A., 739; 806;
raises money for A. to take secy. to Calif., 862;
trib. to Mary Anthony, 916.
GANNETT, MARY LEWIS, let. on A.'s birthday, 670; 739; 806;
ad. on A.'s birthday, 860; 862;
presides at banq. to A., 895.
GARDNER, REV. C. B., does not favor wom. suff., 709.
GARFIELD, JAMES A., favors civil equality of women, not polit. equal,
520;
not ready for wom. suff., 521;
death, made no will, religion, 536.
GARRISON, ELLEN WRIGHT, marriage, 241;
"unchristian to sit in judgment," 301;
cares for A. while ill, 701; 895;
to A. on 50th birthday, 975.
GARRISON, WM. L., visits Anthony home, 60; 73;
scores temp. con. treatment of wom., 101; 102;
opposes bloomer dress, 115;
at home, 131;
thanks A. for hospitality, 141;
message to A., 151;
characteristic let., Mason, of Virginia, on Bunker Hill, 152;
abolit. without backbone, 161; 162; 182; 185; 192;
favors divorce res., 194;
urges A. to restore child to father, 203;
yields to A.'s logic, 204;
last W. R. meet. Albany, before war, 212;
people wait his word on war, 214;
A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to woman, 225;
believes Anti-Slav. Soc. shd. be disbanded, 245;
declines re-elect, as pres., 246; 259; 270; 284;
deserts woman for <DW64> suff., 317;
too soon for 16th Amend., 484; 495;
death, 508; 529; 549;
fath. Mrs. H. Villard, 849; 935;
A. compared to, 953.
GARRISON,. MRS. W. L., at home, 131;
goes with A. to visit Mrs. Phillips, 219.
GARRISON, WM. L., JR., marriage, 241;
let. on A.'s birthday, 669; 675;
A. as guest while ill, 701;
sympathet. let. to A., 793; 895.
GEARY, GOV. JOHN W., favors women at ballot-box, 310.
GEORGE, SENATOR J. Z., reports agnst. wom. suff., 543; 718.
GIBBONS, ABBY HOPPER, 83; opp. divorce res., 194;
cares for wronged mother and child, 202; 304;
death, 737;
to A. on birthday, 974.
GILBERT, MARY F., 234.
GLADSTONE, WILLIAM E., 553;
act on wom. suff. bill, 593; 741;
A. compared to, 952.
GODSE, MR. AND MRS. W. S., 388.
GODDARD, MRS. J. WARREN, 764.
GOEG, MME. MARIE, 360.
GOODALE, DORA, Berkshire poem, 2.
GOODALE, ELAINE, 1.
GOODELLE, WM. P., opp. wom. suff., 771.
GOODRICH, SARAH L. KNOX, 405;
gift to A., 492;
asks Estee if "free ballot" plank includes women, 642;
work for S. Dak., 685;
entertains A., 831; 832; 863;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
donat. to Calif. suff. campn., 888.
GORDON, ANNA, 609;
joy over A.'s laurels, 747.
GORDON, LAURA DE FORCE, 404;
arrang. lectures for A., 405;
at Natl. Lib. Con., 415;
tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., 863.
GORHAM, MRS. E. J., 833.
GOTTHEIL, RABBI, for wom. suff., 764.
GOUGAR, HELEN M., 541; 545; 626; 628; 629.
GOUGH, JOHN B., 60.
GOULD, FRANK, smothers wom. suff. plank, 873; 874.
GOVE, MARY S., early work, 369.
GRAHAM, JOHN, 352.
GRANT, U. S., 377;
recognition of citizen's rights, 417;
first to appoint women postmasters, 418;
pardons inspectors who recd. A.'s vote, 452;
appointed 5,000 wom. postmasters, 455;
did not protect <DW64>'s ballot, 522;
four million people made voters by Amend. XV., 991.
GRANT, MRS. U. S., 381;
70th birthday luncheon, A. rec. with her, 858.
GRAY, ALMEDIA, suit under Wis. school suff. law. 624.
GREATOREX, ELIZA, birthday gift to A., 976.
GREELEY, HORACE, advocates co-educat. at People's College, 64;
tells women how to manage con., 66; 83;
as host, 86;
shows up action of men at Brick church meeting, 89;
temp. tracts, church matters, 97;
condemns mob at W. R. con., 103;
pub. A.'s program without charge, 122;
favors woman in politics, believes she shd. judge for herself, 125;
disgruntled with suff. advocates, 146;
recog. rights of women, 147; 192;
thunders agnst. divorce, 194;
emancip. of <DW64>s, 221;
A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to women, 225; 263;
ridicules ballot for woman, 267; 270;
encounter with A., 278;
chmn. suff. com. in N. Y. Constitut. Con., 279;
anger over wife's petit., forbids Mrs. Stn.'s name in Tribune, 280;
favors wom. suff. in May, opp. in Oct., 281; 290;
bids women stand aside, 300;
pres. Hester Vaughan meet., 309;
deserts wom. suff., 317;
at McFarland-Richardson marriage, 351;
does not desire help of women in campn., 420;
Repubs. fear his election, 421;
death, 428;
opp. wom. suff. in Constitut. Con. of 1867, 771;
urges workingmen to vote Whig ticket, 999.
GREELEY, MRS. H., 83;
as hostess, 86;
choice of husband, 87;
gets suff. petit. in own county, 279; 280; 304;
not represent. by husband, 771.
GREELEY, IDA, 279; 327.
GREEN, REV. BERIAH, 193; 208;
attitude of abolit. toward war, 214.
GREEN, DR. CORDELIA, 901.
GREEN, MRS. NEWTON, 642.
GREENLEAF, HALBERT S., friend of suff., 583; 713;
introd. res. for 16th Amend. in House, 718; 772; 806.
GREENLEAF, JEAN BROOKS, 711; 729;
indignation at omission of women in charter, 732;
recep. to A., 739;
nominated dele. to Consti. Con., 759;
work for wom. suff. amend. in N. Y., 760;
trib. to Mary S. Anthony, 761;
at suff. rally, 762;
before N. Y. Consti. Con., 768;
trib. to A., 772;
before res. Com. at Rep. con., 774;
at N. Y. Dem. con., 775; 806;
on Wom. Bible res. 856;
ad. on A.'s birthday, 860;
at Mary Anthony's recep., 816.
GREENWOOD, GRACE, describes women at suff. con., 314; 561; 566;
at A.'s recep., 739.
GREW, MARY, first meets A., 122; 193; 251;
congrat. A. on Wyoming, 676; 902.
GRIFFING, JOSEPHINE S., founds Freedmen's Bureau, 239; 260;
pres. D. C. Suff. Assn., 313; 327; 350; 372; 377;
suff. headqrs. at Capitol, encouraging signs, 381; 383; 387.
GRIFFITH, MRS., yields time to A., 609.
GRIFFITH, MATTIE, (See BROWN).
GRIMKE, ANGELINA. (See WELD).
GRIMKE, SARAH, early work, 369.
GRIPENBERG, BARONESS ALEXANDRA, 641.
GROSS, SAMUEL E., 750; 841.
GROSS, MRS. SAMUEL E., entertains A. during World's Fair, 750;
let. and gift to A., 751;
gift, 757;
presents A. $1,000, velvet cloak, etc., 803;
entertains A. in Chi. and St. Louis, 821;
gift to A., 841;
statuette with A.,862;
New Yrs. gift to A., 900;
present to Mary Anthony, 916.
GROTH, SOPHIA MAGELSSON, ad. Sen. Com., 640.
GROVER, A. J., at A.'s lecture in Chi., 468.
GULLEN, DR. AUGUSTA S., 658.
HAGAR, DANIEL B., principal Canajoharie Acad., girls' high school,
Salem, Mass., 49.
HAIR, MINETTE CHESHIRE, descrip. of rooms where biog. was writ., 910.
HALDERMAN, MAYOR JOHN A., 287.
HALE, JOHN P., 226.
HALE, HON. MATTHEW, opp. to wom. suff., 769; 770.
HALL, ISRAEL, gift to A., 492.
HALL, N. K., U. S. Dist. Judge, hears argu. in A.'s case, 428;
denies writ of hab. corp. and increases bail, 432;
present at A.'s trial but refuses to assist, 437.
HALL, OLIVIA B., gift to A., 492; 658;
hospitality and generos. to A., 755;
at Toledo, 756; 862.
HALL, DR. SARAH C., 697.
HALL, WM. B., election inspector, 423;
tried without being brought into court, 444.
HALLOCK, FRANCES V., 234.
HALLOCK, SARAH, 159.
HALLOWELL, WM. R., signs call for woman's temp, con., 67.
HALLOWELL, WILLIAM AND MARY, their home A.'s Mecca, 104; 446.
HALLOWELL, MARY, 177; Phillips' lunch, 217; 711; 806.
HAMILTON, ALEXANDER, right over subsistence, power over moral being,
385; 1007.
HAMILTON, EMERINE J., leaves $500 to A., 654.
HAMILTON, GAIL, bright let., 322.
HAMILTON, MARGARET V., 654.
HAMLIN, HANNIBAL, 339.
HAMMOND, NATH. J., St. Sen., 189.
HAMMOND, DR. WM. A., pres. Six O'clock Club, 648.
HAMPTON, WADE, pres. Demo. Natl. Con., 519.
HANAFORD, REV. PHEBE A., 322; 636.
HANCOCK, GEN., favors wom. claims, 520.
HARBERT, ELIZABETH BOYNTON, 360; 511;
welcomes suff. con., 517;
let. to A., 535;
first to suggest natl. celebrat. A.'s birthday, 542;
A. visits, 609; 628; 668.
HARLAN, SENATOR JAMES, grants wom. hearing before Senate com., 314.
HARPER, IDA H., State sec. Ind. arranges cons., 626;
cor. sec. campn. com. in Calif., 863;
chmn. Press com. visits with A., eds. daily papers in San Fr., 866;
work on papers, 867; 868;
at Rep. St. Con., 869;
descrip. of A. and Miss Shaw bef. res. com., 870;
scene in Dem. con., 873;
A. invites to write her biog., work begins, 909;
writing of book, 910;
in attic workrooms, 911;
visits with A. at Mrs. Osborne's, 917;
goes with A. to Sargent home, Thousand Islands, 926;
at Anthony homestead, 940.
HARPER, WINNIFRED, edits suff. dept. San Fr. Report, 866.
HARRIS, SENATOR, presents Woodhull petit., 375.
HARRISON, BENJAMIN, A. and Mrs. Sewall write open let., 642;
open let. from them on "free ballot" plank in Repub. plat., 1013.
HARRISON, MRS. BENJ., 660;
rec. Wom. Council, 703.
HARRISON, CARTER, escorts A. to plat. of Demo. Natl. Con., 519.
HASKELL, ASST. ATTY.-GEN. ELLA KNOWLES, at Wash. con., 851.
HASLAM, MRS., 572.
HATCH, REV. JUNIUS, indecent speech agnst. women, 76.
HAVEN, BISHOP GILBERT, spks. at suff. con., 322;
favors wom. suff., 588.
HAVENS, MR. AND MRS. F. C., entertain A., 877.
HAWLEY, GENEVIEVE LEL, priv. sec. to A., assists in biog., 909.
HAWLEY, GEN. JOSEPH R., refuses women permis. to read their Dec. of
Ind., 477; 478.
HAWTHORNE, REV. J. B., preaches agnst. wom. suff., 810.
HAY, MARY G., manag. meet, in N. Y. campn., 761;
ch. St. Cent. Com. Calif. campn., 863;
manages county cons., 864;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
takes charge headqrs. in San Fr., 875.
HAY, JUDGE WM., helps A. at Saratoga con., 120;
assists A., dedicates and wills novel to her, 144; 157.
HAYES, RUTHERFORD B., 499;
forgets women, 500;
can not protect <DW64>'s ballot, 522;
friend of wom. suff., 757.
HAYES, MRS. RUTHERFORD B., at Luc. Mott memorial, 526.
HAYFORD, J. H., history of suff. law in Wyoming, 407;
on its working, 497.
HAZELTINE, L., rebukes A. for speaking in public, 143.
HAZEN, J. T., wd. not count votes of women, 70.
HEARST, PHOEBE A., compli. A., 677;
gives $1,000 to Calif, wom. suff. campn., 888;
respect for A., 889.
HEARST, WM. R., A. begs to bring Examiner out for wom. suff., 867.
HEBARD, MARY L., registers and votes, 424;
votes again, 434.
HEDENBERG, ISABELLA, 676.
HEMPHILL, GEN. ROBT. R., at suff. con., 811.
HEMPHILL, MRS. W. A., recep. to con., 810.
HENDERSON, MARY FOOTE, Vice-pres. Natl. Suff. Assn., 327.
HENDRICKS, THOMAS A., 594.
HENNESSY LADY, 575.
HENROTIN, ELLEN M., 702;
inv. natl. suff. assn. to Wom. Cong., 704;
vice-pres. Wom. Cong. Aux., 745;
asks A.'s advice and help, 748;
New Year's greeting to A., 900.
HENRY, JUDGE, introduces A., 492.
HENRY, PROF. JOSEPH, refuses Smithsonian Hall to women, 118.
HENRY, JOSEPHINE K., at Atlanta con., 811.
HEWITT, REV., condemns women's work in reforms, 89.
HEWITT, HON. ABRAM S., objects to wom. suff., 770.
HIGGINSON, REV. THOS. WENT., stands by women at Brick church meet., 88;
doubts propriety of hold. wom. temp. con., 96; 130; 132;
sermon on True Greatness, 133; 163; 270; 275;
endorses wom. suff., 284;
wants Lucy Stone to preside at con., 303; 328.
HILDRETH, MRS. E. S., 809.
HILL, DAVID B., recommends women in N. Y. Constit. Con., 758.
HILL, DAVID J., pres. Roch. Univers., favors admit. women, 713.
HILLS, MR. AND MRS. WM. HENRY, 571.
HINDMAN, MATILDA, in Col. campn., 492;
in Neb., 545;
in S. Dak., 685.
HINCKLEY, REV. FREDERICK W., ad. suff. con., 541; 632;
response at A.'s birthday banq., 666.
HINSON, EX-JUSTICE GEO., leads mob, 208.
HIRST, REV. A. C., 830.
HOAR, SENATOR GEO. F., hopes to see A. member of House, 485;
reports in favor wom. suff. and wom. to prac. bef. Sup. Court, 502;
champions wom. rights com., 540; 620;
let. on A.'s birthday, 669;
favorable report on wom. suff., 718.
HOCH, E. W., 778.
HOFFMAN, GOV. JOHN T., 353.
HOLLISTER, MRS. GEORGE, gift to A., 739.
HOLLOWAY, LAURA C., invites A. to ad. Seidl Club, 653.
HOLLOWAY, COL. WM. R., favors wom. suff., 547.
HOLMES, KATE TURNER, 878.
HOLMES, OLIVER WENDELL, Berkshire people, 2.
HOOKER, ISABELLA BEECHER, comes into suff. work, 331;
visits with A. and Mrs. Stn. at Mrs. Davis', greatly pleased, pays
trib. to both, 332;
optimist, view of suff. cause, own humility, praise for A., 334;
works 30 yrs. for wom. suff., tries to unite two wings of suff.
party, 335; 337;
writes of Sumner, 339;
reads husband's poem A.'s birthday, 342; 343; 350;
devises schemes for Rev., 356;
agrees to help edit, wishes name of paper changed, wants Mrs. Tilton
at Wash. con., 357;
urged by friends not to help Rev., declines, 358;
offers to take charge Wash. con., writes Mrs. Stan., 371;
"need not have another suff. con.," can get on without Mrs. Stan.,
372;
prominent speakers fail, 373;
devotion to cause, con. a success, valuable worker, 374;
refuses to hear Mrs. Woodhull, reconsiders, 375;
ad. Cong. Com., 376;
writes declaration and pledge, gives sister Catherine let. to Mrs.
Woodhull, 378;
result, 379;
hopes for woman's deliverance thro. Repub. party, 381;
repudiates Repub. and looks to Demo. for support, 382;
ad. Sen. Com., 410;
call for forming new party, 413; criticises A., 414;
interview with Doolittle at Natl. Demo. Con., 417;
lect. tour of Conn. with A., 456;
describes A.'s pathetic sp., 534; 628; 629;
at Natl. Rep. Con., Chic., 641; 664;
genius and intellect, 665;
A.'s birthday banq., 668; 705;
golden wed., 709;
ad. Cong. Coms., 718;
at Demo. Natl. Con. Chic., ad. com., remains in con. till morn.
hoping for chance to spk., 725;
A. wd. love to visit self and husb., 898;
birthday gift to A., 976.
HOOKER JOHN, poem on A.'s birthday, 342;
confidence in A., 462;
sympathy for A. in S. Dak., 689;
golden wed. 709; 899.
HOPPER, ISAAC T., 304.
HORTON, CHIEF-JUSTICE, A. H., congrat. A. on munic. suff. in Kan., 611;
opp. to suff. pl. in Rep. plat., 779;
begs wom. not to demand it, 782.
HOSMER, PRESIDENT, compli. A., 380.
HOSMER, HARRIET, wants Natl. Art. Assn. of women, 655; 656; 668;
work on statue Lincoln, 821.
HOUGH, SUSAN M., registers and votes, 424.
HOVEY, CHARLES F., 131; 132;
legacy for reform work, 182; 251;
after slavery was abolished intended his legacy for wom. suff., 269.
HOWARD, EMMA SHAFTER, 834; 877.
HOWARD, H. AUGUSTA, arranges suff. con., 810;
A. visits, 812.
HOWARD, GEN. O. O., 249.
HOWE, JUDGE ISAAC, introduces A., 657.
HOWE, JULIA WARD, 328;
chmn. com. for unit. two assns., 629; 638;
ad. Sen. com., 640; 675;
at Fed. Clubs, 720.
HOWE, MELINTHA, 47.
HOWE, NANCY (see CLARK.)
HOWELL, MARY SEYMOUR, in S. Dak., 685;
anec. of A., 690;
experience in poor hotel, landlady's comments, A.'s speech at
Madison on admis. of Wyoming, 691;
dramatic scene, 692;
in Kan. campn., 719;
sees gov. about appointing women, 730;
in N. Y. campn. 761;
speaks in Rochester, 762;
addresses N. Y. Constitut. Con., 769;
A.'s birthday, 860.
HOWELLS, WM. DEAN, for wom. suff., 764.
HOWLAND, EMILY, 676; 772;
A.'s love, 773;
spks. in Atlanta, 811;
opp. res. agnst. wom. Bible, 854;
visits Mrs. Osborne, 917.
HOWLAND, FANNIE, describes women at cong. hearing, 338.
HOWLAND, ISABEL, work in N. Y. campn., 773.
HOXIE, HANNAH ANTHONY, famous Quaker preacher, 6;
should come back to old homestead, 941;
in old Quaker church, 947.
HUBBELL, MR. AND MRS., recep. to con., 903.
HUBERWALD, FLORENCE, 808.
HUDSON, ELIZA, minority report wom. suff. plank at Kan. Popu. con.,
789.
HUGHES, MRS. (Gov.), dele. Wash, con., 851.
HUGO, VICTOR, telegram to suff. con., 496.
HULTIN, REV. IDA C., 702.
HUME, MRS. MILTON, 809.
HUMPHREY, L. H., St. Sen., asks A. to spk. at wife's funeral, 908.
HUMPHREY, MAUDE, entertains A., 739;
A.'s tribute at funeral, 908.
HUNT, DR. HARRIOT K., 131;
ready to work for wom. suff., 252.
HUNT, ASSOCIATE JUSTICE WARD, presides at A.'s trial, 436;
refuses to allow A. to testify but admits her testimony before
Com'r., 437;
delivers writ. opin. without leaving bench, 438;
directs jury to bring in verdict of guilty, refuses to poll jury,
denies new trial, spirited encounter with A., 439;
fines her $100, 440;
influenced by Conkling, condemned by newspapers, 441;
Van Voorhis' opinion of, 444;
few apologists, 449.
HUNTER, GEN. DAVID, freed million slaves, 959.
HUSSEY, CORNELIA COLLINS, on shipboard with A., 579;
New Yrs. gift to A., 900.
HUSTON, JOSEPH W., Sup. Judge, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., 919.
HUTCHINGS, ----, 393.
HUTCHINSON, ABBY, sings for women, 162;
death, 737;
(see Hutch. Family).
HUTCHINSON, ASA, favors wom. suff., 145.
HUTCHINSON FAMILY, sing for Loyal League, 227;
sing at wom. Centennial, 479.
HUTCHINSON, HENRY, in Kan. campn., 286; 291.
HUTCHINSON, JOHN, favors wom. suff., 146;
in Kan. campn., 286; 291; 665;
A.'s birthday banq., 668;
New Yrs. greet. to A., 900;
(see Hutchinson Family).
HUTCHINSON, NELLIE, describes Rev. office and editors, 301.
HUTCHINSON, VIOLA, in Kan. campn., 286; 291.
HYACINTHE, PERE, 369.
INGALLS, MRS. E. B., 821.
INGALLS, SENATOR JOHN J., farewell let. to A., 547;
votes agnst. wom. suff., 608;
votes agnst. 16th Amend., asks interview with A., 621;
proposes truce, 622;
Abilene speech agnst. suff., 625;
will not argue with a woman, 626;
willing to stand on wom. suff. plank, "obscene dogma," 726.
INGALLS, MRS. JOHN J., entertains A., 626.
INGERSOLL, ROBT. G., shows injustice of laws and declares for wom.
suff., 345; 764.
IRENE, SISTER, 391;
foundling hospital in N. Y., 1005.
IRISH, COL. JOHN P., introd. A., 834;
asks permis. for A. to ad. Calif. Demo. Con., 874.
IRVING, HENRY, A. hears.
IVENS, MRS. C. H., 833.
JACKSON, FRANCIS, 131;
gift to wom. rights cause, 166;
father of Mrs. Eddy, 539.
JACKSON, SENATOR HOWELL E., reports agnst. wom. suff., 543.
JACKSON, JAMES, 132; 539.
JACKSON, DR. KATE, let. to A., 335.
JACOBI, MARY PUTNAM, petit. for wom. suff., 764;
ad. N. Y. Consti. Con., 768; 802;
ad. N. Y. legis., 914.
JAMES, ALVAN, marries A.'s niece, 652.
JAMES, HELEN LOUISE MOSHER, 488;
lives in home of A., 513; 552;
marries, family spirit, 652; 659;
present to Mary S. Anthony, 916.
JAMESON, JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985.
JEFFERSON, THOMAS, urged ballot for workingmen, 998.
JENKINS, DEAN M., four workers instead of one, 176.
JENKINS, HELEN PHILLEO, stands by A. at teachers' convs., 176.
JENKINS, THERESE, pres. A.'s lect., 823; 824.
JENNEY, MRS. E. S., 762.
JEWELL, POSTMASTER-GEN., 334.
JEWELL, MRS., 357.
JEX-BLAKE, DR. SOPHIA, A. visits, 570; 575.
JOHNS, LAURA M., in Kan. campn., 609; 625; 628; 629;
ad. Wash. con., 647;
trib. to A., 671;
in S. Dak. 685;
begs A. to come to Kan., she shall get no wounds there, 715;
renews appeals, 719;
at Kan. Repub. Con., 726;
makes Repub. speeches, 728;
Repubs. and Popu. pledg. to suff. planks, 777;
president Repub. Wom. St. Assn., puts wom. suff. first, 778;
Repubs. trying to influ., worried about asking for planks, 779;
officers of natl. assn. write no hope without planks, bad advisers,
Mr. Blackwell urges to go before Repub. res. com., 780;
Anna Shaw writes will not spk. unless polit. parties endorse, 781;
efficient campn. manager, tries to secure pl., but will work for
Repubs. anyhow, 783;
A. writes not to listen to siren tongues, 784;
angry at A.'s Kan. City speech, president Repub. Wom. Con.,
criticises res. com. for not demand. pl., 785;
presents claims of wom. to Repub. Con., 786;
Repub. per se., 793; 794;
thinks suff. amend. will win, 795;
favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854.
JOHNSON, ADELAIDE, makes bust of A., 677;
makes busts of Mrs. Stn., Mrs. Mott, 713; 722.
JOHNSON, ANDREW, southern in sympathy, 255;
subscribes for Rev., 297;
trial not so important as A.'s, 444;
proclam. to Mississippi, 960;
puts power in hands of rebels, 961;
claims to carry out purpose of Lincoln, 967.
JOHNSON, GEORGE G., 49.
JOHNSON, GEORGE W., vigorous sentiments
on W. R., 73.
JOHNSON, MARY H., 676.
JOHNSON, OLIVER, 161; 162;
resigns editorship A. S. Standard, 246; 349.
JOHNSON, PHILENA, inv. A. to S. Dak., 656;
A. sends $100, 695.
JOHNSTON, SUP. JUDGE, opp. to suff. pl. in Kan. Rep. plat., 779;
begs wom. not to demand it, 782.
JOHNSTON, R. J., faithful to A. and Revolution, 360.
JOHNSTON, SARAH, gift to A., 976.
JONES, BENJ., Garrisonian speaker, 150.
JONES, BEVERLY W., inspector who registered A., 423.
JONES, FERNANDO, 380.
JONES, MRS. FERNANDO, 380; 446.
JONES, J. ELIZABETH, Garrisonian speaker, 150; 178; 902.
JONES, JANE GRAHAM, 541.
JONES, REV. JENKIN LLOYD, invites A. to take part in Lib. Relig.
Cong., 804;
as Geo. Wash. went into Continent. Cong., 805.
JONES, SEN. JOHN P., arranges interview for A. with Pres. Arthur, 538;
assists A. at Repub. con., 723; 833.
JONES, DR. JONAS, 730.
JONES, PHEBE HOAG, 446;
death, last Abolit. in Albany, 536.
JORDAN, PRES. DAVID S., invites A. to Stanford Univers., 830.
JUDAH, MARY JAMESON, recep. for A., 807.
JULIAN, GEO. W., endorses wom. suff., 284;
offers amend. to Consti. enfranchising wom., 310;
bill enfranchising wom. in D. C., 311; 313; 317; 318; 375; 415; 904.
KALLOCH, I. S., opposes wom. suff., 281.
KEARTLAND, FANNY, 553.
KEARNEY, DENNIS, opp. wom. suff., 518;
refuses to hear A. spk., 519.
KEEFER, BESSIE STARR, ad. Sen. Com., 640.
KEENEY, E. J., marshal who arrested A. for voting, 426.
KEIFER, WARREN, M. C., for wom. suff., 584.
KEITH, ELIZA D., suff. dept. in San Fr. Bulletin, 866.
KEITH, WM. A., presents A. with painting of Yosemite, 934.
KEITH, MRS. WM. A., entertains A., 877.
KELLEY, FLORENCE, 564.
KELLEY, WM. D., M. C., endorses wom. suff. 233; 564;
A. begs to take up suff. ques., 584;
ad. suff. con., 647.
KELLOGG, ST. SEN. AND MRS. (Kan.), 644.
KENYON, EUNICE, boarding school, 39.
KETCHAM, SMITH G. AND EMILY B., 720.
KEYSER, HARRIET A., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. 768.
KIMBALL, FLORA M., 833.
KIMBALL, MARY ROGERS, let. to A., 616.
KING, THOMAS STARR, 191; 834.
KINGSLEY, CHARLES, for wom. suff., 368.
KIRK, ELEANOR, visits Moyamensing prison, 309; 349; 353.
KIRKMAN, MRS. VAN LEER, recep. Wom. Council, 928.
KOLLOCK, REV. FLORENCE, 640.
KOLSOM, MAYOR JACOB C., welcomes suff. con., 626.
KOLTZOFF, MASSALSKY PRINCESS, 558.
KORANY, HANNAH K., ad. suff. con., 756.
KROUT, MARY H., A. at World's Fair, 751.
KUICHLING, MRS. EMIL, 730.
LABOULAYE, funeral, 561.
LAKE, LEONORA BARRY (see Barry).
LAPHAM, ANSON, loans A. $4,000 for Revolution, 354;
presents A. with her notes, 448;
gives A. $1,000, 468;
death, 481.
LAPHAM, ELBRIDGE G., believes in wom. suff., no man wd. sell right to
vote, 455;
prints women's addresses, 512;
report in favor wom. suff., 543; 590; 591.
LAPHAM, SEMANTHA VAIL, 772; 802; 847.
LAMARTINE, ALPHONSE DE, "universal suff. only basis," 969.
LANE, SENATOR JAMES H., wd. "colonize" <DW64>s, 962.
LANE, MRS. JAMES H., 287.
LANGSTON, CHAS., <DW64> orator against wom. suff., 286.
LANGSTON, JOHN M., A.'s kindness to, 286.
LANGSBERG, RABBI MAX, 714; 730.
LANGSBERG, MRS. MAX, 730.
LATTIMORE, PROF. AND MRS., entertain F. E. Willard and A., 472.
LAUTERBACH, EDWARD, has ad. on wom. suff. printed, 768;
ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in favor wom. suff., 770;
ad. res. com. Rep. con. in favor, 774; 802.
LAWRENCE, MARG. STN., 302;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666; 917.
LEASE, MARY E., advocates suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. plat., 781.
LECKY, W. E. H., 1006.
LEE, Ex-Gov., Wyoming, 533.
LEE, KATE BECKWITH, A.'s face carv. in memory of father, 733.
LEE, REV. LUTHER, assists wom. delegates at temp. con., 70.
LEE, RICHARD HENRY, 478.
LELAND, CYRUS, refuses A.'s offer to speak during Kan. campn.,794;
thinks suff. amend. will carry, 796.
LEMON, GEORGE C., 676.
LEONARD, CLARA T., office-holder opp. wom. suff., 620.
LEWELLING, GOV. L. D., opp. to wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Popu. plat., 787;
speaks for wom. suff., 795.
LEWIS, DIO., women must only coax, 457; 282.
LEWIS, SYLVESTER, challenges A.'s vote, 426.
LEYDEN, MARGARET, registers and votes, 424.
LIBERTIUS, FRAU DR., 559.
LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, too conservative, 207;
calls for troops, 213;
Loyal League sends address, 229; 255; 900;
A. compared to, 952;
always waited for voice of the people, 967.
LINCOLN, FRANK, 566.
LINN, DR. AND MRS. S. A., 860.
LIPPINCOTT, ANNIE, 566.
LIVERMORE, MARY A., 276; 315;
trib. to A., 316;
advises N. E. friends to forget differences, will write articles for
Rev., 320; 322;
res. condemning "free love," 324;
asks if Natl. Assn. was organized, 327;
and if A. will join her in west. lect. tour, 328;
merges Agitator into Wom. Jour. and is ed.-in-chief, 361;
A. wd. give million to suff., 676.
LOCKWOOD, BELVA A., defends A. in voting, 432; 479.
LOCKWOOD, MARY S., 814.
LOGAN, SENATOR JOHN A., champions wom. rights com., 540;
friend of wom. suff., 594.
LOGAN, MRS. JOHN A., on A.'s birthday, 670.
LOGAN, OLIVE, 316; 322; 326; 360.
LOGAN, MILLIE BURTIS, 917.
LONG, JOHN D., receives con., favors wom. suff., 533.
LONGFELLOW, REV. SAMUEL, advocates wom. suff., 193.
LONGLEY, MRS. M. B., 327.
LORD, FRANCES, 566.
LORING, GEO. B., M. C., introd. bill for 16th Amend., 511.
LOUCKS, H. L., pledges A. support Farmer's Alliance for wom. suff.,
684;
candidate for gov., does not mention wom. suff., 686.
LOUGHRIDGE, WM., M. C., endorses wom. suff., 284;
reports in favor wom. suff., 382;
pres. A.'s appeal for remis. of fine for voting, 450.
LOWE, ROBT., M.P., opp. suff. for workingmen, and then proposes to
educate them, 997.
LOWELL, JOSEPHINE SHAW, petit. for wom. suff., 764; 802.
LOZIER, DR. CLEMENCE S., 234;
visits Moyamensing prison, 309; 349; 368;
faithfulness and generosity to A., 435; 446; 480; 495;
death, 645;
A. wears ring, 932;
let. and gift to A., on 50th birthday, 976.
LOZIER, DR. JENNIE DE LA M., 704.
LUCAS, MARGARET BRIGHT, 564; 565; 567; 576; 577;
on com. for internat. organization, 579.
LUCE, GOV. CYRUS G., introduces A., 617.
LUNDY, BENJAMIN, 935.
LUTHER, MARTIN, 559.
LYON, MARY, 706.
MACOMBER, MRS., greets natl. con. Iowa, 902.
MADISON, JAMES, voice in making laws, right of human nature, 979.
MAINE, HENRY C., spks. for suff., 762.
MAGUIRE, JAMES G., M. C., spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 874.
MANDERSON, MRS. CHAS. F., 660.
MANDEVILLE, REV., insults wom. delegates, 69.
MANN, CHARLES, pub. Vol. III Hist. Wom. Suff., 600.
MANN, REV. N. M., Garfield's relig., 536; 697.
MARSH, PRESIDENT, inv. A. to ad. Mt. Union Coll., 927.
MARSH, EDWIN F., inspector who reg. A., 423.
MARSH, HON. LUTHER R., pres. Repub. meet., 422.
MARTIN, GOV. JOHN A., signs Kan. munic. wom. suff. bill, 611.
MARTIN, GEORGE, ferries A. across Missouri river, 291.
MARTIN, ATTORNEY-GEN. LUTHER, each individ. equally free, 979.
MARTINEAU, HARRIET, A. visits home, 571.
MARVIN, WM., stands by A. at Teach. Con., 157.
MASON, MRS., in Neb., 545.
MASON, HUGH, M.P., presents wom. suff. bill in Parliament, 567.
MASON, REV. JOSEPH K., ad. suff. con., 762.
MASSON, PROF. DAVID, champions co-education, 570.
MATTHEWS, JUDGE STANLEY, constit. amendts. established polit. equal.
of all citizens, 991.
MAXWELL, CLAUDIA HOWARD, arr. suff. con., 810;
A. visits, 812.
MAY, REV. JOSEPH, 478.
MAY, SAMUEL J., friend of A., 58;
assists temp. women, 65;
encourages wom. dele. at Syracuse con., 69;
helps wom. meet., 70;
on wom. weak voices, 75;
audience at Albany refuses to hear, 108;
opp. Bloomer dress, 115;
comforting let. to A., 151;
congrat. A. on ad. on coeduca., 164; 208;
hissed at Roch., 209;
opp. Garrison meet. at Syracuse, 210;
but gives assistance, mobbed and burned in effigy, 211;
conducts funeral serv. D. Anthony, 224;
loyal to women, 270; 337; 350;
centennial birth. celebra., 927.
MAY, SAMUEL, JR., 132;
appoints A. agent for Am. Anti. Slav. Soc., 137;
recog. her ability, 148;
let. sympathy to A. when ill, 841.
MAYER, MRS. D. W., writes A. come to S. Dak., 682.
MAYNARD, COL. J. B., editorial in favor of wom. suff., 517.
MAYO, REV. A. D., on wom. rights, 73; 190;
tilt with A., 196.
MCADOW, CLARA L., 675.
MCBURNEY, REV. S. E., opp. wom. suff., 283.
MCCALL, JOHN A., let. to A., 136.
MCCANN, LUCY UNDERWOOD, indebtedness of women to A., 871.
MCCLINTOCK, MARY ANN, called first W. R. Con., 369.
MCCOID, MOSES A., rep. favor wom. suff., 590.
MCCOMAS, ALICE MOORE, praise for A., 862;
spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 875.
MCCOOK, GOV. AND MRS., of Colo., entertain A., 387.
MCCREADY, MRS., 131.
MCCULLOCH, CATHARINE WAUGH, 940.
MCCULLOCH, EX-SEC. HUGH, writes A., 704;
endors. wom. suff., 705.
MCDOWELL, ANNIE, trib. to A., 489;
dedicates song to her, 548.
MCDONALD, SEN. JOS. E., favors admit. woman to prac. before Sup.
Court, 502;
advocates com. on wom. rights, 527.
MCFARLAND, DANIEL, kills Richardson, acquitted on ground of insanity,
351; 353.
MCKAY, JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985.
MCKEE, MRS., 405.
MCKENNA, LUKE, leads mob, 211.
MCLAREN, DR. AGNES, A. praises, 568.
MCLAREN, PRISCILLA BRIGHT, 565; 567;
loving let. to A., 569;
com. for internatl. organiza., 579.
MCLAREN, EVA MULLER, spks. at wom. suff. meet., 566.
MCLAUGHLIN, MAJOR FRANK, ch. Cal., Repub. Cent. Com. refuses wom.
suff. speakers place on Repub. plat. "too many bonnets," 883;
writes county chmn. to refuse them place, 884.
MCLEAN, AARON, takes Anthony family to Battenville, 17;
criticises A. for abolitionism, 39;
defends Van Buren, condemns Clay and Webster, 42;
marries A.'s sister, 43;
humorous letter on raspberry exper., 159.
MCLEAN, ANN ELIZA, trip with A., 218;
death, 241.
MCLEAN, GUELMA ANTHONY, born, 12;
marries Aaron McLean, 43;
registers and votes, 324;
death, 447.
MCLEAN, JUDGE JOHN, offers partnership to Mr. A., 17;
on rum drinking, 18.
MCLEAN, REV. JOHN K., 370;
in Yosemite, 393;
at Mirror Lake, 394;
invites A. and Miss Shaw into pulpit, 826.
MCLEAN, JOHN R., entertains A., 677.
MCLEAN, MRS. JOHN R., entertains A., 677;
recep. to A., 814;
70th birthday luncheon for Mrs. Grant, 858.
MCLEAN, THOMAS KING, death, 369.
MCLENDON, MRS. M. L., Atlanta Club, 811.
MCRAE, EMMA MONT, ad. Cong. Com., 511.
MCVICAR, MAYOR JOHN, welcomes natl. suff. con. Des Moines, 902.
MCVICKER, MRS., 824,
MEDILL, JOSEPH, trib. to A. in Chi. Tribune, 549; 572.
MEEKER, HON. EZRA V., 676.
MELLEN, MRS., 564; 565;
recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 566.
MELLEN, NATHANIEL, 566.
MELLISS, DAVID M., furnishes funds for The Revolution, 295;
stands by the paper, 299;
breakfast to A. and Mrs. Stn., 305; 308;
put $7,000 in Rev., 354.
MELLISS, ERNEST AND NORMAN, 407.
MENDENHALL, DINAH, death, leaves $1,000 to A., heirs refuse payment,
660.
MEREDITH, VIRGINIA C., 702.
MERIMAN, EMELIE J., 369.
MERIWETHER, ELIZABETH A., first appearance on Natl. plat., 607;
pres. Memphis Suff. Club, 807;
spks. Atlanta con., 811.
MERRIAM, MRS. A. B., 519.
MERRICK, JUDGE E. T., 597;
praise for A., 608; 807; 902.
MERRICK, CAROLINE E., 597;
ashamed of Sen. Eustis, let. to A., 608;
ad. suff. con., 639;
introd. A. in N. Orleans, 808.
MERRITT, MRS. JOHN J., 349.
MILBURN, REV. WM. HENRY, refuses represent. chamber to women, 118.
MILL, JOHN STUART, 337;
champions univers. suff. bill., 997.
MILLER, CAROLINE HALLOWELL, opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854.
MILLER, E. W., insulting sp. on wom. suff., 686;
disgraces Democ., 687.
MILLER, ELIZ. SMITH, first to wear Bloomer costume, 113; 304;
goes to Gov. Geary, 310; 327; 462;
visits Mrs. Osborne with A., 714; 762; 900; 918;
entertains A. and Mrs. Stn., 927.
MILLER, FLORENCE FENWICK, 564;
trib. to A. at World's Fair, 747.
MILLER, MR. AND MRS. LEWIS, 652.
MILLS, C. D. B., aids Garrison, meet., 211.
MILLS, HARRIET MAY, in N. Y. campn., 761; 773;
manages cons. in Calif., 864.
MILLS, W. H., 685.
MINOR, FRANCIS, first to claim wom. right to vote under Amend. XIV,
331; 338; 383;
argues before Sup. Court on woman's right to vote under Amend. XIV,
453;
death, 737.
MINOR, VIRGINIA L., pres. Mo. Assn., 315; 327;
claims wom. right to vote under Amend. XIV, 331; 383;
votes and carries case to Sup. Court, 453; 483;
gives A. compli. from W. Phillips, 494;
pres. suff. con., entertains A., 506;
in Neb. campn., 545; 546; 629;
tries to arr. for A. to ad. Catholics, 649; 659;
death, leaves A. $1,000, 803.
MITCHELL, SENATOR JOHN H., 406; 407;
mock trial on snow bound train, 408;
rep. in favor wom. suff., 502.
MITCHELL, MARIA, A. visits at Vassar, 622;
"too old to dare do nothing," 635;
death, 660.
MIXER, CAROLYN LOUISE, 679.
MOFFETT, MRS. P. A., 742.
MOORE, MRS. AND MRS. A. A., 877.
MOORE, E. M., fav. admit. wom. Roch. Univers., "boys are breadwinner,"
713;
gives A. medical certificate, 136;
spks. for suff., 762;
A. attends golden wedding, 929.
MOORE, REBECCA, 355;
Eng. corres. for Rev., 359; 560; 566; 567;
goes with A. to Edinburgh, 568.
MORGAN, GOV. E. D., signs Married Woman's Property Bill, 189.
MORGAN, JOHN T., SUP. JUDGE, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., 919.
MORGAN, JOHN T., SENATOR, opp. com. on wom. rights, 541.
MORSE, MRS. S. B., 349.
MORRILL, REV., 729.
MORRILL, GOV. E. N., 796; 797.
MORRIS, JUDGE, ESTHER, 479;
first wom. judge, 823.
MORRIS, HELEN LEWIS, 811.
MORRIS, DR. SARAH, 762.
MORTON, GOV. LEVI P., 561;
reappoints A. on board St. Indus. Sch., 731.
MORTON, SENATOR OLIVER P., argument for wom. suff., 500;
spks. on wom. suff., death, 501; 1014.
MOSHER, ARTHUR A., 598.
MOSHER, MRS. ARTHUR A., 598; 672.
MOSHER, EUGENE, marries A.'s sister, 46.
MOSHER, ANTHONY HANNAH, born, 12;
marries Eugene Mosher, 46;
registers and votes, 424;
recep. to inspect. of election, 453;
failing health, 487;
death, 488.
MOSHER, HELEN LOUISE (see James).
MOSHER, WENDELL PHILLIPS, marriage, 679.
MOTT, ABIGAIL, explains Unitarianism, 44; 58.
MOTT, ANNA C., friendship for A., 756.
MOTT, JAMES, at Syracuse W. R. Con., 72;
arranges suff. meet. in Phila., 119;
stands by women, 251; 756.
MOTT, LUCRETIA, Discourse on Women, 59;
pres. Syr. W. R. Con., opp. to woman as pres., first W. R. Con.,
72;
as mother, 76;
invites A. to visit, washes dishes and entertains guests, 122;
cheering let. to A., 130; 163;
confidence in A. and Mrs. Stn., 195;
Garrisonian and W. R. meet. at Albany, 212;
spks. Wom. Loyal League, 237;
opp. to disband. Anti-Slav. Soc., 246; 251;
trib. of Independent, 253;
parting words to con. in New York, 260;
true to woman's cause, 268; 303;
pres. first Wash. con., 313; 314;
A.'s unselfishness, 329;
adheres to Natl. Assn., 335;
Geo. Downing decl. man shd. dominate woman, 340;
goes to N. Y. conf. to unite suff. org., 346; 347; 348;
called first W. R. Con., 369;
gift to A., 370; 434;
sends A. money for law suit, 446;
pres. and spks. at wom. centennial meet. in Phila., drinks tea at
headqrs., 479;
sends tea and thanks to A., 480;
at 30th wom. rights annivers., 495;
attends last con., 496;
A.'s last sight of, 512;
death, character, 525;
memorial serv. at Wash. con., 526;
A.'s trib., 527;
suff. pioneer, 547; 549;
bust. by Ad. Johnson, 713; 854; 895; 915;
sentiment to bride and groom, 923; 934.
MOTT, LYDIA, 58; advises women to hold separate temp. meet., 65;
work in 1840-48, 82;
denies woman loses individuality in marriage, 170;
entertains reformers, 173;
in charge "depository," 199;
defends wronged mother, 200;
ministers to A., 202;
refuses to give up mother and child, 205;
old fraternity no more, 244; 246;
comforts A., 415;
dying, A. visits, 470;
death, A.'s tribute, 471; 536.
MOTT, REBECCA W., 260.
MOTT, RICHARD, staunch support of A., 756.
MOTT, RICHARD F., teacher Nine Partner's School, 8.
MOULSON, DEBORAH, school circular, 24;
school discipline, 28; 29; 30;
death, 31.
MOULTON, FRANK D., birthday gift to A., 976.
MULLIGAN, CHARLOTTE, 730.
MULLINOR, MR., on shipboard, 552.
MULLINOR, MR. AND MRS., entertain A., 575.
MULLER, MRS., meeting at house of, 555.
MULLER, HENRIETTA, 564; 565; 566;
takes A. to see Bernhardt, 567;
A. and Mrs. Stn's. visit, 576;
recep. for A., 577.
NAPOLEON I, A. thinks wd. have stood for freedom of women, 562;
A. compared to, 952;
"empire needs mothers," 1011.
NEBLETT, A. VIOLA, at Atlanta con., 811.
NELSON, JULIA B., in S. Dak. campn., 685;
at Neb. con., 697.
NEW, MRS. JOHN C., recep. for A., 517.
NEWMAN, BISHOP JOHN P., fav. wom. suff., 588.
NEWTON, REV. HEBER, favors wom. suff., 764
NEYMANN, MME. CLARA, in Neb. campn., 545;
first appearance on Natl. plat., 607; 628.
NICHOL, ELIZ. PEASE, A. visits, 568; 569; 570.
NICHOLS, CLARINA HOWARD, prophecy for A., 66;
injustice to wom. in divorce, 74; 93; 102; 178;
debt of Kan. women to, 480;
work on Hist. Wom. Suff., 529;
Kan. wom. give pict. to Hist., 530;
death, 595.
NICHOLS, SARAH HYATT, 720.
NICHOLSON, ELIZA J., 597.
NIGHTINGALE, FLORENCE, 239.
NOBLE, MRS. JOHN W., gives recep. in honor A., Mrs. Stn., L. Stone,
718.
NORDHOFF, CHAS., let. on A.'s birthday, 670.
NORTHROP, MRS., supports A.'s res. in Teach. Con., 100.
NORTHROP, PRES. CYRUS, introd. A. students Minnesota Univers., 929.
NYE, SENATOR JAS. W., endorses wom. suff., 284;
presides over suff. con., 377.
O'CONNOR, JOSEPH, 766.
OGLESBY, SENATOR R. J., insults women's petitions, 485.
OLIVER, REV. ANNA, 737.
OPDYKE, GEORGE, 329.
ORDWAY, EVELYN B., 808.
ORME, ELIZA, entertains A., England's first wom. lawyer, 564.
ORMOND, JUDGE JOHN J., offers to present suff. memorial in Ala. legis.
favors civil but not polit. rights for women, 183;
after raid on Harper's Ferry declares enmity, 184.
ORTH, G. S., M. C., ad. suff. con., 541.
ORR, ELDA A., pres. Nev. Assn. entertains A., 825;
New Years gift to A., 900.
OSBORNE, ELIZA WRIGHT, entertains A. and Eliz. Smith Miller, 714;
entertains A. and Mrs. Stn., 917.
OSCAR, PRINCE OF SWEDEN, 477.
OSGOOD, JULIA, travels with A., 569; 570; 573.
OTIS, BINA M., on Kan. wom. suff. com., 781.
OTIS, HARRISON G., disrespectful to A. and Miss Shaw, 834.
OTIS, JAMES, man without representation is without liberty, 989.
OWEN, J. J., ed. San Jose Mercury, compli. A., 394.
OWEN, RBT. DALE, supports Wom. Loyal League, chmn. Freedmen's Inquiry
Com., 235; 529.
OWEN, MRS. RBT. DALE, 349; 353.
OWEN, ROSAMOND DALE, 529.
PACKARD, HON. JASPER A., presents A. to Ind. Legis., 904.
PAINE, THOMAS, right of voting is primary right, 990.
PALMER, GEN. (Colorado), 564.
PALMER, GOV. (Ill.), 315.
PALMER, BERTHA HONORE, at Wom. Council, 702;
ad. at opening World's Fair, 742;
fine qualif. for pres. board lady manag., remark. record, courtesy
to A., 744;
in sympathy with wom. suff., pres. Wom. Cong. Auxil.,745;
asks A. for suggestions, 748;
thanks her for fair mindedness, 749.
PALMER, SENATOR T. W., rep. in favor wom. suff., 590; 591;
urges A. to keep up suff. agitation, 593;
masterly sp. on 16th Amend., 596; 637;
let. on A.'s birthday, 670.
PALMER, SENATOR AND MRS., recep. for Wom. Council, 637.
PARKER, JANE MARSH, at A.'s birthday banq., 666;
organizes club agnst. suff., 766.
PARKER, JULIA SMITH, ad. Cong. Com., 446; 511;
at Lucretia Mott's, 512.
PARKER, MARGARET E., at Phila. Centennial, 479; 565;
A. visits, 577;
com. for internatl. organization, 579.
PARKER, THEO., A. visits him in study, 131;
"only noise and dust of wagon," 195.
PATTERSON, MR. AND MRS. THOMAS M., entertain A. friends of wom.
suff., 821.
PATTON, ABBY HUTCHINSON (see Htchis'n.).
PATTON, LUDLOW, 260.
PATTON, REV. W. W., preaches agnst. wom. suff., 596.
PAYNE, SENATOR AND MRS., 677.
PEABODY, ELIZ., 131; 756.
PEASE, DR. R. W. AND HANNAH F., 211.
PECKHAM, LILIE, 327.
PECKHAM, JUSTICE, RUFUS W., pays fine trib. to charac. of A., 735.
PEDRO, DOM, 477.
PEFFER, SENATOR WILLIAM A., ad. suff. con., 756.
PEET, MRS. B. STURTEVANT, tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif.
Legis., 863;
A. writes obj. to Natl. W. C. T. U. Con. in San Fr., 882.
PELLET, SARAH, at Saratoga con., 121.
PENCE, LAF., M. C., addresses suff. con., 756.
PENNOCK, DEBORAH, 601.
PERKINS, GEO. C., 685.
PERKINS, MARY (see Randall).
PERKINS, SARAH M., 628; 629.
PERRY, A. L., invites A. to Berkshire Hist. Soc. meet, 939.
PETERS, JUDGE, advoc. suff amend., 796.
PETERS, O. G. AND ALICE, 676.
PETTINGELL, ABBY L., 772.
PETTIGREW, SENATOR R. F., 676.
PHELPS, ELIZ. B., establishes Wom. Bureau, 320; 327; 341; 349;
gives up Wom. Bureau, 360; 480.
PHILLEO HELEN (see Jenkins).
PHILLIPS, WENDELL, visits Anthony home, 60;
goes with Antoinette Brown to World's Temp. Con., 101; 102;
opp. Bloomer dress, 115;
gives A. $50 for first canvass of N. Y., 122;
refuses to let her pay it back, 128; 131; 132;
spks. at N. Y. wom. rights con., 147; 162;
on gift of Jackson to wom. rights cause, 165;
approves A.'s N. Y. canvass, 171;
lashes the mob, 174;
prepares suff. memorial to legis., 175; 182; 185; 192; 193;
opp. divorce resolutions, 194;
attitude grieves A. and Mrs. Stn., 195;
praises A., 196; 197;
urges A. to restore child to father, 203;
can not feel for woman, 204;
declares for war, 214;
refuses check for lect., 217;
A. hoped wd. redeem pledge to woman, 225;
A. "salt of earth," 226; 233;
lively let. on A.'s getting Mrs. Stn. to invite him to speak, 237;
urges A. to return East, 244;
on disbanding Anti. Slav. Soc., 245;
elected pres. A. S. Soc., 246;
no freedom without ballot, objects to union of A. S. and W. R. Soc.,
256;
prevents the union, 259;
argues against trying to strike "male" from N. Y. consti., 261;
declines to sustain demands of women, 270;
refuses to give money from Jackson fund, 275;
endorses wom. suff., 284; 290;
bids woman stand aside, 300;
and wait for <DW64>, 304;
gives preference to <DW64> suff., 317;
wom. suff. intellectual theory, 323;
first meet. with A. since dif. of opinion on Amend. XIV, 370; 373;
will help toward Amend. XVI;
A. stands at head of suff. movement, 495;
replies to A.'s 70th birthday greet., faith in her, 538;
announces Eddy legacy to A., 539;
tells of suit to break will, 540; 548; 549;
Harvard ad., 557; 568; 577; death, 587; 593; 859; 985;
freedom without ballot is mockery, 990.
PHILLIPS, MRS. WENDELL, 219.
PICKLER, ALICE M., presents claims S. Dak., suff., 675;
works for wom. 688;
at Wash. con., 851.
PICKLER, J. A., M. C., response A.'s birthday banq., 666; 675;
stands by wom. suff., 688.
PILLSBURY, PARKER, visits Anthony home, 60;
facetious let. to L. Mott on A.'s work, 105; 150;
great eloquence, 152;
men's rights, 157; 162;
preaches in Rochester, 167;
on John Brown execution, 180;
spks. at John Brown meet., 181;
on divorce, 195;
ridicules Dall con., 196; 198;
let. of sympathy to A., 224;
urges A. to return East, 244;
on <DW37>. in Anti-Slav. Soc., 246;
resigns editorship of Standard, 262;
abused by N. Y. World, 264;
refuses to edit Standard unless it declares for women, 269;
loyal to women, 270;
Susan cd. extinguish argu. with thimble, 273; 290;
editor Revolution, 296; 297; 299; 301; 302; 309;
offers res. that Equal Rights Assn. be transferred to Union Suff.
Soc., 349;
work on Rev., 354;
"A. works like plantation of slaves," 356; 357;
faithful to Rev., 360;
"your meed of praise be sung over your grave," 363; 380;
at A.'s lect. in Chicago, 468; 535; 587;
urges A. to visit his home, 702;
symp. for A. when ill, 842;
A. visits, 895.
PILLSBURY, PARKER MRS., praises A., 535;
urges A. to visit her, 702; 895.
POMEROY, SENATOR S. C., 248;
contrib. money and franking privilege, 283:
endorses wom. suff., 284;
offers amend. to Fed. Constit. enfranchising women, 310;
opens first Wash. suff. con., 313; 317;
tells ladies they must accept every help in politics, 375;
pres. candidate, 594;
ballot for <DW64>, 962;
gift and let. to A. on 50th birthday, 974.
POMEROY, MRS. S. C., birthday gift to A., 976.
POND, ASST. U. S. DIST. ATTY., examines A. for having voted, 427.
POND, MAJOR JAMES B., compli. A. and offers $100 for parlor lect., 896.
PORTER, MARIA G., A.'s friend, 104; 711;
90th birthday, 845;
death, 896.
PORTER, SAM. D., Pillsbury's adjectives, 181.
POST, AMALIA, secures suff. bill in Wyoming, 408;
suff. pioneer, 823.
POST, AMY, 195;
testimonial to A., 412;
at 30th suff. annivers., 495;
death, 660.
POST, ISAAC, home rendezvous for runaway slaves, 61.
POTTER, BISHOP H. C., for wom. suff., 764.
POTTER, BESSIE, makes statuette of A. and Mrs. Gross, 862.
POTTER, HELEN, famous impersonator, gift to A., 488; 548;
present to A., 549.
POWDERLY, HANNAH, on A.'s birthday, 671.
POWDERLY, TERENCE V., on A.'s birthday, 671;
invites A. to spk. at Omaha, 726.
POWELL, AARON, in Garrisonian meet., 150; 161;
mobbed, 165;
tries to give A.'s breakfast order, 177; 208;
deputized to give notice of union A. S. and W. R. Soc., 256;
refrains from doing so, 259;
editorial revision in Standard feared, 262;
full adv. rates for women's notices, 268.
POWELL, ELIZ. (see Bond).
POWELL, MAUDE, 566.
PLATT, SENATOR ORVILLE H., 699.
PLUMB, SENATOR P. B., opp. wom. suff., 281;
for wom. suff., 621.
PLUTARCH, "equality causes no war," 968.
PRIESTMAN, THE MISSES, A. visits, 577.
PRINCE, MAYOR (BOSTON), 519;
receives suff. con., 534.
PROUDFIT, ELIZABETH FORD, 612.
PRUYN, MRS. JOHN V. L., pres. remonstrants agnst. wom. suff., presents
res., 765.
PRYN, REV. ABRAM, ad. John Brown meet., 181.
PUGH, SARAH, first meets A., 122; 131; 246; 251;
appreciates A. and the Rev., 335; 340; 350;
sends gift to A., 412;
present to A., 416; 496; 527;
death, 595.
PULVER, MARY, registers and votes, 424;
votes again, 434.
PURINTON, MR. AND MRS. JAS. W., 624.
PURVIS, HARRIETT, 527.
PURVIS, ROBERT, 246;
demands equal rights for women, 257; 260;
willing to postpone own enfranch. in favor of women, 269;
loyal to women, 270;
rebukes son for opp. wom. suff., 314; 420; 527;
ad. at A.'s birthday recep. in Phila., 547;
presents testimonial from Natl. Suff. Assn., 548;
gift to A., 549;
A. writes on death of Phillips, 587; 664;
at A.'s birthday banq., 666;
let. from A. on Gladstone, 741.
PUTNAM, REBECCA SHEPARD, 234; 802.
QUARLES, RALPH P., SUP. JUDGE, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff., 919.
QUAY, SENATOR MATTHEW S., 718.
QUINCY, EDWARD, 162.
RAINES, JUDGE THOMAS, for wom. suff., 762.
RAINSFORD, REV. W. S., signs petit. for wom. suff., 764.
RAMSEY, S. A., help of natl. assn. gives hope to S. Dak., 679.
RAMSEY, STATE SENATOR (N. Y.), 189.
RANDALL, SUPERINTENDENT, encourages A. in pub. speak., 143.
RANDALL, ANNA T., 342.
RANDALL, MARY PERKINS, teacher in Anthony home, 22; 394.
RANSOM, C. R., executor Eddy will, 539.
RAPER, J. H.,479.
READ, DANIEL, grandfather Susan B., ancestry, marriage, military
service, 4;
political record, religious belief, 5;
literary taste, business matters, 6;
sideboard well supplied, 15;
military rec. makes A. Daught. of Rev., 919.
READ, JOSHUA, rescues Mr. Anthony's goods from sheriff, 35;
protects sister's inheritance and pays for farm, 45;
invites A. to teach in Canajoharie, 49; 121.
READ, LUCY, (See Anthony).
READ, SUSANNAH RICHARDSON, grandmother Susan B., born, 4;
business qualities, 6.
REAGAN, JOHN H., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 585.
REASON, CHAS. L., 157.
REED, CHARLES WESLEY, brings in minor. rep. in fav. wom. suff. pl.
and makes fight for it in Calif. Demo. Con., 873.
REED, KITTY, let. greet. natl. suff. con., 902.
REED, THOS. B., champions wom. rights com., 540;
rep. favoring wom. suff., 590; 677;
let. on A.'s 70th birthday, 669;
"at 11th hr. all will flock in," 716;
fails to spk. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 885; 902; 677.
REID, WHITELAW, A.'s 50th birthday, 974.
REMOND, CHARLES LENOX, A. drives with, 131;
in Garrisonian meet., 150;
A. describes sp., 152; 246.
REMOND, SARAH, in Garrisonian meet., 150.
RESSE, COUNTESS DE, 558.
REVELS, SENATOR HIRAM, 243.
REYNOLDS, MRS., 780.
REYNOLDS, MARK W., invites Train to Kan., 287;
takes to woods, 288.
REYNOLDS, WM. A., 167; 279.
RICE, VICTOR M., stands by A. in St. Teach. Con., 120.
RICH, GOV. AND MRS. (WYOMING), 823.
RICHARDS, BISHOP (UTAH), 824.
RICHARDS, MR. AND MRS. F. S., 825.
RICHARDRON, MISS, 564.
RICHARDSON, ABBY SAGE, unhappy married life, ability, marries A. D.
Richardson, 351;
persecuted, public sentiment in her favor, 352;
meets A. in Denver, 492.
RICHARDSON, ALBERT D., killed by McFarland, married on his deathbed,
351.
RICHARDSON, MR. AND MRS. F. M., 832.
RICHARDSON, MAYOR SAMUEL, presides at temp. festival, Rochester, 62.
RICHARDSON, SUSANNAH (see Read).
RICHER, LEON, 562.
RIDDLE, JUDGE A. G., 337;
ad. House Com. for wom. suff., 376;
ad. Wash. Con. 377;
chief drawbacks to wom. suff., 455; 647; 660.
RIPLEY, GEO., 563.
RISTORI, A. hears, 558.
ROBINSON, GOV. CHARLES, 273;
endorses wom. suff., 284; 285;
takes Mrs. Stn. on speaking tour of Kan., 286; 287; 290.
ROBINSON, EMILY, wom. suff. pioneer, 722.
ROBINSON, HARRIET H., welcomes suff. con. to Boston, 533; 534.
ROBINSON, MARIUS, ed. Anti-Slav. Bugle, 722.
ROCHAMBEAU, COUNT, 477.
ROCKEFELLER, JOHN D., for wom. suff., 764.
ROGERS, NATHANIEL P., 616.
ROGERS, DR. SETH, Worcester Hydro. Institute, 131; 132;
let. agnst. individ. annihilat. in marriage, 135.
ROOT, EHIHU, opp. wom. suff. amend. in N. Y. Consti. Con., 767;
presents petit. agnst., 769;
supports it, 771.
ROOT, LIEUT.-GOV. J. P., let. A.'s 50th birthday, 974.
ROOT, FRANCIS T., responds for Ind. legis. at recep. for A., 904.
ROSE, ERNESTINE L., justice of wom. suff., 75;
interpretation of Bible, 77;
work in 1840-48, 82;
prejudice agnst. on acct. of religious beliefs, 117;
president suff. con., 121; 163; 185; 193;
favors divorce res., 194;
at Albany, 212;
patriotic speech Wom. Loyal League, 229; 237; 309;
repudiates "free love" res., 325; 327;
leaves for Eng., 329;
early work, 369;
back from Eng., 458; 530;
delight to see A. in Eng., 553; 554: 563;
death, 737;
never banished from suff. ass'n. because of religious belief, 853;
935.
ROSECRANS, MAJOR-GEN. WM. S., 233.
ROSEWATER, EDWARD, deb. suff. with A., 545.
ROSS, SENATOR E. G., franks wom. suff. documents, 283.
ROSS, JOHN W., welcomes suff. con., D. C., 756.
ROUTT, GOV. JOHN L., speaks for wom. suff., 491; 821.
ROUTT, MRS. JOHN L., entertains A. and Miss Shaw, 821.
ROWAN, ST. SENATOR, ad. natl. suff. con., 902.
RUSSELL. FRANCES E., assists Loyal League, 234;
writes for Rev., 359.
RYE, MISS, 555.
SAGE, RUSSELL, signs petit. for wom. suff., 764.
SAGE, MRS. RUSSELL, A. guest at Emma Willard dinner, 753.
ST. JOHN, COL. JOHN P., 496.
SALVADOR, A., ed. Le Soir, wishes to interview A., 561.
SANBORN, FRANK, approves wom. suff., 251;
speaks at suff. con., 533.
SANFORD, DR. AND MRS. J. E., 802; 806;
70th birthday recep. to Mary Anthony, 916.
SAND, GEORGE, 733;
"independence is happiness," 1008.
SANDERS, MRS. HENRY M., petit. for wom. suff., 764; 802.
SARGENT, A. A., declares for woman's rights, 405; 406; 407; 408;
presents A.'s appeal for remission of fine for voting, 450;
intercedes for inspectors, 452;
defends woman's petitions, 486; 495;
arg. for wom. suff., 500; 501;
favors admit. wom. to practice before Supreme Court, 502;
returns to Calif., friend of wom. suff., 507;
U. S. Minister to Berlin, 553;
genuine Repub., 559.
SARGENT, ELLA, 560.
SARGENT, ELLEN CLARK, entertains A. as guest, 405;
while snow bound on eastward journey, 406; 407; 480;
urges A. not to be troubled, 494; 495;
returns to Calif., personal characteris., 507; 509; 512; 553;
genuine Repub., 559;
asks Estee Chairman Natl. Repub. Con. if "free ballot" plank
includes women, 642;
work for S. Dak., 685;
entertains A. during Wom. Cong., 829;
gift to A. and Miss Shaw, 832;
made pres. Calif. Suff. Assn., 835;
asks A. to help in campn., 861;
directs it with A., 862;
on committees, 863;
entertains A. and Miss Shaw during campn., 864;
gives up entire home to work, her services and money, 865;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
at Popu., Prohib. and Demo. Cons., 872; 888;
scenes in election booths, 891;
trib. to A.'s services in Calif., 892.
SARGENT, DR. ELIZ., A. visits in Zurich, 559;
in Yosemite with A., 831;
arrang. county cons. in Calif, campn., successful results, 864;
head of literary com. and petit. work, contributes money, 865;
suff. work on San Fr. Post, 866.
SARGENT, GEORGE, 408.
SARGENT, MR. AND MRS. JAMES, 772;
A. assists at golden wedding, 916;
entertain A. at Thous. Is., 926.
SAUNDERS, ALVIN, SENATOR, ad. suff. con., 541.
SAXE, REV. ASA, spks. for wom. suff., 762.
SAXON, ELIZABETH LYLE, ad. Cong. Com., 511;
in Neb. campn., 545;
in Kan. campn., 609; 808.
SAXTON, GEN. RUFUS, approves equal rights for women, 272;
<DW64>s still enslaved, 964.
SCATCHERD, ALICE, secures admission wom. dele. to Lib. Con., 576;
com. for internatl. organizat., 579;
ad. Senate Com., 640.
SCHENCK, ELIZ. B., 327.
SCHIEFFELIN BROTHERS, 234.
SCHOFIELD, MARTHA, A. visits industrial school, 812.
SCHUMACHER, MR. AND MRS. ADOLPH, entertain A., 652.
SCHURMAN, PRES. JACOB GOULD, welcomes suff. con., invites to visit
Cornell, 800.
SCHURZ, CARL, opponent wom. suff., 415.
SCHUYLER, MARY M. HAMILTON, Art. Assn. desire to make statue rep.
Philanthropy, 734;
stepson obj. to having name coupled with A.'s, 735.
SCHUYLER, PHILIP, obj. to stepmother's statue by side of A., 734;
enjoins Art Assn., she wd. resent attempt to couple name with A.'s,
defeat in court of appeals, 735.
SCOTT, CHARLES F., urg. Mrs. Johns to call off women, 778.
SCOTT, FRANCIS M., ad. N. Y. Consti. Con. in opp. wom. suff., 769.
SEARS, JUDGE T. C., assails wom. suff., 281;
res. agnst. it, 283.
SEDGWICK, CATHARINE MARIA, born in Berkshire, 1.
SELDEN, HENRY. R., women have valid claim to vote, 425;
assures A. of this, 424;
tells her she has committed no crime, 426; 427;
appears for A. before U. S. Commiss., 428;
argues for writ of habeas corpus, gives bail for A., 432;
wishes he had heard her argument first, 433;
defends her at trial, 436;
argument before jury, 437;
demands jury be polled and moves for new trial, 439;
Judge Hunt's action indefensible, 441;
Van Voorhis' trib., 445;
A. has argument printed, 446;
prepares appeal to Cong. in A.'s case;
Hunt's action judicial outrage, 449; 994.
SENEY, GEO. E., M. C., opp. wom. suff., 590.
SEVERANCE, CAROLINE M., 131; 252; 260;
signs call for Am. Suff. Assn., 328;
entertains A., 832.
SEVERANCE, MRS. MARK SIBLEY, recep. for A., 833.
SEVERANCE, SARAH M., work for S. Dak., 685;
spks. for wom. suff. in Calif. campn., 875.
SEWALL, MAY WRIGHT, first app. on natl. suff. plat., 495;
presents flowers to A. at St. Louis, 507; 511;
arranges suff. con. Indpls., 517; 527;
presentation speech to A., 534;
chmn. natl. ex. com., 535;
appears bef. House Com., 541; 545;
description of honors paid A. on departure for Europe, 547;
A. at New Orleans Expo., 597;
applies lash to own back, 600;
entertains A., 623; 626;
chmn. com. on union of two assns., 628; 629;
skill as pres. offic., 632;
arranges internat. council, 633;
originates idea of permanent Councils, 639;
made cor. sec., 641;
open let. to Gen. Harrison, 642;
introduces A. to Classical School, 650;
arranges birthday banq. for A., 664;
presides, 665; 676;
A. visits, 698;
present to A., 707;
at Fed. of Clubs, 720; 721;
spks. at Rochester, 740;
at opening World's Fair, 742;
ch. com. org. Wom. Cong., A. glories in her work, 745;
A.'s popularity at World's Fair, 746;
entertains A. during World's Fair, 750;
presides at lunch to Internat. Council, 751; 821; 841;
wants A. to manage Stn.'s birthday, 847;
death of husband, A.'s sympathy, 850;
receives State officials in honor of A., 903;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
at Berk. Hist, meet., 944;
A.'s character, 950;
open let. to Gen. Harrison on "free ballot" pl. in Repub. plat.,
1013.
SEWALL, SAMUEL E., endorses wom. suff., 284; 373;
birthday gift to A., 976.
SEWALL, MRS. SAMUEL E., congratulat. let. to A., 640;
birthday gift to A., 976.
SEWALL, THEODORE L., at World's Fair, 750;
death, 850.
SEWARD, MRS. W. H., favors divorce, 195.
SEYMOUR, GOV. HORATIO, heads opposit. to A. S. meet., 210;
ad. Demo. mass meet. N. Y., 305;
pres. Natl. Demo. Con., 306.
SEYMOUR, HORATIO, JR., leads disturbance at A. S. meet., 208.
SEYMOUR, MARY F., reports wom. council, 637;
death, 757.
SHAFROTH, MRS. JOHN F., at Wash. con., 851.
SHARKEY, WM. L., Provis. Gov. Miss., 961.
SHARSWOOD, JUDGE, agnst. wom. suff., 985.
SHATTUCK, HARRIETTE ROBINSON, spks. at suff. con. Boston, 533; 541;
in Neb. campn., 545; 628.
SHAW, REV. ANNA HOWARD, in Kan., 625; 629;
accepts proposals for union, 630; 636;
beginning of friendship with A., 645;
first appears on Natl. plat., 647; 652;
at A.'s birthday banq., 665;
appeal for S. Dak., 675; 676;
must not attack Christian relig., 678;
goes to S. Dak., 681;
writes A. people anxious for her to come, 682;
scores State com., better not cut loose from A., 683; 684;
at Repub. con. seats for Indians, none for wom., 687;
rebukes con., in Black Hills, 688;
gets courage from A., longs for mother, 689;
A.'s experience with crying baby, 692;
her own experience, A.'s retort in case of drunken man, 693;
at Deadwood, 694;
hardest campn. ever known, 696;
at Rochester, 698;
first pres. Wimodaughsis, 700;
at Wom. Council, 702;
christens Avery baby, 705;
present to A., 707;
in Adirondacks, 708; at Chautauqua, 709;
J. H. Buckley's obj. to wom. suff. from relig. standpoint, 710;
at West. N. Y. Fair, 711;
vice-pres.-at-large Natl. Am. Assn., 717;
in Kan. campn., 719;
shut out of churches bec. spoke at spiritual meet., will speak on
suff. anywhere, 720;
at Kan. Repub. con., at Omaha Popu. con., 726;
deb. suff. with Dr. Buckley at Chau., 727;
recep. at Hall of Philos., 728;
spks. in N. Y. campn., 761;
will not work for wom. suff. in Kan. unless politic. part. endorse
it, weakness of wom., 781;
opens campn. in Kan. City, 784;
demands Repub. Wom. con., ask for suff. plank, 785;
ad. res. com. at Repub. St. con., 786;
ad. suff. mass. meet. in Topeka, 787;
ad. Popu. St. con., 789;
shakes hands with dele., telegram Kan. Prohib. con. adopts wom. suff.
plank, 790;
finishes Kan. engagements, 792; 793;
Mrs. Diggs urges return to Kan., 795;
in Atlanta, 811;
in Columbus, 812;
invit. to Calif. Wom. Cong., 820;
at Chi. St. Louis, Denver, entertained by Gov. and Mrs. Routt, 821;
enthusiastic greet. in Broadway Thea., 823;
preaches Tabernacle, Salt Lake, "politic. sermon," 824;
preaches in theater; at Inter-Mount. Suff. Assn., receptions, banq.
in Ogden, at Reno, Nev., 825;
spks. in theat., in Calif., at Oakland ferry, in Dr. McLean's
pulpit, 826;
in Congreg. church San Fr., at Wom. Cong., 827;
spks. every day, royal welcome, 828;
all in love with, preaches in synagogue, helps org. suff. campn.,
829;
ad. Congreg. ministers' meet., Unit. Club dinner, Stanford Univers.,
830;
social courtesies, Yosemite, names big tree S. B. A., at San Jose,
831;
Los Angeles, Riverside, Pasadena, Pomona, San Diego, 832;
Olivewood, Santa Monica, Los Angeles, 833;
spks. in Oakland, in Method. ch., San Fr., at ministers' meet., 834;
meets with Calif. Suff. Assn., 835;
4th July com. refuse to let spk., reconsider, she rides in proces.
and makes sp., 836;
goes to Oakland, can not find audience, starts homeward, 837;
goes to Chicago, 839;
stricken with fever, 840;
favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854;
spks. at county cons. in Calif., in Sargent residence, 864;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
bef. res. com., 871;
ad. Dem. res. com. for two min., 873;
scores con. for action on wom. suff. pl., at ratificat. meet. in San
Fr., 874;
spks. every night dur. campn. and donates serv. of sec., 875; 883;
at "Tom Reed" rally, Oakland, 885;
photo. given for pledges, 889;
at Salt Lake, Kan. City, banq. at Roch., 895;
R. I. suff. con., 896;
A's 77th birthday, 907;
present to Mary Anthony, 916;
visits Mrs. Osborne, 917;
A.'s letters like Paul's Epistles, 924;
spks. at western conferences, 929;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
at A.'s right hand, 942;
at Berk. Hist. meet., trib. to A., her belief in men and women,
great, ideal life, 945.
SHAW, FRANCIS G., gives A. $100 for Rev., 355.
SHAW, SARAH B., 282.
SHELDON, ELLEN H., serv. for Natl. Assn., 700.
SHIPPEN, REV. RUSH R., ad. suff. con., 607.
SHERMAN, GEN. WM. T., 249.
SHERMAN, MRS. GEN., agnst. wom. suff., 377.
SIMONTON, J. W., at press dinner, 316.
SIMPSON, JERRY, M. C., ad. suff. con. 756.
SIMPSON, BISHOP MATTHEW, 337; favors wom. suff., 588.
SIZER, NELSON, phrenolog. chart of A., 85.
SKIDMORE, MR. AND MRS. THOS. J., hospitality, love of liberty, 710.
SLAYTON (Lect. Bureau), tells A. she has ruined lect. prospects, 468;
cempli. circular of A.'s lect., 486.
SLOCUM, MRS., interviews Gen. Hancock, 520.
SMALLEY, GEO. W., 246.
SMITH, ABBY, 446.
SMITH, MRS. E. O., at Calif. Dem. Con., 872.
SMITH, ELIZ. OAKES, at Syracuse W. R. Con., 72; 316;
death, 756.
SMITH, MR. AND MRS. FRANK M., entertain A., 877.
SMITH, JUDGE G. W., agnst. wom. suff., 283.
SMITH, GERRIT, suff. greatest of all rights, 75;
one standard of morals, 93;
advocates Bloomer costume, 113;
in Cong., 118;
wom. must get rid of poverty and disabling dress, 147;
sleeps in church, 179;
insane, 181;
Garrison. meet. at Albany, 212;
donation Loyal League, 234; 270; 279;
endorses wom. suff., 284;
bids wom. stand aside for <DW64>, 300;
"nothing to fear from women," 301; 350;
helps A. pay expenses of trial, 446;
death, 467;
gave land to <DW64>s, 708; 935.
SMITH, MRS. GERRIT, vice-pres. Wom. Temp. Con., 67.
SMITH, GOLDWIN, opp. wom. suff., 698.
SMITH, HANNAH WHITALL, 541.
SMITH, JULIA (see Parker).
SMITH, LEWIA C., testimonial to Judge Selden, 446;
testimonial and gift for A., 558.
SMITH, MRS. M. F., 808.
SMITH, MRS. NICHOLAS, 327.
SOLOMONS, SELINA, poem to A., 881.
SOMERSET, LADY HENRY, approves A.'s bust, 722;
farewell teleg. to A., 729;
A. has true sign of greatness, endorses her sp. on temp. at World's
Fair, 747;
in Twilight Park, 773;
at Repub. Con., Saratoga, 774.
SOMERVILLE, MARY, endorses wom. suff., 368.
SORBIER, MADAME, tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis., 863.
SOULE, REV. DR., 550.
SOUTHWICK, SARAH, 902.
SOUTHWORTH, LOUISA, 623;
entertains bus. com. natl. suff. assn., leading suff. rep.,
friendship and generosity to A. and to assn., 801;
cares for A. in illness, 840.
SPENCE, CATHERINE H., ad. suff. con., 756.
SPENCER (JUDGE) MRS., tries to sec. suff. amend. from Calif. Legis.,
863.
SPENCER, REV. ANNA GARLIN, speaks at suff. con., 533, 702.
SPENCER, SARA ANDREWS, engrosses Wom. Dec. of Ind., 478; 479;
petit. work, 484; 495;
strong res. at Natl. Con., 499.
SPERRY, GEORGE B., 831.
SPERRY, MRS. AUSTIN, treas. wom. suff. campn., com. in Calif., 863;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
treas. Suff. Assn., valuable assistance, 888.
SPOFFORD, MR. AND MRS., welcome A., 701;
leave Riggs House, 705.
SPOFFORD, JANE S., elect. treas. Natl. Suff. Assn., 407;
hospitality to A., 512;
A. writes to give up con., 526; 527;
Albany people shd. take A. in their arms, 536;
A.'s let. on shipboard, 551;
let. from A., 562; 629; 632; 633; 643;
thoughtfulness for A., 672; 676; 679;
pays S. Dak. bills, 680;
recep. to Wom. Council, 702;
valu. assist. to A., 743.
SQUIER, ELLEN HOXIE, 653; 802.
SQUIER, LUCIEN, 653.
SPRAGUE, HOMER B., 337.
SPRAKER, LIVINGSTON, 49.
SPRINGER, WM. M., M. C., obj. to admit. Wy. with wom. suff., 698.
STAMBACH, DR. IDA, entertains A., 881.
STAFFORD, COL., 4.
STAFFORD, BROWN, 121.
STAFFORD, JOHN, 121.
STANFORD, JANE L., 607; 660;
A. in private car, case before Supreme Court, 824;
sends passes to A. and Miss Shaw, and invites to first graduates'
reception, 830;
trib. of self and husb. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 850; 851;
belief in wom. suff. 876;
assist. in Calif. wom. suff. campn., 888.
STANFORD, SENATOR LELAND, sends A. and Mrs. Stn. passes, 390;
keen perceptions, 607;
in favor Amend. XVI, 621;
contrib. S. Dak., 676;
death, 756;
appreciates A. and Mrs. Stn., predicts advancement of woman, 851.
STANFORD, SENATOR AND MRS., recep. to Wom. Council, 637.
STANSBURY, L. M., 780.
STANTON, ELIZABETH CADY, first impression of A., 64;
advice to pub. speakers, writes to please self, 66;
elected pres. State Temp. Con., 67;
divorce and practical relig., 68;
opp. to woman as pres. of first con., 72;
co-education, bondage of relig., 73;
as mother, 76;
work in 1840-'48, 82;
woman's right to speak in public, 92;
admit men to Woman's Temp. Soc., 94;
objected to as pres. of society, 95;
ad. N. Y. Legis., 108;
appeal for rights of women, 110;
Bloomer costume, 113;
renounces it, 115;
drawbacks to her efforts for women, 130;
takes turns with A. in writing and baby-tending, 142;
congrat. A. on stirring up teachers, 157;
appeals for equal rights, 175;
martyrdom of John Brown, what she will say to St. Peter, 181; 185;
will obey Napoleon, 187;
describes A. and self working together, 188;
ad. N. Y. legis., 189;
declares for divorce, 193;
replies to Greeley, Luc. Mott approves, 195;
blows struck at men's stronghold, 196;
on divorce at Friends' meet., 197;
offers to help A. on agricult. sp., 199; 208;
hissed at Roch. anti-slav. meet., 209;
Garrisonian meet at Albany, 212;
on "Adam Bede," prepares anti-slav. ad., 217; 221;
call for Loyal League, 226;
spks. for League, 227;
pres. League, 229; 234;
lively let. from Phillips, 237;
humiliation of women at seeing <DW64> placed above their heads, 239;
love for A., 244; 246; 249;
petit. Cong. for wom. suff., 250;
urges women to work for suff., 251; 253;
sounds alarm when men show signs of treachery, 256;
eloquent demand for wom. suff., 257; 259;
last moments of con., 260;
influenced by eloquence of Phillips and Tilton but repudiates it,
261;
easily psychologized, 262;
compliments Democrats, 263;
ridiculed by N. Y. World, 264; 265;
will sign every petit. if necessary, scores "old guard," 268;
protests agnst. <DW64>'s receiv. rights denied women, 269;
comes to meetings rested and refreshed, ad. joint coms. of N. Y.
legis. on new constit., 273;
memorial to Cong., 277;
before N. Y. Consti. Con., 278; 279;
encounter with Greeley, name forbidden in Tribune, 280; 282;
goes into Kansas campn., 283;
unpleasant nights, 284;
homage for her talents, 285;
tour of Kan. with ex-Gov. Robinson, 286;
invites Train to assist, 287; 290;
arranges lect. tour with Train, at polls, 291;
praised by Leav. Commercial, 292;
admiration of Mr. Train, defers to A.'s judgment, tour with A. and
Train, 293;
censured and repudiated by friends for alliance with Train, claims
right to accept his aid for wom. suff., 294;
begins The Revolution, abuse of N. Y. Times, 295;
comment N. Y. Independent, Cin'ti Enquirer, 296;
descrip. of Revolution, wom. have lost self-respect, 297;
defends The Revolution, 298;
on desire to edit paper, 299;
objects to treatment by Equal Rights Assn., Revolution an individ.
matter, 300;
described by Nellie Hutchinson, 302;
presides at Equal Rights Assn., 303;
Blackwell praises work in Kan., independent com. formed, 304;
attends Demo. mass meet. in N. Y., comment of Sun, 305;
attends Natl. Demo. Con. in Tammany Hall, 306;
finishes home at Tenafly, 308; 309;
goes to Gov. Geary in behalf of Hester Vaughan, 310; 314;
western tour, 315; 316;
almost alone in demanding word "sex" in Fifteenth Amend., 318;
writes old friends to ignore the past, 320;
presides Equal Rights Assn., 322;
presides Natl. Suff. Assn., 327; 328;
describes Newport con., 329; 330;
forms friendship with Mrs. Hooker, 332; 337;
ad. Cong. com., 338; 339;
described by Mary Clemmer, 340; 343; 344;
urges union of suff. orgz'tns and offers to resign office, 347;
forbids use of name for pres., women protest, at Apollo Hall con.,
at dissolut. of Equal Rights Assn., 348; 349;
mass meeting in McFarland-Richardson case, 352;
beautiful appearance, 353;
no salary on Revolution, 354;
objects to change name of Rev., "Rosebud" will not answer, 357; 358;
declines to serve longer as editor, 360;
urges A. to roll load off her shoulders, 361; 362; 366; 368;
work in 1845, called first W. R. con., 369;
wants A. for pres. of assn. but willing to exalt Mrs. Hooker, 371;
sends $100 to Wash. con., 372;
bet. two fires, 374;
answers men who object to Mrs. Woodhull, 379;
no faith in Repub. party, 382;
supports Mrs Woodhull, 383;
chmn. Natl. com., 384;
starts to Calif., 387;
bliss in marriage if both equals, 388;
first sp. in San Fr., visits Mrs. Fair in jail, 390;
sympathizes with her, goes to Yosemite, 392;
can not mount pony, hard trip, 393; 396;
ad. Sen. com., 410;
call for forming new party, 413;
criticises A., 414;
let. to N. Y. World urging Demo. to stand by women, 416;
let. from Cochran, 418;
not grateful to Repubs., "white mules turn long ears," 420;
spks. on Repub. plat. in N. Y., 422;
defends A. in voting, 432; 434;
annual protest agnst. Wash. con., 467;
objects to A.'s lecture on Social Purity, 468;
opens Centennial headqrs., 475;
prepares wom. Dec. of Ind., 476;
refused permis. to read Dec., 477;
evils of manhood suff., 479;
begins Hist. of Wom. Suff., 480;
at Mrs. Davis' funeral, 481;
appeal for 16th Amend., 483;
hates lecturing, thankful for abuse, friendship for A., 488;
her children's love for A., 489;
prayer-meet. in Cap. at Wash., 494; 495;
re-elect. pres. Natl. Assn., 496;
strong res. at Natl. Con., 499;
ad. to Pres. Hayes, 500; 507;
corres. editor Ballot-Box, 510;
writes res. and ad., 516;
work on Hist., 524;
tries to vote, 525;
A. compels to attend cons., pres. at Wash. con., 526;
eulogy on Luc. Mott, 527; 528;
valuable work on Hist. Wom. Suff., 531;
present is time to write history, 532;
entertainment by Bird Club, Boston, 534;
illness, fears of not finish. history, 537; 540; 541;
sails for Europe, 543;
always strength to A., 544;
urges A. to come to Eng., 546; 547; 549; 553;
calls on Channing in Eng., 554; 564;
spks. at Prince's Hall, 565;
spks. at St. James Hall, 566;
advises suff. for married women, 568;
Mrs. McLaren appreciates, 569; 575; 576; 577;
confidence of Eng. women, 579;
open let. on Douglass marriage, 585;
prepares natl. con. report, begins work on Vol. III Hist. of Wom.
Suff., 592;
advises women to work for Rep. party, 594;
res. denounc. dogmas and creeds, 595;
rebukes Rev. Patton for sermon agnst. woman suff., upholds A.'s
remarks, 596;
work on Hist. Wom. Suff., 599;
ease-loving nature, A. urges to work, Mrs. Sewall pities,
"exercises by lying down," 600;
women complain of use of "blue pencil," 601;
70th birthday, "Pleasures of old age," let. H. Stanton Blatch., 602;
aesthetic cons., 605;
revises History proofs, sells rights to A., fine ability, 613;
adv. A. to burn old letters, 625;
advised not to take presidency united assns., 628; 629;
willing to decline, but lets. insist she shall take presidency, 630;
A. spks. in her favor, 631;
elect. pres., 632; 633;
friendship for A., coming back to Amer. to do best work, 635;
dreads ocean trip, can not come to Council, A. brings her and shuts
her up to write sp., 636;
at recep. for Wom. Council, 637;
trib. of Fr. Willard, 638;
ad. Sen. com., 640; 642; 654; 659; 664;
looks like Lord Chief. Just., 665;
response at A.'s birthday banq., thorn in side, meets A. in London,
oblig. to her, 667;
inspiration to A., 668;
A. will have her under thumb, ad. Cong. Coms., presides Natl. Am.
Assn., 674;
honored to go abroad as its represent., farewell, 675;
The Matriarchate, 702; 703;
re-elect. pres. natl. assn., 704;
keep home and be cremat. in own oven, 707;
returns to Amer., A. urges to make home with her and prepare
writings for posterity, 712;
goes for month's visit to A., sits for bust by Ad. Johnson, sp. in
favor opening Roch. Univers. to women, cartoon in Utica paper, 713;
settled in N. Y., children urge to give up work, paper on Solitude
of Self, ovation at con., begs scepter be transfer. to A., elect.
hon. pres. natl. assn., last app. at Wash. con., 717;
ad. Cong. Coms., recep. in Wash., 718; 719; 729;
trib. to disting. dead, 737;
natl. com. sends greet. to, 739;
paper for Educat. Cong. World's Fair, 751;
ad. to N. Y. women contrib. to Sun, 763;
prep. call for natl. con., 801;
cosy home, 802;
thanks A. for read. her papers, 811;
memorial to Fred. Douglass, 814;
A. visits to tell about cons., etc., 815;
portrait at Utah Con., 825;
let. sympathy to A., 842;
80th birthday, 845;
all wom. shd. pay tribute, 846;
birthday sp., 847;
magnific. fete, Tilton's testimonial, 848;
recep. by Mrs. H. Villard, birthday celebrat. in Roch., 849;
extolled by Sen. Stanford, 851;
prepares Woman's Bible, res. agnst. introd. in natl. suff. con., 852;
always announc. to be her individ. work, 853;
always in advance of times, A. defends her, 854;
urges that she and A. resign office, 855;
A. tells her she is talking down to people in her Bible commentary,
856;
and says suff. wd. take women out of relig. bigotry, urges not to
send Bible literature to Calif., 857;
women only class left to fight battles alone, 879;
A. wishes she were young and strong, 880; 896; 915;
at Mrs. Osborne's, 917;
A. writes of Mrs. Besant and Theosophy, 918;
at Geneva, 927; pict. in Anthony parlor, 934;
A.'s magnanimity, honesty, heroism, tenderness, "to be wedded to an
idea may be holiest and happiest of marriages," dedicates
Reminiscences, 951;
to "my steadfast friend.," 952;
ad. to Pres. Lincoln, "free women as you have slaves," 957;
ad. to Cong., eloquent demand for woman's enfranchisement, 968;
birthday gift to A., 976;
Repubs. will lose power to protect black men in right to vote, 1016.
STANTON, MR. AND MRS. GERRIT, 654.
STANTON, HARRIOT, (See Blatch).
STANTON, HENRY B., on condition of country, urges A. to gird on armor,
226.
STANTON, MRS. HENRY B., Greeley's revenge, 280; 972.
STANTON, THEODORE AND MARGUERITE, 532;
take A. to Chamber of Deputies, to St. Cloud, to station, 561.
STARRETT, HELEN EKIN, compares A. and Mrs. S. when in Kan., 273;
how A. won all hearts, 285; 287.
STARRETT, REV. WM., 287.
STEARNS, JUDGE J. B., introd. A., 656; 902.
STEARNS, SARAH BURGER, 656.
STEBBINS, GILES AND CATHARINE F., old friends of A., 658;
visit A., 711;
golden wed., 896.
STEBBINS, REV. H. H., for wom. suff., 762.
STEBBINS, DR. HORATIO, 830.
STEPHENS, PROF. KATE, in Germany, 560.
STETSON, CHARLOTTE PERKINS, opp. res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854;
visits A. and spks. in Rochester, 901.
STERN, JUDGE, ad. wom. suff. con., 762.
STEVENS, THADDEUS, tries to have women included in Amend. XIV, 250;
bids women stand aside for <DW64>, 267; 318;
elective franchise inalienable right, 979;
Amendment XIV, 1016.
STEVENSON, DR. SARAH HACKETT, at Fed. Clubs, 720;
let. from A. on maternity hospital, 843.
STILLMAN, JAS. W., 350.
STEWART, SEN. WM., favors wom. suff., 500.
STOCKER, ALICE M., Calif. Dem. Con., 872.
STONE, LUCINDA HINSDALE, 379.
STONE, LUCY, first meets A., 64;
unjust laws for women, 73;
does not favor Maine law, 81; 87; 90;
on divorce, 93;
assists Whole World Temp. Con., 96;
commends A., praises Channing, 111;
writes A. regarding Bloomers, 115;
defends costume, but abandons it, 116;
marries, 128;
playful letter on marriage, 130;
will retire from public work, 135; 139;
encourages A. to speak in public, 145;
shows legal posit. of women, has faith in A., 146;
pres. N. Y. con., 147;
sympathetic let., 151;
care of children, 162;
trustee of Jackson fund, 165;
wd. use Hovey fund for test cases, 171; 185;
opp. divorce res., 195;
pres. Loyal League meet., 229; 234;
petit. for Cong. action, 250; 253;
favors union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., 256;
abused by N. Y. World, 264;
campn. in Kan., money from Jackson fund for it, treachery of Repub.
Com., censures Tribune and Independent, 275; 281;
wants Mrs. Stn. to edit paper, 299;
A. desires her to edit paper, 300; 303;
Repub. party false unless it protects woman, 304;
repudiates "free love" res., 325; 328;
chmn. ex. com. Am. Suff. Assn., 329;
for dissolution of E. R. Assn., 349;
asst. ed. Wom. Jour., 361;
early work, 369;
asks A.'s attitude toward parties, 497;
Eddy legacy, 539; 540;
on com. for union of two assns., 627;
meets A. in Boston, submits plan, 628;
appoints conf. com., 629; 630;
chmn. ex. com. united assns., 632; 634;
at recep. for Wom. Council, 637;
trib. of Fr. Willard, 638;
let. on A. birthday, 668;
let. greet. Natl. Am. Con., 675;
authoriz. A. to sign name, 676;
requests women celebrate admiss. Wyoming, 699;
invites A. to Mass. suff. annivers., sympathizes with illness, 701;
at Wom. Council, had stood beside A. on many a battlefield, 703;
hon. pres. Natl. Am. Assn., 717;
at recep. in Wash., 718; 729;
last let. to natl. con., greeting sent her, 738;
memorial serv. at Wash. con., 756; 935.
STORRS, WM. C., U. S. Commissr., 426;
examines A. for having voted, 427.
STOUT, IRA, 164.
STOWE, CALVIN E., endorses wom. suff., 284.
STOWE, DR. EMILY H., 658.
STOWE, HARRIET BEECHER, will help Revolution, 356;
gives name as ed., later declines, 358; 360; 548; 902; 935.
STRATTON, SEN. AND MRS. FRED., entertain A., 877.
STRONG, HARRIET R., 832.
STUDWELL, EDWIN A., 349; 368.
STUDWELL, MRS. EDWIN A., 349.
SULLIVAN, ISAAC N., _Sup. Judge_, Idaho, decides in favor wom. suff.,
919.
SULLIVAN, MARGARET B., on shipboard with A., 579.
SUMNER, CHAS., work for emancip., 226;
presents petit. for emancip. in Senate, 235;
writes A. must "blast idea of property in man," 236;
acknowl. indebtedness to A., 238;
efforts to omit "male" in Amend. XIV, 256;
L. M. Child's petit. "inopportune," 265;
concedes right to disfranchise taxpayers, 269;
bids women stand aside, 300; 317;
interested in suff. hearing, 339; 373;
did not realize women felt degredat. of disfranchise, 411;
never a public word for woman, 456;
ext. from great sp., 968;
all citizens entitled to equal rights, 979;
no doubt but women have constit. right to vote, 981; 1014;
<DW64> enfranchisement, 1015;
wrote 19 pp. foolscap to keep "male" out of Amend. XIV, 1016.
SUNDERLAND, REV. BYRON S., attacks W. R. women, 79.
SUTRO, MAYOR ADOLPH, welcomes Wom. Cong., San Fr., 827.
SWEET, ADA C., 607.
SWEET, EMMA B., priv. sec. to A., 843;
goes with her to Calif., 862;
in the campn., 892.
SWIFT, JOHN F., 892.
SWIFT, MARY WOOD, on Calif. wom. suff.
campn. coms., 863;
at Repub. St. Con., 869;
pres. Century Club, entertains A., 876;
elect. pres. Calif. Suff. Assn., 892;
valuable services, 893.
SWIFT, RICHARD L., mob at A. S. meet., 209.
SWING, DAVID, quotation from, 667.
TAFT, LORADO, bust of A., sex nothing to do with art, 721;
Miss Willard's compli. 722.
TANEY, CHIEF JUSTICE ROGER B., decision in Dred Scott case, 454;
citizens those who conduct govt. through representatives, 984;
infamous decision, 985.
TANNER, MARY PRIESTMAN, 576; 577.
TAYLOR, ALBERTA CHAPMAN, 810.
TAYLOR, EZRA B., M. C., rep. in favor wom. suff., 590;
conducts fight for wom. suff., 607; 651;
secures Cong. rep. in favor wom. suff., 699;
gives credit to Mrs. Upton, 700; 705.
TAYLOR, HELEN, 337; 565; 577.
TAYLOR, MR. AND MRS. LANSING G., A. teaches in family of, 44.
TAYLOR, MENEIA (MRS. PETER), 555; 577.
TAYLOR, HON. T. T., introd. munic. wom. suff. bill in Kan. legis., 611.
TELLER, SENATOR HENRY M., ad. suff. con., 756.
TELLER, MRS. HENRY M., at Wash, con., 851.
TERRY, ELLEN, A. hears, 555.
THACHER, MAYOR GEO. H., declares for free speech, 211;
protects Garrison meet., 212; 733.
THACHER, JOHN BOYD, asks record of father, fails to put suff. wom. on
N. Y. Board Lady Manag., 733.
THATCHER, JUDGE, 287.
THAYER, JOHN M., ad. on Mary Anthony's birthday, 916;
poem to A. at Berkshire Hist. meet., 944;
ad. on A.'s birthday, 860.
THOMAS, REV. H. W., introd. A. in Chicago, 617;
her great heart like Christ, 805;
trib. to A. "saint of liberty," 900;
introd. A. at Lib. Cong. Relig. Nashville, 928.
THOMAS, MR. AND MRS. JOHN W., recep. to Wom. Council, 928.
THOMAS, M. LOUISE, 511; 550;
treas. Natl. Council, 639;
A. visits, 654.
THOMAS, MARY F., 629.
THOMASSON, MRS. J. P., 563;
recep. for A. and Mrs. Stn., 565; 567.
THOMPSON, ELIZABETH, gives A. $1,000 for History, 524;
pres. Art. Assn. desiring to make A.'s statute, 734.
THOMPSON, GEO., 63;
encourages Wom. Loyal League, 233;
spks. at first annivers. 237;
rebukes America for slavery, 996.
THOMSON, ADELINE, first meets A., 122; 327; 527; 538;
present to A., 549; 550;
entertains A. at Cape May, 624;
love for A., 651;
gift to A., 741;
death, gives A. $1,000, 814.
THOMSON, ANNIE, first meets A., 122; 527;
present to A., 549; 814.
THURMAN, SENATOR ALLEN G., insults wom. petit., 485; 486.
THURSTON, SARAH A., on Kan. wom. suff. com., 781.
TIFFANY & CO., 278.
TILTON, ELIZ. R., funeral of baby, 308; 346;
demure, motherly, sweetness needed, 357;
selects poetry for Rev., 359; 360;
during Beecher-Tilton trouble, 461;
beautiful character, not wicked, 463;
love and veneration for pastor, 464;
born into Plymouth church, pitiable condition, crushed, 465;
let. to A. on 50th birthday, 975;
gift, 976.
TILTON, THEODORE, "noise-making twain," A. and Mrs. Stn., 188;
gets Beecher's sp. in Independent, 192;
A.'s "sphere," 217;
on Emancip. Proclam., millenium on the way, 225;
announces birth of son, 232;
supports A.'s plan, proposes E. R. Assn., strong ed. in N. Y.
Independent, 252;
favors union of A. S. and W. R. Soc., 256; 259; 260;
argues agnst. trying to strike "male" from N. Y. constit., 261; 264;
270;
refuses to champion wom. suff. in 1867, 281; 290;
res. to send A. to Natl. Demo. Con., 305;
deserts wom. suff. for <DW64> suff., 317;
wom. suff. presented as "intellect. theory," 323;
tries to unite suff. assns., 346;
made pres. Union Society, 348; 349;
sends com. to Am. Suff. Assn. proposing union, 350; 357;
assists Mrs. Bullard in ed. Rev., 361; 368;
at Lib. Repub. Con., 415;
derides women, 419;
A.'s affection for, 463;
brilliant and attractive, Beecher's love for, 464;
respect for wife, 465;
testimonial to A. and Mrs. Stn., 848;
let. on A.'s 50th birthday, 975;
gift, 976.
TOD, ISABELLA M. S., entertains A., 572; 573.
TOWNS, MIRABEAU L., has ad. on wom. suff. printed, 768.
TOWNSEND, HARRIET A., 741.
TOWNSEND, S. P., arranges temp. meet, for A. and others, 83.
TOURGEE, ALBION W., 754.
TRAIN, GEO. FRANCIS, offers assist. to wom. suff. campn. in Kan., 286;
first sp. at Leav., 287;
obj. to hard route, says A. knows how to make man ashamed, speaking
tour, 288;
dons evening dress before speaking, attacks Gen. Blunt, advice to
sick people, 289;
will furnish money for wom. suff. paper, A. proprietor, praised by
D. R. Anthony, 290;
fails to reach Atchison, makes final arrange. with A. at St. Joe for
paper and lect. trip, 291;
method of speaking, personal descript., 292;
pays all expenses for lect. tour of himself, A. and Mrs. Stn., 293;
scored by suff. advocates, 294;
furnishes funds for The Revolution and reserves space for his own
opinions, 295;
comment N. Y. Independ., 296;
defended by Mrs. Stn., 297;
goes abroad, is put into Dublin jail, 298;
not able to meet all financ. obligat. to Rev., 299; 301; 308;
withdraws from paper, 319;
put in $3,000, 354; 408.
TRALL, DR., 88.
TREMAINE, LYMAN, rep. agnst. A.'s appeal
for remission of fine, shows ignorance of matter, 450.
TRUESDALE, SARAH, registers and votes, 424.
TRUMAN, COMMISSIONER, 597.
TRUMBULL, SENATOR LYMAN, 410.
TRUTH, SOJOURNER, at W. R. con., 103.
TRYGG, ALLI, ad. Senate Com., 640.
TUCKER, GIDEON J., for wom. suff., 767.
TUCKER, JOHN RANDOLPH, M. C., opp. wom. suff., 590;
rep. agnst. wom. suff., 607.
TUDOR, MRS. FENNO, 534.
TUPPER, REV. MILA (Maynard), at Wash. Wom. Council, 702;
in Calif. campn., 875.
TURNER, BISHOP HENRY M., favors wom. suff., 588;
spks. with A., 812.
TUTTLE, REV. J. H., 165.
TYNG, REV. STEPHEN H., 233.
UNDERWOOD, Judge, women have right to vote, 985.
UPTON, HARRIET TAYLOR, 652;
influ. Cong. Com. report, 700; 705; 812; 820;
on Wom. Bible res., 856;
at Anthony homestead, 940;
at Berkshire Hist. Meet., 943.
VAIL, MOSES, teaches A. algebra, 43.
VAN BUREN, MARTIN, at Tarrytown, New York, his habits, 41;
at Saratoga, 42;
urged ballot for workingmen, 998.
VANCE, SENATOR ZEBULON B., rep. agnst. wom. suff., 718.
VAN DYCK, HENRY H., ST. SUPT., opposes co-education, 156.
VAN PELT, ADA, 826.
VAN VOORHIS, JOHN, M. C., retained in A.'s case, 428;
shows mistake of giving bail, 433;
defends her in trial at Canandaigua, 436;
defends inspectors, refused permiss. to ad. jury, opinion of case
after 24 years, 444;
trib. to Judge Selden, 445;
prepares appeal to Cong., declares trial by jury annihilated, 449;
favors wom. suff., 543.
VAUGHAN, HESTER, accused of murdering child, 309;
pardoned and sent back to Eng., 310.
VAUGHN, MARY C., pres. temp. meet., 65; 82; 95.
VEST, GEORGE G., SENATOR, opposes com. on wom. rights, 540;
speech in opp. to wom. suff., 619;
harrowing picture, too much "gush," 620.
VIBBERT, GEORGE H., 328.
VILLARD, MRS. HENRY, daught. W. L. Garrison, recep. to A. and Mrs.
Stn., 849.
VINCENT, JOHN H., learn law of love from God's women, 708;
invites A. to Chautauqua, 727.
VOSBURG, MRS. J. R., stands by A. in Teach. Con., 100.
VROOMAN, MRS. HENRY, entertains A., 877.
WADE, SENATOR BENJAMIN F., encourages Wom. Loyal League, 233;
argues for wom. suff., 266; 317.
WADLEIGH, SENATOR BAINBRIDGE, insults wom. petit., 485;
opp. wom. suff., scored by Mary Clemmer, 501.
WAGENER, MR., agnst. wom. suff. pl. in Kan. Repub. plat., 780.
WAGNER, SILAS J., advises inspect. not to register women, 426.
WAIT, ANNA C., in Kan. campn., 609.
WAITE, JUDGE C. B., 315;
compli. Hist. Wom. Suff., 531.
WAITE, CHIEF-JUSTICE MORRISON R., decides agnst. woman's right to vote
under Amend. XIV, 453.
WAITE, MRS. MORRISON R., recep. to A. in Wash., 739.
WALKER, MR. AND MRS. T. B., entertain A., 723.
WALLACE, CELIA WHIPPLE, 641.
WALLACE, ZERELDA G., ad. Cong. com., 511;
trib. to A., "Christ-like," 535; 617;
pres. petit. for wom. suff., 620; 626;
let. urg. A. for. pres. united assns., 631; 652;
will work in S. Dak. only under A.'s direction, 683;
detained by illness, apprecia. of A., 685; 708;
at Chautauqua, 709;
at Mrs. Sewall's with A., 904.
WALLIS, JUDGE AND SARAH B., 405.
WALTERS, BISHOP, favors wom. suff., 588.
WALWORTH, REV. CLARENCE A., ad. N. Y. Constit. Con. in opp. to wom.
suff., 769; 770.
WASHINGTON, BOOKER, A. spks. with for Tuskeegee Instit., 914.
WASHINGTON, ASSOC.-JUST. BUSHROD, citizens have right to franchise and
office, 984; 986.
WASHINGTON, GEORGE, 805; 900.
WASSON, REV. D. A., sermons and presence inspire A., 133.
WATKINS, LETITIA V., canvasses Kan., 625.
WATSON, ELIZABETH LOWE, 405;
entertains A., 831.
WATTERSON, HENRY, favors wom. suff. 519; 725.
WATTLES, SUSAN E., suff. work in Kan., 178.
WARD, ELIZA T., 632.
WARDALL, POPU. CHMN., in Calif, campn., 883.
WARDALL, ALONZO, inv. A. to S. Dak., 657;
pres. claims of State at Wash, con., 675;
urges A. to come S. Dak., 679;
at Minneap., pledges A. supp. of Farm. Alli. for wom. suff., 684;
at Kan. Popu. Con., 790.
WARDALL, ELIZABETH M., let. to A., 679;
campn. report, 694;
A. sends $100, 695.
WARNER, SEN. WILLARD, presides at wom. suff. con., 377.
WARNER, CHAS. DUDLEY, praises A., 334.
WARNER, DANIEL J., advises women to be registered, 426.
WARREN, SEN. FRANCIS E., working of wom. suff. in Wy., 716;
fav. com. rep. on wom. suff., 718; 823.
WARREN, MRS. FRANCIS E., 823.
WARREN, BISHOP HENRY W., favors wom. suff., 588.
WAY, REV. AMANDA M., 328.
WAYMIRE, JUDGE AND MRS. J. A., entertain A., 877.
WEBB, ALFRED, 572; 575.
WEBB, RICHARD D., 572.
WEBB, THOMAS, 575.
WEBSTER, DANIEL, 593.
WEBSTER, PROF. HELEN L., wants Wom. Suff. Hist. for Wellesley, 754.
WEED, THURLOW, assists temp. women, 65; 329.
WELD, ANGELINA GRIMKE, 73;
spks. for Loyal League, 227;
for wom. suff., 229;
early work, 369.
WELD, THEODORE D., 233.
WELLMAN, ALICE H., entertains A., 877.
WELLS, MAYOR (SALT LAKE), 388.
WELLS, EMMELINE B., pres. Utah assn., 825;
at natl. suff. con., 902.
WELLS, IDA B., lect. in Roch., interrupt. by theolog. stu., A. comes
to defense, takes her home, 815;
stenographer refuses to work for her, 816.
WELLSTOOD, JESSIE M., 568.
WENTWORTH, "LONG JOHN," 468.
WEST, GOVERNOR (UTAH), recep. to A., 825.
WHALEY, J. C. C., 307.
WHEELER, VICE-PRES. WILLIAM A., presents wom. petit., 500.
WHELPLEY, A. W., arrang. lect. for A., 648.
WHIPPLE, REV. A. B., invites A. to annual meet. Berkshire Hist. Soc.,
940;
places meet. in her charge, 942.
WHIPPLE, EDWIN P., lectures for Loyal League, 233.
WHITE, PRES. ANDREW D., compli. Hist. Wom. Suff., 531;
wife one of A.'s kind, 850.
WHITE, ARMENIA S., urges A. to visit her, 702; 895.
WHITE, BETSEY DUNNELL, A.'s aunt, talks politics, 57.
WHITE, JOHN D., M. C., champions wom. rights com., 540;
rep. in favor wom. suff., 543;
tries to get wom. suff. com., 585.
WHITE, MRS. LOVELL, arrang. trip for A. to Mt. Tamalpais, 877.
WHITE, PHILIP S., 60.
WHITING, JOHN H., 676.
WHITING, LILLIAN, trib. to A., 672; 673.
WHITING, MR. AND MRS. WM., A, visits, 705.
WHITNEY, BISHOP, 824.
WHITNEY, ADELINE D. T., opp. wom. suff., 620.
WHITTIER, JOHN G., A. calls on, 525;
let. on A.'s birthday, 669;
death, 737.
WHITTLE, DR. EWING, recep. to A. and Mrs. Stn., 579.
WHYTE, SENATOR PINKNEY, 485.
WILBERFORCE, CANON, A. hears on temp., 567.
WILBOUR, CHARLOTTE B., 234; 327;
ad. Wash. con., 337;
arrang. 50th birthday recep. for A., 341; 349;
for union of two suff. assns., 350; 368; 561.
WILBUR, JULIA A., stands by A. in Teach. Con., 155.
WILCOX, BIRDSEYE, heads pro-slavery mob, 208.
WILDE, LADY, 565.
WILDER, MAYOR CARTER, pres. Repub. meet., 422;
friendship for A., 615.
WILDER, D. WEBSTER, praises Hist. Wom. Suff. and A., 615.
WILDER, SAMUEL, friendship for A., 615.
WIGHAM, ELIZA, 568; 570.
WIGHAM, MR. AND MRS. HENRY, 572.
WIGHAM, JANE SMEALE, 570.
WILKES, REV. ELIZA TUPPER, 831.
WILLCOX, ALBERT O., 676.
WILLCOX, HAMILTON, 313.
WILLARD, FRANCES E., asks A. to sit on plat. at lect. in Roch.,
472; 496;
A. does not coincide with views, 505;
has lever but no fulcrum, 506; 511;
introd. A. at Natl. W. C. T. U. con. in Wash., 537;
favors State rights on suff. ques., A. criticises and tells her
Prohib. party will throw wom. suff. overboard, prophecy
fulfilled, 594;
A. visits, 609;
corres. with A. regard. suff. plank in Prohib. plat., 622; 631;
sp. and let. about A. at Wom. Council, 638;
presents constit. for Councils of Women, 639;
ad. Sen. com., presides Central Music Hall, Chicago, 640;
let. on A.'s birthday, 669; 685;
presides trienni. meet. Woman's Council, introd. A. as one of double
stars, 702;
suff. day at Chautauqua, 709;
at Fed. Clubs, 720;
urges A. to visit her and have bust made by L. Taft; "wom. wd. not
allow male grasshop. on lawn," 721;
will have A.'s bust in Senate and White House, one man has seen her
great soul, 722;
describes A. at two natl. polit. cons., "such souls meet God," 725;
farewell teleg. to A., 729;
delight over A.'s laurels at World's Fair, Lady Henry's compli., 747;
in Twilight Park, 773;
at Repub. con., Saratoga, describes A. before res. com., 774;
century's foremost figure, 775;
introd. A. to W. C. T. U. gospel meet., Cleveland, as ordained of
God, declares for wom. suff., 800;
A. begs to withdraw W. C. T. U. con. from Calif., 857;
A. repeats the entreaty, 881;
accedes to request, 882;
depart. for Europe, 883;
sends tele. of greet. on A.'s return from Calif., invites her to
sanitarium in Castile., 901;
sends roses for A.'s birthday, 906;
asks A. to join in protest agnst. yellow journal. and prize fight.,
923;
when she refuses, writes affect. let., urges to come to World's and
Natl. W. C. T. U. Cons., 924;
testimonial to A's character, courage, self-sacrifice, integrity,
personal kindness, in next world women will stand on plane of
perfect equality, 950.
WILLARD, MARY B., let. to A., 804.
WILLIAM, EMPEROR, 559.
WILLIAMS, HARRIET W., 400.
WILLIAMS, MARY HAMILTON, 434.
WILLIAMS, SARAH L., editor Ballot-Box, 509; 510.
WILLIS, SARAH L., birthday gift to A., 672; 711;
contrib. N. Y. suff. campn., 772; 806.
WILSON, VICE-PRES. HENRY, acknowledges indebtedness to A., 238;
wd. keep wom. suff. separate from <DW64> suff., 266;
bill to enfranchise women in D. C., 311; 317;
spks. for wom. suff., 322;
pres. at suff. con., 377;
advocates wom. suff., 417;
Repubs. ought to recognize women, 418;
appreciates A.'s suggestions, 420; 454.
WINCHESTER, MARGARET E., 348; 349; 368.
WINDEYER, MISS, ad. natl. suff. con., 756.
WING, JUDGE HALSEY, 44.
WINSLOW, DR. CAROLINE B., 902.
WINTER, WILLIAM, pays trib. to A., 323.
WOLF, HON. SIMON, ad. Wash. suff. con., 756.
WOLLSTONECRAFT, MARY, 934.
WOOD, HON. B. R., opp. wom. delegates, 88.
WOOD, HON. D. P., advocates wom. rights, 109.
WOOD, DR. RUTH M., suff. work in Leavenworth, 609.
WOOD, SAMUEL N., urges wom. suff. be discussed
in Kan., 274;
plans meet., 283; 287.
WOODALL, WM., M.P., pres. at wom. suff. meet., 566;
amends suff. bill, 593.
WOODRUFF, PRESIDENT (Utah), 825.
WOODHULL, VICTORIA C., goes before Cong. Com. with memorial, fine
presence, 375;
first app. on suff. plat., scene described, 376;
"veins contain ice," 377;
advent creates commotion, 378;
vanquishes Cath. Beecher, defended by Mrs. Stn., 379;
at suff. con. in N. Y., papers use this as reproach to movement,
makes strong argument, 383;
issues call for con. to form new party, 413;
tries to secure control of suff. con., 413; 414; 596.
WOODS, MRS. M. C., 902.
WORDEN, MRS., 195; 249.
WORTHINGTON, MRS., 44.
WRIGHT, DANIEL, teacher of A., 35.
WRIGHT, DAVID, at wom. temp. meet., 65.
WRIGHT, FRANCES, early work, 369; 935.
WRIGHT, MARTHA C., sec. wom. rights' con., 72;
pres. wom. rights' con., 131;
Garrison. meet. at Albany, 212; 249; 260;
let. of friendship to A., 301; 368;
called first W. R. Con., 369;
sarcasm regard. Cath. Beecher, comments on Wash. politicians, 372;
comforts A., 415;
only hope for suff. movement lies in A., elected pres. of assn.,
458;
death, A.'s grief, 467; 917.
YATES, EDMUND, 422.
YATES, ELIZ. UPHAM, spks. at Atlanta con., 811;
favors res. agnst. Wom. Bible, 854;
in Calif. campn., 864;
at Rep. St. Con., 869;
makes 100 speeches, 875.
YOUNG, PROF. C. HOWARD, 920.
YOUNG, JOHN RUSSELL, compli. A., 384.
YOUNG, VIRGINIA D., 757.
ZAHNER, REV. LOUIS, pays trib. to Anthony family, 942.
FOOTNOTES:
[137] Lists of names not included in index will be found in footnotes on
pp. 284, 327, 353, 566, 590, 621, 772.
INDEX TO SUBJECTS.
ABOLITIONISTS, 39, 40, 44, 59;
meetings, in Anthony home, 48, 60, 61;
A.'s first meeting with, 60, 63; 78, 198;
attitude in 1861, 207;
canvass under A.'s management, 208;
at beginning of War, 214;
need of in 1863, 226;
dissensions among, 244-247;
one wing demands <DW64> suff., 256;
refuse to stand for woman suff., 265;
almost all desert women, 268, 270;
Lucy Stone on, 275; 311, 498;
Robert Purvis on A.'s services to, 547; 567;
in Scotland, 568, 570;
in Ireland, 572, 575; 724;
Southern prej. against A., 740;
same, 812; 924;
A. speaks on at Fiske Univers., 928;
pictures in A.'s home, 934, 935;
foresight of, 1010.
ADDRESSES, APPEALS, TESTIMONIALS, etc., A.'s for temp. and woman
suff., 71;
for better laws in N. Y., 110;
memorial to all Legislatures in 1859, 175;
first to Cong. for Woman Suff. in 1865, 250;
Woman's Rights Soc. to Cong. in 1866, 259, 968;
A. and Mrs. Stanton to Cong. for woman suff. in 1867, 277;
to women on polit. parties in 1872, 418;
A.'s to Cong. to remit her fine for voting, 450;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. at Centennial in 1876, 475; 483;
Wom. Natl. Loyal League to President Lincoln, 957;
Natl. Wom. Rights Conv. to Cong. in 1866, 968.
AMENDMENTS to U. S. Constitution, 13th, 238;
dif. of opinion on A.'s attitude, 245;
14th, "male" first used, protest of A., Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone,
250;
_Independent_ criticises, 252;
Sumner would avoid "male," 256;
women implore not to be excluded, 267;
campaign for woman suff. in Kansas, 274;
same, 281 et seq.;
efforts for in N. Y., 278-280;
Pomeroy, Julian and Wilson present resolutions for woman suff. in
1868, 310, 311, 317;
first effort to secure woman suff. in U. S. Constn., 313;
15th adopted, first suggested by Anna Dickinson, 317;
dispute over in Equal Rights Assn., A. demands it shall include
women, 323, 324;
Francis Minor on woman's right to vote under 14th, 331;
A. on same, 338;
A. will never cease working for 16th, 343;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. on right of women to vote under 14th, 377;
attempt to make 14th and 15th enfranch. women, 409-411;
A. and other women vote in 1872, 423-453;
women vote again, 434;
woman's right to vote under 14th, 431, 432;
Mrs. Minor attempts to vote under 14th, 453;
it does not confer suffrage, 454;
for woman suff. submitted in Mich., 459;
defeated, 461;
beginning of systematic efforts for 16th, 483;
war amends. will fail to protect black men, 500;
Mrs. Stanton on same, 1016;
for woman suff. submitted in Neb., 544, 545;
in Ore., 592;
A.'s argument for 16th before Congressl. Coms. in 1884, 588;
defeat of woman suff. in Ore., 592;
Palmer in U. S. Senate, on 16th, 596;
first vote in Senate on, 617, 621;
for woman suff. in S. Dak., A. canvasses for, 656;
urged to assist, 679;
Natl. Assn. contributes to, 675;
campaign for, 679 et seq.;
16th in Cong. in 1891, 718;
for woman suff. in charter of Rochester, 731;
woman suff. carried in Col., 753;
Kas. Legis. submits, 754;
campaign for, 777;
Calif. Legis. submits, 820;
campaign for, 863;
causes of its defeat, 886 et seq.;
Secy. of State breaks his word, 890;
Idaho Sup. Court decides only majority of votes cast on amend.
necessary to carry, 918;
war amends. and woman suff., 979-984;
16th not necessary, Sumner on, 981;
Grant on 15th, 991;
A. on efforts to keep "male" out of 14th, 1016;
A.'s speech in Kas. for woman suff., 1015-1021.
AMERICA, her women envied, viii; position of woman compared to Gr.
Brit., 257;
Europe compared to, 558;
Sargent's love of, 559;
A. longs for, hope of women, 562;
public schools, 564;
mountains, 571;
institutions compared, 571;
railroads, 572;
A. steps on shore, 579;
U. S. an oligarchy, not a republic, 982.
AMERICAN WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, formed, 328;
efforts at union with Natl. Assn., 346, 347;
concluded, 627-632; 674.
AMUSEMENTS, early dances, 36;
theatre, 41;
school exhibition, circus, ball, 51;
A.'s festival in Rochester, 62;
picnic, 175;
Irving and Terry, 555;
Ristori, 558;
opera in Paris, 561;
Court Theater in London, 564;
Bernhardt, 567; 802;
see Receptions.
ANCESTRY, 3, 4.
ANECDOTES, A. on grandmother's cooking, 14;
Susan and the elders, 21;
in boarding school, 29, 30;
the dancing school, 36;
on women's voices, 75;
at Greeley home, 86;
A. at Teachers' Conv., 98;
the minister's advice to A., 108;
Bloomers, 113;
church at Canajoharie, 121;
water cure, 126;
women afraid of A., 127;
cold dinners for wives, 128;
man's horror of woman's speaking, 143;
A.'s raspberry experiment, 159;
waiter refuses A.'s order, 176;
effect of Mrs. Blackwell's sermon on Gerrit Smith, 179;
Mayo on Marriage, 196;
A. on ownership of slaves and children, 204;
a Kansas experience, 248;
encounter in _Standard_ office bet. A. and Phillips, Tilton and Mrs.
Stanton, 261;
why Mrs. Stanton looked fresh and A. tired, 273;
A. and Greeley on ballot and bullet, 278;
Mrs. Greeley's petition, 279;
Greeley's revenge, 280;
Geo. Francis Train in Kas. campaign, 289;
women in penitentiary, 309;
of Beecher family, 373;
of Catharine Beecher and Mrs. Woodhull, 378;
A.'s first taste of wine, 400;
Douglass prayed with heels, 457;
man and his children in Neb., 493;
Dennis Kearney and the suffragists, 518;
A. and Skye terrier, 527;
Edinburgh professor, 570;
Killarney babies, 573;
Jacob Bright's son, 577;
A. and St. Paul, 595;
Dr. Patton, 596;
Mrs. Stanton "exercising," 600;
the yellow dog, 617;
Sen. Blair's little jokes, 606, 626;
women and Indians in Repub. conv., 687;
A. and cyclone, 690;
low ebb of humanity, 690;
hotel in S. Dak., 691;
children and motherhood in S. Dak., 692;
A. and drunkard, 693;
co-education in Rochester Univers., 713;
A. and her bust carved by a man, 721;
A. and Miss Shaw at Kas. Popu. Conv., 788, 790;
Dem. delegates in Calif., 874;
A. and Mrs. Sargent on election night, 891;
A. and the palace, 943;
mother's mop stops mill, 944;
the wife's false teeth, 988;
Howard Mission, 1011.
ANNUITY presented to A., 813;
writes to contributors, 814.
ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, A. attends first meeting, 63; 70, 101, 129;
Bazar in 1855, 132;
A. invited to act as agent, 137;
arrangements made, 148;
canvass, 150 et seq.;
Bazar money lost, 172; 173;
suffrage needs spirit of, 177;
A.'s efforts for appreciated, 182;
close connect. with Woman's Rights in Southern mind, 183;
depot of supplies at Albany, 199; 217;
dissensions, Phillips' attitude, A.'s, Pillsbury's, Garrison's,
244-246;
at time of Reconstruction, 256-270;
same, 281, 304, 322-326;
meet. in Phila., 267;
compared to woman's cause, 415
(see Abolitionists, <DW64>s, Slavery).
ANTI-SUFFRAGISTS, in 1852, 76-80;
first move in Washtn., 377;
petition from New Eng., 620;
in S. Dak. campaign, 695;
protest against admis. of Wy., 698;
alliance with liquor dealers in Col., 753;
organization and work in N. Y. woman suff. campaign, 765;
amusing instance in Rochester, A.'s and newspaper comment, 766;
size of petitions, 769;
alliance with liquor dealers in N. Y., 770;
friendship of Joseph H. Choate, 767, 771;
lone represent. in Calif. campaign, 873;
charge suff. will destroy womanly instincts, 944, 945;
Miss Shaw denies their theory that man is the head, woman the heart,
945.
ART, A. at N. Y. Acad. of Design, productions of women, 219;
in Europe, 557-561;
Harriet Hosmer on Natl. Assn., 655;
A.'s portrait, 677;
New York Assn., 734;
A.'s feeling towards art, 859
(see Sculpture).
ASSOCIATION FOR ADVANCEMENT OF WOMEN, objects to A., 446.
"AUNT" SUSAN, A. objects to name, 546.
BIBLE, in boarding school, 29, 30;
favors woman's equality, 76;
interpretation of, 77;
used against women, 78; 79;
relation to matrimony, 109;
teaches women should stay at home, 119;
A. on Apocrypha, 132;
A. quotes it on peace, 177;
read by A.'s mother, 513, 558;
miracles, 563;
different interpret. of, 595;
A. objects to discussion on, confutes St. Paul, 595; 616;
Bible and woman suff., 617-619;
A. on Proverbs, 897.
BIBLE WOMAN'S, res. against of Natl. Wom. Suff. conv., discussion and
vote, 852-854;
A.'s indignation, 853;
letter to Mrs. Stanton on resigning presidency, 855;
to her cabinet on their "methods of the inquisition," 855;
interview regarding matter, 856;
Mrs. Stanton's work on Bible not needed, 856;
objects to mixing woman suff. with religious doctrine, 857;
Mrs. Greenleaf's view, 856.
BICYCLE, costume for, 844;
A.'s opinion of, 859.
BILLS, see Laws and Legislatures.
BIOGRAPHY, reasons for writing during lifetime of subject, v, vi;
methods of writing, vi-ix;
Mrs. Blatch would write, 544;
A. thinks she will leave nothing for posterity, 712;
preparations for writing, 860;
writer selected, immense amount of material, work begun, 909;
the "attic workrooms," 910;
A.'s restiveness over literary work, 913;
chapters read to Mrs. Stanton, 917;
work suspended for summer, 926;
A. will make charming one, 995.
BIRTHDAYS, birth of A., 13;
18th birthday, 29;
celebrat. of 50th, 341;
A. congrat. Phillips on 70th, 538;
celebrat. of A.'s first suggested, 542;
A.'s 73d celebrated in Phila., 546;
Mrs. Stanton's 70th, 602;
Kas. grants Munic. Suff. on A.'s 67th, 611;
A.'s 70th, her distress over charging for banquet tickets, 663;
amusing letters on same, 664;
the banquet, gifts, toasts, letters, newspaper comment, etc.,
664-674;
her contemporaries, 672;
73d, in Rochester, 739;
74th, flag presented, 757;
75th, banquet, "annuity" presented, 813;
Maria Porter's, 845;
Mrs. Stanton's 80th, 845-849;
A. celebrates her mother's, 850;
A. assists at Mrs. Grant's 70th, 858;
A.'s 76th in Roch., 860;
90th of Eliz. Buffam Chace, 896;
Frederick Douglass' in Rochester, 904;
reception in Rochester on A.'s 77th, 905;
Mary S. Anthony's 70th, 914;
100th of Saml. J. May, 927;
newspaper comment on A.'s 50th, 972;
letters from eminent people on same, 974.
BISHOPS, in favor of woman suff., 588;
Vincent, 708, 727;
Phillips Brooks, 757;
Doane organizes anti-suff. soc., 765;
Turner, 812.
BLOOMERS, 84; 91;
description of, 112;
by whom worn, ridicule of public, 113;
arguments for, 114;
letters on, 114-116;
final abandonment, 117; 844.
BOARDS, women on in Eng., 564, 565;
N. Y. World's Fair, 734;
of Lady Managers for Columb. Expos., 744, 748;
Woman's of Tenn. Expos., 927.
BREAD AND BALLOT, A.'s lecture on, 472, 546, 996.
BUSTS. See Sculpture.
CALLS, for first Wom. St. Temp. Conv., 66, 67;
for second, 92;
for Women's World's, 96;
for Wom. Rights Conv. in Rochester, 104;
for forming Loyal League, 226;
for first W. R. Conv. after War, 256;
for Natl. Wom. Suff. Conv. of 1872, 410;
of women to form new party, A. repudiates, 413;
for Natl. Wom. Suff. Conv. in New York in 1873, 434;
A. on omission of woman suff. from Call for Intl. Council of Women,
634;
of prominent New York women in suff. campaign of 1894, 764;
A. prepares for Natl. Suff. Conv. of 1895, 801.
CAMPAIGNS, first St. campaign for woman suff., in N. Y. in 1867, 271
et seq.;
for woman suff. amend. in Kansas, 274 et seq.;
discomforts of, 284, 285;
Geo. Francis Train's part in, 286 et seq.;
close in Leavenworth, 291;
A. in Col. in 1877, hard and pleasant experiences, difference in
women, 489-492;
in Neb. in 1882, work of A. and assistants, 544, 545;
in S. Dak., perplexities, hardships, humorous features, treachery
of polit. parties, insults, etc., 679-696;
in Kas. in 1892, 728;
A.'s advice on Kansas, every woman can help, 742;
same, 754;
in Col. in 1893, woman suff. granted, 752;
great campaign for woman suff. in N. Y. in 1894, 755 et seq.;
same in Kas., 777 et seq.;
A. reviews history of, 799;
objects to Bible or Prohib. in Calif., 857;
A. begged to assist in Calif., consents, 861;
greeted by South. Calif., arrives in San Fr., 862;
great campaign for woman suff. in 1896, 863 et seq.;
in Kas. in 1867, 1016;
in other States, 1017.
CANVASSES, A. and others in N. Y. for temp., 71;
same, 103;
for Woman's Rights, 105;
unpleasant experience, 108;
A.'s long work, 111;
first of N. Y. for woman suff., 122 et seq.;
for Woman's Rights in 1856, 138 et seq.;
for Anti-Slavery, graphic pictures, 150 et seq.;
for rights of women in 1860, 175, 178;
for Anti-Slavery in 1861, 208 et seq.;
for Equal Rights in 1866, 265;
A. bore all the burdens, 273;
of Conn. in 1874, 456;
of Mich. for suff. amend. in 1874, 460;
of Iowa in 1875, hard conditions, 470;
of Kas. in 1886, 609-611;
of Wis., 612;
of Kas. in 1887, 625;
of Ind., 626;
of S. Dak. in 1890, 656;
same, 679-696;
of Kas. in 1892, 719;
same, 728;
of N. Y. in 1894, 759-763;
of Kas. in 1894, 784, 785, 796;
only women come to meetings, 1019
(see Campaigns).
CAPITAL PUNISHMENT, A. organizes meeting in protest, ends in mob, 164.
CASES (see Trials).
CHARACTERISTICS,[138] clear-sightedness, 141, 182, 185, 261, 519, 758,
929;
courage, moral and physical, 43, 72, 111, 156, 158, 163, 164, 181,
190, 197, 202, 208-212, 272, 291, 292, 391, 396, 412, 428, 436,
468, 469, 534-542, 549, 583, 656, 689, 692, 773, 782, 783, 786,
799, 854, 855, 857, 901, 952, 974, 994;
duty and principle, devotion to, 116, 117, 218, 222, 224, 482, 542,
679, 907;
energy and perseverance, 36, 55, 105, 127, 148, 157, 179, 188, 190,
213, 221, 251, 288, 314, 414, 496, 581, 667, 772, 944, 973, 974,
994;
executive ability, 62, 110, 154, 323, 473;
expediency, disdain for, 95, 214, 262, 953;
generosity, 20, 217, 329, 494, 508, 545, 592, 599, 608, 659, 695,
707, 711, 763, 796, 849, 892, 925;
injustice, sense of, viii, 29, 30, 81, 107, 844;
judgment, 150, 225, 293, 425, 638, 654, 857, 871, 882;
justice, love of, 134, 169, 270, 592, 919, 944;
kindness of manner, 285, 550, 597, 674, 838, 946, 972;
optimism and cheerfulness, 587, 638, 660, 688, 773, 800, 877, 898,
938, 953;
philosophy and logic, 185, 380, 511, 644, 648, 666, 672, 714;
presiding, gift for, 163, 174, 637;
self-sacrifice, viii, 127, 190, 273, 316, 323, 335, 396, 460, 480,
489, 504, 550, 615, 667, 671, 744, 772, 846, 891, 892, 944, 950;
sense of humiliation and insult, 238, 268, 269, 584;
sensitiveness, 28, 29, 30, 120, 168, 542, 583, 584;
unselfishness, 384, 535, 695, 731, 735, 975
(see chart of head, 85; Domestic Traits, Love of Family, Newspapers,
Tributes).
CHILDREN, hardships of A.'s mother, 12, 19;
severity of early days, 31; 52;
Mrs. Mott's and Mrs. Stanton's, 76;
Mrs. Greeley's, 86, 97;
A.'s answer to minister, 108;
A. on "baby show," 132;
mothers' trials, 139;
Mrs. Stanton on, 142;
maternity and conventions, 158, 162;
Lucy Stone and Mrs. Stanton on, 162;
A.'s care of Mrs. Stanton's, 142, 187, 213, 219;
woman's immortal product, 193;
mother no right to, sad story, 200;
care of is a profession, 213;
A.'s care of, 213;
illegitimate, 216, 656, 844;
A. would educate in public schools, 221;
baby panacea for woman suff., 267;
woman's right to have, 296;
_The Revolution_, A.'s child, 362;
Mrs. Stanton's belong to A., 489;
Neb. man wants credit, 493;
alleged effect of woman suff. in regard to, 504;
A.'s care of nieces, 513;
great number among suffragists, 517;
impudent advice, 517;
must suffer disgrace of parents' hostility to woman suff., 529;
A.'s experience with woman and babies in Killarney, 573;
God held responsible, 574;
brought for A. to take in arms, 610;
A. on pre-natal influence, 678;
men suckle babies, 687; 690;
trying experiences with in S. Dak. campaign, 692;
Mrs. Stanton's, 713, 717;
A. would turn palace into orphan asylum, 943
(see Guardianship).
CHINESE, A. compares status with women, 398; 986.
CHURCHES, St. Bartholomew the Great, 3;
A.'s maternal grandparents members of Baptist, 5;
later Universalist, 5;
paternal, Quakers, 6;
record Anthony and Read families, 5, 6, 7, 11, 21;
father disciplined by Quakers, 10, 20, 36;
A. on Lord's Supper, 36; 38;
attitude toward <DW52> people, 39;
on a woman's preaching in 1839, 40;
first knowledge of Unitarianism, 44;
attends that church, 58; 65;
Mrs. Stanton on in 1852, 67, 68; 70;
bondage for women, relation to woman's rights, 73, 79, 90;
Brick Ch. (N. Y.), 87, 96;
Mrs. Stanton demands women in councils of, 92;
Greeley on, 97;
effort to secure for women's meetings, 119, 121;[139]
A. on preaching, 133;
efforts for Free Church in Rochester, 167;
Beecher's at Elmira, 178;
Free Church at Peterboro, Antoinette Blackwell's sermon and Gerrit
Smith's nap, 179;
Zion's , 209;
attitude toward slavery, 228; 248;
relation to <DW64>s, 249;
Ch. of Puritans, 227, 259, 276;
last woman suff. conv. in, 278;
fear of woman suff., 506;
relig. of Garfield, 536;
sectarianism in England, 554;
in Italy, 556-558;
in Cologne, 559;
in London, 564;
waning intellects return to childish teachings, 563;
Stopford Brooke's, 564;
in Ireland, 572;
convent at Kenmare, 573;
Natl. Assn. discusses creeds and dogmas, 595;
A. and Mrs. Stanton's encounter with Dr. Patton, 596;
orthodox preferred for suff. convs., 612;
A. demands all creeds shall be recd. on natl. woman suff. platform,
631;
objects to creeds and negations, 634;
Catholic in St. Louis, 649;
A. protests against theology in suff. platform, 655;
orthodox indifferent to feelings of liberals, 678;
on prohibition and woman suff. in S. Dak., 693;
proportion of women in, 710;
Unit. in Roch., 712, 714;
boycott Miss Shaw for speaking to Spiritualists, her answer, 720;
no creed in Natl. Suff. Assn., 757;
in Calif., 826, 831-834;
A. objects to Mrs. Stanton's attack on, 847;
A. on bigotry and religious freedom, 854;
woman suff. destroys superstition, 857;
open to suff. speakers in Calif., 876, 877, 886;
in Des Moines, 902; 927;
A. attends Unit. in Rochester, 933;
absorbs work of women, 1010 (see Bible, God, Ministers).
CITIZENSHIP, must be basis for suff., 310;
established by 14th amend., 317;
decis. in Dred Scott case, 454;
Sumner on rights conferred by, 979;
according to U. S. Constitu., 983-987.
_Clubs_, of men or of men and women, Press (N. Y.) gives dinner to
women in 1869, 316;
Albemarle (London), 564;
Six O'clock (Washtn.), 647;
Seidl (N. Y.), 653;
Authors' Uncut Leaves (N. Y.), 802;
Practical Progress (Columbia), 812;
Travel (Washtn.), 814;
Mercantile (St. Louis), 821;
Unitarian (San Fr.), 830;
addressed by A. in Calif., 876;
Men's Club (Auburn, N. Y.), 914;
Historical Soc. (Berkshire, Mass.), 939-946
(see Organizations of Women).
COEDUCATION, first efforts for, 64;
Mrs. Stanton demands, 73; 130;
A.'s effort to prepare paper on, 142;
its reception, 143;
resolution for in 1857, leads to social evil, 155;
to Mormonism and amalgamation, 156; 164.
COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, beginning of A.'s work for women in, 660; 676;
A. would open gates on Sunday, 720;
A.'s bust made for, 721, 722;
N. Y. woman's board, 734; 737, 740, 741;
A. on Mrs. Palmer's dedication sp., 742;
A.'s part in securing recog. of women, 742-744;
Board of Lady Managers, 744, 748;
Woman's Congress, 745-748;
wonderful ovation to A., 746-748;
same, 752;
Temp. Congress, 747;
pre-eminence of woman suff., 748;
A.'s part in many Congresses, 748-750;
Press Congress, A.'s sp., 749;
Educatl. Cong., 751;
effect on Calif., 819.
COMMITTEE ON WOMAN SUFFRAGE, effort to secure from Congress, 527;
debate on among Senators in 1880, 540;
fight for in 1884, 584.
COMMITTEES, attempt to put A. on temp. in 1853, 88;
on union of two suff. assns., 627-629;
in N. Y. Constitl. Conv., on woman suff., 767, 768;
amend. campaign in Kas., 781;
for Calif. woman suff. campaign, 863, 865;
res. coms. of the polit. convs., 870, 872, 873
(see Campaigns, Congress).
COMPARISONS, A. to Napoleon, 110;
to Christ, 703;
to Christ, to Washington, 805;
to Pope Leo, 840;
to Niagara, 892;
to Washington and Lincoln, 900;
to St. Paul, 924;
to Galileo, 943;
Napoleon, Gladstone, Lincoln, 952;
Garrison, 953.
CONGRESS, U. S., N. Y. _Herald_ on women in, 79;
Wom. Loyal League petitions for emancip. of slaves, 226-238;
first appealed to for Wom. Suff., 250;
N. Y. _Indpt._ on, 253;
address of Wom. Rights Soc. in 1866, 259;
debates woman suff. in 1866, 266;
A. and Mrs. Stanton send address to, 277;
bills for Wom. Suff. in 1868, 310;
appeal sent by women in 1869, 314;
A. urges to enfranchise women of D. C., 338;
Act under which A. was indicted, 437;
A. appeals to remit her fine for voting, 449;
majority and minority reports, 450-452;
treatment by Senate of petits. for woman suff. in 1877, 485;
Sen. Hoar hopes to see A. there, 485;
condemned for treatment of women, 499-501;
A. watches and distrusts, 516;
members attend mem. serv. to Lucretia Mott, 526;
opposed to Wom. Suff. Com., 540;
attitude of members on woman suff., 250, 256, 266, 310, 317, 337,
375, 377, 405, 410, 411, 454, 455, 457, 477, 485, 500, 501, 502,
507, 543, 583, 584, 590, 596, 617-621, 688, 698, 699, 716, 718,
778, 969, 985;
A. dislikes to interview members, 583;
vote on Wom. Suff. Com. in 1884, 585;
A. watches, 591, 603;
persistence with, 605-608;
same, 622;
Sen. Blair's humor, 606, 626;
action on admission of Wy. with woman suff., 698, 699;
A.'s constant watchfulness, 716;
efforts to secure recog. of women at Columb. Expos., 743, 744;
admits Utah with woman suff., 851;
A. demands no members be admitted unless elected by a maj. of all
voters, black and white, 963, 967;
power to create voters, 966;
address of Natl. Wom. Rights Conv. in 1866, 968;
fails in its highest duty, 970;
as representatives of women, 970;
right to control suff., 981;
Repub. record on wom. suff., 1018.
CONGRESSES, Woman's, in Paris, 434, 496, 652;
Woman's, Miss. Valley, 728, 821;
Woman's at Columb. Expos., 745-748, 750, 751;
Liberal Religious, 804, 805;
Woman's Calif. in 1895, 819, 827-829, 831;
in 1896, 871;
in Ore., 877.
CONSTITUTION, U. S., protects slavery, 149, 184, 207;
Sumner on, 235; 248;
A. begins 30-years' war to amend, 249;
"male" first introduced, protest of A., Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone,
250;
_Independent_ speaks, 253; 257;
first effort to amend for woman suff., 313;
B. F. Butler on its power over woman suff., 429;
A. asks for broad interpret., 440;
does not confer suffrage on any one, 453;
arguments for right of women to vote under its provisions, 483;
compact with slavery broken, 958;
base use of it by President Johnson, 961;
bring legislation up to Constitu., 970;
protest against introd. word "male," 970;
A.'s sp. on woman's right to vote under its provisions, 977-992;
distinguished testimony for, 979-991.
CONSTITUTIONS, STATE, Phillips, Tilton, A. and Mrs. Stanton on
striking out "male" from N. Y., 261;
woman suff. in Utah, 825, 851;
while "male" remains women should not help men, 839;
of N. Y. guarantees woman suff., 979
(see Amendments).
CONSTITUTIONAL ARGUMENT, on right of women to vote, delivered by A.
previous to her trial for voting, 977-992;
newspaper comment, 993.
CONVENTIONS, first Woman's Rights, 59;
in Worcester, 61, 75;
Men's Temp. silence women in 1852, 64;
first Wom. St. Temp., 66;
Greeley's advice, 66;
Men's Temp. reject women delegates, 68;
Teachers' at Elmira, 71;
Woman's Rights at Syracuse, 72;
Mrs. Mott and Mrs. Stanton had objected
to woman pres., 72;
lofty character of first Wom. Rights Convs., 80;
World's Temperance in New York, 1853, 87;
women rejected, hold own meeting, abuse, 88-92;
second Woman's St. Temp., 92;
men gain control, 94;
Women's Whole World's, 96, 100;
A.'s first address to St. Teachers', 98;
not supported by women, 98, 99, 100;
Davies' sp., 99;
sustained by a few, 100;
Men's Whole World's Temp., Antoinette Brown rejected, 101;
Woman's Rights in 1853, 102;
in Cleveland, 103;
in Rochester, 105;
before the War, 107;
in Albany, 108;
A. again goes to Teachers' for rights of women, 120;
Wom. Rights in Phila., 121;
Teachers' in Utica, 130;
Wom. Rights in Boston, 131;
Teachers' in Troy, 143;
Wom. Rights in New York, 147;
Teachers' in Binghamton, 155;
Wom. Rights in New York in 1858, under mob rule, 162;
A. stirs up Teachers' in Lockport, 163, 164;
Anti-Slavery in Albany in 1859, 173;
Wom. Rights in New York, the mob, 174;
Wom. Rights in Albany in 1860, 186;
Conservatives' in Boston, 196;
A. and Pillsbury on, 197;
Wom. Rights, last before War, 212;
A.'s dislike of giving up, 213, 215, 218;
results of A.'s labors in Teachers', 221, 222;
Anti-Slavery in Phila., 234;
first Wom. Rights after War, 256 et seq.;
N. Y. Constitl., A. arranges to present petitions, tilt with
Greeley, 278;
latter checkmated, 279;
his anger, 280;
first for woman suff. held in Washtn., 313;
woman suff. at Hartford, 333;
second of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn., 337;
woman suff. in New York in 1870, 368;
third of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. in Washtn., managed by Mrs. Hooker,
371 et seq.;
appearance of Mrs. Woodhull, 375;
woman suff. in New York in 1871, excitement over Mrs. Woodhull, 383;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in 1872, struggle to secure woman suff. under 14th
amend., 409-411;
woman suff. in New York, A. thwarts scheme for alliance with
Woodhull party, 414;
women attend Natl. Liberal in 1872, 415;
Natl. Repub. in 1872, woman's plank, 416;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in Washtn. in 1873, 431;
woman suff. in New York in 1873, 434;
Natl. Woman Suff. of 1874, 453;
in New York, adverse accounts, 458;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1875, A. conquers all objections to, 467;
A. misses Natl. Suff. for first time, 472;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1876 arranges to celebrate Centennial, 474;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. in 1877, 484 et seq.;
A. misses May Anniv. first time, 488;
of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. in 1878, need of A.'s management and Mrs.
Stanton's presence, prayer meet. in Capitol, 494;
30th annivers. celebr. in Rochester, 495;
last attended by Lucretia Mott, 496;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1879, 499-501;
Natl. Suff. Assn. in 1880, 511;
A. plans great series in 1880 and overcomes opposition, 515;
begins at Indpls., 517;
mass meet. in Chicago, 517;
other cities, 519;
Natl. polit. convs. appealed to by women in 1880, 518-520;
A.'s amusing attempt to postpone Natl. Suff. of 1881, compels Mrs.
Stanton's attendance, 526;
same, 532;
Natl. Assn. In New England, 533;
W. C. T. U. in 1881 adopts franchise dept. but repudiates influence
of A., 537, 538;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1882, 540;
in Phila., 541;
in Nebraska in 1882, 544, 545;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1883, 546;
Liberal in Eng., 575, 576, 577;
A.'s efforts for Intl. Wom. Suff., 578;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in 1884, 588;
holiday refused dept. women to attend, 588;
Natl. polit. in 1884 appealed to by women, 594;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in 1885, 595;
Mrs. Stanton's satire on esthetic convs., 605;
Natl. Suff. in 1886, 607;
in Kas. in 1886, 609-611;
in Wis. and Ills., 611;
in Mich., 617;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in 1887, 617;
in Indiana, 623;
in Kansas in 1887, 625;
in Indiana, 626;
Fred. Douglass on first Woman's Rights, 634;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1888, 639;
Natl. polit. in 1888 appealed to by suffragists, 641, 642;
in Iowa, Kas., Neb., 644;
of 1889, 647;
in New York, 651;
Akron, O., 652;
in Kas., Ind., Wis., 655;
Minn., 656;
of Natl. Amer. Wom. Suff. Assn. in 1890, 674;
Farmers' Alliance and Knights of Labor in S. Dak., act. on woman
suff., 685, 686;
same of Democrats, 686;
of Repubs. 687;
in Neb., in Kas., in Iowa, 697;
in N. Y., 698;
in Mass., 701;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1891, 703;
in Ohio, Conn., 705;
Natl. Suff. of 1892, Mrs. Stanton's last appear., A. made pres., 717;
in Mich., 720;
A. urges Southern women to hold, 722;
Natl. polit. for 1892, 723-727;
Kas. St. Repub. adopts woman suff. plank, 726;
Miss. Valley, 728;
N. Y. State in 1892, pioneers and modern workers contrasted, 729;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1893, 737;
the conv. taken from Washtn., A.'s opposition, 738;
in N. Y., Penn., 753;
in Mich., 755;
in O., 756;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1894, 756;
Constitl. of N. Y. in 1894, treatment of woman suff. amend., 767-771;
N. Y. St. Repub., A. and others ask woman suff. plank, Miss
Willard describes scene, 774;
Democratic, asked for same, 775;
Kas. Repub. refuses woman suff. plank, 785-787;
Popu. adopts, 787-790;
Prohib., 790;
Dem. anti-plank, 796;
Neb. St. Suff., 799;
N. Y. same, 800;
Natl. Woman. Suff. of 1895 in Atlanta, 810-812;
in St. Louis, 821;
in Utah, 825;
in Calif., 835;
in O., 845;
Natl. Wom. Suff. in 1896, 851;
at beginning of Calif. suff. campaign, 864;
Repub. St. in Calif. adopts woman suff. plank, 871;
Popu. and Prohib., same, 872;
Dem. refuses, 872;
efforts of women with delegates, 869-874;
Idaho polit. convs. on woman suff., 879;
W. C. T. U. withdrawn from Calif. in 1896, 881, 882;
Calif. St. Suff. of 1896, 892;
Natl. Wom. Suff. of 1897, 901;
A. opposed to holding outside of Washtn., 903;
A. begged to come to O., 927;
N. Y. St. Suff., A. speaks on "rings" and women in politics, 928;
round of convs. in Middle West, contrast between past and present,
929;
Natl. Wom. Rights in 1866 sends memorial to Congress, 968;
Natl. Repub. of 1872 on equal rights, Natl. Liberal, same, Calif.
Repub., same, 991.
COOPER INSTITUTE, Beecher's sp. in 1860, 192;
meet. of Wom. Loyal League, 229;
headqrs. of same, 230; 264, 274, 303;
meeting in Hester Vaughan case, 309;
Anna Dickinson speaks for woman suff., 327;
polit. meet. of women in 1872, 422.
DEATHS, of Deborah Moulson, 31;
maternal grandparents and baby sister, 35;
cousin Margaret, 52;
of father, 222;
niece, 241;
nephew, 369;
Greeley, 428;
sister Guelma, 447;
Sumner, 456;
Gerrit Smith, Mrs. Wright, 467;
Lydia Mott, 471;
Mrs. Davis, Anson Lapham, 481;
sister Hannah, 488;
Garrison, A.'s tribute, 508;
of mother, 512;
Lucretia Mott, A.'s great loss, 525;
memorial service, 526;
Phoebe Jones, 536;
Garfleld, A.'s comment, 536;
Wendell Phillips, 587;
Wm. Henry Channing, Sarah Pugh, Frances D. Gage, Mrs. Nichols, 595;
General Grant, 598;
Mrs. Julia Foster, 603;
Dr. Lozler, E. M. Davis, A. Bronson and Louisa M. Alcott, 645;
niece Susie B., 648;
Emerine J. Hamilton, 654;
Mrs. Riddle, Amy Post, Mary L. Booth, Maria Mitchell, Dinah
Mendenhall, 660;
Ellen Sheldon, 700;
Julia T. Foster, 701;
A. on Blaine's, 739;
distinguished suffragists in 1893, 737;
same in 1894, 756;
Mrs. Bloomer, Mrs. Minor, 803;
Frederick Douglass, Adeline Thompson, 814;
Mrs. Dietrick, 849;
Mr. Sewall, 850;
Maria Porter, 896;
how to remember the dead, 899;
in 1896, 902;
Mrs. Humphrey's, 908.
DEBATES, on Divorce in Wom. Rights Conv. of 1860, 194;
on Wom. Suff. in Cong., 1866, 266;
in U. S. Senate on creating Wom. Suff. Com., 540;
same on 16th amend., 617-621;
Sen. Ingalls refuses to debate with woman, 626;
in Cong. on admission of Wy. with woman suff., 698, 699;
Rev. Miss Shaw and Dr. Buckley at Chautauqua, 727;
on woman suff. in N. Y. Constitl. Conv., 770;
in Kas. St. Popu. Conv. on woman suff., 789;
on Woman's Bible in Natl. Suff. Conv., 853.
DECISIONS, of Judge Hunt on A.'s voting, 438;
U. S. Sup. Ct. on women's voting under 14th amend., 453; 735;
Mich. Sup. Ct. on Munic. Suff. for women, 740;
Idaho Sup. Court only majority of votes cast on amend. necessary to
carry, 918;
U. S. Sup. Ct. on women's entering public lands, 983;
Dred Scott, 454, 984;
others, 985.
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE, 253, 475;
women's in 1876, 476-479;
Sen. Morton on, 500;
compared to Emancip. Proc., 957; 960;
should protect rights of women, 977;
gives women right to vote, 977, 978.
DEMOCRATS, 59, 149, 211;
would not fear to act, 216; 263, 264;
embarrass Repubs. by approving woman suff., 265, 266, 267;
in Kas. campaign for woman suff., 284, 287, 291;
press comment, 293;
A. and Mrs. Stanton attend Natl. Conv. of 1868, 305;
insulted by it, 306; 311;
nothing expected from, 365;
Mrs. Hooker on, 381, 382;
in Wyoming, 407, 411;
women attend Natl. Conv. in 1872, 417, 418; 419, 420;
A.'s attitude toward, 422;
on A.'s registering to vote, 426;
Natl. Conv. of 1876 on wom. suff., 476;
Natl. Conv. of 1880, 519;
A. criticises women for helping, 523;
opposed to Wom. Suff. Com. in Congress, 585;
Natl. Conv. of 1888, 641;
disgraceful treatment of woman suff. in S. Dak., 686;
Natl. Conv. of 1892 grants hearing to women, Miss Willard describes,
725;
on woman suff. in Col., 753;
in N. Y. refuse to make women delegates, 758;
one exception, 759;
N. Y. St. Conv. refuses woman suff. plank, 775;
action in Kas. toward woman suff., 796;
scene on night of conv. in Calif., 874;
Maguire stands by women, 874;
invite A. to address ratif. meeting, 878;
in Idaho, 879;
attitude toward woman suff. speakers, 884;
abolish property qualif. for voting, 998;
Greeley on, 999;
in Kas. in 1867, oppose woman suff., 1016, 1017;
in Col. in 1893, 1017;
on Prohibition, 1017;
op. woman suff. in Kas., 1018.
DISFRANCHISEMENT, degradation of, 318, 382, 584;
A. points out disadvantages of to Pres. Garfield, 523;
Mrs. Stanton's speech, 703;
A.'s view, 711, 712; 801;
way for women to be free from, 918, 996 et seq.;
attempt to disfranchise <DW64>s, 960 et seq.
DISSENSIONS, objections to recording, vii, 245, 336, 530.
DIVORCE, 61;
Mrs. Stanton demands intemperance should be cause for, 67;
law against wife, 74;
Mrs. Stanton again demands, 92;
debate in Wom. Rights Conv. of 1860, 193;
Phillips on, 194, 196;
A. on, 194; aftermath, 194 et seq.;
Mrs. Stanton's sp. at meet. of Progressive Friends, 197;
Catharine Beecher on, 352; 854.
DOMESTIC SPHERE, women should stay at home, 76, 78, 119;
wife of present and future, 134;
Willits on, 172; 178, 193;
N. Y. _Times_' opinion, 295;
effect of woman suff. on, 504, 505;
U. S. Senators on, 617-620;
in S. Dak., 686 (see Marriage).
DOMESTIC TRAITS, of mother, 6;
of grandmothers, 7, 14;
hard work of mother and daughters, 12, 19;
A.'s needlework, 22; 30, 36, 42;
biscuits and algebra, 43; 45;
A. as nurse, 52;
on the farm, 55;
as cook, 60;
suffragists declared to be without, 76;
Lucretia Mott's, 122;
A.'s love of young brother, 133;
housekeeping too exacting, 134;
wife's work in early days, 139;
A. assists Mrs. Stanton with children, 142, 187, 213, 219;
her work at home, 197;
her farming, 215; 216, 218;
helps at brother's "infare," 235; 243;
nursing of brother D. R., 470;
other instances, 471;
Rochester paper on, 476;
poor housekeeping unpardonable sin, 491;
buys linen in Belfast, 575;
goes to housekeeping, remembrance of friends, gifts, etc., 706, 707;
her delight, 710;
her hospitality and her cooking, 711;
sends for Mrs. Stanton, 712;
enjoyment of home, 719 (see Journals).
DRESS, of grandmother, 6;
of mother, 11;
of children lent, 14;
of father, 20;
A.'s plaid cloak, 21; 22;
A.'s criticism, 36;
her early love of, 50, 51, 52;
Mrs. Stanton on, 66;
A. on low-necks, 72; 84;
A. opposes mixing dress reform with suff., 117;
A.'s in 1855, 124, 134;
wife and breeches, 141;
Gerrit Smith on, 147; 151;
A.'s in 1860, 197; 252;
of suff. advocates, 337;
of A. at 50th birthday party, 342;
Mrs. Stanton's, 353;
A.'s in 1873, 435;
shameful account of A.'s in 1874, 458;
true description, 459;
gifts on starting to Europe, 549;
A.'s on board steamer, 550, 552;
shopping in Italy, 557;
Lewia Smith's lace, 558;
Rachel Foster's court costume, 562;
A.'s garnet velvet, 567;
her taste in, Mrs. Stanton's satire, 605;
A.'s clothes after a campaign, 612;
Miss Willard describes A.'s, 638;
amusing newspaper comment, 651;
Rev. Anna Shaw's in pulpit, 826;
women had to dress to please men, 844;
A.'s at 75, 858;
according to reporters, 903;
Mary S. Anthony on 70th birthday, 916;
A.'s fastidiousness and love of beautiful things, 932;
A.'s clothes "worn by a lady," 995.
EDUCATION, demand for women, 73;
A. on public schools, 221;
of women, 582;
qualif. for suff., 899, 922 (see Co-education).
EMANCIPATION, attitude of Republicans and Abolitionists in 1857, 148,
149;
Judge Ormond on, 184; 207;
Greeley on, 221;
A.'s speeches on, 222;
Tilton on proclamation, 225;
H. B. Stanton on same, 226;
efforts of Repubs. for, 226, 235;
of Woman's Natl. Loyal League, 226 et seq., 230;
Sumner on, 235;
Phillips believes ballot necessary for, A. same, Garrison differs,
245;
Pillsbury's attitude, 246;
Wom. Natl. Loyal League prays Lincoln to grant, 957-959 (see
Petitions, Wom. Natl. Loyal League).
ENCYCLOPEDIA, treatment of women, 170;
A. writes for Johnson's, 481, 802.
EQUAL RIGHTS ASSOCIATION, movement for in 1866, 256;
Phillips objects to including women, 256, 259, 267;
A. presents resolution for, 259;
formed, 260;
first meet. in Boston, attitude of _Standard_, 262;
meet. in Albany, polit. differences arise, 263;
meet. in Cooper Institute, 264;
abuse of _World_, 264;
first annivers. in New York, 276 et seq.;
committee objects to _The Revolution_ in its headqrs., 298;
persecutions, 299;
not responsible for _The Revolution_, 300;
second annivers., women insulted, 303;
abandoned for <DW64>, 304;
form independent com., which memorializes Repub. Conv., Tilton
advises they go to Democratic, 304, 305;
third annivers., attacks on A. and Mrs. Stanton, 322;
tilt between A. and Douglass, 323, 324;
discussion on "free love," 325;
platform too broad, "cranks" take advantage, 326;
Mrs. Livermore on, 327;
merged into Union Wom. Suff. Society, 348, 349.
EXPEDIENCY, A. objects to word, 95, 214; 262;
Beecher on, 276;
Republican cry, 409; 415; 953.
EXPOSITIONS, first World's Fair, 101;
Centennial of 1876, women open headqrs., 474;
attempt to secure recognition, 476-480;
hold their own celebr., 478;
visits of Lucretia Mott, 479, 480;
New Orleans, 597;
Atlanta, 845;
Tennessee, 927 (see Columbian Exposition).
FACTORY, first cotton factory of father, 11, 15;
moved to Battenville, 17;
temperance rules, 18;
treatment of employes, 19;
A.'s experience in, 20;
prosperity, 23;
financial crash, 33-35;
vain struggle to maintain, 45;
after 60 years, 944, 947.
FARMERS' ALLIANCE, of S. Dak., record on woman suff., 657;
agree to support, 684;
false to pledges, 685, 686.
FINANCE, A.'s accounts used in writing Biog., vii; ambition of
grandfather, 6;
prosperity in 1837, 15;
panic of 1838, 33;
hard struggle, 45;
A. raises money in 1852, 68;
in 1853, 92;
ability to raise money, 92, 103, 120;
never waited for money in hand, 111;
for canvass of N. Y. in 1855, 122 et seq.;
receipts for first St. canvass, 128;
in 1857, Maria Weston Chapman on A.'s worth, 154;
A. almost discouraged, 168; 173;
Anti-Slavery lectures, 178;
raising money for Wom. Loyal League, 232, 234, 237;
for Kas. campaign, 282;
A.'s struggle to support _The Revolution_, 298, 299, 308, 319, 354
et seq.;
cost of publishing, 354;
A. shows efforts to meet expenses, 362;
status at the end, 363;
A.'s lecture receipts, 364;
heavy cost of trial for voting, help of friends, 446;
willing to lose money to speak on suff., 460, 461;
always assumes expenses, 468;
last debt of _The Revolution_ paid, 472;
comments of press, 473;
Centennial headqrs., 475, 480;
in Col. campaign of 1877, 492;
proceeds of two lecture seasons, 508;
for woman's paper, 509; 595;
connected with Hist. of Wom. Suff., 599, 600, 613, 616;
cost of first Intl. Council of Women, 633;
A.'s financial Natl. Conv. reports, 642;
expenses of 70th birthday banquet, 663, 664;
in S. Dak. campaign, 675. 676, 680-685;
of Natl. Conv. in 1891, 703;
Rachel Foster for Kas. work, 719;
A. lectures to "keep pot boiling," 741;
for Kas. campaign, 742;
A.'s joy over contributions, 742;
in N. Y. campaign, 759, 760, 763, 772;
in Kas. campaign, 780, 785, 796;
A. urges strict accounts, 806;
gives all she earns to suff., 813;
for Calif. Woman's Cong., 820;
in Calif. campaign, 861, 864;
same, 865, 888;
pathetic incidents, 889;
A.'s contribution, bills all paid, 892;
A.'s lack of funds, 898;
services contributed, 925;
in Anthony home, 933 (see Funds).
FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE, A.'s father believed in, 23;
A. thinks women must have, 104;
right over subsistence enslaves will, 169; 324;
evils resulting from lack of, 385;
same, 389; 653;
its relation to virtue, 844;
same, 1007, 1008;
pleasure of, 1008;
parents prefer marriage for daughters, 1008;
lack of it in marriage, 1009;
mothers of poor should be taught self-help, 1011.
FLAG, 550, 665;
presented to A. by women of Col. and Wy., 757;
A.'s hope for five suff. stars, 879.
FLOWERS, 53, 198;
from workingwoman in Calif., 405; 464;
A.'s response in St. Louis, more used to stones, 507;
had more thorns, 536;
on 70th birthday, 670, 671; 675, 707, 757;
75 roses, 821;
in San Fr., 827;
in South. Calif., 832, 833; 848;
kind A. likes, 859;
on A.'s train, 881; 892, 893;
sent by Miss Willard, 906; 907.
FOOD, grandmother's cooking, 7, 14;
mother's, 18, 19, 42, 45, 47;
the goose, 27; 43;
A.'s love of fruit, 55;
cooking, 60;
at Greeley's, 87;
women eat cold victuals, 128;
eating in early days, 139;
peaches in home orchard, 145;
in good, old time, 160;
"cranks" on, 161; 172;
A. and the bill of fare, 176; 200;
Phillips' lunch, 217;
A.'s lunches in 1863, 234;
"real coffee" in 1865, 242;
in Kansas in pioneer days, 284;
diet prescribed by Geo. Francis Train, 289;
Beecher's before speaking, 334;
while snowed in Rocky Mts., 407;
while campaigning in Col., 491;
fruit in England, 554;
in Italy, 556;
milk in Naples, 557;
dinner at Zurich, 559;
breakfast in bed, 561;
strawberries in Scotland, 569;
luncheons and breakfasts, 571;
two Irish scenes, 574;
no mutton in America, 575;
experiences in S. Dak., 691;
at Mt. Holyoke, 706;
A.'s cooking, 711;
her dietary, 931;
at the Anthony Reunion, 946.
FOURTH OF JULY, 330;
in Salt Lake City, 389;
women celebrate at Centennial of 1876, 475;
in London, 566;
in Kas., 609;
in S. Dak., 690;
women celebr. admis. of Wy., 699;
A. invited to Col., 775;
in San Fr., struggle for Miss Shaw to speak, 835-837.
FREE LOVE, first discussed by Equal Rights Assn., indignant protest
and repudiation, 325;
charges of N. Y. _Tribune_, attitude of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn., 383;
resolutions, 384;
A.'s view, 390; 402;
A.'s condemnation, 462, 463;
insulting placards in Col., 492.
FUNDS, Jackson, 166, 171, 175, 178, 275, 539;
Hovey, 182, 196, 199, 234, 251, 269, 275, 282;
A. desires Standing Fund, 939.
GARRISONIANS, 133;
A. begins campaign with, 149 (see Abolitionists).
GENEALOGY, Anthony and Read families, 3, 4, 12.
GIFTS, on A.'s 50th birthday, 342, 974-976;
to _The Revolution_, 354-356; 370, 416;
for costs of A.'s trial, 446;
Anson Lapham, 448, 468;
Dansville Sanitarium, 452;
of brother, 459;
Francis and Loutrel, 468;
to Centennial headqrs., 475, 479, 480;
Helen Potter, 488;
Mrs. Hall and Mrs. Goodrich, 492;
A.'s to others, 508;
Mrs. Thompson to Hist. of Wom. Suff., 524;
Phila. Assn. to A., 534;
G. W. Childs, 538, 607;
on going abroad, 547-550;
A. to Oregon campaign, 592;
Mrs. Mendenhall, 660;
on A.'s 70th birthday, 671, 672;
to A. on going to housekeeping, 707;
on A.'s 73d birthday, 739;
from Phila. friends, 741;
from Chicago friends, 751;
Mrs. Hall, 756;
on 74th birthday, 757;
Mrs. Southworth to A. and Natl. Assn., 801;
Mrs. Gross, 803;
"annuity" to A., 813;
during illness in 1895, 841;
to take secy, to Calif., 862;
A. to Calif. campaign, Calif. women to her, 892;
New Year's, 1897, 900;
on 77th birthday, 907;
on Mary S. Anthony's 70th, 916;
A. mourns that small gifts cannot be recorded, 938 (see Finance,
Funds).
GOD, JESUS, etc., 68, 77;
blessing asked on conv., 87;
Creator's intentions, 109;
Christ an agitator, 177;
God will bless woman suff., 272;
Christ on Divorce, 352;
improve upon Christ's methods, 373;
A.'s unselfishness next to Christ's, 535;
God recognizes A.'s work, 537;
pictures of Christ in Italy, 556, 557; 563;
Lord and temp. movement, 567;
God sends children, 574;
wife compared to Christ, 595;
Creator's intentions toward women, 617; 620;
A. objects to mention of in woman suff. platform, 655;
Christ-like spirit of A., 703, 805;
A. on people who know God's wishes, 853;
women live in air with Jesus and angels, 857;
A. on God in Govt., 898;
needs money to do God's work, 898;
on God's special interference, 921;
on personal God, 923;
on miraculous intervention, 923;
God divided head and heart equally, 945;
woman accountable to God only, 1011 (see Church).
GRANGE, 652;
petition for woman suff., 767;
in Calif., 886.
GUARDIANSHIP, EQUAL, drunkard keeps children, 74;
A. secures petitions for in 1853, 105, 108;
rejected by Legis. with insult, 109;
A.'s sp. for, 110;
laws in 1860, 186;
granted by N. Y. Legis., 190;
repealed, 219;
example from Mass., 200 et seq.; 988.
HALLS, Albany, _Association_, 104, 186, 212;
_Tweddle_, 263;
Ann Arbor, _University_, 755;
Boston, _Music Hall_, 214;
Chicago, _Farwell_, 515, 517;
Denver, _Broadway Theater_, 823;
Duluth, _Masonic Temple_, 656;
Leavenworth, _Chickering_, 649;
Memphis, _Young Men's Hebrew Assn._, 807;
New Orleans, _Tulane_, 597;
New York, _Apollo_, 348, 352, 368, 383, 434;
_Broadway Tabernacle_, 89, 102, 147;
_Metropolitan_, 101;
_Mozart_, 174;
_Steinway_, 322;
_Tammany_, 305 (see _Cooper Institute_);
Oakland, _Tabernacle_, 837;
Rochester, _Corinthian_, 67, 92, 98, 105, 167, 180, 209;
San Francisco, _Golden Gate_, 827, 829, 830, 835, 892;
_Metropolitan Temple_, 834, 874, 878, 893;
_Platt's_, 390;
_Woodward's Pavilion_, 836;
Saratoga, _St. Nicholas_, 121;
St. Louis, _Memorial_, 649;
_Mercantile Library_, 469;
Syracuse, _Convention_, 211;
Troy, _Rand's_, 143;
Utica, _Mechanics'_, 210;
Washington, _Lincoln_, 337, 484, 511, 526, 546, 659;
_Smithsonian Institute_, 118.
HARDSHIPS (see Campaigns, Canvasses, Lecture Bureaus, Persecutions).
HEADQUARTERS, of Wom. Natl. Loyal League, 230;
Centennial of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn., 475 et seq.;
Natl. Suff. Assn. in Washtn., 700;
Mrs. Southworth's contrib. to, 801;
in Calif., 862, 864, 875.
HEALTH, Mrs. Stanton on in 1852, 66;
effect of fashions, 112;
A.'s cold bath, 125;
convert to water cure, 126;
results of, 129;
at sanitarium, 134;
medical certificate, 136;
men speakers break down, 161;
effect of hard work on A., 168, 169;
powers of endurance, 408;
prostrated in Ft. Wayne in 1873, 433;
physical condition in 1877, 486;
Mrs. Stanton's illness not due to work for suff., 537;
effects of S. Dak. campaign, 696;
A.'s illness in Boston, 701;
illness in 1895, 840;
secret of health, 843;
after Calif, campaign, 895;
of A. and Mrs. Stanton after 50 yrs.' work, 917;
dependent on natural, not supernatural laws, 923;
laws observed by A., 931;
does not think of bodily ills or disagreeable things, 932;
medicine and physicians, 933.
HEARINGS, first granted to women by Congressl. Com., 314;
second, 338;
Sumner on, 339;
Mary Clemmer on, 340;
of Mrs. Woodhull and others, 375;
in 1872, on right of women to vote under 14th and 15th Amends., 410;
in 1880, 511;
in 1882, 541;
in 1884, A.'s address, 588;
A. has speeches printed, 591;
in 1886, 607;
in 1888, 640;
in 1890, 674;
in 1892, 718;
at Natl, Repub. Conv. of 1892, 723;
at Dem., 725;
Congressl. in 1894, member asks why never held before, 758;
in 1896, 851.
HISTORY OF WOMAN SUFFRAGE, first move towards writing, 475;
beginning, 480;
financial help recd., 524;
A.'s restiveness, 525;
Mrs. Nichols' assistance, A. orders names of opponents to be
published, 529;
1st Vol. published, cost of pictures, favorable comment of press and
prominent people, imperfections, services of the three authors,
Mrs. Stanton replies to critics, rest of material stored, 530-532;
Mrs. Stanton's fears, may not live to finish, 537;
presented to Senators, 541;
A.'s longing to be through, 542;
2d Vol. finished, 543;
A. looks for in Rome, 553; 565;
work on 3d Vol., A.'s restiveness, 592; 595;
financial status, 599;
serious and amusing difficulties, 601;
A.'s dislike of it all, 602;
3d Vol. finished, 603; 608;
immense outlay, 612;
tribute to authors, synopsis of work, extensive donations, 613, 614;
commendation, 614-616;
sales, desire for 4th Vol., 616;
A. begs Mrs. Stanton to write, 712; 754;
Miss Willard's estimate, 951.
HOME LIFE, in Adams, 5-15;
in Battenville, 17-35;
in Center Falls (Hardscrabble), 35-46;
near Rochester, 47 et seq.;
in Rochester, beginning, 231; 706;
in 1897, 913, 931-939;
A. on beautifying country homes, 200;
Abrahamic bosom, 218 (see Domestic Traits, Love of Family).
HOMES FOR SINGLE WOMEN, A.'s lecture, visit to Alice Cary, 359;
A. writes it in Denver, 493.
HONORARY MEMBERSHIP, Chicago Woman's Club, 896;
Rochester D. A. R., 919;
other organizations, 925.
HOUSE OF COMMONS, A. visits, 553, 563, 567.
HUMANITIES, CHARITIES, etc., A.'s interest in, 60;
women fail to lay ax at root of difficulty, 920; 1004 et seq.
IMMIGRATION AND IMMIGRANTS, 59;
in S. Dak., 687, 690, 694, 695;
efforts to secure votes of, 887 (see Citizenship, Naturalization).
IMMORTALITY, A.'s ideas of, 119, 242, 508, 516, 650, 859, 899.
INDIANS, in Repub. conv. in S. Dak., 687;
preferred to white women, 762.
INDIFFERENCE OF WOMEN, 73, 98, 130, 251;
should be shocked into action, 366;
Mrs. Stanton on, 382; 456;
A.'s strong statement, 641;
in Calif, suff. campaign, 866.
INDIRECT INFLUENCE, dangers of, 590.
INDUSTRIES, PROFESSIONS, etc., demand for woman's admission to, 73;
to law, 74; 79;
Greeley on woman's right to enter, 147;
A. urges agriculture for women, 160;
on status of workingwomen, 333;
women may practice bef. Sup. Ct., 502;
dentistry in Berlin, 559;
law in Gr. Brit., 564;
medicine in, 570;
indebtedness to woman suff. advocates, 80, 740, 822, 848, 949, 973,
976 (see Labor).
INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL, N. Y. St., A. appointed trustee, 730;
her work, 733, 737, 816;
recognizes girls, need of women on boards, resigns, 817.
INFIDELITY, woman suff. advocates charged with, 77-79, 91;
Mrs. Rose's, 118, 121; 147, 311;
woman suff. leads to, 401;
suff. advocates and Dr. Patton, 596;
A. stands for infidel's rights, 631;
same, 655, 854.
INSURANCE, N. Y. Life, father connected with, 49, 55;
A. insures in, 136.
INTEMPERANCE, in early days, 15, 18, 19;
A.'s tilt with uncle, 40;
on Martin Van Buren, 41;
Whig festivals, 42;
no disgrace, 61;
Mrs. Stanton demands shall be cause for divorce, 67;
wives and drunken husbands, 74, 84;
in London, 564;
in Ireland, 573;
A. on woman's vote, 655;
specimen of man's govt. in S. Dak., 693;
women greatest sufferers from, statistics, root of the evil, 1004;
effects of, 1005;
in Chicago, women's petition spurned, 1012 (see Laws, Liquor
Dealers).
INTERNATIONAL, COUNCIL OF WOMEN, its conception, carrying forward,
first great meeting in Washtn., newspaper comment, speeches,
permanent organization, 633-639;
during Columb. Expos., 745.
INTERVIEWS, A. on Beecher-Tilton case, 461;
effect of woman suff. on saloons, 505;
source of the opposition, 506;
Mrs. Blake with Gen. Hancock on woman suffrage, 520;
requested of A. by editor of _Le Soir_ in Paris, 561;
impressions of Gr. Brit., 581;
change in public men, and on woman of the future, 582;
contrast between pioneer and modern suffragists, 729;
on N. Y. anti-suftragists, 766;
on her alliance with Popu. party, 791;
in Chicago in 1895, 821;
in Denver, 823;
on the Bible and the Woman's Bible, 856;
of "Nelly Bly" in N. Y. _World_, 858;
in San Fr. _Examiner_, 870;
on Sister Mary's 70th birthday and early life, 915;
on "rings" and "bosses," 928.
INVITATIONS, specimens of, 740, 753, 803, 924.
JOURNALS, MISS ANTHONY'S, used in writing Biog., vii;
in boarding school, 24 et seq.;
in 1838, 34;
in girlhood days, 35, 36, 38, 39;
woman's financ. independ., 104;
first St. canvass for Wom. Rights, 125 et seq.;
in 1856, 138;
almost discouraged, 151;
daily doings in 1859, 172, 173;
life at home and abroad in 1860, 197, 198;
in 1862, 216;
public work in 1865, 252;
on Chas. Sumner, 269;
on 50th birthday, 344;
in 1870, 346; 362;
work for woman suff. conv. in New York, 368;
on treatment in San Francisco, 392;
stage driver, 394;
the "reform world," 395;
trip by boat in 1871, 395;
Calif. experiences, 404;
snowed in in the Rocky Mts., 406-408;
our ship nearly lost, 415;
joy over Repub. action in 1872, 419;
on death of Greeley, 428;
on outrage of her trial, 441;
on death of Sumner, 456;
on degraded labor of women and "coaxing" women, 457;
on Beecher-Tilton case, 463;
on death of Martha C. Wright, 467;
of Lydia Mott, 471;
on Frances Willard, 472;
on writing the History, 480, 525, 542;
on Anson Lapham, 481; 532, 535;
on W. C. T. U., 537; 541;
while in Europe, 560;
in Scotland, 569;
in Ireland, 575;
in England, 577;
shrinks from pleading with politicians, 583;
on inefficient women, 586;
no blame for any one, 587;
on Miss Eddy, 601;
on literary "style," 601;
racy comments on writing the History, 602;
work in Congress, 607, 608;
on Phoebe Couzins, 608;
in Chicago, St. Louis, Leavenworth, 609; 623;
on Mrs. Stanton's refusal to come to Intl. Council, 636;
tricks of saloon element, 649;
Grant mementoes at Mt. McGregor, 653;
unmarried mothers, 656;
on Chief Just. Fuller, 660;
on Harriot Stanton Blatch, 675;
first housekeeping experiences, 711;
amusing bits in 1891, 714;
on Popu. party, 727;
on divinely-appointed male head of family, 730;
overwhelmed with work, 737, 739;
on death of Blaine, 739; 785;
"alliance" with Populists, 791;
on Robt. Collyer, 802; 843;
the $6,000 bed, 902;
on thinking of past, 914.
JURIES, men judge women, 74;
A. demands women have one of their peers, 309;
Gov. Geary declares need of women on, 310;
right to trial by under Constitu., 429;
Judge refuses to have polled in A.'s trial, 439;
A. pleads for jury of her peers, 440;
opinions of press, 441-443;
of John Van Voorhis, 444;
same, 449;
of Judge Selden, 449;
A.'s appeal to Congress, 449;
majority and minority reports, 450-453;
mothers with infants, 618, 619;
A. accused of trying to influence by speeches before her trial,
993-995.
LABOR, the wife's wages, 74, 108, 110;
proceeds of wife's work, 139;
A. demands vote for workingwomen, 263;
rebuke to married ex-teacher, 272;
workingmen's influence compared to women's, 306;
_The Revolution's_ efforts for wage-earning women, assn. formed, 307;
Labor Congress for women's rights, but not for suff., 307;
A. teaches workingwomen to organize, 307;
A. to women typesetters, 308;
on women wage-earners, 333;
rejected as delegate to Labor Cong, in Phila., 366;
gratitude of workingwomen, 405;
women a millstone, 457;
Greenback-Labor party on woman suff., 518;
workingwoman's need of ballot, 523;
farmers enfranchised in Gr. Brit., 593;
workingwomen welcomed in N. O., 597;
telegrams to A. from leaders, 671;
action of Knights of Labor on woman suff. in S. Dak., 685, 686;
A. addresses workingwomen in Omaha, 726;
organizations petition for woman suff., 766;
press in Calif, in favor of, 868;
debt of wage-earn, women to A., 740, 976;
on workingwoman's need of suff., 996-1003;
wage-earning men in England wanted bread, not ballot, 996;
ballot granted, 997;
excellent results, 997, 998;
political preferences, 998;
political power behind strikes, 999;
statistics of women's wages, 999;
why their strikes fail, 999, 1000;
women's great need of franchise, 1000;
wages not regulated by supply and demand, 1001;
give women same power as men, 1002;
effect of taking work from home to factory, 1006;
reward of virtue, 1007;
women must be self-supporting and enfranchised, 1007;
temptations to wage earners, 1007, 1008 (see Industries).
LAWS, women's property rights, adopted, 58;
Fugitive Slave, License repealed, husband's rights under, 61;
Maine Law, 70, 71;
Lucy Stone on, 81;
nobody wants but women, 83;
Common Law on women, 74;
conv. to secure better ones, 104;
A. canvasses for, 105, 108;
petitions presented and petitioners abused, 109;
A. argues for, 110;
arranges series of convs. for, 110;
hard work of canvass, 111;
for women, in 1860, 185;
for equal guardianship repealed in N. Y., 219;
A.'s scathing review of laws and wives' protest, 331;
Ingersoll shows injustice to women, 345;
for remitting fines, 449;
women admitted to practice before U. S. Sup. Ct., 502;
A. criticises Garfield's saying just to women, 536;
School Suff. in N. Y. partial failure, 730;
show men cannot be trusted to legislate for women, 966;
use of masculine pronouns, 982, 983, 990;
for married women, 987;
can't own false teeth, 988;
all made by men, women cannot testify in court, 1009 (see
Guardianship, Property Rights).
LECTURE BUREAUS, hardships under, 154;
conservatism of, 191;
first estab., A. and Mrs. Stanton employed, 344;
in 1871, 380;
Iowa experiences, 470; 472;
Slayton's circular on A.'s speeches, her endurance, 486;
Mrs. Stanton's dislike, 488;
hardships of tours, 490, 493;
in 1878, 495;
A.'s proceeds under, 508; 595, 598, 602;
in 1888, 644;
A. declines $100 per night, 843.
LECTURES, A. arranges course in Roch., 167, 190, 217;
tour under Train's manage., 293;
work in 1870, 364;
newspaper comment, 387;
general results of, 502;
tour of Mich, in 1893, wide range of invitations to speak, 740, 753;
in N. Y., 741;
in Cinti., 741;
in Kas. and Ills., 751;
in N. Y., 753;
in Ann Arbor, 755;
in Baltimore, 756;
in Phila., 776;
A. and Mrs. Catt in South. States, 806-810;
A. in S. C. and Va., 812, 814;
at Drexel Ins., 815;
power to draw audiences, 816;
thro' the West to Calif., 821-826;
offer from Major Pond, 896;
man asks A. how many she has given, 925 (see Speeches).
LEGACIES, Francis Jackson's for Woman's Rights, 165;
opinions as to expenditure, 171;
Charles F. Hovey's for various reforms, 182;
Mrs. Eddy's to A. and Lucy Stone, 539;
litigation, appeals for the money, 540;
legacy paid, only instance, 598;
A. besieged, 599;
use of, 600;
of Emerine J. Hamilton to A., 654;
of Mrs. Mendenhall, 660;
of Eliza J. Clapp, 763;
of Mrs. Minor, 803;
of Adeline Thompson, 814 (see Funds).
LEGISLATURES, A.'s grandfather member of Mass., 4;
women first address N. Y., 81;
action on Wom. Rights petitions, 109;
contemptuous report, 140;
A.'s efforts for Personal Liberty Bill, 173;
Mrs. Stanton addresses N. Y. in 1860, 186;
N. Y. repeals equal guard. law, 219;
need of women in, 220;
in South at close of War, 255;
Mrs. Stanton at Albany in 1867, 273;
Ills. addressed by women in 1869, 315;
Mich. submits woman suff. amend., 459;
Col. same in 1877, 489;
A. watches and distrusts, 516;
Neb. submits woman suff. amend. in 1882, 544;
action on <DW64> suff., A.'s appeal that woman suff. be submitted to,
589;
Kas. grants Munic. Suff., 611;
A. addresses N. Y. in 1887, 622;
Wy. on woman suff., 699;
A. addresses N. Y. in 1891, 719;
A. addresses Mich., it confers Munic. Suff. on women, 740;
Col. submits woman suff. amend. in 1893, 752;
Kas. same, 754;
N. Y. orders constitl. conv., makes women eligible as delegates, 758;
Calif. submits woman suff. amend., 820;
same, 863;
A. addresses Indiana, 904;
A. addresses N. Y. for last time, 914;
Kas. voted against <DW64> suff. 963;
submitted three suff. amends. in 1867, 1016.
LETTERS OF MISS ANTHONY, used in writing Biog., vii;
from boarding school, 24 et seq.;
on Lord's Supper, 36;
<DW52> people, 39, 40;
women preachers, 40;
Van Buren and wine-drinking, 41;
silk worms, 42;
family love, 44;
first temp. meet., 53;
growing ambition, 70;
Bloomer costume, 116;
ministers and churches, 119, 121; 122;
numbers of, 131;
the wife's existence, 134;
canvass of 1856, 138;
begging for help, 140;
to brother Merritt on Kas., 144;
woman's dependence, 146;
Remond's and Pillsbury's speeches, 152;
large families, 162;
will rout old fogies, 164;
on spiritual loneliness, 168;
urges women to discontent, 169;
right of self-representation, 169;
loss of individuality in marriage, 170;
wife's annihilation, 171;
criticises Curtis, 172;
suff. needs consecrated souls, 177;
trouble with women lecturers, 177;
no time for humor, 179;
salvation of women depends on Mrs. Stanton, 186;
conservative people, 197;
from birthplace, 198;
describes mobs, 210;
children, 213;
approaching war, 214;
Adam Bede, 216;
sculpture and painting, 219;
repeal of equal guard. law in N. Y., 220;
public schools, 221;
her power of speaking, 222;
love for father, mother and home, 231;
on death, 241;
tenderness in family, 242;
trip to Kansas in 1865, 242;
<DW64> suffrage, 245;
church and <DW64>s, 249;
treatment of _Anti-Slavery Standard_, 268;
hearing before N. Y. Constitl. Conv., heresies and orthodoxies, 279;
struggle to raise money for Kas. campaign, 282;
hardships of, 284, 285;
protest against taxes, 330;
to mother about 50th birthday, 343;
on uniting two suff. assns., 347;
funds for _The Revolution_, 354, 355;
sorrow at giving it up, heavy debts incurred, 362;
resume of situation as to woman suff. in 1870, 365;
criticising Mrs. Stanton's readiness to give up, 373;
Natl. Suff. Conv. of 1871, 373;
Social Purity, double standard of morals and woman's dependence, 384;
love in marriage, Wyoming, 388;
polygamy, 388-390;
man-visions, 390;
trip to Yosemite, 392;
interest in reforms, 394;
Mrs. Stanton's overshadowing, 396;
lecturing in Oregon, 395-399;
abuse in San Francisco, Fair case, regret at not speaking more
boldly, 396;
Chinese and women, 398; 399;
beauties of Ore. and Washtn., 399;
stage riding, 399, 403;
devotion of friends, 412;
Mrs. Woodhull and attempt to form new party, 413;
Repub. plank in 1872, 419, 420;
attitude toward political parties, 422;
account of her voting in 1872, 424;
of her arrest and examination, 428;
to mother on death, 447;
women's temperance crusade, 457;
marriage, honesty best policy, and no outsiders in family life, 459;
no rest, canvass of Mich. in 1874, 460;
not working for personal reward, 480;
to mother on love and duty, 482;
to Lucy Stone on partisanship, 497, 498;
on death of Garrison, 508;
on death of mother, 513;
specimen of A.'s stirring appeals to workers, preparing to influence
polit. convs., 515, 516;
to presidential candidates, 521;
to Garfield, 522;
criticises women for supporting either pres. candidate, 523;
hopes Repubs. may help women, 524;
compelling Mrs. Stanton to attend convs., 526;
children must bear parents' record, 529;
death of Garfield, 536;
Mrs. Stanton's work and health, 537;
to Phillips on 70th birthday, 538;
appreciation of Mrs. Eddy's legacy, 539;
passing of old workers, 544;
revolutionary letters returned in Germany, 559;
letters from Europe, 551-578;
converts Edinburgh prof., 570;
to Wm. D. Kelley to push woman suff. in Cong., 584;
to Mrs. Stanton on Douglass marriage and amalgamation, 586;
death of Wendell Phillips, 587;
close watch on Congress, 591;
Gladstone's action, 593;
to Frances Willard on refusal of woman plank by Prohibs. in 1884,
594;
on inability to write, Mrs. Stanton's love of ease, 600;
Miss Eddy, 601;
on Kas. meetings in 1887, 609;
heterodox and orthodox churches for conv., 612;
advises Wis. women to avoid legal decisions, 624;
union of two suff. assns., 628, 629;
declining presidency and urging elect. of Mrs. Stanton, 631;
ordained and non-ordained women ministers, 634;
lack of concerted action by women, 641;
open letter to Gen. Harrison in 1888, 642, 1013;
dislike of "red tape," immense correspondence, 643;
death and immortality, 650;
best campaign methods, 657, 658, 659;
Prohibition and woman suff., 657;
"Andrew Jackson-like methods," 659;
immense circulation of literature, 659;
on selling tickets for her birthday banquet, 663, 664;
union of two assns., 674;
value of social functions, 677;
disregard of orthodox Christians for feelings of liberals, 678;
pre-natal influence, 678;
love for Washtn. City, 679;
on financial management of S. Dak. campaign, 681, 682;
W. C. T. U. and suff. campaign in S. Dak., 683;
hardships of, 688;
criticises commission to S. Dak., 690;
visits to Holyoke and Cheshire, 705;
to John Brown's grave, 708;
meeting at Lily Dale, Miss Shaw answers Dr. Buckley, 710; 711;
begging Mrs. Stanton to end her days in Rochester, 712;
agrees to help in Kas., 715;
objects to male sculptor for her bust, 721;
urges Southern women to organize, 722;
first trip to Europe, 739;
never dreamed of stenographer, 741;
joy of having worked for liberty, 741;
on situation in Kas., 741;
women make burden heavy for others, 742; 745;
Kas. campaign, 754;
lack of organization, votes of drunkards, 763;
corrects report of sp. on orthodoxy, 774;
scores Repub. party in Kas., 779;
to Kas. Woman's Campaign Com. on plank, 781;
to Repub. leader, same, 783;
to Mrs. Johns, 784;
joy over Populist plank, 792;
repudiates Kas. Repubs., 793, 794;
on speaking in Kas., 794;
Y. M. C. A. and wom. suff., 804;
majority rule, financial mistake, 806;
to contribs. to annuity, 814;
first serv. of stenographer, 843;
virtue and financial independence, 844;
"trusts" and woman suff., dress, 844;
all organizns. should celebrate Stanton birthday, 846;
suff. elephant and horned head must stand back, 847;
objects to Mrs. Stanton's attack on church, 847;
desire to give all an opportunity, 849;
tribute to Mrs. Dietrick, 849;
to Mr. Sewall, 850;
grief at action of Natl. Suff. Assn. on Woman's Bible, 855;
Spanish inquisition methods, 855;
Mrs. Stanton writes down instead of up in Woman's Bible, 856;
religious superstition, refuses to mix relig. or temp. discuss. in
Calif. suff. campaign, 857;
begging W. R. Hearst to favor woman suff. in _Examiner_, 867;
longing for home, 878;
to Idaho women, 878;
to Mrs. Stanton, 879;
woman plank of Natl. Repub. Conv. of 1896, 880;
urging Miss Willard to withdraw Natl. W. C. T. U. Conv. from Calif,
in 1896, 881;
to Mrs. Sturtevant Peet on same, 882;
opposed to public denial of charges, 897;
urging women not to scramble for office, 897;
prefers her own wisdom to Solomon's, 897;
secret of her success, 897;
declines alliance with political parties, 898;
objects to making God author of Govt., 898;
need of money for her work, 898;
on educated and property suffrage, 899;
same, 922;
think of dead as in vigor of life, 899;
holding Natl. Convs. in Washtn., 903;
the writing of her Biog., 909;
dislike of groping in past, 914;
greatest compliment, 917;
impossibility of "insurrection" of women, 918;
Theosophy, Christian Science, etc., 918;
to Sup. Court of Idaho thanking for broad decision, 919;
to D. A. R. on Revolutionary mothers, 919;
every dollar given helps woman suff., 920;
suffrage great need of women working in charities and reforms, 920;
objects to asking for partial suff., 920;
on poetry, 921;
God's special interference, 921;
Sunday no more sacred than other days, 922;
personal God, 922;
miraculous intervention, 923;
compared to St. Paul's, 924;
foolishness of women's attacking public evils until they get suff.,
924;
number of cities visited, 925;
giving her services, 925;
to man asking how many times she had lectured, 925;
toil of correspondence, 935;
endless requests, 936;
amusing instances, 937;
loving messages, 938.
LETTERS OF OTHERS, number used in writing Biog., vii;
Anthony family life in 1836, 22;
father on daughter's teaching, 24;
to A. in boarding school, 27;
panic of 1838, 33, 34;
Washtn. City, 33;
Aaron McLean on <DW64>s, 39;
Uncle Albert scores A., 40;
Van Buren, drinking and dancing, 42;
to woman's temp. meet, in 1852, 65;
Greeley on Wom. Temp. Conv., 66;
Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Nichols encourage A.'s temp. work, 66;
Mayo and Geo. W. Johnson on woman's rights, 73;
Gerrit Smith, same, 75;
Lucy Stone on Maine Law, 81;
A.'s father on woman suff. in 1853, 85;
Neal Dow, 93;
Abby Kelly Foster on A., 93;
Lucy Stone on Divorce, 93;
Gerrit Smith on female modesty, 93;
Saml. F. Cary on Wom. Temp. Conv., 96;
Greeley on Temp. Conv. and Church, 97;
Pillsbury on A.'s industry, 105;
Lucy Stone, 111;
Bloomers, 114-116;
Mrs. Mott, 122;
Greeley's offer, 122;
father advises to save newspaper clippings, 125;
Greeley on Woman's Rights, 125;
father on same, 129;
Lucy Stone on her marriage, 130, 139;
T. W. Higginson, Mrs. Stanton, Paulina Wright Davis, 130;
freedom in marriage, 135;
Lucy Stone on retiring from work, 135;
John A. McCall, 136;
Anti-Slav. Com., 137;
Mrs. Stanton on children and work, 142;
Mary L. Booth on teachers, 143;
on woman's sad position, 146;
the Hutchinsons, 146;
Lucy Stone on wife's position, 146;
Greeley on free speech, 146;
Gerrit Smith on woman's dress, 147;
Samuel May, 148;
and Lucy Stone encouraging A., 151;
Wm. Lloyd Garrison, 152, 161;
Mrs. Stanton on Teachers' Conv., 157;
Lucy Stone and Abby H. Patton, 162;
Phillips on Jackson legacy, 165;
Curtis on Woman's Rights, 167, 172;
Lydia Mott on loss of individuality in marriage, 170;
Phillips, 171;
Thos. K. Beecher, 178;
Pillsbury on execution of John Brown, 180;
Mrs. Stanton on white manhood, 181;
Abby Kelly Foster, Geo. B. Cheever, 182;
Judge Ormond on Wom. Rights and Anti-Slavery, 183, 184;
Mrs. Stanton will cross the Alps, 187;
A. J. Colvin, 189;
Mary S. Anthony on injustice to teachers, 191, 192;
on Divorce, from noted people, 195-197;
Pillsbury on Boston conv., 197;
Mrs. Stanton will dress A.'s thoughts, 199;
Garrison and Phillips on returning child to mother, 203;
Beriah Green on Abolitionists, 214;
Phillips and Tilton on lectures in Rochester, 217;
Anna Dickinson on War, 220;
Greeley on Lincoln, 221;
Tilton and Stanton on Emancip. Proclam., 226;
mother on sale of home, 231;
Tilton on birth of child, 232;
noted men on Wom. Loyal League, 233;
Sumner on slavery, 236;
Phillips on A.'s cleverness, 237;
Mrs. Stanton and others urge A. to return East, 244;
Pillsbury on <DW64> suffrage, 246;
Mrs. Stanton on women's first appeal to Cong. for suff., 251;
Purvis approving woman suff., 258;
Anna Dickinson on speaking for suff., 258;
Beecher on "hay fever," 263;
Mrs. Stanton on petitions for woman suff. in 1866, 268;
Lucretia Mott on same, 268;
Purvis on <DW64> suff., 269;
Gen. Rufus Saxton for rights of women, 272;
Beecher on dislike of working in organizations, 274;
Lucy Stone on woman and <DW64> suff. in Kas. and on Hovey Fund, 275;
Anna Dickinson on adverse suff. rep. of N. Y. Constitl. Conv., 280;
Mrs. Starrett describes A. in 1867, 285;
Mrs. Stanton on A.'s judgment, 293;
on Train and _The Revolution_, 297, 298;
Lucy Stone and others on woman's paper, 299;
Mrs. Stanton on treatment of herself and A. by Equal Rights Assn., 300;
on _The Revolution_, 301;
Grace Greenwood on A. and her associates, 314;
Mrs. Livermore in appreciation of A., 316;
Train withdraws from _The Revolution_, 319;
Mrs. Stanton on forgiveness, 320;
Mrs. Livermore on _The Revolution_, 321;
Anna Dickinson to A., 321;
Gail Hamilton, same, 322;
Mrs. Livermore on Equal Rights Assn., A.'s lectures and Natl. Wom.
Suff. Assn., 328;
Mrs. Mott on A.'s labor for others, 329;
Mrs. Hooker on admiration for A. and Mrs. Stanton, 332;
on A. and other pioneers, 334;
Dr. Kate Jackson, Sarah Pugh on _The Revolution_, 335;
Mary Clemmer on Natl. Suff. Conv. of 1870, 340;
Mrs. Stanton on anything for peace, 347;
Catharine Beecher on Divorce, 352;
Mary S. Anthony urges A. to give up _The Revolution_, 356;
Mrs. Hooker on taking the paper, 357, 358;
Mrs. Stanton opposed to changing name, 357;
get rid of paper, 361;
Pillsbury on giving it up, 363;
Mrs. Hooker, Mrs. Stanton and others on the Natl. Suff. Conv. of
1871, 371-374;
Mrs. Hooker asks noted men to speak, 373;
on Sister Catharine and Mrs. Woodhull, 378;
Mrs. Stanton on Social Purity, 379;
interest in woman suff. felt in Washtn., 381;
encouraging signs in Congress, 381;
Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker on Repub. party, 382;
Phoebe Couzins on Natl. Assn., 383;
Mary S. Anthony on case of Mrs. Fair, 392;
Mrs. Duniway on A.'s lectures in Ore., 399;
indignant husbands and wives in Victoria, B. C., 402;
Blackwell urges women to support Repub. party, 416;
Cochran to Mrs. Stanton, 418;
Henry Wilson to A., 420;
Mrs. Stanton's bitterness against polit. parties, 420;
B. F. Butler on woman's right to vote under U. S. Constn., 429;
same, favoring woman suff., Senator Lapham, same, 455;
A. G. Riddle on great strength and little working power of woman
suff. cause, 455;
lets. of faith in A., 458;
Lucretia Mott, 480;
Garrison opposed to 16th amend., Phillips in favor, 484;
Mary Clemmer on treatment of woman suff. petits. by U. S. Senate,
485;
Mrs. Stanton on friendship for A., 488;
Annie McDowell tribute to A. in Phila. _Press_, 489;
Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Sargent, Mrs. Minor and Miss Couzins on prayer
meet. in Capitol, need of A.'s management of natl. convs., 494;
to 30th annivers. in Rochester, 495;
Mary Clemmer on woman suffrage, 501;
lady asking forgiveness, 505;
Sens. and Reps. ask seats for women, 518;
Garfield to A. on woman suffrage, 521;
Mrs. Stanton on A.'s "dragooning," 526;
on Hist. of Wom. Suff., 532;
Mrs. Pillsbury to A., 535;
Mrs. Harbert on her love and Zerelda G. Wallace's, 535;
Phillips' cordial letter, 538;
Mrs. Eddy's legacy, 539;
lawsuit, 540;
Mrs. Blatch on writing Biog., 544;
Sen. Ingalls, 547;
Rochester people to A. when starting abroad, 548;
Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Sargent welcome her, 553;
editors of _Italian Times_ ask A. to write, 557;
to A. from editor of _Le Soir_, 561;
Mrs. McLaren on A.'s visit, 569;
Mrs. Bright on A.'s impression on son, 577;
Bishop Simpson on woman suff., 588;
eminent foreigners, 588;
Sen. Palmer urges agitation for woman suff., 593;
J. Ellen Foster, 598;
Mrs. Sewall on A.'s energy, 600;
Mrs. Blatch on friendship of mother and A., 602;
Mrs. Stanton on esthetic convs., 605;
Sen. Blair on A.'s persistence, 606;
G. W. Childs, 607;
Mrs. Merrick, 608;
Olympia Brown, 608;
Sen. Anthony, Mary L. Booth, D. W. Wilder, Sarah B. Cooper on Hist.
of Wom. Suff., 614-616;
Miss Booth on woman suff., 615;
Mary Rogers Kimball, 616;
Sen. Ingalls, 622;
Mrs. Stanton advises A. to destroy letters, 625;
Lucy Stone on union of two suff. assns., 628;
Alice Stone Blackwell on same, 628;
Zerelda G. Wallace and others on A. or Mrs. Stanton for pres., 630,
631;
Fred. Douglass on first Woman's Rights Conv., 634;
Maria Mitchell on work, 635;
Mrs. Stanton's friendship for A. but she won't come to Intl.
Council, 635;
Miss Willard on A. at Council, 638;
tribute from Mrs. S. E. Sewall, 640;
Miss Shaw's first let. to A., 645;
Adeline Thompson's love for A., 651;
Marie Deraismes, 652;
Laura C. Holloway, 653;
Harriet Hosmer, 655;
from S. Dak., 656;
nephew D. R. on his aunt Susan, 658;
Mrs. Sewall, Mrs. Avery on A.'s 70th birthday banquet, 664;
on 70th birthday from Lucy Stone, Whittier, Miss Willard, Curtis,
Garrison, Hoar, Reed, Olympia Brown, Mrs. Logan, Mr. and Mrs.
Gannet, T. W. Palmer, Nordhoff, F. G. Carpenter, Mrs. Johns, etc.,
668-671;
Lillian Whiting on A.'s contemporaries, 672;
Mrs. Livermore, Mary Grew, Lucy Stone, 676;
Mrs. Avery on woman's gratitude to A., 678;
to A. regarding S. Dak. campaign in 1890, 679, 680;
Miss Shaw on financial management of, 683;
Mrs. Wallace on A.'s leadership, 683, 685;
Miss Shaw's account of treatment by S. Dak. Repub. Conv., 687;
John Hooker, Clara Barton, Anna Shaw on campaign, 689;
Mrs. Howell's account of A.'s and her experiences, 690, 691;
same by Miss Shaw, 692, 693;
Mrs. Catt's summing up, 693;
her tribute to A., 695;
N. M. Mann, 697;
E. B. Taylor, 700;
Lucy Stone inviting A. to Mass. Conv., on A.'s illness, 701;
from the Pillsburys, 702;
Mrs. Bottome, on A.'s "Christ-like spirit," 703;
Sen. Blair's "pious fraud," 704;
Secy. McCulloch, Miss Balgarnie, 704;
Charles Dickinson, 707;
Mrs. Stanton on home of one's own, 707;
Miss Willard on Chautauqua, 709;
Mrs. Johns begs A.'s help for Kas., 715, 719;
members of Cong. on woman suff., 716;
Mrs. Stanton, 717;
Mrs. Susan Look Avery on A.'s popularity, 720;
A. objects to male sculptor for her bust, Miss Willard protests, Mr.
Taft's apology, Lady Somerset's approval, 721, 722;
Miss Willard on loneliness of great spirits, 725;
Bishop Vincent, 727;
Mrs. Greenleaf on taxation without representation, 732;
on carving A.'s face on theatre in Mich., 733;
John Boyd Thacher, 733;
last message from Lucy Stone, 738;
wide range of letters to A., 740;
Mrs. Sewall on A. during Columb. Expos., 746;
Frances Willard, Lady Somerset, Florence Fenwick Miller on same, 747;
to A. during Columb. Expos., 748;
Mrs. Palmer, 748, 749;
Mrs. Eagle, 749;
Mary H. Krout on A. at World's Fair, 751;
A. W. Tourgee, 754;
to A. on N. Y. campaign in 1894, 773;
Miss Willard on A. before N. Y. Repub. Conv., 774;
Col. women invite A., 775;
Mrs. Johns on party action, 777, 778;
Case Broderick and others on woman suff. in Kas. campaign, 778;
Mrs. Johns on planks, 779;
Mrs. Catt, same, 780;
Mr. Blackwell, same, 780;
Rev. Anna Shaw, same, 781;
to A. on alliance with Popu. party, 791;
Mrs. Catt on attitude of polit. parties in Kas., 792;
Garrison on life of reformer, 793;
Mr. Breidenthal, 794, 796;
Mrs. Diggs to A. on campaign, 795;
Mrs. Johns, Mrs. Catt on same, 795;
Mary B. Willard, Jenkyn Lloyd Jones, 804, 805;
H. W. Thomas, 805;
Mrs. Stanton on A.'s reading her speeches, 811;
invitation to Calif., 819;
Mrs. Cooper's welcome, 820;
to A. from Fourth of July Com., 835;
from Calif. friends, 838;
Samuel May urging A. to rest, 841;
Parker Pillsbury, Mrs. Cooper, Mrs. Stanton, same, 842;
Mrs. Blake on Mrs. Stanton's 80th birthday celebr., 846;
Tilton on same and debt of women to her and A., 848;
Mary Lowe Dickinson's tribute to A., 850;
Mrs. Stanford, same, 850;
Mrs. Greenleaf on Woman's Bible, 856;
begging A. to assist In Calif. suff. campaign, 861, 862;
Mrs. McComas on A.'s coming, 862;
Mrs. Harper in San Fr. _Call_ on appearance of women before Repub.
St. Com., 870;
Mrs. Duniway, Mrs. McCann on A. in campaign, 871;
Mrs. Harper in _Call_ on action of Dem. St. Conv., 873;
Mrs. Stanton longs to help in campaign, women left to fight alone,
879;
sent out by Calif. liquor dealers, 886;
Major Pond, 896;
H. W. Thomas on crowning woman, 900;
Mrs. Henrotin, 900;
John W. Hutchinson, 900;
Mary Lowe Dickinson, 901;
Mrs. Catt on A.'s 77th birthday, 907;
"the attic work-room," 910;
Miss Willard to A. on agreeing to differ, 924;
from N. Y. county official, 925;
extent and variety of A.'s correspond., 935-938;
Berkshire Hist. Soc. to A., 939, 940;
Mrs. Stanton on her book and A.'s, 951;
on A.'s 50th birthday, Sen. S. C. Pomeroy, Lieut.-Gov. J. P. Root,
D. R. Anthony, Whitelaw Reid, Abby Hopper Gibbons, 974;
Frances Ellen Burr, Laura Curtis Bullard, Matilda Joslyn Gage, Eliz.
R. Tilton, Ellen Wright Garrison, Anna E. Dickinson, 975;
Mary S. Anthony, Dr. Clemence S. Lozier, Kate N. Doggett, 976;
Mrs. Sewall to Gen. Harrison in 1888, 1013.
LIQUOR DEALERS, 17, 51, 71, 650;
in S. Dak. campaign, 695;
in Col. campaign, 753;
in Kas. campaign, 779;
same, 784;
same, 786; 835;
in Calif., 882, 886, 887 (see Intemperance).
LOVE AFFAIRS, 38;
in 1840, 43;
in 1845, 46;
in 1846, 50;
in 1855, 126; 142, 175;
Tilton on, 218;
in 1863, 237;
in Oregon, 400;
opinions of on and off stage, 555;
if A. had married, 860; 972, 973.
LOVE OF FAMILY, 20, 31, 42, 45;
letter to brother Merritt in Kas., 144;
to sister, 158; 161;
longs to stay at home, 168;
affection between father and mother, 223;
A.'s love of father, mother and home, 231; 242, 279;
A. in Yosemite, 394;
mother's birthday, 403; 434, 447;
devotion during brother D. R.'s illness, 470, 471; 482, 492, 493;
affection of A.'s mother, 512;
A.'s letter to sister, 516;
A.'s thought for nieces and nephews, 552; 557;
memory of mother, 558;
longing for sister, 562;
recognizes her powers, 578;
family helped A., 668;
Miss Shaw's love for mother, 689; 916, 944.
MARRIAGE, of grandparents, 4, 6;
of parents, 10;
A.'s comment as girl, 30, 39;
of Sister Guelma, 43;
of Hannah, 46;
drawbacks to, 52;
under Common Law, 74;
intemperance and, 84;
Mrs. Greeley on, 87;
Lucy Stone, 91;
effect on women's public work, 128, 151, 158, 178;
A.'s answer to minister, 108;
N. Y. legislator's idea of, 109;
degeneracy in, 135;
picture of early days, 139;
great privileges of wives, 140;
different temperaments, 141;
A. objects to twaddle about wives, 163;
woman's position compared to man's, 169;
wife's loss of name, 170, 183;
A. protests against wife's loss of individuality and
self-annihilation, 170;
true woman not dwarfed by, 170, 171;
Lydia Mott disagrees, 171;
good effect on suff., 176;
moments of solitude, 180;
wife's name on tombstone, 183;
why women marry, 186;
wife should be supreme, 193;
Mrs. Stanton on, 193;
one-sided contract, 194;
A.'s tilt with Mayo, 196;
A. the picket, married women the army, 197;
rights of husbands, 204;
in Adam Bede, 216;
married life of A.'s parents, 223;
A. scores wife for advocating low wages for women, 272;
how husbands represent wives, 279, 491, 771;
A. on women's proposing, 316;
wives object to A.'s statements, 331;
Catharine Beecher and Mrs. Woodhull on, 378;
A. on love in, 388;
in Victoria, B. C., 402;
incidents in Washtn. Ty., 403;
A. on mistake of outside confidences, 459;
opposed to second, wives should not live with unfaithful husbands,
463, 1009;
should be only for love, 469;
women should travel first, 559;
Platonic friendship, 568;
of Frederick Douglass, A.'s view, 586;
objects to crucifying wives according to St. Paul, 595;
U. S. Sens. on effect of woman suff., 618-620;
Rachel Foster's, A.'s feelings, 644, 645;
of "Robert Elsmere," 648;
of niece Helen Louise Mosher, 652;
A. on mutual love, 654;
of nephew Wendell Mosher, 679;
Hooker golden wedding, "no speeches," 709;
anti-suffragists put forward by husbands, 766;
A. on Mrs. Sewall's, 850;
idea of true marriage, 859;
woman a doll or a drudge, 860;
golden wedding of Sargents, 916;
sentiment for nephew's, 923;
golden wedding of Dr. and Mrs. E. M. Moore, 929;
woes confided to A., 936;
wedded to a principle holiest of marriages, 951;
A.'s golden wedding, 975;
legal slavery in, 987;
must be luxury not necessity for women, 1007;
statistics, 1008;
parents rather daughters marry than work, 1008;
laws must be same for husbands and wives, 1009;
God will curse mothers for endowing children with father's sins,
1010;
God thy law, thou mine, 1011.
MEDALLION, A.'s made in 1897, 917.
MEDICAL PRACTICE in early times, 30, 39, 40, 49;
"water cure," 91, 112, 126; 129;
at Worcester Institute, 131;
its methods, 134.
MINISTERS, Murray (Univ.), 5;
Quaker preachers, 6, 15, 19;
A. on women in 1838, 40;
first ordained, 74;
women educate, 68, 76;
S. J. May, 65, 69, 151, 270, 927;
Luther Lee, 70;
Channing, 73, 102, 104, 110, 112;
Higginson, 88;
treatment of women speakers in early days, 69-80, 87-92, 101, 102,
119, 121, 125;[140] 133; 165;
Quaker preacher at Easton, 177; 181;
Beecher's power, 464;
Stopford Brooke, 564;
Dr. Patton in Washtn., 596;
Baptist in Kas., 610;
sign anti-suff. petition, 620;
A. on ordained and non-ordained women, 634;
conduct Intl. Council services, 636;
in S. Dak. on "original packages," 657;
N. M. Mann, 697;
women at Natl. Council, 702;
A. asks one if willing to be disfranchised, 709;
Miss Shaw answers Dr. Buckley, 710;
W. C. Gannett, 712, 714, 719, 916;
Dr. J. M. Buckley deb. woman suff., 727;
A. comments on Thanksgiving sermons, 729;
Robert Collyer, 802;
Jenkyn Lloyd Jones, 804, 805;
H. W. Thomas, 805, 900;
J. B. Hawthorne attacks woman suff., 810;
in Salt Lake City on Rev. Anna Shaw's address, 824;
A. addresses in San Francisco, 830, 834;
why they have no polit. influence, 834;
coming to aid of woman suff., 856;
Louis Zahner (Adams), 942 (see Church).
MISSOURI COMPROMISE, 121, 149.
MOBS, in New York in 1853, 101-103, 163;
against Bloomer costume, 113;
in Rochester, 165;
Phillips' power over, 174;
throughout N. Y., 208, et seq.;
A.'s account, 210; 217;
N. Y. draft riots, 230.
MT. HOPE CEMETERY, Anthony burial place, 218, 241, 445, 719.
MUSIC, mother's voice, 10;
Quaker ideas, 11;
in Anthony family, 23;
the Hutchinson's in 1867, 286, 291;
Ristori's, 558;
A.'s feeling towards, 859.
NATIONAL COUNCIL. OF WOMEN, organized in 1888, 639;
first triennial, 702;
work for Columb. Expos., 745;
second triennial, 812-814;
manage celebr. of Mrs. Stanton's 80th birthday, 845-848;
in Boston, 895; 901;
at Nashville Expos., not a suff. meeting, 927 (see International
Council).
NATIONAL WOMAN SUFFRAGE ASSOCIATION, founded, officers, 327;
Mrs. Livermore on, 328;
meetings in Saratoga and Newport, 329;
annual conv. in Washtn. in 1870, 337;
efforts to unite with American Assn., 346-350;
conv. in 1871, managed by Mrs. Hooker, 371 et seq.;
conv. of 1872, struggle over 14th amend., 409;
A. objects to connection with Mrs. Woodhull's new party, 413;
saves meeting from disgrace, 414;
conv. of 1873, 431;
in New York, 434;
conv. of 1874, 453;
of 1875, 467;
action relating to Centennial of 1876, 474;
conv. of 1877, 483 et seq.;
of 1878, distress over A.'s absence, prayer meet. in Capitol, 494;
conv. of 1879, 499-501;
in St. Louis, 506;
conv. of 1880, 511;
of 1881, 526;
Mrs. Mott's adherence, 527;
first conv. in New England, 533-535;
conv. of 1882, 540;
of 1883, 546;
of 1884, 588;
of 1885, 595;
of 1886, 607;
unites with American, 627-632;
A. describes its liberal platform, 631;
responsible for Intl. Council of Women, 633 et seq.;
conv. of 1888, 639;
sends delegates to polit. convs. of 1888, 641;
natl. conv. of 1889, 647;
of 1890, 674;
incorporation, 676;
contributes to South Dakota campaign, 675, 676, 680-685;
conv. of 1891, 703;
conv. of 1892, Mrs. Stanton's last appearance, A. made pres., 717;
conv. of 1893, 737;
successful effort to take annual conv. from Washtn., A.'s oppositn.,
738;
connection with Columb. Expos., 748;
conv. of 1894, 756;
no section, creed or politics, 757;
help in Kas. campaign, 780;
sends greetings to Prohib. Conv., 790;
old workers rebel against "red tape," 805;
A.'s advice, 806;
conv. of 1895 in Atlanta, 810-812;
turns Mrs. Stanton's birthday celebr. over to Woman's Council,
845-847;
conv. of 1896, 851, 858;
Woman's Bible res., 852;
A.'s sp. against, 853;
conv. of 1897 in Des Moines, 901;
sends greeting on A.'s birthday, 907;
an officer 55 yrs. without salary, 925.
NATURALIZATION, as applied to men and to women, 983;
what rights it confers, 986 (see Citizenship, Immigrants).
<DW64>s, A. first sees, 17;
objects to treatment in church, 39;
takes tea with, 40;
inferiority declared, 78;
comments on in Washtn. in 1854, 118;
humiliation of, 152;
resolutions on at Teachers' Conv., 155;
efforts to free by emancipation, 226 et seq.;
placed above women, 240;
A.'s work for in Kas., 243;
A. addresses in Kansas and Mo., 248, 249;
their relation to church, 249;
after the War, 255;
Purvis on "<DW64>'s hour," 258;
Phillips and Tilton declare their rights paramount to women's, 261;
women sacrificed to, 266;
"the <DW64>'s hour," 267-270;
Lucretia Mott on, 268;
Purvis refuses to put <DW64>s before women, 269;
oppose suff. for women, 275;
women sacrificed for, 284;
treachery to women, 286;
leading men declare this is <DW64>'s hour, 300;
women abandoned for, 304;
position of black woman, 304;
oppose women on own platform, 314;
A.'s attitude toward, 315;
effect of suffrage on, will lead to outrages, 318;
placed above women, 323;
A. on "the <DW64>'s hour," 498;
amends. will fail to protect, 500;
Repubs. can not protect in use of ballot, 522;
A. on Douglass marriage and amalgamation, 586;
A. addresses in Atlanta and S. C., 812;
no better treated in North than South, 815;
discharges stenog. who refuses to serve, 816;
in Calif. campaign, 868, 875;
A. addresses church in San Fr., 834;
speaks at church fair, 860;
Pres. Johnson's proclam. disfranchising, 960;
A. protests, 961 et seq.;
"colonization" proposed, 962;
efforts of States to disfranchise, testimony refused in courts,
imprisoned for debt, 964;
long-continued misrepresentations of, 965;
ballot only guarantee of freedom, 966;
rights as citizens, 979;
discussion of right to vote, 979 et seq.;
status compared to married white women, 987;
failure of attempts to deport, 1010;
Repubs. approve A.'s demand for <DW64> but not for woman suff., 1015;
Mrs. Stanton declares 14th amend. will not protect in right to vote,
1016 (see Anti-Slavery, Slavery).
NEWSPAPERS, list used in writ. Biog., vii; treatment of early demand
for Woman's Rights, 61, 77-83, 89-92, 264, 267, 271, 272, 367, 504;
comment on A.'s voting, 424;
on her trial, 441;
on paying debts of _The Revolution_, 473;
wide notice of A., 502;
changed tone of press, 503, 752, 929;
her apprec. of its power, 510, 904;
efforts for woman's paper, 509;
kindness to reporters, 583, 904;
papers emphasize trivial things, 617;
on dress and woman suff., 651;
reporters of early days, 654;
endless requests for A.'s opinions, 740, 753, 803, 925;
to write for "women's editions," 803;
hysterical editors, 839;
on A.'s illness in 1895, 841;
A. on "yellow journals," 923;
desire for Wom. Suff. Press Bureau, 939;
at Anthony Reunion, 942;
birthday comment, 972;
on A.'s sp. before trial, 993 (see Interviews, _The Revolution_).
ALABAMA, Birmingham, _News_, 809;
Huntsville, _Evening Tribune_, 809.
ARKANSAS, Little Rock, _The Woman's Chronicle_, 722.
CALIFORNIA, on A.'s first visit in 1871, 392, 404, 405;
of South. Calif. in 1895, 834;
in woman suff. campaign of 1896, 866-869;
9,000 clippings, 868;
Alameda, 868, 891;
Berkeley, 868;
Oakland, _Enquirer_, 834; 868;
Los Angeles, 868;
_Times_, unfriendly to women, 834;
caricatures A., 868;
Sacramento, _Record-Union_, 868;
San Diego, _Union_, 833; 868;
San Jose, _Mercury_, 394; 868;
San Francisco, _Bulletin_, 829;
has suff. dept., 866;
_Call_, 829, 866;
work for woman suff. in St. Repub. Conv., 869;
women delegates before com., 870;
report smothered in Dem. Conv., 873;
women's mass meet., 878;
ceases support, 885;
_Chronicle_, A.'s banquet in 1871, 405;
Woman's Cong., 828, 829;
action in woman suff. campaign, 867;
_Examiner_, Woman's Cong., 829;
action in woman suff. campaign, 867;
work for woman suff. in Dem. St. Conv., 872;
_Monitor_, 867;
_Post_, 829;
assists woman suff. campaign, 866;
_Report_, same, 866;
_Star_, 868;
_Voice of Labor_, 868.
COLORADO, press supports woman suff. in 1893, 753;
Denver, _News_, trib. to A., 388; 821;
Colorado women indebted to, 822;
rep. of lecture, 823;
_Times_, 822;
_Tribune_, 388.
CONNECTICUT, Hartford, _Courant_, 339;
_Post_, 333.
DAKOTA, SOUTH, 688.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA, Washington, _Capital_, 486;
_Daily Patriot_, 376;
_Kate Field's Washington_, 791;
_National Republican_, Wom. Suff. Conv. of 1871, 377;
petits. for woman suff., 485;
_Republic_, 542;
_Star_, A.'s meet, in 1854, 118;
petits. for woman suff., 1877, 485;
descript. of A. in 1889, 660;
70th birthday, 665;
_Union_, 130;
_Woman's Campaign_, 509;
_Woman's Tribune_, Intl. Council numbers, 633; 641;
A.'s 70th birthday number, 671.
GEORGIA, Atlanta, _Constitution_, Natl. Suff. Conv., 810;
A.'s and Miss Shaw's sp., 811;
_Sunny South_, 810.
ILLINOIS, country press on A.'s Social Purity lect., 469;
Chicago, _Agitator_, 321, 361;
_Daily News_, A. and _The Revolution_, 473;
the Skye terrier, 527; 531;
_Herald_, 651;
A. like Pope, 840;
_Inter-Ocean_, Mary H. Krout on A. at Columb. Expos., 751;
_Journal_, 757;
_Legal News_, trib. to A., 346;
A.'s trial, 443, 757;
_Republican_, 306;
_Tribune_, A.'s reticence and truthfulness, 462;
interview with, 505;
fine tribute to, 549;
sp. at Press Cong., 750;
_Union Signal_, Miss Willard's trib. to A., 638;
grandeur of loneliness, 725;
_Voice_, 844;
Springfield, _Republic_, 517.
INDIANA, Indianapolis, _News_, 866;
_Sentinel_, 517;
_Times_, 547;
Terre Haute, _Express_, 503.
IOWA, Sioux City, _Daily Times_, 387.
KANSAS, Iola, _Register_, 778;
Kansas City, _Journal_, 550;
Leavenworth, _Commercial_, 292;
_Times_, 787;
Topeka, _State Journal_, 789;
Wichita, _Eagle_, 841.
KENTUCKY, Richmond, _Herald_, 504.
LOUISIANA, New Orleans, _Daily States_, 598;
_Picayune_, trib. to A., 597;
on her lectures, 807;
_Times-Democrat_, 598;
Shreveport, _Times_, 808.
MAINE, Bangor, _Jeffersonian_, 154;
Ellsworth, _American_, 154.
MARYLAND, Baltimore, _Sun_, interview bet. A. and Doolittle, 417;
A.'s presiding, 637.
MASSACHUSETTS, Adams, _Freeman_, 942;
Boston, _Anti-Slavery Standard_, 174, 188, 214, 233, 245;
Pillsbury made editor, 246; 251, 252, 261;
attitude toward woman suff., 262;
same, 265, 268, 269;
A.'s assistance, 263; 275;
women aid, 297;
_Commonwealth_, 297;
_Congregationalist_, 198;
_Globe_, trib. to A., 534;
a woman President, 725;
_Liberator_, 174, 188, 214, 233, 251;
_Traveller_, Natl. Suff. Conv., 533;
Lillian Whiting on A.'s birthday, 672;
_Woman's Journal_, 361, 419;
Worcester, _Spy_, 994.
NEWSPAPERS--_Continued._
MICHIGAN, press on A.'s speeches in 1874, 460;
in 1893, 740;
Bay City, _Tribune_, 740;
Detroit, _Free Press_, 345;
Grand Rapids, _Times_, 504.
MISSOURI,
St. Louis, _Globe-Democrat_, A.'s personality, 469;
same, 506;
her sp. when flowers were presented, 507;
_Post_, 495;
_Republic_, 925.
NEBRASKA, Omaha, _Bee_, 544;
_Herald_, 544;
_Republican_, 544.
NEW YORK, press on woman suff. in campaign of 1894, 763;
Albany, _Journal_, 65;
_Law Journal_, 443;
_Register_, 141;
Auburn, _Bulletin_, 993;
_Daily Advertiser_, 714;
Binghamton, _Republican_, 156;
Brooklyn, _Times_, 651;
Buffalo, _Commercial_ 271;
_Express_, trib. to A., 473;
A. and Spiritualists, 773;
Canandaigua, _Times_, 441;
Dundee, _Record_, 200;
Elmira, _Advertiser_, 803;
_Free Press_, 542;
Fayetteville, _National Citizen_, 510, 530;
Geneva, _Courier_, 993;
New York City, _Business Women's Journal_, 757;
_Christian Advocate_, 727;
_Democrat_, 384;
_Commercial Advertiser_, abuses temp. women in 1853, 90;
on A.'s voting, 425;
same, 994;
_Courier_, abuses temp. women in 1853, 91;
trib. to A., 973;
_Evening Mail_, 973;
_Evening Post_, 83, 103, 195;
op. woman suff., 267;
same, 771;
A.'s trial, 994;
_Evening Telegram_, 581;
_Globe_, 973;
_Graphic_, cartoons A., 424;
trib. to A., 473;
absurd comment, 528;
_Harper's Weekly_, 771;
_Hearth and Home_, 339;
_Herald_, attacks suff. advocates, 78, 306;
trib. to A. and suff. conv., 458;
A.'s birthday, 973;
_Home Journal_, 297;
_Independent_, 192;
"the spider crab," 252; 275;
fails the women, 281;
_The Revolution_ and its editors, 296;
Mary Clemmer's trib. to A., 340;
on Senators receiving women's petitions, 485;
A.'s birthday, 974;
_Organ_, 91, 97;
_Outlook_, 766;
_Recorder_, 771;
_Standard_, 384;
_Sun_, abuses temp. women in 1853, 90;
Democrats and woman suff. plank, 305;
A.'s voting, 425;
her trial, 442, 462; 530, 651;
birthday banq., 665;
on petit. for woman suff., 760;
Mrs. Stanton's articles, 763; 848;
_Times_, 157;
_The Revolution_ and editors, 295;
A.'s depart. for Europe, 550;
birthday, 972;
_Tribune_, 61;
rep. of first woman's temp. conv., 66; 83;
sustains woman's right to speak, 89, 101, 102; 103;
assists A., 122; 147, 157;
Wom. Rights Conv., mob rule, 1859, 174; 195;
ridicules woman suff., 267; 275;
refuses to print Mrs. Stanton's name, 280;
woman suff. in Kas., 281;
Wm. Winter's trib. to A., 323;
charges "free love," 383;
compliments A., 384;
on birthday, 972;
_Whig_, 131;
_World_, abuses suff. pioneers, 264, 306;
A.'s birthday, 341;
art. against woman suff., 497;
on A.'s presiding, 637;
N. Y. City women in 1894, 764;
Nelly Bly interview with A., 858;
A.'s trial, 995;
Rochester, _Democrat and Chronicle_, 145, 423;
A.'s trial, 442;
truthfulness, 462;
trib. to A., 473;
30th Wom. Rights Anniv., 496;
A.'s lect. on Bread and Ballot, 546;
her impressions of Europe, 581;
70th birthday, 673;
appoint. to office and Chamber of Commerce sp., 731;
favors woman suff., 762;
A. and Popu. party, 791;
77th birthday, 905;
Mary A.'s birthday, 915;
A.'s sp. before trial, 993;
_Herald_, 542;
A.'s housewarming, 707;
A.'s birthday, 906;
Mary A.'s birthday, 915;
_North Star_, 59;
_Post-Express_, A.'s voting, 424, 425;
trib. to A., 428;
on paying debts of _Revolution_, 473;
on "quality and quantity," 766;
on 77th birthday celebr., 906;
Rochester's opinion of A., 995;
_Union and Advertiser_, before the War, 145;
on women's voting in 1872, 424;
calls A. corruptionist, 436;
Rondout, _Courier_, 124;
Seneca Falls, _Lily_, 114, 188;
Syracuse, _Journal_, 77;
_Standard_, 72, 77, 729;
_Star_, abuses suffragists, 77;
same, 79;
other papers, 729;
Troy, _Times_, 272;
Utica, _Herald_, 367;
_Observer_, A.'s trial, 443;
trib. to A., 473;
_Evening Telegraph_, 83.
OHIO, Cincinnati, _Commercial_, _The Revolution_ and its editors,
301;
trib. to A., 519;
_Enquirer_, on _The Revolution_, 296;
A.'s paying debts, 473;
_Times-Star_, 582;
Cleveland, _Leader_, A. and woman of future, 582;
sp. to W. C. T. U., 800;
Dayton, _Herald_, 331;
Toledo, _Ballot Box_, 509;
_Blade_, on A.'s voting, 425; 509.
OREGON, Portland, _Bulletin_, 397;
_Herald_, 397;
_New Northwest_, 398;
_Oregonian_, 397.
PENNSYLVANIA, Philadelphia, _Press_, Grace Greenwood on first suff.
conv. in Washtn., 314;
A.'s appeal to Congressl. Com., 376;
Mrs. Woodhull, 377;
Forney on woman suff., 487;
_Sunday Republic_, 489;
_Times_, 547;
Pittsburg, _Leader_, 995.
RHODE ISLAND, Providence, _Una_, 188.
SOUTH CAROLINA, Columbia, _The Pine Tree State_, 812.
TENNESSEE, Memphis, _Appeal_, 807;
_Avalanche_, A.'s dress, 651; 807;
_Scimitar_, 807;
Nashville, _American_, 928.
WASHINGTON, Olympia, _Standard_, 401;
Seattle, _Despatch_, 401.
WYOMING, Cheyenne, _Tribune_, 387.
BRITISH COLUMBIA, Victoria, _Colonist_, 402.
FRANCE, _La Citoyenne, La Femme_, 562;
_Le Soir_, 561.
ITALY, Rome, _Italian Times_, 561.
NON-PARTISANSHIP, A. declares for in 1869, 315;
in 1872, 416, 419, 422;
in 1878, 497, 498;
in 1880, 523;
on importance of, 657, 683;
of Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn., 757;
A.'s in Calif, campaign, 879;
scores N. Y. women for going into partisan politics, 928.
ORGANIZATIONS OF WOMEN, Daught. of Temp. in Canajoharie, 53;
in Rochester, 62;
snubbed at Albany, hold own meet., 64, 65;
N. Y. Wom. St. Temp. Soc., 68, 69, 87, 92, 95;
N. Y. Working-woman's Assn. in 1868, 307;
meet. at Cooper's Institute for Hester Vaughan, 309, 310;
Assn. for Advance. of Women, 446;
Harriet Hosmer on women's clubs, 655;
Genl. Fed. of Wom. Clubs, 720, 877;
Daught. Am. Rev., 919;
Buffalo, Educat. and Indust. Union, 741;
Scribblers' Club, 803;
Chicago, Jewish Woman's Council, 921;
Woman's Club, 821, 896, 902;
Denver, Woman's Club, 822;
Des Moines, Woman's Club, 903;
Los Angeles, Friday Morn. Club, 862;
Memphis, 807;
Minneapolis, Woman's Council, 929;
New Orleans, Woman's Club, 597;
Portia, 807;
Arena, 808;
New York, Woman's Suff. League, 802;
Press Club, 924;
Sorosis, 307, 654, 704, 924;
Oakland, Ebell, 831, 876;
Orange, Woman's Club, 924;
Philadelphia, New Century, 705, 753, 799;
Portland (Ore.), Woman's Club, Woman's Union, 877;
Rochester, Educat. and Indust. Union, 901;
Ignorance, 709;
Political Equality, 651, 658, 698, 707, 739, 849, 860, 895, 915, 917;
clubs in Roch. give recep. to A., 905, 906;
San Diego, 833, 862;
San Francisco, 830;
Century and others, 876;
Seattle, Woman's Century, 877;
Shreveport, Hypatia, 808;
Syracuse, Political Equality, 762;
Topeka, Equal Suff., 786;
Washington, Wimodaughsis, 700, 718;
London (Eng.), Somerville, 564, 567;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Soc., 564
(see those specially mentioned).
PASSES, R. R., furnished by Senator Stanford, 390;
by D. R. Anthony, 796;
by Mrs. Stanford, 830, 888.
PERSECUTIONS, viii, 190, 299, 301, 929
(see Mobs, Newspapers, Pioneers, Temperance).
PERSONAL APPEARANCE, of grandmother, 6;
of mother, 9;
of A. in 1846, 50;
in 1851, 64; 113;
in 1855, 124;
in 1857, 154; 264, 273;
in 1869, 302, 316; 333, 342, 346;
in 1876, 469; 504, 505, 506;
child's opinion, 577; 582, 583;
in 1886, 605; 637, 638, 660, 714, 729, 751;
in 1896, 858; 928, 933, 973.
PETITIONS, for Maine Law, 70, 71;
presented to Legis., 81;
for property rights, guard. of children and suff., 105, 108;
presented, 109;
continued, 111;
insulting recep. in 1856, 140;
Mrs. Stanton and A. for civil and polit. rights of women, in 1860,
175;
A.'s sacrifices for, 190;
to emancipate slaves, 230 et seq.;
to N. Y. Constl. Conv. for woman suff., 262, 263, 264;
to Cong. to include women in 14th Amend., 265;
for woman suff. to N. Y. Constitl. Conv., 278;
Greeley checkmated, 279;
of 80,000 women to vote in 1871, 378, 431;
A.'s to Cong. to remit fine for voting, 449, 450;
in 1876-7 for 16th Amend., dif. of opinion, 483-485;
Mary Clemmer describes recep. in Cong., 485;
in 1879, 500;
comments of Mary Clemmer, 501;
great number in 1880, 511;
to Natl. Repub. Conv. of 1880, 517;
preserved by Chicago Hist. Soc., 518;
to Greenback-Labor, 518;
to Democratic, 519;
to Prohib., 520;
vast number of women for suff., 589;
for and against suff. in 1887, 620;
for represent. of women at Columb. Expos., 743, 744;
in N. Y. campaign of 1894, 760;
eminent signers, 764;
vast numbers, 766, 767, 773;
of antis, 766;
for woman suff. in Calif., 873, 888;
for woman suff. ignored in Cong., 970;
of Chicago women for Liquor Law, 1012.
PHRENOLOGY, A. in 1837, 30;
chart of head, 85.
PICKPOCKETS, A.'s pocket picked at Saratoga, 121;
at Chicago by woman, 249.
PIONEERS, persecution and abuse, viii, 69 et seq., 76 et seq., 83 et
seq., 88 et seq., 101, 107; 138;
A.'s pioneer work, 190;
life in Kas., 247, 248, 284;
Mrs. Hooker's tribute to, 334;
first speakers for woman suff., 369; 384;
Mary L. Booth on, 615;
Sarah B. Cooper, 616;
Miss Willard, 638;
A. in temperance, 643;
products of, 765, 822, 848; 944, 973.
PLANKS, woman suff. refused by Natl. Liberal Conv. in 1872, 415;
Natl. Repub. adopts, 416;
Natl. Dem. refuses, 417, 418;
in natl. polit. convs. of 1876, 476;
convs. of 1880, 518, 519;
adopted by Prohib., 520;
in 1884, 594;
in Repub. Natl. platform of 1888 not intended for women, 642;
the one presented by Natl. Suff. Assn. to Rep. Conv. of 1892 for
adoption, 723;
the one adopted, 724;
Prohibs. have woman suff. plank, 726;
for woman suff, adopted by Kas. Repubs., 726;
action of Popu. Natl. Conv. in 1892, 727;
struggle to secure woman suff. plank from Kas. Repubs. in 1894,
777-787;
A.'s great sp. demanding planks, 784, 785;
action of Popu. Conv., 787-790;
text of plank adopted, 789;
Prohib. Conv. adopts one, 790;
A.'s joy over, 792;
for woman suff. by St. Repub. Conv. of Calif. in 1894, 863;
action of St. polit. convs. in Calif. on woman suff. in 1896,
869-874;
on women, adopted by Repub. Natl. Conv. of 1896, contempt of women
for it, 880;
Gen. Harrison asked to include women in that of Repub. plat. in
1888, 1013;
planks in polit. plat. necessary for woman suff., 1015 et seq.
(see Political Parties).
POEMS, Berkshire Hills, 1, 13; 63;
on Bloomers, 113;
Phoebe Cary on A.'s 50th birthday, 342;
"Old Gal" in Oregon, 397; 668; 804;
to A. in Calif., 881;
A.'s remarks on poetry, 921; 937, 944.
POLITICAL PARTIES, Whigs, A.'s grandfather, 5;
in Boston, 42; 44, 59, 121, 149;
Know Nothings, 121, 149;
A. repudiates proposed party of Mrs. Woodhull and others, 413;
attitude of parties toward women, 506;
Greenback-Labor, 518; 584;
in 1884, 594;
A. on third parties, 622;
action in Col. on woman suff., 780;
action in Idaho, 879;
action in Calif., 878, 884;
A. on women's power to help reform parties, 898;
workingmen in Eng. toward, 998;
same and <DW64>s in U. S., 999
(see Non-Partisanship, Planks, Democrats, Republicans and other
parties).
POLYGAMY, A.'s views on, 388-390.
POPULISTS, natl. conv. of 1892, res. com. refuses to hear A. and Miss
Shaw, action on woman suff., 726, 727;
on woman suff. in Col., 753;
Kas. St. Conv. in 1894 on woman suff. plank, 787-790;
excitement over A.'s and Miss Shaw's endors., 788-791;
A.'s attitude toward, 788, 791, 794;
results of campaign, 796, 797;
press in Calif. in favor of woman suff., 868;
St. Conv. adopts plank, 872;
invite A. to address ratifi. meet., 878;
in Idaho, 879;
attitude toward woman speakers in Calif., 883;
silenced by Democrats, 884, 885;
in Alameda Co., 891;
for woman suff. in Col., 1017;
in Kas., 1018;
adopt res. for, 1021.
POSTMASTERS, women, Grant appoints first, 418, 455.
PRAYER, 44;
cannot replace votes, 457;
meet. in Natl. Capitol, Mrs. Stanton on, 494;
and politics, 643;
A.'s ideas in regard to, 709;
practice, 859;
thinks it would have little effect on voters, 923.
PRESIDENTS, Martin Van Buren, 41, 42;
A. on woman, 119;
Buchanan's adminis., 150;
Lincoln in 1861, 207, 213;
criticised by A., 227;
delays to free slaves, 227;
address to from Wom. Loyal League, 229, 957;
Johnson's incapacity, 255;
he subscribes for _The Revolution_, 297;
Grant and Wilson, 418;
Grant remits inspectors' fines, 453;
appoints women postmasters, 455;
Hayes ignores women in message, 499;
receives delegates, 500;
Garfield on woman suff., 520, 521;
A. asks candidates' views on, 521;
urges Arthur to recommend woman suff., 538;
he receives suff. delegates, 588;
Cleveland receives Intl. Council of Women, 637;
Boston _Globe_ on women, 725;
Hayes favors woman suff., 757;
Johnson's proclam. to Miss. in 1865, 960;
A. scores him for, 961 et seq.;
power of to create voters, 965, 966;
Lincoln always governed by voice of people, 967;
Grant on 15th Amend., 991;
Harrison urged to include women in letter of acceptance, 1013.
PROFESSIONS (see Industries).
PROHIBITIONISTS, natl. conv. adopts woman suff. plank in 1880, 520;
Natl. Alliance invites A., 537;
A. scores for refusing woman suff. plank in 1884, 594;
Miss Willard asks A.'s advice as to plank, her answer, 622;
A.'s speech does not please, 644;
in S. Dak., 657, 681, 683;
took best men out of Congress, 709;
adopt woman suff. plank in 1892, 726;
Kas. St. Conv. adopts woman suff. plank, 790;
vote for it, 797;
woman suff. more important, 857;
St. Conv. in Calif, adopts woman suff. plank, 872;
A. objects to connecting prohibit. with woman suff. campaign, 882.
PRONOUNS, masculine and feminine, 982, 983, 990.
PROPERTY RIGHTS FOR WOMEN, first law for, 58;
common law, 74;
women first work for, 82;
convention and petitions for, 105;
A. canvasses for, 105, 108;
petitioners abused, 109;
A.'s argument for, 110;
arranges series of convs., 110;
hard work of canvass, 111;
bill secured from N. Y. Legis. in 1860, 189;
owed to suffragists, 549;
in England, 563
(see Laws, Marriage).
PUBLIC CAREER, A.'s reasons for entering, 57 et seq.;
fairly begun, 64;
gradual transformation, 107; 925.
QUAKERS, evolution of A., viii, 107;
Anthony family, 6;
Hicksites, 7;
"high seat," 6, 19, 57;
home schools, 9;
object to marriage of A.'s father, 10;
on music, 10, 11, 23;
discipline A.'s father for dress, 20;
for allowing dancing, 36;
attitude toward children, 21;
toward taxes, 37;
father disowned, 37; 44;
in Rochester, 48;
A. first away from, 50;
reformers, on voting, 61;
attitude toward women, 93;
toward capital punish., 165;
A. and young preacher, 177;
never fail A., 181;
meet, at Waterloo, 197; 201, 216;
John Bright, 565;
in England, 569, 571;
in Ireland, 572;
settled all questions discussed in "Robert Elsmere," 648;
Mrs. Mendenhall, 660;
view of Bible, 856;
A. member of, 933;
feelings of ancients if they could come back in 1897, 941;
old meeting house of Anthony family, 947.
RECEPTIONS AND SOCIAL FUNCTIONS, in 1839, 36;
temp. supper in 1849, 53;
temp. festival in Rochester in 1851, 62;
at Lydia Mott's, 173;
with Cary sisters, 343, 358;
A.'s 50th birthday, 341;
in New York in 1870, 368;
to pardoned election inspectors, 453;
in San Fran. in 1871, 405;
in New York in 1873, 435;
in Washtn., 512;
in Indpls., 517;
in Washtn. in 1881, 527;
in Boston, 535;
in Washtn., 1882, 541;
in St. Louis, 546;
A.'s 73d birthday in Phila., 546;
in London, 555, 563-568;
Rachel Foster recd. by Queen, A.'s remarks, 562;
in Edinburgh, 569;
at home of Harriet Martineau, 571;
in Ireland, 572;
in London, 577;
in Liverpool, 579;
in New Orleans, 597;
in Racine, 611;
in Indpls., 623;
Mrs. Ingalls', 626;
to Intl. Council of Women in 1888, 637;
in Chicago, 641;
in Washtn., 647;
in St. Louis, 649;
at Park Hotel, New York, 651;
Akron, O., 652;
Seidl Club at Brighton Beach, newspaper account, 653, 654;
70th birthday dinner, 672;
in Washtn., A. appreciates value of, 677;
in Ft. Scott, 697;
in Rochester, 698;
of Natl. Council, 702; 704;
in Phila., 705;
in A.'s own home, 707;
in Washtn., 718;
in Chicago, 720;
in Senate chamber, Topeka, 726;
in Washtn., 739;
at Columb. Expos., 744, 746, 750, 751;
in New York, 753;
in Ann Arbor, 755;
in Syracuse, 752;
New Century Club, Phila., 799;
in N. Y., 802;
New year's in Roch., 806;
in Ky., 806;
in Memphis, 807; 809;
in Atlanta, 810;
in Columbia, 812;
in Washtn., 814;
in St. Louis, 821;
in Denver, 821, 822;
in Cheyenne, 823;
in Salt Lake, 824, 825;
in Calif., 830-834;
in New York, 849;
in Washtn., 858;
in San Diego and Los Angeles, 862;
in Stockton, 872;
in North. Calif., 876, 877;
in Portland, 877;
in Seattle, 878;
in Des Moines, 903;
in Indpls., 903;
in Rochester, 895;
in Boston, 895;
in Providence, 896;
in Nashville, 927, 928;
Anthony reunion in 1897, 942.
RECONSTRUCTION, A.'s speech on in 1865, 247;
trying period, 255;
A. opposes on basis of male suff., 276;
protest against it, 277;
A.'s sp. in Kas. in 1865, 960.
REFORMERS, A. encouraged to join, 57;
meet at Anthony home, 60;
pictures of in A.'s study, 935;
always stoned, women grow more tender, 945;
few live to succeed, 948.
RELIGION (see Church, God, Humanities, Infidelity, Immortality, etc.)
REMINISCENCES of Elizabeth Cady Stanton, 712, 951.
REPORTS, adverse of N. Y. Constitl. Conv. on woman suff., 280;
Anna Dickinson on, 280;
adverse Congressl. of 1871, strong minority of B. F. Butler and
others, 382;
Senate adverse, 1872, 411;
A.'s trial for voting, where found, 436, 446;
Cong. on A.'s petition to remit fine for voting, Tremaine's,
Butler's, Edmunds', Carpenter's, 450-453;
U. S. Senators in 1879 in favor of report for 16th Amend., 500, 501;
for and against in 1882 and 1883, 543;
Congressl. Coms. on woman suff. in 1884, Reed's opinion, 590;
A.'s and Mrs. Stanton's toil over report of Natl. Suff. Conv., 592;
Congressl. Coms. in 1886, 607;
coms. on union of two suff. assns., 630;
of Intl. Council of Women, 637;
A.'s financial report of 1888, 642;
Congressl., first in favor of 16th Amend., 699, 700;
on 16th Amend. in 1891, 718;
great N. Y. campaign of 1894, 760, 772;
com. in constitl. conv. on woman suff., 770, 771;
woman suff. in Calif. Dem. Conv. "smothered," but finally presented,
873, 874;
Mrs. Sargent's, as pres. Calif. St. Suff. Assn., tribute to A., 892.
REPRESENTATION, BASIS OF, declared by 14th Amend., 250;
but one true basis, 260;
shall be citizenship, 310;
women counted in and refused suff., 499;
Pres. Johnson's act, 961-963;
suff. should form, 970 (see Taxation).
REPRESENTATION, INDIRECT, 74, 279, 491, 590, 771.
REPUBLIC, how it differs from monarchy, 982.
REPUBLICANS, birth of party, 121;
A. attends first meet., 133;
growth of party, 149;
attitude in 1861, 207, 210, 211, 212;
efforts for emancip. of slaves, 226, 235;
in Kas. in 1865, 248; 255;
for <DW64> suff., 256;
refuse to stand for woman suff., 265;
press opposed, 266, 267;
continued refusal, 269;
oppose woman suff. amend, in Kas. in 1867, 275; 276;
Curtis defends party, 280;
its leaders sacrifice women, 281;
their record in Kas., 281;
official action to defeat woman suff. amend., 283;
a few stand by women, 284;
results, 291;
press comment, 293; 304;
Natl. Conv. snubs women, 305; 311;
A. on attitude of leaders, 315;
all believe in woman suff., 317;
position in 1870, 365, 366;
in 1871, 381;
Mrs. Stanton and Mrs. Hooker on, 382;
in Wyoming, 407, 411;
party expediency, 409;
plank of Natl. Conv. in 1872, 416;
A. urged to support and partly agrees, 416, 417;
sends out address, 418;
criticised but rejoices, 419;
Mrs. Stanton pessimistic, 420;
Henry Wilson encourages, 420;
com. sends for A., plank ignored, 421;
women speak, 422;
A. offends by sticking to suff. instead of politics, 422;
on A.'s registering to vote, 426;
woman's plank in Natl. Conv. of 1876, 476;
A. on woman's allegiance to, 497, 498;
support woman's paper, 509;
cannot fool the women, 516;
refuse women recognition at Natl. Conv. of 1880, some delegates
dissent, 518;
Garfield discusses their attitude toward woman suff., 521;
A. reviews their position and urges him to rise above party, 522;
A. hopes they will finally help women, 524;
voting record in Congress on woman suff., 584, 585;
A. and Mrs. Stanton advise women to work for, 594;
A. shows record on woman suff., 623;
suffragists appeal in vain to Natl. Conv. of 1888, 641;
ladies interview Harrison, Estee destroys their hopes, 642;
treatment of woman suff. in S. Dak., 687;
Natl. Conv. Com. of 1892 grants hearing to A., but cannot carry
plank, 723;
women delegates present, 724;
Kas. St. Conv. greets A., adopts woman suff. plank, Ingalls
endorses, 726;
on woman suff. in Col., 753;
in N. Y. refuse to elect women delegates, 758;
A.'s name refused, 759;
N. Y. St. Conv. refuses woman suff. plank, 774;
woman's connection with in Kas., 778;
attitude of Kas. politicians in 1894, 778-787;
same, 794;
same, 797;
their early record, 779;
political work with women, 778-784;
Woman's Assn. in Kas., 778, 783, 785;
A. states her attitude toward, 792;
A. repudiates in Kas., 793, 794;
their part in defeating suff. amend., 797;
favor woman suff. in Calif., 863;
St. conv. declares for it, 869-871;
invite A. to address ratification meeting, 878;
in Idaho, 879;
Natl. Conv. in 1896 rejects A.'s plank, adopts ridiculous
substitute, 879;
anger of women, 880;
treachery of Central Com. in Calif., 883, 884;
the orators silent, Thos. B. Reed fails the women, 885;
in Alameda Co., 891;
United States Senators put "male" in Constitu., 970;
Natl. Conv. of 1872 on equal rights, 991;
enfranchised <DW64>s and received their support, 999;
Gen. Harrison asked to include women in platform adopted by Natl.
Conv. of 1888, 1013;
approve of <DW64> but not of woman suff., 1015;
action on 14th Amend., 1016;
Mrs. Stanton tells cannot protect black men, 1016;
opp. woman suff. in Kas. in 1867, 1016, 1017;
approve in Col. in 1893, 1017;
give prohib. in Kas., 1017;
also munic. suff, for women, 1017;
for full suff., 1018;
in Congress, 1018;
Kas. League of Rep. Clubs refuses to endorse, 1018;
must choose between women and low constituents, 1019;
would drive women to Populists, 1020;
adopt res. for woman suff., 1021.
RESOLUTIONS, on Bible, 76;
equal pay for women teachers in 1853, 100;
color question in schools, 155;
coeducation in 1857, 155;
Mrs. Stanton on Divorce, 193;
National Loyal League in 1863, 227;
women's as well as <DW64>s' rights, 229;
for an Equal Rights Assn., 259, 260;
A. on proposed 14th Amend, in 1867, 276;
Kas. Repubs. to defeat woman suff. amend, in 1867, 283;
Equal Rights Assn. censuring A. and Mrs. Stanton, 300;
same advising them to go to Democrats, 305;
of Labor Congress in 1868, 307;
in Hester Vaughan's case, for jury of women, 309;
in Cong, in 1868 for woman suff., 310, 311;
15th Amend, dispute in Equal Rights Assn., 323, 324;
Mrs. Livermore on "free love," 324;
on woman's right to vote under 14th Amend., 331;
Ingersoll on equal laws for women, 345;
in 1871 on right of women to vote under 14th Amend., 377;
indirectly on "free love," 384;
declaring 14th and 15th Amends, enfranchise women, 410;
attempt to secure res. from Natl. Liberal Conv. of 1872, 415;
personal rights and criminal prosecution of A. for voting, 431;
trial of A., 434;
exclusion of women from Centennial, 474;
treatment of woman's petitions by Cong., ignoring of women in Pres.
Hayes' message, tyranny of Fed. Govt. over women, etc., 499;
res. for woman suff. by Greenback party, 519;
A.'s departure for Europe, 548;
disfranch. of Utah women, 607;
Blair's on 16th Amend., 617;
Am. Wom. Suff. Assn. on union with Natl., 627;
Farmers' Alliance and Knights of Labor in S. Dak. on woman suff.,
686;
Natl. Popu. Conv. adopts woman suff., 727;
of N. Y. Anti-Suff. Society in 1894, 765;
on woman suff. proposed by Kas. politician, 778;
wom. suff. endorsed by Repub. and Popu. parties in Kas., 784;
of Kas. Wom. Repub. Assn., 785;
woman suff. res. refused by Kas. Repub. St. Conv., 786;
res. against in Dem. St. Conv., 796;
A. on women's refusing to help men while "male" is in Constitu., 839;
on Woman's Bible by Natl. Suff. Assn., 853;
on woman suff. at Dem. St. Conv. in Calif, in 1896, 874;
Repubs. and Populists in Kas. adopt res. for woman suff., 1021.
REUNION OF ANTHONY FAMILY in Adams, Mass., in 1897, 939-947.
REVOLUTION, woman suff. will cause, 620;
impossible for women, 918;
excusable only in enslaved, 1002;
women driven to it in temp, work, 1003.
REVOLUTION, THE, first notice of, 290;
A.'s delight, 294;
paper started, editors and editorials, financial struggle, etc.,
295-311;
petitions for woman suff., 313;
Train withdraws from, 319;
offices moved, 320;
end of paper, 354-364;
prospectus, Alice Gary's story, its contributors, 359;
A. will pay immense debt, 362;
efforts to do so, 441, 459, 460, 468;
last dollar paid, 472;
comments of press, 473; 509, 655, 951.
RIGGS HOUSE, home of A. for 12 winters, 512;
loses home there, 705.
SCHOOL LIFE, of father at "Nine Partners'," 8;
of mother, 9;
in Anthony home, 9, 19, 22, 23, 35;
A. in boarding school, 24-34.
SCRAP BOOKS, used in writing Biog., vii, 910;
begun in 1855, 125;
of N. Y. campaign, 762;
visit to Calif., 837.
SCULPTURE, A. will have statue in Washtn., 669;
bust of A. by Adelaide Johnson, 677;
Mrs. Stanton by same, 713;
of A. by Lorado Taft, amusing corres., 721, 722;
A.'s face carved on theater, 733;
proposed statue of Mrs. Schuyler, 734;
Harriet Hosmer's Lincoln, 821;
A.'s statuette by Bessie Potter, 862;
in N. Y. Capitol, 949;
would have bronze if not a woman, 973.
SEASICKNESS, 395, 552, 555.
SEX DISTINCTIONS, 69, 74. 76;
woman inferior by nature, 78; 79, 84, 89, 90, 93, 109;
let man compare woman's position with his, 169; 306, 324;
Kentucky editor's view, 504;
God intended none, 945.
SLAVERY, in N. Y., 17;
in Washtn., 33; 38;
A.'s comments in 1839, 39; 59;
Fugitive Slave Law, underground R. R., 61;
A. on slaves in Washtn., 118;
transition period, 149;
A.'s speeches on, 153; 172, 173;
South. attitude on, 184; 204;
conditions in 1861, 207;
efforts to abolish by emancip., 226 et seq.;
A.'s appeals, 227, 230;
A. on slaveholders, 228;
Sumner on, 236;
abolished by 13th Amend., 238;
of woman, 333; 427;
for feeding fugitive slave, 440;
Purvis on A.'s part in abolishing, 547;
makes people unjust to each other, 844;
pictures in A.'s study, 934;
blighting effects on women and children, 957;
compact of U. S. Constitu. broken, 958;
under new form, 964 et seq.;
political slavery of white women, 966;
of wives and <DW64> men, 987-989;
industrial in England, 996
(see Anti-Slavery, Constitution, <DW64>s).
SOCIAL EVIL, 53, 54;
coeducation leads to, 155;
A. blocks license of in N. Y., 273;
Mrs. Stanton on double standard, 379;
A. on same, 385;
compared to Mormonism, 390;
Fair-Crittenden case, 391;
woman suff. leads to, 401;
bill in San Fran., 404;
A.'s Social Purity lect., 468, 469;
woman's ballot needed, 500;
abroad, 555;
A. on Bethany Home, 656;
objects to punishing women and letting men go free, 815;
statistics, 1005;
ravages of disease, 1005;
attempts to license, 1006;
causes of, 1006;
poverty leads to, 1007;
in the home, 1009;
in Chicago, 1012.
SOCIAL PURITY, A.'s strong speech in Chicago, St. Louis and other
places, distress of friends, comments of press, 468, 469, 472;
full speech, 1004.
SOLITUDE OF SELF, wife needs, 134;
A. longs for, 168;
necessary in marriage, 179, 180; 216;
Mrs. Stanton's sp., 717.
SOUTH, attitude before War, 184, 207;
view of Slavery and Woman's Rights, 183; 209, 210;
action of Legis. after War, 255;
Prohibitionists conciliate, 594;
A. urges its women to hold suff. conv., 722;
her interest in them, 740;
A. and Mrs. Catt make tour of, 806-810
(see <DW64>s).
SOUVENIR SPOON, 917.
SPEECHES OF MISS ANTHONY, first ever made, 53;
Mrs. Stanton's help, 66; 77;
dislike of speaking, 82;
tour of N. Y. in 1853, 83;
in Teach. Conv., 98;
on pay of women, 102; 105;
bef. Legis. com. in 1854, 109;
first sp. in Washtn., 117;
trying exper., 119, 121;
in Oswego, Saratoga, no faith in self, 120;
first St. canvass, 123 et seq.;
at birthplace, 129;
does not speak for rich, begs help, 140;
struggle with sp. on Coeducation, 142;
different impressions made, 143;
at Saratoga in 1856, 143;
Lucy Stone encourages, 145;
feels discouraged, 151;
synopsis of Anti-Slav, sp., 153;
discards written ones, 153;
in Me., 154;
in Binghamton, 156;
Mrs. Stanton rejoices in, 157;
on Coeducation, friendly words, 164;
A.'s comp. to Mrs. Stanton's, their work together, 187;
on Marriage and Divorce, 194;
at Agr. Fair on modern farm life, 199;
sp. sometimes a failure, 216;
improves, 222;
in 1863 on Emancipation, 227;
on equal rights, 229;
on Reconstruction, 247;
to <DW64>s, 248, 249;
demanding Equal Rights Assn., 260;
discriminations against women, 263;
inalienable right of suff., 278;
to women typesetters, 308;
at N. Y. Press Club on woman's proposing, 316;
strong sp. on 15th Amend., 323;
slavery of woman and need of ballot for wage-earners, 333;
at Congressl. hearing in 1870 on woman's right to vote under 14th
Amend., 338;
at 50th birthday recep., 343;
distrusts power to speak, 344;
appeal to Congressl. Com. in 1871, 376;
in the West, 387;
in Salt Lake City, 388-390;
in Calif., 391-394;
in Oregon, 396-400;
in Washtn. Ty., 401;
in Victoria, 402;
in Calif. again, 403-405;
woman's right to vote under 14th and 15th Amends., 410;
three ways of securing woman suff., 431;
right to vote under 14th Amend., 433;
great Constitl. Argument, 435, 436;
protest against conviction for voting, 439;
women's need to vote instead of sing and pray against liquor
traffic, 457;
on Social Purity, 468;
when flowers were presented in St. Louis, 507;
on Lucretia Mott, 527;
at 63d birthday reception on early comrades, would have worked the
same for man's enfranchis., 547;
in London, 564, 565, 566, 569;
in Edinburgh, 568;
at Congressl. hearing of 1884, for 16th Amend., 588;
injecting Bible in woman suff. discussions, 595;
at New Orleans in 1884, 597;
in Ills., 609;
in Kas., comments of press, incidents, 609-611;
spirit wouldn't soar, 611;
in Wis. Senate chamber, 612;
inconsistency of women, 623;
scores Sen. Ingalls, 625;
in Chicago in 1888, 641;
to W. C. T. U. in Columbus, O., no emotions, coldly recd., 643;
in Cincinnati, 648;
in Ark., St. Louis, Jefferson City, Leavenworth, 649;
to Seidl Club (N. Y.), 654;
nephew D. R. on sp. at Ann Arbor, 658;
at 70th birthday banquet, 668;
at Madison, S. Dak., 691;
West. N. Y. Fair, 711;
Thanksgiving services in 1891, 714;
Woman's Rights Annivers. in Salem, O., 722;
before Natl. Repub. Conv. Com., 724;
in Topeka, 726;
in Roch. Chamber of Commerce on munic. suff. for women, 731;
plea not to take annual suff. convs. from Washtn., 738;
in Mich, in 1893, 740;
great triumph at Columb. Expos., 746, 747, 748;
sensation at Press Cong., 749;
on Government, 750;
on receiving flag, on annual reunions in Washtn., 757;
in N. Y. campaign of 1894, 761-763;
in constitl. conv., 767;
Spiritualists and woman suff., 773;
opening campaign in Kansas City, 784, 785;
at Popu. St. Conv., 788;
places equal rights before creeds or politics, 793;
Gospel Temp. meet. in Cleveland, 800;
Pilgrim Mothers' Dinner, 802;
many invitations for, 803;
tour of South, 806-809;
Atlanta conv., 811;
in S. C. and Va., 812;
at Douglass memorial service, 814;
in St. Louis, 821;
in Denver on woman and franchise, 823;
audience introd. to A. in Cheyenne, 824;
in Salt Lake City, 825;
in Reno, 825;
Woman's Cong. in San Fr., 828, 829, 830;
at Palo Alto, 830;
Oakland, 831, 834, 837;
San Jose, 831;
Los Angeles, Pasadena, Pomona, 832;
San Diego, 833;
San Fran., 834;
at 4th of July celebr. in same, 836;
inspiration of, 838;
Mrs. Stanton's 80th birthday celebr., 848;
on Woman's Bible, demands religious liberty, condemns bigotry, 853;
power to draw audiences, 861;
in Calif. campaign, 864;
at Rep. St. Conv. in Calif., 870;
during campaign, at all times and places, 875-879;
at Woman's Cong. in Portland, Ore., in Seattle, 877;
her non-partisanship, 879;
in South. Calif. from rear platform of car, 881;
farewell to Calif., 893;
in Reno, Kas. City, 895;
before Ind. Legis., 904;
to Cuban League, 908;
at Mrs. Humphrey's funeral, 908;
last sp. before N. Y. Legis. Com., 914;
100th birthday of Saml. J. May, 927;
at Fiske University, 928;
on "rings" and women in politics, 928;
contrast between ovations of present and abuse of past, 929;
on Reconstruction, in 1865, 960 et seq.;
Constitutional Argument, right of women to vote under U. S.
Constitu. delivered previous to trial for voting, 977;
Woman Wants Bread Not the Ballot, 996-1003;
on Social Purity in 1875, 1004;
Demand for Party Recognition in Kas. campaign of 1894, 1015
(see Lectures).
SPEECHES OF OTHERS, Mrs. Stanton on Divorce, 67;
Lucy Stone on posit. of women, 73;
Antoinette Brown, same, 74;
Mrs. Nichols on Divorce, 74;
Mrs. Rose on Woman Suff., 75;
young minister and young teacher on woman's sphere, 76;
Mrs. Rose on Bible, 77;
Mrs. Stanton on right to speak, 92;
objections to women's, 65, 69, 76, 78, 84, 88, 92, 99, 101, 119, 143
(see Mobs);
Remond on Slavery, 152;
Davies on Coeducation a Social Evil, 155;
Curtis on Fair Play for Women, 167;
A. criticises, 172;
Phillips' power, 174, 214;
comparison between A.'s and Mrs. Stanton's and manner of writing
together, 187, 188;
Mrs. Stanton before Legis. at Albany in 1860, 189;
Henry Ward Beecher on Woman's Rights, 192;
Mrs. Stanton in N. Y. on Divorce, 193;
at Friends' Meeting in Waterloo, 197;
Sumner on Emancipation, 235;
Beecher on enfranchising women at same time as <DW64>s, 276;
women on right to vote under 14th Amend., 432;
Mrs. Gage on A.'s arrest for voting, 436;
Judge Selden at A.'s trial for voting, 437;
Mrs. Stanton's in Eng., 565, 566;
of English women, 576, 577;
John Bright's, 577;
Warren Keifer and others for Wom. Suff. Com., 584;
Reagan opposed, 585;
on 16th Amend., Sens. Blair, Brown, 617;
Dolph, 618;
Vest, 619;
Blair, 621;
A. shuts Mrs. Stanton up to prepare sp., 636;
Miss Willard on pioneer suffragists, 638;
at A.'s 70th birthday banquet, 665;
Hinckley, Purvis, Pickler, 666;
Mrs. Stanton, 667;
Mrs. Stanton, Mrs. Blatch, Mr. Foulke and others at union of two
assns., 674, 675;
at Natl. Council of Women in 1891, 702;
Lucy Stone, 703;
Sen. Ingalls on woman suff., 726;
Mrs. Palmer at Columb. Expos., 742;
in N. Y. campaign of 1894, 761;
suffragists and antis in constitl. conv., 768-771;
Mrs. Greenleaf on A.'s work in N. Y. campaign, 772;
at Kas. Popu. Conv., 789;
Mrs. Catt in South, 806-809;
Mrs. Stanton on A.'s reading hers, 811;
Miss Shaw's in St. Louis, 821;
in Denver, 823;
in Cheyenne, 823;
in Salt Lake, 824, 825;
in Reno, 825;
Gov. West of Utah, 825;
Mayor Sutro of San Fr., 827;
Miss Shaw's in Calif. in 1895, 826-837;
in 1896, 864;
before Repub. St. Com., 871;
Dem. St. Conv., 874;
ratification meeting, 874; 875;
of women during campaign, 875-884;
Mrs. Catt, 875, 878;
treatment of women speakers in Calif. campaign, 883, 884;
action of men speakers, 885;
Thos. B. Reed silenced, 885;
Mr. Gannett on Anthony sisters, 916;
at Anthony Reunion, Mrs. Catt, 942;
Mrs. Avery, 943;
Mrs. Upton, 943;
D. R. Anthony, 944;
Mrs. Sewall, 944;
Mrs. Colby, 944;
Miss Shaw, 945;
Sumner on Equal Rights to All, 968
(see Lectures).
SPIRITUALISM, beginning of, 58;
A.'s comments, 119, 158;
men and women spirits, 413;
A. and Miss Shaw at Lily Dale, 710;
action of churches, 720;
A. dares to thank, 773; 918.
STATUES (see Sculpture).
STATUS OF WOMAN, in home, church, school, society, laws, industries,
State, etc., changes wrought, A.'s part in them, viii, ix, 822,
848, 948 (see Newspapers).
SUFFRAGE, greatest of rights, 75;
A.'s opinion of its value, 81;
necessary for <DW64>, 245-248;
Lucy Stone on <DW64>, 275;
Beecher on inalienable right, 276;
A., same, 278;
attitude of _The Revolution_, 311;
secured to <DW64>s by 15th Amend., 317;
value of the right, 455;
Sen. Dolph on, 618;
Natl. Repub. Conv. on, 642;
same, 724;
men vote simply because men, 769;
A.'s plea for <DW64> suff., 960 et seq.;
Sumner on value of, 968;
Lord Coke on connection with taxes, 969;
distinguished testimony as to right of 979-981.
SUFFRAGE, WOMAN,[141] A.'s doubt of its necessity, 61;
her first declaration for, 71;
her first conv., 72;
justice of, 75;
faith of early workers it would soon be granted, 82, 107, 129, 335,
372, 381;
underlying principle of rights of women, 185;
denied at close of war, 238-240;
first appeal to Cong., 250;
noted men favor, 251, 252;
N. Y. _Independent_ demands, 252;
Purvis approves, 258;
A.'s demand that U. S. Constn. shall grant, 260;
repudiated by Repubs. and Abolits., 265;
debate in Cong., 266;
agony of leaders among women, 268-270;
Labor Congress opposes, 307;
resolutions for in Cong. in 1868, 310, 311;
denied will lead to antagonism and outrage, 318;
A.'s demand that 15th Amend, shall contain, 323;
Natl. Assn. formed, 326;
divis. of forces, 328, 336;
right to under 14th Amend., 331, 338;
A.'s plea for experiment in D. of C., 338;
thinks movement can not be stopped, 340;
Union Suffrage Society formed, 348;
friends prefer the Natl. Assn., 383;
A.'s resume of situation in 1870, 365;
early advocates, 369;
great petition of 1871, 378;
favorable outlook, 381;
attempts to secure under 14th Amend., 409 et seq.;
compared to Anti-Slav. cause, 415;
A. and other women vote in 1872, 423 et seq.;
again, 434;
refused, 447;
power of U. S. Constn. over, 429, 453;
three ways of securing, 431;
as a right, 432;
in foreign countries, 434;
A. defends her right of, 439;
men do not need or want it, lacks working power, 456;
value in temp. work, 457, 505;
women's Centennial declaration, 477;
treatment of petitions by Cong., 485;
in Wy., 497; in proposed Ty. of Pembina, 500;
Mary Clemmer scores Congressl. report, 501;
new workers in 1880, 511;
letters of A. and Garfield on, 521, 522;
adopted by W. C. T. U., 537;
in England, 563, 567, 568, 581, 593;
Congressl. and State action compared, 589;
Mary L. Booth on, 615;
effect on family life depicted by Sens. Brown, Eustis, Vest and
others, 617-620;
A. declares platform free to all creeds, 631, 655;
campaign in S. Dak., 679;
relation to temp., 683;
debate in Cong. on Wy., 698;
at Chautauqua, 708, 709, 727;
in New Zealand, 733;
connection with Columb. Expos., 742-744;
same, 748;
A. and Lady Somerset on relation to temp., 747;
in Congresses on Govt., 750;
granted in Col., 753;
campaign for In N. Y., 758;
in Kas., 777;
exec. com. in Cleveland, Mrs. Southworth's gift, 801;
relation of suff. to home, 828, 829;
influence of ministers, 834;
relation of "trusts" to, 844;
indebtedness of all women to its advocates, 80, 740, 822, 848, 948,
973;
in Utah and S. Australia, 852;
should not be entangled with other issues, 857;
Calif. campaign, 863;
advocates can not offend any class, 882, 924;
attitude of liquor traffic toward, 886 (see Liquor Dealers);
A. on attitude of polit. parties, 898;
her idea of property and educatl. qualifications, 899, 922;
need of for civic reform, 920;
A. objects to partial, 798, 920;
change in press and audiences, 929;
does not destroy womanly instincts, 944, 945;
gains of 50 yrs., 949;
appeal to Pres. Lincoln for, 957;
appeal to Cong. for, 968;
taxation and, 969;
necessary to preserve republic, 971;
A.'s Constitl. argument for, 977;
as guaranteed by U. S. Constitn., 977-992;
inalienable right, 979;
Sen. B. Gratz Brown on, 979;
Sumner on, 981;
wage earners' great need of, 996-1003;
will make new balance of power, 1002;
A.'s sp. on necessity of party support to carry amend. for, 1015;
contributions to (see Finance, Funds, Gifts, also Amendments,
Congress, Constitutions, Conventions, Disfranchisement, <DW64>s,
Newspapers, Pioneers, Planks, Resolutions, Temperance, etc.).
SUFFRAGE, PARTIAL, municipal granted in Kas., 611;
A. on justice and need of, 731;
effects of, 732;
Mich. Legis. grants, declared unconstitl., 740;
a hindrance to full suff., 798;
School Suff., in Wis., 624;
in N. Y., 730;
objections to, 920.
SUPREME COURT OF U. S., Dred Scott decis., 149;
applied to women, 454, 984;
on women's voting under 14th Amend., 453;
women admitted to practice before, 502; 526;
women will sit in, 582;
on women's entering public lands, 983;
13th Amend., 986;
of N. Y., decision on Mrs. Schuyler's statue, tribute to A., 735;
of Mich. declares Munic. Suff. for women unconstitl., 740;
of Idaho decides only majority of votes cast on amend. necessary to
carry, 918;
of D. C. denies right of women to vote under 14th Amend., 985;
of Wyoming upholding it, 985.
TAXATION, Quaker attitude toward, 37;
women should refuse, 73;
without representation applied to women, 170;
A. and Mrs. Stanton protest against, 277;
spirited letter from A. on paying taxes, 330;
protest against without representation, 441;
Mary Clemmer on taxation without representation, 501;
of Smith sisters in Conn., 511;
A. shows conditions in Roch., N. Y., 731;
Mrs. Greenleaf on, 732;
Miss Willard on, 800;
A. on taxpayers' suff., 899, 922;
without representation, opinion of Lord Coke, 969;
of Sumner, 979;
early law in N. Y., 982;
James Otis on, 989.
TEACHERS AND TEACHING, testimonial of Daniel Anthony's in 1814, 8;
in Anthony home sch., 9;
discipline, 22;
father wishes daughters to teach, 23, 24;
Deborah Moulson, 24 et seq.;
A.'s beginning, 23, 24;
in Union Village, 34;
in Center Falls, 37;
New Rochelle, 38, 39;
Cambridge and Ft. Edward, 44;
injustice to women, 45;
in Canajoharie, 49;
grows tired, 51, 52;
ends in Rochester, 55;
ignoring of teachers, 71;
same and A.'s speech in 1853, 98;
women do not support her, 99;
sustained by a few, 100;
difference in salaries, 102;
A. again at conv. for rights of women, 120;
conv. at Utica shows advance, 130;
at Troy, A. on Coeducation, injustice in New York, 143;
at Binghamton, 155;
at Lockport, A.'s keen thrusts, 163;
at Poughkeepsie, Antoinette Brown Blackwell's amusing account, 176;
Mary S. Anthony on injustice to, 191, 192;
conv. at Syracuse, A. still demanding rights, 198;
attends last conv., results of labors, 221, 222;
salaries of men and women, 263;
A. addresses in San Francisco, 830;
Mary S. Anthony, 915;
indebtedness to A., 976;
get only subordinate positions, 1001.
TELEGRAMS, Train in Kas. campaign, 287;
Repubs. call A. to Washtn., 421;
inspector's fine remitted, 452; 461, 547, 548;
A. affirms belief in woman suff., 652;
on 70th birthday, 671;
on admis. of Wy., 691;
from Lady Somerset and Miss Willard, 729;
to Miss Shaw from Oakland, 837;
on Mrs. Stanton's birthday, 848;
death of Mr. Sewall, 850;
from Miss Willard, 901;
come to Ohio, 927.
TEMPERANCE, principles of A.'s father, 17, 18, 19, 37;
Daughters' Unions, 53, 62;
A.'s first sp., 53;
organizes in Rochester, 60, 62;
insulted in meeting of Sons, holds woman's, 64, 65;
first Wom. State Society and convention, 66-68;
A. made St. organizer, 68;
women rejected and insulted at men's meeting in Syracuse, 69;
hold their own, 70;
signatures for Maine Law, A.'s appeal, demands suffrage, 70, 71;
Lucy Stone on Maine Law, 81;
first hearing of women before N. Y. Legis., 82;
tour of A. and others in 1853, 83;
World's Conv. in New York, 87;
women rejected and hold own meeting, 88-92;
reports of N. Y. papers, 89-91;
second conv. Women's St. Temp. Society, 92;
men gain control, 94;
A. and Mrs. Stanton withdraw, 95;
Women's Whole World's Conv., 96, 100;
Greeley on tracts, 97;
S. F. Cary opposed, 97, 102;
Men's Whole World's Conv., Antoinette Brown rejected, 101;
A.'s first sip of wine, 400;
A. tells "crusaders" in 1874 to work for vote instead of singing and
praying, letter on same, 457;
Stopford Brooke in Eng., 564;
meeting in Crystal Palace, 567;
in Ireland, 572, 573;
A. does not ask suff. because of temp, vote, 655;
is total abstainer, 683;
speaks at Cong. of Columb. Expos., 747;
objects to connecting temp. with woman suff., 882;
women driven to revolution in work for, 1003;
petitions spurned, 1012
(see Intemperance, Prohibition, W. C. T. U.).
TESTIMONIALS, of people and assns. to A. on going abroad, 547, 548.
TRIALS AND CASES, McFarland-Richardson, 351-353;
Fair-Crittenden, 391-392, 396;
of Susan B. Anthony for voting, under 14th Amend., 425-454;
arrest, 426;
examination, 427;
B. F. Butler's opinion, 429;
denial of writ of habeas corpus, 432;
her canvass of two counties, 435;
sp. of Judge Selden, 437;
denial of trial by jury, 439;
sentence and her protest, 439;
opinions of press, 441;
trial of Inspectors, 444;
contributions of friends, 446;
appeal to Congress, 449;
majority and minority reports, 450-452;
pardon of Inspectors, 452;
newspaper comment, 993;
Election Inspectors in St. Louis for receiving vote of Mrs. Minor,
453;
Beecher-Tilton, 461;
Schuyler statue, 734.
TRIBUTES, of William Winter, 323;
Mary Clemmer, 340;
Phoebe Cary, 342;
Myra Bradwell, 346;
Sen. Edmunds' to speech, 512; 535;
Rochester friends, 548;
Chicago _Tribune_, 549;
Mary H. Krout in 1893, 751;
Mrs. Greenleaf in N. Y. campaign, 772;
Tilton in 1895, 848;
Mary Lowe Dickinson, Mrs. Stanford, 850;
Mrs. Sargent, 892;
Dr. H. W. Thomas, 900;
Mrs. Catt, 942;
Mrs. Colby, 944;
Miss Shaw, 945;
Mrs. Sewall, Miss Willard, 950;
Mrs. Stanton, 951;
on 50th birthday, 972 (see Birthdays, Letters, Newspapers,
Resolutions, Speeches, Traits of Character).
UNIVERSITIES, COLLEGES, SCHOOLS, etc., Nine Partners, 8;
home schools, 9, 19, 22, 35;
Mt. Holyoke, 23;
Miss Moulson's boarding school, 24;
Friends' Sch. at Tarrytown, 39;
Cornell, 64;
People's College, 64, 77;
Normal Sch. (Ills.), 469;
Neb. St. Univers., 545;
Glasgow, 556;
Coll. of France, 561;
Edinburgh, 570;
Trinity, 575;
Rugby, Oxford, Somerville, St. Margaret's, 575;
Bishops' (Tex.), 598;
weak-minded female seminary, 624;
Lincoln Institute (Kas.), 649;
Girls' Classical Sch. (Indpls.), 650;
Mich. St. Univers., 658;
Phila. Normal, 705;
Mt. Holyoke, 706;
Rochester, 713;
Wellesley Coll., 754;
Keuka College, 773;
Girls' Normal Sch. (Phila.), 776;
Cornell, Sage College, 800;
Vassar, 803;
Drexel Institute, 815;
Nevada St. Univers., 825;
Leland Stanford Jr., 830;
Normal Sch. (San Jose), 831;
Tuskeegee Institute, 914;
Mt. Union Coll. (O.), 927;
Fiske, 928;
Minn. St. Univ., 929.
VOICES, weak ones of women, 75;
A.'s voice, 77;
same, 153;
women's poor voices, 157;
A. on men's voices, 163;
A.'s in 1867, 272;
pioneers' and modern women's contrasted, 729;
A.'s at 75, 823; 893.
WAR, record of family in Revolution, 4;
in Civil, 37;
last Wom. Rights Conv. before, 212, 213;
Phillips on, 214;
Anna Dickinson on, 220;
outlook in 1863, 226;
woman's duty in, 227, 228, 230;
woman's services, 239;
lesson for women, 239;
woman's position after, 256, 280;
ravages in Europe, 562;
A.'s effort to secure results of Revolution for women, 919;
Civil, a step toward progress, 958;
work of women in, 1015.
WEDDINGS (see Marriage).
WIVES (see Divorce, Guardianship, Laws, Marriage, Property Rights).
WOMAN'S BUREAU, estab. in N. Y., 320;
Natl. Wom. Suff. Assn. formed there, 326;
weekly meetings, 330;
celebr. of A.'s 50th birthday, 341;
clubs object to _The Revolution_ office, Anna Dickinson's gift, 360.
WOMAN'S CHRISTIAN TEMPERANCE UNION, 96;
A. addresses in Rochester, 457;
needs votes, 505;
A. attends conv. in Washtn., Miss Willard introduces, delegates
disapprove, society adopts woman suff., 537;
delegates repudiate A.'s influence, 588;
A. addresses in Kas., in Ills., 609;
petitions for woman suff. in 1887, 620;
A.'s addresses too practical for, 643; 674;
in S. Dak., 681, 683;
to A. on religious matters, 677;
A. addresses in Rochester against third party, 709;
petitions in N. Y. for woman suff., 766;
speeches in constitl. conv., 769;
Miss Willard introd. A. in Cleveland, might as well be dogs as
without a vote, 800, 801;
Cong. in St. Louis, 821;
recep. to A. in Utah, 825;
A. asks Miss Willard to withdraw conv. from Calif., 857;
request granted, its women work for suff., 882;
attitude toward A., 882, 901;
A. declines to join protest against "yellow" journalism and
prize-fighting, 923, 924.
WOMAN OF FUTURE, A. urges outdoor life, 160;
the true woman, 170;
physical culture, 198;
her ideal of, 582;
same, 860.
WOMEN'S NATIONAL LOYAL LEAGUE, great work in 1863, 225-240;
address to Pres. Lincoln, 957.
WOMAN'S RIGHTS, first conv., 59;
N. Y. _Tribune_, 61;
in Worcester, 61, 75;
A. demands, 71;
her first conv., 72;
Mayo, Geo. W. Johnson, Lucy Stone on, 73;
Antoinette Brown, Mrs. Nichols, 74;
Gerrit Smith, Mrs. Rose, 75;
opposition of young minister and teacher, 76;
abuse of advocates, 76-80;
gains made, 80; 84, 90, 91, 92;
Mrs. Stanton on right to speak, 92;
Gerrit Smith on, 98;
N. Y. conv. of 1853, A.'s vow, 102;
mob rules, 103;
conv. in Rochester, 105;
courage required for early meetings, 119;
Greeley on, 126;
conv. of 1856, in New York, 147;
conv. of 1858 under mob rule, 162;
Geo. Wm. Curtis on, 167;
A.'s tilt with, 172;
conv. in New York in 1859, the mob rules, 174;
from Southern standpoint, 183, 184;
gradual merging into Suffrage, 185;
in Albany in 1860, 186;
Henry Ward Beecher on, 192;
conv. of 1860 in New York and Divorce question, 193, 194;
retarded by War, 225;
foundation of democracy, 229;
first conv. after War, 256 et seq.;
Anna Dickinson's first speech for, 262;
sacrificed to <DW64>, woman avenges herself, 301; 304;
divisions among workers for not recorded, 336;
earliest advocates, 369;
25th annivers. first conv., 434;
30th anniv., 495;
Fred. Douglass recalls first conv., 634;
annivers. of first conv. in Salem, O., 722;
conv. of 1866 sends address to Congress, 968 (see Suffrage, Woman).
YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION, 754;
A. tells should work for woman suff., 804.
FOOTNOTES:
[138] Superficial and inadequate grouping.
[139] In later years churches have been so freely opened for woman
suffrage meetings that it would be impossible to tabulate them.
[140] In later years this attitude changed, and it would be impossible
to list the instances of their helpfulness.
[141] Only a reference to principal points is possible. Its various
phases are listed under their respective heads.
INDEX TO PLACES.
ALABAMA,
Birmingham, 809;
New Decatur, 809;
Tuscaloosa, 183.
ARKANSAS,
Ft. Smith, 649;
Helena, 649;
Little Rock, 649.
CALIFORNIA, 52, 59, 341;
A.'s first visit, 1871, 390;
help in S. D. campaign, 685; 738;
Woman's Cong., A. visits, 819, 826;
urged to help woman suff. campaign, 861;
the campaign, 863;
results, 890; 922;
Alameda, 865;
Berkeley, 865;
Chico, 404;
Geysers, 394;
Los Angeles, first visit, 832;
second, 862;
Marysville, 404;
Mayfield, 405;
Mt. Shasta, 404;
Oakland, A.'s first visit, 394;
second, 826; 831, 834;
fails to find hall, 837; 865, 876, 885;
Palo Alto, 830;
Pasadena, 832;
Pomona, 832;
Red Bluff, 404;
Sacramento, 869-872;
San Diego, A.'s first visit, 832;
second, 862;
San Francisco, A.'s first visit, 390; 396; 405; 493;
Woman's Congress, 819, 827;
a suff. meet., 829; 834;
St. Conv., 835;
4th of July, 835; 862;
woman suff. headqrs., 864;
same, 875;
liquor dealers, 886;
St. Suff. Conv., 892;
San Jose, 394, 405, 831;
San Luis Obispo, 881;
Santa Barbara, 881;
Santa Cruz, 831;
Santa Monica, 833;
Truckee, 826;
Whittier, 832;
Yosemite Valley, A. visits, 392;
trees named, 831;
Yreka, 403.
COLORADO,
A. canvasses for woman suff., 489;
granted, 752; 757;
invites A. to celebr., 775; 780;
party records, 1017;
Boulder, 493;
Del Norte, 490;
Denver, A.'s first visit, 387; 492;
writes lecture, 493;
visit in 1895, 821;
Lake City, 490;
Leadville, "free love" placards, 491;
Oro City, 491;
Ouray, 491;
Wagon Wheel Gap, 490.
CONNECTICUT,
canvass for woman suff., 456; 622;
Bridgeport, 89;
Glastonbury, 511;
Hartford, 293;
first Wom. Suff. Conv., 332; 387, 535;
Hooker golden wed., 709;
Meriden, 705;
New Haven, 535.
DAKOTA, 541, 666.
SOUTH DAKOTA,
canvass for woman suff., 656;
A.'s great work, 659;
help of Natl. Assn., 675, 684;
campaign of 1890, 679;
action of polit. convs., 686, 687;
results, 694, 696; 780;
Aberdeen, 657, 686;
Brookings, 657;
De Smet, 657;
Huron, Farmers' Alliance, 657, 685; 695;
Madison, 657;
A.'s sp., 691;
Mitchell, 657, 687;
Parker, 657;
Pierre, 657, 695;
Redfield, 657;
Sioux Falls, 657;
St. Lawrence, 657;
Watertown, 657;
Yankton, 657.
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA,
bill for woman suff., 266, 311;
A. argues for, 338;
Anacostia, 814;
Washington, father visits in 1838, 33;
A.'s first visit in 1854, 117;
goes for _The Revolution_, 297;
first woman suff. conv. held, 313;
in 1870, 337; 370;
conv. of 1871, 371;
suff. headqrs. in Capitol, 381;
A. comes from Calif., 408;
conv. of 1872, 410;
A. meets Natl. Rep. Com., 421;
conv. of 1873, 431;
A. takes her case for voting, 450;
conv. 1874, 453;
of 1875, 467;
of 1876, 472;
of 1877, 484;
of 1878, prayer meet. conv., 494;
of 1879, 499;
of 1880, 511;
of 1881, 526;
W. C. T. U. Conv., 537;
Natl. Suff. of 1882, 540;
of 1883, 546; 549;
of 1884, 588;
of 1885, 595;
A.'s Congressl. work, 605, 607;
conv. of 1886, 607;
A.'s amusing start for, 612;
conv. of 1887, 617;
union of suff. assns., 630;
first Intl. Council of Wom., 636;
Natl. Suff. Conv. of 1888, 639;
of 1889, 647; 660;
70th birthday, 664;
conv. of 1890, 674;
A.'s social life, 677;
love for, 679;
Wimodaughsis, 700;
Natl. Council, 702;
Natl. Suff. Conv. of 1891, 702;
A. leaves Riggs House, 705;
Mrs. Stanton's last appearance, 1892, 717;
conv. of 1893, 737;
of 1894, 756; 778;
Natl. Council, 812;
75th birthday, 813;
conv. of 1896, 851;
A. longs for, 901; 903, 1005.
GEORGIA, 757;
Atlanta, 758;
Natl. Suff. Conv., 810;
Columbus, 812.
IDAHO,
campaign for woman suff., 878;
granted, 902;
A. on Sup. Ct. decis., 919.
ILLINOIS, 345, 364, 433, 469;
Batavia, 347;
Bloomington, 364, 519;
Natl. Prohib. Conv., 520;
Carbondale, 469;
Champaign, 347;
Chicago, 242;
A. visits in 1865, 249; 293, 305, 315, 316, 321, 330;
lecture bureau, 344; 361, 380, 387;
trunk lost, 408; 446, 460;
speaks on Social Purity, 468;
on Bread and Ballot, 472; 515, 608, 617, 640;
Natl. Repub. Conv., 641; 655;
Fed. of Clubs, 720, 721;
Natl. Dem. Conv., 725;
World's Fair opens, 742;
Wom. Cong., 745; 793, 799, 821, 840, 862;
$6,000 bed, 902; 929, 1004;
Elwood, 347;
Evanston, 364, 609;
Farmington, 347;
Harvey, 751;
Lake Bluff, 609;
Lake Geneva, 609;
LaSalle, 347;
Mattoon, 345;
Mendota, 347;
Peoria, 345;
Peru, 347;
Quincy, 347;
Sandwich, 611;
Springfield, 293, 315.
INDIANA, 345, 380, 433;
canvass for wom. suff., 626;
Bloomington, 626;
Evansville, 623, 626;
Ft. Wayne, 433, 626;
Indianapolis, 516;
Natl. Suff. Conv., 517; 623;
A. calls on Gen. Harrison, 641;
at Classical Sen., 650; 698, 821; 903;
A. addresses Legis., 904; 1013;
Kokomo, 626;
Lafayette, 519, 623, 626;
Logansport, 626;
Madison, 626;
Marion, 434;
Muncie, 626;
New Albany, 626;
Richmond, 623;
Rushville, 655;
South Bend, 626;
Terre Haute, 503, 519, 626;
Vincennes, 626;
Wabash, 626.
IOWA,
A. canvasses for woman suff., 469; 470, 493;
Ames, 644;
Burlington, 380;
Cedar Rapids, 380;
Council Bluffs, 380;
Davenport, 380;
Des Moines, 380, 698, 728;
Natl. Suff. Conv., 901;
Mt. Pleasant, 380;
Ottumwa, 380;
Sioux City, 688.
KANSAS,
early days, 121;
John Brown's raid, 144; 169;
A. plans campaign, 178;
first visit, 242;
pioneer discomforts, 247;
Lucy Stone canvasses, 274;
campaign of 1867, 281;
A. and Mrs. Stanton go, 283; 364, 469, 493, 496, 519;
canvass in 1887, 609;
munic. suff. for women, 611;
canvass of 1887, 625;
calls A. to assist, 715;
canvass of 1892, 719;
polit. convs., 726;
Legis. submits wom. suff., 754, 755;
campaign for in 1894, 777; 920;
patriotism, 960;
early amends., 1016;
party records, 1017, 1018; 1020;
Abilene, 611;
Ingalls' sp., 625;
Anthony, 611;
Atchison, 248, 291, 626, 697;
Burlington, 290;
Emporia, 290, 644;
Florence, 611;
Fort Scott, 289, 608, 611, 697, 840;
Humboldt, 289;
Hutchinson, 611, 796;
Independence, 611;
Junction City, 290;
Kansas City, 379, 471;
A. sp. on planks, 784, 1015;
Lawrence, 248, 285, 286, 287, 288, 379, 611;
Leavenworth A. visits in 1865, 242; 248;
woman suff. campaign 1867, 287, 290, 291; 379, 408;
A. nurses brother, 471;
sister's death, 487; 608;
false report on woman suff., 622; 644, 648;
A. in munic. campaign, 649; 697, 785, 799, 840;
Leroy, 290;
Lincoln, 610;
Mound City, 289;
Olathe, 288, 379;
Ottawa, 288;
Ottumwa, A.'s sp. in 1865, 247, 960;
Paola, 288, 379;
Salina, 609, 610;
Topeka, 274, 275, 290, 379, 785, 786;
Popu. conv., 1894, 787;
A.'s advice to women, 839;
Wichita, 611;
Repub. St. conv., 655;
Winfield, 611;
Wyandotte, 290.
KENTUCKY, 230, 502, 806, 919;
Lexington, 806;
Louisville, 293, 806, 877;
Milan, 806;
Owensboro, 806;
Paducah, 806;
Wilmore, 806.
LOUISIANA, 806;
New Orleans, A.'s first visit, 597;
second, 807;
Shreveport, 808.
MAINE, 519;
Bangor, 154;
Portland, 535;
Skowhegan, 502.
MARYLAND,
Baltimore, A. visits in 1854, 118;
Natl. Dem. Conv., 417; 756.
MASSACHUSETTS,
Laws for wives, 200; 265, 459;
Adams, Anthony family settle, 3, 4;
Read family same, 5, 9;
A. born, 13;
Anthonys leave, 17;
grandfather hears A. speak, 129;
A. visits in 1860, 198;
in 1887, 624; 926;
Anthony Reunion in 1897, 939;
changed conditions, 944;
A.'s birthplace, 947;
Berkshire Hills, beauty of, 1, 2, 13;
noted people, 1, 2;
Beecher, Holmes and Goodale sisters on, 2;
Bryant, Julia Taft Bayne, 13;
A. visits in 1889, 653;
in 1897, 947;
Boston, Van Buren visits, 42; 72;
Wom. Rights Conv., 1855, 131;
Anti-Slavery Soc., 137; 182;
W. R. Conv. 1860, 196;
A. visits for anti-slav., 199;
Phillips' sp. 1861, 214;
A. visits, 219; 252, 256;
Equal Rights Assn., 262; 293, 332, 335;
lecture bureau, 344;
_Wom. Journal_ estab., 361;
Natl. Suff. Conv., 533;
Phillips' funeral, 588; 597, 598, 628;
remonstrants, 695;
A.'s illness, 701; 895;
Bowen's Corners, 5, 948;
Bunker Hill, 132, 153, 277;
Charleston, 132;
Cheshire, 4, 5, 706;
Concord, A. speaks in, 251;
invited to Sch. of Philos., 510;
Danbury, 525;
Dartmouth, 3, 4;
Framingham, 219;
Green Mts., 1, 9, 947;
Greylock Mt., 3, 9, 13, 199;
A. visits in 1897, 947;
Lenox, 1, 3, 46;
Lexington, 4;
Lynn, 131;
Magnolia, 624;
Medford, 895;
Rehobeth, 4;
Salem, 49, 131;
Scituate, 4;
Springfield, 293;
Stafford's Hill, 4, 57;
Stockbridge, 1, 3;
West Newton, 252;
Worcester, 61, 75, 88;
Hydropathic Ins., 131, 132, 133; 252, 293.
MICHIGAN,
father visits in 1844, 45; 345;
A. canvasses in 1874, 460;
munic. suff., 740;
Ann Arbor, 380;
St. conv., 755; 862;
Battle Creek, 249, 720, 740;
Bay City, 740;
Charlotte, 740;
Detroit, 176;
A.'s lect., 1870, 345; 369, 658, 740;
Dowagiac, 733;
Grand Rapids, 379, 519, 720, 740, 929;
Hillsdale, 740;
Jackson, 380;
Jonesville, 347;
Kalamazoo, 379, 929;
Lansing, 380, 740;
Saginaw, 740;
Sturgis, 347.
MINNESOTA,
Duluth, 656;
Minneapolis, 656;
Natl. Repub. Conv., 723; 929;
St. Paul, 505.
MISSISSIPPI,
Johnson's Reconstruct. Proclam., 960;
Greenville, 808;
Jackson, 808.
MISSOURI,
in 1865, 242; 469, 493, 806;
Chillicothe, 249;
Jefferson City, 649;
Kansas City, 785, 895;
Macon City, 249;
St. Louis, A. addresses <DW64>s in 1865, 249; 286, 293, 315;
Mr. Minor's sp., 330;
Mrs. M. attempts to vote, 453;
A. speaks on Social Purity, 469;
suff. conv. 1878, 506; 546, 598, 609, 649;
A. visits in 1895, 821;
Natl. Repub. Conv., 879;
St. Joseph, 248, 291.
NEBRASKA,
A. canvasses for woman suff., 544;
Beatrice, 493, 727;
St. conv., 799;
Fremont, 697;
Lincoln, 380, 545;
Omaha, 286, 293, 380, 408, 544, 545, 616, 644;
Peru, 728.
NEVADA,
Nevada City, 405;
Reno, 406, 825, 895;
Virginia City, 406.
NEW HAMPSHIRE,
Concord, 535, 702, 895;
Dover, 535;
Keene, 535.
NEW JERSEY,
Cape May, 624;
Orange, 802;
Tenafly, 309, 368, 502, 525, 533, 707.
NEW YORK,
first Wom. St. Temp. Conv., 67;
convs. for better laws, 110;
A. canvasses for Woman's Rights, 123;
for Abolitionists, 148, 149;
second canvass, 208;
for woman suff. amend. in 1867, 271; 369, 459, 519;
Constitl. Conv., 758;
campaign for woman suff. in 1894, 759-773; 785;
Adirondacks, 708;
Albany, 44;
A. meets Lydia Mott, 58;
driven out of temp. meet., holds another, 64, 65;
women first appear bef. Legis., 82; 88, 105;
Wom. Rights Conv. 1854, 108; 125;
petitions presented in 1856, 140;
A. works in Legis., 173; 186;
A. and Mrs. Stanton before Legis., 189;
anti-Slav. depot, 199;
runaway mother, 200;
mayor prevents mob in 1861, 211;
last Wom. Rights Conv. before war, 212;
Anti-Slav. Conv. of 1862, 217;
Equal Rights Conv. of 1866, 263;
A. and Mrs. Stanton before Legis., 273;
before Constitl. Conv., 278; 293;
A. denied habeas corpus, 432;
addresses Constitl. Com., 433;
A. no home, 536;
bef. Legis., 622;
same, 1892, 719;
anti-suff. org., 765, 766;
Constitl. Conv. meets, women address, vote taken, 767-772;
A.'s face carved in Capitol, 949;
Angelica, 124;
Attica, 139;
Auburn, 127, 140, 241, 249, 714, 914, 917;
Avon, 176;
Ballston Spa, 176;
Battenkill, 17, 35, 37;
Battenville, Anthonys remove to, 17; 22, 24, 41, 43, 51, 119, 896;
Bensonhurst, 753;
Binghamton, A. stirs up Teach. Conv., 155; 222;
Brighton, 733;
Brighton Beach, 653;
Buffalo, 73, 83;
mob rule in 1861, 208; 271, 293, 446, 730, 741, 762;
Brockport, 845;
Brooklyn, A. first speaks in, 83;
teachers' salaries in 1856, 143; 353, 363, 464, 653;
St. Suff. Conv., 753; 761, 763;
anti-suff. org., 765;
Byron Center, 642;
Cambridge, 44;
Canajoharie, A. goes to teach in 1846, 49; 51;
gives first speech, 53;
trustee refuses church, 121;
Canandaigua, A.'s trial for voting, 436;
inspector's trial, 443;
Castile, 901;
Catskills, 773;
Center Falls, 37;
A. teaches in, 43;
family leave, 46;
Chautauqua, 708, 709;
Miss Shaw's debate with Dr. Buckley, 727;
Clifton, 176;
Corning, 124;
Dansville, 138, 446, 452;
Deerfield, 10;
Dundee, 199;
Elmira, 71, 124;
Thos. K. Beecher, 178;
Easton, 19, 24, 46, 51;
anti-slav. meet., 152;
A. and Quaker preacher, 177;
Fairfield, 272;
Farmington, 10;
Fayetteville, 601;
Fort Edward, 44;
Fort William Henry, scene at hotel, 176;
A. and Southern Judge, 183; 653;
Geneva, 900, 927;
A. defends "rings," 928;
George, Lake, attentive Quaker, 126; 176;
Gregory's Grove, 215;
Hall's Corners, 138;
Hardscrabble, 35, 37;
Hempstead, 654;
Hornellsville, 364, 448;
Hudson, 83;
Ithaca, 800;
Jamaica, 753;
Jamestown, 642;
Johnstown, 592;
Junius, 215;
Lily Dale (Cassadaga Lake), 710, 728, 773;
Lockport, 163;
A. lect. on Coeducation, 164;
Long Island, 42;
Long Pond, 653;
Lyons, 652;
Manitou Beach, 709;
Mayville, A. begins first canvass for Woman's Rights, 123;
Mecklinburg, 222;
Milton-on-the-Hudson, 252;
Mt. McGregor, 653;
Mt. Morris, 138;
Newburgh, 847;
Newport, first woman suff. meeting, 330;
New Rochelle, A. teaches in, 37, 39;
Van Buren's visit, 41; 42;
New York City, father visits in 1838, 34;
A. attends church in 1839, 40;
Rynder's mob, 63;
A. first speaks in, 83; 86;
Brick Church meet., 87;
women's meet., 89;
Whole World's Temp. Conv., 96;
same, 100;
mob rule, 101;
Wom. Rights Conv., 102;
Anti-Slav. Anniv., 129;
teachers' salaries, 1856, 143;
Wom. Rights Conv. 1856, 147;
of 1857, mob rules, 162;
same in 1859, 174;
Beecher's Wom. Rights lect., 192;
conv. of 1860, 193;
A. with runaway child, 201;
Wom. Rights Conv. of 1861 given up, 213;
again in 1862, 218;
A. in art gallery, 219;
Natl. Loyal League org., 226;
draft riots, 230;
May annivers. after War, 246;
Wom. Rights Conv., 1866, 256, 259;
again, 264;
Equal Rights Assn., 1867, 276; 293, 305, 307, 309;
Press Club dinner, 316;
Woman's Bureau, 320;
lecture bureau, 344;
Fifth Ave. Suff. Conf., 346;
Equal Rights Com. meet., 348;
McFarland-Richardson trial, 352; 356;
20th anniv. wom. suff., 367;
Natl. Conv., 1871, 383;
foundlings, 391;
Mrs. Woodhull and suff. conv., 414;
conv. 1873, 434; 446;
in 1874, 458; 470, 474, 488, 537;
Mrs. Stanton's 70th birthday, 603; 607;
St. conv., 1889, 651; 654;
Mrs. Stanton's home, 712; 739, 753;
campaign for woman suff., 761;
prominent women in, 763;
anti-suff. soc., 766; 768, 801, 802, 815;
Mrs. Stanton's 80th birthday, 845; 895, 896, 968, 1005;
Nunda, 138;
Niagara Falls, husband fails to appreciate, 141; 175, 896;
Olean, 124;
Oneida, 39;
Ontario Beach, 223;
Oswego, A. at St. Teach. Conv., 120;
Palatine Bridge, 10, 35, 47, 49;
Penn Yan, 198;
Peterboro, 113;
Gerrit Smith's church, 179;
Plattsburg, water cure experience, 126;
Port Byron, 198, 210;
Poughkeepsie, 83;
Pillsbury's sp., 152;
A. stirs up Teach. Conv., 176;
Reid's Corners, 24;
Richmond, 753;
Riverhead, women afraid to attend lecture, 127; 753;
Rochester, parents visit on wedding tour in 1817, 10;
father buys farm in 1845, 45;
family removes to, 47; 52;
A.'s farm life, 55;
Spiritualism, 58;
first Wom. Rights Conv. meets, 59;
Fred. Douglass removes to, 59;
temperance and Abolitionism, 60, 62; 64;
first Wom. St. Temp. Conv., 67;
anti-slav. conv., 71; 83;
second St. Temp. Conv., 92;
A.'s first St. Teach. Conv., 98;
Wom. Rights Conv. of 1853, 104;
A.'s first exper. in canvass., 108;
Sunday night lect., 135; 140;
anti-capital punish. meet., mob rules, 164;
Free Church meet., 167;
John Brown meet., 180;
A.'s lect. course, 190;
mob rule in 1861, 208;
Phillips' and Tilton's lectures, 217;
A. attends last Teach. Conv., 221; 249, 264, 293, 365, 370, 380,
387, 412;
women's Repub. meet., 422;
A. votes, 423; 446;
visits inspectors in jail, 452; 471, 472, 488;
30th anniv. Wom. Rights Conv., 495;
death of mother, 512;
A. lect. on Bread and Ballot, 546;
publishing Hist., 601; 615, 651, 658;
St. Suff. Conv., 698;
A. goes to housekeeping, 706;
St. Fair, 711;
Mrs. Stanton's visit, 713:
Thanksgiving, 714;
Mount Hope, 719;
charter meet., 731; 740;
headqrs. suff. campaign 1894, 760;
opening meet., 762;
anti-suff. soc., 766; 791, 800, 802;
defends <DW64>s, 815;
Mrs. Stanton's birthday, 849;
A.'s birthday, 860;
home from Calif., 895; 896, 901;
Douglass' birthday, 904;
A.'s 77th celebr., 905;
Cuban League, 907;
A.'s Biog. begun, 909;
Monday evenings, 913;
Mary Anthony's birthday, 914;
Anthony home, 933;
Rome, mob rule in 1861, 210;
Rondout, 124;
Saratoga Springs, new country, 7;
Van Buren visits, 41;
A. visits in 1840, 43;
Wom. Rights Conv. in 1854, 120;
in 1855, 130, 131;
in 1856, 143; 176;
Wom. Suff. Conv. in 1869, 329;
in 1870, 365; 653, 706;
St. polit. convs., 775, 776;
Sandy Hill, 44;
Schoharie, 124;
Seneca Falls, first Wom. Rights Conv., 59;
A. meets Mrs. Stanton and Lucy Stone, 63, 64; 181;
A. and Mrs. Stanton write speeches, 187; 219;
Sherman, 123;
Sharon, 176;
Sing Sing, 83;
Skaneateles, 354;
Stone Arabia, 4;
Syracuse, 55, 58, 63;
women silenced in temp. conv., 69;
A.'s first Wom. Rights Conv., 72; 79, 83;
A. at St. Teach. Conv., 198;
mob rule in 1861, 211; 293;
St. conv., 729; 762;
May's 100th birthday, 927;
Tarrytown, 39, 41;
Thousand Islands, 926;
Ticonderoga, 4;
Trenton Falls, 176;
Troy, 36, 37, 47, 83;
A. speaks on Coeducation in 1856, 143; 198;
Union Springs, 10;
Union Village, 34;
Utica, 47, 70, 83, 89;
A.'s lect. on Coeducation, 130;
mob rule in 1861, 210; 713, 766;
Warsaw, 138, 711, 739;
Waterloo, 197;
Watertown, 215;
Wendte's Station, 138;
Westchester, 251;
Mrs. Greeley's petition, 279; 330.
OHIO, 345, 364, 433;
Alliance, 927;
Akron, 652;
Ashtabula, 845;
Cincinnati, 130;
A. misses Woman's Rights Conv. of 1855, 134; 293, 331;
Natl. Lib. Conv., 415; 515;
Dem. Natl. Conv., 519; 648, 741;
Cleveland, Wom. Rights Conv. 1853, 103; 147, 293;
Am. Wom. Suff. Assn. formed, 328;
second conv., 349; 623, 679;
W. C. T. U. meet., 800;
Columbus, 380, 643;
Crestline, 380;
Dayton, 331, 380;
Lakeside, 840;
Mentor, 520;
Painesville, 380, 704;
Salem, 380, 722;
Springfield, 380;
Toledo, 315, 316, 740;
25th suff. annivers., 756; 929;
Warren, 651, 704, 820.
OREGON,
votes on woman suff., 592; 738;
Eugene, 403;
Oregon City, 399, 403;
Portland, A.'s first visit, 395, 400;
Woman's Cong., 877;
Roseburg, 403;
Salem, 399;
The Dalles, 399;
A.'s first taste of wine, 400.
PENNSYLVANIA, 345, 369;
Altoona, 408;
Bradford, 720;
Hamilton, A. attends boarding school in, 24, 26, 27;
Kennett Square, 601;
Philadelphia, 24, 26, 34, 88, 119;
Wom. Rights Conv. of 1854, 121;
at Lucretia Mott's, 122;
anti-slav. meet., 234; 251;
A. and Phillips at Anti-Slav. meet. in 1866, 267; 340;
Labor Cong., 367;
Natl. Repub. Conv. 1872, 416;
women's part in Centennial, 474; 512;
mass meet. in 1880, 517;
A.'s homes in, 527;
testimonial to A., 534; 538;
Natl. Suff. Conv., 541;
farewell recep. to A., 546, 547;
sets sail, 550; 603, 622;
conv. Am. Assn., 627; 650;
wedding of niece, 652;
654, 660, 705, 719, 753, 776, 799, 802, 814, 858;
Somerton, 814;
Waynesburg, 516.
_Rhode Island_, 525;
Newport, Wom. Suff. Conv. 1869, 329;
Portsmouth, 3;
Providence, 72, 87;
A. visits, 332, 368; 535, 896;
Valley Falls, 896.
SOUTH CAROLINA, 757;
Aiken, 812;
Columbia, 812.
TENNESSEE, 806, 964;
Memphis, 807;
Nashville, A. visits, Woman's Council, 927.
TEXAS, 59;
Marshall, 598.
UTAH,
bill to disfranch. women, 607;
admis. to Union, 851;
A.'s advice to women, 897;
woman suff. granted, 902;
Ogden, 406;
Salt Lake City, A.'s first visit, 388;
second, 824.
VERMONT, Danby, 19;
A. visits, 43; 46.
VIRGINIA,
father visits in 1844, 44; 177, 370;
Alexandria, 118;
Culpepper, 812;
Harper's Perry, 180, 181;
Lincoln, 814.
WASHINGTON, 608;
Olympia, 399, 400;
Port Gamble, 400;
Port Madison, 400;
Seattle, 399;
Tacoma, 652;
Walla Walla, 399.
WISCONSIN, 469, 493;
suit for wom. suff., 624; 625;
Eau Claire, 612;
Evansville, 612;
Grand Rapids, 612;
Green Bay, 612;
LaCrosse, 612;
Madison, 315;
A.'s sp. in St. House, 612; 929;
Milwaukee, 315, 316, 380, 446, 519, 612;
St. Conv., 655;
Oshkosh, 612;
Racine, 609, 611;
Ripon, 612;
Waukesha, 612.
WYOMING,
A.'s tribute to, 388;
polit. record on woman suff., 407, 411;
Repubs. and woman suff., 411;
slanders on woman suff., 497; 676, 691;
debate on admission, 698;
women delegates to Natl. Repub. Conv., 724; 757;
Cheyenne, 408;
A. visits in 1895, 823;
Granite Canyon, 408;
Laramie City, 387, 407;
Medicine Bow, 407;
Sherman, 407.
VICTORIA, B. C., 402.
CANADA, 216, 703;
Montreal, 653;
Quebec, 4;
Toronto, 658.
CUBA, 858;
A.'s sp. on, 908.
EUROPE,
A. visits in 1883, farewell receptions, gifts, newspaper comment,
departure, 546-550;
letters describing tour, 551-578;
compared to America, 558;
blotting out of women, 562;
interview on arrival home, 581;
Hist. of Wom. Suff. in libraries, 614;
work for Intl. Council of Wom., 633.
ENGLAND,
London, Anthony ancestry, 3;
A. visits, 553, 554, 562;
speaks for Natl. Suff. Soc., 565;
in St. James Hall, 566;
sight-seeing, receptions, etc., 562-568, 575-578; 704;
Basingstoke, 554, 562;
Bayswater, 553;
Bedford Park, 563;
Birmingham, 576;
Cambridge, 3;
Haworth, Bronte Sisters, 576;
Hempstead, 3;
Leamington, 573, 575;
Leeds, 575, 576, 577;
Liverpool, A. arrives, 553;
departs, 579;
Manchester, 576;
Oxford, 575;
Rugby, 575;
Stratford, 575;
Tunbridge Wells, 563;
woman suff. in, 563, 567, 568, 581, 593;
farmers enfranchised, 593;
wage-earners same, results, 996-998.
SCOTLAND,
Ambleside, 571;
Callander, trunk lost, 570;
Edinburgh, 568-571;
Kirkstone Pass, 571;
Patterdale, 571;
Penrith, 571.
IRELAND, 59;
Belfast, 573;
Connemara, 574;
Cork, 572, 573;
Dublin, 575;
Galway, 574;
Killarney, mother and babies, 573;
Macroom, 573;
Youghal, 575.
FRANCE,
greeting to A., 652;
Basle, 555;
Calais, 555;
Paris, 561, 562.
GERMANY,
Cologne, Anthony ancestry, 3;
A. visits, 559;
Alsace and Lorraine, 561;
Berlin, A. visits, 559;
mail declared incendiary, 559;
Heidelberg, 560;
Mayence, 560;
Munich, 559;
Nuremberg, 559;
Potsdam, 560;
Strasburg, 560;
Worms, 559.
HUNGARY, 103.
ITALY,
Capri, 557;
Florence, 558;
Genoa, 556;
Milan, 555, 558;
Naples, 556;
Palermo, 557;
Pompeii, 556;
Rome, A. visits, 555;
Vesuvius, 557;
Vatican, 558;
palace and orphan asylum, 943.
SWITZERLAND, 603;
Zurich, 559.
POLAND, 75, 369.
AUSTRALIA, SOUTH,
woman suff. granted, 853.
NEW ZEALAND,
woman suff. granted, 733.
* * * * *
[Transcriber's Notes:
The transcriber made these changes to the text to correct obvious
errors:
1. p. 844 disfranchished --> disfranchised
2. p. 1034 conferference --> conference
3. p. 1035, men's govt., 393 --> men's govt., 693
4. p. 1043 municiipal --> municipal
5. p. 1133 canvassses --> canvasses
6. p. 1133 conferference --> conference
7. Punctuation has been standardized in the Index
8. Images and autographs located within a paragraph have been
moved to the end of the paragraph, which may be on a different page.
Also, many occurrences of mismatched quotes remain as they were in the
original.
End of Transcriber's Notes]
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Life and Work of Susan B. Anthony
(Volume 2 of 2), by Ida Husted Harper
***
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaBook"
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| 9,528
|
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Coyne: Don't bet on carbon tax deciding the next election
While the issue provokes both strong support and strong opposition among sections of the public, most do not have particularly strong views on it one way or the other
Andrew Coyne
Premier of Ontario Doug Ford speaks during a media event in Saskatoon, Thursday, October 4, 2018. Photo by Liam Richards/The Canadian Press
Are Conservatives right to think the next federal election will be a referendum on carbon pricing? And are they likely to win if it is?
There they all are on that now-notorious Maclean's cover: the premiers of Saskatchewan, Manitoba and Ontario, together with the Conservative leader and presumptive next premier of Alberta and the federal Conservative leader, all butch poses and steely looks, as if to say to any carbon tax that should cross their path: no pasaran!
Coyne: Don't bet on carbon tax deciding the next election Back to video
More than pretty faces, these are men of action. Saskatchewan's Scott Moe and Ontario's Doug Ford are challenging the federal carbon tax in court. Ontario has cancelled the previous Liberal government's nascent system of emissions trading, a form of carbon pricing. Manitoba ditched its own carbon tax, after the prime minister appeared to patronize Brian Pallister at a joint press conference.
But the real test, of course, is yet to come. The provinces cannot stop the tax on their own. The court challenges are likely to fail. Provinces that refuse to implement carbon pricing will simply find the federal "backstop" tax imposed in its place. It is the election that will decide the issue, not duelling governments. Or so Conservatives hope.
But the real test, of course, is yet to come. The provinces cannot stop the tax on their own
Certainly there are abundant grounds to doubt the political wisdom of the Liberal plan. A tax, or anything that resembles it, would be a hard enough sell on its own. But a tax in aid of a vast international plan to save the earth from a scourge that remains imperceptible to most voters, to which Canada has contributed little and against which Canada can have little impact, while countries whose actions would be decisive remain inert? Good luck.
People gather during the Scrap the carbon tax Rally in Calgary on Friday October 5, 2018. Photo by Leah Hennel/Postmedia
What seems clear is that voters' support for carbon pricing is shallow and tentative. The Conservative strategist who chortled to the National Post that the Liberals are asking Canadians "to vote with their hearts, not their wallets" — an impossibility, he meant — was correctly cynical. Just because people want to save the planet doesn't mean they want to pay for it.
The best way to read the public's mood is in the positions of the political parties, who are in their various ways each trying to assure them that it won't cost them a dime. The Liberal version of this is to promise to rebate the extra cost of the federal tax to consumers — indeed, they pledge, 70 per cent of households will make a profit on the exchange.
The best way to read the public's mood is in the positions of the political parties, who are in their various ways each trying to assure them that it won't cost them a dime
The Conservatives have been less forthcoming, but it would appear their plan is to hide the cost, substituting regulations, whose effects are largely invisible to consumers, for the all-too-visible tax at the pump. Here, too, I suspect they may have a better (i.e. more cynical) read on popular opinion. The public often prefer to have the costs of government hidden from them, even if they know they are paying them — even if they know they are paying more this way, as indeed they are in this case. Do what you want to us, they seem to say, just don't rub our faces in it.
So I would be skeptical about polls showing majority support for the federal plan: 54 per cent, according to Angus Reid, while Abacus finds 75 per cent would either support or at least accept it (versus 24 per cent opposed). These were taken shortly after the announcement of the federal rebates. Yet it is far from evident the rebates will still register with people a year from now. Indeed, the Conservatives barely paused to acknowledge them as inadequate before going on to pretend they had never been mentioned.
Premier of Ontario Doug Ford, left, and Premier of Saskatchewan Scott Moe during a media event in Saskatoon, Thursday, October 4, 2018. Photo by Liam Richards/The Canadian Press
At the same time, it is unclear how much the carbon tax will weigh in people's votes. While the issue provokes both strong support and strong opposition among certain sections of the public, most do not have particularly strong views on it one way or the other. Just seven per cent of respondents told Abacus it was their number one issue.
Where, exactly, would the Battle of Carbon Hill be fought? Opposition to the tax is unlikely to deliver many more seats for the Conservatives in Alberta and Saskatchewan: they already have most of them. Neither is support for it likely to win the Liberals many more seats in Quebec, Atlantic Canada or even B.C. — not after their purchase of the Trans Mountain pipeline.
At the same time, it is unclear how much the carbon tax will weigh in people's votes
Where it may prove decisive is in Ontario, and in the commuter belts around the country's major cities. Even leaving aside the rebates, the costs of a carbon tax are not likely to prove onerous to these voters, at least as of 2019: at $20 a tonne, it would add just 4.4 cents to a litre of gas. But the symbolism might, if it can be portrayed as an attack on their kind — much as the ill-fated reforms to the taxation of private corporations was painted as an attack on small businesses. The desire for respect moves many more votes than pocketbook issues ever will.
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Still, one can't be sure. The issues that decide elections are often not the ones that were predicted to in advance. Election after election, people dutifully tell pollsters that health care is their biggest issue. Yet it almost never proves decisive. Why? Partly because people are skeptical that anybody has any magic bullet solution to medicare's woes. And partly because the parties, seeing the issue coming a mile away, do their best to neutralize it: rather than polarize opinion with sharply different approaches, they end up hugging as close to each other as they can, to minimize any risk. You are unlikely to win an election on health care, but you can certainly lose one.
Something like the same may result from the great carbon tax fight. After all the shouting is done, the public may well take away largely the same message from every party: they all promise to do something about climate change, and and they all promise it won't cost anyone a thing.
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|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 586
|
Jezioro Bielkowskie (Bielkowski Zbiornik Wodny) (kaszb. Jezoro Biélkôwsczé) – zbiornik retencyjny w Polsce położony na wschodnim krańcu Pojezierza Kaszubskiego w województwie pomorskim, w powiecie gdańskim, na terenie gminy Kolbudy i w całości na obszarze sołectwa Kolbudy. przy turystycznym szlaku Skarszewskim. Stąd na mapach spotyka się też nazwę Zbiornik Kolbudy II. Wschodnim brzegiem jeziora prowadzi trasa drogi wojewódzkiej nr 221. Zbiornik został utworzony w roku 1925 i obejmuje 2,5 miliona m³ (o długości 1,6 kilometrów, szerokości 0,5 kilometra), znajduje się na wysokości 86 m n.p.m. w pobliżu Kolbud.
Ogólna powierzchnia: 54 ha, maksymalna głębokość: 15,4 m.
Zobacz też
Jezioro Łapino Górne
Jezioro Straszyńskie
Rezerwat przyrody Jar Reknicy
Przypisy
Jeziora na Pojezierzu Kaszubskim
Jeziora w gminie Kolbudy
Sztuczne zbiorniki wodne w województwie pomorskim
Dorzecze Martwej Wisły
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 1,783
|
by StudentPulse | May 1, 2018 | Advocacy, communication, Governance, Representation, Student Voice, students, volunteering
Student representation turns 40
On 2 May 1978 then principal of the Waiariki Community College, Malcolm Murchie recognised the importance of having students actively engaged in decision making and strategy setting. In his words, ""An association of students is a critically important body to represent students". Actions speak loudly and the inclusion of Miss E Roberts onto the Council of the College marked a historical moment: the need for students being partners in education delivery and strategy had been formalised.
From that date forward student representation in Council and across the organisation, in its various forms, has been of significant importance. Waiariki, in short form, transformed itself from a Community College into a Polytechnic, and then an Institute of Technology. This became Toi Ohomai Institute of Technology in 2017.
In keeping with Murchie's instigation, over the last four decades a dedicated student association has represented and supported students through their studies. The first students association was created in 1981, under the legal authority of the institute. In 1987 significant progress was made and the Waiariki Polytechnic Students Association (WPSA) was registered with the Societies Office. The leaders of WPSA made the bold decision to join the national body known as Aotearoa Polytechnic Students Associations (WPSA) in 1990. It was in this same year that the association made its home in the M Block offices on Mokoia Campus, which still house the team today.
1998 was the first year that signaled dramatic changes in the conversation about student associations and representation in New Zealand. The student council put to the vote a motion to make WPSA a membership based association, which was passed. Management of Waiariki understood that a student association could be a powerful group and engaged WPSA in a contract for service model whereby WPSA would tender for delivery of programs on behalf of Waiariki.
Jump forward two years to 2000 and the students voted for WPSA to return to compulsory membership for all students. It was at this same time that WPSA changed its name to Waiariki Institute of Technology Students Association (WITSA). The beginning of the new century was a strong time in the history of WITSA. A number of presidents, beginning with Julie Pettet, created a lasting legacy that would establish WITSA as the representative of students, delivering measurable outcomes and creating impact in the community.
A key strength of any representative body is being able to positively engage with its members. The New Zealand Union of Students Associations (NZUSA), the voice of tertiary students at a national level, was joined in 20017. In addition to being the voice of tertiary students across the country, the union has the ability to influence government policy.
The decision of the National Government in 2010 marked a significant milestone in the history of student representation. Thirty two years after students were granted the opportunity to sit at the decision making table of the Polytechnic Council, the responsibility was removed. Then in 2012 the Government decided that membership of Student Associations across the polytechnic sector would be voluntary. This had – and continues to have – a significant impact upon the association. WITSA was very fortunate to have support from the executive management team of Waiariki who chose to reinstate a contract for service, ensuring the survival of student representation. From 2012 onwards the Presidents, Executive Officers and staff of WITSA have looked for opportunities to grow the services of WITSA. Some Presidents were more successful than others, such as Richard Williams, who formed the first Student Council in 2014, which provided true representation for all students from all campuses.
In the background, during 2012 to 2017, the government was positioning Waiariki Institute of Technology to merge with another tertiary education provider, the Bay of Plenty Polytechnic. The merging of two organisations with very different philosophies and approaches to delivering quality education was a huge undertaking. Throughout this period WITSA made its voice heard under the leadership and guidance of Virgil Iraia. All students were concerned at how they would be affected and the WITSA Executive did their very best to ensure a smooth transition occurred.
At this time that the WITSA Executive made the decision to transition from WITSA to a new brand that incorporated the merger. A significant amount of planning and strategizing took place, which culminated in the birth of Student Pulse Te Runanaga Tauira Incorporated. Student Pulse Te Runanga Tauira is a student association whose purpose is to serve and support the students of Toi Ohomai Institute of Technology. With six major delivery sites, Toi Ohomai is much larger than either Waiariki or Bay of Plenty polytechs were on their own, creating pressure on resources and increasing the need to be both innovative and smart about how Student Pulse delivers its services. We are committed to providing support to students and representation of students at all levels of management and governance.
Jerusha Eden was the first student elected as Vice President for the Tauranga region in 2017. Being a student of marine studies Jerusha has a strong passion for environmental and social causes.
"Student Pulse is a necessary system to have on campus at all Toi Ohomai campuses to ensure students are heard and feel comfortable in their learning space. As a student I feel having student representatives is a vital way to understand what students really want and what they're expecting out of the institution, their tutors and their course. I feel having students, rather than staff, makes it easier for students talk openly about issues they are facing – issues that they may not feel comfortable talking to a staff member about or an issue that they feel a staff member can not relate to". .
Forty years on from its initial inception, the need for student representation is just as important as it has ever been. The challenges students face in the classroom and in life are almost entirely the same. Balancing the need for income with time constraints, striving to achieve aspirational outcomes. Stephanie Thomson, office manager for the association for many years, provided many hours of service for to support students.
"Student representation and advocacy is at the core of Student Pulse – it is what the organisation is here to do; it's what students for more than thirty years have decided is its core business – to independently support the students at Toi Ohomai. Like government, Student Pulse operates through a representative system with office holders elected from the student body. Students and trained to listen and inform other students of what help is available", Stephanie stated.
The Executive Office Holders of Student Pulse acknowledge the impact through service of past Presidents, Executive Office Holders, employees and the thousands of student volunteers. The hours of work contributed by so many have made positive impacts that are immeasurable.
Dr Margriet Theron, the President of the Rotorua Multicultural Council, is an appointed member of the Executive Committee of Student Pulse. She has been aware of the importance of student representation in the governance and management of Waiariki Institute of Technology and now Toi Ohomai Institute of Technology since 1978 – the year she arrived in New Zealand and joined Waiariki Institute of Technology both as a teacher of Economics and a student of Commercial Law. Since then she has been the Dean of the Faculty of Forestry and Technology, a Patron of WITSA, and a mentor for Marlise de Vries, Past-President of WITSA.
Dr Theron commented, "In all these roles I have appreciated the importance of student representation in programme development and quality management, and in addressing the complaints that students might have. Congratulations on this 40th anniversary of student representation, and may we once again see students represented in the governance of Toi Ohomai Institute of Technology."
Emire Khan-Malak is the elected President of Student Pulse for 2018. Emire said, "the forty year anniversary of student representation is a great milestone and shows how important the student association is for all our students both domestic and international". Emire is the first Muslim to be elected into the Presidents position and she is very proud to hold the role of President.
"We are all one and together we achieve goals for the benefit of all our students", she went on to say. Emire shared her philosophy of Me Aroha Ki Tangata Ki Tangata which means Show Love to Everyone. This philosophy is lived out through "Ka Puawai Nga Tangata Katoa" when translated means "Together we achieve".
The future is uncertain for Student Pulse as it is for the entire tertiary education sector in New Zealand. The review of the education sector initiated by the Government could see dramatic changes occur that may have a direct effect upon student representation in the Bay of Plenty. The review occurs at the same time as a seat for student representation has been returned to the Council. We continue to operate with a contract for service, which is not unusual for a non-government organisation. It is an arrangement that provides both challenges and opportunities.
Reviewing the last 40 years shows a contiuum of change for students and representation. We know that continuum will continue into the future and it is vital that the association creates strategies for success, implements operational successes, and draws upon the knowledge and resources of its alumni to ensure another 40 years of existence can be celebrated.
https://studentpulse.nz/files/uploads/2018/05/video-1525219879.mp4
|
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{"url":"https:\/\/dml.cz\/handle\/10338.dmlcz\/119751","text":"# Article\n\nFull entry | PDF \u00a0 (0.7 MB)\nKeywords:\ngraph colorings; graph homomorphisms; colored mixed graphs\nSummary:\nA colored mixed graph has vertices linked by both colored arcs and colored edges. The chromatic number of such a graph $G$ is defined as the smallest order of a colored mixed graph $H$ such that there exists a (color preserving) homomorphism from $G$ to $H$. These notions were introduced by Ne\\v{s}et\\v{r}il and Raspaud in {\\it Colored homomorphisms of colored mixed graphs\\\/}, J. Combin. Theory Ser. B {\\bf 80} (2000), no. 1, 147--155, where the exact chromatic number of colored mixed trees was given. We prove here that this chromatic number is reached by the much simpler family of colored mixed paths. By means of this result we give lower bounds for the chromatic number of colored mixed partial $k$-trees, outerplanar and planar graphs.\nReferences:\n[1] Alon M., Marshall T.H.: Homomorphisms of edge-colored graphs and Coxeter groups. J. Algebraic Combin. 8 (1998), 5-13. DOI\u00a010.1023\/A:1008647514949 | MR\u00a01635549 | Zbl\u00a00911.05034\n[2] Borodin O.V.: On acyclic colorings of planar graphs. Discrete Math. 25 (1979), 211-236. DOI\u00a010.1016\/0012-365X(79)90077-3 | MR\u00a00534939 | Zbl\u00a00406.05031\n[3] Borodin O.V., Kostochka A.V., Ne\u0161et\u0159il J., Raspaud A., Sopena E.: On the maximum average degree and the oriented chromatic number of a graph. Discrete Math. 206 (1999), 1-3 77-89. DOI\u00a010.1016\/S0012-365X(98)00393-8 | MR\u00a01665387\n[4] Ne\u0161et\u0159il J., Raspaud A.: Colored homomorphisms of colored mixed graphs. J. Combin. Theory Ser. B 80 (2000), 1 147-155. DOI\u00a010.1006\/jctb.2000.1977 | MR\u00a01778206\n[5] Ochem P.: Negative results on acyclic improper colorings. EuroComb 2005. Berlin, September 5-9, 2005. DMTCS Conference Volume AE (2005), pp.357-362.\n[6] Sopena E.: The chromatic number of oriented graphs. J. Graph Theory 25 (1997), 3 191-205. DOI\u00a010.1002\/(SICI)1097-0118(199707)25:3<191::AID-JGT3>3.0.CO;2-G | MR\u00a01451297 | Zbl\u00a00874.05026\n[7] Sopena E.: Oriented graph coloring. Discrete Math. 229 (2001), 359-369. DOI\u00a010.1016\/S0012-365X(00)00216-8 | MR\u00a01815613 | Zbl\u00a00971.05039\n\nPartner of","date":"2017-12-18 09:17:39","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.9674496054649353, \"perplexity\": 2243.3924838557477}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.3, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2017-51\/segments\/1512948612570.86\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20171218083356-20171218105356-00078.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
package com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.functions;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.Collections;
import java.util.HashSet;
import java.util.Iterator;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Map;
import java.util.Set;
import java.util.concurrent.atomic.AtomicInteger;
import org.apache.logging.log4j.Logger;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.Cache;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.CacheClosedException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.CacheFactory;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.DataPolicy;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.Region;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.execute.FunctionAdapter;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.execute.FunctionContext;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.partition.PartitionRegionHelper;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.FunctionDomainException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.NameResolutionException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.Query;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.QueryInvalidException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.QueryInvocationTargetException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.QueryService;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.SelectResults;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.Struct;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.TypeMismatchException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.CompiledValue;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.DefaultQuery;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.IndexTrackingQueryObserver;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.QCompiler;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.QueryObserver;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.QueryObserverHolder;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.StructImpl;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.cache.query.internal.Undefined;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.distributed.DistributedMember;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.internal.ClassPathLoader;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.internal.InternalEntity;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.internal.NanoTimer;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.internal.cache.PartitionedRegion;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.internal.logging.LogService;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.cli.Result;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.CliUtil;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.commands.DataCommands;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.domain.DataCommandRequest;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.domain.DataCommandResult;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.domain.DataCommandResult.SelectResultRow;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.i18n.CliStrings;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.json.GfJsonException;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.json.GfJsonObject;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.multistep.CLIMultiStepHelper;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.remote.CommandExecutionContext;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.result.CommandResult;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.result.CompositeResultData;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.result.CompositeResultData.SectionResultData;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.result.ResultBuilder;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.shell.Gfsh;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.management.internal.cli.util.JsonUtil;
import com.gemstone.gemfire.pdx.PdxInstance;
import org.json.JSONArray;
/***
*
* @author tushark
* since 7.0
*/
public class DataCommandFunction extends FunctionAdapter implements InternalEntity {
private static final Logger logger = LogService.getLogger();
private static final long serialVersionUID = 1L;
private boolean optimizeForWrite = false;
protected static final String SELECT_STEP_DISPLAY = "SELECT_DISPLAY";
protected static final String SELECT_STEP_MOVE = "SELECT_PAGE_MOVE";
protected static final String SELECT_STEP_END = "SELECT_END";
protected static final String SELECT_STEP_EXEC = "SELECT_EXEC";
private static final int NESTED_JSON_LENGTH = 20;
@Override
public String getId() {
return DataCommandFunction.class.getName();
}
@Override
public boolean hasResult() {
return true;
}
@Override
public boolean isHA() {
return false;
}
@Override
/**
* Read only function
*/
public boolean optimizeForWrite() {
return optimizeForWrite;
}
public void setOptimizeForWrite(boolean optimizeForWrite) {
this.optimizeForWrite = optimizeForWrite;
}
@Override
public void execute(FunctionContext functionContext) {
try {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
DataCommandRequest request =(DataCommandRequest) functionContext.getArguments();
if(logger.isDebugEnabled()){
logger.debug("Executing function : \n{}\n on member {}", request, System.getProperty("memberName"));
}
DataCommandResult result = null;
if(request.isGet())
result = get(request);
else if(request.isLocateEntry())
result = locateEntry(request);
else if(request.isPut())
result = put(request);
else if(request.isRemove())
result = remove(request);
else if(request.isSelect())
result = select(request);
if (logger.isDebugEnabled()) {
logger.debug("Result is {}", result);
}
functionContext.getResultSender().lastResult(result);
} catch (CacheClosedException e) {
e.printStackTrace();
functionContext.getResultSender().sendException(e);
} catch (Exception e) {
e.printStackTrace();
functionContext.getResultSender().sendException(e);
}
}
public DataCommandResult remove(DataCommandRequest request) {
String key = request.getKey();
String keyClass = request.getKeyClass();
String regionName = request.getRegionName();
String removeAllKeys = request.getRemoveAllKeys();
return remove(key,keyClass,regionName,removeAllKeys);
}
public DataCommandResult get(DataCommandRequest request) {
String key = request.getKey();
String keyClass = request.getKeyClass();
String valueClass = request.getValueClass();
String regionName = request.getRegionName();
Boolean loadOnCacheMiss = request.isLoadOnCacheMiss();
return get(key, keyClass, valueClass, regionName, loadOnCacheMiss);
}
public DataCommandResult locateEntry(DataCommandRequest request) {
String key = request.getKey();
String keyClass = request.getKeyClass();
String valueClass = request.getValueClass();
String regionName = request.getRegionName();
boolean recursive = request.isRecursive();
return locateEntry(key,keyClass,valueClass,regionName,recursive);
}
public DataCommandResult put(DataCommandRequest request) {
String key = request.getKey();
String value = request.getValue();
boolean putIfAbsent = request.isPutIfAbsent();
String keyClass = request.getKeyClass();
String valueClass = request.getValueClass();
String regionName = request.getRegionName();
return put(key,value,putIfAbsent,keyClass,valueClass,regionName);
}
public DataCommandResult select(DataCommandRequest request) {
String query = request.getQuery();
return select(query);
}
/**
* To catch trace output
*/
public static class WrappedIndexTrackingQueryObserver extends IndexTrackingQueryObserver{
@Override
public void reset() {
//NOOP
}
public void reset2() {
super.reset();
}
}
@SuppressWarnings("rawtypes")
private DataCommandResult select(String queryString) {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
AtomicInteger nestedObjectCount = new AtomicInteger(0);
if (queryString != null && !queryString.isEmpty()) {
QueryService qs = cache.getQueryService();
// TODO : Find out if is this optimised use. Can you have something equivalent of parsed queries with names
// where name can be retrieved to avoid parsing every-time
Query query = qs.newQuery(queryString);
DefaultQuery tracedQuery = (DefaultQuery)query;
WrappedIndexTrackingQueryObserver queryObserver=null;
String queryVerboseMsg = null;
long startTime=-1;
if(tracedQuery.isTraced()){
startTime = NanoTimer.getTime();
queryObserver = new WrappedIndexTrackingQueryObserver();
QueryObserverHolder.setInstance(queryObserver);
}
List<SelectResultRow> list = new ArrayList<SelectResultRow>();
try {
Object results = query.execute();
if(tracedQuery.isTraced()){
queryVerboseMsg = getLogMessage(queryObserver, startTime,queryString);
queryObserver.reset2();
}
if (results instanceof SelectResults) {
SelectResults selectResults = (SelectResults) results;
for (Iterator iter = selectResults.iterator(); iter.hasNext();) {
Object object = iter.next();
if (object instanceof Struct) {
StructImpl impl = (StructImpl) object;
GfJsonObject jsonStruct = getJSONForStruct(impl, nestedObjectCount);
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("SelectResults : Adding select json string : {}", jsonStruct);
list.add(new SelectResultRow(DataCommandResult.ROW_TYPE_STRUCT_RESULT, jsonStruct.toString()));
} else {
if (JsonUtil.isPrimitiveOrWrapper(object.getClass())) {
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("SelectResults : Adding select primitive : {}", object);
list.add(new SelectResultRow(DataCommandResult.ROW_TYPE_PRIMITIVE, object));
} else {
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("SelectResults : Bean Results class is {}", object.getClass());
String str = toJson(object);
GfJsonObject jsonBean;
try {
jsonBean = new GfJsonObject(str);
} catch (GfJsonException e) {
logger.fatal(e.getMessage(), e);
jsonBean = new GfJsonObject();
try {
jsonBean.put("msg", e.getMessage());
} catch (GfJsonException e1) {
}
}
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("SelectResults : Adding bean json string : {}", jsonBean);
list.add(new SelectResultRow(DataCommandResult.ROW_TYPE_BEAN, jsonBean.toString()));
}
}
}
} else {
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("BeanResults : Bean Results class is {}", results.getClass());
String str = toJson(results);
GfJsonObject jsonBean;
try {
jsonBean = new GfJsonObject(str);
} catch (GfJsonException e) {
e.printStackTrace();
jsonBean = new GfJsonObject();
try {
jsonBean.put("msg", e.getMessage());
} catch (GfJsonException e1) {
}
}
if(logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("BeanResults : Adding bean json string : {}", jsonBean);
list.add(new SelectResultRow(DataCommandResult.ROW_TYPE_BEAN, jsonBean.toString()));
}
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, list, queryVerboseMsg, null, null, true);
} catch (FunctionDomainException e) {
logger.warn(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, null, queryVerboseMsg, e, e.getMessage(), false);
} catch (TypeMismatchException e) {
logger.warn(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, null, queryVerboseMsg, e, e.getMessage(), false);
} catch (NameResolutionException e) {
logger.warn(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, null, queryVerboseMsg, e, e.getMessage(), false);
} catch (QueryInvocationTargetException e) {
logger.warn(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, null, queryVerboseMsg, e, e.getMessage(), false);
} catch (GfJsonException e) {
logger.warn(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createSelectResult(queryString, null, queryVerboseMsg, e, e.getMessage(), false);
}finally{
if(queryObserver!=null){
QueryObserverHolder.reset();
}
}
} else {
return DataCommandResult
.createSelectInfoResult(null, null, -1, null, CliStrings.QUERY__MSG__QUERY_EMPTY, false);
}
}
private String toJson(Object object){
if(object instanceof Undefined){
return "{\"Value\":\"UNDEFINED\"}";
}else if (object instanceof PdxInstance)
return pdxToJson((PdxInstance)object);
else
return JsonUtil.objectToJsonNestedChkCDep(object, NESTED_JSON_LENGTH);
}
private GfJsonObject getJSONForStruct(StructImpl impl, AtomicInteger ai) throws GfJsonException {
String fields[] = impl.getFieldNames();
Object[] values = impl.getFieldValues();
GfJsonObject jsonObject = new GfJsonObject();
for(int i=0;i<fields.length;i++){
Object value = values[i];
if(value!=null){
if (JsonUtil.isPrimitiveOrWrapper(value.getClass())) {
jsonObject.put(fields[i], value);
} else {
//jsonObject.put(fields[i], value.getClass().getCanonicalName());
jsonObject.put(fields[i],toJson(value));
}
}else{
jsonObject.put(fields[i], "null");
}
}
return jsonObject;
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes" })
public DataCommandResult remove(String key, String keyClass, String regionName, String removeAllKeys) {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
if(regionName==null || regionName.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__REGIONNAME_EMPTY, false);
}
boolean allKeysFlag = (removeAllKeys==null || removeAllKeys.isEmpty());
if(allKeysFlag && (key==null || key.isEmpty())){
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__KEY_EMPTY,false);
}
Region region = cache.getRegion(regionName);
if(region==null){
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveInfoResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.format(CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__REGION_NOT_FOUND,regionName), false);
}else{
if(removeAllKeys==null){
Object keyObject = null;
try{
keyObject = getClassObject(key,keyClass);
}catch(ClassNotFoundException e){
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key, null, null, "ClassNotFoundException " + keyClass, false);
}catch(IllegalArgumentException e){
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key, null, null, "Error in converting JSON " + e.getMessage(), false);
}
if(region.containsKey(keyObject)){
Object value= region.remove(keyObject);
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Removed key {} successfully", key);
//return DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key, value, null, null);
Object array[] = getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(value);
DataCommandResult result = DataCommandResult.createRemoveResult(key,array[1] , null, null,true);
if(array[0]!=null)
result.setValueClass((String)array[0]);
return result;
}else{
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveInfoResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__KEY_NOT_FOUND_REGION,false);
}
} else {
DataPolicy policy = region.getAttributes().getDataPolicy();
if (!policy.withPartitioning()) {
region.clear();
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Cleared all keys in the region - {}", regionName);
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveInfoResult(key, null, null,
CliStrings.format(CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__CLEARED_ALL_CLEARS, regionName), true);
} else {
return DataCommandResult.createRemoveInfoResult(key, null, null,
CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__CLEAREALL_NOT_SUPPORTED_FOR_PARTITIONREGION, false);
}
}
}
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes" })
public DataCommandResult get(String key, String keyClass, String valueClass, String regionName, Boolean loadOnCacheMiss) {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
if(regionName==null || regionName.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.GET__MSG__REGIONNAME_EMPTY, false);
}
if(key==null || key.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.GET__MSG__KEY_EMPTY, false);
}
Region region = cache.getRegion(regionName);
if(region==null){
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Region Not Found - {}", regionName);
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.format(CliStrings.GET__MSG__REGION_NOT_FOUND,regionName), false);
}else{
Object keyObject = null;
try{
keyObject = getClassObject(key,keyClass);
}catch(ClassNotFoundException e){
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, null, null, "ClassNotFoundException " + keyClass, false);
}catch(IllegalArgumentException e){
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, null, null, "Error in converting JSON " + e.getMessage(), false);
}
// TODO determine whether the following conditional logic (assigned to 'doGet') is safer or necessary
//boolean doGet = (Boolean.TRUE.equals(loadOnCacheMiss) && region.getAttributes().getCacheLoader() != null);
boolean doGet = Boolean.TRUE.equals(loadOnCacheMiss);
if (doGet || region.containsKey(keyObject)) {
Object value= region.get(keyObject);
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Get for key {} value {}", key, value);
//return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, value, null, null);
Object array[] = getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(value);
if(value!=null){
DataCommandResult result = DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, array[1], null, null, true);
if(array[0]!=null)
result.setValueClass((String)array[0]);
return result;
}
else{
return DataCommandResult.createGetResult(key, array[1], null, null, false);
}
}else{
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Key is not present in the region {}", regionName);
return DataCommandResult.createGetInfoResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.GET__MSG__KEY_NOT_FOUND_REGION, false);
}
}
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "unchecked", "rawtypes" })
public DataCommandResult locateEntry(String key, String keyClass, String valueClass, String regionPath, boolean recursive) {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
if(regionPath==null || regionPath.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null,null, CliStrings.LOCATE_ENTRY__MSG__REGIONNAME_EMPTY, false);
}
if(key==null || key.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.LOCATE_ENTRY__MSG__KEY_EMPTY, false);
}
List<Region> listofRegionStartingwithRegionPath = new ArrayList<Region>();
if(recursive){
// Recursively find the keys starting from the specified region path.
List<String> regionPaths = getAllRegionPaths(cache, true);
for (int i = 0; i < regionPaths.size(); i++) {
String path = regionPaths.get(i);
if (path.startsWith(regionPath) || path.startsWith(Region.SEPARATOR + regionPath)) {
Region targetRegion = cache.getRegion(path);
listofRegionStartingwithRegionPath.add(targetRegion);
}
}
if(listofRegionStartingwithRegionPath.size()==0){
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Region Not Found - {}", regionPath);
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.format(CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__REGION_NOT_FOUND, regionPath) , false);
}
}else{
Region region = cache.getRegion(regionPath);
if(region==null){
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Region Not Found - {}", regionPath);
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.format(CliStrings.REMOVE__MSG__REGION_NOT_FOUND, regionPath) , false);
}
else
listofRegionStartingwithRegionPath.add(region);
}
Object keyObject = null;
try{
keyObject = getClassObject(key,keyClass);
}catch(ClassNotFoundException e){
logger.fatal(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null,null, "ClassNotFoundException " + keyClass, false);
}catch(IllegalArgumentException e){
logger.fatal(e.getMessage(), e);
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key, null, null, "Error in converting JSON " + e.getMessage(), false);
}
Object value = null;
DataCommandResult.KeyInfo keyInfo= null;
keyInfo = new DataCommandResult.KeyInfo();
DistributedMember member = cache.getDistributedSystem().getDistributedMember();
keyInfo.setHost(member.getHost());
keyInfo.setMemberId(member.getId());
keyInfo.setMemberName(member.getName());
for(Region region : listofRegionStartingwithRegionPath){
if (region instanceof PartitionedRegion) {
//Following code is adaptation of which.java of old Gfsh
PartitionedRegion pr = (PartitionedRegion)region;
Region localRegion = PartitionRegionHelper.getLocalData((PartitionedRegion)region);
value = localRegion.get(key);
if(value!=null){
DistributedMember primaryMember = PartitionRegionHelper.getPrimaryMemberForKey(region, key);
int bucketId = pr.getKeyInfo(key).getBucketId();
boolean isPrimary = member == primaryMember;
keyInfo.addLocation(new Object[]{region.getFullPath(),true,getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(value)[1],isPrimary,""+bucketId});
}else{
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Key is not present in the region {}", regionPath);
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryInfoResult(key, null,null, CliStrings.LOCATE_ENTRY__MSG__KEY_NOT_FOUND_REGION, false);
}
}else{
if(region.containsKey(keyObject)){
value= region.get(keyObject);
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Get for key {} value {} in region {}", key, value, region.getFullPath());
if(value!=null)
keyInfo.addLocation(new Object[]{region.getFullPath(),true,getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(value)[1], false,null});
else
keyInfo.addLocation(new Object[]{region.getFullPath(),false,null, false,null});
}else{
if (logger.isDebugEnabled())
logger.debug("Key is not present in the region {}", regionPath);
keyInfo.addLocation(new Object[]{region.getFullPath(), false,null, false,null});
}
}
}
if(keyInfo.hasLocation()){
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryResult(key,keyInfo, null, null, true);
}else{
return DataCommandResult.createLocateEntryInfoResult(key, null,null, CliStrings.LOCATE_ENTRY__MSG__KEY_NOT_FOUND_REGION, false);
}
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes" })
public DataCommandResult put(String key, String value, boolean putIfAbsent, String keyClass, String valueClass,
String regionName) {
if(regionName==null || regionName.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.PUT__MSG__REGIONNAME_EMPTY, false);
}
if(key==null || key.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.PUT__MSG__KEY_EMPTY, false);
}
if(value==null || value.isEmpty()){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.PUT__MSG__VALUE_EMPTY, false);
}
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
Region region = cache.getRegion(regionName);
if(region==null){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, CliStrings.format(CliStrings.PUT__MSG__REGION_NOT_FOUND, regionName) , false);
}
else{
Object keyObject = null;
Object valueObject = null;
try{
keyObject = getClassObject(key,keyClass);
}catch(ClassNotFoundException e){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, "ClassNotFoundException " + keyClass, false);
}catch(IllegalArgumentException e){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, "Error in converting JSON " + e.getMessage(), false);
}
try{
valueObject = getClassObject(value,valueClass);
}catch(ClassNotFoundException e){
return DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, null, null, "ClassNotFoundException " + valueClass, false);
}
Object returnValue = region.put(keyObject,valueObject);
Object array[] = getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(returnValue);
DataCommandResult result = DataCommandResult.createPutResult(key, array[1], null, null, true);
if(array[0]!=null)
result.setValueClass((String)array[0]);
return result;
}
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes", "unchecked" })
private Object getClassObject(String string, String klassString) throws ClassNotFoundException, IllegalArgumentException{
if(klassString==null || klassString.isEmpty())
return string;
else {
Object o = null;
Class klass = ClassPathLoader.getLatest().forName(klassString);
if(klass.equals(String.class))
return string;
if(JsonUtil.isPrimitiveOrWrapper(klass)){
try{
if(klass.equals(Byte.class)){
o = Byte.parseByte(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Short.class)){
o = Short.parseShort(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Integer.class)){
o = Integer.parseInt(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Long.class)){
o = Long.parseLong(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Double.class)){
o = Double.parseDouble(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Boolean.class)){
o = Boolean.parseBoolean(string);return o;
}else if(klass.equals(Float.class)){
o = Float.parseFloat(string);return o;
}
return o;
}catch(NumberFormatException e){
throw new IllegalArgumentException("Failed to convert input key to " + klassString + " Msg : " + e.getMessage());
}
}
try{
o = getObjectFromJson(string, klass);
return o;
}catch(IllegalArgumentException e){
throw e;
}
}
}
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes"})
public static Object[] getJSONForNonPrimitiveObject(Object obj){
Object[] array = new Object[2];
if(obj==null){
array[0] = null;array[1] ="<NULL>";
return array;
}
else{
array[0] = obj.getClass().getCanonicalName();
Class klass = obj.getClass();
if(JsonUtil.isPrimitiveOrWrapper(klass))
array[1] = obj;
else if (obj instanceof PdxInstance){
String str = pdxToJson((PdxInstance)obj);
array[1] = str;
}else{
GfJsonObject object = new GfJsonObject(obj,true);
Iterator keysIterator = object.keys();
while(keysIterator.hasNext()){
String key = (String) keysIterator.next();
Object value = object.get(key);
if(GfJsonObject.isJSONKind(value)) {
GfJsonObject jsonVal = new GfJsonObject(value);
//System.out.println("Re-wrote inner object");
try {
if (jsonVal.has("type-class")) {
object.put(key, jsonVal.get("type-class"));
} else {
// Its Map Value
object.put(key, "a Map");
}
} catch (GfJsonException e) {
throw new RuntimeException(e);
}
} else if(value instanceof JSONArray) {
//Its a collection either a set or list
try {
object.put(key, "a Collection");
} catch (GfJsonException e) {
throw new RuntimeException(e);
}
}
}
String str =object.toString();
array[1] = str;
}
return array;
}
}
private static String pdxToJson(PdxInstance obj) {
if(obj!=null){
try{
GfJsonObject json = new GfJsonObject();
for(String field : obj.getFieldNames()){
Object fieldValue = obj.getField(field);
if(fieldValue!=null){
if(JsonUtil.isPrimitiveOrWrapper(fieldValue.getClass())){
json.put(field, fieldValue);
}else{
json.put(field, fieldValue.getClass());
}
}
}
return json.toString();
}catch(GfJsonException e){
return null;
}
}
return null;
}
public static <V> V getObjectFromJson(String json, Class<V> klass){
String newString = json.replaceAll("'", "\"");
if(newString.charAt(0)=='('){
int len = newString.length();
StringBuilder sb = new StringBuilder();
sb.append("{").append(newString.substring(1, len-1)).append("}");
newString= sb.toString();
}
V v = JsonUtil.jsonToObject(newString,klass);
return v;
}
//Copied from RegionUtil of old Gfsh
/**
* Returns a sorted list of all region full paths found in the specified
* cache.
* @param cache The cache to search.
* @param recursive recursive search for sub-regions
* @return Returns a sorted list of all region paths defined in the
* distributed system.
*/
@SuppressWarnings({ "rawtypes", "unchecked" })
public static List getAllRegionPaths(Cache cache, boolean recursive)
{
ArrayList list = new ArrayList();
if (cache == null) {
return list;
}
// get a list of all root regions
Set regions = cache.rootRegions();
Iterator itor = regions.iterator();
while (itor.hasNext()) {
String regionPath = ((Region)itor.next()).getFullPath();
Region region = cache.getRegion(regionPath);
list.add(regionPath);
Set subregionSet = region.subregions(true);
if (recursive) {
for (Iterator subIter = subregionSet.iterator(); subIter.hasNext(); ){
list.add(((Region)subIter.next()).getFullPath());
}
}
}
Collections.sort(list);
return list;
}
private static DataCommandResult cachedResult = null;
public static class SelectDisplayStep extends CLIMultiStepHelper.LocalStep{
public SelectDisplayStep(Object[] arguments) {
super(SELECT_STEP_DISPLAY, arguments);
}
@Override
public Result exec() {
boolean interactive = (Boolean)commandArguments[2];
GfJsonObject args = CLIMultiStepHelper.getStepArgs();
int startCount = args.getInt( DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_START);
int endCount = args.getInt( DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_END);
int rows = args.getInt(DataCommandResult.NUM_ROWS); //returns Zero if no rows added so it works.
boolean flag = args.getBoolean(DataCommandResult.RESULT_FLAG);
CommandResult commandResult = CLIMultiStepHelper.getDisplayResultFromArgs(args);
Gfsh.println();
while (commandResult.hasNextLine()) {
Gfsh.println(commandResult.nextLine());
}
if (flag) {
boolean paginationNeeded = (startCount < rows) && (endCount < rows) && interactive && flag;
if (paginationNeeded) {
while (true) {
String message = ("Press n to move to next page, q to quit and p to previous page : ");
try {
String step = Gfsh.getCurrentInstance().interact(message);
if ("n".equals(step)) {
int nextStart = startCount + getPageSize();
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createBannerResult(new String[] { DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_START,
DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_END, }, new Object[] {
nextStart, (nextStart + getPageSize()) }, SELECT_STEP_MOVE);
} else if ("p".equals(step)) {
int nextStart = startCount - getPageSize();
if (nextStart < 0)
nextStart = 0;
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createBannerResult(new String[] { DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_START,
DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_END}, new Object[] {
nextStart, (nextStart + getPageSize())}, SELECT_STEP_MOVE);
} else if ("q".equals(step))
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createBannerResult(new String[] { },
new Object[] { }, SELECT_STEP_END);
else
Gfsh.println("Unknown option ");
} catch (IOException e) {
throw new RuntimeException(e);
}
}
}
}
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createBannerResult(new String[] {},
new Object[] {}, SELECT_STEP_END);
}
}
public static class SelectMoveStep extends CLIMultiStepHelper.RemoteStep {
private static final long serialVersionUID = 1L;
public SelectMoveStep(Object[] arguments) {
super(SELECT_STEP_MOVE, arguments);
}
@Override
public Result exec() {
GfJsonObject args = CLIMultiStepHelper.getStepArgs();
int startCount = args.getInt(DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_START);
int endCount = args.getInt(DataCommandResult.QUERY_PAGE_END);
return cachedResult.pageResult(startCount, endCount, SELECT_STEP_DISPLAY);
}
};
public static class SelectExecStep extends CLIMultiStepHelper.RemoteStep {
private static final long serialVersionUID = 1L;
public SelectExecStep(Object[] arguments) {
super(SELECT_STEP_EXEC, arguments);
}
@Override
public Result exec() {
String remainingQuery = (String)commandArguments[0];
boolean interactive = (Boolean)commandArguments[2];
DataCommandResult result = _select(remainingQuery);
int endCount = 0;
cachedResult = result;
if(interactive){
endCount = getPageSize();
}else{
if(result.getSelectResult()!=null)
endCount = result.getSelectResult().size();
}
if (interactive)
return result.pageResult(0, endCount, SELECT_STEP_DISPLAY);
else
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createBannerResult(new String[] {},
new Object[] {}, SELECT_STEP_END);
}
/*private int getLimit(CompiledValue compiledQuery) {
return compiledQuery instanceof CompiledSelect ? ((CompiledSelect)compiledQuery).getLimitValue(): -1;
}*/
public DataCommandResult _select(String query) {
Cache cache = CacheFactory.getAnyInstance();
DataCommandResult dataResult = null;
if (query == null || query.isEmpty()) {
dataResult = DataCommandResult.createSelectInfoResult(null, null, -1, null,
CliStrings.QUERY__MSG__QUERY_EMPTY, false);
return dataResult;
}
//String query = querySB.toString().trim();
Object array[] = DataCommands.replaceGfshEnvVar(query, CommandExecutionContext.getShellEnv());
query = (String) array[1];
query = addLimit(query);
@SuppressWarnings("deprecation")
QCompiler compiler = new QCompiler();
Set<String> regionsInQuery = null;
try {
CompiledValue compiledQuery = compiler.compileQuery(query);
Set<String> regions = new HashSet<String>();
compiledQuery.getRegionsInQuery(regions, null);
regionsInQuery = Collections.unmodifiableSet(regions);
if (regionsInQuery.size() > 0) {
Set<DistributedMember> members = DataCommands.getQueryRegionsAssociatedMembers(regionsInQuery, cache, false);
if (members != null && members.size() > 0) {
DataCommandFunction function = new DataCommandFunction();
DataCommandRequest request = new DataCommandRequest();
request.setCommand(CliStrings.QUERY);
request.setQuery(query);
dataResult = DataCommands.callFunctionForRegion(request, function, members);
dataResult.setInputQuery(query);
return (dataResult);
} else {
return (dataResult = DataCommandResult.createSelectInfoResult(null, null, -1, null,
CliStrings.format(CliStrings.QUERY__MSG__REGIONS_NOT_FOUND, regionsInQuery.toString()), false));
}
} else {
return (dataResult = DataCommandResult.createSelectInfoResult(null, null, -1, null,
CliStrings.format(CliStrings.QUERY__MSG__INVALID_QUERY, "Region mentioned in query probably missing /"),
false));
}
} catch (QueryInvalidException qe) {
logger.error("{} Failed Error {}", query, qe.getMessage(), qe);
return (dataResult = DataCommandResult.createSelectInfoResult(null, null, -1, null,
CliStrings.format(CliStrings.QUERY__MSG__INVALID_QUERY, qe.getMessage()), false));
}
}
private String addLimit(String query) {
boolean containsLimitOrAggregate = query.contains(" limit")
|| query.contains(" LIMIT") || query.contains("count(*)");
if(!containsLimitOrAggregate){
String limitQuery = query + " limit " + getFetchSize();
return limitQuery;
}
else return query;
}
};
public static class SelectQuitStep extends CLIMultiStepHelper.RemoteStep{
public SelectQuitStep(Object[] arguments) {
super(SELECT_STEP_END, arguments);
}
private static final long serialVersionUID = 1L;
@Override
public Result exec() {
boolean interactive = (Boolean)commandArguments[2];
GfJsonObject args = CLIMultiStepHelper.getStepArgs();
DataCommandResult dataResult = cachedResult;
cachedResult = null;
if(interactive)
return CLIMultiStepHelper.createEmptyResult("END");
else{
CompositeResultData rd = dataResult.toSelectCommandResult();
SectionResultData section = rd.addSection(CLIMultiStepHelper.STEP_SECTION);
section.addData(CLIMultiStepHelper.NEXT_STEP_NAME, "END");
return ResultBuilder.buildResult(rd);
}
}
};
public static int getPageSize() {
int pageSize = -1;
Map<String, String> session = null;
if (CliUtil.isGfshVM()) {
session = Gfsh.getCurrentInstance().getEnv();
} else {
session = CommandExecutionContext.getShellEnv();
}
if(session!=null){
String size = session.get(Gfsh.ENV_APP_COLLECTION_LIMIT);
if (size == null || size.isEmpty())
pageSize = Gfsh.DEFAULT_APP_COLLECTION_LIMIT;
else
pageSize = Integer.parseInt(size);
}
if (pageSize == -1)
pageSize = Gfsh.DEFAULT_APP_COLLECTION_LIMIT;
return pageSize;
}
private static int getFetchSize() {
return CommandExecutionContext.getShellFetchSize();
}
public static String getLogMessage(QueryObserver observer,
long startTime, String query) {
String usedIndexesString = null;
String rowCountString = null;
float time = 0.0f;
if (startTime > 0L) {
time = (NanoTimer.getTime() - startTime) / 1.0e6f;
}
if (observer != null && observer instanceof IndexTrackingQueryObserver) {
IndexTrackingQueryObserver indexObserver = (IndexTrackingQueryObserver)observer;
Map usedIndexes = indexObserver.getUsedIndexes();
indexObserver.reset();
StringBuffer buf = new StringBuffer();
buf.append(" indexesUsed(");
buf.append(usedIndexes.size());
buf.append(")");
if (usedIndexes.size() > 0) {
buf.append(":");
for (Iterator itr = usedIndexes.entrySet().iterator(); itr.hasNext();) {
Map.Entry entry = (Map.Entry) itr.next();
buf.append(entry.getKey().toString() + entry.getValue());
if (itr.hasNext()) {
buf.append(",");
}
}
}
usedIndexesString = buf.toString();
} else if (DefaultQuery.QUERY_VERBOSE) {
usedIndexesString = " indexesUsed(NA due to other observer in the way: "
+ observer.getClass().getName() + ")";
}
/*if (resultSize != -1){
rowCountString = " rowCount = " + resultSize + ";";
}*/
return "Query Executed" +
(startTime > 0L ? " in " + time + " ms;": ";") +
(rowCountString != null ? rowCountString : "") +
(usedIndexesString != null ? usedIndexesString : "")
/*+ " \"" + query + "\""*/;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,272
|
Q: ggplot2: Change label for facet grouping variable in plot This post shows how to make a facet with multiple scatter plots, but I am trying to change the name grp which is positioned on top of the group names and their corresponding colors, and I am trying to change it using a ggplot2 option without changing the names in the data frame. The reason I want to do this is that I want the new label shown to have a space in it. As an example I would want grp to be changed to The Groups.
Thanks for any help.
A: Since the question refers to this post, I will add the solution to the code given there:
# get Petal.Length for each species separately
df1 <- subset(iris, Species == "virginica", select=c(Petal.Length, Species))
df2 <- subset(iris, Species == "versicolor", select=c(Petal.Length, Species))
df3 <- subset(iris, Species == "setosa", select=c(Petal.Length, Species))
# construct species 1 vs 2, 2 vs 3 and 3 vs 1 data
df <- data.frame(x=c(df1$Petal.Length, df2$Petal.Length, df3$Petal.Length),
y = c(df2$Petal.Length, df3$Petal.Length, df1$Petal.Length),
grp = rep(c("virginica.versicolor", "versicolor.setosa", "setosa.virginica"), each=50))
df$grp <- factor(df$grp)
# plot
require(ggplot2)
ggplot(data = df, aes(x = x, y = y)) + geom_point(aes(colour=grp)) + facet_wrap( ~ grp) +
labs(colour="The Groups")
which leads to the following figure:
The part I added to set the legend title is +labs(colour="The Groups"). labs can be used to set titles to other aesthetics as well:
+ labs(x="x-axis title", y="y-axis title", fill="fill legend title", shape="shape legend title", colour="colour legend title")
and maybe others that I forgot.
One final remark: You asked to change the name of the "label for facet grouping variable". This is not actually what you wanted to do and what my solution does. It changes the label of the variable used for colouring (aes(colour=grp)). It so happens that this the same variable is also used for faceting (facet_wrap( ~ grp)).
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 765
|
Q: window.opener.ParmArray == null on IE11 gridview RowDataBound asp.net vb.net Mainpage Gridview
i have gridview on edit item image button click popup needs to be opened and based on popup selection home page edited row needs to be updated from selection.its working fine on Chrome but not on IE
here is the Gridview code
<asp:TemplateField HeaderText="Responsible" ItemStyle-Width="270">
<ItemTemplate>
<asp:Label id="lblContainmentRespUserNmItem" runat="server" Text='<%#Eval("RespUserName")%>' ></asp:Label>
</ItemTemplate>
<EditItemTemplate>
<asp:TextBox ID="txtContainmentRespUserId" runat="server" Text='<%#Eval("RespUserId")%>' Columns="10" onBlur="javascript:{this.value = this.value.toUpperCase();}"></asp:TextBox>
<%--<asp:ImageButton id="imgContainmentRespUserId" runat="server" ImageUrl="~/images/magnify.gif" CssClass="WEB_CONTROL" ImageAlign="Bottom"
AlternateText="Lookup" Visible="true" EnableViewState="true" CausesValidation="true"></asp:ImageButton>--%>
<asp:ImageButton id="imgContainmentRespUserId" runat="server" ImageUrl="~/images/magnify.gif" CssClass="WEB_CONTROL" ImageAlign="Bottom"
AlternateText="Lookup" CausesValidation="true"></asp:ImageButton>
<asp:Label id="lblContainmentEditRespUserNmItem" runat="server" Text='<%#Eval("RespUserName")%>' ></asp:Label>
</EditItemTemplate>
<ItemStyle Width="270px"></ItemStyle>
</asp:TemplateField>
Gridview_RowDataBound
Protected Sub Gridview_RowDataBound(sender As Object, e As GridViewRowEventArgs)
If e.Row.RowType = DataControlRowType.DataRow Then
If ((e.Row.RowState And DataControlRowState.Edit) > 0) Then
Dim lblCommEditRespUserNm As Label = DirectCast(e.Row.FindControl("lblCommEditRespUserNm"), Label)
Dim txtCommRespUserId As TextBox = DirectCast(e.Row.FindControl("txtCommRespUserId"), TextBox)
Dim imgCommRespUserId As ImageButton = DirectCast(e.Row.FindControl("imgCommRespUserId"), ImageButton)
If Not IsNothing(imgCommRespUserId) Then
imgCommRespUserId.Attributes("onclick") = CommonFunctions.CreateLookupHandlerScript("../Lookup.aspx?LookupID=1&Level=1", "", "ASSOCIATE", "ProcessReturnValue", _
"new Array(document.all.item('" + txtCommRespUserId.ClientID + "'),document.all.item('" + _
lblCommEditRespUserNm.ClientID + "'))") + ";event.returnValue=false;"
End If
End If
End If
End Sub
Private Shared Function CreateLookupHandlerScript( _
ByVal windowName As String, _
ByVal lookupUrl As String, _
ByVal pageObjectToUpdate As String, _
ByVal formFieldIndicator As Boolean, _
ByVal setFocusIndicator As Boolean, _
ByVal appendIndicator As Boolean, _
ByVal appendSeparatorCharacter As String, _
ByVal windowFeatures As String, _
ByVal appLookupType As String, _
ByVal callBackFunction As String, _
ByVal callBackFunctionParms As String _
) As String
Dim WinName As String
Dim PageObject As String
Dim WinFeatures As String
Dim CBFunction As String
Dim CBFunctionParms As String
' Throw Exception when required parameters not entered.
If lookupUrl = "" Then
Throw New ArgumentOutOfRangeException("lookupUrl")
End If
If formFieldIndicator And pageObjectToUpdate = "" Then
Throw New ArgumentOutOfRangeException("pageObjectToUpdate")
End If
If appendIndicator And appendSeparatorCharacter = "" Then
Throw New ArgumentOutOfRangeException("appendSeparatorCharacter")
End If
' Apply defaults.
If windowName = "" Then
WinName = "Lookup"
Else
WinName = windowName
End If
If pageObjectToUpdate = "" Then
PageObject = "null"
Else
PageObject = pageObjectToUpdate
End If
If windowFeatures = "" Then
WinFeatures = "StandardLookupChrome+',status=yes,resizable=yes,scrollbars=yes,height=600,width=800'"
Else
WinFeatures = windowFeatures
End If
If callBackFunction = "" Then
CBFunction = "null"
Else
CBFunction = callBackFunction
End If
If callBackFunctionParms = "" Then
CBFunctionParms = "null"
Else
CBFunctionParms = callBackFunctionParms
End If
Return String.Format("OpenLookupWin('{0}','{1}',{2},{3},{4},{5},'{6}',window,{7},'{8}',{9},{10});", _
WinName, lookupUrl, PageObject, _
formFieldIndicator.ToString.ToLower, setFocusIndicator.ToString.ToLower, appendIndicator.ToString.ToLower, _
appendSeparatorCharacter, WinFeatures, appLookupType, CBFunction, CBFunctionParms)
End Function
i am trying call on imagebuttonclick popup window for selection
Javascript Function
function OpenLookupWin(LookupWindowName,LookupURL,ObjectToUpdate,FormFieldIndicator,SetFocusIndicator,AppendIndicator,AppendSeparator,ParentWindow,WindowFeatures,LookupType,CallBackFunction,CallBackFunctionParms)
{
// If an existing Lookup Window for this page is open, close it.
if (LookupWin != null)
{
LookupWin.close();
}
// Register related parameters into an array stored as a global variable.
ParmArray = new Array();
ParmArray[0]=LookupURL;
ParmArray[1]=LookupType;
ParmArray[2]=ObjectToUpdate;
ParmArray[3]=AppendIndicator;
ParmArray[4]=AppendSeparator;
ParmArray[5]=ParentWindow;
ParmArray[6]=FormFieldIndicator;
ParmArray[7]=SetFocusIndicator;
ParmArray[8]=CallBackFunction;
ParmArray[9]=CallBackFunctionParms;
ParmArray[10]=""; //ReturnValue, if any from the lookup.
LookupWin = window.open(LookupURL,LookupWindowName,WindowFeatures,true);
// If window handle is missing, alert to possiblity of popup blocker being turned on.
if (LookupWin == null)
{
alert('Lookup functionality disabled!!!\nPlease turn off all popup blockers for this page!!');
}
}
if (window.opener.ParmArray == null)
{ alert("Sorry, It seems there are multiple instances of browser window open. Please close them and click on the magnifying glass icon again.");
window.close();
}
</script>
Getting Null value always on IE but in chrome its fine
window.opener.ParmArray == null
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 7,532
|
{"url":"https:\/\/questioncove.com\/updates\/4d5248bbd04cb764f32a8481","text":"Mathematics\nOpenStudy (anonymous):\n\nWhat is the error in $\\lim_{x \\rightarrow 2}{e^{3x^2-12x+12}}\/x^4-16$ = 0? They use L'Hopital's rule.\n\nOpenStudy (sid1729):\n\nI replied to another thread on this: the numerator does not tend to 0 or +\/- infinity as x -> 2, so L'Hopital's rule cannot be applied here.\n\nLatest Questions\nSaltTheLoser: How do you make edits?\n47 minutes ago 10 Replies 1 Medal\nLexya: How do I make music with an egg and a toothpick\n3 minutes ago 13 Replies 2 Medals\nxxcoffee: who wanna edit a pic for me.even doe im ugly\n1 hour ago 0 Replies 0 Medals\njakfishman: i just wanna see who want to edit a pic of me\n1 hour ago 0 Replies 0 Medals\nDenis: Who wants to uhm edit my doggo?\n1 hour ago 5 Replies 0 Medals\n408juju: does anyone know how to get discord on school computer ?\n2 hours ago 8 Replies 0 Medals\nemma111: this is another song\n2 hours ago 6 Replies 0 Medals\nbdafbwrbfhrke: how to unblock a chronebook\n2 hours ago 25 Replies 7 Medals\npayton: who wants to edit a pic or two for me?\n1 hour ago 80 Replies 6 Medals","date":"2020-11-25 07:23:07","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.26069918274879456, \"perplexity\": 6037.8356945347705}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2020-50\/segments\/1606141181482.18\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20201125071137-20201125101137-00608.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Home » Entertainment » Is Scream (2022) Kid Friendly? Parents Guide
Posted on Published: January 14, 2022 Categories Entertainment
By: Author tanialamb
Is Scream (2022) Kid Friendly? Parents Guide
Wondering if SCREAM (2022) is ok for kids? Scream is rated R for violence, language, and sexual references. Is Scream 5 too scary for kids? Perhaps the bloodiest Scream movie, I wouldn't recommend it for kids. Like the other Scream movies, it's scary, but campy scary. Here's what parents need to know in this Scream (2022) Parents Guide.
2022 Scream Parents Guide
The 5th installment in the Scream franchise, twenty-five years after the original series of murders in Woodsboro, a new Ghostface emerges, and Sidney Prescott (Neve Campbell) must return to uncover the truth. Some fan favorites are back from the original Scream and
Why is Scream Rated R?
Scream is Rated R for strong bloody violence, language throughout and some sexual references which means it may not suitable for kids under 17.
There is a lot of profanity in Scream including uses of sh*t, a**, bit*h, damn, and plenty uses of fu*k. There are also words of Deity including g-ddamn.
Mature Content
There is a lot of graphic violence, gore, and blood in Scream. Ghostface kills a lot of people, and there is a lot of blood. One girl gets stabbed in the hand, another character is stabbed in the stomach repeatedly, another is stabbed in the neck, another on the shoulder, in the leg, in the face, etc. There are a lot of slashings, and a lot of disgusting blood spurts.
Characters are shot, bodies are burned. Another is choked. Warning: violence is graphic in Scream 5.
There are sexual references in the film including talk about sex, characters making out (male and female and two females), and a reference to "boner pills."
Teenagers use alcohol.
Is Scream Too Scary For Kids?
Scream is not really appropriate for kids. Yes, the violence is graphic and gory. But Scream is also goofy which lessens the fear factor a bit, but it's still too scary for kids. Some teens may be able to handle the film if they're in to the other Scream movies and the horror genre.
But Ghostface has been giving me nightmares since I was in high school.
Is Scream Appropriate for Kids Under 17?
As Scream ushers in a new generation of teens, there are also some fan favorites and moments for the original Screamers. Sidney, Dewey (David Arquette) and Gale (Courtney Cox) return to help solve the return of Ghostface. If your teens have seen the other Scream movies, then this follows the same pattern, but with some extra gore for good measure.
A fun addition to the franchise, Scream is probably the best film after the original, titled by the same name. Yes, it's confusing. And annoying. But I'll allow it.
Ghostface has been scaring me for 25 years, and Scream is no exception. A nostalgic ride that falls a little short from the original, but still has the same recipe.
Is Euphoria Kid Friendly? Parents Guide
2022 Figment's Brush With the Masters Scavenger Hunt and Painting Locations
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 252
|
export interface DynamicPathOptions {
project: any;
entityName: string;
appConfig: any;
dryRun: boolean;
}
export declare function dynamicPathParser(options: DynamicPathOptions): {
appRoot: string;
sourceDir: any;
root: string;
dir: string;
base: string;
ext: string;
name: string;
};
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 9,840
|
Chevrolet C8 Corvette: A Bold Step Into the Mid-Engine Future
2020 Chevrolet Corvette Stingray | Photo Credit: Chevrolet
It feels like yesterday when Chevrolet released the news about a Corvette C8. A mid-engined sports car, from Corvette? When I read that, I refreshed my internet browser to make sure there wasn't a glitch – something didn't seem right. Low and behold, after some research, I found out it was true. Although we're still in disbelief about the news over a year later, General Motors is allowing us a glimpse into how this bold idea came to fruition.
News of the mid-engined C8 Corvette changed the trajectory of the brand. The internet was set ablaze with the usual sites discussing the story, hyping the idea, and speculating engine specifications, while others, as you can imagine, were reluctant to accept the change.
The feedback on the internet boards was even harsher. The critics felt it couldn't compete with some of the mid-engined supercars of the world, but the designers at Corvette worked tirelessly to prove them wrong. An article was released by the North State Journal recently called the 2020 Corvette the "attainable mid-engined supercar," which illustrates the work General Motors has put in to silence the naysayers.
The Corvette is a global icon responsible for altering the history of the sports car, and now it's doing it with supercars. The C8 Corvette is a vehicle the everyday person can save up for and buy, especially when compared to its competitors. It makes the risk General Motors took to alter a successful product even bolder.
Brett Golliff, Color & Trim Design Manager at Global Chevrolet, describes how "we reached a point where we had to move to a mid-engine design." The C8 Corvette is unlike anything the automaker has ever created, with the exception of a 1986 concept, the Corvette Indy. Not only did they overhaul something with a loyal following, but they moved it into a different weight class.
Despite making the bold move, the mid-engine supercar is extremely unique when compared to the Audi R8, Acura NSX, and Porsche 911 Carrera S – with the price point setting it apart. While the cost of a typical supercar can rival that of some country's total GDPs, the C8 Corvette is affordable to someone who's been saving for a few years and looking to splurge.
Tom Peters, Former Director of Exterior Design at GM Performance Car Studio, discussed how fighter jets were the primary source of inspiration for the mid-engine supercar. "They're high-performance, purpose-driven, and have a singular mission. It relates to Corvette beautifully." If you're going to build a high-performance sports car and use a fighter jet as your reference, it's going to be special.
Another huge influence for Corvette is its rich history in racing. The 2020 C8 Corvette Stingray is a culmination of all the experiences from vehicles in the past. The character you see in the design stems from the functional aspect of their race vehicles.
Chevrolet C8 Corvette | Photo Credit: Revolution: The Mid-Engine Corvette Development Story
"Obviously it's a shift where we placed the motor, but what caused that shift is what you saw grow from four to five to six to seven, and it was time to move on," according to Brett Golliff. Corvette saw the opportunity to change once they exhausted all resources updating their previous models, and despite the risk, the mid-engine has always been an idea beneath the surface.
From the designer's vantage point, it's daunting to start a project like this. Everything is new from the ground up, and the first step was searching for a theme that adhered to the mid-engine layout. How much lower is the instrument panel? How much richer will the material be? How much more sculptural and three-dimensional will the interior space be? This is just some of what the team faced.
Corvette C8 Design | Photo Credit: The Mid-Engine Corvette Development Story
Tristan Murphy, the Interior Design Manager at GM, is proud of what they've accomplished – "we achieved everything we set out to do, and when you sit in the car, you don't really notice you're doing something different. It feels like you're part of the car it feels like the right decision." It offers an experience that's so exotic or otherwise unattainable, but it can be yours, and it will reach a much higher volume of people with its attractive price point.
This is just the beginning, and like other models in years past, Corvette will continue growing this new technology and right any wrong they experience along the way. We have reached a new stage of American supercars, and as it continues growing in popularity, we'll see more of this attainable modern marvel filling our roads.
Would You Buy a Four-Seat Corvette?
Will the 2023 Corvette Z06 Live Up to the Hype?
Did the Mid-Engine Corvette Kill the Acura NSX?
Corvette Owner Crashes Car On His "Last Ride" Before Selling It
If You Love C3 Corvette's and Wagons – This One's For You
Is Ford Developing a Corvette Stingray Competitor?
Engine Powers' Favorite Dyno Days
Hot Rod LQ9 Cam Swap
Back to Basics Part IV
Easy Upgrades for a Stock Big Block Chevy
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 7,844
|
To determine the best Linux shared hosting service can be described as troublesome initiative. We intend to make it slightly simpler for you – discover how Bulls Host compares versus the competitors and choose exactly what Linux shared hosting solution best fits all your necessities.
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At Bulls Host, you can easily make a choice from US Located Shared Hosting solutions in our US data center in Chicago, Illinois; UK Located Shared Hosting solutions with our UK data center in Maidenhead – a couple of miles away from London; North European shared hosting with our FI data center in Pori, Finland; East European shared hosting with our Eastern Europe data center in Sofia, Bulgaria; together with AU Located Shared Hosting services with our AU Data Center, which happens to be based in the center of Sydney, Australia. All data centers are truly state–of–the–art while having cooling and power capacities to support ten times as much hosting hardware as compared to what we currently have. At the same time, each data center offers great connectivity options for your website. Plus hosting your site even closer to the visitors can even improve your search engine rank.
The main advantage of constructing your very own shared hosting platform is the fact that you can select how it's set up and what hardware configurations are going to be used. This control of both hardware level and also the software layer allows us to warrant a 99.9% server uptime with all our Linux shared hosting deals. And also, since we built our custom network in each data center, we ensure a 99.9% network uptime with all hosting services. And if you're not happy with what we have to deliver for any reason whatsoever, you will get a refund using our 30–day money–back policy, no questions asked.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 4,716
|
\section{Introduction}
\label{sec:intro}
Machine Transliteration is defined as phonetic transformation of names across languages~\cite{news15white,machine_transliteration_survey11}. Transliteration of named entities is the essential part of many multilingual applications, such as machine translation~\cite{smt10} and cross-language information retrieval~\cite{CLIR_meta10}.
Recent studies pay a great attention to the task of Neural Machine Translation~\cite{nmt_properties14,seq2seq14}. In neural machine translation, a single neural network is responsible for reading a source sentence and generates its translation.
From a probabilistic perspective, translation is equivalent to finding a target
sentence $\mathbf{y}$ that maximizes the conditional probability of $\mathbf{y}$ given a
source sentence $\mathbf{x}$, i.e., $\arg\max_{\mathbf{y}}{p(\mathbf{y} \mid \mathbf{x})}$. The whole neural network is \emph{jointly} trained to maximize the conditional probability of a correct translation given a source sentence, using the bilingual corpus.
Transforming a name from spelling to phonetic and then use the constructed phonetic to generate the spelling on the target language is a very complex task~\cite{transliteration_survey06,nn_transliteration15}. Based on successful studies on Neural Machine Translation~\cite{nmt_properties14,seq2seq14,nlp15}, in this paper, we proposed a character-based encoder--decoder model which learn to transliterate end-to-end. In the opposite side of classical models which contains different components, the proposed model is trained end-to-end, so it able to apply to any language pairs without tuning for a spacific one.
\section{Proposed Model}
\label{sec:model}
Here, we describe briefly the underlying framework, called {\it RNN
Encoder--Decoder}, proposed by \cite{learning_phrase_rnn14} and \cite{seq2seq14} upon
which we build a machine transliteration model that learns to transliterate end-to-end.
The enoder is a character-based recurrent neural network that learns a highly nonlinear mapping from a spelling to the phonetic of the input sequence. This network reads the source name $x=(x_1, \dots, x_{T})$ and encodes it
into a sequence of hidden states $h=(h_1, \cdots, h_{T})$:
\begin{equation}\label{eq:generic_encoder}
h_t = f\left( x_{t}, h_{t-1} \right)
\end{equation}
Each hidden state $h_i$ is a bidirectional recurrent representation with forward and backward sequence information around the $i$th character. The representation of a forward sequence and a backward sequence of the input character sequence is estimated and concatenated to form a context set $C=\{h_1, h_2,..., h_T\}$~\cite{mtl_mt15,char_decoder16}.
Then, the decoder, another recurrent neural network, computes the conditional distribution over all possible transliteration based on this context set and generates the corresponding
transliteration $y=(y_1, \cdots, y_{T'})$ based on the encoded sequence of hidden
states $h$.
The whole model is jointly trained to maximize the conditional log-probability of
the correct transliteration given a source sequence with respect to the parameters
$\theta$ of the model:
\begin{equation}\label{eq:conditional_output}
\mathbf{\theta}^* = \arg\max_{\theta} \sum_{n=1}^N \sum_{t=1}^{T_n} \log p(y_t^n \mid y_{<t}^n, x^n),
\end{equation}
where $(x^n, y^n)$ is the $n$-th training pair of character sequences, and $T_n$ is the
length of the $n$-th target sequence ($y^n$). For each conditional term in Equation~\ref{eq:conditional_output}, the decoder updates its hidden state by:
\begin{equation}\label{eq:generic_encoder}
h_{t'} = f\left( y_{t'-1}, h_{t'-1}, c_{t'} \right)
\end{equation}
where $c_{t'}$ is a context vector computed by a soft attention mechanism:
\begin{equation}\label{eq:soft_align}
c_{t'} = f_a\left( y_{t'-1}, h_{t'-1}, C \right)
\end{equation}
The soft attention mechanism $f_a$ weights each vector in the context set $C$ according to its relevance given what has been transliterated.
Finally, the hidden state $h_{t'}$ , together with the previous target symbol $y_{t'-1}$ and the context vector $c_{t'}$ , is fed into a feedforward neural network to result in the conditional distribution described in Equation~\ref{eq:conditional_output}. The whole model, consisting of the encoder, decoder and soft attention mechanism, is trained end-to-end to minimize the negative log-likelihood using stochastic gradient descent.
\begin{table}
\small
\centering
\begin{tabular}{|l||l|l|l|l|l|}
\hline
\bf \multirow{2}{*}{TaskID} & \bf \multirow{2}{*}{Source} & \bf \multirow{2}{*}{Target} & \multicolumn{3}{ |c| }{\bf Data Size} \\ \cline{4-6}
& & & \bf Train & \bf Dev & \bf Test \\ \hline
En-Ch & English & Chinese & 37K & 2.8K & 1.008K \\
Ch-En & Chinese & English & 28K & 2.7K & 1.019K \\
En-Th & English & Thai & 27K & 2.0K & 1.236K \\
Th-En & Thai & English & 25K & 2.0K & 1.236K \\
En-Hi & English & Hindi & 12K & 1.0K & 1.000K \\
En-Ta & English & Tamil & 10K & 1.0K & 1.000K \\
En-Ka & English & Kannada & 10K & 1.0K & 1.000K \\
En-Ba & English & Bangla & 13K & 1.0K & 1.000K \\
En-He & English & Hebrew & 9.5K & 1.0K & 1.100K \\
En-Pe & English & Persian & 10K & 2.0K & 1.042K \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\caption{\label{tbl:datasets} Datasets provided by NEWS 2015~\cite{news15report}.}
\end{table}
\section{Experiments}
\label{sec:experiments}
\begin{table*}
\small
\centering
\begin{tabular}{|l||l|l|l|l|l|l|l|l|}
\hline
\bf \multirow{2}{*}{TaskID} & \multicolumn{4}{ |c| }{\bf Baseline} & \multicolumn{4}{ |c| }{\bf Neural Machine Transliteration} \\ \cline{2-9}
& \bf ACC & \bf F-Score & \bf MRR & \bf MAP & \bf ACC & \bf F-Score & \bf MRR & \bf MAP \\ \hline
En-Ch & 0.1935 & 0.5851 & 0.1935 & 0.1830 & 0.2659 & 0.6227 & 0.3185 & 0.2549 \\
Ch-En & 0.0981 & 0.6459 & 0.0981 & 0.0953 & 0.0834 & 0.6564 & 0.1425 & 0.0830 \\
En-Th & 0.0680 & 0.7070 & 0.0680 & 0.0680 & 0.1456 & 0.7514 & 0.2181 & 0.1456 \\
Th-En & 0.0914 & 0.7397 & 0.0914 & 0.0914 & 0.1286 & 0.7624 & 0.1966 & 0.1286 \\
En-Hi & 0.2700 & 0.7992 & 0.2700 & 0.2624 & 0.3480 & 0.8349 & 0.4745 & 0.3434 \\
En-Ta & 0.2580 & 0.8117 & 0.2580 & 0.2573 & 0.3240 & 0.8369 & 0.4461 & 0.3235 \\
En-Ka & 0.1960 & 0.7833 & 0.1960 & 0.1955 & 0.2860 & 0.8224 & 0.4019 & 0.2856 \\
En-Ba & 0.2870 & 0.8360 & 0.2870 & 0.2837 & 0.3460 & 0.8600 & 0.4737 & 0.3438 \\
En-He & 0.1091 & 0.7715 & 0.1091 & 0.1077 & 0.1591 & 0.7976 & 0.2377 & 0.1582 \\
En-Pe & 0.4818 & 0.9060 & 0.4818 & 0.4482 & 0.5816 & 0.9267 & 0.7116 & 0.5673 \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\caption{\label{tbl:results} The effectiveness of neural machine transliteration is compared with the robust baseline~\cite{moses07} provided by NEWS 2016 shared task on transliteration of named entities.}
\end{table*}
We conducted a set of experiments to show the effectiveness of RNN Encoder--Decoder model~\cite{learning_phrase_rnn14,seq2seq14} in the task of machine transliteration using standard benchmark datasets provided by NEWS 2015-16 shared task~\cite{news15report}. Table~\ref{tbl:datasets} shows different datasets in our experiments. Each dataset covers different levels of difficulty and training set size. The proposed model has been applied on each dataset without tuning the algorithm for each specific language pairs. Also, we don't apply any preprocessing on the source or target language in order to evaluate the effectiveness of the proposed model in a fair situation. `TaskID' is a unique identifier in the following experiments.
We leveraged a character-based encoder--decoder model~\cite{alt_char_rnn15,char_decoder16} with soft attention mechanism~\cite{learning_phrase_rnn14}. In this model, input sequences in both source and target languages have been represented as characters. Using characters instead of words leads to longer sequences, so Gated Recurrent Units~\cite{nmt_properties14} have been used for the encoder network to model long term dependencies. The encoder has 128 hidden units for each direction (forward and backward), and the decoder has 128 hidden units with soft attention mechanism~\cite{learning_phrase_rnn14}. We train the model using stochastic gradient descent with Adam~\cite{adam14}. Each update is computed using a minibatch of 128 sequence pairs. The norm of the gradient is clipped with a threshold 1~\cite{deep_rnn13}. Also, beamsearch has been used to approximately find the most likely transliteration given a source sequence~\cite{smt10}.
Table~\ref{tbl:results} shows the effectiveness of the proposed model on different datasets using standard measures~\cite{news15report}. The proposed neural machine transliteration model has been compared to the baseline method provided by NEWS 2016 organizers~\cite{news15report}. Baseline results are based on a machine translation implementation at the character level using MOSES~\cite{moses07}. Experimental results shows that the proposed model is significantly better than the robust baseline using different metrics.
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-ch}
\caption{En-Ch}
\label{fig:en-ch}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{ch-en}
\caption{Ch-En}
\label{fig:ch-en}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-th}
\caption{En-Th}
\label{fig:en-th}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{th-en}
\caption{Th-En}
\label{fig:th-en}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-hi}
\caption{En-Hi}
\label{fig:en-hi}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-ta}
\caption{En-Ta}
\label{fig:en-ta}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-ka}
\caption{En-Ka}
\label{fig:en-ka}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-ba}
\caption{En-Ba}
\label{fig:en-ba}
\end{subfigure}
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.3\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{en-he}
\caption{En-He}
\label{fig:en-he}
\end{subfigure}
\caption{Learning curve of the proposed model on different datasets using the validation set. In most cases, the difference between 'ACC' and 'MAP' is negligible.}
\label{fig:learningcurve}
\end{figure*}
Figure~\ref{fig:learningcurve} shows the learning curve of the proposed model on different datasets. It is clear that in most datasets, the trained model is capable of robust transliteration after a few number of iterations. As shown in Table~\ref{tbl:datasets}, each dataset has different number of training set and also different number of characters in the source and target language. For example, when transliterating from English to Chinese (TaskID=`En-Ch') and English to Hebrew, the target names contains $548$ and $37$ different tokens respectively. Since we leverage a same model for different datasets without tuning the model for each dataset, differences in the learning curves are expectable. For some datasets (such as `En-Ch'), it takes more time to fit the model to the training data while for some others (such as `En-He'), the model fit to the training data after a few iterations.
\section{Conclusion}
\label{sec:conclusion}
In this paper we proposed Neural Machine Transliteration based on successful studies in sequence to sequence learning~\cite{seq2seq14} and Neural Machine Translation~\cite{char_nmt15,char_nmt16,neural_translation15,nmt_properties14}. Neural Machine Transliteration typically consists of two components, the first of which encodes a source name sequence $\mathbf{x}$ and the second decodes to a target name sequence $\mathbf{y}$. Different parts of the proposed model jointly trained using stochastic gradient descent to minimize the log-likelihood. Experiments on different datasets using benchmark measures revealed that the proposed model is able to achieve significantly higher transliteration quality over traditional statistical models~\cite{smt10}. In this paper we did not concentrate on improving the model for achieving state-of-the-art results, so applying hyperparameter optimization~\cite{random_search12}, multi-task sequence to sequence learning~\cite{multi_task_seq2seq15} and multi-way transliteration~\cite{multi_nmt16,mtl_mt15} are quite promising for future works.
\section*{Acknowledgments}
The authors would like to thank the developers of Theano~\cite{theano16} and DL4MT~\footnote{\url{https://github.com/nyu-dl/dl4mt-tutorial}} projects. Also, the author would like to acknowledge the support of Bayan Inc. for research funding and computing support. The author also thank Yasser Souri for valuable comments.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
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{"url":"https:\/\/socratic.org\/questions\/58d68d0b11ef6b7d8f21de47","text":"# Question 1de47\n\nMar 30, 2017\n\n#### Explanation:\n\nThe combustion equations are:\nCH4 + 2O2 --> CO2 + 2H2O\nC3H8 + 5O2 --> 3CO2 + 4H2O\n\nSo 1 litre of methane will need 2 litre oxygen and 1 litre of propane will need 5 litres of oxygen. Since 16 litres of oxygen is used, 3 litres of methane (which use 6 litre oxygen) and 2 litres of propane (which uses 10 litre oxygen) is in the mixture.\n\nOne mole of gas occupies 22.4 litres\n\nSo 3 litres of methane --> 3\/22.4 moles = 0.1339 moles\n2 litres of propane --> 2\/22.4 moles = 0.0893 moles\n\nTo find heat released simply multiply the number of moles with the heat of combustion given and add.\n\nHeat released = 0.1139 x 890 + 0.0893 x 2220 = 317.41 kJ\n\nApr 1, 2017\n\nThe balanced equations of combustion reactions are :\n\n$C {H}_{4} \\left(g\\right) + 2 {O}_{2} \\left(g\\right) \\to C {O}_{2} \\left(g\\right) + 2 {H}_{2} O \\left(l\\right) , \\Delta {H}_{C {H}_{4} \\left(g\\right)} = 890 k J m o {l}^{-} 1 \\textcolor{red}{\\left[1\\right]}$\n\nC_3H_8(g) + 5O_2(g) -> 3CO_2(g) + 4H_2O(l),DeltaH_(C_3H_8(g))=220kJmol^-1color (red)([2])#\n\nLet here be x L $C {H}_{4}$ and (5-x)L ${C}_{3} {H}_{8}$ in 5L gas mixture at STP.\n\nSo total volume of oxygen consumed as per stoichiometry of the reactions involved will be $2 x + 5 \\left(5 - x\\right) = 16$\n\n$\\implies 2 x + 25 - 5 x = 16$\n\n$\\implies 3 x = 9$\n\n$\\implies x = 3 L$\n\nSo volume of $C {H}_{4} \\left(g\\right) = 3 L$\nand volume of ${C}_{3} {H}_{8} \\left(g\\right) = 2 L$ at STP.\n\nSo corresponding number of moles of gases present int 5Lgas mixture can be obtained by dividing the volumes of gases at STP with 22.4L as any gas of 1mol occupies 22.4L at STP\n\n${n}_{C {H}_{4} \\left(g\\right)} = \\frac{3 L}{22.4 L} = \\frac{3}{22.4} m o l$\n\n${n}_{{C}_{3} {H}_{8} \\left(g\\right)} = \\frac{2 L}{22.4 L} = \\frac{2}{22.4} m o l$\n\nSo the amount of heat released due to combustion of the 5L gas mixture\n\n$\\Delta {H}_{\\text{mixture}} = \\frac{3}{22.4} \\Delta {H}_{C {H}_{4} \\left(g\\right)} + \\frac{2}{22.4} \\Delta {H}_{{C}_{3} {H}_{8} \\left(g\\right)}$\n\n$\\implies \\Delta {H}_{\\text{mixture}} = \\frac{3 \\times 890 + 2 \\times 2220}{22.4} k J \\approx 317 k J$","date":"2022-01-26 05:13:12","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 14, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.6424369215965271, \"perplexity\": 6065.788660805853}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2022-05\/segments\/1642320304915.53\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20220126041016-20220126071016-00289.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
New Executive Chef at Westin Grand Cayman Seven Mile Beach
Above: the Westin Grand Cayman Seven Mile Beach
The Westin Grand Cayman Seven Mile Beach has a new executive chef.
The resort announced Tuesday that Sandy Tuason had been named the property's new top chef. Tuason comes to the property from the New York Palace, where he worked for two years with Master Chef Jacques Sorci.
"Having previously worked in the Caribbean and Hawaii, I'm excited to embrace the tropics again and work closely with the local community and producers," he said. "I look forward to enhancing the resort's compelling culinary offerings by infusing my passion for modern American cuisine with global influences."
Tuason's Caribbean career includes time as executive sous chef at the Four Seasons Resort Nevis.
"We are thrilled to have Chef Tuason at the forefront of our extensive culinary program," said Morty Valldejuli, general manager of the Westin Grand Cayman. "His passion for working closely with the local community and his on-site team will be a perfect fit here in Grand Cayman."
Tuason, a native of Manila, will oversee the resort's Beach House Beach Terrace, Ferdinand's, Catboat Bar, Café Soleil, The Beach Bar and Tortuga Beach Grill and Bar restaurants.
Cayman Islands, Chefs, Cooks, News, Taste
caribbean, cayman, chef, grand cayman, sandy tuason, westin
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
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title: Generate random hex colors in JS with a library
summary: How to generate random hex colors in Javascript? I've created a very simple library to solve this problem
categories: resources
tags: library js
date: 2021-11-29 09:09:09 +0000
cover: https://cdn.pixabay.com/photo/2018/03/24/08/56/colorful-3256055_1280.jpg
layout: post
---
How to generate random hex colors in Javascript? I've created a very simple library to solve this problem.
Why? Because is simple, reusability of code. Code reusability gives you the ability to reuse code multiple times so you can develop applications faster and with more consistency. I needed this functionality two times for 2 different projects in a single month and I decided to create something simple and import it into both projects. Then I said, wait, but why don't make it public.
And here we are, talking about this library <a href="https://github.com/boobo94/random-color" target="_blank">boobo94/random-color</a>
## Install
```sh
npm i github:boobo94/random-color
```
## Usage
```js
import RandomColor from 'random-color'
const newColor = RandomColor.getColor();
console.log(newColor) // #44ad3c
```
## License
The MIT License. [Check it here](https://github.com/boobo94/random-color/blob/main/LICENSE)
Do you have a question about this project please open an <a href="https://github.com/boobo94/random-color/issues" target="_blank">issue on Github</a> or write me on <a href="https://twitter.com/militaru_bogdan" target="_blank">Twitter</a>
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 4,802
|
\section{Introduction}
Cosmological observations, most recently by the Planck satellite \cite{Ade:2013lta}, indicate conclusively that at early times our universe was exceptionally flat on average, but, crucially, also contained a near-Gaussian distribution of small and nearly scale-invariant density perturbations. These small (classical) perturbations are thought to provide the seeds for the formation of the whole cosmic web of galaxies via subsequent gravitational collapse \cite{Frenk:2012ph}. An open question is still what the origin of these fluctuations was.
The most popular explanation is the theory of inflation \cite{Guth:1980zm,Linde:1981mu,Albrecht:1982wi}, which proposes that the primordial density perturbations arose from the amplification of quantum fluctuations of a scalar field during a phase of accelerated expansion of the universe. The transition from quantum fluctuations to a statistical distribution of classical density perturbations has been studied in detail in this context (see for example \cite{Guth:1982ec,Brandenberger:1990bx,Albrecht:1992kf,Polarski:1995jg,Prokopec:2006fc,Kiefer:2007zza,Martin:2012ua}), and it was found that there are two effects that support the classical interpretation of the resulting fluctuations: the first is that the (approximately Gaussian) quantum state evolves into a highly squeezed state, which means that in the field amplitude/momentum plane there is one direction along which the quantum mechanical uncertainty is very small, and a perpendicular direction in which it is very high. Such a state is far from classical, but can in fact be reinterpreted as a statistical distribution of classical states if in addition the density matrix describing these quantum fluctuations is approximately diagonal. The density matrix must be approximately diagonal in the field amplitude basis in order that one be able to assign definite probabilities to different field amplitudes. Otherwise, off-diagonal elements in the density matrix would imply the existence of coherent superpositions of states with different field amplitudes, in which case no equivalent classical description would apply. The suppression of the off-diagonal elements of the density matrix is called ``decoherence'', and is typically found to occur when one considers the coupling of the fluctuations to an environment (usually provided by additional fields). Thus, given such a coupling to an environment, inflation can successfully describe the origin of all structure in the universe out of initial quantum fluctuations.
However, even though inflation has many compelling features, it also has important open problems -- for a comprehensive recent discussion see \cite{Ijjas:2013vea}.
For this reason it is certainly of interest to explore the properties of alternative cosmological models. A particularly attractive alternative to inflation is provided by cyclic models of the universe, containing an ekpyrotic phase \cite{Khoury:2001wf,Steinhardt:2001st,Lehners:2008vx}. This is a phase of slow contraction of the universe, which also renders the universe spatially flat while producing nearly scale-invariant density perturbations (again via amplification of quantum fluctuations). In order to provide a truly viable alternative to inflation, it is necessary that the perturbations produced in ekpyrotic/cyclic models can be reinterpreted as a statistical distribution of classical perturbations. In this paper, we show that, for the currently best-understood ekpyrotic models, this is indeed so.
These models, which are in good agreement with the observations of the Planck satellite \cite{Lehners:2013cka}, employ the {\it entropic} mechanism for producing density perturbations \cite{Finelli:2002we,Notari:2002yc,Lehners:2007ac}. In these models one considers gravity minimally coupled to two scalar fields with potentials. The perturbations are created via a two-step process. First, during the slowly contracting ekpyrotic phase, nearly scale-invariant entropy perturbations are generated. These entropy perturbations evolve into a highly squeezed quantum state during this generation phase. Subsequently, in the approach to the bounce, the ekpyrotic potential becomes unimportant, and the universe enters a phase in which the energy density is mostly comprised of the kinetic energy of the scalar fields. During this phase, the field space trajectory describing the dynamics undergoes a bend (see Fig. \ref{Fig1}). As a result, the entropy perturbations are converted into adiabatic curvature perturbations which inherit both their squeezed state and their spectrum. What we find in addition is that during this second phase the interactions of entropic and adiabatic modes are already sufficient to cause the density matrix to decohere efficiently, without the need to couple these perturbations to an additional environment. The end result is that the produced curvature perturbations can indeed be faithfully described as a statistical mixture of classical perturbations. Thus, an ekpyrotic phase can equally well provide the seeds for the large-scale structure in our universe, and should be regarded on the same footing as inflationary models in this respect.
\begin{figure}[t]
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=0.75\textwidth]{KineticPhase3.pdf}
\caption{\label{Fig1} {\small In the models that we study, the evolution starts out with an ekpyrotic contracting phase to the right of the figure. During this phase, nearly scale-invariant entropy perturbations, which are perturbations transverse to the background trajectory, are amplified and evolve into a highly squeezed quantum state. Such a squeezed quantum state is approximately classical in the sense that it can equivalently be described as a statistical mixture of classical perturbations. After the ekpyrotic phase, the trajectory in scalar field space enters the kinetic phase and bends - this bending causes the conversion of entropy into curvature perturbations, with the latter inheriting both their spectrum and their near-classicality from the entropy perturbations. Moreover, the interactions of entropy and curvature modes during the bending phase cause decoherence to occur, such that the resulting curvature perturbations can be assigned definite classical probabilities for their amplitude. In this way, the ekpyrotic phase produces an ensemble of nearly scale-invariant classical density perturbations in the approach to the bounce.
}}
\end{center}
\end{figure}
The plan of our paper is as follows: in section \ref{section:generation}, we will discuss the generation of adiabatic and entropic fluctuations during an ekpyrotic phase, including a detailed study of the issues of amplification and squeezing. In section \ref{section:conversion}, we will then analyze how the entropy modes become a source for the adiabatic modes, as a result of which the latter ones inherit the classicality properties of the former ones. We also quantify the decoherence of the reduced density matrix that occurs simultaneously. After our discussion section, we include a technical appendix where we present the general formalism for treating two-scalar-field models quantum mechanically, and we highlight potential ambiguities that can arise when performing integrations by parts on the Lagrangian of the system under consideration. A second appendix lists a number of useful formulae involving Bessel functions.
\section{Generation of cosmological perturbations and squeezing} \label{section:generation}
The model that we discuss involves gravity minimally coupled to two scalar fields, with action
\begin{equation} S=\int
\sqrt{-g} \left[ \frac{R}{2}-\frac{1}{2}(\partial\phi_1)^2
-\frac{1}{2}(\partial\phi_2)^2-V(\phi_1,\phi_2) \right].\end{equation}
We are assuming that during the
ekpyrotic phase, both fields have (steep and negative) ekpyrotic-type potentials,
{\it i.e.} \begin{equation} V(\phi_1,\phi_2) =-V_1 e^{-c_1 \phi_1} - V_2
e^{-c_2 \phi_2}. \label{potential2field}\end{equation} Then the analysis is greatly simplified by rotating to the new fields $\sigma$ and $s$ pointing transverse and perpendicular to
the field velocity respectively
\cite{Koyama:2007mg,Koyama:2007ag}. It is convenient
to first introduce the angle $\theta$ in field space, defined by \cite{Gordon:2000hv}
\begin{equation}
\cos \theta \equiv \frac{\dot{\phi}_1}{\sqrt{\dot\phi_1^2+\dot\phi_2^2}}\, ,
\quad \quad \sin \theta \equiv
\frac{\dot{\phi}_2}{\sqrt{\dot\phi_1^2+\dot\phi_2^2}}\, .
\end{equation}
Then, if we write the fields together as $\phi_J=(\phi_1,\phi_2)$ the adiabatic and entropy directions are defined respectively by the vectors
\begin{equation}
e_\sigma^J =
\left(\cos \theta,\sin \theta \right),
\qquad e_s^J =
\left(-\sin \theta , \cos \theta \right).
\end{equation}
In terms of
these new variables, the potential can be re-expressed as \begin{equation}
V=-V_0\, e^{\sqrt{2\epsilon}\sigma} \left[1+\kappa_2 \epsilon s^2+\cdots \right],
\label{potentialParameterized}\end{equation} with $1/\epsilon=2/c_1^2 + 2/c_2^2$ and $V_0$ a constant. For exact exponentials
of the form (\ref{potential2field}), one has
$\kappa_2=1$, which indicates that if we slightly extend the class of potentials we consider we may take $\kappa_2$ to be close to $1$ (as we will see below, in such a case the spectral index of the entropy perturbations will be close to scale-invariant \cite{Buchbinder:2007tw,Lehners:2013cka}). The ellipsis denotes higher-order terms in $s$ in the potential, which determine the non-gaussian corrections to the primordial perturbations -- these are discussed in detail in \cite{Lehners:2007wc,Lehners:2008my,Lehners:2009ja}, for a review see \cite{Lehners:2010fy}. The
ekpyrotic scaling solution is given by \begin{equation} a(t)=(-t)^{1/\epsilon} \qquad
\sigma=-\sqrt{\frac{2}{\epsilon}}\ln \left(-\sqrt{\frac{\epsilon^2 V_0}{\epsilon-3}} t\right) \qquad
s=0, \label{ScalingSolution}\end{equation} where time runs from large negative to small negative values, and with the angle $\theta$ being
constant. The solution corresponds to motion along a ridge in
the potential and thus the two-field ekpyrotic
background evolution is unstable
\cite{Lehners:2007ac,Tolley:2007nq}. This instability has significant consequences: it determines the global structure of a cyclic universe employing the entropic mechanism (this is discussed in detail in \cite{Lehners:2008qe,Lehners:2011ig} -- see also the essay \cite{Lehners:2009eg}), and it is also responsible for amplifying the quantum perturbations in the entropic direction.
In order to discuss the quantum fluctuations, we must expand the action to second order in fluctuations. The gauge-invariant fluctuations that we are interested in are the comoving curvature perturbation $\mathcal{R}$ and the entropy perturbation $\delta s.$ In comoving gauge, the curvature perturbation is defined as a space-time dependent fluctuation in the scale factor
\begin{equation}
ds^2 = - dt^2 + a(t)^2 e^{-2\mathcal{R}(t,\underline{x})} d \underline{x}^2,
\end{equation} while the entropy perturbation is defined (in any gauge) as
\begin{equation}
\delta s = e_s^J \delta \phi_J = \cos \theta \, \delta \phi_2 - \sin \theta \, \delta \phi_1.
\end{equation}
In fact, the re-scaled versions
\begin{equation}
v_\sigma = z \mathcal{R}, \, v_s = a \delta s, \quad \textrm{with} \, \, z=\frac{a \dot\sigma}{H},
\end{equation}
turn out to be the canonically normalized variables. We will also switch to conformal time $\tau$ (with $d t = a\, d\tau$), and denote derivatives w.r.t. conformal time with primes. Moreover, we find it most convenient to work in momentum space from the start, but since modes with different wavenumbers $k$ are decoupled, we will for the most part suppress such labels. Then, as shown in \cite{Langlois:2008mn}, the Lagrangian for the real/imaginary parts of the Fourier components of the curvature and entropy perturbations reads
\begin{eqnarray} \label{eq:modeLagrangian}
L & = & \frac{1}{2} v _{\sigma} ^{ \prime 2} + \frac{1}{2} v _{s} ^{ \prime 2} -\frac{z'}{z}v_{\sigma}'v_\sigma - \frac{a'}{a}v_s' v_s - 2 \theta' v _{\sigma}' v _{s} - \frac{1}{2} m _{\sigma} ^2 v _{\sigma} ^2 + 2 \theta' \frac{z'}{z} v _{\sigma} v _{s} - \frac{1}{2} m _{s} ^2 v _{s} ^2 \;,\\
m _{\sigma} ^2 & = & k ^2 - \frac{z^{\prime 2}}{z^2} \;,\\
m _{s} ^2 & = & k ^2 - \frac{a^{\prime 2}}{a^2} + a ^2 V_{ss} - \theta ^{ \prime 2} \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where
\begin{eqnarray}
z &\equiv& a \frac{ \sigma'}{\mathcal{H}},\qquad \mathcal{H}\equiv \frac{a'}{a} ,\qquad \sigma' \equiv \left( \phi_1 ^{ \prime 2} + \phi_2 ^{ \prime 2} \right) ^{1/2} \;,\\
V_{ss} & \equiv & \left(V_{, \phi_1 \phi_1} \phi_2 ^{ \prime 2} - 2 V_{, \phi_1 \phi_2} \phi'_1 \phi'_2 + V_{, \phi_2 \phi_2} \phi_1 ^{ \prime 2} \right)/ \sigma ^{ \prime 2} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
Varying the Lagrangian leads to the linearized equations of motion
\begin{eqnarray} \label{eq:pertsigma}
v_ \sigma '' + \mu_ \sigma ^2 v_ \sigma - \frac{2}{z}(z\theta' v_s)' & = & 0 \;,\\ \label{eq:perts}
v_s'' + \mu_s ^2 v_s + 2z\theta' \left(\frac{v_\sigma}{z}\right)' & = & 0 \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where
\begin{equation}
\mu_\sigma^2 = k^2 - \frac{z''}{z}, \quad \mu_s^2 = k^2 - \frac{a''}{a} + a^2 V_{ss} - \theta^{\prime 2}.
\end{equation}
The canonical momenta are
\begin{equation}
\pi_\sigma = v_{\sigma}' -\frac{z'}{z} v_\sigma -2\theta' v_s, \quad \pi_s = v_s' -\frac{a'}{a} v_s, \label{Canonicalmomenta}
\end{equation}
and consequently the Hamiltonian is given by
\begin{eqnarray}
H & = & \frac{1}{2} \left( \pi _{\sigma} + \frac{z'}{z} v_\sigma +2\theta' v_s \right) ^2 + \frac{1}{2} \left( \pi _{s} +\frac{a'}{a} v_s \right) ^2 \\ \nonumber
&& + \frac{1}{2} m _{\sigma} ^2 v _{\sigma} ^2 + \frac{1}{2} m _{s} ^2 v _{s} ^2 -2\theta'\frac{z'}{z} v _{\sigma} v_{s} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
We can quantize the perturbations as usual by promoting the fields to operators. In our case, the general solution of the resulting Heisenberg equations can be written in terms of two sets of creation/annihilation operators:
\begin{eqnarray}
\hat{v}_\sigma &=& f_\sigma \hat{a} + f_{\sigma}^{*}\hat{a} ^{\dagger} + g_\sigma \hat{b} + g_{\sigma}^{*} \hat{b} ^{\dagger} \;, \\
\hat{v}_s &=& f_s \hat{a} + f_s^{*}\hat{a} ^{\dagger} + g_s \hat{b} + g_s^{*} \hat{b} ^{\dagger} \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where $f_{\sigma,s}$ and $g_{\sigma,s}$ are time-dependent, complex, linearly independent solutions of the equations of motion. Analogous expressions for the momentum operators follow from Eq. (\ref{Canonicalmomenta}).
The following quantities (Wronskians) are constants of motion,
\begin{eqnarray}
f_\sigma (f_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} f_{\sigma}^* -2\theta' f_s^*) + f_s (f_s^{*\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} f_s^*) - c.c. &=& i, \label{eq:wronskian1}\\
g_\sigma (g_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} g_{\sigma}^* -2\theta' g_s^*) + g_s (g_s^{*\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} g_s^*) - c.c. &=& i, \\
f_\sigma (g_{\sigma}^{\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} g_{\sigma} -2\theta' g_s) + f_s (g_s^{\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} g_s) - (f \leftrightarrow g) &=& 0, \\
f_\sigma (g_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} g_{\sigma}^* -2\theta' g_s^*) + f_s (g_s^{*\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} g_s^*) - (f \leftrightarrow g) &=& 0, \label{eq:wronskian4}
\end{eqnarray}
where we have fixed the right hand sides in such a way as to ensure the canonical normalization of the mode functions.
Using these Wronskian relations, it is then possible to re-express the annihilation operators $\hat{a},\hat{b}$ in terms of the mode functions and their canonical momenta:
\begin{eqnarray}
i\, \hat{a} & = & (f_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} f_{\sigma}^* -2\theta' f_s^*) \hat{v}_\sigma -f_{\sigma}^* \hat{\pi}_\sigma +(f_s^{*\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} f_s^*) \hat{v}_s - f_s^* \hat{\pi}_s \;,\\
i\,\hat{b} & = & (g_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-\frac{z'}{z} g_{\sigma}^* -2\theta' g_s^*) \hat{v}_\sigma -g_{\sigma}^* \hat{\pi}_\sigma +(g_s^{*\prime} - \frac{a'}{a} g_s^*) \hat{v}_s - g_s^* \hat{\pi}_s \;.
\end{eqnarray}
We define the vacuum state as usual by requiring that it vanishes when acted upon by the annihilation operators
\begin{equation}
\hat{a} \ket{0} = \hat{b} \ket{0} = 0 \;.
\end{equation}
Using the expressions above and the canonical replacements $\pi_{\sigma,s} \rightarrow -i \frac{\partial}{\partial v_{\sigma,s}}$ we can then obtain an expression for the corresponding (Schr\"{o}dinger picture) wavefunction $\Psi:$
\begin{eqnarray}
\Psi(v_\sigma,v_s) & = & N\, \textrm{exp} \left( - \frac{1}{2}A_{ \sigma \sigma} v_ \sigma ^2 - A_{ \sigma s} v_ \sigma v_ s - \frac{1}{2} A_{ s s} v_ s ^2 \right) \;, \label{eq:wavefunction}
\end{eqnarray}
where $N$ is a normalization factor and where the correlators are given by
\begin{eqnarray} \label{eq:solCorr1or}
A_{ \sigma \sigma} & = & - i \frac{ g_{s} ^{*} f_{\sigma}^{*\prime}-f_s^* g_{\sigma}^{*\prime}}{ g_{s}^{*} f_{\sigma}^{*} - f_{s} ^{*} g_{\sigma}^{*}} + i \frac{z'}{z} \;,\\ \label{eq:solCorr2}
A_{ ss} & = & - i \frac{ f_{\sigma}^{*}g_{s}^{*\prime} - g_{\sigma}^{*} f_{s}^{*\prime} }{ f_{\sigma}^{*} g_{s}^{*} - g_{\sigma}^{*} f_{s} ^{*} } + i \frac{a'}{a} \;, \\ \label{eq:solCorr3}
A_{ \sigma s} & = & -i \frac{ f_{\sigma}^{*}g_{\sigma}^{*\prime} - g_{\sigma}^{*} f_{\sigma}^{*\prime} }{ f_{\sigma}^{*} g_{s}^{*} - g_{\sigma}^{*} f_{s} ^{*} } + 2i\theta' = - i \frac{ g_{s} ^{*} f_{s}^{*\prime}-f_s^* g_{s}^{*\prime}}{ g_{s}^{*} f_{\sigma}^{*} - f_{s} ^{*} g_{\sigma}^{*}} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
The correlators satisfy their own equations of motion, which can be derived either via the equations of motion of the mode functions, or via the time-dependent Schr\"{o}dinger equation $i \Psi' = \hat{H} \Psi$. Both methods lead to
\begin{eqnarray}
i A_{\sigma\sigma}' &=& (A_{\sigma\sigma}-i\frac{z'}{z})^2 + A_{\sigma s}^2 - m_{\sigma}^2 \;,\\
i A_{ss}' &=& (A_{ss}-i\frac{a'}{a})^2 + (A_{\sigma s}-2i\theta')^2 - m_{s}^2 \;, \\
i A_{\sigma s}' &=& A_{\sigma s}(A_{\sigma\sigma} + A_{ss}) - i(\frac{z'}{z}+\frac{a'}{a})A_{\sigma s} -2i\theta' A_{\sigma \sigma} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
Having set up the necessary formalism, we can now apply it to the ekpyrotic phase, during which the following relations hold:
\begin{eqnarray}
\sigma & = & - \sqrt{ \frac{2}{ \epsilon}} \ln{ \left( - \sqrt{ \frac{ \epsilon ^2 V_0}{ \epsilon - 3}}t \right)}, \quad
s = 0 \;, \\
a & = & a_0 (- t) ^{1/ \epsilon} = \bar{a}_0(- \tau) ^{1/( \epsilon-1)} \;,\\
\frac{a''}{a} & = & \frac{z''}{z} = - \frac{ \epsilon -2}{( \epsilon -1) ^2} \frac{1}{ \tau ^2} \;, \\
\frac{a''}{a} - a ^2V_{ ,ss} & \approx & (2\kappa_2 - \frac{2\kappa_2}{\epsilon} - \frac{1}{\epsilon}) \frac{1}{ \tau ^2}
\;.
\end{eqnarray}
Hence the mode equations \eqref{eq:pertsigma} and \eqref{eq:perts} read
\begin{eqnarray}
v'' + \left(k ^2 + \frac{\frac{1}{4}-\alpha^2}{ \eta ^2} \right) v & = & 0 \label{eq:modefct}\;,
\end{eqnarray}
with
\begin{equation} \label{eq:alpha}
\alpha_ \sigma^2 = \frac{ (\epsilon - 3)^2}{4( \epsilon - 1) ^2} \;, \quad
\alpha _s^2 \approx \frac{1}{4} + 2\kappa_2 - \frac{2\kappa_2}{\epsilon} - \frac{1}{\epsilon} \;.
\end{equation}
Note that during the ekpyrotic phase $\theta'=0$ and thus there is no coupling between adiabatic and entropic modes. Consequently, the two modes can be treated independently. The solutions respecting the Wronskian conditions may be written in terms of Bessel functions,
\begin{equation}
v = \sqrt{ \frac{ \pi}{4k}} \sqrt{- k \tau} \Big( J_{ \alpha}(- k \tau) + i\, Y_{ \alpha}(- k \tau) \Big) \;.
\end{equation}
When $ \epsilon$ is large and $|\kappa_2 -1| \ll 1$ one has
\begin{eqnarray} \label{eq:alphaSigma}
\alpha_ \sigma & \approx & \frac{1}{2} - \frac{ 1}{ \epsilon} \;,\\ \label{eq:alphas}
\alpha_ s & \approx & \frac{3}{2} + \frac{2}{3}(\kappa_2 -1) - \frac{1}{ \epsilon} \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where these solutions apply to the two non-zero mode functions $f_\sigma$ and $g_s,$ while $f_s$ and $g_\sigma$ are zero during the ekpyrotic phase. Using the asymptotic behaviors of Bessel functions provided in Appendix \ref{section:Bessel}
we obtain
\begin{eqnarray}
f_{\sigma} & \simeq & \frac{ \Gamma( \alpha) 2 ^{ \alpha}}{ \sqrt{ 4 \pi k}} \left( \frac{ \pi}{ 2 ^{2 \alpha} \Gamma( \alpha) \Gamma( \alpha + 1)} (-k\tau) ^{1 - 1/ \epsilon} - i\, (-k\tau) ^{1/ \epsilon} \right) \label{eq:modefctfsigma}\;,\\
g_s & \simeq & \frac{ \Gamma( \alpha) 2 ^{\alpha}}{ \sqrt{ 4 \pi k}} \left( \frac{ \pi}{ 2 ^{2 \alpha} \Gamma( \alpha) \Gamma( \alpha+1)} (-k\tau)^{2 +2(\kappa_2 -1)/3- 1/ \epsilon} - \frac{i}{(-k\tau)^{1 + 2(\kappa_2 - 1)/3-1/ \epsilon}} \right)\label{eq:modefctgs} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
We are now in a position to evaluate the correlators during the ekpyrotic phase. Again using the formulae of Appendix \ref{section:Bessel} as well as the relation $(1- 2 \alpha_ \sigma)( \epsilon - 1)=2$, we find that the correlators are given by
\begin{eqnarray}
A_{\sigma\s} &\approx& \frac{k ^{2 \alpha_\sigma}}{ 2 ^{ 2 \alpha_\sigma-1} \Gamma( \alpha_\sigma)} | \tau| ^{2 \alpha_\sigma - 1} \left( \frac{\pi}{\Gamma(\alpha_\sigma)} - i \alpha_\sigma \Gamma( - \alpha_\sigma) \cos( \pi \alpha_\sigma) \right), \label{eq:corr_ek_1} \\
A_{\sigma s} &=& 0 \\
A_{ss} &\approx& \frac{ \pi k ^{2 \alpha_s}}{ 2 ^{ 2 \alpha_s - 1}\Gamma( \alpha_s) ^2} | \tau| ^{ 2 \alpha_s - 1} - i \frac{\left(\alpha_s - \frac{1}{2}+ \frac{1}{\epsilon} \right)}{|\tau|} \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where $\alpha_{\sigma}$ and $\alpha_s$ were listed above in Eqs. (\ref{eq:alphaSigma})-(\ref{eq:alphas}), and where we have kept only the leading real and imaginary parts. One can immediately see that the adiabatic and entropic correlators behave very differently: let us first look at the adiabatic modes, which are characterized by a blue spectrum $n_s = 4-2\alpha_\sigma \approx 3.$ The criterion for describing a quantum state as being semi-classical (in a WKB sense) is that the phase of the wavefunction must
vary much faster than its amplitude. From \eqref{eq:wavefunction} we can see that this corresponds to the criterion that the imaginary part of the correlator must be much larger than the real part. However, in the present case, the real and imaginary parts of $A_{\sigma\s}$ have the same time dependence, and thus their relative magnitude remains fixed over time. Moreover, as the explicit expression \eqref{eq:corr_ek_1} shows, their magnitudes are of the same order
\begin{equation}
\textrm{Re}(A_{\sigma\s}) \approx \textrm{Im}(A_{\sigma\s})
\end{equation}
at all times, and hence these blue modes cannot be given a classical interpretation. This calculation reproduces the results of \cite{Tseng:2012qd}. We note that the correlator becomes large as $\tau \rightarrow 0^-$, which implies that the dispersion of the $v_\sigma$ modes becomes small as the ekpyrotic phase progresses. Thus there occurs no significant production of these modes.
By contrast, the real part of the entropic correlator $A_{ss}$ becomes small as $\tau \rightarrow 0^-.$ Hence in this case the dispersion of the entropic perturbations becomes large -- in other words, such modes are amplified as the ekpyrotic phase proceeds. Moreover, the imaginary part of the correlator becomes large in magnitude, so that the phase of the wavefunction evolves much faster than its amplitude \footnote{It is interesting to note that the leading imaginary term of the correlator $A_{ss}$ does not appear in $A_{\sigma\s},$ where it cancels out exactly due to Eq. (\ref{eq:alpha}).}. Over time such modes behave increasingly classically in a WKB sense, with
\begin{equation}
\frac{|\textrm{Im}(A_{ss})|}{| \textrm{Re}(A_{ss})|} \approx \frac{1}{|k \tau|^{2 \alpha_s}} \gg 1 \, \textrm{as} \, |k\tau| \ll 1.
\end{equation}
This formula shows that the perturbation modes evolve into a highly squeezed Gaussian state as they leave the horizon, in complete analogy with inflationary perturbations. The entropic modes of interest to us belong to this category (with $\alpha_s \approx \frac{3}{2}).$ Their spectral index is given by
\begin{equation}
n_s = 4-2\alpha_s \approx 1 - \frac{4}{3}(\kappa_2 -1) + \frac{2}{\epsilon},
\end{equation}
and thus their spectrum is nearly scale-invariant spectrum when $\epsilon \gg 1$ and $|\kappa_2-1| \ll 1$. All of these features, with one important exception, make these modes suitable candidates for producing the seeds of the large-scale structure in the universe. The exception is of course that these modes correspond to local perturbations in the entropy, whereas observations indicate that the temperature fluctuations in the cosmic background radiation are primarily due to adiabatic curvature fluctuations. As we will see in the next section, it is precisely the process that converts such entropic into adiabatic fluctuations that is also responsible for decohering them, thus confirming their classical appearance.
\section{Conversion of entropic into adiabatic perturbations and decoherence} \label{section:conversion}
In the previous section, we have shown that the ekpyrotic phase produces two sets of fluctuations: adiabatic perturbations with a blue spectrum, a small amplitude and no classical interpretation, alongside nearly scale-invariant entropic modes in a highly squeezed semi-classical state. In the entropic mechanism, after the ekpyrotic phase has come to an end the entropy modes get converted into adiabatic curvature perturbations. This conversion occurs when the trajectory in field space undergoes a bend, as shown in Fig. \ref{Fig1}. (As described in \cite{Lehners:2006pu}, such a bending of the trajectory occurs automatically in the embedding of ekpyrotic models into heterotic M-theory.) In the following, we would like to examine to what extent the semi-classical properties of the entropic modes get inherited by the adiabatic modes during this process. In the model that we are studying, after the conversion process the universe briefly remains in a phase dominated by the kinetic energy of the scalar fields before it undergoes a bounce into an expanding hot big bang phase (without inflation occurring). The idea is that the bounce is not completely elastic, and that a small fraction of the energy density gets converted into radiation and matter degrees of freedom during the bounce phase \cite{Steinhardt:2001st}. (Models describing either classically singular or non-singular bounces form an active research topic, see {\it e.g.} \cite{Turok:2004gb,Buchbinder:2007ad,Creminelli:2007aq,Lehners:2011kr,Cai:2012va,Osipov:2013ssa,Qiu:2013eoa}.) The curvature perturbation corresponds to a local fluctuation in the scale factor of the universe, and thus it has the effect that the bounce will occur at slightly different times in different regions of the universe. In this way, any radiation and matter that get produced during the bounce inherit their perturbations directly from the curvature perturbation.
\subsection{The reduced density matrix and decoherence}
We are assuming here that the entropy field decays sometime after the ekpyrotic phase has come to an end, e.g. during reheating at the bounce. Then the only observable imprint from the ekpyrotic phase on the cosmic background radiation is represented by the adiabatic curvature perturbations - concerning this point see also the analogous discussion in the context of two-field inflation in \cite{Prokopec:2006fc}. This means that we should treat the entropic modes as an inaccessible environment for the curvature modes, and hence, in order to characterize the generated curvature perturbations, we must study the reduced density matrix that one obtains by tracing over the entropic degrees of freedom. As we will see, this reduced density matrix allows us to quantify the effective classicality of the curvature perturbations. Explicitly, it is given by
\begin{eqnarray}
\rho( v_ \sigma,\bar{v}_ \sigma ) &=& \langle v_\sigma | \textrm{Tr}_{v_s} \hat{\rho} | \bar{v}_\sigma \rangle \\ & = & \int dv_s \Psi(v_\sigma,v_s) \Psi^*(\bar{v}_\sigma,v_s) \\
&=& \tilde{N} \,\textrm{exp} \left( - \frac{1}{2} C_{SS} v_S ^2 - \frac{1}{2} C_{DD} v_D ^2 - i \, C_{SD} v_S v_D \right) \;,
\end{eqnarray}
where $\tilde{N}$ is a normalization factor and $\hat{\rho}$ denotes the full density matrix. For simplicity, we will adhere to common practice and call the left-hand side $\rho$ the reduced density matrix, although it actually only corresponds to one particular element thereof. Here we have defined
\begin{eqnarray}
v_S & \equiv & \frac{1}{2} \left(v_ \sigma + \bar{v} _{\sigma} \right) \;,\\
v_D & \equiv & v_ \sigma - \bar{v} _{\sigma} \;,
\end{eqnarray}
while the correlators are given by \cite{Prokopec:2006fc}\footnote{In \cite{Prokopec:2006fc} an additional erroneous factor of 2 is present inside the brackets in the expression of $C_{SD}$. Our preliminary analysis shows that the use of the correct expression \eqref{eq:exprCSD} does not significantly change the conclusions of that work, while it plays a crucial role in the results of the present paper.}
\begin{eqnarray}
C_{SS} & = & 2 A _{ \sigma \sigma} ^{R} \left( 1 - \frac{( A _{ \sigma s} ^{R})^2}{A_{ss} ^{R} A _{ \sigma \sigma} ^{R}} \right) \;,\\ \label{eq:exprCSD}
C_{SD} & = & A_{ \sigma \sigma} ^{I} \left(1 - \frac{A _{ \sigma s} ^{I} A_{ \sigma s} ^{R}}{A_{ s s} ^{R}A_{ \sigma \sigma} ^{I}} \right)\;,\\
C_{DD} & = & \frac{1}{2} A_{ \sigma \sigma} ^{R} \left( 1 + \frac{( A_ { \sigma s} ^{I}) ^2}{ A_{ss} ^{R} A_{ \sigma \sigma} ^{R}} \right) \;.
\end{eqnarray}
Note the extra factor of $i$ that we have pulled out of the coefficient of the mixed $v_S v_D$ term, such that $C_{SD}$ is real.
The situation that we are aiming for is one where the density matrix is approximately diagonal in the field amplitude basis - in this case we say that the density matrix has {\it decohered}. More explicitly, we would like the density matrix to yield a sizeable probability when we choose the field amplitudes $v_\sigma$ and $\bar{v}_\sigma$ to be equal, but a zero or very small probability when they are unequal, $v_\sigma \neq \bar{v}_\sigma.$ In this case, the density matrix describes with high accuracy a statistical mixture of states with definite field amplitudes, and thus the quantum perturbations that we are studying can then equivalently be described as an ensemble of classical density perturbations\footnote{If the density matrix is not diagonal in the field amplitude basis, then the fluctuation modes are in coherent superpositions of states with different field amplitudes. Evidently, such a situation cannot be described classically.}. We can specify the amount of decoherence by evaluating the so-called {\it entanglement entropy}
\begin{equation}
s_k = \frac{1}{2} \ln \left( \frac{4 C_{DD}}{C_{SS}} \right),
\end{equation}
which quantifies the extent to which the difference terms $v_D$ are suppressed relative to the $v_S$ terms. The entanglement entropy $s_k$ does not obey a simple evolution equation, and one must in fact evaluate the correlators $C_{SS},C_{DD}$ directly in terms of the original correlators $A_{\sigma\s},A_{\sigma s}$ and $A_{ss},$ and these in turn are most easily evaluated via their dependence on the mode functions $f_{\sigma,s}, g_{\sigma,s}.$ Although approximation techniques exist in order to solve for the evolution of the mode functions during the conversion phase \cite{Lehners:2009qu}, we have found these to be insufficiently accurate for our present purposes, and thus we have solved for the mode functions numerically. In analogy to the numerical calculations performed in \cite{Lehners:2009ja} in the context of non-gaussian corrections to the perturbations that we are studying here, we model the bending of the trajectory during the conversion phase by assuming a repulsive potential
\begin{equation}
V_{rep} = \frac{\tilde{V}}{\phi_2^2}e^{-(10\phi_2)^2} + V_0,
\end{equation}
where $\tilde{V},V_0$ are small constants (we chose the explicit values $\tilde{V}=8 \cdot10^{-9}, V_0=10^{-12}$). Thus the trajectory bends in the vicinity of the $\phi_2=0$ line. We have added the small constant term $V_0$ in order to improve the numerical stability of our computations. Compared to \cite{Lehners:2009ja}, we have also added an exponential suppression term, which ensures that away from the $\phi_2=0$ line the potential quickly reaches a constant value. This implies that at the start of our computation, the angle of the trajectory in scalar field space is almost exactly constant (with our initial conditions, the starting value of the rate of change of the angle is $\theta'\approx 10^{-36}$). This allows us to see the onset of decoherence with high precision. We have started our numerical evaluation right after the ekpyrotic phase has come to an end, when the background dynamics becomes dominated by the kinetic energy of the scalar fields (incidentally, even during the bending the energy density still remains dominated by the kinetic energy of the scalars). As initial conditions for the mode functions $f_\sigma$ and $g_s$ we have used the explicit analytic expressions (\ref{eq:modefctfsigma}) and (\ref{eq:modefctgs}). During the ekpyrotic phase, the other two mode functions, $f_s$ and $g_\sigma,$ are zero. This is consistent as long as $\theta'=0,$ but since $\theta'$ assumes a (tiny) non-zero value already at the start of our computation, we have also set
\begin{equation}
f_s'(\tau_0) = -2 \theta' f_\sigma (\tau_0), \quad g_\sigma(\tau_0) = 0
\end{equation}
such that the Wronskians (\ref{eq:wronskian1})-(\ref{eq:wronskian4}) remain exactly satisfied at the starting time $\tau_0$.
\begin{figure}[t]
\begin{minipage}{239pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{entropyCases.pdf}
\end{minipage}%
\begin{minipage}{229pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{entropyDependence.pdf}
\end{minipage}
\caption{\small \label{FigEntropy} These figures show the entanglement entropy $s_k$ as a function of time for various wavenumbers $k.$ Time runs from the right to the left, and is given in units of scale-factor time $N \propto \ln(a).$ Left panel: the perfect quantum coherence at the end of the ekpyrotic phase is rapidly destroyed during the conversion process, and reaches a constant value in the approach to the bounce. Right panel: for small--wavelength modes, the final amount of decoherence $s_{k,final}$ can be seen to be inversely proportional to $k$ -- the dashed line corresponds to the fitting formula (\eqref{entropyfitting}).}
\end{figure}
Fig. \ref{FigEntropy} then shows our results for the evolution of the entanglement entropy $s_k$ as a function of scale-factor time $N \propto \ln a.$ Since the universe is contracting, $N$ is decreasing, and hence in the figure time is running from right to left. The figure shows how, for different values of the wavenumber $k$, we start with perfect quantum coherence on the right, and then, as the conversion process takes place the environment provided by the entropy modes effectively decoheres the reduced density matrix. As is evident from the figure, the entanglement entropy reaches a constant value after the conversion process has ended. As mentioned above, the entanglement entropy $s_k$ does not obey a simple evolution equation, as its evolution is governed by
\begin{equation} s_k'=-2\theta'\frac{A_{\sigma\s}^R A_{\sigma s}^R + A_{\sigma\s}^I A_{\sigma s}^I}{A_{\sigma\s}^R A_{ss}^R + (A_{\sigma s}^I)^2}, \end{equation}
but this explicit formula immediately confirms that $s_k$ is constant when $\theta'=0.$ From a physical point of view, this is also easy to understand, as the adiabatic and entropy modes become decoupled when $\theta'=0.$
An interesting feature of the model we are studying is that the amount of decoherence increases rapidly for longer (comoving) wavelengths $1/k.$ As illustrated in Fig. \ref{FigEntropy}, right panel, the final values of $s_k$ are well fitted by the relation
\begin{equation}
s_{k,final} \sim -\ln \left( \frac{k}{k_0} \right),\quad k_0 \sim 10^{-4}, \qquad (k \lesssim k_0). \label{entropyfitting}
\end{equation}
The modes of cosmological interest, {\it i.e.} those that we can observe in the cosmic background radiation, have wavenumbers on the order of $k\sim 10^{-25}.$ We have not been able to reach such small values numerically, but if we just extrapolate the fitting formula above, we can estimate that for such modes the entanglement entropy is on the order of $50.$ Recalling that $s_k$ is essentially half of the logarithm of the suppression factor in the reduced density matrix, we see that decoherence is extremely effective for all modes of cosmological interest (thus, for such modes, off-diagonal elements are suppressed by a factor $10^{42}$ relative to the diagonal elements), and that in the present model one does not even have to consider a coupling to an additional environment in order to obtain sufficient decoherence -- the interactions between adiabatic and entropic modes during the conversion phase are entirely sufficient!
\subsection{Amplification, squeezing and semi-classicality}
As we have just seen, the reduced density matrix decoheres very effectively during the conversion phase. Hence, at the end of that process, we are left with adiabatic curvature perturbations that have a nearly scale-invariant spectrum and that behave like an ensemble of classical perturbations with definite amplitudes. However, it would still be interesting to know precisely to what extent the curvature perturbations have become classical: to what extent has the squeezed state of the entropic perturbations been inherited by the curvature perturbations? In other words, to what extent is the field momentum correlated with the amplitude according to the classical relation? This question is relevant for cosmological applications, as the acoustic peaks in the cosmic background radiation show that the momentum of the perturbations must have been highly correlated with the field amplitudes.
We can address this question by looking at the Wigner function. As is well-known, due to the uncertainty relations, it is impossible in quantum mechanics to talk about a precisely defined phase space. However, for semi-classical states an effective phase space description becomes available by making use of quasi-probability distributions, of which the Wigner function is the best-known example - for a review see \cite{Hillery:1983ms}. The Wigner function for $v_\sigma,\pi_\sigma$ can be obtained from the reduced density matrix via
\begin{eqnarray}
W(v,\pi) &=& \frac{1}{2\pi} \int dv_D\, \rho(v-\frac{v_D}{2},v+\frac{v_D}{2}) \, e^{i v_D \pi} \\
&=& \frac{C_{SS} ^{1/2}}{2 \pi C_{DD} ^{1/2}}\; \textrm{exp} \left( - \frac{C_{SS}}{2} v ^2 - \frac{1}{2 C_{DD}}(\pi+C_{SD} v)^2 \right),
\end{eqnarray}
where we have imposed that the total probability is normalised to one, $\int dv d\pi W(v,\pi)=1,$ and where we are now dropping the $\sigma$ subscripts when a possible confusion seems unlikely.
We may rewrite the Wigner function as
\begin{equation}
W \propto \textrm{exp} \left( -\frac{ v ^2 }{2(\Delta v)^2} -\frac{1}{2(\Delta \pi_{cl})^2} \left(\pi-\pi_{cl}(v) \right)^2 \right).
\end{equation}
This form lets us identify the classical correlation between $v$ and $ \pi$ that describes the quantum state in the optimal way\footnote{By this we mean that the expectation value $\langle (\hat\pi-\lambda \hat{v})^2 \rangle$ is minimized for $\lambda=-C_{SD}.$}
\begin{eqnarray}
\pi_{cl}(v) &=& - C_{SD}\, v.
\end{eqnarray}
The dispersions of $ v$ and $ \pi - \pi_{cl}$ can be read off directly from the Wigner function:
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta v ^2 & \equiv & \langle \hat{ v} ^2 \rangle = C_{SS} ^{-1} \;,\\
\Delta \pi_{cl} ^2 & \equiv & \langle \left( \hat{ \pi} + C_{SD} \hat{v} \right) ^2 \rangle = C_{DD} \;.
\end{eqnarray}
Given that $\langle \hat\pi \rangle = 0,$ the total dispersion of momentum is given by
\begin{equation}
(\Delta \pi) ^2 \equiv \langle \hat{ \pi} ^2 \rangle = \int dv d\pi\, W(v,\pi) \pi^2= \Delta \pi_{cl} ^2 + C_{SD} ^2 \Delta v ^2 = C_{DD} + \frac{C_{SD} ^2}{C_{SS}}.
\end{equation}
In passing, we note that the entanglement entropy is also directly related to the dispersions in field amplitude and momentum via
\begin{equation} \label{eq:areaEllipse}
\frac{1}{2} e^{s_k} = \sqrt{ \frac{ C_{DD}}{C_{SS}}} = \Delta v\, \Delta \pi_{cl} \geq \frac{1}{2}.
\end{equation}
Expressed in this form, one can see that the exponential of the entanglement entropy is given by the area of the Wigner ellipse in phase space (see also Figure \ref{FigSqueezing}).
\begin{figure}[t]
\begin{minipage}{239pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{dispersionCases.pdf}
\end{minipage}%
\begin{minipage}{229pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{dispersionDependence.pdf}
\end{minipage}
\caption{\small \label{FigExcitation} The figure shows the amplification of the curvature perturbations $(\Delta v)^2 = 1/C_{SS}$
as a function of time (left panel) and at the reference time $N=1$ (right panel) for various wavenumbers $k$. Noting the logarithmic scale on the vertical axis, it is evident that long-wavelength modes become highly amplified during the conversion process. In particular, at fixed time one finds $ ( \Delta v) ^2 \propto k ^{-3}$. During the kinetic phase, this amplification is reduced somewhat, but will remain large if the bounce occurs within not too large a number of e-folds after conversion.
}
\end{figure}
If the dispersion $\Delta v$ is large, this indicates that the curvature perturbations are amplified. In Fig. \ref{FigExcitation} we show our numerical results for the amplification (we have plotted $(\Delta v)^2$) again as a function of the wavenumber $k$. As the figure shows, for small wavenumbers the perturbations are highly amplified during the conversion process, while afterwards, in the approach to the bounce, this amplification is reduced somewhat. If the bounce occurs within a few e-folds after the end of the conversion process, as is natural in the entropic mechanism, then a large amount of amplification remains. The right panel of Fig. \ref{FigExcitation} shows the amplification (plotted here at the reference time $N=1$) as a function of wavenumber. The curve is well fitted by assuming a $k$-dependence
\begin{equation}
\Delta v \propto k^{-3/2}, \label{amplifitting}
\end{equation}
which confirms that small-wavelength modes are highly amplified, and that they inherit their spectrum from the entropy modes\footnote{Some reader may not be accustomed to seeing the variance of the perturbations expressed in this way. To provide a link to the usual calculation, note that for a single field the variance is given by $(\Delta v)^2 = 1/C_{SS} = 1/Re(-i v^{*\prime}/v^*) = 1/[-i(v^{*\prime}/v^* - v'/v)] = vv^*,$ where in the last step we have used the wronskian (\ref{eq:wronskian1}).}.
Finally, as also discussed in \cite{Prokopec:2006fc}, it is important to evaluate the degree of classicality of the final adiabatic modes. The effective classicality is largely determined by the dispersion $ \Delta \pi _{cl}$, i.e. by the length of the (typically) shorter axis of the Wigner ellipse (see Figure \ref{FigSqueezing}, top left panel). For this quantity to be small, the dispersion of $ v$ must necessarily be large according to \eqref{eq:areaEllipse}. This implies a large ratio between the lengths of the principal axes of the Wigner ellipse, and is for this reason referred to as \textit{squeezing}. A large amount of squeezing is required in order for the correlations between $v$ and $\pi$ to closely follow their classical counterpart. Combining our definitions and results \eqref{entropyfitting}, \eqref{eq:areaEllipse} and \eqref{amplifitting}, it follows that
\begin{equation}
\frac{ \Delta \pi _{cl}}{ \Delta v} \leq \frac{\Delta \pi}{\Delta v} \propto k^2
\end{equation}
and thus on large scales the curvature perturbations are in a highly squeezed state. The crucial question here is whether this effective classicality is such that the produced curvature perturbations lead to the observed features of the cosmic background radiation, and in particular whether they will lead to the observed pattern of peaks and troughs in the angular power spectrum of the cosmic microwave background. These peaks and troughs are caused by acoustic oscillations after the curvature perturbations re-enter the horizon in the expanding phase of the universe. At that point, the evolution of the perturbations is given by circular classical trajectories in the $( k ^{1/2} v, k ^{-1/2} \pi)$ plane. When the Wigner ellipse is highly squeezed in these reduced variables the initial phase (\textit{temporal phase}) of the oscillations is the same for all the modes with the same wavenumber. The classical value of the temporal phase is given by
\begin{equation}
\tan{ \varphi } \equiv \frac{ |\pi _{cl}(v)|}{ k\,v} = \frac{C_{SD}}{k} \;.
\end{equation}
Moreover, as long as $ \varphi$ is small (which will be the relevant case here), the variance of the temporal phase of a squeezed wavepacket is approximately given by
\begin{equation} \label{eq:deltaPhik}
\Delta \varphi \simeq \frac{ \Delta \pi _{cl}}{ k\, \Delta v } \;.
\end{equation}
Fig. \ref{FigSqueezing} presents numerical results for this indicator. As shown in the bottom left panel, the variance of the temporal phase decreases dramatically during the conversion phase, then starts slowly growing again due to the contraction. The bottom right panel shows that, at a fixed reference time after the conversion, the following approximate scaling holds:
\begin{equation} \label{eq:scalingSqueezing}
\Delta \varphi \propto k, \qquad k \lesssim 10^{-6} \;.
\end{equation}
Moreover, our numerical results show that, for sufficiently small $k$, the classical value of the temporal phase after the conversion phase is much smaller than its variance,
\begin{equation}
\frac{ \Delta \varphi}{ \varphi} \sim 10^3,
\end{equation}
but this relation is independent of $k$ for sufficiently small $k.$ Thus, the classical value of the angle $\varphi$ also scales in proportion to $k.$ Hence the classical relation between $ v$ and $ \pi$ is essentially $ \pi = 0$ and the inclination of the Wigner ellipse is effectively invisible for small-$k$ modes (see Fig. \ref{FigSqueezing}, top right panel). This implies that for all long-wavelength modes, the initial temporal phase is zero. If one describes the acoustic oscillations of the density perturbations upon horizon re-entry as a linear sum of a $\cos$ and a $\sin$ solution, then our results imply that (for all observationally relevant scales) purely the $\cos$ mode is realized, and consequently all modes with the same wavenumber $k$ will reach maximal and minimal amplitudes in synchrony. This is precisely what is needed to reproduce the acoustic oscillations observed in the cosmic microwave background \cite{Dodelson:2003ip}.
Let us briefly contrast our results with the two-field inflationary model studied in \cite{Prokopec:2006fc}, where the temporal phase was found to have a definite classical value $ \frac{ \Delta \varphi}{ \varphi} \sim 10^{-3},$ where this ratio is much smaller than in our case. However, it should be clear now that the precise numerical value of this ratio is rather unimportant -- what really matters is that for all observationally relevant scales both the numerator and the denominator in this expression become very small. And this occurs both in the inflationary model of \cite{Prokopec:2006fc} and in the model that we study here.
\begin{figure}[t!]
\begin{minipage}{239pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{idealizedEllipse.pdf}
\end{minipage}%
\begin{minipage}{229pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{actualEllipse.pdf}
\end{minipage} \vspace{1cm}\\
\begin{minipage}{239pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{deltaPhiCases.pdf}
\end{minipage}%
\begin{minipage}{229pt}
\flushleft
\includegraphics[width=229pt]{deltaPhiDependence.pdf}
\end{minipage}\vspace{.7cm}
\caption{ \small \label{FigSqueezing} Top, left panel: general shape of the Wigner ellipse for a gaussian state. Top, right panel: shape of the Wigner ellipses in the rescaled phase space at $N=1$ for $k=10^{-7}$,$10^{-8}$ and $10^{-9}$. The plot shows that the dispersion of $v$ scales very accurately as $k ^{-3/2}$, while the dispersion of the temporal phase rapidly goes to zero: the $k=10^{-9}$ ellipse is barely distinguishable from a segment of the $ \pi= 0$ line. Bottom panels: behavior of the temporal phase dispersion \eqref{eq:deltaPhik} as a function of $N$ and at $N=1$ for different values of $k$. The right panel indicates that $ \Delta \varphi \propto k $ (dotted line) for sufficiently small $k$.
}
\end{figure}
A final comment: the scaling \eqref{eq:scalingSqueezing} can be seen as a consequence of the approximate conservation, at the quantum level, of the comoving curvature perturbation
\begin{equation}
\hat{\mathcal{R} } \equiv \frac{ \hat{v} _{\sigma}}{ z} \;.
\end{equation}
The Heisenberg equation for $ \hat{\mathcal{R} }$ reads (see \eqref{Canonicalmomenta})
\begin{equation}
z \hat{\mathcal{R} }' = \hat{v} _{\sigma}' - \frac{z'}{z} \hat{v} _{\sigma} = \hat{ \pi} _{\sigma} + 2 \theta' \hat{ v} _{s} \;.
\end{equation}
Therefore, after the conversion $( \theta ' = 0 )$ we have approximately
\begin{equation}
z \hat{\mathcal{R} }' = \hat{ \pi} _{\sigma} \;.
\end{equation}
Hence, the degree of conservation of $ \mathcal{R}$ is directly connected to the dispersion of $ \pi_ \sigma$. In our case, this quantity is simply related to the dispersion of the temporal phase, since the Wigner ellipse is almost horizontal and $ \Delta \pi _{cl} \simeq \Delta \pi$:
\begin{equation}
\Delta \varphi \simeq \frac{ \Delta \pi}{ k \Delta v} \;.
\end{equation}
As previously shown, after the conversion $ \Delta v \propto k ^{-3/2}$, hence
\begin{equation}
\Delta \mathcal{R}' \equiv \langle \hat{\mathcal{R} } ^{\prime 2} \rangle^{1/2} \propto k ^{1/2} \;.
\end{equation}
This confirms that, after the conversion phase, long wavelength adiabatic curvature perturbations evolve classically in the sense that they are very accurately conserved at the full quantum level.
\section{Discussion}
The proposition put forward both by the inflationary theory of the early universe and by the alternative ekpyrotic/cyclic models is that all structure in the universe originated out of primordial quantum fluctuations, generated either during the currently expanding phase of the universe respectively in a prior contracting phase. This stunning proposition requires that there was a phase in the history of the universe when the usually tiny quantum fluctuations were amplified in such a way as to end up behaving as classical density perturbations.
In the context of inflationary cosmology, it became progressively clear over the last three decades that the quantum-to-classical transition of perturbations relies on several key ingredients: for one, the approximately Gaussian state of the perturbations becomes amplified and highly squeezed during the inflationary phase, as the fluctuation modes exit the horizon. Secondly, decoherence must occur so that one can explain why these squeezed states can be interpreted as a classical ensemble of density perturbations. A final, still unresolved aspect, is to explain why we observe one particular outcome of this classicalization process on the microwave sky, rather than a different (but statistically very similar) one\footnote{In a many-worlds interpretation of quantum mechanics, this is the question of why we happen to find ourselves in one particular decohered branch of the wavefunction rather than another one.}\cite{Martin:2012pea}.
Here, we have performed an analogous analysis for ekpyrotic models. Because the background dynamics is very different in these models, it was not {\it a priori} clear that a similar quantum-to-classical transition could occur here as well. And in fact, during the ekpyrotic phase, the adiabatic curvature perturbations, which have a blue spectrum, are neither amplified nor do they get squeezed. Hence they cannot be interpreted classically. This result, which was previously noticed in \cite{Tseng:2012qd}, has implications for single-field ekpyrotic models: it was originally thought that such blue modes could end up with a scale-invariant spectrum due to (essentially classical) matching conditions at the bounce \cite{Tolley:2003nx}. This now appears unlikely, as the modes of interest cannot be treated classically in the approach to the bounce.
However, in the entropic mechanism nearly scale-invariant entropy perturbations are created during the ekpyrotic phase. These do get amplified and evolve into a highly squeezed state. The subsequent conversion phase kills two birds with one stone: as the entropy perturbations source the curvature perturbations, the latter perturbations inherit the desirable properties of the entropic modes (amplified, squeezed, nearly scale-invariant), while on top of that the interactions between the two types of fluctuations lead to efficient decoherence of the density matrix. The end result is that the entropic mechanism generates a classical ensemble of nearly scale-invariant curvature perturbations in the approach to the bounce. In terms of generating nearly scale-invariant curvature perturbations during the early history of our universe, our results demonstrate that ekpyrotic models can now be considered as truly standing on the same footing as inflationary models.
Recent studies of non-singular bounce models involving higher-derivative kinetic terms for the scalar fields \cite{Cai:2013vm,Cai:2013kja}, loop quantum cosmology models \cite{Wilson-Ewing:2013bla}, and in particular the recent fully non-perturbative classical study of \cite{Xue2013} all suggest that the perturbations evolve through the bounce unscathed, and emerge in the currently expanding phase of the universe in agreement with cosmic microwave background observations. However, it is certainly the case that the bounce phase remains the least understood part of ekpyrotic/cyclic models, and it is here that future progress is most eagerly awaited.
\acknowledgements
We would like to thank Anna Ijjas and Paul Steinhardt for their careful reading of our manuscript, and for very useful suggestions; and we would like to thank Claus Kiefer for an enjoyable and illuminating discussion. We gratefully acknowledge the support of the European Research Council via the Starting Grant Nr. 256994 ``StringCosmOS''.
|
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"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
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Tokyo Cycling Tours with Tokyo Great Cycling Tour
Tokyo, its better by bike. That's the byline of the Tokyo By Bike site because we sincerely do believe the best way to experience any city is by bicycle. If you're visiting or are a resident looking for a new way to experience the city then we'd highly recommend a bicycle tour of Tokyo.
Cycling through a city allows you to visit the places in between places, it allows you to experience and become part of the city in a way that other tours or modes of transport do not allow. Cycling through a city allows you to travel at your own pace, change course or stop and to browse or take photographs when you discover new and interesting places. When you cycle through a city you can interact with the people and the city making you more than a casual observer of the surroundings.
If you're keen to experience Tokyo in this manner then we'd like to introduce you to the Tokyo Great Bicycle Tour, providers of quality bicycle tours in Tokyo.
The Tokyo Great Cycling Tour has been conducting bicycle tours in Tokyo since 2006 and is one of the most experienced and popular bicycle touring companies in the city. Their experienced and friendly English speaking guides lead groups of cyclists through the city on three routes that take in many of Tokyo's famous, and some lesser known, attractions.
Route A, the Tokyo Bay Ride, conducted every Saturday and Tuesday is rated "easy" and takes riders along the Sumidagawa River and to the Tsukiji Fish market. Crossing multiple bridges over Tokyo's many rivers and Tokyo Bay, cyclists can enjoy lunch by the Bay in Odaiba before taking the water bus to Hinode pier. From the pier it is an easy cycle to the famous Zojyo-ji Temple, Tokyo Tower and finally the Imperial Palace back in central Tokyo.
Route B, the Edo-Tokyo Culture ride which is conducted every Sunday and Thursday takes in such sights as the historic Nihonbashi Bridge and district, the old town of Ningyo-cho where riders can buy sweets from a traditional confectionery store. The tour then moves to Ryogoku, home of Japan's largest Sumo Stadium where if you're lucky you'll see sumo wrestlers going about their daily business. From Royogoku you'll cycle up to the popular tourist district of Asakusa for a well deserved lunch. After lunch the tour continues to Ueno Park, through the narrow streets of Hongo and Tokyo University before ending up at Tokyo's Imperial Palace.
Route C, the Cool Tokyo Ride, is held on an irregular basis or by request. It is an intermediate ride with more road cycling and less stops than Routes A and B begins with a visit to the Tsukiji Fish Market, and the upmarket shopping district of Ginza before moving on to Shiba Park which offers spectacular views of Tokyo Tower. From there its a short ride to the the Embassy district of Azabu-Juban then on to the infamous home of clubs, bars and disreputable foriegners, Roppongi. Cycle through the historic Aoyama cemetery and down tree lined Omotesando to Yoyogi park for lunch before taking a walking tour of Meiji-jingu shrine. The tour passes by Harajuku's crowded Takeshita Dori, through Jingu Gaien and Yotsuya, past the national Diet building (Parliment) before reaching its final destination, again, Tokyo's imperial Palace.
The beauty of all these routes is that if you were to try and visit all the destinations on the tour using public transport you'd never fit it all into one day. If you were on a business trip or whirlwind tour there is no better way to pack that many sites into a single day.
If you'd rather hire a bicycle and take yourself around the city at your own pace Tokyo Great Cycling Tour will rent you a bicycle for ¥500 per hour, or ¥2,500 for the whole day.
The Tokyo Great Cycling Tour accepts bookings on line via their homepage at http://www.tokyocycling.jp/ or contact them via email at info@tokyocycling.jp
Let the Tokyo Great Cycling Tour convince you that Tokyo really is better by bike.
Tokyo Great Cycling Tour
1-3-2, Shinkawa,
Chuo-ku,
Homepage: http://www.tokyocycling.jp/
E-mail: info@tokyocycling.jp
Tags: touring
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"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
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{"url":"https:\/\/aviation.stackexchange.com\/questions\/21820\/why-has-the-maximum-service-ceiling-of-boeing-and-airbus-products-remained-about\/21831","text":"# Why has the maximum service ceiling of Boeing and Airbus products remained about the same for 30 years? [duplicate]\n\nWhen Boeing introduced the 747-100 in 1969, its maximum ceiling was 45,100 feet; half a century later, when Boeing introduced the 777x, its maximum ceiling was 43,100 feet.\n\nSimilarly, the maximum ceiling of the Airbus A300, introduced in 1972, is 40,000 feet, while the ceiling of the A350, introduced 2 years ago, is 43,100 feet.\n\nGiven the all the other advances in aircraft design between the past and current generation of airliners, why has the ceiling remained unchanged?\n\n## marked as duplicate by Peter K\u00e4mpf, digitgopher, fooot\u2666, NitinG, Federico\u2666Oct 10 '15 at 6:58\n\n\u2022 Given that most commercial flights operate in controlled airspace between 30,000ft and 40,000ft, why go higher? \u2013\u00a0user11516 Oct 9 '15 at 22:49\n\u2022 The tropopause has remained about the same. \u2013\u00a0digitgopher Oct 10 '15 at 0:55\n\u2022 @digitgopher That was also my first thought when I saw the this question. I would rather disagree with the assertion that Boeing products have a maximum service ceiling in the tropopause, though. Boeing commercial airliners, yes. But Boeing has some other products which tend to fly a bit higher than that. :) \u2013\u00a0reirab Oct 10 '15 at 9:54\n\u2022 @reirab: But did these extra products increase the Boeing ceiling in the last 30 years :-) \u2013\u00a0mins Oct 10 '15 at 15:41\n\u2022 @mins Well, the last one does at least have that as a design goal. :) \u2013\u00a0reirab Oct 10 '15 at 23:02\n\nMainly, the optimum cruise altitude is where thrust and lift requirements for both take-off and cruise balance well. An additional benefit is the colder air which increases the efficiency of heat engines. Since this helpful drop in temperature ceases once the aircraft climbs above the tropopause, the benefits of flying higher increase most below the tropopause.\n\nWith increasing flight altitude, the airliner needs:\n\n1. Bigger engines to create the needed thrust in thinner air\n2. Bigger wings to create the needed lift\n\nWith the wings, the size of the tailplanes will also grow; this effect alone likely will weigh more than the beefing up of the fuselage structure for the increased cabin pressure. Flying higher will make almost all parts bigger and heavier.\n\nNote that Mach 0.85 is a hard limit for efficient flight; airliners cannot compensate for lower density by flying faster. The only way to allow higher flight levels is to attach bigger wings and tails.\n\nAnother consideration is Breguet's formula: Jet aircraft have their optimum cruise lift coefficient at a value of $c_L = \\sqrt{0.6\\cdot c_{D0}\\cdot\\pi\\cdot AR\\cdot\\epsilon}$, if we assume the thrust of high-bypass-ratio engines to vary with speed proportional to $v^{-0.5}$, which is a reasonable assumption. This means the airliner cannot fly higher by flying at a higher lift coefficient: This would decrease efficiency.\n\n(Nomenclature: $c_{D0}$ = zero-lift drag, $AR$ = wing aspect ratio, $\\epsilon$ = span efficiency)\n\nWith the wing size and the engines needed for flight at Mach 0.82 in the tropopause (Mach 0.85 is really not as efficient; follow the link to find out why this is the quoted cruise speed for long-range airliners), the take-off distance is quite reasonable and approximately matches the airports which had been defined by NATO during the cold war. Flying any higher into the stratosphere would increase the aircraft's mass due to bigger engines and wings, but would not incur the efficiency gains of increasing cruise altitude in the troposphere, where temperature drops with altitude.\n\nConversely, picking a lower design cruise altitude would allow to make both wings and engines smaller, but this would translate into:\n\n1. Higher take-off and landing speeds, and critical speeds during take-off due to the smaller wing,\n2. Lower take-off acceleration due to smaller engines,\n3. For twins: Not enough thrust during take-off when one engine fails,\n4. Lower climb speeds, so it would take longer to reach cruise altitude, and\n5. Not fully taking advantage of the cold air up in the tropopause.\n\nDesigning for a lower cruise altitude would translate into much longer runways and less efficient flight overall.\n\nDesigning for cruise in the tropopause is simply the sweet spot for airliner designers where all conditions match well and produce a balanced outcome.\n\nThe aircraft are optimized to fly at a particular altitude, which has not changed over the years. There are multiple reasons for this:\n\n\u2022 The higher you go, the less denser air becomes; So, for flying at higher altitude (i.e. for same lift), the aircraft has to fly at higher angle of attack (increasing drag; the wing will stall at some altitude anyway) or greater speed (requiring more thrust due to increased drag).\n\n\u2022 As the altitude increases, the thrust produced by the engine falls, and at some point, the thrust produced isn't just enough for flight. This is the most important limitation for service ceiling.\n\n\u2022 In commercial airliners, the cabin pressure altitude is held constant (usually ~8000 ft ISA) and the differential pressure will cause stresses on the fuselage; As the air density decreases with altitude, this stress increases and strengthening the structure will increase weight, resulting in poor performance.\n\n\u2022 In case of transport aircraft, the service ceiling may sometimes be limited by the maximum altitude from which they can descend to 14,000 ft in less than a specified time (4 min). Commercial airliners are usually limited by this certification altitude.\n\n\u2022 Even if the engine thrust is increased and the aircraft can fly at higher altitudes (at more speed), at some point another limitation will manifest itself- The air being accelerated over the wing will reach supersonic speeds and form shock waves, leading to a paradoxical situation where you can neither increase the speed (which will increase drag due to shock waves) nor decrease speed (which will stall the aircraft).\n\nHowever, some aircraft have flown at higher altitudes where their design was optimal. For example, Concorde flew at ~55,000 ft due to lower drag and consequential heating of the airframe from supersonic speeds.\n\nAs an interesting (and unrelated) side note, any aircraft, however powerful, cannot fly above certain altitude as the atmosphere becomes too thin and it would have to fly faster than orbital velocity to generate necessary lift. This is taken as the point where outer space begins and is called the K\u00e1rm\u00e1n line","date":"2019-09-22 04:43:24","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.5470951199531555, \"perplexity\": 2139.9371616634917}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2019-39\/segments\/1568514575076.30\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20190922032904-20190922054904-00009.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
The production company Nu Boyana Films Studio, subsidiary of Millennium Films one of the biggest production company from Hollywood and the one with the most relevance on indie movies, has decided to open a permanet office in Tenerife, specifically on the capital of the island.
The producer its going to record in the island some escenes from Rambo V, with Sylverter Stallone and Paz Vega as main characters, and fot other movie called War Pigs, with Mel Gibson and Colin Farrell. The idea of a permanent office its keep going with more movie projects on the island.
Nu Boyana was created on 1962 on Bulgary, in 2007 it was privatized and change to the actual Nu Boyana Film Studio. On the last years the producer company has developed somes big projects like Hell Boy, Loving Pablo or 300: Rise of an Empire.
Alfonso Cabello, counselor for Economic Promotion in Santa Cruz town hall, was very happy with the news, sayinh that "it's a great news for the island that the biggest producer company on indie films has deciding open an office here to bring more proyects". The counselor also say that they are putting the maximun facilities taht they can to make this happenig as soon as it posible.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 7,492
|
A train, a train, a train, a train.
The story on KATU tonight!
Portland Water Bureau is turning this thing on today.
Yes, that's leftover Tombstone pizza.
get video of the dog show.
Video from the dog show at the Portland Expo Center.
Inside a mobile news van. Don't touch anything.
Wow, look at this dog!
The sun will come out...today!
An airsoft gun like this one was found in a 5th graders backpack.
I've eaten way to many of these. This won't be the last one either.
The City of Salem hopes to have River Rd. S open by tonight.
Roth's Sunnslope is open during outage.
Only a few lights are on in there but customers are still shopping.
all out. Be careful driving.
Anyone know a good Ford mechanic in Salem?
all the way to cold. Also, the heat isn't working.
We spoke with a woman today who extracts this liquid from marijuana plants and uses it for medicinal purposes.
Never a dull moment in the tax debate.
Salem is now a part of KATU Communities!
If you haven't seen it yet, KATU has set up a community of hyper local blogs for geographic regions of Oregon called KATU Communities. Salem is the newest addition to this network with a page of local news and information. Here is the link. Bookmark it now and check in often to get the scoop on what's happening around town.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 9,258
|
Q: Как сделать такую же анимацию,но через animation? https://codepen.io/geharka/pen/bGRVwVb
Нужно сделать так же работающую анимацию,но используя свойство animation.
Важно,чтоб при отсутствии наведения анимация возвращалась с начальному положению плавно, как будто она инвертирована, и идет от конца к началу.
* {
margin: 0;
padding: 0;
}
body {
height: 100vh;
display: flex;
justify-content: center;
align-items: center;
}
.hover {
height: 100px;
width: 100px;
background: red;
transition: width 1s linear 1s, height 1s linear 0s;
}
.hover:hover {
transition: width 1s linear 0s, height 1s linear 1s;
width: 200px;
height: 200px;
}
<div class="hover"></div>
A:
*{
margin: 0;
padding: 0;
}
body{
height: 100vh;
display: flex;
justify-content: center;
align-items: center;
}
.square{
height: 100px;
width: 100px;
background: red;
animation: square linear 5s;
animation-fill-mode: forwards;
}
@keyframes square{
0%{
width: 100px;
height: 100px;
}
25%{
height: 100px;
width: 200px;
}
50%{
width: 200px;
height: 200px;
}
80%{
height:100px;
width: 200px;
}
100%{
width: 100px;
}
}
<div class="square">
</div>
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 7,957
|
Change your mind as many times as there are ripples in the sand. But just start.
Wherever you are, just start.
I beg of you, start.
Don't force it to be perfect or good or done, just start. It's okay. Take a deep breath, and do that very first thing to move you in the direction you want to go. Just start.
Don't wait for the right moment or the time or the money or the support system. Once you start, some of that will appear. Other parts you'll have to work toward diligently and passionately and aggressively. Or just calmly and methodically.
What's that thing you wanted to do? Eat healthy? Lose weight? Pick up a new hobby? Deepen or change your current hobby? Connect with a stranger? Connect with your own family and current friends? Disconnect from Facebook or Instagram or poisonous relationships?
What's that thing nagging at you right now? Wouldn't that be fun? Wouldn't that be… authentic? Do something, do anything, and just start.
What I've come to realize, but I'm still working on, is that the world needs more people to live their true lives. It does no good to just live, to simply move the pieces of paper from one side of our desks to the other. We must attempt to thrive as often and as deeply as possible.
What are you waiting for? No, really, what are you waiting for? Is it ever going to be easier? If it really is, what are you doing now to move toward a space in which you can explore this thing you're thinking about? Or maybe easier isn't the answer. What about, just, different?
Pick something, anything. Start in the middle or the end or, if you're feeling extra saucy, the beginning.
A few years ago, I got in the habit of planning my weekends the same way I planned workouts and meals. Near the beginning of the week, I would find something fun to do the next weekend – maybe a new thrift shop to explore, a historic site to tour or a trail to hike. Even if it was only an activity to occupy a couple hours on Saturday afternoon, I found I loved having something to look forward to.
When I fall out of the habit, the weekend slips by, and I start the next workweek feeling restless and moody – I didn't take advantage of the time! I didn't actually do anything!
Now that I'm single again, I'm finding that planning to be so much more important than it was when I was in a relationship. I can easily waste away a whole day with Netflix and laundry, just to find the next day a frantic rush to clean the apartment, ride the horse, get to the gym, buy groceries and not do anything out of the normal routine.
I'm sick of watching my weekends slip away unnoticed. I'm tired of feeling like I'm just treading water, not actually moving toward the goals I say I want to accomplish.
Better is not the aim right now; better is arbitrary and kind of pisses me off these days. Authentic is what I'm going for.
By my count, there are 11 more weekends of 2016. That's 11 opportunities to explore something local, try something new, work toward something you've been saying you're going to make time for.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 7,976
|
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