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|---|---|---|
How did you first hear about camp? Did you go to any camp as a kid?
I first heard about AV through a friend who was a previous staff member during the summer of 2015. As a kid I never really had the full camp experience (unless you count Boys and Girls Club or church overnight camp), but camp was always something that I wished I could be a part of.
How long have you been going to AV? What have your different roles been?
My first year was actually this past summer, 2016, and I was a camp counselor for the junior camp. I wish I had heard about it earlier – applying for this job was one of the best decisions I've ever made.
What I love about being a part of AVDC is the closeness you experience with the campers, as well as the feeling of being one yourself – just with a few extra responsibilities. It's a place where you learn a lot but have so much fun at the same time. Being in the atmosphere alone can make your day, and the people you're surrounded with…you never know…they can make a big impact on you.
How has camp shaped you?
Camp has made me more confident, and has helped me to refine my leadership skills on so many levels. I believe all of this has made me more mature as well.
You're here full time this year – what led you to that decision?
I decided to take a gap year before starting school, so naturally I was in search of a job. Luckily I was approached by the Program Director who knew my circumstances during the summer, and voilà!
What advice would you give potential staff members that are deciding between camp and an internship/job?
In my opinion, if you love children, AV is the place for you. It may not be an overnight camp but you still get the full experience. If you have the opportunity to take an internship/job and you love what you're doing, then that's great and that's all that matters. But at camp I learned lots of skills you can learn on the job – confidence, leadership, organization, thinking on your feet, creativity, problem-solving, etc… and had tons of fun while doing it!
Thanks for your time, Honey Bee!
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 3,032
|
Q: How to account for empty key values in wp_query? My goal is to remove posts from my wordpress based home/category pages after they are no longer topical.
I have an 'expire_date' custom field for each post where I enter the date I want them to drop off.
Then (with help from Sally CJ), I use wp_query to filter through the posts and filter out the expired posts:
$query_args['meta_query'] = array(
array( // clause/query 1
'key' => 'expire_date',
'value' => date("Y-m-d"),
'type' => 'DATE',
'compare' => '>=',
)
);
That works great for the posts that have an entry in the 'expire_date' field... however, many posts don't - and apparently they are being filtered out to. They are not included in the results.
So how do I include those posts that don't have an entry?
I read through the wp_query doc and tried this - but the results is that none of the posts are displayed -
$query_args['meta_query'] = array(
array( // clause/query 1
'key' => 'expire_date',
'value' => date("Y-m-d"),
'type' => 'DATE',
'compare' => '>=',
),
array(
'relation' => 'OR',
array(
'key' => 'expire_date',
'compare' => 'NOT EXISTS'
)
)
);
clearly I am in over my head :) Any help appreciated!
Chris
A:
how do I include those posts that don't have an entry?
You can include those posts (which do not have the expire_date field/meta) by adding a second clause with 'compare' => 'NOT EXISTS', and then set the relation to OR:
$query_args['meta_query'] = array(
// the relation between the root clauses/queries; defaults to AND
'relation' => 'OR',
array( // root clause/query 1
'key' => 'expire_date',
'value' => date("Y-m-d"),
'type' => 'DATE',
'compare' => '>=',
),
array( // root clause/query 2
'key' => 'expire_date',
'compare' => 'NOT EXISTS',
),
);
So actually, you just needed to remove lines 15 and 9 in the code in question.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 8,137
|
They have the "New enemy ideas" post for a reason.
we're disusing all ready existing enemies here Frosty.
Oh, but turogo didn't seem to get that.
No, you just posted the priest guy in the wrong forum, not the spirit tastiadan (which I have had a worse idea than).
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 6,358
|
/**
* @ismodule
* @description
* Simple API for galleries
*/
define(['global/application',
'global/component',
'library/core',
'library/lodash',
'library/debug',
'base/elements/e004-loading/js/e004-loading'], function(app, component, $, _, debug, e004)
{
//
// -- Events -------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
//
const events = {};
/**
* Triggered when a new page is shown
*
* @event SHOW_PAGE
* @alias events.SHOW_PAGE
*/
events.SHOW_PAGE = 'showPage';
/**
* Triggered when a gallery is activated
*
* @event ACTIVATED
* @alias events.ACTIVATED
*/
events.ACTIVATED = 'activated';
//
// -- Properties ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
//
const exports = {};
const log = debug('m001-gallery');
const elements =
{
rootSelector: '.js-m001-gallery',
nextSelector: '.js-m001-gallery-next',
prevSelector: '.js-m001-gallery-prev',
stageSelector: '.m001-gallery-stage',
controlsSelector: '.m001-gallery-controls',
slidesSelector: '.js-m001-gallery-slides',
paginationSelector: '.js-m001-gallery-pagination',
paginationContainerClass: 'm001-gallery-paginationcontainer',
paginationPageClass: 'm001-gallery-page',
paginationPageTag: 'li',
loaderSelector: '.js-e004-loading'
};
const bindings = [];
//
// -- Private ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
//
/**
* @ignore
*/
function prepare(state)
{
log('prepare ', state);
const deferred = $.Deferred();
//Get components
state.loader = e004.getInstance(state.$root.find(elements.loaderSelector));
state.$stage = state.$root.find(elements.stageSelector);
state.$pagination = state.$root.find(elements.paginationSelector);
state.$next = state.$root.find(elements.nextSelector);
state.$next.data('page', 'next');
state.$prev = state.$root.find(elements.prevSelector);
state.$prev.data('page', 'prev');
state.$slides = state.$root.find(elements.slidesSelector);
//Add state
state.paginationMode = state.$root.data('paginationmode') || 'graphical';
state.slideCount = 0;
state.pageCount = 0;
state.pageIndex = 0;
if (!state.pageCountResolver)
{
state.pageCountResolver = getPageCount;
}
state.swipeGesturePercentThreshold = 20;
state.swipeStartPixelThreshold = 15;
state.swipeDamping = 0.4;
//Listen for clicks / taps
state.$root.off('click').on('click', function(event)
{
const $target = $(event.target);
//Handle slide actions
if ($target.data('page') !== undefined)
{
event.preventDefault();
event.stopImmediatePropagation();
event.stopPropagation();
showPage(state, $target.data('page'), true);
return false;
}
});
//Add drag handling
addDragHandling(state);
//Listen for resize on android
if (true || $.browser.android)
{
app.on(app.events.RESIZED, _.partial(showPage, state));
}
//Go
state.$root.addClass('is-active');
updateSlides(state)
.then(_.partial(updateState, state))
.then(_.partial(updatePagination, state))
.then(state.loader.hide)
.then(deferred.resolve);
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* @ignore
*/
function addDragHandling(state)
{
function onFirst($elements, event, handler)
{
$elements.each(function()
{
$(this).on(event, handler);
const eventList = $._data($(this)[0], "events");
eventList[event].unshift(eventList[event].pop());
});
}
state.swipe =
{
tapping: false,
tappingX: 0,
dragging: false,
stopPropagation: false,
direction: false
};
state.$root.find('img').on('dragstart', function()
{
return false;
});
state.$root.on('dragstart', function()
{
return false;
});
onFirst(state.$slides.children(), 'click', function(event)
{
if (state.swipe.stopPropagation)
{
state.swipe.stopPropagation = false;
event.preventDefault();
event.stopImmediatePropagation();
event.stopPropagation();
}
});
state.$root.on('tapstart', function(event, touch)
{
log('tapstart', event, touch);
state.swipe.tapping = true;
state.swipe.dragging = false;
state.swipe.positionX = touch.position.x;
state.swipe.distance = 0;
});
state.$root.on('tapmove', function(event, touch)
{
log('tapmove', touch.position.x);
//Fixes move on andoid default browser
if ($.browser.android && $.browser.version < 38)
{
event.preventDefault();
}
if (!state.swipe.tapping)
{
return true;
}
state.swipe.distance = Math.abs(touch.position.x - state.swipe.positionX);
if (!state.swipe.dragging && state.swipe.distance > 25)
{
state.swipe.dragging = true;
}
if (state.swipe.dragging)
{
state.swipe.direction = (touch.position.x - state.swipe.positionX > 0) ? 'right' : 'left';
onUpdateDrag(state, 'move', state.swipe.distance, state.swipe.direction);
}
});
state.$root.on('tapend', function(event, touch)
{
log('tapend', event, touch);
if (state.swipe.dragging)
{
state.swipe.stopPropagation = true;
onUpdateDrag(state, 'swipe', state.swipe.distance, state.swipe.direction);
}
state.swipe.tapping = false;
state.swipe.dragging = false;
});
}
/**
* @ignore
*/
function updateSlides(state, options)
{
log('updateSlides');
const deferred = $.Deferred();
//Get components
state.$slides = state.$root.find(elements.slidesSelector);
state.slides = _.map(state.$slides.children(), function(slide, index)
{
const $slide = $(slide);
$slide.data('slide-index', index);
return $slide;
});
//Add state
state.slideCount = state.slides.length;
state.pageCount = state.pageCountResolver(state);
state.pageIndex = options ? options.pageIndex || 0 : 0;
state.pageIndex = Math.min(state.pageCount - 1, Math.max(0, state.pageIndex));
deferred.resolve();
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* @ignore
*/
function getPageCount(state)
{
return state.slideCount;
}
/**
* Update pagination
*
* @ignore
*/
function updatePagination(state)
{
log('updatePagination');
const deferred = $.Deferred();
if (state.paginationMode === 'graphical')
{
let pages = false;
let pageIndex = 0;
//Add or remove pages
pages = state.$pagination.children('.' + elements.paginationPageClass);
if (pages.length !== state.pageCount)
{
//Add
if (pages.length < state.pageCount)
{
for (pageIndex = pages.length; pageIndex < state.pageCount; pageIndex++)
{
state.$pagination.append($('<' + elements.paginationPageTag + ' class="' + elements.paginationPageClass + '">' +
'</' + elements.paginationPageTag + '>'));
}
}
//Remove
if (pages.length > state.pageCount)
{
for (pageIndex = state.pageCount; pageIndex <= pages.length; pageIndex++)
{
state.$pagination
.find('.' + elements.paginationPageClass + ':nth-child(' + (pageIndex) + ')')
.remove();
}
}
}
//Add meta
pages = state.$pagination.children('.' + elements.paginationPageClass);
for (pageIndex = 0; pageIndex < state.pageCount; pageIndex++)
{
$(pages[pageIndex]).data('page', pageIndex);
}
//Show it?
if (state.pageCount > 1)
{
state.$pagination.removeClass('is-hidden');
}
else
{
state.$pagination.addClass('is-hidden');
}
//Center
state.$pagination.wrap('<div class="' + elements.paginationContainerClass + '"></div>');
}
deferred.resolve();
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* Updates pagination and prev/next buttons
*
* @ignore
*/
function updateState(state)
{
log('updateState');
const deferred = $.Deferred();
// Update count & index
state.pageCount = state.pageCountResolver(state);
state.pageIndex = Math.min(state.pageCount - 1, Math.max(0, state.pageIndex));
//Update pagination
if (state.paginationMode === 'graphical')
{
$('.' + elements.paginationPageClass, state.$pagination).removeClass('is-active');
$('.' + elements.paginationPageClass + ':nth-child(' + (state.pageIndex + 1) + ')', state.$pagination).addClass('is-active');
}
//Update next
if (state.pageIndex < state.pageCount - 1)
{
state.$next.removeClass('is-hidden').addClass('is-visible');
}
else
{
state.$next.removeClass('is-visible').addClass('is-hidden');
}
//Update prev
if (state.pageIndex > 0)
{
state.$prev.removeClass('is-hidden').addClass('is-visible');
}
else
{
state.$prev.removeClass('is-visible').addClass('is-hidden');
}
deferred.resolve();
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* Calculates the page offset for index
*
* @ignore
*/
function getPageOffset(state, index, offset)
{
offsetCustom = offset || 0;
result = ((index * -100) + offsetCustom) + '%';
/*
if ($.browser.android)
{
result = ((index * state.$stage.width() * -1) + (state.$stage.width() * offsetCustom)) + 'px';
}
*/
return result;
}
/**
* @ignore
*/
function applyPageOffset(state, offset, duration)
{
//Show page
state.$slides.stop().transition(
{
x: offset
},
{
duration: duration || 0,
easing: 'easeOutSine'
});
}
/**
* Shows the given slide and updates the state afterwards.
*
* @ignore
*/
function showPage(state, index, animated)
{
log('showPage', index);
const deferred = $.Deferred();
let nextIndex = index;
//Get correct page index
if (nextIndex === 'next')
{
nextIndex = state.pageIndex + 1;
}
if (nextIndex === 'prev')
{
nextIndex = state.pageIndex - 1;
}
if (_.isUndefined(nextIndex) || !_.isFinite(nextIndex))
{
nextIndex = state.pageIndex;
}
nextIndex = Math.min(Math.max(nextIndex, 0), state.pageCount - 1);
log('showSlide gallery showing slide ' + nextIndex, index);
//Show page
const duration = 1000 / (window.devicePixelRatio || 1);
applyPageOffset(state, getPageOffset(state, nextIndex), animated ? duration : 0);
//Update state
state.pageIndex = nextIndex;
updateState(state)
.then(function()
{
//Dispatch event
state.$root.trigger(events.SHOW_PAGE);
})
.then(deferred.resolve);
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* Reloads the gallery
*
* @function
* @alias reload
* @param {Object} state
*/
function reload(state, options)
{
log('reload gallery', options);
const deferred = $.Deferred();
state.loader.show()
.then(_.partial(updateSlides, state, options))
.then(_.partial(refresh, state))
.then(state.loader.hide)
.then(deferred.resolve);
return deferred.promise();
}
/**
* Refreshes the gallery
*
* @function
* @alias refresh
* @param {Object} state
*/
function refresh(state, options)
{
log('refresh gallery');
const deferred = $.Deferred();
updateState(state)
.then(_.partial(updateState, state))
.then(_.partial(updatePagination, state))
.then(_.partial(showPage, state, options ? options.pageIndex || undefined : undefined))
.then(deferred.resolve);
return deferred.promise();
}
//
// -- Event Handler -----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
//
/**
* Refreshes the gallery
*
* @function
* @alias refresh
* @param {Object} state
*/
function onUpdateDrag(state, phase, distance, direction)
{
const duration = 500 / (window.devicePixelRatio || 1);
const getDragOffset = function(distance, direction)
{
const galleryWidth = state.$stage.width();
let offset = 100 * (distance / galleryWidth);
offset = offset - (offset * state.swipeDamping);
if (direction == 'left')
{
offset*= -1;
}
return offset;
};
if (phase == 'move')
{
applyPageOffset(state, getPageOffset(state, state.pageIndex, getDragOffset(distance, direction)));
}
else if (phase == 'cancel')
{
applyPageOffset(state, getPageOffset(state, state.pageIndex), duration);
}
else
{
const offset = getDragOffset(distance);
if (offset > state.swipeGesturePercentThreshold)
{
if (direction == 'right')
{
showPage(state, 'prev', true);
}
else if (direction == 'left')
{
showPage(state, 'next', true);
}
}
else
{
applyPageOffset(state, getPageOffset(state, state.pageIndex), duration);
}
}
}
//
// -- Public ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
//
/**
* Initalize/Bootstraps the module
*
* @function
* @alias initialize
*/
exports.initialize = component.initialize(log, elements.rootSelector, bindings, prepare);
/**
* Gets a component instance
*
* @function
* @alias getInstance
* @see append
* @param {String|DOMElement|Object} reference
* Reference to an instance. You can use a instance id, the root element of a component or a state object
* @returns {Object}
*/
exports.getInstance = component.getInstance(log, events,
{
refresh: refresh,
reload: reload
}, exports.initialize);
/**
* Api
*
* @ignore
*/
exports.events = events;
return exports;
});
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 8,593
|
package com.homerenting.domain.modules.header.search;
/**
* Created by Arthur on 17/04/14.
*/
public enum PropertyKind {
APARTMENT("apartment"),
VILLAGE("village"),
TERRAIN("terrain"),
SHOP("shop"),
OFFICE("office"),
GARAGE("garage"),
FARM("farm"),
WAREHOUSE("warehouse");
private final String value;
private PropertyKind(String propertyKind) {
this.value = propertyKind;
}
public String getValue(){
return this.value;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 2,592
|
Dražůvky är en ort i Tjeckien. Den ligger i regionen Södra Mähren, i den sydöstra delen av landet, km sydost om huvudstaden Prag. Dražůvky ligger meter över havet och antalet invånare är .
Terrängen runt Dražůvky är platt åt sydväst, men åt nordost är den kuperad. Den högsta punkten i närheten är meter över havet, km sydost om Dražůvky. Runt Dražůvky är det ganska tätbefolkat, med invånare per kvadratkilometer. Närmaste större samhälle är Kyjov, km öster om Dražůvky. Trakten runt Dražůvky består till största delen av jordbruksmark.
Trakten ingår i den hemiboreala klimatzonen. Årsmedeltemperaturen i trakten är °C. Den varmaste månaden är juli, då medeltemperaturen är °C, och den kallaste är januari, med °C. Genomsnittlig årsnederbörd är millimeter. Den regnigaste månaden är september, med i genomsnitt mm nederbörd, och den torraste är mars, med mm nederbörd.
Kommentarer
Källor
Externa länkar
Orter i Södra Mähren
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 2,664
|
Robert E. Dietz (born in New York in 1818) was the founder of the R. E. Dietz Company.
At the age of 22, he purchased a lamp and oil business at 62 Fulton Street in Brooklyn, New York. He manufactured candle lanterns. In 1842, he and his brother formed Dietz, Brother & Company. They were awarded the lighting contract for the P.T. Barnun premier of Jenny Lind in 1850 and they manufactured camphene lamps, solar lamps, girandoles, hall lamps and chandeliers.
In 1869, Robert Dietz formed the R. E. Dietz Company.
By the 1890s, he was the top lantern maker in the United States. He died in 1897.
References
1818 births
1897 deaths
American manufacturing businesspeople
Businesspeople from New York (state)
19th-century American businesspeople
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 8,231
|
Sandusky Jury Selection to Begin
Updated Apr. 21, 2017 4:40PM ET / Published Jun. 05, 2012 11:45AM ET
Matt Rourke / AP Photo
Jury selection began on Tuesday for the trial of former Penn State assistant football coach Jerry Sandusky, who has been charged with child rape. Sandusky, 68, has been accused of molesting 10 boys, whom prosecutors allege Sandusky met through a charity he ran for underprivileged children, for more than 14 years. Judge John Cleland ruled on Monday that the victims' identities may not be concealed during the trial, although they will be protected during the jury-selection process. Cleland ruled on Tuesday that the jurors will not be sequestered. The accusations against Sandusky caused Penn State to fire legendary coach Joe Paterno just months before he died of lung cancer, and two other officials have been charged with covering up Sandusky's alleged crimes.
Read it at The Daily Beast
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 1,432
|
Backing British Businesses – EuroSun Science
EuroSun Science
EuroSun Science is a pharmaceutical company that studies the scientific systems which shape and guide the processes of the natural world.
EuroSun Science supports scientists and researchers by providing consultation, materials and products. It has developed a powerful tool to use in the identification and characterisation of model systems for the purpose of new disease discovery.
Through their services, EuroSun Science conduct projects in the UK for universities, colleges, clinics, hospitals and R&D departments in different organisations. However, despite EuroSun Science having centres overseas, it encountered barriers in the fulfilling of international opportunities, and could not fully utilise these without a lab in the UK.
Newable is a delivery partner for Enterprise Europe Network (EEN), providing support for businesses with international ambitions. EuroSun Science was put in contact with one of our Business Advisers; Vivienne Scantlebury and with her support EuroSun Science was able to secure an Incubation space (I-HUB) at Imperial College.
As a result of securing this space, EuroSun Science was also able to increase its research projects including those completed for hospitals in Germany. Following EuroSun Science's attendance at a Healthcare Event organised by the EEN, it was able to form a partnership with a company in Nigeria to provide advice on their natural skin/hair products.
Thanks to the advice and network Vivienne has been providing, EuroSun Science has also seen an increase in business turnover, as it can now undertake more research projects leading to 30 further jobs being created and secured.
Find out how our innovation team can help your business
Your capital is at risk if you invest in early stage companies. These investments may not be covered by the Financial Services Compensation Scheme. Learn more about these risks<https://investment.newable.co.uk/risk-statement>. Tax advantages are dependent on an individual's specific circumstances and subject to change.
Newable Ventures Limited (FRN 843924) is authorised and regulated by the Financial Conduct Authority. Registered in England and Wales | Registered number 10303336 | VAT number 237 9198 23 | Registered office 140 Aldersgate Street, London, EC1A 4HY. Newable Ventures Limited is registered with the Information Commissioner's Office (ICO) with the registered Data Protection Number ZA789052.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 4,271
|
{"url":"https:\/\/datascience.stackexchange.com\/questions\/73807\/gradient-of-a-function-in-python","text":"# Gradient of a function in Python\n\nI've defined a function in this way:\n\ndef qfun(par):\nreturn(par[0]+atan(par[3])*par[1]+atan(par[4])*par[2])\n\n\n\nHow can I obtain the gradient of this function for only some of the elements (par [0:2]) in a specific point? I only find functions with only one \"x\", so for those cases it is simple, but when your function has more parameters what should I do?\n\nSeveral options:\n\n\u2022 You can use the defintion of the derivative to have an approximation....\n\ndef f(x):\nreturn x[0]**2 + 3*x[1]**3\n\ndef der(f, x, der_index=[]):\n# der_index: variable w.r.t. get gradient\n\nepsilon = 2.34E-10\n\nfor idx in der_index:\nx_ = x.copy()\nx_[idx]+=epsilon","date":"2020-12-05 11:50:18","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.6813775300979614, \"perplexity\": 2372.7560906814456}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2020-50\/segments\/1606141747774.97\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20201205104937-20201205134937-00487.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
The Sovereign class is a series of 9 (corrected from 11) container ships built for Maersk Line. The ships were built by Odense Steel Shipyard in Denmark and have a maximum theoretical capacity of around 9,640 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU).
List of ships
{| class="wikitable" style="text-align:center"
!Ship
!Previous names
!Yard number
!IMO number
!Delivery
!Status
!ref
|-
|Sovereign Maersk
|
|L160
|9120841
|1 Sep 1997
|In service
|
|-
|MSC Fie
|Susan Maersk (1997-2021)
|L161
|9120853
|12 Dec 1997
|In service
|
|-
|Sally Maersk
|
|L162
|9120865
|6 Mar 1998
|In service
|
|-
|Sine Maersk
|
|L163
|9146455
|29 Jun 1998
|Scrapped in 2020
|
|-
|Svendborg Maersk
|
|L164
|9146467
|25 Sep 1998
|In service
|
|-
|MSC Vilda
|Sofie Maersk (1998-2021)
|L165
|9146479
|15 Dec 1998
|In service
|
|-
|MSC Aby
|Svend Maersk (1999-2016)Aotea Maersk (2016-2021)
|L166
|9166778
|15 Mar 1999
|In service
|
|-
|MSC Ellen
|Soroe Maersk (1999-2021)
|L167
|9166780
|4 Jun 1999
|In service
|
|-
|Skagen Maersk
|
|L168
|9166792
|10 Sep 1999
|In service
|
|-
|Clifford Maersk
-Deleted. Not part of the S-class. Part of the C-class of totally 10 ships
|-
|Cornelius Maersk
-Deleted. Not part of the S-class. Part of the C-class of totally 10 ships
See also
Maersk Triple E-class container ship
Maersk E-class container ship
Maersk H-class container ship
Maersk Edinburgh-class container ship
Gudrun Maersk-class container ship
Maersk M-class container ship
Maersk C-class container ship
Maersk A-class container ship
References
Container ship classes
Ships of the Maersk Line
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 8,596
|
A man has been arrested in connection with a series of sexual assaults in the Trafford area
A man has been arrested in connection with a series of sexual assaults in the Trafford area.
Between Tuesday 2 March and Sunday 7 March 2021 officers received seven separate reports of sexual assaults centred on canal and river towpaths in the Trafford area.
In each report, the offender has approached the victim from behind on a mountain bike, before touching them inappropriately whilst riding past.
The incidents reported are:
6pm on 2 March on the Bridgewater Canal, Sale.
6.20pm on 3 March on Bridgewater Canal, Sale.
9.20am on 6 March on Bridgewater Canal, Sale.
4.50pm on 6 March on Bridgewater Way, Old Trafford.
6.20pm on 6 March on Little Ees Lane, Sale.
6.45pm on 6 March on River Mersey. Specific location currently unknown.
10.42am on 7 March on Bridgewater Canal, Timperley.
Thankfully no injuries have been reported and officers are treating the incidents as linked.
A 28-year-old man has since been arrested on suspicion of sexual assault. He remains in custody for questioning.
Detective Inspector Dave Jones GMP's Trafford District said: "Thankfully no injuries were reported following these incidents but events like this can cause considerable distress and upset for those involved. We understand the concern and worry this can also cause for the wider community and I want to reassure you we are taking these reports incredibly seriously and currently have increased police patrols in the area.
"Although we currently have one man in custody for questioning our investigation continues and we would appeal to anyone who may have any concerns or information relating to these incidents to come forward and assist police with our enquiries.
"We'd also like to take this opportunity to appeal to anyone else who feels they may have also been subject to a similar assault to please come forward and speak with police. Your report or concerns will be treated with the utmost seriousness and sensitivity and there are also a range of specialist support services available across Greater Manchester."
Anyone with information should call police on 0161 856 7544 or the independent charity Crimestoppers, anonymously, on 0800 555 111.
- Saint Mary's Sexual Assault Referral Centre, Manchester provides a comprehensive and co-ordinated response to men, women and children who live or have been sexually assaulted within Greater Manchester. We offer forensic medical examinations, practical and emotional support as well as a counselling service for all ages. Services are available on a 24-hour basis and can be accessed by telephoning 0161 276 6515.
-Greater Manchester Rape Crisis is a confidential information, support and counselling service run by women for women over 18 who have been raped or sexually abused at any time in their lives. Call us on 0161 273 4500 or email us at [email protected]
- Survivors Manchester provides specialist trauma informed support to boys and men in Greater Manchester who have experienced sexual abuse, rape or sexual exploitation. Call 0161 236 2182.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 3,078
|
Q: thinning / minimizing cubic spline control points ('auto-smoothing') short form
Given a collection of discrete [x, y] points, can you derive a continuous function that approximates the [x, y] points and meets two constraints:
*
*It satisfies a given (maximum) mean squared error.
*It minimizes the number of control points.
?
details
This is really an embedded system question, but let me explain. I need to interface a piece of analog hardware that cough could have been designed better. But -- as usual -- it's the embedded system engineer's responsibility to correct for shortcomings in the hardware.
Consequently, I need to formulate an accurate model for the following function:
The blue dots are taken from actual measurement, the red line is scipy's cubic interpolation between the dots.
The problem is that the resulting 82+ control points create far too much data to stuff into the client's dinky little microcontroller. (I'm displaying a subset of the total dataset.)
So my question is: How can I minimize the number of spline control points and stay within some given MSE?
for the motivated
Here's the set of x and y points used in the above graph.
x = [ 3.387, 3.552, 3.714, 3.868, 4.012, 4.15 , 4.278, 4.407,
4.529, 4.646, 4.757, 4.852, 4.924, 4.974, 5.012, 5.046,
5.084, 5.148, 5.267, 5.426, 5.593, 5.75 , 5.9 , 6.03 ,
6.145, 6.26 , 6.37 , 6.48 , 6.6 , 6.72 , 6.83 , 6.945,
7.055, 7.175, 7.29 , 7.405, 7.52 , 7.63 , 7.75 , 7.86 ,
7.98 , 8.09 ]
y = [ 0.05 , 0.055, 0.06 , 0.065, 0.07 , 0.075, 0.08 , 0.085,
0.09 , 0.095, 0.1 , 0.105, 0.11 , 0.115, 0.12 , 0.125,
0.13 , 0.135, 0.14 , 0.145, 0.15 , 0.155, 0.16 , 0.165,
0.17 , 0.175, 0.18 , 0.185, 0.19 , 0.195, 0.2 , 0.205,
0.21 , 0.215, 0.22 , 0.225, 0.23 , 0.235, 0.24 , 0.245,
0.25 , 0.255]
ps
Note that I'm not wedded to cubic splines in particular. I'm open to any compact representation for approximating the [x, y] function that isn't computationally expensive to expand on the microcontroller.
A: When I noticed that the portion of the graph where loop current greater than 6.0 appears linear, I thought one possible approach is to to split the data set into pieces and fit those individually. Here is my attempt at doing this, with a high end piece, a low end piece, and two middle pieces. Single precision should be OK, and the client hardware can already perform numeric multiplication for the splines:
if x > 6.0
a = -9.7949290874469949E-02
b = 4.3620505659335194E-02
y = a + bx
else if x < 4.5:
a = 2.0780250294624176E-02
b = -1.1030255807503962E-02
c = 5.8098518234878981E-03
y = a + bx + cx^2
else if x < 5.2:
a = 1.9299476875427801E+00
b = -8.2789734912004187E-01
c = 9.3133373338805447E-02
y = a + bx + cx^2
else:
a = 5.2371635939198503E-02
b = 3.4449759555560976E-03
c = 2.5067846229176044E-03
y = a + bx + cx^2
A: I think cubic spline is probably the approach that best answers your question But I also think that the question "can you derive a continuous function" and what you really want to do are not exactly the same thing.
For how to best thin your data points, I think that will require some knowledge of the system such as the expected resolution in loop current and duty cycle. From the graph, you could probably use every other or even every third point and get good results.
But as @JamesPhillips suggests, it also looks like that you might be able to find piece-wise linear or cubic regions for the response. If that's sufficient, then you could record the region bounds and slope/intercept/quadratic for the sub-curves, which you probably can fit in the microcontroller memory.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 7,348
|
Q: Restrict data for multiple users I add multiple users as teacher. And I create a table where every teacher update his data that is documents etc.,but when another teacher login he can also view that data how user to restrict to show that to other users?
A: You need to read more about Yii, and how you can use it.
For your case you can read this: add condition
For your question you can do this in your action in controller:
0) ensure that user is logged in: \Yii::$app->user->isGuest || //redirect to login page or via Access control filters
1) get user id from user. (\Yii::$app->user->identity->id)
2) set this id in teacher document query. like andWhere(['teacher_id' => $userId]);
public function actionViewDoc()
{ $userId = \Yii::$app->user->identity->id;
$model = TeacherDoc::find()->andWhere(['teacher_id' => $userId]);
return $this->render('viewDoc', [
'model' => $model,
]);
}
This will resolve your issue.
UPD: For more advanced solutions you could use:
1) Access control filters
2) RBAC.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 5,050
|
Ramon Maria Puig i Andreu (Lleida, 1940) és un arquitecte català que ha destacat entre moltes altres obres per les seves actuacions al centre històric de Lleida.
Biografia
Estudià arquitectura a l'Escola Tècnica Superior d'Arquitectura de Barcelona depenent de la Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya (UPC). Durant els anys de carrera treballa al despatx Correa-Milà. Es llicencia el 1964. I fins al 1975 treballa amb Lauri Sabater i Lluís Domènech, sota el nom d'Estudi SDP. Després, de 1975 a 1981, exerceix com a professor de projectes de l'Escola Tècnica Superior d'Arquitectura de Barcelona. I, posteriorment, s'associa amb Carles Sáez entre 1988 i 1997. Ja des de 1974 és membre de la Comissió Provincial d'Urbanisme de Lleida. També ho és de la Comissió Provincial de Patrimoni a Lleida entre 1982 i 1987. El 1985 fou guardonat amb el Premio Nacional de Urbanismo. I el 1991 publicà el llibre Casas de montaña : Pirineos (Ed. G. Gili) .
Obra seleccionada
Entre les seves obres podem trobar:
Cafeteria Ateneu, Tàrrega (1965-1966)
Sis habitatges en una colònia agrícola, Gimenells (1965-1968)
Residència de les Germanetes dels Pobres, Lleida (1965-1968)
Locals parroquials de Santa Maria Magdalena, Lleida (1966-1970)
Primer Pla Parcial del Canyeret, Lleida (1967)
Botiga Domingo's, Lleida (1969-1970)
Botiga Santacreu, Lleida (1970-1971)
88 apartaments Club Ronda, Lleida (1970-1974)
Llotja Hortofructícola Mercolleida, Lleida (1971-1972)
Casa Doctor Bages, Palafrugell (1971-1975)
Club Tennis Lleida, Lleida (1972-1974)
Banc Condal, Lleida (1972-1974)
21 habitatges al Carrer Cristòfol de Boleda, Lleida (1974-1977)
Segon pla parcial del Canyeret, Lleida (1975)
Cases Argany i Puigdevall, Sant Jordi d'Alfama (1975-1977)
Casa Laveda, Lleida (1975-1978)
63 apartaments al Passeig de Ronda- Carrer Vallcalent, Lleida (1976-1980)
56 habitatges de protecció oficial a La Bordeta, Lleida (1972-1980)
12 habitatges al Carrer Doctor Nadal Meroles, Lleida (1978-1980)
Rehabilitació de quatre habitatges, Vilanova de Meià (1978-1980)
39 habitatges al Carrer Cristòfol de Boleda-Carrer Alcalde Pujol, Lleida (1978-1984)
Casa Hedo, Sant Jordi d'Alfama (1979-1981)
Casa Soler, Lleida (1979-1981)
14 habitatges al Carrer Pica d'Estats, Lleida (1998-1982)
Casa Rocamora, Benavent de Lleida (1980-1983)
Reforma de l'Ajuntament d'Arbeca (1981-1986)
Pla Especial del Centre Històric i tercer Pla Parcial del Canyeret, Lleida (1982)
24 habitatges de protecció oficial al Carrer Gairoles, Lleida (1982-1987)
Restauració del conjunt Castell i Església de Mur (1982-2002)
Restauració de Santa Maria de Gerri, Gerri de la Sal (1983-2002)
Seu del Rectorat i Facultats de la Universitat de Lleida, Lleida (1983-1993)
Plaça del Toll, Arbeca (1985-1986)
Museu Comarcal de l'Urgell, Tàrrega (1985-1994)
Llars infantils Lleida (1986-1988)
INS Torrevicens Lleida (1986-1991)
Centre d'Assistència Primària de Pardinyes, Lleida (1991-1987)
Casa Graells I, Casa Graells II, Tàrrega (1987-1991, 1995-1997)
Plaça de la Vila La Granadella (1988-1991)
Casa Mauri, La Portella (1989-1991)
Entorn de la capçalera de l'església de Tremp (1989-1994)
Edifici administratiu, Lleida (1992)
Casa Juvillà, Lleida (1994-1995)
Escola de Treball Social de la Creu Roja, Lleida (1990-1992)
Casa Nogués a Bellaterra, Cerdanyola del Vallès (1990-1992)
Pla Especial del Turó de la Seu Vella, Lleida (1993)
Rehabilitació Molí Vell, Vilanova de Meià (1994-2001)
Pla Especial Campus Universitari de Cappont, Lleida (1995-1997)
Casa Xam-mar, Lleida (1995-1997)
Seinsa, Lleida (1996-1998)
Muralles Sector Baix al Turó de la Seu Vella, Lleida (1996-1998)
Nou habitatges al Carrer Gairoles, Lleida (1998-2002)
Casa Escaler-Corominas, Sant Fost de Campsentelles (1999-2000)
Bibliografia
Referències
Enllaços externs
Arquitectes lleidatans
Professors de la Universitat Politècnica de Catalunya
Artistes lleidatans contemporanis
Arquitectes catalans del sud contemporanis
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 8,384
|
\section{Introduction}
\label{sec:Intro}
Assume that $X = (X_1, \dots, X_d)$ is a random vector with Gaussian distribution $N_d(\mu,\Sigma)$.
We are interested in estimating, for any fixed $t \in \mathbb{R}$, the following probability
\begin{equation}
\pi(t)= P(X \leq (t, \dots, t)).
\label{eq:probMax}
\end{equation}
The general problem of evaluating $\pi(t)$, which, for a full rank matrix $\Sigma$, is the integral of the multivariate normal density $\phi(\cdot;\mu,\Sigma)$ over the one-sided $d$-dimensional rectangle $(-\infty,t]^d$, has been extensively studied in moderate dimensions with many different methods.
In low dimensions tables are available (see, e.g.,~\citet{owen1956tables} for $d=2$).
Furthermore, when the dimension is smaller than $20$, there exist methods (see, e.g.,~\citet{abrahamson1964orthant},~\citet{moran1984monte} and~\citet{miwa2003evaluation}) exploiting the specific orthant structure of the probability in~\eqref{eq:probMax}. Currently, however, most of the literature uses numerical integration techniques to approximate the quantity. In moderate dimensions fast reliable methods are established to approximate $\pi(t)$ (see, e.g.~\citet{cox1991simple}) and more recently the methods introduced in~\citet{schervish1984algorithm,genz1992numerical} and~\citet{hajivassiliou1996simulation} (see also~\citet{genz2002comparison},~\citet{ridgway2014computation} and the book~\citet{Genz.Bretz2009} for a broader overview) provide state-of-the-art algorithms when $d<100$. The method introduced by~\citet{genz1992numerical} has been recently revised in~\citet{botev2016normal} where a more efficient tilted estimator is proposed. Those techniques rely on fast quasi Monte Carlo (qMC) methods and are very accurate for moderate dimensions. However, when $d$ is larger than $1000$ they are not computationally efficient or become intractable. Commonly used alternative methods are standard Monte Carlo (MC) techniques (see~\citet{tong2012multivariate}, Chapter~8 for an extensive review), for which getting accurate estimates can be computationally prohibitive.
We propose here a two step method that exploits the power of qMC quadratures and the flexibility of stochastic simulation for the specific problem of estimating $\pi(t)$.
We rely on the following equivalent formulation.
\begin{equation*}
\pi(t) = 1 - P(\max X >t),
\end{equation*}
where $\max X$ denotes $\max_{i=1, \dots, d}X_i$. In the following we fix $t$ and denote $p=P(\max X >t)$.
The central idea is using a moderate dimensional subvector of $X$ to approximate $p$ and then correcting bias by MC. Let us fix $q \ll d$ and define the active dimensions as $E_q =\{{i_1}, \dots, {i_q}\} \subset \{1, \dots, d\}$.
Let us further denote with $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$ the $q$ dimensional vector $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q= (X_{i_1}, \dots, X_{i_q})$ and with $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ the $(d-q)$ dimensional vector $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}= (X_j)_{j \in E\setminus E_q}$.
Then,
\begin{align}
\label{eq:pMaxDecom}
p = P(\max X > t) &= p_q + (1-p_q)R_q,
\\ \nonumber
p_q &= P(\maxX^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q > t), \\ \nonumbe
R_q &= P(\maxX^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} > t \mid \maxX^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t).
\end{align}
The quantity $p_q$ is always smaller or equal to $p$ as
$E_q \subset \{1, \dots, d\}$.
Selecting a non-degenerate vector $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$, we propose to estimate $p_q$ with the QRSVN algorithm \citep{Genz.etal2012} which is efficient as we choose a number of active dimensions $q$ much smaller than $d$.
In~\citet{Chevalier2013}, Chapter~6, the similar problem of approximating the non-exceedance probability of the maximum of a Gaussian random field (GRF) $\xi$ based on a few well-selected points is presented. Each component of $X$ stands for the value of $\xi$ at one point of a given discretization of the field's domain. Active dimensions
(i.e. the well-selected points)
were chosen by numerically maximizing $p_q$, and the remainder was not accounted for.
Our proposed method, instead, does not require a full optimization of the active dimensions as we exploit the decomposition in~\eqref{eq:pMaxDecom} to correct the error introduced by $p_q$. For this task, we propose two techniques to estimate the reminder $R_q$: a standard MC technique and a novel asymmetric nested Monte Carlo (anMC) algorithm. The anMC technique draws samples by taking into account the computational cost, resulting in a more efficient estimator.
In the remainder of the paper, we propose an unbiased estimator for $p$ and we compute its variance in Section~\ref{sec:MainTheory}.
In Section~\ref{sec:ANMC} we introduce the anMC algorithm in the more general setting of estimating expectations depending on two vectors with different simulation costs. It is then explicitly applied to efficiently estimate $R_q$. In Section~\ref{sec:NumStudies} two numerical studies are presented. The first one studies the efficiency of the anMC algorithm compared to standard MC. The second one is a benchmark study where the efficiency of the proposed methods is compared with a selection of state-of-the-art techniques. Finally, in Section~\ref{sec:ConservativeEsts}, we show an implementation of this method to compute conservative estimates of excursion sets for expensive to evaluate functions under non-necessarily Markovian Gaussian random field priors. More details on the choice of active dimensions are presented in Appendix~\ref{sec:ActiveDims}. All proofs are in Appendix~\ref{sec:proofs}. Computer code for partially replicating the experiments presented here is attached in supplementary material.
\section{The estimator properties}
\label{sec:MainTheory}
\subsection{An unbiased estimator for $p$}
Equation~\eqref{eq:pMaxDecom} gives us a decomposition that can be exploited to obtain an unbiased estimator for $p$. In the following proposition we define the estimator and we compute its variance.
\begin{proposition}
Consider $\widehat{p_q}$ and $\widehat{R_q}$, independent unbiased estimators of $p_q$ and $R_q$ respectively, then $ \widehat{p} = \widehat{p_q} + (1-\widehat{p_q})\widehat{R_q}$ is an unbiased estimator for $p$. Moreover its variance is
\begin{equation}
\operatorname{var}(\widehat{p}) = (1 - R_q)^2\operatorname{var}(\widehat{p_q}) + (1 - p_q)^2\operatorname{var}(\widehat{R_q}) + \operatorname{var}(\widehat{p_q})\operatorname{var}(\widehat{R_q}).
\label{eq:VarHatp}
\end{equation}
\label{pro:VarHatp}
\end{proposition}
In what follows we consider different efficient computational strategies for $\widehat{p_q}$ and $\widehat{R_q}$.
\subsection{Quasi Monte Carlo estimator for $p_q$}
\label{subsec:pq}
The quantity $p_q$ can also be computed as
\begin{equation*}
p_q = 1 - P\left(X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q\right),
\end{equation*}
where $t_q$ denotes the $q$ dimensional vector $(t, \dots, t)$.
The approximation of $p_q$ thus requires only an evaluation of the c.d.f. of $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$.
Since we assume that $q \ll d$, then the dimension is moderate and we propose to estimate $p_q$ with the estimator $\widehat{p_q}$ that uses the method $\mathrm{QRSVN}$ introduced in~\citet{genz1992numerical},~\citet{hajivassiliou1996simulation} and refined in~\citet{Genz.Bretz2009}.
This method computes a randomized quasi Monte Carlo integration of the normal density. In particular we consider here the implementation of QRSVN with the variable reordering described in~\citet[Section~4.1.3]{Genz.Bretz2009}.
The estimate's error is approximated with the variance of the randomized integration.
The quantity $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ obtained with this procedure is an unbiased estimator of $p_q$, see~\citet{Genz.Bretz2009}.
The estimator $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ requires two choices: $q$, the number of active dimensions, and the dimensions themselves. The decomposition of $p$ in Equation~\eqref{eq:pMaxDecom} leads to computational savings if we can approximate most of $p$ with $p_q$ for a small $q$. On the other hand a large number of active dimensions allows to intercept most of the probability mass in $p$. Here we adopt a heuristic approach to select both $q$ and $E_q$ sequentially by increasing the number of active dimensions until we meet an appropriate stopping condition. This approach, detailed in Algorithm~\ref{algo:AlgoSelq}, Appendix~\ref{sec:ActiveDims}, was chosen in the current implementation because it represents a good trade-off between speed and accuracy.
For a fixed $q$, the choice of $E_q$ plays an important role in the approximation of $p$ because it determines the error $\widehat{p_q}-p$, which is always negative. Selecting $E_q$ such that $P(\maxX^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q >t)$ is numerically maximized, as in~\citet{Chevalier2013}, optimally reduces the bias of $\widehat{p_q}$ as an estimator for $p$. Here we are not interested in a fully fledged optimization of this quantity as the residual bias is removed with the subsequent estimation of $R_q$, therefore, we exploit fast heuristics methods.
The main tool used here is the excursion probability function:
\begin{equation*}
p_t(i) = P(X_i > t) = \Phi\left(\frac{\mu_i-t}{\sqrt{\Sigma_{i,i}}}\right),
\end{equation*}
where $\Phi$ is the standard normal c.d.f. The function $p_t$ is widely used in spatial statistics \citep[see, e.g.][]{BolinLindgren2014} and Bayesian optimization \citep[see, e.g.][]{kushner1964new, Bect.etal2012}. In our setting it can be used to quickly identify the active dimensions. In fact this function takes high values at dimensions with high probability of exceeding the threshold and thus contribute the most to $p$. We propose the following methods.
\textbf{Method~A:} sample $q$ indices with probability given by $p_t$.
\textbf{Method~B:} sample $q$ indices with probability given by $p_t(1-p_t)$.
These methods require only one evaluation of the normal c.d.f. at each element of the vector $\left(\frac{\mu_{i} -t}{\sqrt{\Sigma_{i,i}}}\right)_{i=1,\dots,d}$, and are thus very fast. Both methods were already introduced for sequential evaluations of expensive to evaluate functions, see, e.g.,~\citet{Chevalier.etal2014a}.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.85\textwidth]{ComparisonMethods.pdf}
\caption{Distribution of $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ estimates obtained with different choices of active dimensions.}
\label{fig:comparisonMethods}
\end{figure}
Figure~\ref{fig:comparisonMethods} shows a comparison of the estimates $p_q$ obtained with different methods to select $E_q$. We consider $30$ replications of an experiment where $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ is used to approximate $p$. The dimension of the vector $X$ is $d=1000$, the threshold is fixed at $t=11$. The vector $X$ is obtained from a discretization of a six dimensional GRF, defined on $[0,1]^6$, over the first $1000$ points of the Sobol' sequence \citep{bratley1988algorithm}. The GRF has a tensor product Mat\'ern ($\nu=5/2$) covariance kernel. We generate a non constant mean function $\mathfrak{m}$ by imposing the interpolation of a deterministic function at $70$ points. The covariance kernel's hyperparameters are fixed as $\theta = [0.5,0.5,1,1,0.5,0.5]^T$ and $\sigma^2=8$, see~\citet{rasmussen2006gaussian}, Chapter~4, for details on the parametrization. In this example, the two methods clearly outperform a random choice of active dimensions.
Methods A and B work well for selecting active dimensions when the mean vector $\mu$ and the covariance matrix diagonal are anisotropic. In such cases both methods select dimensions that are a good trade-off between high variance and mean close to $t$.
The choices of $q$ and of the active dimensions influence the behaviour of the estimator for $R_q$. This aspect is discussed in more details in the next section.
\subsection{Monte Carlo estimator for $R_q$}
\label{subsec:MCforRq}
Debiasing $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ as an estimator of $p$ can be done at the price of estimating
\begin{equation*}
R_q = P \left(\maxX^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} > t \mid \maxX^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t \right).
\end{equation*}
There is no closed formula for $R_q$, so it is approximated here via MC.
Since $X$ is Gaussian then so are $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$, $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ and $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q = x^q$, for any deterministic vector $x^q \in \mathbb{R}^q$.
In order to estimate $R_q = P \left(\max X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} > t \mid X_{i_1}\leq t, \ldots, X_{i_q}\leq t \right)$, we first generate $n$ realizations $x^q_1, \ldots, x^q_n$ of $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$ such that $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q\leq t_q$. Second, we compute the mean and covariance matrix of $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ conditional on each realization $x^q_l,\ l=1,\ldots,n$ with the following formulas
\begin{equation
\label{eq:condMeanCov}
\mu^{-q \mid x^q_l} = \mu^{-q} + \Sigma^{-q,q} (\Sigma^{q})^{-1}(x^q_l - \mu^q), \qquad
\Sigma^{-q \mid q} = \Sigma^{-q} - \Sigma^{-q,q}(\Sigma^q)^{-1}\Sigma^{q,-q},
\end{equation
where $\mu^{q}, \Sigma^{q}$ and $\mu^{-q}, \Sigma^{-q}$ are the mean vector and covariance matrix of $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$ and $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ respectively, $\Sigma^{-q,q}$ is the cross-covariance between the dimensions $E \setminus E_q$ and $E_q$, $\Sigma^{q,-q}$ is the transpose of $\Sigma^{-q,q}$. Note that the conditional covariance $\Sigma^{-q \mid q}$ does not depend on the realization $x^q_l$, therefore it can be computed before the sampling procedure. Given the mean and covariance matrix conditional on each sample $x^q_l$, we can easily draw a realization $y^{-q \mid q}_l$ from $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q = x^q_l$.
Once $n$ couples $(x^q_l, y^{-q \mid q}_l),\ l = 1, \dots, n$ are drawn from the respective distributions, an estimator for $R_q$ is finally obtained as follows
\begin{equation*}
\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC} = \frac{1}{n} \sum_{l=1}^n \mathbf{1}_{\max y^{-q \mid q}_l > t}.
\end{equation*}
The realizations of $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q$ are obtained with a crude multivariate rejection sampling algorithm \citep{robert1995simulation,horrace2005some}. The cost of this step is driven by the acceptance probability of the sampler and it can be very high.
The accepted samples satisfy the condition $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q$ thus we have that the acceptance probability is $P(X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q) = 1-p_q$. This shows that the choice of $q$ and of the active dimensions play an important role. If $p_q$ is much smaller than $p$, then the rejection sampler will have a high acceptance probability, however the overall method will be less efficient as most of the probability is in the remainder. On the other hand, if $q$ and the active dimensions are well chosen, the value of $p_q$ could be very close to $p$. This will also lead to a slower rejection sampler as the acceptance probability would be small.
The second part of the procedure for $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$, drawing samples from the distribution of $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q = x^q_l$, is instead less dependent on $q$ and generally less expensive than the fist step. The mean vector and covariance matrix computations requires only linear algebra operations as described in Equation~\eqref{eq:condMeanCov} and
realizations of $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q} \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q = x^q_l$ can be generated by sampling from a multivariate normal distribution.
The difference in computational cost between the first step and the second step of the MC procedure can be exploited to reduce the variance at a fixed computational cost. This idea is exploited by the asymmetric nested MC procedure presented in Section~\ref{sec:ANMC}.
We denote with $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$ the unbiased estimator of $p$ defined as
\begin{equation*}
\widehat{p}^\text{GMC} = \widehat{p_q}^\text{G} + (1-\widehat{p_q}^\text{G})\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC},
\end{equation*}
where $\text{GMC}$ denotes the use of Genz's method for $p_q$ and MC for $\widehat{R_q}$.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=0.85\textwidth]{CompHatp.pdf}
\caption{Estimate of $p$ with $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$ for different values of $q$. A full MC estimation of the same quantity is shown for comparison}
\label{fig:EstimatePqRq}
\end{figure}
Figure~\ref{fig:EstimatePqRq} shows the box plots of $30$ replications of an experiment where $p$ is approximated with $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$. The set-up is the same as in Fig.~\ref{fig:comparisonMethods}. The core of the probability is approximated with $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ and the active dimensions are chosen with Method~1. The residual $R_q$ is estimated with $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$. The remainder allows to correct the bias of $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ even with a small number of active dimensions. As comparison the results of the same experiment with a full MC estimator for $p$ are also shown. For all experiments and for each method the number of samples was chosen in order to have approximately the same computational cost. The estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$ exploits an almost exact method to estimate the largest part of the probability $p$, therefore the MC estimator $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$ has less variance than a full MC procedure for a fixed computational cost.
\section{Estimation of the residual with asymmetric nested Monte Carlo}
\label{sec:ANMC}
In section~\ref{sec:MainTheory}, $R_q$ was estimated by $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$. There exists many methods to reduce the variance of such estimators, including antithetic variables \citep{hammersley1956new}, importance sampling \citep{kahn1950random,kahn1953methods} or conditional Monte Carlo \citep{hammersley1956conditional} among many others; see, e.g.~\citet[Chapter~4]{robert2013monte}, for a broader overview. Here we focus on reducing the variance at a fixed computational cost, i.e. we are interested in increasing the estimator efficiency~\citep[Section~4.2]{lemieux2009monte}. We propose a so-called asymmetric nested Monte Carlo (anMC) estimator for $R_q$ that increases the efficiency with a parsimonious multiple use of conditioning data. In this section we develop some useful theoretical properties of anMC estimators
The idea is to use an asymmetric sampling scheme that assigns the available computational resources by taking into account the actual cost of simulating each component. A similar asymmetric sampling scheme was introduced in the particular case of comparing the performance of stopping times for a real-valued stochastic process in discrete times in~\citet{dickmannSchweizer2014}. Here we introduce this procedure in a general fashion and, in the next section, we detail it to $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$. For two measurable spaces $\mathcal{W},\mathcal{Z}$, consider two random elements $W \in \mathcal{W}$ and $Z \in \mathcal{Z}$, defined on the same probability space and not independent. We are interested in estimating the quantity
\begin{equation}
G = \mathbb{E}\left[g(W,Z) \right],
\label{eq:ExpG}
\end{equation}
where $g: \mathcal{W} \times \mathcal{Z} \rightarrow \mathbb{R}$ is a measurable function, assumed integrable with respect to $(W,Z)$'s probability measure.
Let us also assume that it is possible to draw realizations from the marginal distribution of $W$, $Z$ and from the conditional distribution of $Z \mid W=w_i$, for each $w_i$ sample of $W$.
In the spirit of a Gibbs sampler, we can then obtain realizations $(w_i,z_i)$, $i=1, \dots, n$ of $(W,Z)$ by simulating $w_i$ from the distribution of $W$ and then $z_i$ from the conditional distribution $Z \mid W=w_i$, leading to:
\begin{equation}
\widehat{G} = \frac{1}{n}\sum_{i=1}^n g(w_i,z_i).
\label{eq:wideG}
\end{equation}
This MC estimator can actually be seen as the result of a two step nested MC procedure where, for each realization $w_i$, one inner sample $z_i$ is drawn from $Z \mid W=w_i$.
Note that the estimator $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$ used in Section~\ref{sec:MainTheory} is a particular case of Equation~\eqref{eq:wideG} with $W=X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q$, $Z=X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ and $g(x,y) = \mathbf{1}_{\max y > t}$.
As noted in Section~\ref{sec:MainTheory}, drawing realizations of $X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q$ has a higher computational cost than simulating $X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ because rejection sampling is required in the first case. More generally, let us denote with $C_W(n)$ the cost of $n$ realizations of $W$ and with $C_{Z \mid W}(m;w_i)$ the cost of drawing $m$ conditional simulations from $Z \mid W=w_i$. If $C_W(1)$ is much higher than $C_{Z \mid W}(1;w_i)$ then sampling several conditional realizations for a given $w_i$
might bring computational savings
In the proposed asymmetric sampling scheme for each realization $w_i$ we sample $m$ realizations $z_{i,1},\dots, z_{i,m}$ from $Z \mid W= w_i$.
Assume that we use this sampling scheme for the couples $(w_i,z_{i,j})$, $i=1, \dots, n, \ j=1,\dots,m$, then an estimator for $G$ is
\begin{equation}
\widetilde{G} = \frac{1}{nm} \sum_{i=1}^n \sum_{j=1}^m g(w_i,z_{i,j}).
\label{eq:wideTildeG}
\end{equation}
For a fixed number of samples, the estimator $\widetilde{G}$ may have a higher variance than $\widehat{G}$ due to the dependency between pairs sharing the same replicate of $W$. However, in many cases, the estimator $\widetilde{G}$ may be relevant to reduce the variance at a fixed computational time. In fact, let us fix the computational budget instead of the number of samples. If $C_{Z \mid W}(1;w_i)<C_W(1)$, then anMC may lead to an overall variance reduction thanks to an increased number of simulated pairs. In the remainder of the section, we show that, in the case of an affine cost functions, there exists an optimal number of inner simulations $m$ such that $\operatorname{var}(\widetilde{G}) < \operatorname{var}(\widehat{G})$.
Assume
\begin{align*}
C_W(n) &= c_0 + c n \text{ and, for each sample } w_i \\
C_{Z \mid W}(m;w_i) &= C_{Z \mid W}(m) = \alpha + \beta m,
\end{align*}
with $c_0, c, \alpha, \beta \in \mathbb{R}_+$ dependent on the simulators of $W$ and $Z \mid W$.
The second equation entails that the cost of conditional simulations does not depend on the conditioning value.
If $W=X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q$, $Z=X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$ as in Section~\ref{sec:MainTheory}, then $Z \mid W$ is Gaussian with mean and covariance matrix described in~\eqref{eq:condMeanCov}. In this case, the cost for sampling $Z \mid W$ is affine, with $\alpha$ describing preliminary computations and $\beta$ random number generation and algebraic operations.
Denote with $W_1, \dots, W_n$ replications of $W$. For each $W_i$ we consider the conditional distribution $Z \mid W_i$ and $m$ replications $Z_{1,i}, \dots, Z_{m,i}$. Under these assumption the total simulation budget is
\begin{equation*}
C_{\text{tot}}(n,m) = c_0 + n(c + \alpha + \beta m).
\end{equation*}
If the total budget is fixed, $C_{\text{tot}}(n,m) = C_{\text{fix}} \in \mathbb{R}_+$, then the number of replications of $W$ as a function of $m$ is
\begin{equation*}
N_{C_{\text{fix}}}(m) = \frac{C_{\text{fix}} - c_0}{c + \alpha + \beta m}.
\end{equation*}
The following proposition shows a decomposition of $\operatorname{var}(\widetilde{G})$ that is useful to find the optimal number of simulations $m^*$
under a fixed simulation budget $C_{\text{tot}}(n,m)=C_{\text{fix}}$.
\begin{proposition}
\label{pro:general}
Consider $n$ independent copies $W_1, \dots, W_n$ of $W$ and, for each $W_i$, $m$ copies $Z_{i,j} = Z_j \mid W_i$ $j=1,\dots,m$, independent conditionally on $W_i$.
Then,
\begin{equation}
\operatorname{var}(\widetilde{G}) = \frac{1}{n}\operatorname{var}(g(W_1,Z_{1,1})) - \frac{m-1}{nm} \mathbb{E}\big[ \operatorname{var}( g(W_1,Z_{1,1}) \mid W_1 ) \big].
\label{eq:varianceDecomp}
\end{equation}
\end{proposition}
\begin{corollary
\label{cor:OptimNum}
Under the same assumptions, $\widetilde{G}$ has minimal variance when
\begin{equation*}
m=\widetilde{m} = \sqrt{\frac{(\alpha +c )B}{\beta(A-B)}},
\end{equation*}
where $A=\operatorname{var}(g(W_1,Z_{1,1}))$ and $B=\mathbb{E}\big[ \operatorname{var}( g(W_1,Z_{1,1}) \mid W_1 ) \big]$. Moreover denote with $\varepsilon = \widetilde{m} - \lfloor \widetilde{m} \rfloor$, then the optimal integer is $m^* = \lfloor \widetilde{m} \rfloor$ if
\begin{equation}
\varepsilon < \frac{(2\widetilde{m} +1) - \sqrt{4(\widetilde{m})^2 +1}}{2}
\label{eq:approxMstar}
\end{equation}
or $m^* = \lceil \widetilde{m} \rceil$ otherwise.
\end{corollary}
\begin{proposition}
\label{pro:comparisonVar}
Under the same assumptions, if
$m^* > \frac{2(\alpha +c)B}{(c+\alpha)B+ \beta(A-B)}$
then $\operatorname{var}(\widetilde{G}) = \operatorname{var}(\widehat{G}) \left[1- \eta\right]$,
where $\eta \in (0,1)$
\end{proposition}
\subsection{Algorithmic considerations}
\label{subsec:AlgorithmANMC}
In order to compute $m^*$, we need the quantities $A=\operatorname{var}( g(W_1,Z_{1,1}) )$ and $B=\mathbb{E}\big[ \operatorname{var}( g(W_1,Z_{1,1}) \mid W_1 ) \big]$ and the constants $c_0$, $c$, $\alpha$ and $\beta$.
$A$ and $B$ depend on the specific problem at hand and are usually not known in advance. Part of the total computational budget is then needed to estimate $A$ and $B$.
This preliminary phase is also used to estimate the system dependent constants $c$ and $\beta$.
Algorithm~\ref{algo:Algo1} reports the pseudo-code for anMC.
\begin{algorithm}
\SetKwInOut{Input}{Input}\SetKwInOut{Output}{Output}
\Input{$\mu_W, \mu_Z, \Sigma_W, \Sigma_Z, \Sigma_{WZ}, g, C_{\text{tot}}$}
\Output{$\widetilde{G}$}
\nlset{Part 0: \Indm} estimate $c_0, c, \beta, \alpha$ \;
\nlset{initialize}
compute the conditional covariance $\Sigma_{Z \mid W}$ and initialize $n_0, m_0$\;
\nlset{Part 1: \Indm} \For{$i \leftarrow 1$ \KwTo $n_0$}{
\nlset{estimate $A,B$} simulate $w_i$ from the distribution of $W$ and compute $\mu_{Z \mid W=w_i}$\;
draw $m_0$ simulations $z_{i,1}, \dots, z_{i,m_0}$ from the conditional distribution $Z \mid W=w_i$\;
estimate $\mathbb{E}\left[ g(W,Z) \mid W= w_i \right]$ with $\tilde{E}_i = \frac{1}{m_0}\sum_{j=1}^{m_0} g(w_i,z_{i,j})$\;
estimate $\operatorname{var}\left( g(W,Z) \mid W= w_i \right)$ with $\tilde{V}_i = \frac{1}{m_0-1}\sum_{j=1}^{m_0} (g(w_i,z_{i,j})-\tilde{E}_i)^2$\;
}
compute $\widetilde{m} = \sqrt{\frac{(\alpha+c) \frac{1}{n_0} \sum_{i=1}^{n_0}{\tilde{V}_i}}{\beta\frac{1}{n_0-1}\sum_{i=1}^{n_0}(\tilde{E}_i - \frac{1}{n_0}\sum_{i=1}^{n_0} \tilde{E}_i)^2 }}$, $m^*$ as in Corollary~\ref{cor:OptimNum} and $n^*=N_{C_{\text{fix}}}(m^*)$\;
\nlset{Part 2: \Indm} \For{$i \leftarrow 1$ \KwTo $n^*$}{
\nlset{compute $\widetilde{G}$} \eIf{$i\leq n_0$}{
\For{$j \leftarrow 1$ \KwTo $m^*$}{
\eIf{$j \leq m_0$}{
use previously calculated $\widetilde{E}_i$ and $\widetilde{V}_i$\;
}{
simulate $z_{i,j}$ from the distribution $Z \mid W=w_i$\;
compute $\widetilde{E}_i = \frac{1}{m^*}\sum_{j=1}^{m^*} g(w_i,z_{i,j})$\;
}
}
}{
simulate $w_i$ from the distribution of $W$ and compute $\mu_{Z \mid W=w_i}$\;
\For{$j \leftarrow 1$ \KwTo $m^*$}{
simulate $z_{i,j}$ from the conditional distribution $Z \mid W=w_i$\;
}
compute $\widetilde{E}_i = \frac{1}{m^*}\sum_{j=1}^{m^*} g(w_i,z_{i,j})$\;
}
}
estimate $\mathbb{E}\left[ g(W,Z) \right]$ with $\widetilde{G} = \frac{1}{n^*}\sum_{i=1}^{n^*} \tilde{E}_i$\;
\caption{Asymmetric nested Monte Carlo.}
\label{algo:Algo1}
\end{algorithm}
\subsection{Estimate $p$ with $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$}
The anMC algorithm can be used to reduce the variance compared to $R_q$'s MC estimate proposed in Section~\ref{subsec:MCforRq}. In fact, let us consider $W=X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \mid X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q$ and $Z=X^{-q}}%{\mathbf{X}^{-q}$. We have that $W$ is expensive to simulate as it requires rejection sampling while, for a given sample $w_i$, $Z \mid W=w_i$ is Gaussian with mean and covariance matrix described in Equation~\eqref{eq:condMeanCov}. It is generally much cheaper to obtain samples from $Z \mid W=w_i$ than from $W$. Moreover, as noted earlier, $R_q$ can be written in the form of Equation~\eqref{eq:ExpG} with $g(x,y) = \mathbf{1}_{\max y > t}$. By following Algorithm~\ref{algo:Algo1} we calculate $m^*$, sample $n^*$ realizations $w_1, \dots, w_{n^*}$ of $W$ and for each realization $w_i$ obtain $m^*$ samples $z_{i,1}, \dots, z_{i,m^*}$ of $Z \mid W = w_i$. We estimate $R_q$ via
\begin{equation*}
\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC} = \frac{1}{n^* m^*} \sum_{i=1}^{n^*}\sum_{j=1}^{m^*} \mathbf{1}_{\max z_{i,j} > t}.
\end{equation*}
Finally plugging in $\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}$ and $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ in Equation~\eqref{eq:pMaxDecom}, we obtain
\begin{equation*}
\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC} = \widehat{p_q}^\text{G} + (1-\widehat{p_q}^\text{G})\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}.
\end{equation*}
Figure~\ref{fig:EstimatePganmc} shows a comparison of results using $30$ replications of the experiment presented in Section~\ref{subsec:MCforRq}.
Results obtained with a MC estimator are shown for comparison.
\begin{figure}
\begin{subfigure}{0.5\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{CompHatpANMC.pdf}
\caption{Probability values.}
\label{fig:EstimatePganmc}
\end{subfigure} \hfill
\begin{subfigure}{0.5\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{EfficiencyHatpANMC.pdf}
\caption{Efficiency. Values in logarithmic scale.}
\label{fig:EfficiencyMC}
\end{subfigure}
\caption{Comparison of results with $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$, $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$, $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ and standard MC on $30$ replications of the example introduced in Fig.~\ref{fig:comparisonMethods}.}
\label{fig:CompMCprobEfficiency}
\end{figure}
While the simulations of all experiments were obtained under the constraint of a fixed computational cost, the actual time to obtain the simulations was not exactly the same. In order to be able compare the methods in more general settings we further rely on the notion of efficiency. For an estimator $\widehat{p}$, we define the efficiency~\citep[Section~4.2]{lemieux2009monte} as
\begin{equation*}
\operatorname{Eff}[\widehat{p}] = \frac{1}{\operatorname{var}(\widehat{p})\operatorname{time}[\widehat{p}]},
\end{equation*}
where $\operatorname{time}[\widehat{p}]$ denotes the computational time of the estimator $\widehat{p}$.
Figure~\ref{fig:EfficiencyMC} shows a comparison of the efficiency of $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$ and $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ with a full Monte Carlo estimator. With as few as $q=50$ active dimensions we obtain an increase in efficiency of around $10$ times on average over the $30$ replications of the experiment with the estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$. The estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ shows a higher median efficiency than the others for all $q \geq 20$.
\section{Numerical studies}
\label{sec:NumStudies}
\subsection{Choice of the number of inner samples}
\label{subsec:NumInner}
In this section we study the efficiency of the anMC method compared with a standard MC method for different choices of $m$. Here we do not select the optimal $m^*$ defined in Corollary~\ref{cor:OptimNum}, but we study the efficiency as a function of $m$. In many practical situations even if part~1 of Algorithm~\ref{algo:Algo1} does not render the optimal $m^*$ the anMC algorithm is still more efficient than a standard MC if the chosen $m$ is close to $m^*$.
We consider a similar setup to the experiment presented in Section~\ref{subsec:pq}. Here we start from a GRF with tensor product Mat\'ern ($\nu=5/2$) and a non constant mean function $\mathfrak{m}$ different from the example in Section~\ref{subsec:pq}, initialized as conditional mean on $60$ randomly generated values at a fixed design on $[0,1]^6$. The hyperparameters are fixed as $\theta=[0.5,0.5,1,1,0.5,0.5]^T$ and $\sigma^2=8$. The GRF is then discretized over the first $d=1000$ points of the Sobol sequence to obtain the vector $X$. We are interested in $1-p=P(X < t)$, with $t=5$. We proceed by estimating $p$ with $\widehat{p}^\text{GMC}$ and $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ for different choices of $m$ to compare their efficiency. The initial part $p_q$ is computed once with estimator $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ with $q$ and the active dimensions chosen with Algorithm~\ref{algo:AlgoSelq}, Method~B. The number of outer simulations in the anMC algorithm is kept fixed to $n=10,000$ and we only vary $m$. For each $m$, the anMC estimation is replicated $20$ times.
The median estimated value for $p$ is $\widehat{p}= 0.9644$. Most of the probability is estimated with $p_q$, in fact $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}= 0.9636$. Figure~\ref{fig:Eff6DThresh5d1000} shows $\operatorname{Eff}[\widehat{p}]$ computed with the overall variance of $\widehat{p}$. A choice of $m=10$ leads to a median increase in efficiency of $73\%$ compared to the MC case. In this example, both the probability to be estimated and $p_q$ are close to $1$, thus the acceptance probability for $\widehat{R_q}$ is low. In this situation the anMC method is able to exploit the difference in computational costs to provide a more efficient estimator for $\widehat{R_q}$.
\begin{figure}[t]
\begin{subfigure}{0.5\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{effT5_d1000_q200.pdf}
\caption{High probability state, $t=5$, $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}=0.9644$.}
\label{fig:Eff6DThresh5d1000}
\end{subfigure} \hfill
\begin{subfigure}{0.5\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{effT7_5_d1000_q90.pdf}
\caption{Low probability state, $t=7.5$, $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}=0.1178$.}
\label{fig:Eff6DThresh7_5d1000}
\end{subfigure}
\caption{Efficiency of $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ estimator versus the number of inner simulations $m$. For each $m$ the experiment is reproduced $30$ times.}
\label{fig:Eff6DvsM}
\end{figure}
In order to study the effect of the acceptance probability on the method's efficiency we change the threshold in the previous example to $t=7.5$ by keeping the remaining parameters fixed. The value of $p$ is smaller, $\widehat{p}=0.1178$. The number of active dimensions $q$, chosen with Algorithm~\ref{algo:AlgoSelq}, is smaller ($q=90$) as the probability mass is smaller. The value of $p_q$ ($\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}=0.1172$) is much smaller than in the previous case and this leads to a higher acceptance probability for $\widehat{R_q}$. Figure~\ref{fig:Eff6DThresh7_5d1000} shows efficiency of the method as a function of $m$. Here the anMC method does not bring significant gains over the MC method as the the ratio between the cost of rejection sampling and the conditional simulations in $\widehat{R_q}$ is close to one. The estimated $m^*$ is equal to $1.91$, thus it is smaller than the minimum threshold of Proposition~\ref{pro:comparisonVar} that guarantees a more efficient anMC algorithm.
\subsection{Comparison with state of the art}
In this section we compare the GMC and GanMC methods, as implemented in the $R$~package \verb|ConservativeEstimates|, with available state-of-the-art algorithms to estimate $\pi(t)$. In particular, we compare this implementation with:
\begin{description}
\item[QRSVN] an implementation of Genz method \citep{Genz.Bretz2009} in the $R$~package \verb|mvtnorm|, function~\verb|pmvnorm|;
\item[GHK] an implementation of GHK method \citep{geweke1991efficient,hajivassiliou1998method} in the $R$~package \verb|bayesm|, function~\verb|ghkvec|;
\item[MET] $R$~implementation of the minimax-exponentially-tilted (MET) method \citep{botev2016normal} in the package \verb|TruncatedNormal|, function~\verb|mvNcdf|;.
\end{description}
We consider the example introduced in Section~\ref{subsec:NumInner} and we increase the dimension of the problem $d$ by considering finer discretizations of the underlying GRF. For example, the vector $X$ of dimension $d=100$ is obtained from the GRF discretized on the first $100$ points of the $6$-dimensional Sobol' sequence. As the dimension $d$ increases the probability $\pi(t)$ changes, thus providing different setups. Each experiment is replicated $15$ times.
\begin{figure}
\begin{subfigure}{0.495\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{EffT5_Full.pdf}
\caption{Low $\pi(t)$ state, $t=5$. The median estimated value for $p=1-\pi(t)$ ranges from $0.33845$ to $0.99876$.}
\label{fig:CompEff6DThresh5}
\end{subfigure} \hspace{0.01\textwidth}
\begin{subfigure}{0.495\textwidth}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{EffT7_5_Full.pdf}
\caption{High $\pi(t)$ state, $t=7.5$. The median estimated value for $p=1-\pi(t)$ ranges from $0.00315$ to $0.32564$.}
\label{fig:CompEff6DThresh7_5}
\end{subfigure}
\caption{Efficiency of the probability estimator versus the dimension $d$. For each $d$ the experiment is reproduced $15$ times. Values in logarithmic scale.}
\label{fig:compEff6D}
\end{figure}
Figure~\ref{fig:CompEff6DThresh5} presents a comparison of the estimator's efficiency for the problem of computing $\pi(t)$, with $t=5$. This is a low probability setup, as the range of $\pi(t)$ varies between $0.66155$ for $d=100$ and $0.00124$ for $d=7000$. The most efficient algorithm is the QRSVN Genz method, however this implementation does not scale to dimensions higher than $1000$. The GMC algorithm is the second most efficient in all dimensions except $d=2000$ where it is the most efficient. The GanMC algorithm is instead the most efficient when $d$ is greater than $2000$. This effect is explained by the efficiency gains brought by $\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}$ when the rejection sampler is expensive. If $d >2000$, the probability $P(X^q}%{\mathbf{X}^q \leq t_q)$ is always smaller than $0.01$, thus the rejection sampler becomes much more expensive than the conditional sampler in the estimation of the remainder $\widehat{R_q}$. Algorithms GHK and MET allowed estimates until dimension $d=5000$ and $d=4000$ respectively before running in memory overflows. The GanMC algorithm is $45$ times more efficient than the GHK algorithm for $d=5000$ and $3.8$ times more efficient than MET for $d=4000$. It is also $5$ times more efficient than GMC for $d=7000$.
Figure~\ref{fig:CompEff6DThresh7_5} compares the estimators' efficiency for the computation of $\pi(t)$ with $t=7.5$. As partially observed in the previous section this is a high probability setup as the median estimate of $\pi(t)$ ranges from $0.99685$, for $d=100$, to $0.67436$, for $d=7000$. Also in this case the QRSVN is the most efficient algorithm in low dimensions. The GMC and the GanMC algorithms however are the most efficient for all dimensions higher than $2000$. The GanMC algorithm is $4$ times more efficient than the MET for $d=3000$ and $5$ times more efficient than GHK for $d=5000$. In this setup the computational cost of the rejection sampler in $\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}$ is not much higher than the conditional sampler. In fact, the acceptance probability of the rejection sampler is always higher than $0.6$. In most replications this leads to a choice of $m^*$ smaller than $2$ and thus GanMC is slower than GMC because of Part 1 in Algorithm~\ref{algo:Algo1} while achieving the same variance. This is the main reason why the GMC algorithm proves to be more efficient for most dimensions, in fact for $d=5000$ it is $5.9$ times more efficient than GanMC and for $d=7000$ the ratio is $1.3$. All computations were carried on the cluster of the University of Bern on machines with Intel Xeon CPU 2.40GHz and 16 GB RAM.
\section{Application: efficient computation of conservative estimates}
\label{sec:ConservativeEsts}
We show here that anMC is key in conservative excursion set estimation relying on Gaussian field models.
We consider an expensive to evaluate system described by a continuous function $f: D \subset \mathbb{R}^\ell \rightarrow \mathbb{R}, \ell\geq 1$, where $D$ is a compact domain, and
we focus on estimating, for some fixed threshold $t \in \mathbb{R}$, the set
\begin{equation*}
\Gamma^* = \{x \in D : f(x) \leq t \}.
\end{equation*}
Such problems arise in many applications such as reliability engineering (see, e.g., \cite{picheny2013quantile}, \cite{Chevalier.etal2014}) climatological studies \citep{BolinLindgren2014,frenchSain2013spatio} or in natural sciences \citep{bayarri.etal2009using}. Often $f$ is seen as expensive to evaluate black-box \citep{Sacks.etal1989} and can only be evaluated with computer simulations. We assume here that $f$ was only evaluated at points $\chi_k = \{x_1, \dots, x_k\} \subset D$ and the associated responses are denoted with $f(\chi_k)= \left(f(x_1), \dots, f(x_k)\right) \in \mathbb{R}^k$ and we are interested in giving an estimate of $\Gamma^*$ starting from these $k$ evaluations.
In a Bayesian framework we consider $f$ as a realization of a GRF $(\xi_x)_{x \in D}$ with prior mean function $\mathfrak{m}$ and covariance kernel $\mathfrak{K}$.
A prior distribution of the excursion set is hence obtained by thresholding $\xi$, thus obtaining the following random closed set
\begin{equation*}
\Gamma = \{ x\in D: \xi_x \leq t\}.
\end{equation*}
Denoting with $\xi_{\chi_k}$ the random vector $(\xi_{x_1}, \dots, \xi_{x_k})$, we can then condition $\xi$ on the observations $f(\chi_k)$ and obtain a posterior distribution for the field $\xi_x \mid \xi_{\chi_k} = f(\chi_k)$. This gives rise to a posterior distribution for $\Gamma$.
Different definitions of random closed set expectation (\citet{Molchanov2005}, Chapter~2) can be used to summarize this posterior distribution and to provide estimates for $\Gamma^*$. In \citet{Chevalier.etal2013b}, for example, the Vorob'ev expectation was introduced in this setting. Let us briefly recall this definition. We denote with $p_{\Gamma,k}: D \rightarrow [0,1]$ the coverage function of the posterior set $\Gamma \mid \xi_{\chi_k} = f(\chi_k)$, defined as
\begin{equation*}
p_{\Gamma,k}(x) = P_k(x \in \Gamma), \ x \in D,
\end{equation*}
where $P_k(\cdot) = P(\cdot \mid \xi_{\chi_k} = f(\chi_k))$. This function associates to each point in $D$ its probability of being inside the posterior excursion set. The function $p_{\Gamma,k}$ gives rise to a family of excursion set estimates: for each $\rho \in [0,1]$ we can define the posterior $\rho$-level Vorob'ev quantile of $\Gamma$
\begin{equation*}
Q_{\rho}= \{x \in D : p_{\Gamma,k}(x) \geq \rho \}.
\end{equation*}
The Vorob'ev expectation of $\Gamma$ \citep{Molchanov2005} is the quantile $Q_{\rho_{V}}$ that satisfies $\lvert Q_\rho \rvert \leq \mathbb{E}_k[\lvert \Gamma \rvert] \leq \lvert Q_{\rho_{V}} \rvert$ for all $\rho \geq \rho_{V}$, where $\lvert A \rvert$ denotes the volume of a set $A \subset \mathbb{R}^l$.
The set $Q_{\rho_V}$ consists of the points that have high enough marginal probability of being inside the excursion set.
In some applications, however, it is important to provide confidence statements on the whole set estimate. Conservative estimates introduced in \citet{BolinLindgren2014} for Gaussian Markov random fields address this issue. A conservative estimate of $\Gamma^*$ is
\begin{equation}
C_{\Gamma,k} = \underset{C \subset D}{\arg\max} \{ \lvert C\rvert : P_k(C \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\}) \geq \alpha\},
\label{eq:ConsEstDef}
\end{equation}
where $\lvert C \rvert$ denotes the volume of $C$.
The object in Equation~\eqref{eq:ConsEstDef}, however, leads to major computational issues. First of all we need to select a family of sets to use for the optimization procedure in Equation~\eqref{eq:ConsEstDef}. Here we follow \citet{BolinLindgren2014} and select the Vorob'ev quantiles as family of sets. This family has the advantage that it is parametrized by one real number $\rho$ and thus it renders the optimization straightforward. Algorithm~\ref{algo:AlgoConsEst} details the optimization procedure.
\begin{algorithm}[!t]
\SetKwInOut{Input}{Input}\SetKwInOut{Output}{Output}
\Input{\vspace{-0.1cm}
$\mathfrak{m}_k,\mathfrak{K}_k$, conditional mean and covariance of $\xi \mid \xi_{\chi_k} = f(\chi_k)$, and $G$, fine discretization design;
\vspace{-0cm}}
\Output{Conservative estimate for $\Gamma^*$ at level $\alpha$.\vspace{0.1cm}}
\nlset{Part 0: \Indm} sort the points in $G$ in decreasing order of $p_{\Gamma,k}$, with indices $G_s = \{i_1, \dots i_m\}$\;
\nlset{compute $i_B$, $i_T$} find the highest index $i_T$ such that $\prod_{j=1}^{T}p_{\Gamma,k}(G_s)[i_j] \geq \alpha$\;
find the highest index $i_B$ such that $p_{\Gamma,k}(G_s)[i_B] \geq \alpha$\;
evaluate mean and covariance matrix $\mathfrak{m}_k(i_B)$ and $\Sigma_{i_B,i_B}$\;
\nlset{Part 1: \Indm} initialize $i_L = i_T$, $i_R=i_B$ \;
\nlset{Initialize dichotomy}
estimate $P_L= P_k(Q_{\rho_{i_L}} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$, $P_R = P_k(Q_{\rho_{i_R}} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$ with GanMC \;
\nlset{Part 2: \Indm} \While{$P_R < \alpha$ and $( i_R-i_L) \geq 2$}{
\nlset{optimization} next evaluation $i_{\text{next}} = \frac{i_L+i_R}{2}$\;
estimate $P_{\text{next}} = P_k(Q_{\rho_{i_\text{next}}} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$ with GanMC\;
\eIf{$P_{\text{next}} \geq \alpha$}{
$i_L =i_{\text{next}}$, $i_R =i_R$\;
}{ $i_L =i_L$, $i_R =i_{\text{next}}$\;}
}
\caption{Conservative estimates algorithm.}
\label{algo:AlgoConsEst}
\end{algorithm}
Second, for each candidate $Q$ we need to evaluate $P_{\text{next}} = P_k(Q \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$, the probability that $Q$
is inside the excursion. In fact, this quantity is a high dimensional orthant probability. For a Vorob'ev quantile $Q_{\rho_\prime}$, discretized over the points $c_1, \dots, c_r$,
\begin{equation*}
P_k(Q_{\rho^\prime} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\}) = P_k(\xi_{c_1} \leq t, \dots, \xi_{c_{r}} \leq t) = 1- P_k(\underset{i=1,\dots, r}{\max} \xi_{c_i} >t ).
\end{equation*}
Thus we use the estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ to approximate $1-P_k(Q_{\rho^\prime} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$.
The use of anMC allows resolutions for the discretized Vorob'ev quantiles that seem out of reach otherwise.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.475\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{ConsEstimateMatern.pdf}
\caption{Realization obtained with a Mat\'ern kernel.}
\label{fig:ConsEstimateMatern}
\end{subfigure}
\hfill
\begin{subfigure}[b]{0.475\textwidth}
\includegraphics[width=\textwidth]{ConsEstimateGauss.pdf}
\subcaption{Realization obtained with Gaussian kernel.}
\label{fig:ConsEstimateGauss}
\end{subfigure}
\caption{Conservative estimates at $95\%$ (white region) for the excursion below $t=1$. Both models are based on $15$ evaluations of the function (black triangles). The true excursion level is plotted in blue, the Vorob'ev expectation in green and the $0.95$-level set in red.}
\label{fig:ConsEstimates}
\end{figure}
We apply Algorithm~\ref{algo:AlgoConsEst} to a two dimensional artificial test case. We consider as function $f$ a realization of a GRF $(\xi_x)_{x \in D}$, where $D \subset \mathbb{R}^2$ is the unit square. We consider two parametrizations for the prior covariance kernel: a tensor product Mat\'ern covariance kernel with $\nu=5/2$, variance $\sigma^2=0.5$ and range parameters $\mathbf{\theta}=[0.4,0.2]$ and a Gaussian covariance kernel with variance $\sigma^2=0.5$ and range parameters $\mathbf{\theta}=[0.2,0.4]$. In both cases we assume a prior constant mean function. We are interested in the set $\Gamma^*$ with $t=1$. For both cases we consider $k=15$ evaluations of $f$ at the same points chosen by Latin hypercube sampling. Figures~\ref{fig:ConsEstimateMatern} and~\ref{fig:ConsEstimateGauss} show the conservative estimate at level $95\%$ compared with the true excursion, the Vorob'ev expectation and the $0.95$-quantile for the Mat\'ern and the Gaussian kernel. The $0.95$-quantile does not guarantee that the estimate is included in the true excursion with probability $0.95$ in both examples. The conservative estimates instead are guaranteed to be inside the true excursion with probability $\alpha=0.95$. They correspond to Vorob'ev quantiles at levels $0.998$ (Mat\'ern) and $0.993$ (Gaussian). The conservative estimates were obtained with a $100 \times 100$ discretization of the unit square. Such high resolution grids lead to very high dimensional probability calculations. In fact, the dichotomy algorithm required $11$ computations of the probability $1-P_k(Q_{\rho^\prime} \subset \{\xi_x \leq t\})$ for each case. The discretization's size for $Q_\rho$ varied between $1213$ and $3201$ points in the Mat\'ern kernel case and between $1692$ and $2462$ points in the Gaussian case. Such high dimensional probabilities cannot be computed with the current implementation of the algorithm by Genz, however they could be computed with other Monte Carlo methods at higher computational costs. Instead, with the proposed method, the total computational time on a laptop with Intel Core i7 1.7GHz CPU and 8GB of RAM was equal to $365$ and $390$ seconds respectively for Mat\'ern and Gaussian kernel.
\section{Discussion}
\label{sec:Conclusion}
In this paper we introduced a new method to approximate high dimensional orthant Gaussian probabilities based on a decomposion of the probability in a low dimensional part $p_q$ and a remainder $R_q$.
The number of active dimensions $q$ and the dimensions themselves are chosen with two heuristic algorithms which provide good results in case of dense covariance matrix with anisotropic diagonal and anisotropic mean vector. An alternative proposal is choosing the first $q$ dimensions ordered according to the inverse Genz variable reordering proposed in \citet[Section~4.1.3]{Genz.Bretz2009}. While similar to the heuristics proposed here, this method is not efficient in high dimensions as it requires a full Cholesky decomposition of the covariance matrix.
The remainder $R_q$ is instead estimated with two methods: standard Monte Carlo and asymmetric nested Monte Carlo (anMC). Both methods showed higher efficiency than other state-of-the-art methods for dimensions higher than $1000$.
The anMC method proved to be very efficient, in the numerical studies presented, if the orthant probability of interest has low to medium values. This method however relies on an initial step where several constants and probabilistic quantities are empirically estimated to choose the optimal $m^*$, the number of inner samples. In particular the cost parameters $c,\beta$, the slopes of the linear costs, might be hard to estimate if the constants $c_0, \alpha$ are comparatively large. In this case Algorithm~\ref{algo:Algo1} might not choose the optimal $m^*$. However, a numerical study of the algorithm behaviour for different choices of $m$ showed that, on the considered examples, even if the chosen $m$ is not optimal but it is close to optimal, the efficiency gain is very close to the optimal efficiency gain.
The estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ efficiency is mainly driven by the acceptance probability of the rejection sampler in $\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}$, which depends on $\widehat{p_q}$. This highlights the existence of a trade-off between $\widehat{p_q}^\text{G}$ and $\widehat{R_q}$. If the choice of $q$ and active dimensions is not optimal, then the acceptance probability of the rejection sampler becomes larger, making the estimation of $\widehat{R_q}$ easier. An estimator $\widehat{p_q}$ closer to $p$ makes the quantity $\widehat{R_q}$ harder to estimate. However, in this case, $\widehat{R_q}^\text{anMC}$ becomes more efficient than $\widehat{R_q}^\text{MC}$ as the ratio between the computational costs becomes more favourable.
The estimator $\widehat{p}^\text{GanMC}$ made possible the computation of conservative estimates of excursion sets with general GRF priors. The $R$~implementation of the algorithm is contained in the package \texttt{ConservativeEstimates} currently available on GitHub.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
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| 621
|
<?php
function buscar_consecutivo_des(){
$CI =& get_instance();
$sql="select max(consecutivo+0) as consecutivo from pagos_financiacion where ".
"id_entidad='".$CI->session->act_enti."' and desembolso='S'";
$rta=oneRow($sql);
$id = $rta->consecutivo;
$id++;
return $id;
}
function buscar_consecutivo(){
$CI =& get_instance();
$sql="select max(consecutivo+0) as consecutivo from pagos_financiacion where ".
"id_entidad='".$CI->session->act_enti."' and desembolso='N'";
$rta=oneRow($sql);
$id = $rta->consecutivo;
$id++;
return $id;
}
// funcion para traer valores adicionales en cobros
function cobros_adicionales($monto='0'){
$monto=floatval($monto);
$CI =& get_instance();
$resultados=array();
$sql="select nom_costo,tipo,valor from costos_financiaciones";
if(nRows($sql)>0){
$gen=getQuery($sql);
foreach ($gen as $val) {
if($val['tipo']=='P'){
$valor=floatval( $monto * ( floatval( $val['valor']/100 ) ) );
}
else $valor=$val['valor'];
$resultados[]=array('valor' => $valor, 'nombre' => $val['nom_costo']);
}
return $resultados;
}
else return $resultados;
}
//funcion para registrar valores en PUC
function registra_pagos($iGral,$iMora,$capital){
$CI =& get_instance();
$CI->load->database();
}
//efectivo anual actual
function getEf_anual(){
$CI =& get_instance();
$sql="select valor from efectivo_anual where activo='S' ".
"and id_entidad='".$CI->session->act_enti."'";
$rta=oneRow($sql);
return $rta->valor;
}
// funcion para obtener mora de interes genral, mora por dias
function genera_mora($vrcuota,$efectivo_anual,$dias){
$rta=(pow((1+$efectivo_anual/100),(1/365))-1)*365;
$rta=($rta)/365;
$rta=1+pow($rta,1);
$rta=$vrcuota*(($rta)-1);
$rta=number_format($rta,2,'.','');
$total=$rta*$dias;
//valores a retornar: valores total mora, valor diario de la mora
return array(ceil($total),$rta);
}
function genera_interes($capital,$interes,$tcobro,$ini,$fin,$modo_calculo='S'){
//modo_calculo: si es 'S' quiere decir que esta generando proyeccion mas o financiacion
//modo_calculo: si es 'N' quiere decir que esta generando intereses para mora
//si es modo N , entonces pasamos cobrar dias
if($modo_calculo=='N') $tcobro='D';
// valor: valor para calcular el interes
// interes: tasa de interes a generar
// tcobro: tipo de cobro G general cobro de 30 dias , D dias cobro de dias de mes (Febrero 28-29 dias) , F festivos
// cobro de dias tomando en cuenta los festivos, dias habiles
// ini: fecha inicial
// fin: fecha final
$CI =& get_instance();
$CI->load->database();
// verificando dia si existe, si no existe entonces generar el ultimo dia del mes.
$fch_nueva=existeDia($fin);
if($tcobro=='G'){
// cobro general 30 dias mensual siempre
$valor_interes=$capital*$interes;
$dias=30;
}
else if($tcobro=='D'){
// cobro por dias de mes (ejemplo febrero 28-29 dias)
$dias=diferencia_dias($ini,$fch_nueva);
$valor_interes=calcula_dias_interes($interes,$capital,$dias);
}
else{
// cobro teniendo en cuenta festivos y dias habiles
if(finMes($fch_nueva)){
// si es fin de mes, verifique si fecha es festivo o no
if(verifiFestivo($fch_nueva)){
$fch_nueva=antDia($fch_nueva);
}
}
else{
// si es fin de mes, verifique si fecha es festivo o no
if(verifiFestivo($fch_nueva)){
$fch_nueva=siguDia($fch_nueva);
}
}
$dias=diferencia_dias($ini,$fch_nueva);
$valor_interes=calcula_dias_interes($interes,$capital,$dias);
}
// devuelve la fecha nueva de corte y el valor del interes redondeado.
return array($fch_nueva,ceil($valor_interes),$dias);
}
//retorna informacion de financiacion
function getDataInfo($id,$entidad){
$CI =& get_instance();
$CI->load->database();
$sql="select plazo,cuota_fija,valor_financia,vr_cuota_fija,tasa,mora,tipo_int,tcobro from informacion_financiacion ".
"where id_informacion='".$CI->db->escape_str($id)."' and id_entidad='".$CI->db->escape_str($entidad)."'";
$query = $CI->db->query($sql);
$row=$query->row();
return array('interes' => $row->tasa,
'plazo' => 0,
'otro_plazo' => $row->plazo,
'cuotafija' => $row->cuota_fija,
'total_cuota' => $row->valor_financia,
'estimado_cuota' => $row->vr_cuota_fija,
'mora' => $row->mora,
'tipo_int' => $row->tipo_int,
'tcobro' => $row->tcobro
);
}
?>
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
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| 6,876
|
{"url":"https:\/\/economics.stackexchange.com\/tags\/growth-accounting\/hot","text":"# Tag Info\n\n3\n\nInteresting question. In effect, while factor shares were thought to have remained fairly stable over a long time (the first of the Kaldor's facts), more recently they have varied, particularly in the direction of a fall in the labour share. This short paper from (2012) shows that under such scenario, a growth accounting exercise which assumes constant ...\n\n2\n\nFor negative values alone you can define relative change as: $$\\frac{X_t-X_{t-1}}{|X_{t-1}|}$$ This is quite common way to deal with rates of change when you have negative numbers. However, when the denominator is zero then the growth rate is not defined. This can solve any issue when zero is not a base. When zero is the base unfortunately there is no way ...\n\n2\n\nI'm pretty sure he means \"1 minus the labour share percentage\", i.e. he's estimating the capital share of GDP as the proportion of GDP not going to labour. It's not typeset well, but he has used an em-dash (longer) after \"GDP\" and a minus sign (shorter) after \"1\".\n\n2\n\nI would say people usually use log-returns for continuous data (although no data is really continuous, not even tick data). And discrete returns when your data is discrete. In the case of GDP, you only get the data every 3 months, so that is as discrete as it gets.\n\nOnly top voted, non community-wiki answers of a minimum length are eligible","date":"2021-06-24 08:46:32","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.8133749961853027, \"perplexity\": 1205.4817091116429}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-25\/segments\/1623488552937.93\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210624075940-20210624105940-00436.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
As many of you know, this week is Google I/O, the time of year when thousands of developers gather to talk and learn. For the most part, the annual event is centered around Android and Chrome with other platforms getting somewhat of a back seat.
This year sees Google unveiling a lot of tools and resources for developers to harness as they aim to better their apps — or build that next big idea. What happens, though, if you're a developer or team who knows a little about a lot of things but not a lot about one particular thing? Did you know you could outsource some of your needs to a mobile app development specialist?
OpenXcell Technolabs, based in India, is more than familiar with Android, but that's not all. Indeed, they also have experience with Windows and iOS apps as well. So, if you're looking to make a cross-platform experience, they can help ensure you're consistent across the various operating systems.
Should your app or game need to rely on other services or utilities, OpenXcell Technolabs has your back, too. The team is more than 100 developers deep and consists of designers, engineers, and those with histories with frameworks. To that end, you'll have someone who can work on AWS (Amazon Web Services), iCloud, Rackspace, Azure, Dropbox, Amazon S3, and more. That's right, your app development team can be as big as you need it to be.
OpenXcell Technolabs offers a 100% customer satisfaction guarantee and believes they key to success is developing a long term business relationship. If you're running up against a tight deadline, or don't have experience in a certain field, get a free estimate.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 8,224
|
Producers Will Ferrell and Adam McKay deliver the goods in this flat-out raunchy comedic romp skillfully driven into the ground by Jeremy Piven (Entourage) with a stellar supporting crew (David Koechner, Ving Rhames and Kathryn Hahn, along with high-octane gas from James Brolin).
Don Ready (Piven) leads a team of mercenary used car salesmen able to strut onto a flat-lined lot and resuscitate it with shot of sweaty raunch and rocking roll. When a closeted, small-time dealer (Brolin) with a wacky family and an even more eccentric sales staff makes the 911 call to Ready's rowdy wild bunch, you know each and every member of the team will have a moment of pause that forces them to reconsider their hard-living and hard-selling ways, but not in any conventional sense.
Piven certainly knows he's being asked to play a version of Entourage's Ari Gold, right down to the coarse sentimentality that sneaks up on his snarky uber-agent, but he's not afraid to go for excess to set Ready apart from his bread-and-butter character. And it is fabulous to sit back and marvel at the foul-mouthed brilliance of Hahn, who deserves a movie devoted entirely to her character (much like Neil Patrick Harris as Neil Patrick Harris in the Harold and Kumar flicks).
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 2,903
|
{"url":"https:\/\/homeworkhelper-in.com\/physics\/question15615618","text":", 26.02.2020 10:10, sahini99\n\n# What is the formula of acceleration\u200b\n\n### Other questions on the subject: Physics\n\nPhysics, 19.08.2019 14:00, rehnamohidkdr\nFind the resistance of the given circuit diagram.\nPhysics, 20.08.2019 19:00, dhvani6272\nAbead of mass m slides without friction along a wire which has a shape of y=ax2 with axis vertical in the earth's gravitational field g","date":"2022-08-18 08:27:24","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": false, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.974188506603241, \"perplexity\": 2479.750737408355}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2022-33\/segments\/1659882573172.64\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20220818063910-20220818093910-00045.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Desperate Grizzlies' fight requires better offense in Game 3
Ronald Tillery
USA TODAY NETWORK – Tennessee
Grizzlies coach David Fizdale stood against a wall, looking stoic and sounding soft-spoken.
He was responding to receiving a $30,000 fine from the NBA following his emotionally charged Game 2 rant criticizing the officials, and trying to put the emphasis back on Game 3.
Fizdale's theater two days earlier worked.
His players appeared fired up now that the series has shifted to FedExForum for two games and a chance to climb out of a 0-2 hole against the San Antonio Spurs. The Grizzlies beat the Spurs twice at home during the regular season.
"We feel like we're very capable and can compete with this team," Grizzlies veteran swingman Vince Carter said. "We've got to play better basketball — plain and simple. If we play hard, we give ourselves a chance to win."
Memphis must find ways to score. San Antonio's consistent ball pressure has consistently disrupted Memphis' offensive sets. The Grizzlies routinely attempt and miss contested shots and experience long scoring droughts despite Fizdale's complaint of being on the bad end of a free throw disparity.
CALKINS: Fizdale rant sets stage for wild night
"We've got to finish through contact better," Grizzlies point guard Mike Conley said. "We have to finish through plays and continue to push the ball and continue to move the ball. We get too stagnant when they start to switch (on defense). We go one-on-one too often. We've got to move the ball from side to side and rely on other guys to make plays. Hopefully, that will open up other opportunities."
The Grizzlies scored just 82 points in each of the first two games. They are shooting 38.5 percent in the series. Memphis hasn't made more than seven 3-pointers in each of the first two games and played five of eight quarters scoring fewer than 20 points. San Antonio effectively controlled tempo and forced Memphis into unorganized action.
Grizzlies center Marc Gasol said they aren't playing with enough force on offense, which means they need to screen and cut harder, and not easily succumb to the Spurs' defense. For as much as Fizdale complained about not getting enough fouls called in their favor, the Grizzlies are the worst playoff team in terms of finishing in the paint.
"Playing harder and playing more physical should be a given," Gasol said. "But when musicians play their instruments harder it doesn't make them play better. You still have to do the things you have to do. We've got to do our jobs with a physicality that's required in a playoff series and play through stuff."
Part of the Grizzlies' optimism is centered on returning home but also building on their comeback attempt in Game 2. The Grizzlies sliced a 26-point deficit to four points in the fourth quarter.
CALKINS: Best 25 Grizzlies quotes ever
"The way we came out in the second half is how we play," Grizzlies forward Zach Randolph said. "We've got to play like that from the beginning of the game."
Fizdale could possibly start Randolph and James Ennis in Game 3 as he did to begin the second half of Game 2. Fizdale wasn't tipping his hand. But he believes the Grizzlies aren't conceding anything and haven't been demoralized.
"It's all clichés. You lose one on the road by 30 and it's 'It's just one game.' I said that one. We lost Game 2, now we're down two and it's 'Hey, they took care of business on their home court and now it's back on ours.' So it's all cliché," Fizdale said. "The bottom line is we're desperate. Every game is a desperation game in the playoffs. I don't care if you've got home court or not. You're trying to get that series over as fast as you can or, if you're in our position, extend it as long as you can. Our guys have the right mindset. They're connected, which is what I've stressed all season."
GRIZZLIES VS. SPURS
Local TV, radio: Fox Sports Southeast, 92.9-FM, 680-AM
Spurs lead 2-0
Game 1: at San Antonio 111, Memphis 82
Game 2: at San Antonio, 96, Memphis 82
Thursday: at Memphis, 8:30 p.m. (TNT)
Saturday: at Memphis, 7 p.m. (ESPN)
x-Tuesday: at San Antonio, TBD
x-Thursday, April 27: at Memphis, TBD
x-Saturday, April 29: at San Antonio, TBD (TNT)
x-if necessary
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 1,261
|
In the wake of the Parkland High School shooting in Florida and numerous "threats" to local schools made online, the Town of Bedford Police Department conducted an active shooter drill with numerous departments.
The drill, held Saturday, at Fox Lane High School, including officers from Bedford, Westchester County, North Castle, Pound Ridge and Yorktown police departments.
Fire departments included Bedford, Bedford Hills, and Pound Ridge. EMS agencies were Katonah-Bedford Hills and Pound Ridge Volunteer Ambulance Corps.
During the training, more than 50 police, fire, and EMS members, along with 20 volunteer victims took part in reality-based training to simulate an active shooter event.
Volunteers from The Harvey School art department assisted in creating artificial, lifelike injuries on victims.
Bedford Police Department has been hosting and conducting active shooter training on a regular basis since 2013.
In 2016 the training was expanded to include local EMS and fire departments as they have become an integral part of active shooter response.
"The partnerships between Police, Fire, EMS and local school districts allow us to provide the best possible training for our officers, as well as mutual aid agencies in the region," said Bedford Police Chief Melvin Padilla.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 2,945
|
Vikings Fall Apart, Lose To Dolphins, 14-10
By Christopher Gates Sep 19, 2010, 3:10pm CDT
Share All sharing options for: Vikings Fall Apart, Lose To Dolphins, 14-10
(Sports Network) – Jason Allen had two of Miami's three interceptions of Brett Favre and the Dolphin defense stopped a pair of late Minnesota threats in a 14-10 victory over the Vikings at Mall of America Field.
Chad Henne threw a touchdown pass for the Dolphins (2-0) and rookie linebacker Koa Misi recovered a Favre fumble in the end zone for another score, as Miami opened a season with two wins for the first time since 2002. The Dolphins also won a defensive battle in their opener last week, 15-10, at Buffalo.
In addition to the three interceptions, Favre completed 22-of-36 passes for 225 yards without a touchdown. Adrian Peterson ran for 145 yards and a score, but was stopped short of the goal line on one of Minnesota's fourth-quarter threats as the Vikings (0-2) followed up a nine-point effort in their opening loss against New Orleans with another subpar offensive showing.
The Vikings were in position to take the lead with 5:46 to play after a trade of turnovers — a Favre interception followed by a Ronnie Brown fumble — left Minnesota with a first down at the Miami 24.
Peterson gained 14 yards on two carries to set up a first down at the 10, and three more Peterson rushes left Minnesota with a fourth down from the one. The Miami defense, led by free-agent linebacker Karlos Dansby, stopped Peterson short of the goal line with 2:16 remaining.
The Dolphins managed one first down, thanks to a Minnesota penalty, before punting it back to the Vikings with 1:42 left.
Favre took over at his own 45 and drove the offense to the Miami 28 before facing 4th-and-7, then threw behind tight end Visanthe Shiancoe to turn it over on downs with 33 seconds to play.
Vikings Fall To Dolphins, 14-10, Drop to 0-2
Vikings Make It A Four-Point Game, 14-10
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 5,860
|
var _ = require('underscore');
var HTTPConstants = require('./../constants/HTTPConstants');
module.exports = MiddlewareCanister;
/**
* MiddlewareCanister Constructor
*
* @classdesc Middleware canisters sit in front of the route middleware manager, and allow a middleware
* or set of middleware to be registered with the route middleware manager using a fluent API.
*
* @param routeMiddlewareRegistry {RouteMiddlewareRegistry}
* @constructor
*/
function MiddlewareCanister(routeMiddlewareRegistry) {
'use strict';
this._middleware = [];
this._routeMiddlewareRegistry = routeMiddlewareRegistry;
}
/**
* @param routeMiddlewareRegistry {RouteMiddlewareRegistry}
* @returns {MiddlewareCanister}
*/
MiddlewareCanister.new = function (routeMiddlewareRegistry) {
'use strict';
return new MiddlewareCanister(routeMiddlewareRegistry);
};
/**
* @returns {Array}
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.middleware = function () {
'use strict';
return this._middleware;
};
/**
* Adds a middleware or multiple middleware (multiple arguments) to the canister. Calling this method
* has no side-effect until one of the terminating methods in this fluent api is called. Returns this
* middleware canister.
*
* @example
* myMiddlewareCanister.addMiddleware(middlewareA, middlewareB).forAllRoutes();
*
* @param arguments One or more middleware functions
* @returns {MiddlewareCanister}
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.addMiddleware = function () {
'use strict';
if (arguments.length) {
_.each(arguments, function (middleware) {
this._addSingleMiddleware(middleware);
}, this);
} else {
throw new Error('Middleware is null');
}
return this;
};
/**
* @param middleware {function}
* @private
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype._addSingleMiddleware = function (middleware) {
'use strict';
if (_.isFunction(middleware)) {
this._middleware.push(middleware);
} else if (middleware) {
throw new Error('Middleware is not a function');
} else {
throw new Error('Middleware is null');
}
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for specific routes.
*
* @param route {Route}
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forRoute = function (route) {
'use strict';
_.each(this._middleware, function (middleware) {
this._routeMiddlewareRegistry.addMiddlewareForRoute(route, middleware);
}, this);
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for all routes.
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forAllRoutes = function () {
'use strict';
_.each(this._middleware, function (middleware) {
this._routeMiddlewareRegistry.addGlobalMiddleware(middleware);
}, this);
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for all GET method routes.
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forAllGets = function () {
'use strict';
this._addMiddlewareForMethod(this._middleware, HTTPConstants.methods.GET);
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for all POST method routes.
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forAllPosts = function () {
'use strict';
this._addMiddlewareForMethod(this._middleware, HTTPConstants.methods.POST);
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for all PUT method routes.
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forAllPuts = function () {
'use strict';
this._addMiddlewareForMethod(this._middleware, HTTPConstants.methods.PUT);
};
/**
* Terminating method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for all DELETE method routes.
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype.forAllDeletes = function () {
'use strict';
this._addMiddlewareForMethod(this._middleware, HTTPConstants.methods.DELETE);
};
/**
* Internal method for adding the canister's set of middleware to the route middleware
* manager for specific routes.
*
* @param middlewares {array}
* @param method {string}
* @private
*/
MiddlewareCanister.prototype._addMiddlewareForMethod = function (middlewares, method) {
_.each(middlewares, function (middleware) {
this._routeMiddlewareRegistry.addMiddlewareForMethod(method, middleware);
}, this);
};
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,963
|
This course, which is open to beginners, aims to provide a brief overview of some of the documents and records written in English between 1500 and 1900. The documents to be studied, along with hand-outs on the letter-forms and abbreviations in common use during the period will be circulated in advance of the class. Students are expected to read the hand-outs and to attempt to transcribe the documents in advance, so as to get the most out of the course. The class will act as a practical introduction to the transcription, understanding and interpretation of a range of the documents employed in personal, financial, legal and administrative transactions during the period. Anyone wishing to attend who has a particular document on which s/he needs help or advice is most welcome to notify the tutor in advance and bring it along, though total satisfaction with the results is not guaranteed! This course can be taken on its own or to complement the one on Early Modern English Palaeography: 1500-1700.
The course covered a broad range of materials - legal documents, letters, accounts - over a several hundred year period. The first part of the course was the most helpful, when we looked at how and why letters were formed in documents/manuals. The practice of going around the room was helpful. It allowed everyone a turn and to collectively work through the idiosyncracies of early modern palaeography.
Christopher is incredibly knowledgeable, kind, and patient. The hints he gives are useful. I would take a class with him again.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 7,465
|
Q: Changing OutlinedButton's child (Text widget) forecolor using ThemeData I am using OutlinedButton widget and I want to find a specific style via themedata.
the OutlinedButton structure is like this:
OutlinedButton(
child: Text("Post"),
onPressed: () {
context
.read<PostsModel>()
.addPost(_title.text, _content.text);
Navigator.of(context).push(
MaterialPageRoute(
builder: (BuildContext context) => PostPage(),
),
);
},
)
and themedata is like this:
MaterialApp(
...
outlinedButtonTheme: OutlinedButtonThemeData(
style: ButtonStyle(
shape: MaterialStateProperty.all<OutlinedBorder>(
RoundedRectangleBorder(),
),
side: MaterialStateProperty.all<BorderSide>(
BorderSide(color: Colors.white)),
textStyle: MaterialStateProperty.all<TextStyle>(TextStyle(
fontSize: 18,
color: Colors.white,
)),
),
),
)
I was expecting to change the color like fontsize on children but it doesn't happen. Any idea?
A: I would recommend using the OutlinedButton.styleFrom constructor, it makes things easier:
MaterialApp(
...
outlinedButtonTheme: OutlinedButtonThemeData(
style: OutlinedButton.styleFrom(
textStyle: TextStyle(
fontSize: 18,
),
primary: Colors.white,
),
),
...
)
So for the fontSize, you should adjust the TextStyle, but if you want to change text color, primary is the property you should use.
Also, most probably you would need to restart the app in order for the Theme to be applied.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 2,088
|
Video shuffle adult scott weiland dating history
.116 cents per minute, per player on Friday & Saturday.Groups of four per table are per table, per hour (Sun-Thurs) or per table, per hour (Friday & Saturday).With built-in buttons and Voice Over, you have access to your favourite songs, playlists and Genius Mixes wherever you go.i Pod nano comes in five stunning colours and is designed to provide hours of entertainment with maximum portability.
Broadcasters on Stickam can allow their friends and followers to log into their chat rooms by using Facebook, Twitter, You Tube, Tumblr, Linked In, Myspace, or Gmail.And with Apple Music and i Tunes, i Pod touch is the perfect way to carry your music collection in your pocket.With built-in buttons and Voice Over, you have access to your favourite songs, playlists and Genius Mixes wherever you go. Jones—the woman who went by the name Jazmine Cashmere in the adult film industry—released a You Tube video called "the truth" last night distancing herself from this controversy and saying that she was Weirdly, we now live in a world where adult film stars calling out professional athletes has become a fairly common thing.Back in July, Mia Khalifa made major headlines for exposing Bills safety Duke Williams for attempting to slide into her DMs on Twitter.Asking your mom to pick up her feet and walk normally isn't likely to work. Because there's probably something causing her to shuffle. To make sure her shuffling isn't caused by a health condition or medication, it's best to get a check-up from the doctor.
NYC's best-equipped gaming center Named New York's best pool hall by New York Magazine, Fat Cat offers a wide variety of gaming entertainment choices, including billiards, ping pong, shuffleboard, foosball, chess & checkers, backgammon, scrabble, and more. ~ Fat Cat's enormous space is equipped with 10 pool tables, 10 ping pong tables, 3 shuffleboard tables, 3 foosball machines, and enough chess (with time clocks), checkers, backgammon, and scrabble sets to satisfy a mob.
Play as long or litttle as you like on timed games: Pool, Pong & Shuffleboard is pro-rated to the minute: $0.10 cents per minute, per player on Sunday- Thursday.
With all of that in mind, here's the latest scoop: Last night, Jazmine Cashmere took to her Twitter account—a Twitter account that has been around since May 2011 but that doesn't have any tweets prior to last night on it—and called a Knicks player out for not paying her for her, er, "services." She didn't reveal the name of the Knick, but she did allude to who it might be: And a short time later, she also revealed the name of the player. She did this by releasing the phone number she had released earlier and urging people to use it to "Call Melo": From there, she spent some time retweeting stuff that Knicks and Melo haters were sending her.
She also asked who wanted to see the video that she claimed to have: But after all of that, about 10 hours after the first tweet that she sent about Melo, she announced that lawyers had contacted her about the video and that she wouldn't be putting it out unless someone helped her pay off the $10 million lawsuit that would come as a result of it: So is any of this actually factual? We tried calling the number that Jazmine Cashmere put on Twitter, and it went straight to voice mail.
Stickam's player and live stream abilities are recognized in a Variety Magazine article as a "more customizable player" that has the ability to engage fans in a powerful way using their virtual face-to-face interaction.
Broadcasters on Stickam can allow their friends and followers to log into their chat rooms by using Facebook, Twitter, You Tube, Tumblr, Linked In, Myspace, or Gmail.
And with Apple Music and i Tunes, i Pod touch is the perfect way to carry your music collection in your pocket.
With built-in buttons and Voice Over, you have access to your favourite songs, playlists and Genius Mixes wherever you go.
Jones—the woman who went by the name Jazmine Cashmere in the adult film industry—released a You Tube video called "the truth" last night distancing herself from this controversy and saying that she was Weirdly, we now live in a world where adult film stars calling out professional athletes has become a fairly common thing.
Back in July, Mia Khalifa made major headlines for exposing Bills safety Duke Williams for attempting to slide into her DMs on Twitter.
Asking your mom to pick up her feet and walk normally isn't likely to work. Because there's probably something causing her to shuffle. To make sure her shuffling isn't caused by a health condition or medication, it's best to get a check-up from the doctor.
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|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 543
|
Navy not ready to deliver medicines under no-deal Brexit
Sam Coates, Deputy Political Editor
Monday January 21 2019, 9.00am, The Times
Matt Hancock has been told it will take up to a year to refit ships to deliver medicines
JOEL GOODMAN FOR THE TIMES
Matt Hancock, the health secretary, has asked for the Navy to help with the delivery of medicines if there is a no-deal Brexit.
However, the Navy has warned that it will take up to a year to refit its ships to allow sufficient numbers of crew to travel alongside the cargo, meaning that they will not be ready in time for Brexit day on March 29.
The health secretary made the request for extra capacity as part of attempts to minimise disruption to the NHS and pharmacies. The Ministry of Defence has offered help with logistics and planning to all Whitehall departments but this request appears to have run aground because of the scale of changes needed to the ships.
Mr Hancock told the Commons
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 2,168
|
package com.hurence.logisland.util.kafka
import java.io.ByteArrayOutputStream
import com.hurence.logisland.record.Record
import com.hurence.logisland.serializer.RecordSerializer
import org.apache.kafka.clients.producer.{KafkaProducer, ProducerRecord}
import scala.collection.JavaConversions._
/**
* Lazy instanciate a Kafka producer that will be broadcasted
* by the Spark driver into the Spark workers
*
* please note the partionning strategy
* http://blog.rocana.com/kafkas-defaultpartitioner-and-byte-arrays
*
* @param createProducer
*/
class KafkaSink(createProducer: () => (KafkaProducer[Array[Byte], Array[Byte]], String)) extends Serializable {
lazy val (producer, keyField) = createProducer()
def shutdown() ={
producer.close()
}
def send(topic: String, key: Array[Byte], value: Array[Byte]): Unit =
producer.send(new ProducerRecord(topic, value))
/**
* Send events to Kafka topics
*
* @param events
*/
def produce(topic: String, events: List[Record], serializer: RecordSerializer) = {
val messages = events.map(event => {
// messages are serialized with kryo first
val baos: ByteArrayOutputStream = new ByteArrayOutputStream
serializer.serialize(baos, event)
// and then converted to KeyedMessage
val key = if (event.hasField(keyField))
event.getField(keyField).asString()
else
""
val message = new ProducerRecord(topic, key.getBytes(), baos.toByteArray)
baos.close()
producer.send(message)
})
}
}
object KafkaSink {
def apply(config: Map[String, Object], keyField: String): KafkaSink = {
val f = () => {
val producer = new KafkaProducer[Array[Byte], Array[Byte]](config)
sys.addShutdownHook {
producer.close()
}
(producer, keyField)
}
new KafkaSink(f)
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 4,771
|
<img alt="" src="https://secure.keet1liod.com/157042.png?trk_user=157042&trk_tit=jsdisabled&trk_ref=jsdisabled&trk_loc=jsdisabled" height="0px" width="0px" style="display:none;">
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Technology Planning
By: Jonathan Barger on December 31st, 2020
9 Things to Include in Your 2021 Business Technology Plan
2020 was a challenging year and if you're like a lot of business leaders, you're happy to turn the calendar to 2021. Whatever your business goals look like for the new year, you need to make sure that you support them with a solid business technology plan.
How you plan for technology will affect your ability to meet your goals, and it will also impact your ability to pivot with changing circumstances. This was a lesson that many organizations learned the hard way as the coronavirus pandemic swept the globe.
While the end of the pandemic might be in sight, there's still much uncertainty in the air, but that doesn't mean that you should skip budgeting and planning for 2021. In fact, you should get going on your planning.
There are a few things we can already see coming that will need to be planned and budgeted for in 2021 (if you haven't already taken care of them).
Here are nine initiatives to include in your 2021 technology plan.
Support Your Goals and Avoid Surprises with a Business Technology Plan
1. Optimize Remote Workers for the Long Term
The pandemic has changed attitudes about remote work, and many companies that never thought they would have remote workers are now looking at work-from-home as a long-term arrangement. Whether employees are using corporate or personal devices, data visibility and data integrity are concerns.
If you haven't done so already, make sure that you have data access policies in place that detail how employees should retrieve and save data. You also need to enable your people to follow policies and keep data visible to IT so that it can be managed and backed up.
That means that policies are taught and enforced, and you provide employees with the technology they need – like VPN access and fast connectivity – to follow your guidelines.
This also brings up the conversation of company-owned and managed devices versus employees using their own computers for work. Many companies had employees use their personal computers out of necessity at the beginning of the pandemic, and it's time to revisit that conversation of mobile device management (MDM).
Are your employees' computers and networks secured to the standard you need? Did you send company-owned computers home with employees? Are they being managed effectively?
Remote working can be great for both your organization and people, but it comes with security risks that you can't afford to neglect.
Related: Do You Know Where Your Data Is? Out-of-Sight Data and Your Remote Workforce
2. Comply with NIST and CMMC Cyber Security Regulations
If you're in a government supply chain, then you need to become familiar with NIST or CMMC compliance if you aren't already.
NIST (National Institute of Standards and Technology) is a set of frequently updated guidelines, meant to improve cyber security standards among government contractors.
Even though most of the government's sensitive information is classified, there's still a large chunk of unclassified data that vendors use to meet their contractual obligations. NIST 800-171 compliance not only protects this information but also safeguards your proprietary data.
CMMC (Cybersecurity Maturity Model Certification), on the other hand, may be fairly new but if you have dealings with the Department of Defense (DoD), then you need to be compliant. This certification is valid for three years and verifies your ability to protect unclassified government information.
There are five certification levels that are based on the maturity of your cyber security practices. You must maintain at least a Level 1 certification to continue working with the DoD and it's assumed that you will be proactive at increasing your maturity level.
The compliance standards can be complex, but what it really comes down to are good cyber security and data hygiene practices. When we perform a NIST gap analysis or a CMMC audit readiness assessment, our managed IT services clients typically already meet 70-80% of the technical control policies since they're part of our recommended standard practices. Not all of the controls are technical, so there can still be quite a bit of work to be done to meet compliance in many cases.
Learn more about NIST compliance here: https://www.nist.gov/cyberframework
Learn more about CMMC compliance here: https://www.acq.osd.mil/cmmc/
Related: [Webinar] NIST Cyber Security Compliance: What to Do When Your Customer Pushes Security Requirements Down the Supply Chain
3. Secure Your Network with Threat Detection & Response (TDR)
The coronavirus has accelerated cyber attacks, and according to BitDefender, 60% of May and June emails in 2020 were fraudulent. 2021 may not be any better, so you need to have a vigilant cyber defense.
Basic firewalls and filters are no longer enough to defend against attackers that are using Artificial Intelligence (AI) to make their attacks faster and more targeted. The only way to fight AI is with AI, so you need advanced security tools that include Threat Detection and Response (TDR) capabilities.
TDR uses AI to determine normal traffic patterns on your servers. When suspicious activity is detected, it stops it from infiltrating your network.
For example, if one of your employees' computers is accidentally infected with malware, the TDR system will notice the file that doesn't fit the pattern of the rest of them and will block that threat from doing any damage. This is a security layer that catches attacks that anti-virus and other security layers can miss.
We put in as many of the right layers as we can to prevent attacks from happening in the first place. But security is an uphill battle with cyber criminals working just as hard to break through those layers. That's why also focusing on detecting threats is critical too.
Related: How to Keep a Vigilant Defense Against Increasing Cyber Attacks
4. Replace Your Toshiba Phone System
The phaseout of Toshiba phone systems began in 2018 and is set to end on October 31, 2021. It might be tempting to put off making a decision to replace your Toshiba phone system until later in the year, but you should start your planning now. A phone system replacement project can easily take 30-90 days or longer depending on availability of equipment and IT support resources.
If you're thinking that you'll be just fine using your Toshiba phones even after support ends, you'll be setting yourself up for future problems. When your phone system fails (and eventually, it will) after the support date, you'll be in a forced-replacement situation. Nobody likes making major decisions under duress.
Also, sales of additional licenses have already stopped, and if you're a growing organization, that could pose a big problem.
Updating your phone system can expand your communication options and empower collaboration. Think of a new phone system as a way to enhance communication and boost your employee's productivity.
Related: The Future of the Business Phone System in a Work-From-Home World
5. Replace Microsoft SQL 2008
The end-of-life deadline of Microsoft SQL 2008 has already passed, but many companies are still using it for their ERP software. Make sure you replace it in 2021 because running unsupported software is a security risk.
When software is unsupported, you no longer have access to security updates, which puts your data at risk and makes you an easy target for cyber criminals. Running on outdated software also puts you out of compliance, and you may end up accruing penalties and fines.
Some factors you should consider when upgrading or replacing this software include your businesses' needs, application architecture, and the new system's infrastructure.
6. Enable Multi-factor Authentication (MFA)
The Verizon Data Breach Investigations Report revealed that 81% of all data breaches were a result of weak or lost passwords. Cyber criminals may be crafty, but multi-factor authentication can stop a lot of hacks in their tracks.
You may not want to admit this, but humans are the weakest link when it comes to cyber security. This is why cyber criminals continue to use social engineering to get people to divulge their usernames and passwords.
Multi-factor authentication (MFA) requires you to verify your identity multiple times before you can access a system. For example, logging in to your email requires you to authenticate your identity using a one-time code or push notification, in addition to your regular login details.
MFA works because the authenticator can't be replicated by the hacker. In fact, if you have MFA available but you don't use it, a hacker may enable it after taking control of your account and then it will be a lot more difficult, if not impossible, to take back control.
Related: Top 5 Places Businesses Should Use Multi-Factor Authentication
Related: Multi-Factor Authentication (MFA) Options for Businesses: What They Do, How They Work, and How Much They Cost
7. Replace your WatchGuard XTM Firewalls
WatchGuard's XTM line of firewalls are in the process of being phased out. As with any out-of-support software or hardware, you'll be more vulnerable to a cyber attack if you continue to use an XTM firewall.
Even if the hardware is still working, upgrading your firewall is recommended. Newer models have advanced capabilities like TDR that are essential to counteract sophisticated cyber intrusions.
Which firewall should you upgrade to? A managed firewall is the best option. Instead of buying the hardware, you lease it, which means it can scale to your needs and replacement costs aren't on you. Once it's no longer usable, you can automatically swap it out for a new one.
Related: The Best Reason to Upgrade Your WatchGuard XTM Firewall: Get More Built-In Security Tools
8. Conduct a Third-party Cyber Security Assessment
Cyber attacks are increasing, and every organization is a target. Prevention is a lot less painful than dealing with the impact of an attack, so you need to know if there are holes in your network and how cyber criminals can exploit them.
Not only do you need to identify vulnerabilities, but you also need to be prepared to respond to a cyber incident if and when one happens.
A third-party security assessment will give you an independent appraisal of your cyber security status. They are experienced professionals who know exactly what to look for and the best measures you should take to mitigate vulnerabilities that your IT team may have missed.
9. Cultivate Cyber Security Responsibility
Your company data is the backbone of your business, and if it were to be compromised, the impact would be huge. That's why every employee needs to understand that security is a shared responsibility.
Employees will take security seriously when they are educated about the value of company data, the potential impact of a cyber attack, and methods that they can use to recognize and respond to a potential attack. The attitude that management has about security will greatly affect whether employees view cyber security as something that's enforced, or something that they're responsible for.
Help employees understand your security expectations by training them to follow security policies that detail how data is controlled. Make them savvy digital citizens by educating them about cyber criminal tactics with Cyber Security Awareness Training.
Related: Cyber Security Risk FAQs: What Business Executives Want to Know About Managing Cyber Risk
Related: How Email Security Awareness Training Protects Against Phishing Scams
IT Guidance for Creating Your Business Technology Plan
At Accent, we provide our clients with the IT guidance they need to create a business technology plan that supports organizational goals, and manages the risk of cyber attack.
If you're not getting that with your managed IT services provider, then take the first step towards strategic IT and schedule a FREE IT assessment.
About Jonathan Barger
Jonathan is a virtual Chief Information Officer (vCIO) for Accent Computer Solutions, Inc. He helps clients plan their technology so their business goals become a reality. He guides technology strategy and vision as a trusted technical advisor to his clients.
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{"url":"https:\/\/www.bioportfolio.com\/resources\/pmarticle\/2374413\/An-evidence-of-local-structural-disorder-across-spin-reorientation-transition-in-DyFeO.html","text":"# An evidence of local structural disorder across spin-reorientation transition in DyFeO3 : An Extended X-ray Absorption Fine structure (EXAFS) study.\n\n08:00 EDT 16th May 2019 | BioPortfolio\n\n### Summary of \"An evidence of local structural disorder across spin-reorientation transition in DyFeO3 : An Extended X-ray Absorption Fine structure (EXAFS) study.\"\n\nThe present work is aimed at exploring the local atomic structure modifications related to the spin reorientation transition (SRT) in DyFeO$_3$ orthoferrite exploiting x-ray absorption fine structure (XAFS) spectroscopy. For this purpose we studied by XAFS the evolution of the local atomic structure around Fe and Dy as function of temperature (10-300 K) in a DyFeO$_3$ sample having the SRT around 50-100K. For sake of comparison we studied a YFeO$_3$ sample having no SRT. The analysis of the extended region (EXAFS) has revealed an anomalous trend of Fe-O nearest neighbour distribution in DFO revealing i) a weak but significant compression with increasing temperature above the SRT and ii) a peculiar behavior of mean square relative displacement (MSRD) [$\\sigma^2$] of Fe-O bonds showing an additional static contribution in the low temperature region, below the SRT. These effects are absent in the YFO sample supporting these anomalies related to the SRT. Interestingly the analysis of Dy $L_3$-edge data also reveal anomalies in the Dy-O neighbour distribution associated to the SRT, pointing out a role of magnetic \\emph{Re} ions across $\\mathrm{T_{SRT,Fe}}$. These results point out micro-structural modification at both Fe and Dy sites associated to the magnetic transitions in DFO, it can be stated in general terms that such local distortions across $\\mathrm{Fe^{3+}}$ and magnetic \\emph{Re}$^{3+}$ may be present in other orthoferrites exhibiting multiferroic nature.\n\n### Journal Details\n\nName: Journal of physics. Condensed matter : an Institute of Physics journal\nISSN: 1361-648X\nPages:\n\n## PubMed Articles [22569 Associated PubMed Articles listed on BioPortfolio]\n\nMultiferroicity and magnetoelectric coupling in the paramagnetic state of the metal-organic framework (CH3)2NH2Ni(HCOO)3.\n\nThe metal-organic framework [(CH3)2NH2]Ni(HCOO)3 (DMA-Ni) has an ABX3 perovskite-like structure. At TC ~ 181 K, DMA-Ni displays a first-order ferroelectric transition, which is triggered by the disord...\n\nFerromagnetic van der Waals crystal VI.\n\nWe report structural, physical properties and electronic structure of van der Waals (vdW) crystal VI. Detailed analysis reveals that VI exhibits a structural transition from monoclinic C2\/ m to rhombo...\n\nDefect driven spin state transition and the existence of half-metallicity in CoO.\n\nWe unveil the native defect induced high spin (HS) to low spin (LS) state transition in $\\mathrm{Co^{+3}}$ and half-metallicity in CoO. First principles calculation unravel that, defect density holds ...\n\nSingling out the effect of quenched disorder in the phase diagram of cuprates..\n\nWe investigate the specific influence of structural disorder on the suppression of antiferromagnetic order and on the emergence of cuprate superconductivity. We single out pure disorder, by focusing o...\n\nRoom temperature spin Hall effect in graphene\/MoS van der Waals heterostructures.\n\nGraphene is an excellent material for long distance spin transport but allows little spin manipulation. Transition metal dichalcogenides imprint their strong spin-orbit coupling into graphene via prox...\n\n## Clinical Trials [8887 Associated Clinical Trials listed on BioPortfolio]\n\nInterpretation of Health News Items Reporting Results of Randomized Controlled Trials With or Without Spin by English-speaking Patients\n\nThe main objective of this study is to compare the interpretation of health news items reporting results of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) with or without spin (i.e., distortion of re...\n\nInterpretation of Health News Items Reporting Results of Randomized Controlled Trials With or Without Spin by French-speaking Patients\n\nThe main objective of this study is to compare the interpretation of health news items reporting results of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) with or without spin (i.e., distortion of re...\n\nInterpretation of Health News Items Reporting Results of Randomized Controlled Trials With or Without Spin by French-speaking Population\n\nThe main objective of this study is to compare the interpretation of health news items reporting results of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) with or without spin (i.e., distortion of re...\n\nInterpretation of Health News Items Reporting Results of Randomized Controlled Trials With or Without Spin by English-speaking Population\n\nThe main objective of this study is to compare the interpretation of health news items reporting results of randomized controlled trials (RCTs) with or without spin (i.e., distortion of re...\n\nAerobic Exercise and Cerebrovascular Function\n\nThis proposal will evaluate two brain health measures, cerebrovascular perfusion and cerebrovascular reactivity (CVR), before and after a proven, interval-based, aerobic exercise intervent...\n\n## Medical and Biotech [MESH] Definitions\n\nA technique for detecting short-lived reactive FREE RADICALS in biological systems by providing a nitrone or nitrose compound for an addition reaction to occur which produces an ELECTRON SPIN RESONANCE SPECTROSCOPY-detectable aminoxyl radical. In spin trapping, the compound trapping the radical is called the spin trap and the addition product of the radical is identified as the spin adduct. (Free Rad Res Comm 1990;9(3-6):163)\n\nMolecules which contain an atom or a group of atoms exhibiting an unpaired electron spin that can be detected by electron spin resonance spectroscopy and can be bonded to another molecule. (McGraw-Hill Dictionary of Chemical and Technical Terms, 4th ed)\n\nAn approach, process, or methodology which emphasizes credible evidence and the best available scientific knowledge, judiciously integrated to achieve the best possible outcomes in structural design. For example, the design of a new OUTPATIENT CLINIC might incorporate a review of published research on outpatient clinic design, decisions on similar past projects, along with interviews with staff and consumers.\n\nA dissociative disorder in which the individual adopts two or more distinct personalities. Each personality is a fully integrated and complex unit with memories, behavior patterns and social friendships. Transition from one personality to another is sudden.\n\nA preconceived judgment made without adequate evidence and not easily alterable by presentation of contrary evidence.\n\nQuick Search","date":"2019-05-19 19:24:11","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.20103231072425842, \"perplexity\": 4730.842449964871}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2019-22\/segments\/1558232255092.55\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20190519181530-20190519203530-00478.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
That's awesome !! Thanks for the update !
Many thanks for your effort. By the way, when you said "translating", does it include the process of replacing the Japanese text to the game? Or is it just translating?
Also, kind of sad that you won't be releasing a partial patch. But I'll be supporting you for your work. Good luck.
Thanks for the support! I've had help extracting the scripts into excel, so right now I'm only doing raw translation. That's why there are no partial patches, since I'll be doing the fitting after everything is done.
|
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| 2,199
|
Q: Refusing to use <= in C I have this habit in C (and many other languages) where rather than foo <= bar I will do foo < bar + 1 and no idea where this even came from...
Is this bad, per se, or just nonstandard? I mean from the context of coding and later modifying the code...I assume any good compiler compiles both of them the same.
A: This is bad for multiple reasons:
*
*Does not work for floating point numbers
*Does not work for signed numbers (-2.5 <= -3 is false, but -2.5 < -3 + 1 is true)
*Makes your code difficult to understand
*Increases the chances that you'll (needlessly) create an overflow error
It's bad and nonstandard. There's really no reason to continue reinforcing the habit - you're just shooting yourself in the foot for later in your coding career.
A: I think it's less clear, personally. Also it could be bad if foo and bar are not integers; for example the two will mean something different if foo= -7 and bar = -7.5.
A: Based on your comment:
it helps prevent errors with how many iterations of loops take place
You're most likely referring to looping in these two ways:
Method I:
for(int i = 0; i < length; i++){ // } which would go between 0 and length-1.
Versus:
Method II:
for(int i = 0; i <= length-1; i++){ //} which also goes between 0 and length-1.
In these particular cases, either will work, but as Derek Redfern outlined in his answer above, don't make your code any more complicated than it should be.
A: It is very broken, especially when you do
int foo = <whatever>;
int bar = INT_MAX;
if (foo < bar + 1) {
/* guaranteed to never be called */
}
Also, it is likely to break if you "adjust" it in the other way, like so
int foo = INT_MIN;
int bar = <whatever>;
if (foo - 1 < bar ) {
/* again guaranteed never to be called */
}
In short, far better to check for equal and greater (or equal and less than) than to create code that adjusts a value during the comparison.
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\section{Introduction}
Due to their potential technological application, magnetic manganese oxides have received much attention in the past few years [1-3]. It is an important theoretical issue to understand their electronic and magnetic properties [4, 5]. In accounting for such properties of magnetic oxides, density functional theory (DFT) [6, 7] electronic structure calculations using the local spin density approximation (LSDA) [8] and the generalized gradient approximation (GGA) [9] have proven very reliable. In the Ruddlesden-Popper (RP) family of manganites Ca$_{n+1}$Mn$_{n}$O$_{3n+1}$ [10], the diamagnetic CaO rocksalt layers alternate with the magnetic (CaMnO$_{3}$)$_{n}$ layers along the crystallographic c-direction, where n represents the number of MnO$_{3}$ perovskite sheets in each (CaMnO$_{3}$)$_{n}$ layer. To emphasize this structural feature, the formulas for these oxides can be rewritten as (CaO)(CaMnO$_{3}$)$_{n}$ with n = 1, 2, 3, ...,$\infty $ . Known examples of this RP family are Ca$_{2}$MnO$_{4}$ (n = 1), Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ (n = 2) and Ca$_{4}$Mn$_{3}$O$_{10}$ (n = 3) [11]. In a recent electronic structure study [12], it was shown that the n = 1 RP member, Ca$_{2}$MnO$_{4}$, and its reduced phase Ca$_{2}$MnO$_{3.5}$ are antiferromagnetic (AF) insulators with band gap of approximately $\sim$ 1 eV. According to a recent neutron diffraction study [13] at room temperature, the n = 2 RP member, Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, exists as a mixture of the majority orthorhombic and the minority tetragonal phases. The main structural difference between the two is depicted in Figure 1. Due to the tilting of the MnO$_{6}$ octahedra, the $\widehat {Mn-O-Mn}$ angles between two adjacent -corner sharing- octahedra are considerably smaller 180$^{o}$ (i.e., 159.1, 163.2 and 163.9$^{o}$). Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ undergoes a three-dimensional (3D) magnetic ordering below T$_{N}$ $\sim$ 110 - 115 K with a G-type AF structure [13]. As a part of our continuing studies on calcium manganese oxides [4, 12, 14, 15], we examine in the present work the electronic and magnetic structures of the two polymorphs of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ on the basis of first principles DFT electronic structure calculations.
\section{Calculations}
Our DFT calculations employed the all-electron augmented spherical wave (ASW) method in its scalar-relativistic implementation[16, 17]. As preliminary calculations revealed that the GGA describes the effects of exchange and correlation better than the LSDA, hence leading to a more accurate description of the energy differences between different ordered magnetic states, we opted for a use of the GGA in the form proposed by Perdew, Burke, and Ernzerhof [9]. In the ASW method, the wave function is expanded in atom-centered augmented spherical waves, which are Hankel functions and numerical solutions of Schr\"odinger's equation, respectively, outside and inside the so-called augmentation spheres. In order to optimize the basis set, additional augmented spherical waves were placed at carefully selected interstitial sites. The choice of these sites as well as the augmentation radii were automatically determined using the sphere-geometry optimization (SGO) algorithm [18]. The Ca 4s, Mn 4s, Mn 3d and O 2p states were treated as valence states, and the low-lying O 2s states as core states. The basis set was complemented by wave functions of s-, p-, and possibly, d-symmetry centered at the interstitial sites. A sufficiently large number of k points was used to sample the irreducible wedge of the Brillouin zone, and the energy and charge differences between successive iterations were converged below $\Delta$E = 10$^{-8}$ Ryd. and $\Delta$ Q = 10$^{-8}$, respectively, to obtain accurate values of the magnetic moments and accurate total energy differences between various ordered magnetic states.
To extract more information about the nature of the interactions between the atomic constituents from electronic structure calculations, the crystal orbital overlap population (COOP) [19] or the crystal orbital Hamiltonian population (COHP) [20] may be employed. Both approaches provide a qualitative description of the bonding, nonbonding and antibonding interactions between two atoms. A slight refinement of the COHP was recently proposed in form of the "energy of covalent bond" (ECOV), which combines COHP and COOP to calculate quantities independent of the choice of the zero of potential [21]. Both COOP and ECOV give similar general trends, but COOP, when defined within plane-wave basis sets, exaggerates the magnitude of antibonding states. In the present work the ECOV was used for the chemical bonding analysis. In the plots, negative, positive and zero ECOV magnitudes are relevant to bonding, antibonding and nonbonding interactions respectively.
\section{Results and discussion }
\subsection{Non-magnetic configuration}
To gain insight into the chemical bonding in the two forms of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, their non-magnetic (NM) states were calculated by performing non-spin-polarized electronic structure calculations by enforcing spin degeneracy for all species. Our calculations show charge transfer from the cation sites (Ca$^{2+}$, Mn$^{4+}$) to the anionic sites of oxygen as well as toward the empty space, but the amount of charge transfer is not significant of an ionic character of the atomic constituents. The plots of the projected density of states (DOS) for the constituent atom sites are presented in Figure 2. The projected DOS plots calculated for the five Mn 3d orbitals are presented in Figure 3, and the ECOV plots calculated for the various Mn-O bonds in Figure 4.
The comparison of Figures 2 and 4 show that the valence bands (VB's) are dominated by Mn-O bonding. The Mn-O interactions are bonding in the major part of the VB's with strong contributions in the -8, -6 eV region (Figure 2), i.e., where the Mn e$_{g}$-orbitals (Figure 3) make $\sigma$-bonding with the O 2p orbitals. The s-like Ca states are smeared into the whole range of the VB's (Figure 2). For both polymorphs of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, the Fermi level E$_{F}$ occurs near the DOS peak dominated by the Mn 3d states so that the DOS value at the Fermi level, n(E$_{F}$), is large. The DOS peak around E$_{F}$ arises from the t$_{2g}$-block bands in which the Mn t$_{2g}$-orbitals make weak $\pi$-antibonding interactions with the O 2p orbitals. The existence of Mn-O antibonding in this DOS peak is clearly seen from the ECOV plot (Figure 4). The occurrence of the Fermi level around a sharp DOS peak with a large n(E$_{F}$) value, indicates an instability towards a ferromagnetic state. This can be inferred from the Stoner's mean field theory analysis (see [22] for a review on magnetic oxides) whereby a nonzero magnetic moment on the Mn sites should occur when two spin populations are accounted for in the calculations.
\subsection{Magnetic states}
Spin-polarized electronic structure calculations were carried out for the ferromagnetic (FM) state of the orthorhombic and tetragonal phases of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, and for the AF state of the orthorhombic phase of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$. There are a number of possible AF spin arrangements. In the present study, we considered two types of AF arrangements, i.e., the G- and A-type AF states shown in Figure 5. In the G-type AF state the antiferromagnetically ordered planes of Mn sites are antiferromagnetically coupled. In the A-type AF arrangement, the ferromagnetically ordered planes of Mn sites are antiferromagnetically coupled within each perovskite layer.
Results of our calculations for the FM state of the tetragonal and orthorhombic phases of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ are summarized in Table I as well as Figure 6. For both phases the FM state is substantially more stable than the NM states (i.e., E$_{FM}$ $<$ E$_{NM}$), and the total moment per formula unit (FU) is 6.0 $\mu_B$ (Table I), as expected for the high-spin Mn$^{4+}$ (d$^{3}$) ions inCa$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$. The total energy obtained for the orthorhombic phase is by 170 meV/FU lower than that of the tetragonal phase, which is consistent with the finding that the orthorhombic and tetragonal phases are the majority and minority phases, respectively. The projected DOS plots calculated for the FM state of the orthorhombic Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ are presented in Figure 6a. The up-spin and down-spin bands are strongly split such that the up-spin t$_{2g}$-block bands are completely filled while the down-spin t$_{2g}$-block bands are empty, as expected for the high-spin Mn$^{4+}$ (d$^{3}$) ions. The down- and up- spin bands have a band gap of about 1.0 and 0.3 eV, respectively. Given the fact that both the LSDA and the GGA underestimate band gaps, the FM state of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ should be insulating experimentally. However, the FM state is not the magnetic ground state of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, as will be discussed in next section. Figure 6b shows the ECOV plots for the Mn-O bonds calculated for the up-spin and down-spin bands of the orthorhombic phase. The VB's exhibit Mn-O bonding interactions up to -2 eV in both up-spin and down-spin bands. The energy region beteween -2 eV and the Fermi level shows Mn-O antibonding interactions due to the $\pi$-type antibonding interactions of the t$_{2g}$-block bands in the up-spin bands, but this feature is missing in the down-spin bands because the down-spin t$_{2g}$-block bands are raised above the Fermi level. Thus, the exchange splitting in the FM state enhances Mn-O bonding interactions in Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$.
Results of calculations for the G- and A-type AF statements of the orthorhombic phase of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ are summarized in Table II and Figure 7. Both AF states are more stable than the FM state, and the G-type AF state is slightly more stable than the A-type AF state (Table II). The latter is consistent with the neutron diffraction study [13], which found a G-type AF ordering for Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$. While the resulting magnetization is zero as expected in AF order, the atomic magnetic moments and the resulting $\uparrow$,$\downarrow$ total magnetization are reduced with respect to their value in the ferromagnetic configuration. This is due to the symmetry breaking when the AF lattice was accounted for. The DOS and band structure are shown in Figure 7 for one magnetic sublattice. The similarities with the features observed in Fig. 6 for the ferromagnetic case are present here too. So at least from the point of view of the electronic band structure some relationship is persistent although the AF state is the ground state with an insulating character. From the band structure plot (Figure 7b) the large dispersion of the bands within the CB illustrates furthermore the itinerant character of the e$_{g}$ states. The gap of $\sim$ 0.4 eV is found direct, between $\Gamma$$_{V}$ and $\Gamma$$_{C}$. Since both the LSDA and the GGA underestimate the band gap, the system can be expected to be insulating experimentally.
\section{Analysis of the spin exchange interactions}
It is of interest to estimate the nearest-neighbor (NN) spin exchange J$_{nn}$ and the next-nearest-neighbor (NNN) spin exchange J$_{nnn}$ interactions of the (CaMnO$_{3}$)$_{2}$ double-perovskite layer in the orthorhombic phase of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$. The spin exchange interactions between the adjacent double-perovskite layers are expected to be negligible, so we consider only those interactions within a double-perovskite layer. Then, each Mn site has five NN and eight NNN spin exchange interactions. For simplicity, we assume that all five NN interactions are identical, and so are all the eight NNN interactions. Then, in terms of J$_{nn}$ and J$_{nnn}$, the energies per Mn site of the FM, G-type AF and A-type-AF states are written as [23-25]
\begin{eqnarray}
\nonumber
E(FM) = {\frac{1}{2}}~ (-5J_{nn} - 8J_{nnn})(\frac{N^{2}}{4}) = (\frac{N^{2}}{4})(-2.5J_{nn} - 4J_{nnn}),\\
\nonumber
E(G-AF) = {\frac{1}{2}}~ (5J_{nn} - 8J_{nnn})(\frac{N^{2}}{4}) = (\frac{N^{2}}{4})(2.5J_{nn} - 4J_{nnn}),\\
E(A-AF) = {\frac{1}{2}}~ (-3J_{nn})(\frac{N^{2}}{4}) = (\frac{N^{2}}{4})(-1.5J_{nn}),
\end{eqnarray}
where N is the number of unpaired spins at each Mn$^{4+}$ site (i.e., N = 3). According to the results of our electronic band structure calculations (Table II), we have
\begin{eqnarray}
\nonumber
E(FM) - E(G-AF) = 37.8 meV/Mn,\\
E(A-AF) - E(G-AF) = 29.7 meV/Mn.
\end{eqnarray}
From Eqs. (1) and (2), it is estimated that J$_{nn}$ = -3.36 meV and J$_{nnn}$ = -0.06 meV, i.e., $\frac{J_{nn}}{k_{B}}$ = -39 K and $\frac{J_{nnn}}{k_{B}}$ = -0.7 K, where k$_{B}$ is the Boltzmann constant. The NN interaction is strongly AF, and the NNN interaction is very weakly AF. Therefore, within the mean-field approximation, the Curie-Weiss temperature of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ can be estimated from the J$_{nn}$ value according to the expression (3)
\begin{equation}
\Theta = \frac{zJ_{nn}S(S+1)}{k_{B}},
\end{equation}
where z = 5, and S = $\frac{3}{2}$ for the high-spin Mn$^{3+}$. For J$_{nn}$/k$_{B}$ $\sim$ -39 K, we obtain $\Theta$= -244 K, which is somewhat smaller in magnitude than the experimental value $\Theta$$_{exp}$ = - 465 K [26]. This suggests that our calculations underestimated the spin exchange interactions of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ by a factor of approximately two. However such a magnitude is expected in the framework of the approximation used within the DFT and its functionals when comparisons with mean-field analysis results are carried out.
\section{Concluding remarks and outlook}
Our electronic structure study reveals that for both polymorphs of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$, the magnetic states are more stable than the non-magnetic states. The spin polarization makes Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ insulating and lowers its energy mainly through exchange leading to a magnetic moment on Mn expected for a high-spin Mn$^{4+}$ (d$^{3}$) ion. The down-spin states provide more Mn-O bonding than do the up-spin states because the down-spin Mn t$_{2g}$-block bands are raised above the Fermi level. In agreement with experiment, our calculations show that the orthorhombic phase is more stable than the tetragonal phase, and the ground state of the orthorhombic phase is G-type AF. The total energies of the FM, A-type AF and G-type AF states of Ca$_{3}$Mn$_{2}$O$_{7}$ obtained from our calculations lead to the estimates of the spin exchange interactions $\frac{J_{nn}}{k_{B}}$ = -39 K and $\frac{J_{nnn}}{k_{B}}$ = -0.7 K. The Curie-Weiss temperature $\Theta$ estimated from these spin exchange parameters is approximately half the experimental value, so that our calculations underestimated the values of the spin exchange parameters by a factor of approximately two.
\section{Acknowledgements }
We acknowledge the computational facilities provided by the computer center of the University Bordeaux 1 within the $M3PEC$ (http://www.m3pec.u-bordeaux1.fr) intensive calculations project partly financed by the Conseil R\'egional d'Aquitaine. M.-H. W. thanks the support by the Office of Basic Energy Sciences, Division of Materials Sciences, U. S. Department of Energy, under Grant DE-FG02-86ER45259. V.E. acknowledges support by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft through SFB 484.
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
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I thought he had a story about a half-ogre called Per... or something. Has he taken it down or do I have wrong author.
Thank your for that info for a while there I thought I had lost the plot.
All three Pervikar stories were on SOL at one time. The versions in library are from 2011, so it is possible they were taken down for publishing.
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{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
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\section{\label{sec:level1} introduction}
Quantum key distribution (QKD) \cite{Bennett1984Quantum,r31,r32} is one of the most practical applications of quantum cryptography, whose goal is to provide an elegant way that allows two remote legitimate partners, Alice and Bob, to establish a sequence of random secure key over insecure quantum and classical channels. Its security is provided by the laws of quantum physics \cite{Wootters1982A,PhysRevD.74.125012}.
For decades, continuous-variable (CV) QKD \cite{Pirandola2015High,PhysRevA.89.042335,PhysRevLett.95.180503,Chen:2016dl,PhysRevA.89.042330,Zhang:2012jc,Leverrier:2011cu,Leverrier:2009cr} has been becoming a hotspot of QKD research due to its simple implementation with state-of-art techniques \cite{PhysRevLett.93.170504,PhysRevLett.88.057902}. It has been shown to be secure against arbitrary collective attacks, which are optimal in both the asymptotic limit \cite{PhysRevLett.94.020504,PhysRevLett.94.020505,Leverrier:2009cr,Leverrier:2011cu} and the finite-size regime \cite{PhysRevLett.109.100502,PhysRevLett.110.030502}. Recently, CVQKD is further proved to be secure against collective attacks in composable security framework \cite{Leverrier:2015he}, which is the security analysis by carefully considering every detailed step in CVQKD system.
In general, there are two main modulation approaches in CVQKD, i.e.,\ Gaussian modulated CVQKD \cite{PhysRevLett.95.180503,PhysRevA.89.042335,Pirandola2015High} and discretely modulated CVQKD \cite{Chen:2016dl,PhysRevA.89.042330,Zhang:2012jc, Leverrier:2011cu, Leverrier:2009cr}. In the first approach, the transmitter Alice usually continuously encodes key bits in the quadratures ($\hat{x}$ and $\hat{p}$) of optical field with Gaussian modulation \cite{PhysRevLett.97.190503}, while the receiver Bob can restore the secret key through high-speed and high-efficiency coherent detector (i.e., homodyne or heterodyne detector) \cite{PhysRevLett.88.057902,PhysRevA.89.052301}. This scheme usually has a repetition rate higher than that of single-photon detections so that Gaussian modulated CVQKD could potentially achieve higher secret key rate, whereas it seems unfortunately limited to much shorter distance than its discrete-variable (DV) counterpart \cite{Leverrier:2011cu}. The key problem is that the reconciliation efficiency $\beta$ is quite low for Gaussian modulation, especially in the long-distance transmission. To solve this problem, one has to design a perfect error correcting code which is more suitable than LDPC code at very low signal-to-noise ratio (SNR). However, this kind of error correcting code is relatively hard to design and implement. Fortunately, there exist another way to well solve the problem, that is, using discrete modulation such as the four-state CVQKD protocol, proposed by Leverrier \emph{et al}. \cite{Leverrier:2009cr}. This discretely modulated CVQKD generates four nonorthogonal coherent states and
exploits the sign of the measured quadrature of each state to encode information rather than uses the quadrature $\hat{x}$ or $\hat{p}$ itself. This is the reason that the sign of the measured quadrature is already the discrete value to which the most excellent error-correcting codes are suitable even at very low SNR. Consequently, the four-state CVQKD protocol has the merits of both high reconciliation efficiency in the long-distance transmission and the security proof of CVQKD so that it could improve the maximal transmission distance of CVQKD.
Currently, photon-subtraction operation, which is a kind of non-Gaussian operation in essence, has been demonstrated theoretically and experimentally to extend the transmission distance of the CVQKD using two-mode entangled states \cite{Guo:2017ce,PhysRevA.93.012310,PhysRevA.87.012317} due to the fact that a suitable photon-subtraction operation would increase the entanglement degree of two-mode entangled state and thereby increase the correlation between the two output modes of two-mode entangled state. Since the entanglement-based (EB) scheme is equivalent to the prepare-and-measure (PM) one, this operation can be employed practically implemented in protocols using coherent states with existing technologies.
Furthermore, although a high-speed and high-efficiency homodyne or heterodyne detector can be effectively to measure the received quantum state, the inherent quantum uncertainty (noise) still prevents the nonorthogonal coherent states from being distinguished with perfect accuracy \cite{Becerra:2013jw,Becerra:2013ix,Becerra:2011hb}. Even if the detector is ideal with perfect detection efficiency, the receiver cannot still obtain the precise result. The conventional ideal detector can only achieve the standard quantum limit (SQL) which defines the minimum error with which nonorthogonal states can be distinguished by direct measurement of the physical property of the light, e.g.\ quadrature $\hat{x}$ or $\hat{p}$. Actually, there exists a lower error bound known as the Helstrom bound \cite{Helstrom:110988} which is allowed by quantum mechanics, and this bound can be achieved by designing excellent state-discrimination strategies. Recently, a well-behaved state-discrimination detector has been proposed to unconditionally discriminate among four nonorthogonal coherent states in QPSK modulation \cite{Becerra:2013jw}. This detector can beat the SQL by using photon counting and adaptive measurements in the form of fast feedback and thus approach or achieve the Helstrom bound. Therefore, the performance of CVQKD would be improved by taking advantage of this well-behaved state-discrimination detector.
Inspired by the afore-mentioned advantages, which have been analyzed in theory and subsequently demonstrated with simulations and experiments, in this paper, we propose a long-distance CVQKD using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detection. In stead of the traditional Gaussian modulation which continuously encodes information into both quadrature $\hat{x}$ and quadrature $\hat{p}$, the discretely-modulated four-state CVQKD protocol is adopted as the fundamental communication protocol since it can well tolerate lower SNR, leading to the long-distance transmission compared with Gaussian-modulated counterpart. Meanwhile, a photon subtraction operation is deployed at the transmitter, where it is not only used for splitting the incoming signal, but also improving the performance of CVQKD as it has been proven to be beneficial for lengthening the maximal transmission distance. Moreover, an improved state-discrimination detector is applied at the receiver to codetermine the measurement result with coherent detector. The state-discrimination detector can be deemed as the optimized quantum measurement for the received nonorthogonal coherent states so that it could surpass the standard quantum limit. As a result, one can obtain precise result of incoming signal in QPSK format with the help of the state-discrimination detector. By exploiting multiplexing technique, the yielded signals can be simultaneously transmitted through an untrusted quantum channel, and subsequently sent to the improved state-discrimination detector and the coherent detector. The proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme can greatly increase the secure transmission distance and thus outperforms the existing CVQKD protocols in terms of the maximal transmission distance. Taking finite-size effect and composable security into account we obtain the tightest bound of the secure distance, which is more practical than that obtained in asymptotic limit.
This paper is structured as follows. In Sec. \uppercase\expandafter{\romannumeral2}, we first introduce the discretely modulated CVQKD protocols, in particular, the four-state CVQKD protocol, and then demonstrate the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme. In Sec. \uppercase\expandafter{\romannumeral3}, we elaborate the characteristics of photon-subtraction operation and the principle of improved state-discrimination detector. Numeric simulation and performance analysis are discussed in Sec. \uppercase\expandafter{\romannumeral4}, and finally conclusions are drawn in Sec. \uppercase\expandafter{\romannumeral5}.
\section{long-distance CVQKD scheme}
We consider the four-state CVQKD protocol as a fundamental communication protocol for the proposed scheme, since the discretely-modulated protocol is more suitable for long-distance transmission (lower SNR) and it could be extended larger than its Gaussian modulation counterparts. Furthermore, the transmission distance of the four-state CVQKD protocol can be enhanced by performing a proper photon-subtraction operation and applying a well-behaved state-discrimination detector. To make the derivation self-contained, in this section, we first briefly describe the discretely modulated four-state CVQKD protocol, and then give the detail structure of the long-distance CVQKD scheme.
\subsection{Four-state CVQKD protocol}
In general, the four-state CVQKD protocol is derived from discretely modulated CVQKD, which can be generalized to the one with $N$ coherent states $|\alpha_k^N\rangle=|\alpha e^{i2k\pi/N}\rangle$, where $k\in\{0, 1, ... , N\}$ \cite{PhysRevA.89.042330}. For the four-state CVQKD protocol, we have $|\alpha_k^4\rangle=|\alpha e^{i(2k+1)\pi/4}\rangle$, where $k\in\{0, 1, 2, 3\}$, $\alpha$ is a positive number related to the modulation variance of coherent state as $V_M=2\alpha^2$.
Let us consider the PM version of the four-state CVQKD protocol first. Alice randomly chooses one of the coherent states $|\alpha_k^4\rangle$ and sends it to the remote Bob through a lossy and noisy quantum channel, which is characterized by a transmission efficiency $\eta$ and an excess noise $\varepsilon$. When Bob receives the modulated coherent states, he can apply either homodyne or heterodyne detector with detection efficiency $\tau$ and electronics noise $v_{el}$ to measure arbitrary one of the two quadratures $\hat{x}$ or $\hat{p}$ (or both quadratures). The mixture state that Bob received can be expressed with the following form
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\rho_4=\frac{1}{4}\sum_{k=0}^3|\alpha_k^4\rangle\langle\alpha_k^4|.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
After measurement, Bob then reveals the absolute values of measurement results through a classical authenticated channel and keeps their signs. Alice and Bob exploit the signs to generate the raw key. After conducting post-processing procedure, they can finally establish a correlated sequence of random secure key.
The PM version of the protocol is equivalent to the EB version, which is more convenient for security analysis. In EB version, Alice prepares a pure two-mode entangled state
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
|\Psi_4\rangle &=\sum_{k=0}^3\sqrt{\lambda_k}|\phi_k\rangle|\phi_k\rangle \\
&=\frac{1}{2}\sum_{k=0}^3|\psi_k\rangle|\alpha_k^4\rangle,
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where the states
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
|\psi_k\rangle=\frac{1}{2}\sum_{m=0}^3e^{i(1+2k)m\pi/4}|\phi_m\rangle
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
are the non-Gaussian states, and the state $|\phi_m\rangle$ is given by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
|\phi_k\rangle=\frac{e^{-\alpha^2/2}}{\sqrt{\lambda_k}}\sum_{n=0}^\infty(-1)^n\frac{\alpha^{4n+k}}{\sqrt{(4n+k)!}}|4n+k\rangle,
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
with
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\lambda _{0,2}=\dfrac {1}{2}e^{-\alpha^2}\left[ \cosh \left( \alpha ^{2}\right) \pm \cos \left( \alpha^{2}\right) \right],
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\lambda _{1,3}=\dfrac {1}{2}e^{-\alpha^2}\left[ \sinh \left( \alpha ^{2}\right) \pm \sin \left( \alpha ^{2}\right) \right].
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Consequently, the mixture state $\rho_4$ can be expressed by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\rho_4&=\mathrm{Tr}(|\Psi_4\rangle\langle\Psi_4|) \\
&=\sum_{k=0}^3\lambda_k|\phi_k\rangle\langle\phi_k|.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Let $A$ and $B$ respectively denote the two output modes of the bipartite two-mode entangled state $|\Psi_4\rangle$, $\hat{a}$ and $\hat{b}$ denote the annihilation operators applying to mode $A$ and $B$ respectively. We have the covariance matrix $\Gamma_{AB}$ of the bipartite state $|\Psi_4\rangle$ with the following form
\begin{equation}\label{CM4}
\Gamma_{AB}=
\left(
\begin{array}{cc}
X\mathbb{I} & Z_4\sigma_{z}\\
Z_4\sigma_{z} & Y\mathbb{I}\\
\end{array}
\right),
\end{equation}
where $\mathbb{I}$ and $\sigma_{z}$ represent $\mathrm{diag}(1,1)$ and $\mathrm{diag}(1,-1)$ respectively, and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
X&=\langle \Psi _{4}\left| 1+2a^\dag a\right| \Psi _{4}\rangle =1+2\alpha^2,\\
Y&=\langle \Psi _{4}\left| 1+2b^\dag b\right| \Psi _{4}\rangle =1+2\alpha^2,\\
Z_4&=\langle \Psi _{4}\left| ab+a^{\dag}b^{\dag}\right| \Psi _{4}\rangle=2\alpha^2\sum_{k=0}^3\lambda_{k-1}^{3/2}\lambda_k^{-1/2}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Note that the addition arithmetic should be operated with modulo 4. The detailed derivation of the four-state CVQKD protocol can be found in \cite{Leverrier:2011cu}.
After preparing the two-mode entangled state $|\Psi_4\rangle$ with variance $V=1+V_M$, Alice performs projective measurements $|\psi_k\rangle\langle\psi_k| \; (k=0,1,2,3)$ on mode $A$, which projects another mode $B$ onto a coherent state $|\alpha_k^4\rangle$. Alice subsequently sends mode $B$ to Bob through the quantum channel. Bob then applies homodyne (or heterodyne) detection to measure the incoming mode $B$. Finally, the two trusted parties Alice and Bob extract a string of secret key by using error correction and privacy amplification.
\subsection{Long-distance discretely modulated CVQKD}
\begin{figure*}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=6.2in,height=2.15in]{LDSDR}
\caption{Schematic diagram of the long-distance CVQKD. Alice detects one half of EPR state (the blue box) using heterodyne detection while another half is sent to the photon-subtraction module (the green box) which splits the incoming signal into two parts. The two parts are then recombined by using polarization-multiplexing technique and subsequently sent to Bob. Eve replaces the quantum channel and performs the optimal \emph{entangling cloner} attack during the transmission. Bob demultiplexes the incoming signal and measures one of them using homodyne or heterodyne detector, whereas the other mode is sent to the state-discrimination detector (the purple box). BS denotes beam splitter, PBS denotes polarizing beamsplitter, DPC denotes dynamic polarization controller, and PNRD stands for photon number resolving detector.}
\label{fig:LDSDR}
\end{figure*}
In what follows, we elaborate the long-distance discretely modulated CVQKD scheme. This novel scheme is based on the four-state CVQKD protocol so that its transmission distance could be extended more largely comparing with the continuous modulation counterparts. We focus on the principle of the whole long-distance CVQKD scheme first, leaving the detailed techniques description to the next section.
As shown in Fig. \ref{fig:LDSDR}, a source of the two-mode entangled state [Einstein-Podolsky-Rosen (EPR) state] is used for creating a secure key \cite{PhysRevA.77.012337}. After Alice prepares the entangled state $|\Psi_4\rangle$, she performs heterodyne detection on one half (mode $A$) of the state and sends another half (mode $B$) to the photon-subtraction operation (the module within the green box). This non-Gaussian operation is modeled by a beam splitter (BS) with transmittance $\mu$ and a vacuum state $|0\rangle$ imports the unused port of the beam splitter. As a result, the incoming signal (mode $B$) is then divided into two parts by the photon-subtraction operation. There are two advantages for applying photon-subtraction operation. Firstly, putting a proper non-Gaussian operation at Alice's side has been proven to be beneficial for lengthening the maximal transmission distance of the traditional CVQKD \cite{PhysRevA.87.012317}, because this operation can be deemed the preparation trusted noise controlled by Alice, which can well prevent the eavesdropper from acquiring communication information \cite{Guo:2017ce,Usenko2016Trusted}. Secondly, the photon-subtraction operation tactfully provides a method to divide the incoming signal into two parts, which are the mode $B_1$ containing most photons for homodyne (or heterodyne) detector and the mode $C$ containing a few subtracted $j$ photons (or even one) for state-discrimination detector respectively. The two parts of signal are subsequently recombined by using the polarization-multiplexing technique with a polarizing beamsplitter (PBS). The recombinational mode $B_2$ is then sent to the lossy and insecure quantum channel.
In the EB CVQKD scheme, the quantum channel is replaced by an eavesdropper (say Eve) who performs the collective Gaussian attack strategy. This attacks is proved to be an optimal attack strategy in direct and reverse reconciliation protocols. Very recently, Leverrier \cite{PhysRevLett.118.200501} shows that it is sufficient to prove the security of CVQKD against collective Gaussian attacks in order to obtain security against general attacks, therefore confirming rigorously the belief that collective Gaussian attacks are indeed optimal against CVQKD. In this kind of attacks, Eve usually prepares her ancillary system in a product state and each ancilla interacts individually with a single pulse sent by Alice, being later stored in a quantum memory \cite{Garc2007Quantum}. The tripartite state then reads,
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
&\rho_{ABE} =\big[\sum_{a}P(a)|a\rangle\langle a|_a\otimes\psi_{BE}^{a}\big]^{\otimes n}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
After eavesdropping the communication revealed by Alice and Bob in the data post-processing, Eve applies the optimal collective measurement on the ensemble of stored ancilla to steal the secret information. In particular, Eve can launch the so called \emph{entangling cloner} \cite{PhysRevLett.97.190503,PhysRevLett.94.020505,PhysRevLett.101.200504} attack which is a kind of collective Gaussian attack. Specifically, Eve replaces the channel with transmittance $\eta$ and excess noise referred to the input $\chi$ by preparing the ancilla $|E\rangle$ with variance $W$ and a beam splitter with transmittance $\eta$. The value $W$ can be tuned to match the noise of the real channel $\chi_{line}=(1-\eta)/\eta+\varepsilon$. After that, Eve keeps one mode $E_{1}$ of $|E\rangle$ and injects the mode $E_{2}$ into the unused port of the beam splitter and thus acquires the output mode $E_{3}$. After repeating this process for each pulse, Eve stores her ancilla modes, $E_{1}$ and $E_{3}$, in quantum memories. Finally, Eve measures the exact quadrature on $E_{1}$ and $E_{3}$ after Alice and Bob reveal the classical communication information. The measurement of $E_{1}$ allows her to decrease the noise added by $E_{3}$.
After passing the untrusted quantum channel, Bob applies another PBS with dynamic polarization controller (DPC) to demultiplex the incoming signal. One of the demultiplexed modes $B_4$ is then sent to Bob's homodyne or heterodyne detector which is modeled by a BS with transmittance $\tau$ and its electronic noise is modeled by an EPR state with variance $v_{el}$. The mode $D$ is synchronously sent to the state-discrimination detector to improve the system's performance.
This long-distance CVQKD scheme subtly combines the merits of the four-state CVQKD protocol and photon-subtraction operation in terms of
lengthening maximal transmission distance, surpassing the SQL via the state-discrimination detector.
\section{Techniques}
In this section we show the detailed characteristics of the photon-subtraction operation and the state-discrimination detector that can be used for beating the SQL.
\subsection{Photon-subtraction operation}
As shown in Fig. \ref{fig:LDSDR}, we suggest the EB CVQKD with photon-subtraction operation (the green box) applied at Alice's station, where other modules are temporarily ignored. Alice uses a beam splitter with transmittance $\mu$ to split the incoming mode $B$ and the vacuum state $C_{0}$ into modes $B_{1}$ and $C$. The yielded tripartite state $\rho_{ACB_{1}}$ can be expressed by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\rho_{ACB_{1}} = U_{BS}[|\Psi\rangle_4\langle\Psi|_4\otimes|0\rangle\langle0|]U_{BS}^\dag.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Subsequently a photon-number-resolving detector (PNRD, black dotted box at Alice's side) is adopted to measure mode $C$ by applying positive operator-valued measurement (POVM) $\{\hat{\Pi}_{0},\hat{\Pi}_{1}\}$ \cite{Eisaman2011Invited}. The photon number of subtraction $j$ depends on $\hat{\Pi}_{1}=|j\rangle\langle j|$. Only when the POVM element $\hat{\Pi}_{1}$ clicks can Alice and Bob keep $A$ and $B_{1}$. The photon-subtracted state $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}$ is given by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}} =
\frac{\mathrm{tr}_{C}(\hat{\Pi}_{1}\rho_{ACB_{1}})}{\mathrm{tr}_{ACB_{1}}(\hat{\Pi}_{1}\rho_{ACB_{1}})}
\end{aligned},
\end{equation}
where $\mathrm{tr}_{X}(\cdot)$ is the partial trace of the multi-mode quantum state and $\mathrm{tr}_{ACB_{1}}(\hat{\Pi}_{1}\rho_{ACB_{1}})$ is the success probability of subtracting $j$ photons, which can be calculated as
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}\label{7}
P^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}_{(j)}& =
\mathrm{tr}_{ACB_{1}}(\hat{\Pi}_{1}\rho_{ACB_{1}}) \\
&=(1-\xi^2)\sum_{n=j}^{\infty}C_{n}^{j}\xi^{2n}(1-\mu)^{j}\mu^{n-j}\\
&=\frac{(1-\xi^2)(1-\mu)^{j}\xi^{2j}}{(1-\mu\xi^{2})^{j+1}},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $C_{n}^{j}$ is combinatorial number and $\xi=\frac{\alpha}{\sqrt{1+\alpha^2}}$.
After passing the BS, it is worth noticing that the subtracted state $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}$ is not Gaussian anymore, while its entanglement degree increases with the introduction of the photon-subtraction operation \cite{Guo:2017ce,PhysRevA.87.012317}.
Due to the fact that heterodyne detection on one half of the EPR state will project the other half onto a coherent state, which is convenient to implement in experimentation, we take into account a situation where Alice performs heterodyne detection and Bob executes homodyne detection.
Suppose $\Gamma_{AB_{1}}^{(j)}$ represents the covariance matrix of $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}$, and it can be given by
\begin{equation}\label{9}
\Gamma_{AB_{1}}^{(j)}=
\left(
\begin{array}{cc}
X'\mathbb{I} & Z_4'\sigma_{z}\\
Z_4'\sigma_{z} & Y'\mathbb{I}\\
\end{array}
\right),
\end{equation}
where
\begin{equation}\label{qw}
\begin{aligned}
Z_4'&=\frac{\sqrt{\mu}\xi(j+1)}{1-\mu\xi^{2}},\\
X'&=\frac{\mu\xi^{2}+2j+1}{1-\mu\xi^{2}},\\
Y'&=\frac{\mu\xi^{2}(2j+1)+1}{1-\mu\xi^{2}}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
See \cite{PhysRevA.93.012310} for the detailed calculations.
Note that for the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme, the PNRD which is placed at Alice's side is removed, whereas the subtracted mode $C$ which is supposed to enter the PNRD is recombined with mode $B_1$ in a PBS by using polarization-multiplexing technique. The task of resolving subtracted photon number is therefore handed over to the state-discrimination detector at Bob's side.
\subsection{State-discrimination detector}
We design a state-discrimination detector to increase the performance of the CVQKD coupled with photon-subtraction operation. This quantum detector can unconditionally discriminate four nonorthogonal coherent states in QPSK modulation with the error probabilities lower than the SQL.
As shown in Fig. \ref{fig:SDR}, we depict the structure of the improved state-discrimination detector using photon number resolving and adaptive measurements \cite{Higgins:2007ig,Armen:2002kf,Wiseman:1995ch} in the form of fast feedback. This state-discrimination detector contains $M$ times adaptive measurements in the field of $|\alpha\rangle$. For each measurement $i\,(i\in\{0,1,\cdots,M\})$, the strategy first prepares a predicted state $|\beta_i\rangle$ which has the highest probability based on the current data in classical memory. Subsequently, a displacement $\hat{D}(\beta_i)$ is adopted to displace $|\alpha\rangle$ to $|\alpha-\beta_i\rangle$ and a PNRD is used to detect the number of photons of the displaced field. If the predicted state is correct, i.e., $|\beta_i\rangle=|\alpha\rangle$, $\Pi_0$ will click, because the input field is displaced to vacuum so that the PNRD cannot detect any photon \cite{Becerra:2013jw}. Note that different from the photon-subtraction operation where $\Pi_0$ clicks represents the failure of subtracting photon, $\Pi_0$ clicks here denotes that the improved state-discrimination strategy has correctly predicted the input state. This successful prediction is marked as $l_i=0$, otherwise $l_i=1$. After the $i$-th adaptive measurement, the strategy calculates the posterior probabilities of all possible states ($|\alpha_{i0}\rangle$, $|\alpha_{i1}\rangle$,$|\alpha_{i2}\rangle$ and $|\alpha_{i3}\rangle$) using Bayesian inference according to the present label history $L_{Hist}$ and predicted history $\hat{D}_{Hist}$ (Note that for now $\beta_i$ has aready been added to the $\hat{D}_{Hist}$ with previous data to collectively calculate these probabilities), and designates the most probable state as $|\beta_{i+1}\rangle$, which is deemed as an input for next feedback. In each feedback period, the probabilities of all possible states are updated dynamically and the posterior probabilities of period $i$ become prior probabilities in period $i+1$. The rule of Bayesian inference can be expressed as
\begin{equation} \label{popr}
\begin{aligned}
\bm{P}_{\mathrm{po}}(\{|\alpha\rangle\}|\beta_i,l_i)
=
A\,
\mathbb{P}(l_i|\beta_i,\{|\alpha\rangle\})
\bm{P}_{\mathrm{pr}}(\{|\alpha\rangle\}),
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\bm{P}_{\mathrm{po}}(\{|\alpha\rangle\}|\beta_i,l_i)$ and $\bm{P}_{\mathrm{pr}}(\{|\alpha\rangle\})$ are the posterior and prior probabilities respectively, $\mathbb{P}(l_i|\beta_i,\{|\alpha\rangle\})$ is conditional Poissonian probability of observing the detection result $l_i$ for $|\alpha\rangle$ displaced by field $\beta_i$, and $A$ is the normalization factor calculated by summing Eq. (\ref{popr}) over all possible states. Therefore, the final decision $|\beta_{M+1}\rangle$ of the input state $|\alpha\rangle$ can be predicted in the last adaptive measurement $M$ using iterative Bayesian inference \cite{Becerra:2011hb}.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.2in,height=2.1in]{SDR}
\caption{Schematic diagram of the improved state-discrimination detector using photon number resolving and adaptive measurements in the form of feedback.}
\label{fig:SDR}
\end{figure}
This kind of strategies could surpass the SQL and approach the Helstrom bound with the help of high bandwidth and high detection efficiency. Mathematically, the SQL for discriminating the four nonorthogonal coherent state in QPSK modulation can be expressed by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
P_{SQL}=1-\left[1-\frac{1}{2}\mathrm{erfc}\bigg(\sqrt{\frac{|\alpha|^2}{2}}\bigg) \right]^2,
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\mathrm{erfc}(x)=\frac{2}{\sqrt{\pi}}\int_x^\infty e^{-t^2}\mathrm{d}t,
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
and the Helstrom bound for the QPSK signals can be approximated by using the square-root measure (SRM) \cite{PhysRevA.89.042330}, which can be calculated by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
P_{Hel}=1-\frac{1}{16}\bigg(\sum_{k=1}^4\sqrt{\omega_k}\bigg)^2,
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\omega_k=e^{-\alpha^2}\sum_{n=1}^{4}\mathrm{exp}{[(1-k)\frac{2\pi in}{4}+\alpha^2\mathrm{exp}({\frac{2\pi in}{4}})]}$ are eigenvalues of Gram matrix for QPSK signals. As the improved state-discrimination detector is parallel with homodyne or heterodyne detector at Bob's side, the ultimate detection of the states is codetermined by the coherent detector and the state-discrimination detector. From the perspective of information-theoretical sense, we can define an improvement ratio $\zeta$ to depict how much performance could the state-discrimination detector enhance the CVQKD system, namely
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\zeta=\frac{1-P_{rec}^{(M)}}{1-P_{SQL}},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $P_{rec}^{(M)}$ represents the error probability of state-discrimination detector with $M$ adaptive measurements. Theoretically, the detector could reach the Helstrom bound when $M$ is large enough. Therefore, the optimal improvement ratio $\zeta_{opt}$ can be calculated by considering the minimum error probability allowed by quantum mechanics. Thus we have
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\zeta_{opt}=\frac{1-P_{Hel}}{1-P_{SQL}}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.4in,height=2.6in]{EP}
\caption{Error probabilities for discriminating QPSK states and improvement ratio as functions of mean photon number $\langle n\rangle$. The dashed line denotes standard quantum limit, the solid line denotes the state-discrimination detector with 10 adaptive measurements, the dotted line denotes Helstrom bound and the red dashed line with squares denotes improvement ratio.}
\label{fig:EP}
\end{figure}
In Fig. (\ref{fig:EP}), we illustrate the error probabilities of discriminating the four nonorthogonal coherent states and the improvement ratio as functions of mean photon number $\langle n\rangle$. The blue dashed line shows the standard quantum limit to which the conventional and ideal coherent detector can achieve, while the blue solid line shows that the state-discrimination detector with $10$ adaptive measurements is below the SQL and approaches the Helstrom bound (the blue dotted line). The red dashed line with squares denotes the optimal improvement ratio which descends quickly with the increased mean photon number but still above $1$. Therefore, the proposed detection strategy that consists of state-discrimination detector and coherent detector could improve the performance of CVQKD system, satisfying the requirement of long-distance transmission.
\section{Performance and discussion}
In this section, we show the performance of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with numeric simulation results. To simplify the expression, we only focus on a scenario that Bob performs homodyne detection and reverse reconciliation (RR) in the data post-processing procedure.
\subsection{Parameter optimization}
We first demonstrate the optimal values of simulated parameters before giving the performance of secret key rate. It is known that the optimal photon-subtraction operation in Gaussian-modulated CVQKD can be achieved when only one photon is subtracted \cite{Guo:2017ce,PhysRevA.93.012310}, which means that subtracting one photon is the preferred operation to improve the transmission distance. For the proposed long-distance discretely-modulated CVQKD scheme, we show the success probability of subtracting $j\,(j=1,2,3,4,5)$ photons as a function of transmittance $\mu$ in Fig. (\ref{fig:successProbability}). Similar to its Gaussian-modulated counterpart, the success probability of subtracting one photon ($j=1$, blue line) outperforms other numbers of photon subtraction and the success probability decreases with the increase of the number of subtracted photons. Meanwhile, as shown in Fig. (\ref{fig:EP}), the red dashed line with squares depicts the improvement ratio of the improved state-discrimination detector. It is obvious that the highest value of the improvement can be obtained with mean photon number $\langle \bar{n}\rangle=1$. This coincidence ($j=\langle \bar{n}\rangle=1$) allows us to obtain the optimal performance by tactfully combining photon-subtraction operation and state-discrimination detector together. More specifically, the one photon subtracted by photon-subtraction operation at Alice' side is detected by state-discrimination detector at Bob' side, and both modules perform optimally as one photon meets the optimal requirements. Therefore, we consider the optimal one-photon subtraction operation in subsequent simulations to show the best performance of the proposed scheme.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.9in]{successProbability}
\caption{Success probability of subtracting $j$ photons for discretely modulated CVQKD with different transmittances $\mu$. The lines from top to bottom represent one-photon subtraction (blue line), two-photon subtraction (red line), three-photon subtraction (yellow line), four-photon subtraction (purple line) and five-photon subtraction (green line).}
\label{fig:successProbability}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.9in]{compareDiffVA}
\caption{Asymptotic secret key rate as a function of modulation variance $V_M$ in different channel losses with excess noise $\varepsilon=0.01$. Solid lines denote the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with optimal one-photon subtraction, dashed lines represent the four-state CVQKD protocol. Channel losses are set to $12$ dB (blue lines), $16$ dB (red lines), $20$ dB (yellow lines) and $24$ dB (green lines), respectively. Inset (a) is the extended graph with $V_M$ to $10$. Inset (b) shows the optimal $\mu$ for the current secret key rate as a function of modulation variance $V_M$.}
\label{fig:compareDiffVA}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.9in]{compareDiffVAepsilon}
\caption{Asymptotic secret key rate as a function of modulation variance $V_M$ in different excess noises with transmission distance $d=100$ km. Solid lines denote the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with optimal one-photon subtraction, dashed lines represent the four-state CVQKD protocol. Excess noises are set to 0.002 (blue lines), 0.005 (red lines), 0.008 (yellow lines) and 0.01 (green lines), respectively. Inset (a) is the magnified graph with $V_M$ limited from 0.12 to 0.13. Inset (b) shows the optimal $\mu$ for the current secret key rate as a function of modulation variance $V_M$.}
\label{fig:compareDiffVAepsilon}
\end{figure}
Because channel loss and excess noise are two of the most important factors that would have an effect on the performance of CVQKD system \cite{Fossier:2009dz}, the performance of these parameters with different modulation variance $V_M$ needs to be illustrated. In Fig. (\ref{fig:compareDiffVA}) and Fig. (\ref{fig:compareDiffVAepsilon}), solid lines denote the performance of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with the optimal one-photon subtraction operation, while dashed lines represent the four-state CVQKD protocol as a comparison, and their secret key rates change as $V_M$ changes. The global simulation parameters are as follows: reconciliation efficiency is $\beta=95\%$, quantum efficiency of Bob's detection is $\tau=0.6$ and electronic noise is $v_{el}=0.05$. In Fig. (\ref{fig:compareDiffVA}), excess noise $\varepsilon$ and other parameters are fixed to legitimate values, the numerical areas of $V_M$ are compressed for the four-state CVQKD protocol when channel loss increases, and the secret key rate decreases rapidly with the increase of channel loss. While for the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme, $V_M$ can be set to a large range of values and its secret key rate increases with the increased $V_M$ even though the secret key rate also decreases as channel loss increases, which means the performance of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme would be consecutively improved theoretically when the modulation variance is set large enough. However, this cannot be realized in practice, thus the modulation variance $V_M$ must be set to a reasonable value in simulations. In Fig. (\ref{fig:compareDiffVAepsilon}), transmission distance, which is proportional to the channel loss (0.2 dB/km), and other parameters are fixed. For the four-state CVQKD protocol, its optimal regions of $V_M$ are also compressed with the increased excess noise $\varepsilon$. Fortunately, there is only slight impact on the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with one-photon subtraction when excess noise $\varepsilon$ changes. It shows the proposed scheme greatly outperforms the four-state CVQKD protocol in terms of tolerable channel excess noise. The reasons may be given as follows. Firstly, excess noise can be deemed channel imperfections which deteriorate the correlation between the two output modes, while photon-subtraction operation can well enhance the correlation which is positively related to entanglement degree of EPR state and thus improves the performance of CVQKD system \cite{Guo:2017ce,PhysRevA.87.012317}. Rendering the CVQKD system that applied this non-Gaussian operation tolerates more higher excess noise. Secondly, the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme is not very sensitive to the noise with the help of state-discrimination detector, which means Bob can obtain more correct results without performing very precise measurement on quadrature $\hat{x}$ or/and $\hat{p}$. The reason is that the raw key in Gaussian modulated CVQKD protocol is tremendously affected by channel excess noise (and imperfect coherent detector) since its information is directly encoded in quadratures. In the four-state CVQKD protocol, the information is encoded in QPSK modulation which can be unconditionally discriminated by the state-discrimination detector \cite{Becerra:2013jw}. Therefore, the detection strategy could predict incoming state using probability-based method, i.e. Bayesian inference, thus alleviating the impact of excess noise.
\subsection{Secret key rates}
Up to now, we have derived the parameters that may largely affect the CVQKD system. In what follows, we consider the secret key rate of the proposed CVQKD scheme. In general, the asymptotic secret key rate can be calculated with the form
\begin{equation}\label{k}
\begin{aligned}
K_{asym}=\beta I(A:B)-S(E:B),
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\beta$ is the efficiency for RR, $I(A:B)$ is the Shannon mutual information between Alice and Bob, and $S(E:B)$ is the Holevo bound \cite{Nielsen2011Quantum} of the mutual information between Eve and Bob. For the proposed CVQKD protocol, the asymptotic secret key rate in Eq. (\ref{k}) can be rewritten by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
K_{asym}=P^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}_{(j)}[\beta \zeta_{opt} I(A:B)-S(E:B)].
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
As previously mentioned, $P^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}_{(j)}$ represents the probability of successful subtracting $j$ photons and $\zeta_{opt}$ depicts the improvement ratio of the introduced state-discrimination detector. Detailed calculation of the asymptotic secret key rate can be found in Appendix A.
In Fig. (\ref{fig:CP}), we depict the asymptotic secret key rate as a function of transmission distance for the CVQKD protocol. Red line shows the original four-state protocol proposed in \cite{Leverrier:2009cr}, yellow line denotes the optimal one-photon subtraction scheme for Gaussian modulated coherent state proposed in \cite{PhysRevA.93.012310}, blue line represents the scheme of four-state protocol with one-photon subtraction, and the green line denotes the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detector. The modulation variance $V_M$ of above protocols is optimized except for the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme since its secret key rate is monotonic increasing in a large range of the modulation variance $V_M$, which means that the performance of the proposed scheme can be further improved when $V_M$ is set to larger value. However, from the perspective of fair comparison and practical significance, the modulation variance $V_M$ of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme is reasonably set as same as its fundamental communication protocol, i.e., the four-state CVQKD protocol. As shown in Fig. (\ref{fig:CP}), the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme outperforms all other CVQKD protocols in terms of maximum transmission distance up to 330 km. Therefore, the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detector could be more suitable for long-distance transmission. Note that this distance record is limited by the secret key rate more than $10^{-6}$ bits per pulse, and it can be further extended when one considers the secret key rate below this bound.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.9in]{comparePerformance}
\caption{Asymptotic secret key rate as a function of transmission distance with excess noise $\varepsilon=0.01$. Red line shows the original four-state protocol, yellow line denotes the optimal one-photon subtraction scheme for Gaussian modulated coherent state, blue line represents the scheme of four-state protocol with one-photon subtraction, and the green line denotes the proposed long-distance scheme using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detector.}
\label{fig:CP}
\end{figure}
In addition, finite-size effect \cite{Leverrier:2010es} needs to be taken into consideration, since the length of secret key is impossibly unlimited in practice. Moreover, one can make the assumption in the asymptotic case that the quantum channel is perfectly known before the transmission is performed, while in finite-size scenario, one actually does not know the characteristics of the quantum channel in advance. Because a part of exchanged signals has to be used for parameter estimation rather than generates the secret key. As shown in Fig. (\ref{fig:finite}), the performance of the proposed CVQKD scheme in finite-size regime is outperformed by that obtained in asymptotic limit. The maximum transmission distance significantly decreases when the number of total exchanged signals $N$ decreases. However, it still has a large improvement when comparing with original four-state CVQKD protocol and its Gaussian-modulated protocol counterpart which also take finite-size effect into account. Notice that the performance in the finite-size regime will converge to the asymtotic case if $N$ is large enough. The detailed calculation of secret key rate in the finite-size regime can be found in Appendix B.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.9in]{finite}
\caption{Finite-size secret key rate of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with one-photon subtraction as a function of transmission distance. The excess noise is set to $\varepsilon=0.01$. From left to right, the solid lines correspond to block lengths of $N=10^8,10^{10},10^{12},10^{14},10^{15}$ and $10^{16}$, and the red dashed line denotes the asymptotic case. The secret key rate is null for a block length of $10^4$.}
\label{fig:finite}
\end{figure}
Finally, we demonstrate the performance of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme in composable security framework. The composable security is the enhancement of security based on uncertainty of the finite-size effect \cite{PhysRevLett.109.100502} so that one can obtain the tightest secure bound of the protocol by carefully considering every detailed step in CVQKD system \cite{Leverrier:2015he}. In Fig. (\ref{fig:composable}), we show the secret key rate of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme with one-photon subtraction operation in the case of composable security, as a function of total exchanged signals $N$. The performance is more pessimistic than that obtained in the finite-size regime, let alone in the asymptotic limit. For example, assuming that $N=10^{14}$ and the minimal secret key rate is limited to above $10^{-6}$ bis per pulse, the maximal transmission distance in finite-size regime is approximate $320$ km (purple line in Fig. (\ref{fig:finite})), while the maximal transmission distance is reduced to approximate $260$ km (light blue line in Fig. (\ref{fig:composable})) when one considers the proposed scheme in composable security framework. Therefore, the composable security, which takes the failure probabilities of every step into account, is the strictest theoretic security analysis of CVQKD system so that one can obtain more practical secure bound. In addition, the composable secret key rate also approaches the asymptotic value for very large $N$ (dashed lines). The detailed calculation of the secret key rate for composable security is shown in Appendix C.
\begin{figure}
\centering
\includegraphics[width=3.6in,height=2.85in]{composable}
\caption{Composable secret key rate of the proposed long-distance CVQKD with one-photon subtraction as a function of $N$, the number of exchanged signals. From top to bottom, solid lines denote the distances of $d=40,80,120$ and $160$ km. The dashed lines correspond to the respective asymptotic case. Inset shows the composable secret key rate of the proposed scheme at long-distance range, the lines from top to bottom denote the distances of $d=260,280,300$ and $320$ km, respectively. Excess noise is $\varepsilon=0.01$, discretization parameter is $d=5$, robustness parameter is $\epsilon_{rob}\le 10^{-2}$ and security parameter is $\epsilon=10^{-20}$. Other intermediate parameters can be found in Appendix C.}
\label{fig:composable}
\end{figure}
The asymptotic limit, the finite-size scenario and the composable security framework are the efficient approaches to evaluate the performance of CVQKD system. Although the results vary with the different approach, the trends of the performance are similar. Therefore, the proposed long-distance CVQKD using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detector can beat other existing CVQKD protocols in terms of maximal transmission distance and thus meet the requirement of long-distance transmission.
\section{Conclusion}
We have suggested a novel long-distance CVQKD using non-Gaussian state-discrimination detector. The discretely-modulated four-state CVQKD protocol is adopted as the fundamental communication protocol since it can well tolerate the lower SNR and hence it is more suitable for the long-distance transmission compared with Gaussian-modulated counterpart. We deploy a non-Gaussian operation, i.e. photon-subtraction operation at the transmitter, where the photon-subtraction operation is not only used for splitting the signal, but also used for lengthening the transmission distance of CVQKD. Meanwhile, an improved state-discrimination detector is applied at the receiver to codetermine the measurement result with coherent detector. The state-discrimination detector can be deemed as the optimized quantum measurement for the received nonorthogonal coherent states, beating the standard quantum limit using adaptive measurements in the form of fast feedback. Therefore, Bob can obtain more precise result of incoming signal in the QPSK modulation with the help of the state-discrimination detector. By exploiting multiplexing technique, the yielded signals are simultaneously transmitted through an untrusted quantum channel, and subsequently sent to the state-discrimination detector and coherent detector, respectively. Security analysis shows that the proposed scheme can lengthen the maximal transmission distance, and thus outperform other existing CVQKD protocols. Furthermore, by taking the finite-size effect and the composable security into account we obtain the tightest bound of the secure distance, which is more practical than that obtained in asymptotic limit. In terms of possible future research, it would be interesting to design an experiment to implement this long-distance CVQKD scheme for its practical security analysis.
\begin{acknowledgments}
This work is supported by the National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No. 61379153, No. 61572529), and the Fundamental Research Funds for the Central Universities of Central South University (Grant No. 2017zzts147).
\end{acknowledgments}
\begin{appendix}
\section{Calculation of asymptotic secret key rate}
We consider the calculation of asymptotic secret key rates of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme where Alice performs heterodyne detection and Bob performs homodyne detection respectively. Note that the state $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}$ is not Gaussian anymore after photon-subtraction operation, we thus cannot directly use results of the conventional Gaussian CVQKD to calculate the secret key rate. Fortunately, the secret key rate of state $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}$ is more than that of the Gaussian state $\rho_{AB_{1}}^{\hat{G}}$ counterpart which has the identical covariance matrix according to extremity of the Gaussian quantum states \cite{PhysRevLett.97.190503,PhysRevLett.97.190502,PhysRevLett.96.080502}. Therefore, the lower bound of the asymptotic secret key rate under optimal collective attack can be given by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
K_{asym}=P^{\hat{\Pi}_{1}}_{(j)}[\beta \zeta_{opt} I(A:B)-S(E:B)],
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\beta$ is the efficiency for reverse reconciliation, $I(A:B)$ is the Shannon mutual information between Alice and Bob, and $S(E:B)$ is the Holevo bound \cite{Nielsen2011Quantum} of the mutual information between Eve and Bob.
Assuming that Alice's heterodyne detection and PBSs used for multiplexing are perfect, and Bob's homodyne detector is characterized by an transmittance $\tau$ and electronic noise $v_{el}$, then the detection-added noise referred to Bob's input can be given by $\chi_{hom}=[(1-\tau)+v_{el}]/\tau$. In addition, the channel-added noise is expressed by $\chi_{line}=(1-\eta)/\eta+\varepsilon$. Therefore, the total noise referred to the channel input can be calculated by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\chi_{tot}&=\chi_{line}+\chi_{hom}/\eta \\
&=\frac{1+v_{el}}{\tau\eta}-1+\varepsilon.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
After passing the untrusted quantum channel, the covariance matrix $\Gamma_{AB_{3}}^{(j)}$ has the form as follows
\begin{equation}
\Gamma_{AB_{3}}^{(j)}\!\!=\!\!
\left(
\begin{array}{cc}
a\mathbb{I} & c\sigma_{z}\\
c\sigma_{z} & b\mathbb{I}\\
\end{array}
\right)=
\left(
\begin{array}{cc}
X'\mathbb{I} & \sqrt{\eta}Z'_{4}\sigma_{z}\\
\sqrt{\eta}Z'_{4}\sigma_{z} & \eta(Y'+\chi_{line})\mathbb{I}\\
\end{array}
\right).
\end{equation}
As a result, the Shannon mutual information between Alice and Bob, $I(A:B)$, can be calculated by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
I(A:B)&=\frac{1}{2}\mathrm{log_2}\frac{V_A}{V_{A|B}},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $V_A=(a+1)/2$, $V_B=b$ and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
V_{A|B}&=V_A-\frac{\eta Z_4'^2}{2V_B} \\
&=a-\frac{c^2}{2b}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
After Bob applies homodyne measurement, Eve purifies the whole system so that the mutual information between Eve and Bob can be expressed as
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
S(E:B)&=S(E)-S(E|B) \\
&=S(AB)-S(A|B) \\
&=G[(\kappa_{1}-1)/2]+G[(\kappa_{2}-1)/2] \\
&-G[(\kappa_{3}-1)/2]-G[(\kappa_{4}-1)/2],
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where the Von Neumann entropy $G(x)$ is given by \begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
G(x)=(x+1)\mathrm{log}_{2}(x+1)-x\mathrm{log}_{2}x
\end{aligned},
\end{equation}
and the symplectic eigenvalues $\kappa_{1,2,3,4}$ can be calculated by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\kappa_{1,2}^{2}=\frac{1}{2}(A\pm\sqrt{A^{2}-4B})
\end{aligned},
\end{equation}
and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\kappa_{3,4}^2=\frac{1}{2}(C\pm\sqrt{C^2-4D})
\end{aligned},
\end{equation}
with
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
A&=V^2+\eta^2(V+\chi_{line})^2-2\eta Z_4'^2, \\
B&=\eta(V^2+V\chi_{line}-Z_4'^2)^2, \\
C&=\frac{A\chi_{hom}+V\sqrt{B}+\eta (V+\chi_{line})}{\eta (V+\chi_{tot})}, \\
D&=\sqrt{B}\frac{V+\sqrt{B}\chi_{hom}}{\eta (V+\chi_{tot})}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\section{Secret key rate in the finite-size scenario}
In the traditional CVQKD protocol, the secret key rate calculated by taking finite-size effect into account is expressed as \cite{Leverrier:2010es}
\begin{equation}\label{fini1}
\begin{aligned}
K_{fini}=\frac{n}{N}[\beta I(A:B)-S_{\epsilon_{PE}}(E:B)-\Delta(n)],
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\beta$ and $I(A:B)$ are as same as the afore-mentioned definitions, $N$ denotes the total exchanged signals and $n$ denotes the number of signals that is used for sharing key between Alice and Bob. The remained signals $m=N-n$ is used for parameter estimation. $\epsilon_{PE}$ is the failure probability of parameter estimation and the parameter $\Delta(n)$ is related to the security of the privacy amplification, which is given by
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\Delta(n)=(2\mathrm{dim}\mathcal{H}_{B}+3)\sqrt{\frac{\mathrm{log}_2(2/\bar{\epsilon})}{n}}+\frac{2}{n}\mathrm{log}_2(1/\epsilon_{PA}),
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\bar{\epsilon}$ is a smoothing parameter, $\epsilon_{PA}$ is the failure probability of privacy amplification, and $\mathcal{H}_{B}$ is the Hilbert space corresponding to the Bob's raw key. Since the raw key is usually encoded on binary bits, we have $\mathrm{dim}\mathcal{H}_{B}=2$. For the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme, the secret key rate in Eq. (\ref{fini1}) can be rewritten as
\begin{equation}\label{fini}
\begin{aligned}
K_{fini}=\frac{nP_{(j)}^{\hat{\Pi}_1}}{N}[\beta \zeta_{opt}I(A:B)-S_{\epsilon_{PE}}(E:B)-\Delta(n)].
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
In the finite-size scenario, $S_{\epsilon_{PE}}(E:B)$ needs to be calculated in parameter estimation procedure where one can find a covariance matrix $\Gamma_{\epsilon_{PE}}$ which minimizes the secret key rate with a probability of $1-\epsilon_{PE}$ and can be calculated by $m$ couples of correlated variables $(x_i,y_i)_{i=1\cdots m}$ in the following form
\begin{equation}
\Gamma_{\epsilon_{PE}}\!\!=\!\!
\left(
\begin{array}{cc}
X'\mathbb{I} & tZ'_{4}\sigma_{z}\\
tZ'_{4}\sigma_{z} & (t^2 X'+\sigma^2)\mathbb{I}\\
\end{array}
\right),
\end{equation}
where $t=\sqrt{\eta}$ and $\sigma^2=1+\eta(\varepsilon-3)$ are compatible with $m$ sampled data except with probability $\epsilon_{PE}/2$. The maximum-likelihood estimators $\hat{t}$ and $\hat{\sigma^2}$ respectively has the follow distributions
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\hat{t}\sim \big(t,\; \frac{\sigma^2}{\sum_{i=1}^mx_i^2}\big)\quad \mathrm{and} \quad \frac{m\hat{\sigma}^2}{\sigma^2}\sim\chi^2(m-1),
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $t$ and $\sigma^2$ are the authentic values of the parameters. In order to maximize the value of the Holevo information between Eve and Bob with the statistics except with probability $\epsilon_{PE}$, we compute $t_{min}$ (the lower bound of $t$) and $\sigma_{max}^2$ (the upper bound of $\sigma^2$) in the limit of large $m$, namely
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
t_{min}&=\sqrt{\eta}-z_{\epsilon_{PE}/2}\sqrt{\frac{1+\eta(\varepsilon-3)}{mX'}}, \\
\sigma_{max}^2&=1+\eta(\varepsilon-3)+z_{\epsilon_{PE}/2}\frac{\sqrt{2}[1+\eta(\varepsilon-3)]}{\sqrt{m}},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $z_{\epsilon_{PE}/2}$ is such that $1-\mathrm{erf}(z_{\epsilon_{PE}/2}/\sqrt{2})/2=\epsilon_{PE}/2$ and erf is the error function defined as
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\mathrm{erf}(x)=\frac{2}{\pi}\int_0^xe^{-t^2}\mathrm{d}t.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
The above-mentioned error probabilities can be set to
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\bar{\epsilon}=\epsilon_{PE}=\epsilon_{PA}=10^{10}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Finally, one can calculate the secret key rate in the finite-size scenario using the derived bounds $t_{min}$ and $\sigma_{max}^2$.
\begin{table}
\caption{The parameters of the proposed scheme in the composable security framework}
\label{tab:1}
\begin{tabular}{ll}
\hline\noalign{\smallskip}
\it{parameter} & \it{definition} \\
\noalign{\smallskip}\hline\noalign{\smallskip}
\hline
$N$ & total number of exchanged light pulses. \\
\hline
$n$ & size of final key if the protocol did not abort. \\
\hline
$d$ & number of bits on which each measurement\\
& result is encoded. \\
\hline
$leak_{EC}$ & size of Bob's communication to Alice during \\
& error correction step.\\
\hline
$\epsilon_{PE}$ & maximum failure probability of parameter\\
& estimation step. \\
\hline
$\epsilon_{cor}$ & small probability of the failure that the keys of \\
& Alice and Bob do not identical and the protocol \\
&did not abort.\\
\hline
$n_{PE}$ & number of bits that Bob sends to Alice during \\
& parameter estimation step.\\
\hline
$\Omega_{a}^{max}$,$\Omega_{b}^{max}$, & bounds on covariance matrix elements, which \\
$\Omega_{c}^{min}$ & must be apt in the realization of the protocol.\\
\noalign{\smallskip}\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{table}
\section{Secret key rate of the CVQKD in composable security}
We detail the generation of secret key rate of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme provided by composable security framework. In Tab. \ref{tab:1}, we show the definition of parameters in the composable security case. Before the calculation, we give a theorem of composable security for the proposed scheme \cite{Leverrier:2015he}.
The proposed long-distance CVQKD protocol is $\epsilon$-secure against collective attacks if $\epsilon=2\epsilon_{sm}+\overline{\epsilon}+\epsilon_{PE}/\epsilon+\epsilon_{cor}/\epsilon+\epsilon_{ent}/\epsilon$ and if the final key length $n$ is chosen such that
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
n&\leq2N\hat{H}_{MLE}(U)-NF(\Omega_{a}^{max},\Omega_{b}^{max},\Omega_{c}^{min})\\
&-leak_{EC}-\Delta_{AEP}-\Delta_{ent}-2\log\frac{1}{2\overline{\epsilon}},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\hat{H}_{MLE}(U)$ is the empiric entropy of $U$, the maximum likelihood estimator (MLE) of $H(U)$ to be $\hat{H}_{MLE}(U)=-\sum_{i=1}^{2^{d}}\hat{p}_{i}\log\hat{p}_{i}$ with $\hat{p}_{i}=\frac{\hat{n}_{i}}{dN}$ denotes the relative frequency of obtaining the value $i$, and $\hat{n}_{i}$ is the number of times the variable $U$ takes the value $i$ for $i\in\{1,\cdots,2^{d}\}$, $F$ is the function computing the Holevo information between Eve and Bob, and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\Delta_{AEP} &=\sqrt{N}(d+1)^2+\sqrt{16N}(d+1)\log_{2}\frac{2}{\epsilon_{sm}^{2}} \\
&+\sqrt{4N}\log_{2}\frac{2}{\epsilon^{2}\epsilon_{sm}}-4\frac{\epsilon_{sm}d}{\epsilon},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\Delta_{ent}=\log_{2}\frac{1}{\epsilon}-\sqrt{4N\log^{2}(2N)\log(2/\epsilon_{sm})}
\end{aligned}.
\end{equation}
Now, we consider the calculation of secret key rate of the proposed long-distance CVQKD scheme provided by composable security framework. Since the transmission channel is characterized by transmissivity $\eta$ and excess noise $\varepsilon$, the following model is used for error correction
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\beta I(A:B)=2\hat{H}_{MLE(U)}-\frac{1}{2n}leak_{EC},
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $I(A:B)$ represents the mutual information between Alice and Bob, $\beta$ denotes the reconciliation efficiency. For the proposed protocol, we obtain
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
I(A:B)&=\frac{1}{2}\log_{2}(1+SNR)\\
&=\frac{1}{2}\log_{2}\left(1+\frac{\eta V_{M}}{2+\eta\varepsilon}\right).
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Moreover, assuming that the success probability of parameter estimation is at least $0.99$, and hence the robustness of the proposed protocol is $\epsilon_{rob}\leq10^{-2}$. Consequently, the values of random variables $\left|\left| X\right|\right|^{2}$, $\left|\left| Y\right|\right|^{2}$ and $\langle X,Y\rangle$ satisfy the following restraints
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\left|\left| X\right|\right|^{2}\leq(N+3\sqrt{N})X', \\
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\left|\left| Y\right|\right|^{2}&\leq\eta(N+3\sqrt{N})(Y'+\chi_{line}),\\
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\langle X,Y\rangle\geq(N-3\sqrt{N})\sqrt{\eta}Z_4',
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
The above-mentioned restraints can be achieved from the covariance matrix $\Gamma_{AB_{3}}^{(j)}$ of the proposed CVQKD scheme. According to these bounds, we have the definations
\begin{equation}\label{oa}
\Omega_{a}^{max}=\frac{\left|\left| X\right|\right|^{2}}{N}\left[1+2\sqrt{\frac{\log(36/\epsilon_{PE})}{N/2}}\right]-1,
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}\label{ob}
\Omega_{b}^{max}=\frac{\left|\left| Y\right|\right|^{2}}{N}\left[1+2\sqrt{\frac{\log(36/\epsilon_{PE})}{N/2}}\right]-1,
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}\label{oc}
\Omega_{c}^{min}=\frac{\langle X,Y\rangle}{N}-5(\left|\left| X\right|\right|^{2}+\left|\left| Y\right|\right|^{2})\sqrt{\frac{\log(8/\epsilon_{PE})}{{(N/2)}^{3}}}.
\end{equation}
Finally, we can calculate the secret key rate of the proposed scheme provided by composable security as follows
\begin{widetext}
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
K_{comp}=P_{(j)}^{\hat{\Pi}_1}(1-\epsilon_{rob})\{\beta \zeta_{opt}I(A:B)
-F(\Omega_{a}^{max}, \Omega_{b}^{max}, \Omega_{c}^{min})
-\frac{1}{N}(\Delta_{AEP}+\Delta_{ent}+2\log_{2}\frac{1}{2\overline{\varepsilon}})\}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
\end{widetext}
In addition, we should optimize over all parameters compatible with $\epsilon=10^{-20}$. However, in order to simplify the data process, we make the following choices \begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\epsilon_{sm}&=\overline{\epsilon}=10^{-21},
\epsilon_{PE}&=\epsilon_{cor}=\epsilon_{ent}=10^{-41}.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation} which slightly sub-optimizes the performance of the proposed CVQKD protocol \cite{Leverrier:2015he}.
\end{appendix}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 3,202
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Вячесла́в Никола́евич Мака́ров (род. 9 февраля 1989, Астрахань, РСФСР, СССР) — российский певец, музыкант, театральный актёр, телеведущий, шоумен. Участник команды-чемпиона Высшей лиги КВН «Сборная Камызякского края», солист группы «Makarov Band» и «КамызякиБэнд». Ведущий юмористического шоу «Суперлига» на СТС и музыкальных шоу «Маска» и «Аватар» на НТВ.
Биография
Родился в семье слесаря-наладчика на заводе, мать — по образованию товаровед; долгое время она занималась домашним хозяйством, воспитанием детей. В детстве родители отдали его в секцию спортивно-бальных танцев.
Начальное образование получил в средней общеобразовательной школе № 8 Астрахани. С 2000 г. учился в Детской школе искусств имени М. Максаковой; будущий певец окончил её с отличием по классу фортепиано и вокала. Участвует в международных и всероссийских конкурсах и фестивалях по вокальному творчеству, танцевальных турнирах (победа на многих конкурсах). Так, в 2002 г. стал чемпионом Южного федерального округа по спортивно-бальным танцам в своей возрастной категории.
После 9-го класса поступил в Астраханский музыкальный колледж, откуда ушёл через две недели, вернувшись в общеобразовательную школу, которую закончил с серебряной медалью.
После окончания школы в 2007 г. поступил в Астраханский государственный технический университет — механико-технологический институт (специальность инженер). За время студенчества продолжил заниматься творчеством, представлял свой вуз на ежегодном фестивале «Российская студенческая весна», «Дельфийские игры России» и др. Также, активно участвует в общественной жизни города, области в организации и проведении культурно-массовых мероприятий. Стал «лицом» спортивной одежды бренда «Forward». Во время учёбы в вузе Вячеслава приглашают в качестве вокалиста в команду «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу». В 2015 г. команда становится чемпионом Высшей лиги КВН.
В настоящее время Вячеслав Макаров ведёт активную концертную и гастрольную деятельность. Принимает участие в значимых культурных событиях России и как солист-вокалист, и как эксперт многих проектов (вокальных, общественных, студенческих). Неоднократно снимался в телевизионных передачах («Однажды в России» на ТНТ, «Ну-ка, все вместе!» на телеканале «Россия-1» и др.). С 2020 г. является ведущим музыкального шоу «Маска» на НТВ. В 2021 г. стартовал юмористический проект «Суперлига» на СТС, в котором Вячеслав также стал ведущим. Параллельно с данными проектами, он участвовал в вокальном шоу «ШоуМаскГоОн» на НТВ.
Играет в музыкально-поэтическом проекте «Глухие согласные» и одну из главных ролей в комедии «Убийственный шоубиз». Активный участник и эксперт молодёжных проектов «Федерального агентства по делам молодёжи» и Российского союза молодёжи. В 2019 г. Вячеслав Макаров собрал свою собственную группу — «Makarov Band».
КВН
Команда «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу» появилась в городе Камызяк Астраханской области. Команда базировалась в Астрахани, капитаном которой является Азамат Мусагалиев. Первая игра команды состоялась в 2009 г.; в 2011 г. Вячеслава пригласили в команду в качестве вокалиста; в 2012 г. команда попадает в Высшую лигу КВН и завоевала популярность у зрителей. В этом же году команда начала принимать участие на музыкальном фестивале «Голосящий КиВиН» в Юрмале (Латвия), а также в Светлогорске.
В 2013 и 2015 гг. Макаров стал победителем интернет-голосования «Золотой голос КВН».
В 2015 г. команда «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу» становится чемпионом Высшей лиги КВН и отправляется в большой гастрольный тур по России и зарубежью (США).
В 2019 г. в Екатеринбурге «Камызяки» вновь вышли на сцену, чтобы на этот раз побороться за кубок «Встречи выпускников» вместе с именитыми командами клуба «Уральские пельмени» и «ГородЪ ПятигорскЪ». За музыкальную составляющую программы отвечал Вячеслав. Результат — «Камызяки» увезли главный приз.
Достижения команды:
2013:
Победители Кубка мэра Москвы;
Вице-чемпионы Высшей лиги КВН.
2014 — Голосящий КиВиН в Юрмале: Малый КиВиН в золотом.
2015:
Голосящий КиВиН в Светлогорске: Малый КиВиН в светлом;
Чемпионы Высшей лиги КВН.
2019 — победители «Встречи выпускников» клуба
Основные игры команды:
2011 — финалисты Премьер-лиги КВН.
2012:
Участие в трёх играх сезона Высшей лиги КВН: 1/8, 1/4 и 1/2;
Участники фестиваля Голосящий КиВиН в Юрмале.
2013:
Участники фестиваля Голосящий КиВиН в Юрмале;
Победители Кубка мэра Москвы в 2013 году
Вице-чемпионы Высшей лиги КВН.
2014:
Участники в Летнем кубке КВН совместно с командой «Триод и Диод»;
Участники фестиваля Голосящий КиВиН в Юрмале.
2015:
Участники фестиваля Голосящий КиВиН в Светлогорске;
Чемпионы Высшей лиги КВН; стали победителями всех игр сезона.
2016 — участие в Летнем кубке КВН во Владивостоке совместно с командой «ГородЪ ПятигорскЪ»
2017 — участие в Летнем кубке КВН в Астане.
2019 — победители Встречи выпускников в Екатеринбурге.
Телевидение
Музыкальное шоу «Маска»
1 марта 2020 года Макаров стал ведущим музыкального шоу «Маска», которое является российской адаптацией международного формата «The Masked Singer» (российское производство «ВайТ Медиа»), стартовавшее на НТВ. На сцене проекта 12 таинственных участников (российские и зарубежные знаменитости: певцы, актёры, шоумены, юмористы, спортсмены и другие известные личности) выступают перед членами жюри и зрителями в различных необычных костюмах, в масках. Информация о выступающих строго засекречена; настоящие голоса конкурсантов слышны только во время исполнения песен.
Члены жюри 1 сезона — Филипп Киркоров, Валерия, Гарик Мартиросян, Регина Тодоренко и Тимур Родригез. На данный момент проект входит в тройку самых рейтинговых программ российского телевидения.
31 декабря 2020 года состоялась внесезонная премьера новогоднего выпуска «Маски». Вячеслав выступил в дуэте с участницей 1-го сезона Анной Плетнёвой (маска Попугая); они исполнили песню Аллы Пугачёвой «Без меня». С 14 февраля 2021 года Макаров вёл второй сезон шоу «Маска» на НТВ.
4 мая 2021 года продюсеры шоу обнародовали официальные цифры, согласно которым «Маску» признали лучшей развлекательной программой на российском телевидении за последние 5 лет и лучшим музыкальным шоу последних 8 лет (подсчёты исследовательской компании «Mediascope»). Рейтинг финального выпуска среди зрителей старше 18 лет составил 7,9 % (доля 26 %); в момент ожидания снятия маски победителем (Jony) доля аудитории возраста 18+ достигла 37,3 % (рейтинг 9,5 %). Эти цифры и дают основание утверждать, что «Маска» оставила всех конкурентов позади.
Во 2-м новогоднем 5-часовом выпуске «Маски» ведущий выступил в дуэте сначала с Юрием Стояновым (выступавшим в образе Банана), исполнив с ним песню Роя Орбисона «Pretty Woman», а затем с Азизой (в маске Пингвина), исполнив песню Аллы Пугачёвой «Нас бьют, мы летаем».
С 13 февраля 2022 года Вячеслав Макаров вёл третий сезон шоу «Маска».
Музыкальный проект «ШоуМаскГоОн»
Ещё один оригинальный музыкальный проект «ВайТ Медиа» — «ШоуМаскГоОн» (стартовавший 25 сентября 2021 года), в котором принял участие Вячеслав Макаров, собрал на одной сцене участников самых популярных музыкальных шоу на НТВ — «Маска», «Ты супер!» и «Суперстар!»: Диана Анкудинова, Карина Кокс, Стас Костюшкин, Алиса Мон и др.
«ШоуМаскГоОн» — музыкальное телешоу, являющееся новым развлекательным форматом. Первый в истории российского телевидения проект, созданный с использованием технологии расширенной виртуальной реальности («Extended reality»). Девять участников шоу на протяжении сезона выступают на сцене в девяти категориях, показывая, что им подвластны абсолютно все стили и музыкальные направления, а также сами оценивают выступления друг друга, подобно членам жюри и в финале каждого выпуска выставляют друг другу баллы от двух до девяти по системе Евровидения, при этом себе баллы ставить нельзя. Категорий песен всего девять: «Народный хит», «Песня конца XX века», «Советская песня», «Поп-хит», «Песня на свой выбор», «Новая музыка», «Песня из кино или мультфильма», «Рок-хит» и «Песня победителей и лауреатов премии "Грэмми"». Победителем проекта станет тот, у кого по итогам всех выпусков будет наибольшее количество баллов.
Музыкальное шоу «Аватар»
3 сентября 2022 года Макаров стал ведущим музыкального шоу «Аватар» производства компании «ВайТ Медиа». На сцене выступают девять аватаров сказочных персонажей, которыми из специальной комнаты управляют артисты. Члены жюри должны угадать, кто скрывается за аватаром.
Членами жюри стали Сергей Лазарев, Ида Галич, Тимур Батрутдинов, Марк Тишман и Аида Гарифуллина.
Юмористическое шоу «Суперлига»
«Суперлига» — юмористическое состязательное шоу на СТС, в котором лучшие «квэновские» команды борются между собой за денежный приз. Вячеслав стал ведущим данного проекта. Кроме самих юмористов, участниками каждой команды стали известные артисты, блогеры, музыкальные исполнители и медийные личности. Оценивают каждое выступление коллективов зрители в зале. Первый эфир вышел 31 октября 2021 года.
Телевизионное скетч-шоу «Однажды в России»
В 2016 году Макарова пригласили в юмористическое телевизионное шоу «Однажды в России» на ТНТ в качестве музыкального автора; затем он стал постоянным участником и исполнял юмористические песни в музыкальной рубрике вместе с Азаматом Мусагалиевым, а также гастролировал в составе проекта. Каждый выпуск состоит из 6 номеров и одной песни «на злобу дня». В 2018 году Вячеслав покинул данный проект.
Вокальное шоу «Ну-ка, все вместе!»
Весной 2019 года Макаров принимает участие в I сезоне вокального шоу «Ну-ка, все вместе!» на федеральном канале «Россия-1», который является аналогом британского проекта «All Together Now». Целая сотня жюри (певцы, композиторы, продюсеры, преподаватели вокальных вузов страны, музыкальные блогеры) оценивали выступления участников. Вячеслав дошёл до финала, спев композицию «Grace Kelly» британской поп-звезды Mika и набрав 93 голоса из 100. Николай Басков отметил, что исполнение Макарова было гораздо мощнее и ярче, чем у Mika, а Сергей Лазарев пошутил, что никогда не простит ему пародию на свою песню «В самое сердце», но поддержал исполнителя.
В финале I сезона вокального шоу «Ну-ка, все вместе!» Вячеслав Макаров исполнил песню «Happy» американского исполнителя Фаррелла Уильямса. Жюри оценили выступление в 89 голосов из 100.
В 2020 году Вячеслав Макаров был приглашён в качестве одного из членов жюри шоу, пробыв им на протяжении II—IV сезонов.
Участие в других проектах
Летом 2016 г. Вячеслав стал гостем шоу-программы «Пусть говорят. Аффтар жжот» на Первом канале; поводом для приглашения стала его пародия на Сергея Лазарева, который незадолго до этого предпринял первую попытку одержать победу на песенном конкурсе Евровидение. Прямо во время эфира к Вячеславу подошёл Алексей Воробьёв и предложил экспромтом изобразить и его, — Макаров исполнил куплет из песни «Сумасшедшая».
Гость развлекательного ток-шоу «Привет, Андрей!» на канале Россия-1 (эфир от 05.05.2018).
Участвовал в командной телеигре «Сто к одному» (Россия-1, эфир от 27.04.2019).
В 2019 году на СТС вышел 2-й сезон развлекательного проекта «Шоу выходного дня», который собрал стендаперов, блогеров, знаменитостей. Комедийный проект поделён на рубрики, состоящие из скетчей, общения со зрителями и музыкальных номеров. За музыкальную составляющую отвечали участники команды КВН «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу» — группа «КамызякиБэнд».
Был гостем еженедельного телевизионного журнала «Однажды…» на НТВ (эфир от 20.03.2020).
Участвовал в интеллектуально-развлекательной игре «Пятеро на одного» (Россия-1, эфир от 11.04.2020).
Был гостем программы «Звёзды сошлись» на НТВ в выпуске, посвящённом окончанию 1-го сезона музыкального шоу «Маска» (эфир от 26.04.2020).
Ведущий II Российской национальной телевизионной премии ТЭФИ-kids-2020, проходившая в Московском театре «Et сetera».
На ежегодном международном конкурсе молодых исполнителей «Детская Новая волна» 2020 Вячеслав Макаров был ведущим совместно с Лерой Кудрявцевой. Также на конкурсе он выступил вместе с группой «4 кадра» со своей авторской песней «Счастье есть».
Летом 2020 г. Вячеслав принял участие в съёмках клипа Анны Плетнёвой (группа «Винтаж») на песню «Новая жизнь», исполнив одну из главных ролей.
Был приглашённым гостем в 1-м выпуске 4-го сезона вокального шоу «Ты супер!» на телеканале НТВ (2020 г.); с участницей шоу Элеонорой Симаковой исполнил песню группы «2Маши» «Мама, я танцую».
Был гостем новогоднего выпуска программы «Однажды…» (НТВ, эфир от 27.12.2020).
Гость программы «Звёзды сошлись» на НТВ в выпуске, посвящённом окончанию 2-го сезона шоу «Маска» (эфир от 02.05.2021).
Принял участие в передаче «Comedy Club» на ТНТ (совместно с Филиппом Киркоровым), выпуск которой был посвящён проекту «Маска» (эфир от 21.05.2021).
Был приглашённым гостем в вокальном шоу «Ты супер! 60+» (НТВ, 2 выпуск, эфир от 23.05.2021).
Гость Международного музыкального проекта НТВ «Ты супер!»; с участницей шоу Елизаветой Седловой исполнил песню «Hello» (эфир от 17.10.2021).
Участник Российского музыкального шоу «Дуэты» на телеканале Россия-1; спел в дуэте с Анной Плетнёвой песню «Плохая девочка» (эфир от 31.10.2021).
Участник юмористического проекта о России и россиянах «Шоу большой страны».
В 2022 году принял участие в шоу «Маска. Танцы» на СТС в образе Пугала. Продержался до второго полуфинала (эфир от 18.12.2022).
Музыка
Сольное творчество
После получения первого музыкального образования в Детской школе искусств и общего образования поступил в технический вуз, где начался профессиональный творческий путь. Во время студенчества Макаров продолжил развивать свои голосовые данные. В КВНе был ответственным за музыкальную часть. В итоге команда становится чемпионом Высшей лиги, а сам Вячеслав был удостоен звания «Золотой голос» КВН.
Выпустил нескольких композиций («Прости», «Ты и Я», «Планеты»), в том числе в соавторстве с композитором, аранжировщиком Данилом Альсеитовым (песни опубликованы на стриминговых площадках), а также клипы. Летом 2019 г. был снят клип на композицию «Ты и Я» на первозданной природе Ямала — на фоне ледника «Романтиков» и в «Нефритовой долине».
В 2019 г. Вячеслав Макаров собрал свою собственную группу — «Makarov Band» с которой активно концертирует.
В составе группы «КамызякиБэнд»
«КамызякиБэнд» — группа, созданная участниками команды КВН «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу» (до 2018 г. группа называлась «Камызякские псы»). Дата создания 12 февраля 2017 г. Стиль группы определяется как «дворовый Rock'n'Rap». В репертуаре группы юмористические сатирические песни.
В 2020 г. вышел дебютный «Симпатичный альбом», презентация которого прошла 15 февраля в Астрахани и 1 марта в Москве. В него вошли новые песни, а также старые хиты группы. Альбом получился разноплановым: композиции в романтическом стиле, в направлениях рок, рэп, несколько «медляков». «Камызяки» отметили, что это не последнее их коллективное творение, и проекты в стиле «дворовый Rock'n'Rap» ещё появятся в будущем.
Синглы
«Планеты» (2019)
«Ты и я» (2019)
«Прости» (2020)
«Счастье есть» (2020)
«Зеркала» (2021)
«Любовь без повода» (feat. Карина Кокс) (2021)
«Королева мейнстрима» (совм. с Винтаж) (2022)
«Твоя история» (2022)
«Посмотри мне в глаза» (2022)
Театр
В 2017 году состоялась премьера музыкально-поэтического проекта «Глухие согласные» в постановке режиссёра Владимира Моташнёва в Культурном центре «Москвич». Вместе с Вячеславом на одной сцене играют: Денис Дорохов («Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу»), Кирилл Лопаткин (команда КВН «Саратов»), актрисы Анастасия Панина, Надежда Сысоева и др.
В 2019 году Вячеслав играл одну из главных ролей в комедии «положений» (роль Славы Макарова), поставленной по оригинальной пьесе Е. Игнатенко «Убийственный шоубиз» (реж. В. Моташнёв). Её премьера состоялась в КЦ «Москвич». Состав спектакля: Вячеслав Макаров, Денис Дорохов, Ренат Мухамбаев (участники команды «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу»), Иван Пышненко («Станция Спортивная»), актрисы Катя Сергеева, Анастасия Масленникова, Виктория Скицкая и др. Идёт гастрольный тур по городам России.
Награды
2008 — Обладатель гран-при III Межрегионального конкурса исполнителей эстрадной песни на приз мэра Астрахани.
2009 — обладатель гран-при IV Международного межвузовского морского фестиваля (Санкт-Петербург).
2010:
1-я премия Ежегодного фестиваля «Российская студенческая весна» (Нальчик);
Обладатель государственной стипендии по поддержке творческой молодёжи.
2013 — лауреат 1-й степени в номинации «Ведущий концертных программ» VIII Межрегионального конкурса исполнителей эстрадной песни и ведущих концертных программ.
2013, 2015 — признан «Золотым голосом» КВН в интернет-голосовании.
2015 — чемпион Высшей лиги КВН в составе команды «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу»
2019 — победитель «Встречи выпускников» КВН в составе команды «Сборная Камызякского края по КВНу» (Екатеринбург)
2019 — обладатель президентского гранта в области поддержки талантливой молодёжи.
Дискография
Синглы
Примечания
Телеведущие НТВ
Телеведущие СТС
Родившиеся в Астрахани
Певцы и певицы России
Певцы и певицы XXI века
Музыканты по алфавиту
Телеведущие России
Телеведущие XXI века
Чемпионы Высшей лиги КВН
Выпускники Астраханского государственного технического университета
|
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Start Reading
About Journey to Britannia
About Bronwen Riley
Table of Contents
www.headofzeus.com
To read this book as the author intended – and for a fuller reading experience – turn on 'original' or 'publisher's font' in your text display options.
PATRI QUI PRIMUS MIHI MONSTRAVIT
VESTIGIA ROMANORUM MATRIQUE
QUAE VIAM PATEFECIT
*
To my father who first showed me
the remains of the Romans in Britain
and to my mother
who made it all possible.
# Contents
Cover
Welcome Page
Display Options Notice
Dedication
List of Maps
INTRODUCTION: Evoking the Past
CHAPTER I: Rome, Heart of Empire
CHAPTER II: Setting Sail from Ostia
CHAPTER III: Through Gaul to Ocean
CHAPTER IV: Arrival in Britannia
CHAPTER V: London, Seat of Power
CHAPTER VI: Westwards to Silchester
CHAPTER VII: Bath, a Tourist Hotspot
CHAPTER VIII: The Fortress and Amphitheatre at Caerleon
CHAPTER IX: A New Forum at Wroxeter, Capital of Cattle Country
CHAPTER X: To the Wall
POSTSCRIPT: Beyond AD 130: People, Politics and Places
Checklist of Latin and English Place Names
Bibliography
Notes to the Text
Acknowledgements
Index
About Journey to Britannia
About Bronwen Riley
An Invitation from the Publisher
Copyright
# List of Maps
The Roman Empire, AD 130
Rome
Britannia
Londinium
Silchester
Caerleon
Hadrian's Wall
# INTRODUCTION
# Evoking the Past
*
BOWNESS-ON-SOLWAY in Cumbria was the north-westernmost limit of Hadrian's Wall. In AD 130 it was also—apart from a handful of outposts north of the Wall—the most north-westerly point of the entire Roman Empire. From here, according to my online route planner, it is a distance of 1486.9 miles (2392.9km) to the Capitoline Hill (Piazza del Campidoglio) in Rome. The itinerary tells me that were I to travel by car, the journey would take 22 hours and 8 minutes.
The suggested route is not, of course, the only way of getting there, simply the most direct, along the fastest roads. Such a concept would have been familiar to the Romans, who used itineraries based on similar principles: routes drawn as a series of straight lines, giving distances between suggested stopping points, with symbols denoting towns, ports, temples and various types of accommodation available along the way.
Motorways now bypass the towns and cities through which the Romans once travelled and the stopping places where they would have sought refreshment for themselves and their horses. Scanning the modern route through England, I look for the Roman towns, forts and settlements that I might pass on my journey and find them straight away. Soon after leaving Bowness-on-Solway (Maia), I would pass by Carlisle (Luguvalium), a Roman military base and later Romano-British town. A little further south in Lancashire, having sped by Lancaster, I would cross the River Ribble, just a few miles west of Ribchester. Both these places were Roman forts, indicated by the -caster and -chester in their modern names: from the Latin castrum, via Old English cæster, by which the Anglo-Saxons denoted a place of Roman origin. What the Romans called Lancaster is unknown, but Ribchester went by the splendid name 'Bremetenacum Veteranorum'. This comes from the Celtic for a roaring river, Bremetona (an apt name, as the Ribble has devoured a third of the fort), and the Latin for 'of the veterans', indicating that soldiers—at one time Sarmatian cavalry originally from the Ukraine and southern Russia—had settled here on retirement.
Just off the M6 Toll Road in Staffordshire is Wall (Letocetum), which provided a well-appointed government rest house or mansio for official travellers on Watling Street, a key military road between the south coast and North Wales. Once on the M1, I would pass by St Albans (Verulamium), a town that came to prominence soon after the conquest thanks to its strategic position north of London on Watling Street and its pro-Roman inhabitants. The rather less amenable Queen of the Iceni, Boudicca, torched the place in AD 61. She did the same to London (Londinium), massacring its citizens and burning the future provincial capital so effectively that it left forever a glaring red scar of burnt clay in the earth, which archaeologists refer to as the 'Boudiccan destruction layer'.
The twenty-first-century route now bypasses London on the M25 and joins the M20 at Dartford, following a much more circuitous way to the coast and the Channel Tunnel south of Dover than the old Roman road. By contrast, Watling Street runs south of London in a no-nonsense line, directly connecting the capital with the ports of Dover (Dubris) and Richborough (Rutupiae) via Canterbury (Durovernum Cantiacorum).
The way in which Rome's tentacles reached even the most out-of-the-way places, in what for the Romans was our really faraway island, never ceases to amaze me, as does the origin of the men and women who ended up here from all corners of the empire. Just down the coast from Bowness-on-Solway, at the fort of Maryport (Alauna) on the Cumbrian coast, Caius Caballius Priscus, born in Verona, was a tribune here between AD 128 and AD 131. Marcus Censorius Cornelianus, from Nîmes in the south of France, served here in AD 132 before being sent to Judaea. Lucius Cammius Maximus, prefect of the camp between AD 133 and AD 135, came from Austria, returning to the region to serve on the Danube. And at some point in the second or third century, Gaius Cornelius Peregrinus, a town councillor from Algeria, prayed for a safe return to his sunny home after his stint as an officer on the north-west frontier.
Over at Corbridge (Coria), just south of Hadrian's Wall, Diodora described herself—in Greek—as a high priestess on the altar she dedicated to the exotic oriental cult of Herakles of Tyre. She probably came from Asia Minor. Further east along the Wall at South Shields (Arbeia), Barates, a Syrian merchant, erected a handsome tombstone in honour of his British wife, a freedwoman called Regina.
Many who came to Britannia as high-ranking officers and officials were cultured and affluent men who enjoyed remarkable careers: men such as the slick and extremely rich Spaniard L. Minicius Natalis, who arrived in Britain in about AD 130 fresh from winning a four-horse chariot race at the Olympic Games. Would he have been appalled by life on this gloomy old island or been thrilled by the hunting, the famously sensitive noses of the hounds, and the archaic skill of the British charioteers who, as late as AD 83, had ridden their war chariots into battle against the Romans at Mons Graupius? It was in thinking about these diverse characters from such varied backgrounds that I began to wonder not just why they came here and what they might have made of this place but how they got here. What means of transport would they have taken? How long would it have taken them to get to Britain? How would they have got about the place when they arrived?
In attempting to evoke a journey to Britain in the Roman period, to capture the flavour of life for any of these people, the first hurdle is to confront the fact that Roman Britain spans a period of more than 450 years—beginning with Julius Caesar's expeditions in 55 and 54 BC. This is the same amount of time that separates the era of Elizabeth I's reign from the the present day. Unsurprisingly during these centuries, both the Roman world and Britain changed profoundly: the Roman Republic fell and 'chief citizens' became emperors. The empire expanded greatly and then was carved up several times over. Christianity triumphed over paganism, and power shifted ever further east, away from Italy until, in AD 330, the Emperor Constantine the Great dedicated Constantinople in his name as the New Rome.
For these reasons a journey in the first or early second centuries would have been profoundly different to one in the third and fourth centuries, featuring personalities from widely different backgrounds, both in terms of their country of origin and their social class. Their journeys would have taken them along different routes, and those travelling in the later period would have had to face more uncertainties, including a greater threat of pirates on the seas and armed conflict on land. Britain was also administered in completely different ways; the province was split in two in the early third century, and into four in the fourth century, and her political and economic organization changed markedly.
In order to evoke a journey as it might have been experienced by any one person, it was therefore necessary to choose a period. There are a number of reasons why I decided on AD 130. It is a time when a most complex and compelling emperor, Hadrian, ruled an empire whose boundaries he was keen to consolidate and delineate, most famously with Hadrian's Wall. He himself spent several years of his reign travelling through the empire and visited Britain in AD 122. It was at this time that he gave the orders to build the Wall, and he very possibly stimulated the construction of many other monumental buildings in the province, the remains of which may still be seen today. By AD 130 the main towns and cities of Britain were established, conforming more or less to a Roman model, albeit with some idiosyncratic flourishes. Both the Wall and other monumental civic building projects were well under way. We also know—and this is rare for most of the Roman period in Britain—the names of several high-ranking officials who served in the province in the early 130s and who may have overlapped: the governor Sextus Julius Severus (in Britain AD 130–133); the aforementioned Minicius Natalis, who took up his post as legionary legate in command of the Legion VI Victrix based at York (Eboracum) at about the same time; and Maenius Agrippa, who is thought to have been appointed 'prefect of the British fleet' (praefectus classis Britanniae) in the early 130s.
In this period, Rome was still the radiant centre of imperial power, the city where both the emperor and the ruling class needed to have a base and the place from which many high-ranking officials would have set out at the start of their postings to the provinces. It is the city that provided a model for the provincial towns and cities of the empire. To understand what was happening in a place like Britain in the second century, one must first glimpse the shape of things in Rome. And although people coming to live and work in Britain in the AD 130s would have arrived by diverse routes, many of them from places outside Italy, Rome was still the measure of all things, which is why this journey begins in the heart of the imperial capital.
Bearing in mind the fact that for this period and place there is simply not enough evidence to piece together an exact journey made by one particular person, I have attempted to reconstruct a journey as it might have unfolded at this time using what literary and archaeological evidence we have. For reasons of fluency and readability I have tried to limit the many potential 'might haves', 'probablys' and 'possiblys', but I hope that speculation, doubt or dissent is adequately treated in the footnotes and endnotes, which will enable interested readers to follow up the relevant sources and arguments.
I have had to be very selective about the places I mention to avoid this becoming a gazetteer and have tried to choose sites where there is a significant Hadrianic story, and which contain good examples of a particular type of building of the period, or where a theme can best be exemplified. It has been difficult to leave out some towns beyond the briefest mention, but places such as York and Cirencester (Corinium), together with many significant villas, for example, have at present more to tell us about the later history than Hadrian's era. St Albans, a key town on major routes north and east of London, figures greatly in the early and late Roman periods, but the record is quieter in the second century.
That said, one of the excitements of Roman history in Britain is that archaeological discoveries are constantly being made, which sometimes add a piece to the puzzle and occasionally show that two pieces have previously been fitted together in entirely the wrong way. Recent discoveries at Maryport mean that many books on Roman military history will have to be rewritten. At Colchester (Camulodunum)—the first provincial capital of Britain, which figures so greatly in the early conquest period—Britain's only known Roman circus or racetrack has recently been discovered. One of the many pleasures and excitements of writing this book has been hearing of new discoveries, and then thinking about how they could help inform the narrative.
One of the major problems with writing about any period of Roman British history is the paucity of evidence and fragmentary nature of our sources. Most of what we know about Roman Britain is based on archaeological evidence. The main written sources for Hadrian's reign are from later: the flaky but titillating Historia Augusta (fourth century) and the account in the third-century Roman History of Cassius Dio, which only survives in a much later, abridged form. In both, only the odd sentence refers directly to Britain. For the second century, however, we do at least have several works of literature written by authors who were contemporary with Hadrian, or one generation removed. Tacitus, who was possibly still alive in the early part of Hadrian's reign, offers our best written source for Britain in the first century, in the Annals and Histories, and in his biography of his father-in-law Agricola, who was governor of Britain for an unusually lengthy period between AD 77 and AD 83. The Letters of Pliny the Younger (c. AD 61–113) supply us with an enormous amount of information about the character, interests and career of an upper-class Roman who served as governor of a Roman province under Hadrian's predecessor Trajan—albeit on the other side of the empire, in Bithynia. Arrian, too, who is contemporary with Hadrian, also gives us a few snippets about his time as governor of Cappadocia in the early 130s, although he is rather more informative about hounds and hunting—the great passions of the emperor and of many army officers throughout the empire, including those in Britain. And Suetonius Tranquillus, author of the entertaining Lives of the Caesars became Hadrian's chief secretary (ab epistulis), although he was later sacked.
Writing about Roman Britain, as has been said many times, is like trying to fit together a complicated jigsaw puzzle when most of the pieces are missing. For one thing, the story is very one-sided—practically all from the Roman point of view. The British before the conquest did not have the literary habit: whatever laws, histories, songs and poems they might have had were passed on by means of an oral rather than a written tradition. Even after the Romans arrived, they do not seem to have taken to writing, or at least not for the purposes of erecting monumental inscriptions. Of those inscriptions that survive from Britain, only the tiniest fraction commemorate native Britons; for the most part it is the incoming soldiers, merchants and their families whose names are inscribed on tombstones, altars and buildings on the island. In the third century, even the military inscriptions dry up.
Miraculously preserved, though, in the boggy conditions of Northumberland and Cumbria, and discovered primarily at Vindolanda, just south of Hadrian's Wall, are letters written on pieces of wood. They give wonderful everyday details of life on the frontier, albeit often in tantalizing fragments. The letters span the period from the AD 90s to the 120s and complement other letters with similar details of daily life in the army found in dumps of papyri thousands of miles away in Egypt. Excitingly, work continues on the Vindolanda tablets and others recently found in London. We also have hundreds of lead and pewter curse tablets, such as those, mainly from the third century, that were thrown into the thermal waters of Aquae Sulis (Bath), together with a substantial number of second- and third-century curses deposited at a shrine at Uley, Gloucestershire. Here, at last, even if through the most fragmentary filter, we can hear the voices of ordinary people, sometimes with distinctively Celtic names. Their odd spellings and grammar and use of colloquial words give a thrilling, but fleeting, insight into the idiosyncratic and accented way in which they might have used the imported Latin language.
These disgruntled individuals at Bath were visiting the only place in Britain to have made it into any sort of international guide. Unlike Egypt and Greece, this remote province was not one of the empire's touristic hotspots. Like Julius Severus and Minicius Natalis, most travellers to Britain came here strictly for business rather than pleasure. It took courage to travel such a distance. According to the second-century jurist Ulpian, the hazards of travel included being killed by bandits, having the inn you are staying in collapse on top of you, and being run over by a cart. To these perils, any traveller to Britain might have added the dangers of crossing Oceanus, that immeasurable expanse of sea full of monsters and unfathomable tides at the ends of the earth.
Having made such a perilous journey, what awaited the second-century traveller on arrival on Britannia's shores? Expectations, as far as we can tell, seem to have been low. The natives were considered to be uncultured and generally unpromising, though their plain clothes were of most excellent quality wool and their hunting hounds were deemed to be effective, if unprepossessing in looks. The climate, too, left much to be desired. Here was a place where the rain fell, the sun was seldom seen, and a thick mist was said to rise from the marshes 'so that the atmosphere in the country is always gloomy'.
Welcome to Britannia, AD 130.
BRONWEN RILEY
# I
# Rome, Heart of Empire
Ἄγεται δὲ ἐκ πάσης γῆς καὶ θαλάττης ὅσα ὧραι φύουσιν καὶ χῶραι ἕκασται φέρουσιν καὶ ποταμοὶ καὶ λίμναι καὶ τέχναι Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων· ὥστε εἴ τις ταῦτα πάντα ἐπιδεῖν βούλοιτο, δεῖ αὺτον ἢ πάσαν ἐπελθόντα τὴν οἰκουμένην οὕτω·θεάσασθαι ἢ ἐν τῇδε τῇ πολει γενόμενον.
Here is brought from every land and sea all the crops of the seasons and the produce of each land, river, lake, as well as of the arts of the Greeks and the barbarians, so that if someone should wish to view all these things, he must either see them by travelling over the whole world or be in this city.
AELIUS ARISTIDES, On Rome
(Oration XXVI.11)
*
IT IS APRIL, AD 130. Rome is the teeming capital of an empire that stretches from the blustery north-western shores of Britain to the fringes of Mesopotamia, 2,500 miles to the east, and as far south as Africa and the desert of the Sahara. The Roman Empire's boundaries extend from the ocean where the sun god rises to the ocean where he sinks. Publius Aelius Hadrianus, a most complex and compelling man, has been emperor for fourteen years.
All over Rome, as all over her empire, people, animals and produce are on the move. Along roads, rivers and seas—a vast network stretching tens of thousands of miles—men and women of every age and class are travelling through towns, ports, provinces and continents. Many are soldiers, employed in their manifold imperial duties, or merchants and craftsmen, off to sell their goods or services abroad. Other people are travelling at leisure, full of expectation for the marvels they are to see in two of the empire's most popular tourist destinations: Egypt and Greece. The Emperor Hadrian is particularly attached to Greece, where he spent much of the past year. This summer he is due to arrive in Egypt, where he will stay for the rest of the year. Hadrian travels the empire constantly. This year alone, he wintered in Antioch, visited Palmyra in early spring, and is currently making his way through Arabia and Judaea.
Less happy to be travelling are the slaves being brought to market, to be bought and sold in shame; and the wild animals, captured as far away as Caledonia and Africa, being shipped in great numbers to meet their miserable fates (together with condemned criminals) in amphitheatres around the empire. Performers of various types and abilities are also on the road—bands of hired gladiators, celebrity charioteers and the imperial troupes of approved pantomimi or dancers and mime artists, who are off to play Italy and the provinces. Groups of slave prostitutes are being taken to ply their trade at religious festivals, where carefree tourists, with holiday money in their bags and belts, offer rich pickings for their pimps. Touts, pickpockets, dodgy guides and souvenir-sellers, who congregate around temple boundaries in large numbers on high days and holidays, are also the hopeful beneficiaries of the sightseers' largesse.
Among those travelling to more legitimate purpose is Sextus Julius Severus, who has been appointed the new governor of Britannia. Rated as one of Hadrian's best generals, he will need to travel across the entire continent to take up his post, for he has been serving as governor of Moesia Inferior, a province that has the shore of the Pontus Euxinus (the Black Sea) as its eastern border. One of the most dashing young men to take leave of Rome for Britannia at this time is L. Minicius Natalis the Younger. He has been appointed legionary legate in command of the VI Victrix Legion at Eboracum (York).*1 Now in his early thirties, he was born in Barcino (Barcelona), in the province of Hispania Tarraconensis, where his fabulously rich family has recently erected a large public baths complex. He is a keen sportsman who, only last year, won the four-horse chariot race at the 227th Olympic Games.
Minicius Natalis also holds a number of offices in prestigious religious colleges, including that of augur, which holds huge social cachet. He is of senatorial rank (for which there is a property qualification of 1 million sestertii) and his family move in the highest social circles. As a teenager, he served on one of the most socially prestigious boards of magistrates in Rome, the tresviri monetales, which oversees the mint, and his early senatorial appointments were marked by the emperor's favour. Natalis's family have an estate less than 20 miles east of Rome, at fashionable Tibur (Tivoli), where Hadria has nearly finished building his own breathtaking 900-roomed palace, the Villa Tiburtina.
HADRIAN'S IMPERIAL CITY
Most people, especially those embarking on a journey, get up early to make the most of the daylight hours. In Rome at this time of the year, the first hour of the day is about 6.30am. In winter, the first hour, which is reckoned by the time the sun rises, will be nearer 7.30am—although no one can give you the precise time, should you stop to ask. It is true that some people carry pocket sun-dials and have water-clocks as status symbols (and the fancier the better); but it is rare to find one device that runs to the same time as another, and most people find the position of the sun in the sky and the length of the shadows enough to guide them through the hours of the day. Everyone, rich or poor, needs to make the most of daylight hours when artificial light comes only from the flicker of an oil lamp or a smoking torch.
Time may be measured imprecisely, but there is still a sense of urgency and a huge amount of noise. With a million inhabitants, Rome is the largest city in the world. The majority of its populace lives packed together in the 46,000 or so apartment blocks (insulae) that glower over narrow streets. The insulae in the poorer areas look—and are—distinctly unsafe, jerry-built by unscrupulous landlords who cram in the tenants but fail to maintain the properties, which are constant fire hazards. This is despite the best efforts of successive emperors to at least limit the heights of buildings in Rome—to 21 metres (70 feet), by Emperor Augustus, and more recently to 18 metres (60 feet), by Emperor Trajan, enough for a four-storey apartment block plus attic space.
The streets are already busy. Among the earliest to rise are schoolchildren, accompanied by slaves. If it is the Ides of the month—the 13th or 15th day (depending on whether it is a short or long month; April is short)—they will carry money to pay their impecunious teachers. Other Romans hurry, tickets (tesserae) in hand, to the Portico of Minucia, hoping to get there before the queue for the privilege of the corn dole becomes too big.
The elaborate litters of the rich, carried by six or so bearers who are skilled at barging their way through the throng of pedestrians, have not yet surfaced; but the crowds on the street still have to compete for space with laden mules and wagons dangerously overloaded with building materials—wood and brick and marble. Although there is a ban on vehicles in Rome during the day (which makes for rather noisy late afternoons and evenings), wagons carrying material for work on public buildings are exempt. Since Hadrian came to power, in AD 117, he has instigated enormous architectural projects in the city and elsewhere, building monuments to assert his taste, authority and vision of imperial rule as quickly and as magnificently as possible. For the past hundred years or so, emperors keen to leave their mark and assert the validity of their dynasties on the Senate and populace have transformed Rome. The first emperor, Augustus (r. 27 BC to AD 14), claimed to have found the city made of brick and left it made of marble; his (at times) deranged successors have all tried to emulate or outdo him.
Hadrian's immediate predecessor, Trajan, built his grand forum at the very heart of Rome. This magnificent complex of buildings includes baths, markets, a library and the famous column (over 38 metres/126 feet high), whose frieze tells the dramatic story of Trajan's campaign against the Dacians which ended in crushing victory in AD 106. Hadrian has at present no wars to commemorate monumentally. Instead, he has been creating a landscape all over Rome, and across the empire, that affirms him not only as Trajan's heir—and his family as worthy rulers—but as a successor to Augustus, whom he emulates above all. Hadrian uses a portrait of Augustus as his personal seal and keeps a small bronze bust of him as a boy among the images of household gods in his bedchamber. As Augustus did, so Hadrian is adopting a policy of consolidation in the empire and is attempting to raise standards of morality and discipline in public life. He is, likewise, keenly aware of the power of architecture in projecting a political message, and nowhere does Hadrian demonstrate the promotion of his family more strikingly, not to say surprisingly, than in the construction of a gigantic new temple to his deified mother-in-law, Matidia, who died in AD 119.
As new monuments are erected, the legacy of former emperors is swept away. It took twenty-four elephants to remove Nero's 9-metre (30-foot) bronze statue of Helios the sun god, which had been erected outside the entrance to his notorious Domus Aurea (Golden House), for which Nero had demolished countless people's houses and businesses. Now, up on the Velian Hill at the eastern end of the forum, and just north of the Via Sacra (Sacred Way), the Temple of Venus and Roma is rising in its stead, on a massive platform measuring 145 by 100 metres (475 × 330 feet). Although it was inaugurated nine years ago, in AD 121, it will not be completed for several years.
To accompany the temple, Hadrian has also transformed an ancient festival, the Parilia, into a new one, the Romaia, a cult to commemorate Rome's birthday (Natalis Urbis Romae). The event is celebrated on 21 April, just one of the 159 days a year when one can expect to see processions and games in the city marking one cult or other. It is an anniversary celebrated throughout the empire, nowhere more solemnly than by the army, which steadfastly maintains Rome's traditions wherever stationed. Every year, in celebrating this birthday, dutiful soldiers dedicate altars and carry out sacrifices in honour of Roma Aeterna, even in the remotest parts of distant Britannia, in outpost forts north of Hadrian's great Wall.
Of all the innovation in building and engineering now taking place, Hadrian's newly rebuilt Pantheon is pre-eminent. Its massive unreinforced concrete dome is twice as big as any other in existence. Lying south-west of the new temple to Matidia, and abutting the elegant Saepta Iulia shopping district, it is approached across an exquisite square paved in travertine and surrounded by raised porticoes with columns of grey Egyptian granite, crowned with white marble capitals. The Pantheon itself is raised on a platform above the square and approached up two flights of steps, with a fountain on either side. The monolithic columns supporting its portico are 40 Roman feet high (almost 12 metres), made of marble quarried in the eastern desert of Upper Egypt. The interior dazzles with coloured marbles and stones: porphyry from Egypt, serpentine from the Greek Peloponnese, giallo antico from Numidia (Tunisia). Here are statues of the imperial family and the gods, arranged in such a way that the beam of light pouring through the central oculus is said to highlight each one on their feast day.
Hadrian has also been making his architectural mark outside Rome. On visiting Britannia for a few months in AD 122, he seems to have sparked something of a building boom there as well. Ambitious fora and basilica are now being constructed throughout that province, mini-Romes going up in this far-flung place—not only in Londinium (London), the province's main city, but also at smaller towns such as Calleva Atrebatum (Silchester) and Viroconium Cornoviorum (Wroxeter). And, stretching across the northern boundaries of Britannia is the great Wall bearing Hadrian's name, which separates the Romans from the barbarians. During the course of his reign, over a hundred cities throughout the empire east and west, north and south, will benefit from his personal attention, most notably his beloved Athens. From sweltering Africa to shivering Britannia, architecture serves everywhere to reinforce the union of state, religion and soldiery.
In the next month or so in Judaea, very possibly with Hadrian present at its foundation ceremony, a new and highly controversial city, Colonia Aelia Capitolina, will be instigated at the site of the legionary fortress built on the destroyed city of Hierosylma (Jerusalem). It will take Hadrian's family name, Aelius, and that of the god he closely associates with, Capitoline Jupiter, for whose great temple on the Capitoline Hill in Rome the Jews have been paying the levy they once contributed to their own temple until it was razed when Jerusalem was sacked in AD 70. There will soon be far-reaching repercussions for the Jews, for the Romans—and for Britannia's newly appointed governor, Sextus Julius Severus.
To service the current building boom, huge quantities of construction materials are being transported in ships, barges and wagons throughout the empire. In Rome, cranes and scaffolding can be seen everywhere. Workshops have sprung up all over the place, some of them specialising in different types of marble, others in specific architectural details: three alone are devoted to producing capitals for public buildings in the city, and skilled craftsmen have been brought in from Greece and Asia Minor to help.
The vast quantities of white and coloured marble that are needed for Rome's imperial and other building work are shipped in from Turkey, Greece, Tunisia and Egypt. They arrive at Rome's great harbour at the mouth of the Tiber, Portus Ostiensis. The marble is transported by barge as required, first on a canal, the Fossa Traiana, which links Portus with the Tiber, and then up-river to the foot of Rome's most southerly hill, the Aventine. Here, vessels arrive at Emporium, the ancient river port of Rome. Boats and barges moor along the whole 500-metre (1,640-foot) length of its wharf, which is accessed by steps and ramps that descend to the river. Behind it stands the massive Portico of Aemilia, which serves as a monumentally splendid depot for the huge number of goods arriving here. The entire plain is crammed full of buildings, especially warehouses storing the food, such as grain and olive oil, that serves the voracious and subsidized appetites of the population of Rome.*2
At the southern end of the Emporium, behind the Portico of Aemilia and the state warehouses, carts laden with broken pots can be seen ascending the ramp up the Mons Testaceus (Monte Testaccio). This 'mountain of potsherds' is a gigantic rubbish dump of discarded olive-oil amphorae. Olive oil—a fundamental ingredient of Roman culture—is used not only for cooking but also as fuel for lamps, and it takes the place of soap in the baths. Up to 95 per cent of the broken pots being deposited here come from Baetica, in south-western Spain. Smashed up after their contents have been decanted into other vessels, they are then doused in lime to disguise the smell of the rancid oil seeping into the clay, which makes them useless for recycling.
Many Spanish olive-oil merchants have amassed great wealth and considerable power, organizing themselves into formidable trade organizations complete with influential patrons in Rome. For some time now, the Spanish elite, such as Minicius Natalis and his family, have done much more than set up advantageous business deals and trading associations. They have used their vast fortunes to wield political power and influence. Even by the time of the Italian Flavian dynasty (emperors Vespasian, Titus and Domitian), at the end of the first century AD, something like a quarter of the Roman Senate was of Spanish origin. And now two successive emperors, Trajan and Hadrian, have themselves come from Spanish families, the Ulpii and the Aelii.
Although many senators now come from outside Italy, they are nevertheless expected to keep official residences in Rome and are required to gain permission from the emperor should they wish to travel abroad. Trajan decreed that all Roman senators had to invest one-third of their property in Italy, so it is no surprise that rich provincials like Minicius Natalis's family, with their place near Hadrian's palace at Tibur, have acquired considerable estates, especially in the area around Rome.
ROME AND BRITANNIA
Unlike Spanish goods, British products of any description are a rare sight in the empire's capital. Shoppers are daily seduced by dazzling wares for sale from within the empire's borders, and even from beyond them too—exquisite Chinese silk, Arabian spices, jewels from India; Rome is awash with Greek and Gallic wine, and Romans can choose whether Belgian or Spanish ham makes the better accompaniment. But if asked whether they can identify any British products, Roman consumers might be stumped for an answer. Slaves, blankets or rush baskets (bascaudae) perhaps? Roman gourmands are said to enjoy oysters from Kent but this may be a poetical joke at their expense rather than proof that British shellfish is readily available in Rome.
Curiosities and collectors' items from the remote island are few. In the first century BC, Propertius the poet described Augustus's friend and ally, the rich aesthete Maecenas, riding around in a painted British chariot outside Rome. If such vehicles are still on the market, they will surely appeal to a dashing character like Minicius Natalis, for his passion is breeding and racing horses, which he does with great success: he is the first (known) Spaniard to have won at the Olympic Games. Following his triumph there last year, he made a votive offering of his victorious chariot and had it mounted near the Hippodrome at Olympus.
When Julius Caesar first landed in Britain, in 55 BC, he marvelled at the British charioteers who were able to run along the chariot pole, stand on the yoke and then jump back into the chariot with lightning speed. He admired, too, their ability to retain control of their horses at full gallop down a steep slope and to rein them in and turn them in an instant. But that was some 170 years ago, and although chariots were used against the Romans by the Caledonians at the Battle of Mons Graupius in AD 83 it is unlikely that the warriors of conquered Britannia were allowed to retain their war chariots for anything other than ceremonial use. Despite their literary fame, neither British horses nor their riders appear on Rome's racetracks. Most of the successful horses to race in the city come from countries where the climate is dry and the going is sandy or rocky—conditions that produce the hard hooves that are essential for racing.
So many foreigners have settled in Rome—often creating their own distinctive neighbourhoods—that it can sometimes seem as though whole populations have emigrated here en masse. The British, however, seem to be less successful than other provincials at cultivating contacts and patrons in the capital. As with their exports, few of these immigrants come from Britannia. Thus, while men such as Minicius Natalis or Julius Severus will have encountered in their careers plenty of Britons serving as auxiliary troops in the army, scattered across the empire, the British remain a much rarer sight on the capital's streets than the large numbers of rich Spaniards, learned Greeks, or Gallic and Syrian merchants who have settled in the city or who trade with it. Rarer still—practically non-existent—are Britons who have made it to the top rungs of Roman society as senators.
Years ago, before Britannia's conquest by Emperor Claudius in AD 43, certain British kings sent embassies to Augustus and paid court to him in Rome, even setting up votive offerings on the Capitoline Hill. Augustus received two British kings: Tincommius, who ruled territory south of the River Thames; and Dubnovellaunus, whose kingdom lay north of the river, with a major centre at Verulamium (St Albans) and stronghold at Camulodunum (Colchester).*3 In the end, Augustus wisely decided to leave Britannia alone, although connections were maintained. As was the custom with other peoples from the fringes of empire, during those embassies and submissions to Rome the British probably left their sons as hostages in the great city, where they would have acquired a smattering of Roman tastes, manners and language and received training in the Roman army. Southern British rulers benefited from all manner of imported goods: food, drink and olive oil, as well as luxurious items of clothing, decoration and furniture. They also gained some knowledge of Latin, if only enough to write their names and status (rex) on the coins they began to mint.
It was the flight of Verica, a client king from southern Britain, to the court of Claudius in AD 41 that provided the emperor with a pretext for invasion. Claudius himself, accompanied by elephants, spent all of sixteen days in Britannia during the conquest two years later, arriving conveniently in time to capture Camulodunum and thereafter receive the submission of many kings. On his return to Rome he celebrated his magnificent triumph, to which he invited the governors of all the provinces. Among the proudest tokens of his victory was a naval crown: he set it on the gable of the Palatium (Palace) next to the civic crown, to show that he had not only crossed the terrifying Oceanus but also conquered it. He and his son were awarded the title 'Britannicus', a title by which his son became known.
The conquest of Britannia was also celebrated in more concrete terms. Within a year or so of Claudius's triumph, few citizens of the Roman Empire could have been unaware of his victory. In Aphrodisias, in the province of Asia (Turkey), Britannia's fall was commemorated in a marble relief depicting Claudius—in a pose of heroic aggression—brutally tugging back the hair of a distraught, personified Britannia, who lies on the ground, her face staring pitifully at the viewer. Her short slave's tunic has come adrift, rising up her bare legs and exposing one of her breasts; in vain she tries to adjust it with her one free arm. Commemorative coins were also struck throughout the empire, some no doubt still in circulation in Hadrian's time. In Rome, a series of aurei and denarii was issued with Claudius's portrait on one side. A victory arch surmounted by a rider with trophies and the words 'de Britannis' running across the architrave of the arch appeared on the reverse. In Caesarea, in Cappadocia, a silver didrachm was struck with Claudius riding a triumphal chariot on the reverse and that phrase 'de Britannis', below it.*4
Two arches were constructed to commemorate Claudius's victory, one in Gesoriacum (Boulogne), from where he had set sail to Britannia, and the other in Rome. Unusually, the Arch of Claudius in Rome was integrated into the structure of the Aqua Virgo aqueduct, which Claudius had restored magnificently. The arch was erected at the point where the aqueduct crossed the Via Lata (Broad Way).*5 The dedication of the Roman arch, some nine years after the conquest of Britain, took place in the same year, AD 51, as the spectacular capture of the British leader Caratacus, son of King Cunobelinus, who was brought in chains to Rome. During the time of Claudius's invasion, Caratacus had become the dominant British leader, providing a focus of resistance to the Romans. His tactics of guerrilla warfare had proved so effective that he had managed seriously to harass the Romans for nine years. In the end, however, he had been forced to make a desperate last stand in the territory of the fierce Ordovices in North Wales.
Here, he was decisively defeated by the Roman governor, Publius Ostorius Scapula, and his wife, daughter and brothers were captured. Caratacus himself managed to slip through the net one more time. He fled further north, seeking refuge with Cartimandua, Queen of the Brigantes—who promptly threw him in chains and handed him over to the Romans. His story seized the Roman imagination. The historian Tacitus related the whole gripping episode, describing how the fame of Caratacus 'sailed over the islands and travelled through the neighbouring provinces to Italy... Everyone wanted to see the man who had defied us. The name of Caratacus was even known at Rome.'
When the captive Caratacus and his family arrived in Rome, Claudius, who never needed an excuse to put on a show, invited the populace to see this notorious prisoner. Soldiers of the Praetorian Guard stood at arms outside their camp, while booty from Britain was put on display—horse trappings and torcs, typically barbarian Celtic items of treasure, guaranteed to send a shiver down the spines of the populace of Rome. Next, Caratacus's brothers, wife and daughter were brought forward. They were extremely frightened and showed it. But when Caratacus stood before the emperor's tribunal (platform), he did so proudly and delivered the following speech, according to Tacitus:
If my moderation in prosperity had been equal to my birth and fortune, you would not have thought it beneath your dignity to receive a descendant of illustrious ancestors, ruling over many peoples. My present fate is as repugnant to me as it is magnificent to you. I had horses, men, arms and wealth. How astonishing is it, that I was unwilling to lose them? For if you wish to rule over everyone, does it follow that everyone is to accept servitude? If I had immediately been given up and handed over, neither my ill fortune nor your glory would have found fame and my death would have been followed by oblivion: but if you were to save me unharmed, I will be an eternal example of your clemency.
It is not known what Caratacus's exact words were, nor whether he spoke Latin or through an interpreter.*6 But whatever Caratacus really said, upon hearing his words Claudius pardoned him, together with his wife and brothers.
Tacitus implied that Caratacus was exhibited outside the Praetorian Camp, in the north-eastern part of the city; but Claudius's new victory arch surely played a part in the proceedings. It would have provided a theatrical architectural backdrop, its friezes of Romans fighting barbarians and a procession of the Praetorian Guard mirroring the living tableaux below of conquered natives, barbaric treasures and stalwart Roman soldiers.
It is not known what then happened to Caratacus, but another no-doubt apocryphal story describes him wandering about the city after being pardoned. Beholding Rome's size and splendour, he is said to have exclaimed: 'How can you, who have such possessions and so many of them covet our poor tents?' It is unknown how long Caratacus stayed in the capital and where he died; but in Hadrian's time it is conceivable that there are still people in Rome who, even if they were too young to remember Caratacus's appearance in chains 75 years before, came across him in subsequent years.
With so few Britons apparently in Rome, and Britannia so far away, travellers to the province, such as its new governor, must rely for information on the eyewitness accounts and written reports of returning officials, merchants and soldiers. Julius Severus has no previous personal connection with the north-western provinces. All his foreign postings to date have been east of Rome—although he will have encountered Britons serving in Dacia while governor of Dacia Superior in AD 119–125. Dacia, like Britannia, has proved a troublesome place, dangerous because of its position on the edge of empire, with barbarian forces to its north and east.
Now in his early forties, Severus comes from the colony of Aequum (near Sinj), in Dalmatia. His family are evidently of senatorial rank and well connected in Rome. In common with other boys of his background, he was very likely sent to the capital to finish his education and ensure an early introduction into Roman society, so that he could meet eminent patrons to put forward his name for the right sort of job.*7 Despite his obscure origins, the strategy evidently worked. Severus was elected, aged about seventeen or eighteen, to one of four boards of minor magistrates of the city. He was a quattuorviri viarum curandarum, one of four magistrates who, together with the more senior aediles, were responsible for the maintenance and cleanliness of Rome's streets.*8 While this job may not have been quite as socially prestigious as the mint on which Minicius Natalis served, it was nonetheless a route to high office.
Severus has enjoyed imperial favour from early in his career. He served under the governor of Macedonia as quaestor, the first office available to young men on taking up their place in the Senate at the age of twenty-four. As a 'Candidate of Caesar', Severus was again backed by the emperor for the prestigious post of Tribune of the Plebs, a position that required him to be based in Rome. At around the age of thirty, he returned as praetor to command the Legion XIV Gemina, stationed at Carnuntum on the banks of the River Danube in Pannonia Superior (Lower Austria, between Vienna and Bratislava), a legion he had served as a callow military tribune. Few men return to command their old legions—perhaps because unforgiving career soldiers, signed up for twenty-five years, are all too ready to reminisce about any slip-ups they made as junior officers.*9
The XIV Gemina 'Twin' Legion took part in the invasion of Britannia, where its men helped to destroy the Druids and their sacred groves on the isle of Anglesey in AD 61. Their victory over Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni, in the same year—following her butchery of the inhabitants of Camulodunum, Londonium and Verulamium—earned the legion its title of 'Martia Victrix' (Victorious by Grace of Mars), and later Nero singled it out as his best legion. By now, unless there are some ninety-year-old veterans of the legion still around, there will be no one left alive who witnessed those bloodcurdling scenes in Britannia, and Severus will need to familiarize himself with the province through official records and first-hand accounts from those men who have served there more recently.
One man with such insight is Marcus Maenius Agrippa. Originally from Camerinum (Camerino, in the Italian Marches), Agrippa has been commanding a British auxiliary unit, the Cohort II Flavia Brittonum, in Severus's current province of Moesia Inferior; he also has first-hand experience of Britannia itself. Agrippa served as tribune of the Cohort I Hispanorum at Alauna (Maryport), a fort on Britannia's north-west coast, just south of Hadrian's Wall, and earlier took part in a military campaign on the island, almost certainly in the north. He is personally acquainted with Hadrian, and three years ago even acted as host to the emperor, probably at Camerinum. Severus may well have had a hand in the promotion of Maenius Agrippa to prefect of the British fleet.
Despite the insights that can be gleaned from old hands like Maenius Agrippa, general background information about Britannia's native population seems to be patchy, poetic and neither particularly well informed nor up-to-date. Romans have a disconcerting habit of recycling old information and perpetuating stereotypes in their geographies and histories. The attitude seems to be that if a topic has been covered by writers in the past, then the research has been done and all that remains is to collate it.
For the educated Roman who reads his Horace and Virgil, Britannia represents the remotest shore, the untamed and unknown; there is a frisson of danger about it. Although the tentacles of Roman administration—via the army—have now reached into just about every corner of the province, and the island has been scrupulously measured and recorded, at least in terms of potential revenue, the inhabitants of the island are not necessarily more deeply understood. Occasionally, the British are represented in literature as proud and noble as a means by which writers can criticise contemporary Roman life, with its taste for unmanly vices, excessive consumption and spoiling luxury. But the Britons are always presented as almost impossibly remote and somewhat uncouth, their bodies tattooed with patterns and pictures of all kinds of animals. This viewpoint is more than a literary topos and is reflected in reality. Serving officers on Hadrian's Wall refer to the British disparagingly as 'Brittunculi' (or 'Britlings') in the second century. Clearly they have not progressed very much in their view of the native inhabitants since the days of the orator Cicero, who joked during Julius Caesar's expedition to Britannia in 54 BC, 'I don't suppose you're expecting any of them to be accomplished in literature or music.'
WHAT TO PACK FOR BRITANNIA
With such thoughts in mind, cultured travellers bound for Britannia might well be keen to take some decent reading material with them, not to mention those small treats and necessary luxuries that they would be assured of in other, more civilized, parts of the empire. The Letters of Pliny the Younger (c. AD 61–113) were available in the bookshops of cosmopolitan Lugdunum (Lyon), in Gaul, during his lifetime; but who knows what will be on offer—if anything—in Britannia? As this is not the kind of place to which friends can pop over easily, and it takes at least a month for letters, let alone packages, to arrive in Britannia from Italy, it may be advisable to stock up before you go. Affluent travellers from Rome can choose to make a last-minute trip to the luxurious shops in the huge porticoed piazza of Saepta Iulia, east of the Pantheon, adorned with paintings and sculptures. Selecting what and how much to take can be tricky. It is not done to be too overladen or flashy, of course. Having the kind of luggage which looks as though it has been around a bit and can be jostled without harm is better than being seen with the excessive bags of the novus homo (nouveau riche).
A basic traveller's requisites can still, though, be considerable. During the First Jewish War (AD 66–73), the senior officers' baggage train formed a separate part of the Roman army's marching order and included members of their private households—slaves, freedmen, family members—as well as a change of horses, pack animals, portable bathing equipment and mobile kitchens. For a serving army officer or government official, it is certainly important to have the right clothes. Officers are expected to have a proper mess kit, which includes dining capes and scarves, being required to wear appropriate attire at dinner, even in that most remote outpost of Britannia.
Men of the world, such as Minicius Natalis and Julius Severus, can be relied upon to be properly equipped; but as the new governor of Britannia, Severus is subject to certain specific rules and allowances. Years before, in order to cut down on extravagances and make savings on the public purse, the Emperor Augustus introduced a fixed 'mule-and-tent' allowance for provincial governors. This replaced a system by which they contracted baggage handlers and then charged them to the Public Treasury.*10 While away on tour, especially for a posting that will be for three years or more, the prudent should also think about what they will leave behind. They need to put items into storage for safe keeping, including furniture, clothing and medicines.
As well as rules about what to pack, there are certain regulations about when to go. Emperor Claudius had decreed that governors who were appointed by lot (that is, to senatorial provinces) should leave Rome before 1 April, though this deadline was extended to mid-April; governors had apparently been in the habit of hanging about in Rome too long. Perhaps, in their tardiness, some had missed the official start of their posting on 1 July. An April departure from Rome should give everyone plenty of time to reach even far-off provinces comfortably, as well as the opportunity to make diversions to see friends, or visit estates, on the way. Unless there is an emergency, imperial governors going to distant provinces will set out at the same sort of time in spring, when the sea is officially open again after the winter.
Governors travelling to an imperial province such as Britannia, however, are subject to different rules to those of senatorial provinces, as the former take their instructions from the emperor. A new imperial governor such as Severus is appointed formally by letter, in a codicillus issued directly by the emperor, and the new incumbent will correspond directly with his emperor while abroad, ruling the province on his behalf. In Julius Severus's case, he may conceivably have taken leave of Hadrian in person while the emperor was wintering in Antioch.*11
All returning governors and procurators are obliged to leave their provinces as soon as their successors arrive and to travel to Rome without delay, to arrive back within three months of departure. Leaving a province in early July will enable them to get back in time to oversee the grape harvest at their estates in September, when the majority of the Senate is absent from Rome. Quaestors and other officials follow the same sort of timetable, leaving their posts in the provinces at the end of the 'proconsular' year (that is, at the end of June/start of July). Governors of senatorial provinces—who wear civilian clothes and are not permitted to carry swords at their belts—assume the insignia of their office as soon as they leave the pomerium, the boundary of Rome, and continue to wear them until they return. Imperial governors, on the other hand, who are operating as the emperor's deputies, may only adopt the military uniform and badges of office on entering their appointed provinces. It would be potentially provocative and destabilising—for the emperor as much as anyone else—to give them such privileges before they are safely confined within their provinces, where they are expected to stay until finishing their terms of office.
Setting out (profecto) on a journey and returning (reditus) from it are momentous events, charged with personal, religious and—if you are an important person—political significance. Emperors understandably expect from Senate and people overt demonstrations of respect and loyalty on their own departures, complete with prayers, sacrifices and libations for a safe journey. Even if you are young and relatively unimportant, the start of a journey is marked in several ways, especially when it is as significant as a voyage to Britannia across the unpredictable Oceanus. In the weeks leading up to departure there is formal leave-taking, of patrons, older relations and important family friends, and in turn there will be visits from dependants and clients.
Everyone, of whatever rank and travelling for whatever purpose, has to be extremely flexible about the date, time and method of transport for the entire length of the journey. All travellers are dependent on the elements and the tides, not to mention in some cases the whim of the emperor, and must be prepared for delays and changes along the way. No one travels alone. High-ranking officials and their families will be escorted by a retinue of friends, family advisers, freedmen and household staff; and those close friends, family and clients who stay behind will make the effort to accompany them at least to the city's boundaries to bid farewell.
*1 The position of legionary legate, or commander, was reserved for those of senatorial rank (except briefly under the Emperor Commodus, in the later second century, when equestrians became eligible).
*2 The area later acquired the name 'Marmorata', from the huge quantities of marble (marmor) that were once unloaded and stored here.
*3 Tincommius was also known as Tincomarus ( fl. c.25 BC to AD 5). The kingdom of Dubnovellaunus ( fl. c.30 BC) was centred on Hertfordshire and the Chilterns.
*4 One gold aureus = 25 silver denarii; 1 denarius = 4 brass sestertii; 1 sestertius = 2 brass dupondii; 1 dupondius = 2 bronze asses. In the eastern part of the Empire, the drachma was used: 1 silver didrachm = 2 silver drachma.
*5 Later known as the Piazza de Sciarra.
*6 The words that Tacitus gave him are stirring pieces of rhetoric, reflecting this conservative upper-class writer's concerns about the demoralizing effects of imperialism and the decline of noble and dignified behaviour: that quality of virtus which he feared was now so lacking in Roman citizens.
*7 Sons of senators could begin to wear the broad stripe (latus clavus) on their togas, which signified senatorial status, shortly after formally entering manhood at the age of sixteen or seventeen. They were allowed to attend meetings in the Senate but could not officially take their seats there until the age of about twenty-four. They were expected first to gain experience in civil administration in Rome and complete service in the army abroad.
*8 The others were concerned with the coinage, the Centumviral Court (Court of Chancery), and capital cases.
*9 Although most military tribunes were aged only nineteen or twenty, in their first military posting they were technically second in command of a legion. It may seem remarkable that someone so young and inexperienced should be put in such a position, but the idea was that a young man of promise should gain experience at the very top by shadowing the person whose role he would one day take up. See Birley (1981), xx.
*10 The specifics of what a governor setting out for his province was allowed to take in Hadrian's time is unclear, but a century later, during the reign of Severus Alexander, it is recorded that governors could expect to be provided with 20 pounds of silver, 6 she-mules, 1 pair of mules, a pair of horses, 2 ceremonial garments for use in public, 2 sets of clothes for private use, 1 set of clothes for bathing, 100 gold aurei, a cook, a muleteer and—if the governor did not have a wife—a concubine. On returning from his governorship, all the mules and horses, the muleteer and cook had to be returned to the central office, but the rest could be kept—according to the sometimes untrustworthy source—if he had conducted himself well. If he had performed badly, the ex-governor would have to pay back fourfold, in addition to being condemned for embezzlement or extortion.
*11 Julius Severus could well have travelled to Rome prior to taking up his governorship in Britannia, somewhat in the manner of a modern diplomat returning to his country's capital before a new posting. He might well have had business or political matters to attend to in Rome, too. But it is also possible that he travelled to Britannia direct from Moesia along the Rhine, or via Dalmatia if he had family estates there.
# II
# Setting Sail from Ostia
τειχῶν γε μὴν οὐκ ἠμελήσατε, ταῦτα δὲ τῇ ἀρχῇ περιεβάλετε, οὐ τῇ πόλει· καὶ ἐστἡσατε ὡς πορρωτάτω λαμπρά τε καὶ ὑμῶν ἄξια, ὁρατ<έ>α τοῖς εἴσω τοῦ κύκλου, ἡ δὲ πορεία ἐπ' αὐτά, eἴ τις βούλοιτο ἰδεῖν, μηνῶν τε καὶ ἐνιαυτῶν ἀρξαμένῳ βαδίζειν ἀπὸ τῆς πόλεως.
You have not neglected walls but you built them around your empire, not your city. And you erected them as far away as possible, splendid and worthy of you, ever visible to those who live within their bounds but for anyone from Rome who wishes to see them the journey would take months and years...
AELIUS ARISTIDES, On Rome
(Oration XXVI.80)
*
JUST AS all roads are said to lead to Rome, so there are many roads out of the city, which ultimately lead to all corners of the empire. Although Britannia is hardly the most convenient place to get to from the capital of empire, there are several options open to those wishing to visit the remote island.
Anyone travelling there will probably sail a significant part of the way, weather permitting, for travel by sea is much the quickest and cheapest form of transport for both people and goods. The River Tiber is only navigable with small boats, and Rome's nearest port for sea-going vessels is some 17 miles (27km) from the city. Until the reign of Claudius, Ostia, at the mouth of the Tiber, was the port of Rome. Under that emperor, a phenomenal feat of engineering resulted in the creation of a new port (Portus) less than two miles to the north of Ostia. In Hadrian's day, the old and new ports are regarded as a single entity, and referred to as Portus Ostiensis or interchangeably as Portus and Ostia.
High-ranking officials such as Julius Severus and Minicius Natalis will have staff to make their travel arrangements for them; but the average prospective sea traveller can glean valuable information about ships likely to be sailing in their direction at the agencies or offices (stationes) of representatives from foreign ports in Rome. They may be able to tell you of a ship soon expected or already sailed into Portus Ostiensis and even secure you a place on board. Such stationes, once found around the Forum of Caesar, have since moved to other parts of the city. Some can be found on the Via Sacra, where the air is fragrant from the Horrea Piperataria—the warehouses built by Emperor Domitian to store pepper and spices from Egypt and Arabia.
Although it is possible to sail down-river to Ostia from the centre of Rome—as Claudius did when setting out to conquer Britannia—it is an easy journey by road. Ostia lies 14 miles (23km) from Rome, and both Ostia and Portus are perfectly manageable in a day. Pliny the Younger, who had a superbly designed (in his view) seaside villa at Laurentum, near Ostia, described how it was possible to do a day's work in Rome and get to the villa for the night without feeling unduly rushed. Pliny described the trip as a pleasant ride, though once off the main thoroughfare parts of the road could be sandy and heavy-going in a carriage. While some among Minicius Natalis's party, such as his wife and children, may travel by covered carriage or by boat down the Tiber, riding to the port could well be an attractive option for Natalis and other members of his retinue, especially when faced with the prospect of being cooped up on a ship at sea for the next few days—or even weeks.
There are two routes out of the city, depending on whether you are making straight for Ostia or for Portus. For those heading to Ostia, the Via Ostiensis runs along the left (southern) bank of the Tiber, while the Via Portuensis flanks the right (northern) bank. There were no direct links to Portus until Trajan's time, when he extended the old Via Campana, which connected the salt marshes of the Campus Saliniensis, north of Portus, with the salt warehouse close to Porta Trigemina in the Forum Boarium.
In Rome, the Via Portuensis (Campana) crosses the Tiber on the bridge named Pons Aemilius into Trans Tiberium (Trastevere) district.*1 This populous area, with its many warehouses and workshops, is also the principal residential quarter for foreign merchants. Many freedmen and Jews of eastern Mediterranean origin have settled here, and anyone who takes the Via Portuensis out of the city will be struck by their highly decorated and distinctive tombs, which lie a little further along the road.
Between the banks of the Tiber and the road's first milestone is the Naumachia Augusti. A huge flooded basin, 536 metres long by 357 metres wide (1,758 × 1,171 feet), with an island in its middle, it was built by Augustus in 2 BC for the re-enactment of naval battles. Close by are the barracks where a detachment of the Ravenna fleet (classis Ravennas) is stationed, handily close to the Naumachia, where they no doubt help to stage the mock fights. They may even serve as harbour police and have official escort duties when the emperor travels along the river.
After about two miles, the road temporarily splits, with the new Via Portuensis taking a higher route to the west, while the old Via Campana follows the meanderings of the river, before reuniting again (at Ponte Galeria). The newer stretch of road thus avoids the crowds of people along the Via Campana who, on high days and holidays, make their way to two ancient sanctuaries between the fifth and the sixth milestones.
One sanctuary belongs to the Dea Dia, a cult which is said to have been founded by Romulus. In addition to the ancient sacred grove—now within a monumental enclosure—there is a whole complex of buildings attached, including baths and an adjoining circus, or racetrack. Augustus revived the cult and made it chic. It is officiated over by the fratres arvales (Arval brethren), a select group of senators to whom Hadrian, automatically enrolled as a member on becoming emperor, is much attached. He consented to become their magister in AD 126, a job which entails officiating at arcane rites at the sanctuary, sacrificing on public occasions in Rome and holding convivial dinners for his fellow priests.
Rather less socially exclusive are the celebrants at the temple of Fors Fortuna a little further along the road at the sixth milestone. During the three-day festival of this goddess of (good or ill) fortune, held in late June, both road and river are choked with people. Parties of young men hire boats festooned with garlands, and they waste no time in breaking open the wine mid-river. A couple of days later they will attempt to make it back to Rome, hailing the stars, blind drunk. Even on non-festival days the small boats on the Tiber make a colourful sight; many are painted, covered in bright pictures and patterns.
On the opposite bank of the Tiber, visitors taking the Via Ostiensis can leave Rome from the heart of the Emporium, with the mound of potsherds on their right, or come down directly from the Aventine and pass through the Porta Ostiensis, one of the gates in the city's massive Servian Wall. (Named after Rome's sixth king, Servius Tullius, the wall is in fact a later construction from the early fourth century BC—but now the city has long expanded beyond it.) Travellers coming from either direction pass the spectacular pyramid tomb of Caius Cestius, built in about 18–12 BC, and within a short distance they enter a suburban landscape of tombs, among which may lie the burial place of the Christians' St Paul. Many of the funerary monuments lining the roadsides are large and elaborate, even if not as spectacular as Cestius's pyramid.
Roadside tombs are not always the most salubrious places. They are notorious hangouts for the cheapest sorts of prostitutes, the bottle-blonde tarts (flavae lupae) otherwise known as bustariae—'grave girls'. Tombs also have the reputation of being used as public conveniences. In Petronius's Satyricon, written in the previous century, the lavishly ludicrous Trimalchio declares that he is going to appoint a freedman to watch over the tomb he is about to commission so that people won't 'run up and shit on it'. His solution might be typically extravagant but, as Romans know, the problem is certainly not confined to fiction. An inscription on the Roman tomb of Julia Fericula and Evaristus begs: 'Passerby, do not urinate on this tomb, the bones of the man housed here beg you. If you are an agreeable man, drink and give to me a mixed drink [of water and wine].' Most messages along similar lines are rather less delicately put—blunt warnings along the lines of 'Whoever shits here, beware of bad luck!' It is not only tombs that suffer this fate. Similar injunctions and pleas can be found outside the doors of private houses as well as on public monuments. Just as people put out signs warning 'cave canem' ('Beware of the dog!'), so there are signs threatening 'cacator cave malum' ('Watch out for bad things, shitter!').
Once past the necropolis, the Via Ostiensis takes on a more pleasant aspect and runs close to the river again. At the third milestone, where it reaches Vicus Alexandri, a small river port with docks, the route reveals olive groves, gardens, villas and farms. Between the seventh and the eighth milestones, the road passes near to many fine villas in the possession of senatorial families. Travellers to Britannia may spare a thought for M. Stlaccius Coranus as they pass his family's richly decorated funerary monument along the way. He was a local landowner and served as equestrian tribune in Britannia in the Legion II Augusta during the Claudian conquest, a legion now based at Caerleon, in South Wales.
About 11 miles along the Via Ostiensis there is a fork in the road; this is where the younger Pliny would have branched off along sandy roads to his seaside villa. Shortly afterwards, the road climbs, dips, then rises again to its highest point, passing over a ridge of hills. On this high land (Monti di San Paolo), there is a last view back towards Rome, as well as the first sight of the sea. Here, too, is the source of Ostia's water supply, brought to the port by aqueduct. From here, the road gently descends into the wooded and marshy coastal plain, where the climate is mild and the landscape pleasingly varied, with woods and meadows. Flocks of sheep and herds of horses and cattle graze in the fields; soon they will depart for their summer pasture in the hills.
The coastal plain can be prone to flooding. (After the great fire of Rome in AD 64, Emperor Nero proposed sending burnt rubble from the city to fill up the marshes.) For this reason, as it nears Ostia, the road is raised up on a low causeway.
OSTIA—BOOM TOWN
Founded on the southern side of the mouth of the Tiber in 386 BC, Ostia is a river port with only limited facilities for larger ships. This means that they have to anchor off the mouth of the river and transfer their cargoes onto smaller vessels. As a consequence, many larger boats, such as the gigantic grain ships that come annually from Egypt, formerly had to use Puteoli (Pozzuoli) in the Bay of Naples, 124 miles to south. This was a less than satisfactory arrangement, especially for something as crucial as the city's grain supply.
As demand in Rome grew for 'all the products of all the places in every season', it was critical to improve the logistics for transporting these goods into the city. It was also important for Rome, as the centre of an empire that ruled over so many maritime lands, to have control of a large sea port in proximity to the city. In Hadrian's era, Ostia remains an attractive place to visit, even for those ultimately heading for the glossy new gateway of Portus. In fact, Ostia is buzzing, profiting hugely from the state investment in Portus. Far from being sidelined, Ostia has also grown in size and prestige.
Many foreign ship-owners have retained their offices here, and since the end of the first century AD, senators and members of Rome's equestrian class have been investing heavily in Ostia's development. Hadrian himself has been closely involved in the town's affairs and has served as duovir, or chief magistrate, on more than one occasion. Early in his reign a large area of shops and warehouses between Ostia's forum and river was rebuilt, and the town now boasts new, state-of-the-art apartment blocks, warehouses, shops and luxury baths.
Coming from Rome, the visitor enters via Ostia's east gate, the Porta Romana. At this point, the Via Ostiensis becomes the Decumanus Maximus, the main street running through the town, 9 metres (30 feet) wide and flanked by continuous porticoes of gleaming marble. Right by the Porta Romana stands a new baths complex (Terme dei Cisiarii—'Baths of the Wagon Drivers') and a little further along, before the theatre and set back behind a portico, another enormous baths development (Terme di Nettuno—'Baths of Neptune') is under state-funded construction.
Hadrian's largest project here is his complete remodelling of the forum, which is now dominated by the Capitolium, a temple dedicated to the Capitoline triad of deities—Jupiter, Juno and Minerva—and flanked by porticoes of grey granite. The temple to these gods, who safeguard the health and security of Rome, stands opposite an earlier temple dedicated to Rome and Augustus, erected during Tiberius's reign. Urban development is particularly intense in the part of the town facing the sea, where a complex of pleasant, purpose-built apartments with central courtyard gardens (case a giardino) has recently gone up.
Ostia is a giant distribution centre for Portus. From here, cargo that has arrived at Portus can be dispatched, traded or stored, including wine and hides from Gaul, olive oil from Baetica (in southern Spain) and numerous goods from North Africa, such as lamps and cooking wares, fish sauce and olive oil. The huge amount of marble being shipped in to supply building projects here and in Rome from Greece and Turkey, North Africa and Egypt, needs especially large spaces for unloading and storage. It is housed at a special Marble Depot (Statio Marmorum) lying between Portus and Ostia on an island known as the Insula Portuensis (Isola Sacra), which was created when the Fossa Traiana canal was dug to link Portus with the Tiber.
Few of the goods distributed from Ostia come directly from Britannia. As demand for British products in Rome is not high, the majority of British exports to the Mediterranean and imports from the region are probably sent via Gaul and the River Rhine, along trade routes that pass through the prosperous cities of southern and central Gaul and the great military bases and their associated towns in Germany. This route is also less dependent on the weather. By contrast, a journey sailing directly to or from Britannia hazards the stormy Atlantic coast and necessitates entering or exiting the Mediterranean through the straits of Gibraltar. This direct route was the one Emperor Claudius chose at the time of the conquest; but because of bad weather, he was forced instead to land at Massilia (Marseille) and continue his journey to Gesoriacum (Boulogne) along the roads and rivers of Gaul.
In the second century, high-ranking officials, with a small convoy of boats at their personal disposal, may also favour this more direct route to and from Britannia—unless they have business in Gaul or along the Rhine. Travelling via the Straits might be a particularly attractive option for Minicius Natalis as it means he can visit family estates in Hispania before his three-year stint in Britannia.
According to Pliny the Elder, writing in the early first century AD, it was possible to sail from Gades (Cadiz) to Ostia in six days, while journeys from Hispania Citerior ('Nearer Spain', being the coast of Spain nearest Italy) could be done in three days and Narbo Martius (Narbonne) in two. These are quick times; in unfavourable conditions, the journeys can take much longer.
Anyone travelling to Britain independently can elect to make contact with ships sailing to Gaul, which will be able to take them on the first leg of their journey. Gallic ship-owners in Ostia have offices in a large rectangular colonnade with a small temple at its centre (Piazzale delle Corporazioni), which can be found behind the stage of the theatre. The office spaces are all tiny—but then most business is conducted outside and, as shipping is strictly seasonal, takes place mostly during the warmest, most clement months of the year. Outside each office is a decorative mosaic, identifying its occupants' business. One depicts a ship next to a lighthouse bearing the inscription 'Navi [cularii] Narbonenses' ('Shipowners of Narbonne') above it. Here too is the office of the stat(io) Sabratensium, the North African city of Sabratha, represented by an elephant, as well as the agencies of Alexandrians and Carthaginians. Other offices in the square are occupied by associated trades, such as tow-rope and cord makers, tanners and the barge owners who transport goods from the large ships up to Rome.
The Gallic ship-owners of Ostia are geared, as are their colleagues from Africa, Egypt and elsewhere, towards cargo rather than passengers and many have made fortunes out of the import–export trade. Some run very large-scale operations. M. Sedatius Severianus from Lemonum (Poitiers), for example, who comes from a family of ship-owners on the Loire, is one such magnate with extensive interests at Ostia. He is destined for the consulship, the only known senator from that part of Gaul to achieve this. International businessmen of his standing do not themselves hang about in the poky little offices at Ostia, but rather employ freedmen as their agents.
FINDING A SHIP
No one, however, not even an emperor or a general with an entire fleet at his disposal, can expect to arrive at the harbour, board a ship and set off at a fixed time. Indeed, only a minority of VIPs can even have an expectation of travelling on any particular vessel. The emperor himself might have to be kept waiting or change his plans if weather conditions are unfavourable, as Claudius had to do when he sailed for Britannia. Journeys by sea are very ad hoc experiences and everyone, of whatever status, needs to be flexible about the arrangements.
Most people travelling independently or in small groups simply go to the harbour and take the next available ship sailing in roughly the direction they wish to take. As vessels hug the coast where possible, and stop frequently in ports and harbours along the way, travellers have many opportunities to disembark and find other ships that may go nearer to their ultimate destination. Each stage of such a journey involves a separate negotiation with the captain of the next ship.
While awaiting embarkation on the first leg, travellers can at least take lodgings in Ostia. The wait might be a matter of hours, days or even weeks if the weather suddenly changes. But at Ostia, at least the would-be travellers have an excellent choice of places to bathe, dine, worship, acquire last-minute provisions and rest in comfort before the long sea journey.
As is to be expected in any large sea port, there are bars and taverns to cater to those living or working here or simply passing through. Some of the establishments are a little on the seedy side, the haunts of 'hitmen, hangmen, sailors, thieves, fugitives, eunuch followers of Cybele and makers of paupers' coffins', according to the satirist Juvenal. The landlords of such bars, often freedmen and women, enjoy as dubious a reputation as their clientele, ever ready to exploit the vulnerable traveller or drunken customer, and to part them from their purses. There have been various restrictions placed on popinae (bars or cookshops) over the years, such as limiting the type of food they are permitted to offer, although it is not clear exactly why. Tiberius banned them from selling bread and cakes, while Nero forbade them from serving any cooked food except for vegetables and beans. Frugal Vespasian further reduced the menu to beans.*2 Perhaps the popinae kitchens were too much of a fire hazard, being typically situated in the heart of towns, or gave off too many vexatious fumes or too much smoke.
In contrast to the paucity of food on offer, one can expect the bars of Ostia to stock a good selection of wines, from all over the empire and to suit all tastes, backgrounds and pockets. Romans have acquired a taste for Spanish, Greek and French wine, traded at Ostia's forum vinarium. The wine, which is stored in large jars on the bar floor or in racks on the wall, is decanted into jugs through a funnel and diluted with water. Regrettably, many a barman's hand strays with the water, leading to customer complaints, sometimes scrawled in graffiti: 'What a lot of tricks you use to deceive, innkeeper. You sell water but you yourself drink unmixed wine.' In the face of such jibes and accusations bar owners fight back, pointing out that you get what you pay for: 'You can get a drink here for only one coin. You can drink better wine for two coins. You can drink Falernian for four coins'. Falernian is the most venerable Italian wine, an expensive tipple associated with high living.
It isn't only food and wine that is on sale here. Scrawled on bar walls throughout the empire, from the sweltering dives of Pompeii to the smoky taverns of Bonna (Bonn), are claims along the lines of 'I screwed the barmaid'. While some of these brags may be drunken jokes or fantasies, the law certainly regards innkeepers and tavernkeepers as guilty of procurement if they are found to have girls offering more than just drinks.
Perhaps it is possible to find among this shady crew an honest bartender to run up some honeyed wine for the journey. It is a soothing drink, which keeps well and is easy to make: just combine ground pepper with skimmed honey in a cupella (small cask) and, at the moment you want to drink it, mix as much as you like with the wine. If you use a thin-necked container, dilute the honey mixture first with some wine, so that it pours freely.
Having been to the baths, a bar, a brothel—or perhaps all three—and after having eaten, prayed, rested or shopped, travellers must return to their lodgings at some point to await the summons to sail. Word may come from a sailor with an unkempt beard—it is considered unlucky for sailors to shave on board ship or to cut their hair—or from a slave sent to enquire about when the ship is due to set sail. Once you are summoned, there is no time to waste as the ship needs to take advantage of the now favourable conditions, which means not just the wind but also the omens, for sailors are notoriously superstitious people.
THE GRANDEUR OF PORTUS
Connecting Ostia with its newer neighbour, Portus, is the Via Flavia, a late-first-century road that runs north–south through the Insula Portuensis. On either side of this road are the monumental mausolea and numerous graves of a large cemetery.*3 At its northern end, the Via Flavia crosses the Fossa Traiana canal by way of the Bridge of Matidia, another construction in honour of Hadrian's mother-in-law (and Trajan's niece).
As the gateway to Rome from the sea, Portus is much more than an enormous transport hub. It is monumentally impressive, proclaiming Rome's domination over the world. Goods arriving here on merchant ships from all over the empire are unloaded as quickly as possible and then either stored in gigantic warehouses, or taken straight on by barge through the Fossa Traiana and into the Tiber to Rome, or shipped on to other destinations. Along the canal, broad towpaths run either side, raised above the surrounding landscape and accessed at intervals by steps. Co-ordinating all this traffic to and from Rome is a constant logistical headache.
Sailing daily into Portus Ostiensis, too, are crowds of people with many diverse reasons for visiting Italy. They include officials, merchants, tourists and military recruits—men such as young Apollonarius, a hopeful, Greek-speaking Egyptian recruit to the Roman navy, who, arriving into Portus on a ship from Alexandria, immediately sends a letter back home to his mother Thaesion to let her know that he has arrived safely.*4 His correspondence is proof indeed as to the efficiency of Roman communication systems. For, on reaching Rome the same day, a second letter informs his mother that he will be assigned to the main base at Misenum; and, having been suitably impressed by all that he sees on his first day at the heart of empire, he tells her not to worry because he has come to 'a lovely place', (καλον τοπον).
This is precisely the favourable impression that visitors are meant to have, from the moment their ships first reach the huge outer basin of the Claudian harbour. At its mouth stands the great lighthouse, modelled on the famous one at Alexandria. It is built on a man-made island, created out of the ship on which Emperor Gaius Caligula brought the giant obelisk from Egypt, which he erected in his new Circus.*5 From the harbour's mouth, ships travel more than two-thirds of a mile, passing a monumental series of colonnades, which stretch all around the harbour. As they manoeuvre into the unique hexagonal inner basin built by Trajan, they pass what looks like a palace (the Palazzo Imperiale), surrounded by administrative buildings, and a series of imposing warehouses and porticoes on the south side. The inner basin is absolutely calm, with a gigantic statue of the Emperor Trajan rising above it. A temple and surrounding enclosure forms its central focus, flanked by the almost continuous frontages of warehouses and offices. Ships are able to moor in the dead calm of the centre of the basin while awaiting their allocation for a berth—each one marked by numbered columns on the sides of the hexagon. The basin accommodates up to 400 large ships, so that a considerable proportion of the entire grain fleet can be in port at any one time.
For travellers arriving at Portus, this gateway into the heart of empire represents their first glimpse of Rome—and to those leaving it, their last. As ever, the emotional and political resonance was not lost on the port's architects. Portus is, as Juvenal put it, 'more wonderful than anything nature made'.
The majority of the ships that dock in Portus arrive between May and October. During winter, the sea is all but closed to shipping, owing to the dangers of sailing in inclement weather, when moody skies obscure both sun and the stars. The most crucial commodity to be landed is grain, and it is North Africa that is Rome's principal bread basket. Late spring and early summer are not only the open seasons for travel by sea, but also the time of the Mediterranean harvest. Rome imports 20 million modii of grain each year from Egypt alone, more than 136,000 tonnes, with twice that amount from elsewhere in North Africa. The spring and summer months are therefore ones of frantic activity and potentially great anxiety: bad weather, a shipwreck, a poor harvest or lack of capacity in harbour—all spell disaster. As each grain ship from Alexandria can only make a limited number of journeys to Rome a year, it is imperative that they are able to land safely in harbour, be unloaded and then set out again as quickly as possible. Everything at Portus is thus geared towards maximum efficiency and a speedy turnaround for both goods and passengers.
Emperors must keep Rome fed. Claudius almost lost his life in AD 51 when, with only fifteen days' supply of grain left in the city, he had to be rescued from an angry mob that drove him to the far end of the forum. In order to prevent supplies falling so perilously low again, Claudius tried to tempt ship-owners to sail with corn during the winter months by guaranteeing them compensation in the event of loss and by providing perks and incentives. His new harbour of Portus meant that ships were not riding at anchor in open sea.
The tall-masted grain ships make a splendid sight, not just because they are the biggest ships in harbour but for the hope they bring for the coming of summer and the season of plenty. The sudden appearance of the Alexandrian mailboats in spring, heralding the imminent arrival of the grain ships, used to send crowds hurrying down to the waterfront at Puteoli in the days before the harbour was built at Portus. No doubt the sight of their arrival offers similar promise at Ostia.
The grain carriers may be the largest ships in port, but others are no less eye-catching. There are triremes of the Roman fleet, whose rostra (beaks) at their bows are sheathed with gleaming bronze and perfectly designed to inflict maximum damage on an enemy ship, while at the same time helping to spring the ships apart and prevent entanglement. The great swooping curves of their sternposts are carved in the form of animal heads, such as those of geese or swans. Some boats have giant eyes painted on their prows to avert the evil eye. Others have cows' horns hanging from the rigging and giant phalluses or heads of Medusa painted or carved around the ship to neutralize evil spirits and ward off ill omens. Their great iron and lead anchors are also carved with signs to avert bad luck, together with the name of whichever deity watches over the fortunes of the ship: some have Hera's shining star which, the sailors pray, will provide a guiding light on their journey.
The ships of the fleet have sails but also banks of oars, with which they can manoeuvre in and out of harbour in the event of a dead calm. The sails themselves are also full of colour and symbolism and are made from rectangular pieces of linen, reinforced at the edges with leather. With Hadrian away from Rome, emperor-watchers will look in vain for the imperial titles emblazoned in gold letters across a sail, or one of purple, the colour that has denoted an imperial ship since the time when, in Pliny the Elder's phrase, 'Cleopatra arrived with Mark Antony at Actium on a ship with such a sail, and fled with the same sail'.
Altogether, there are so many ships in port that the sight is quite overwhelming; indeed, such is the traffic endlessly coming into sight or pulling out of the harbour that it is hard to imagine how even the sea has enough room to hold them all. The name of each ship is conveyed pictorially on either side of its prow. Here is a warship known as Armata (Armed), while others are optimistically (or perhaps euphemistically) called after Roman virtues such as Pax (Peace) and Concordia (Concord). There is a Draco (Dragon) and a Taurus (Bull), while the ship called Europa derives her name from the unhappy princess abducted by Jupiter, when disguised as a bull, and carried across the ocean on his back. Ships named after deities associated with the sea or rivers are also popular: Neptunus, Nereis and Triton, Castor et Pollux, who were worshipped by sailors through their association with St Elmo's fire.
The ships may be less lavishly painted than their smaller counterparts on the River Tiber, but they are still a splendid sight, bearing decoration to match their proud names. The bows are painted with encaustic (paint mixed with wax) in a variety of colours—white, blue, yellow, green and red—and the hulls of some ships are painted too, the waxy mixture laid on while still hot to form a protective layer against the elements. Many hulls are also simply left black with a coat of tar.
In contrast to the gigantic grain freighters and the long sleek ships of the fleet, the average navis oneraria (cargo ship) is the packhorse of the seas. It is broader than its purely military counterpart and sometimes nicknamed 'corbita' (basket), because of the stout, round shape of its hull. The majority of ships sailing from Portus around the Mediterranean use a combination of oars and sails. Larger boats depend mainly on sails and use oars only for going in and out of harbour or rounding a point when battling with the wind. Among the smaller types of boats visible along the coast are the celox ('speedy'), a small, swift, single-banked boat often used by the military to carry dispatches and passengers on urgent business, and the long slender phaselus which can range in size from a skiff to a large ferry, and which uses both sails and oars.
While the average merchant ship will only have room for a modest number of passengers in addition to her cargo and crew, the super-sized grain ships can accommodate several hundred people: Josephus travelled to Rome on one such vessel with 600 passengers, while the boat that carried St Paul as a prisoner on his journey to Rome had 276 passengers on it, even during the dangerous closed season.
FINAL FAREWELL TO ROME
For all seafarers, travelling on whatever type of ship, the moment of embarkation must finally arrive. While only an emperor or general going off to war can expect a large formal leave-taking from Rome, with speeches, sacrifices, crowds and festive garlands, even the most ordinary traveller will expect some sort of a send-off from friends and family, who might accompany them as far as the edge of the city, or even down to the harbourside. At the water's edge, as the poet Statius describes, the 'heartless captain's shouts divides last embraces, ends faithful kisses and denies a lingering hug around a beloved neck', as the ship, with her narrow gangplank lowered into shallow water, makes ready to cast off her cables.
If they have any sense, passengers detained by lingering hugs and kisses will already have dispatched a servant, slave or companion up the gangplank to secure a place on deck. On most ships there are very few cabins—usually just one for the captain or owner at the stern of the ship, with 'the helmsman's rudder hard by [his] bed'. He may have to make his cabin available to other passengers, according to their rank. Depending on the size of the ship, there may also be other cabins adjoining the captain's.
One can expect passengers of the standing of Minicius Natalis and his family to be able to secure a comfortably appointed cabin. Otherwise, passengers will have to find a space on deck as best they can. Some ships might also accommodate people in the shadowy space below deck, a place to which passengers may retire to sleep, to get some privacy—or do something clandestine. The hold may be damp as well as dark. Ships often carry some sort of pump to keep the hold free of bilge—and if there is no mechanical pump, then a weak or junior member of the crew has to do the job by hand. Automatic bailers are also used to evacuate water flowing onto the deck. Excess seawater runs into a lead tank with a grille over the top, fitted just below the deck, which has two long lead pipes on either side running the width of the boat so that the overflow runs out of one pipe or another into the sea, depending on which way the ship is tilting.
The only facility that the ordinary traveller can expect to be included in the price of their passage is access to fresh drinking water, which is kept in a large tank in the hold. Everything else, such as food and bedding, passengers must provide for themselves, so they need to come well equipped with blankets, leather cushions and mattresses if they are to have hope of passing the journey in anything approaching comfort.
The main shrine of the ship is located on the poop deck, and on a ship of the fleet this is where the ship's standards can be found. Before the start of any journey, crew and passengers sing hymns and prayers, make offerings, light a lamp and pour a libation either over the side of the ship or at the ship's main altar, invoking the ship's tutelary god and any other deities who (they hope) might look favourably upon them during their journey and make it auspicious.
Although ships stop at harbours along the way, everyone has to be prepared for the possibility that for one reason or another, such as rough weather or being becalmed, the ship might be stuck out at sea for longer than planned. It is important, therefore, to bring emergency rations and food that will not perish or go off easily in warm weather. Hard, dry ship's biscuits are the staple for the crew; but dried fruit and nuts, preserved meat and fish, as well as grain to make gruel or porridge, not to mention the honey wine, all make good rations. Few will be allowed access to the ship's galley, which is small, its roof tiled as a fire precaution, with a hole in the middle to let out smoke. The cook prepares food on an iron grille fixed in clay above a floor of flat tiles. The bulkheads are filled with cupboards where cooking utensils and dinner plates and cups are stored, and there is a large water jar to hand. The crew guard their personal property jealously and scratch their names onto their own crockery. Sometimes the crew bring fresh produce on board in the form of live animals, such as goats or chickens, if the journey is likely to be a long one.
As the boat makes ready to leave harbour, it is probably best to keep a low profile while the captain shouts his orders to the sailors. His crew will be running around frantically, hauling up rigging, unfurling the sail, heaving the yardarm around and raising the anchors. Under the gaze of the huge statues of the gods and protecting deities of the port and the ocean which adorn the harbour, only the passengers have the leisure for reflection as the ship gradually leaves the harbour behind, 'the land receding by slow degrees as if it were setting sail rather than you'. Many a traveller must experience a pang as they leave the magnificent embrace of Portus—and the protection and triumph of Roman organization and orderliness that it represents—and sail towards wilder, most distant shores. When, weeks later, travellers to Britannia disembarking at Rutupiae are greeted by a huge triumphal arch, they might cast their minds back to one of their last sights at Portus: an arch crowned by a chariot drawn by four elephants, and driven by the Emperor Domitian.
And so the ships sail out of the inner basin and pass the Tyrrhenian lighthouse between huge breakwaters whose arms, in Juvenal's words, 'stretch out and leave Italy far away'.
THE OPEN SEA
Once at sea, everyone gradually begins to adjust to life onboard. If you do not have a cabin, conditions may be not merely uncomfortable but as unsanitary as those suggested by the satirist Lucian in his Zeus Tragoedus. In the topsy-turvy ship he describes, a criminal is honoured with a seat next to the captain, while crowds of good people are packed together in a corner of the ship, 'not daring to stretch out their bare legs because of the filth'. Passengers and crew, not to mention any chickens and goats on board, will produce quite a lot of filth between them in the course of a journey.
Sickness is an inevitable hazard, as everyone lives so closely on board for days and perhaps weeks on end. A well-equipped ship or travelling party carries a medical chest stocked with remedies to cure stomach problems, eye complaints and seasickness. Pliny the Elder, who was admiral of the Praetorian fleet based at Misenum (Miseno), recommended wormwood (absinthium) taken as a drink to help prevent nausea at sea.
Open-plan, on-deck living, where passengers camp out with their own food and bedding, is tolerable on journeys in the Mediterranean during the summer months, with regular stops at harbours along the way to stock up on provisions, to bathe and generally to relax on dry land. This is just what St Paul was able to do, even as a prisoner, on his way from Caesarea to Rome: after just a day at sea, the ship called in at Sidon, and Julius the centurion allowed Paul to go ashore 'to see his friends and refresh himself'. When Gaius Caligula sailed to Egypt along the coast of Asia Minor and Syria, he went ashore each night, causing enormous logistic and supply headaches for local officials along the route. They were obliged to get in large quantities of food and fodder to cope not only with the imperial entourage (including family, friends, retainers, guards, marines and animals) but also with the vast crowds who were turning out by land and sea, following the emperor's train ever since it had left Italy. Provincial governors such as Julius Severus and high-ranking officials such as Minicius Natalis will, however, be expected to travel a little more discreetly than an emperor. When onshore, they will stay with friends and acquaintances where possible, so that they can be assured of accommodation more comfortable and salubrious than the average wayside inn.
Over a period of days—or weeks—at sea, friendships will be struck up and confidences made over shared food and gossip, board games and music. Those seeking peace and quiet and a tasty supper may try their hand at fishing over the side of the ship.But however passengers choose to pass the time, their most abiding and deep-seated fears will remain those of storm, shipwreck and drowning. The theme of shipwreck is, of course, as old as Homer, and the fear of drowning and the consequences of death at sea are vividly expressed by poets such as Ovid. While condemned to his own living death in exile, on the shores of the Black Sea, he wrote:
I don't fear dying but... save me from drowning and death will be a blessing... if you die of natural causes or even by the sword at least your body rests on solid ground, as you fade away, and you can make requests to others and hope for a tomb—not to be food for the fishes in the ocean.
Everyone dreads the sudden gloom that presages a storm, as the sea swells and one side of the ship plunges into the waves as the other rises into the air. The Greek novelist Achilles Tatius describes how, during a terrible storm at sea, wicker shields are set up on all sides of their ship and his protagonists Leucippe and Clitophon vainly seek shelter together with their fellow passengers, by crawling under them 'as if into a cave... abandoning ourselves to fortune and giving up all hope'.
If the captain gives the order to jettison all cargo, passengers know that they are in serious trouble, and they must heave everything over the side, including personal possessions. Ships are usually equipped with a lifeboat in the form of a smaller boat, or scapha, tied to the ship by a cable and manned at all times by a crew member or slave. On Achilles Tatius's fictional voyage, there is a terrible panic on board when the captain at last gives the order to abandon ship. The crew in the lifeboat tries to cut it free from the ship without letting desperate passengers climb into it, threatening them with swords and axes. At this point, 'ties of friendship and decency break down as each man seeks only his own safety and suppresses his more generous impulses... the passengers on the ship curse and pray that the lifeboat will sink'.
The threat of shipwreck is all too real and the Mediterranean is littered with the skeletons of thousands of ships. All passengers and crew can do is observe the correct rituals to the gods, pray for a fair wind and distract themselves as best they can as they leave the Port of Rome behind them.
*1 The remains of the bridge in later centuries will become known as the Ponte Rotto (Broken Bridge).
*2 Large pots from the bars of Herculaneum have been found containing very parsimonious ingredients—dried fruit, beans or chickpeas—suggesting that the regulations were adhered to at the time.
*3 It remained in use until the fourth century AD and left to posterity some of the most significant examples of Roman funerary architecture.
*4 He sails in the month of May, at some time during the second century, though the exact year is not known.
*5 The Circus was situated in what became the Vatican. The obelisk remained there (to the left side of St Peter's basilica) until 1586, when it was moved to the Piazza San Pietro.
# III
# Through Gaul to Ocean
Narbonensis provincia... agrorum cultu, virorum morumque dignatione, amplitudine opum nulli provinciarum postferenda breviterque Italia verius quam provincia.
The province of Narbonensis... by its agriculture, the high repute of its men and manners and the vastness of its wealth it is unrivalled by any other province and, in short, is a part of Italy rather than a province.
PLINY THE ELDER, Natural History
(III.5.31)
*
PROVIDED that the gods and the weather stay favourable, the journey from Portus Ostiensis to the southern sea ports of Gallia Narbonensis, on Gaul's Mediterranean coast, should be relatively pleasant and straightforward. The journey from Rome takes, at its quickest, the best part of a week. The boat will sail close to the coastline, calling into ports along the way and allowing passengers to disembark, eat, bathe and perhaps even sleep on dry land for the night, depending on the circumstances.
The first substantial port, just a few miles up the coast from Portus Ostiensis, is Centumcellae (Civitavecchia). Built by Trajan, it is a mini version of Portus, with an inner basin entered from the main harbour, which is protected by sea walls and an island built as a breakwater on the seaward side of its entrance. Centumcellae provides safe harbour for ships bound to and from Portus and serves as an auxiliary port for cargoes arriving from Gaul and Spain: they can be unloaded here and then sent along the Via Aurelia to Rome, some 35 miles (56km) away. The number of ports called at along the Italian coast is determined partly by the weather and partly by the requirements of the captain, including whether or not he needs to collect or deposit cargo en route. A senior official with a ship entirely at his disposal might choose to stop at particular places along the way, so that he can meet up with old friends or conduct business.
During the summer season in the Mediterranean, the prevailing winds are northerly, which means that ships sailing north, such as those from Rome to Gaul, do so in the teeth of the wind. It can be strong, especially when the cold, sharp Mistral blows along the coast of Gallia Narbonensis, or when the dry northerly etesian winds make life difficult in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean. Sailing back to Rome is much swifter, and the journey from Gallia Narbonensis can be done in as little as three days. Ships sailing from Narbo can reach the coast of Africa in five days (a distance of 500 nautical miles), whereas in the other direction a thirty-day sail from Alexandria to Massilia can still be counted as a good journey.
Gallia Narbonensis (roughly, Languedoc and Provence) has been a Roman province since 121 BC. Up to the time of Augustus, it was known simply as 'Provincia'—the province*1—and was, according to the Elder Pliny, second to none, 'in short, a part of Italy rather than a province'. Its Mediterranean climate, its landscape studded with vineyards and olive groves, and its urban culture make it home from home for Romans. The province attracted a large number of Roman settlers early on, and now many families from here have attained as great a prominence in Italy as they have in their native land.
As ships sail past Antipolis (Antibes), travellers may get a strong whiff of muriae, a sauce made from tunny fish, for which the port is famous. They should breathe more deeply at Forum Julii (Fréjus) just along the coast, a former naval base of the Roman fleet, where both the air and the milk are said to be beneficial for people with respiratory complaints. An ancestor of Julius Severus, named Julius Silvanus, was born here. A veteran of the Legion VII Claudia Pia Fidelis, he settled in Aequum, Severus's birthplace, when it became a new colonia during the reign of Emperor Claudius.
At Massilia, down the coast from Forum Julii, passengers may find much that is pleasingly old-fashioned and even still quaintly reminiscent of Greece. This former Greek colony, founded in about 600 BC, has also had much longer associations with Britain than has Rome. As early as the fourth century BC, the city had overland trading links, acquiring tin from the island, and the Greek explorer Pytheas partially explored Britain from here. Agricola, governor of Britannia in the AD 70s, was born at Forum Julii and brought up in Massilia; he was, according to his pious son-in-law Tacitus (also, very probably, from Gallia Narbonensis), sheltered from unsuitable company by growing up in a place 'which so well combined a Greek sense of beauty with provincial frugality'.
ARRIVAL IN NARBO
By contrast, Rome's first colony in Gaul was founded a mere 250 years or so ago, in about 118 BC. Narbo Martius (Narbonne), lying west of Massilia, is the seat of the provincial governor and the centre of the imperial cult. It sits at the crossroads of two great roads: the Via Domitia, which links Italy with Spain; and the Via Aquitania, which runs some 245 miles (395km) via Carcasso (Carcassonne) and Tolosa (Toulouse) to Burdigala (Bordeaux), thus connecting the Mediterranean and the Atlantic.
On approaching Narbo, sailors begin to decorate their ship with garlands and olive branches, and on arrival the most senior person on board will offer a libation in thanks. Crew and passengers might also offer a sacrifice and, especially if the journey has been a difficult or anxious one, they might wish to make an ex voto offering at a temple in the port, respectfully propitiating the local presiding deity. This practice occurs in all corners of the Roman world. Just as the Greek protagonist of Achilles Tatius's novel offers a sacrifice (to the Phoenicians' great goddess Astarte) for his safe arrival at Sidon, so Gallic and British merchants at the Rhine delta make offerings to the mysterious goddess Nehalennia, attended by her faithful hound, in thanks for a safe crossing of the perilous North Sea.
Everyone will be relieved to have safely completed the first leg of their journey and to spend a night or two on dry land in a civilized place like Narbo. But as the ship has now docked in a new province, there will first be the inevitably irksome customs to get through—as there are at all ports and boundaries between provinces and frontiers. Duty, which is generally between 2.5 and 5 per cent of an item's worth, is charged on the value of the goods (ad valorem) being conveyed from one province to the next. It is payable on everything other than items necessary for your journey (instrumenta itineris) and those for your own personal use (ad usum proprium).
Customs officials are no more popular than any other sorts of tax collectors, and there are endless complaints about them throughout the empire. One edict against them, issued by the prefect of Egypt, declared:
I am informed that the customs collectors have employed fraudulent and clever tricks against those who are passing through the country and that they are also demanding what is not owing to them and are detaining those who are on urgent business, in order to get them to pay for a speedier release. I therefore order them to desist from such greed.
The pettiness of customs officials and the upset they cause by their rifling through bags are also common sources of exasperation. The biographer Plutarch, who died c. AD 120/7, held up customs officials as examples of intrusive busybodies: 'we are annoyed and displeased with customs officials, not when they pick up those articles which we are importing openly but when in the search for concealed goods they pry into baggage and merchandise which are another's property'. Some enterprising individuals resort to tricking the customs men, by pretending that the goods they are importing are for their own use rather than for sale.
Elsewhere in the port there is furious activity, as hundreds of people engage in the unloading of goods and in making ready the ships. Here are heavy barrels of Gallic wine, each being steered by two men up the gangway and over the sides of ships. Huge frames stand on the quayside ready to receive the large spiky-bottomed amphorae, full of Spanish olive oil, which are then closely stacked onto the frame in a pyramid shape. Once on board, the amphorae are kept in the hold, their spikes wedged into the gaps between the amphorae in the layer below.
Slaves carry sacks and smaller amphorae over their shoulders. They are bent almost double as they trudge down the gangplanks. Heavy amphorae need to be carried by two men, who slot poles between the handles. For extra protection during the journey, amphorae can be wrapped carefully in plaited straw or nestled in twigs and branches.
A governor on his way to a new province, such as Julius Severus, or a legionary legate, such as Minicius Natalis, can be assured of hospitality at the provincial governor's residence, even if the latter is not at home. Other well-connected travellers might have family friends, business associates or, through letters of introduction, friends of friends who can put them up for a night or two. Even if the owners of a local estate are away in Rome or at properties elsewhere in the province, it is to be hoped that they will have written to their estate managers on their guest's behalf, to ensure that their housekeeper is expecting visitors and will have food and a bed prepared.
Comfortable and convenient though such arrangements might be, there remain all the constraints that giving and accepting hospitality demand of guest and host alike. Plautus's comment in his second-century BC play Miles is still just as relevant in the second century AD: don't overstay your welcome. Three days is okay, but after ten days 'it's an Iliad of disagreements. The slaves begin to talk.'
With a far-off province to get to, no one is likely to stay in one place for more than a day or two unless delayed by illness or bad weather. Writing after Caesar's expedition to Britain, in the first century BC, Strabo observed that there were four sea crossings commonly used in getting there from the Continent, namely from the mouths of the rivers Rhine, Seine, Loire and Garonne.
If the sailing conditions are unpromising, then there are long-established overland routes up to the Oceanus Britannicus, the English Channel. Trade routes between Britain and the Mediterranean were in operation centuries before the Roman conquest. Diodorus Siculus, writing c.60–30 BC, but using third-century sources, relates how it took traders thirty days to travel across Gaul on foot with their packhorses, bringing British tin to the mouth of the Rhône, at Massilia and Narbo. Their route went along the estuary of the Gironde and the valley of the Garonne by way of Burdigala, Tolosa—an ancient trading post between Gallia Narbonensis and the Celtic tribes of Gaul before their conquest—and on to Carcasso and Narbo.
Today's travellers from Narbo to Burdigala may also follow the ancient tin traders' route, now transformed into the Via Aquitania. At Burdigala there will be plenty of merchant ships heading up the Atlantic coast, perhaps even ones sailing straight for Britannia and distant northern British ports.
LUGDUNUM—EPICENTRE OF
THE THREE GAULS
Travellers taking the overland route now have the option to continue north by road or river into Tres Galliae (Three Gauls), an altogether different entity from Gallia Narbonensis. Acquired much more recently, during Julius Caesar's conquests of 58–51 BC, the region was once referred to as 'Gallia Comata'—Long-haired Gaul—after the outlandish hairstyles of the natives. Tres Galliae consists of three provinces: Aquitania, Lugdunensis and Belgica.*2 During the first century AD, the region was further restructured when a military zone along the Rhine was established and two additional provinces of Germania Superior and Germania Inferior (Upper and Lower Germany) created.*3
The effective capital of Tres Galliae is Lugdunum (Lyon), which sits at the confluence of the rivers Rhône and Saône. It is readily accessible from most parts of Gaul and from the Rhine via the great rivers and network of roads that converge on it. The majority of goods reaching Britannia from the Mediterranean probably do so via Lugdunum, being shipped along the Rhône and the Rhine in consignments destined mainly for the large civilian and army populations in the Rhineland. Any onward shipments bound for Britannia will then arrive in the province via ports on the North Sea.
Although the route to Oceanus Britannicus from Lugdunum pre-dates the conquest of Gaul, it was under Augustus that M. Vipsanius Agrippa established a military road system centred on Lugdunum, with roads leading west to the Atlantic coast and north to Colonia Agrippina (Cologne) via Andematunnum (Langres, in Champagne). One road led north-west up to Gesoriacum (Boulogne) via Augusta Suessonium (Soissons) and Samarobriva (Amiens).
A centre of the imperial cult of Rome and Augustus was founded in Lugdunum by Drusus in 12 BC. It was served by priests drawn from the Gallic nobility. At the sacred precinct of Condate above the rivers, the aristocratic high priest still performs sacrifices at the great altar, which is faced in marble and glitters with the gilded names of the Gallic states inscribed on it. Here, once a year, prominent members of town councils from every state in Tres Gallia gather at an assembly in the magnificent amphitheatre, next to the altar, to vote for the annually elected sacerdos, or priest of the cult, and for other officers of the assembly. To be elected priest is the highest honour in Gaul, and the Gallic aristocracy have embraced both the cult and the assembly enthusiastically, taking advantage of the opportunities they offer for enhanced prestige. At Lugdunum, nobles vie with each other in other ways too—in erecting monuments at their own expense, and in mounting increasingly spectacular and costly gladiatorial shows.
Worshipping the numen (divine spirit) of the emperor through the imperial cult is required of everyone in the empire, military or civilian. But it is, in religious terms, unproblematic for people who view the whole world as alive with many spirits and deities, and where each locality has a presiding spirit, which it is wise to propitiate. The only peoples for whom worship of the imperial cult is impossible are the Jews and Christians, whose belief in a single deity excludes the worship of any other, including the emperor. And it is because the Christians refuse to honour the imperial cult that they are persecuted as a dangerously subversive and disloyal group.*4
As a hugely important commercial and administrative centre, Lugdunum offers all the attractions of a great city. Many emperors have used it as a base while on their travels further north, including Claudius, who was born here.
PLEASURES AND PERILS OF
GALLIC HOSPITALITY
While men of the status of Julius Severus or Minicius Natalis, and their companions, can expect to be entertained in the style to which they are accustomed at Lugdunum, anyone making their way independently to Britannia, or travelling in less elevated company, will have to take pot luck among the many private establishments available in the city and along the main roads out of town. While small hotels can typically be found in the centre of towns, larger establishments are often on the outskirts, where space is at less of a premium and carriages, horses and mules can better be accommodated, especially as there are restrictions about bringing them into town centres.
Hotels and inns go by all sorts of names. Some are called after a feature of the building, such as ad Pictas (At the Painted Houses), or take their names from the surrounding landscape, such as ad Pontem (At the Bridge). They might be known after a sign painted on, or hung from, the building, such as ad rotam (The Wheel), or named after beasts: ad aquilam (The Eagle) or ad draconem (The Dragon). The signs are attractive enough, and they ensure that strangers can locate a hotel in a world that lacks formal street names and house numbers. But with so many places on offer, innkeepers and hoteliers have to work hard at marketing their businesses. In Lugdunum, one owner, Septumanus, hopes to attract plenty of customers with the upbeat advertisement he has pinned to the wall of his hotel: 'Mercury here promises wealth; Apollo, health; Septumanus hospitality, with a meal. Whoever comes will feel better afterwards. Guests, take care where you stay.'
'Take care where you stay': Septumanus brilliantly plays on the fears of many travellers. As with bars or popinae, the inns and innkeepers have, at best, ambiguous reputations. The medical writer Galen mentions dodgy innkeepers passing off human flesh as pork.
Innkeepers are not always male, and the vivid world conjured up in Apuleius's second-century novel Metamorphoses offers a rare glimpse of feisty, witty and seemingly independent women running the show. One of them, Meroë, 'an old but still very beautiful woman', cooks a big free meal for any male guests she likes the look of, as well as inviting them into bed with her; but then—and here is the catch—she turns them into animals if they displease her. One of the worst fates is that of the man she turns into a beaver, 'because the beaver, when alarmed by the hunt, bites off its own testicles and leaves them lying by the river bank to put the hounds off the scent'—a lot she hopes will befall her disappointing lover. While such startling metamorphoses are confined to the story books, there is certainly sex on offer at many establishments.
Even the most basic provincial inn must provide stabling for horses and mules, as well as an enclosed courtyard where carriages can be parked securely, so that they do not need to be unloaded completely. A gatekeeper will be on twenty-four-hour duty to guard the entrance against intruders and to prevent guests leaving without settling their accounts.
Guests expect to be able to secure their rooms—against non-magical intruders at least—by means of a lock and bar. Rooms tend to be sparsely furnished. Uncomfortable beds, with uneven legs or bases, always that little bit too short, are a hazard the empire over. Unless the inn has its own bath house, guests will be directed to the nearest one in town, private or public, reputable or otherwise, depending on their requirements. Some hotels include free admission to nearby baths in the price of the room.
Having finally settled into their lodgings and bathed, travellers' thoughts can naturally turn to food and drink; unless, through drinking brackish water, their stomachs have rebelled and they are forced to sit and watch their companions tuck into dinner. Such a fate befell Horace during his poetic journey to Tarentum in the twilight years of the Roman republic. It is to be hoped that the human flesh that Horace speaks of will be off the menu, and that instead there will be appetising food on offer, such as prawns, African snails, ham and sausages, all of which—Horace tells us—line the stomach for a night of serious drinking.
As everyone knows, the Gauls' capacity for feasting and drinking (a barbarian hallmark) is legendary: they are said to have the habit of drinking their wine unmixed and in such excess that they either fall into a stupor or lapse into a state of madness. As a consequence, they become flabby and unfit, 'quite incapable of running or hardship and when required to exert themselves they get breathless and sweaty and soon became exhausted'.
Before the Roman conquest of Gaul, its inhabitants were said to have had such a thirst for Italian wine that they were prepared to pay over the odds for it: a slave in exchange for a jar of wine. Nowadays, the Gauls produce their own wine and export it to the Romans, though they still import grands crus from the eastern provinces. Their own sweet, strong wine of Massilia, produced in limited quantities, can command as high a price as Falernian. Vienna (Vienne) produces 'pitch-flavoured wine', while wine from Baeterrae (Béziers) is extremely popular in Rome, although Pliny the Elder was scathing, claiming that many Gallic wine-dealers adulterate it, adding colour and doctoring it with herbs and harmful drugs.
If you are drinking good wine in elevated company, then elegant receptacles will be provided, such as crystal glasses. For the consumption of beer, punch or vin ordinaire in more casual surroundings, there are jokier sorts of cup, perhaps even of the kind inscribed with bar-room banter in colloquial Latin, complete with abbreviations, shifting vowels, dropped 'h's and slipshod grammar: (H)ospita, reple lagone(m) cervesa ('Hostess, fill up my flagon with beer') or Reple me, cop, conditi ('Fill me up with punch, boss.')
On finally repairing for the night, travellers—it is to be hoped—will not be kept awake as Horace was on his journey to Tarentum (Taranto). First there were the tedious voices of those who had drunk too deeply from the punch and cheap wine, such as the sozzled boatman singing too loudly of his distant lover, and the inevitable fellow who joined in, trying to outdo him. All this in addition to the mosquitoes and the fantasies about the girl who promised to come to his room but failed to show up.
A traveller might or might not end up sharing a bed with a companion, paid for or otherwise. Slaves will sleep on a mattress on the floor, possibly in the same room, and in readiness for whatever services they may be called on to perform during the night—regardless of whether anyone is in bed with their master or mistress. Even if you retire alone, the probability is that at some point during the night you will realize that you are, after all, sharing your bed with not one but many miniature companions: the bedbugs that so many writers mention in their descriptions of a night spent at an inn or lodging.
Before going to sleep it is advisable to check that there is a chamberpot under the bed, to avoid the fate of the unfortunate guests at Pompeii's Inn of the Mulekeepers, who scrawled outside the door of their hotel: 'We have wet the bed, my host, I confess we have done wrong. If you ask "Why?" There was no chamber pot.'
The hope is that the next morning you will wake up with neither a hangover nor bites from bedbugs, nor as a castrated beaver, but feeling alert and ready for the rigours of the journey ahead.
TO GESORIACUM... AND OCEANUS
Outside the towns, Gauls in their vast country may still indulge in quaint barbaric habits. But most imperial travellers, unless they are curious Greeks collecting ethnographic information about the locals, will be more interested in getting safely to their destinations along the fastest routes. As you go further north, however, you cannot fail to notice dramatic changes in the landscape and climate, and, while passing through smaller towns and roadside settlements, you will hear the Celtic language spoken more often than Latin. Different types of buildings appear in the countryside, including roundhouses, and there are unmistakable changes in the dress and appearance of the people, who wear trousers or short tunics, with scarves tucked into their necks and long capes.
For the most part, though, Roman travellers will be able to cocoon themselves from anything too foreign or rustic, riding on well-maintained roads with stationes (service stations) at regular enough intervals, and staying where possible among people of similar background in private residences or perhaps in mansiones—the official guesthouses for government officials, provided at key stopping places along the major roads.
Conveyed by various means (boat, barge, carriage, ox cart or on horseback), and following their various routes—by land or by river through Gaul, or by ship along the Atlantic coast—our travellers to Britannia eventually arrive at Gesoriacum (Boulogne), the Continental base of the classis Britannica, or British fleet. Those who left Portus Ostiensis could well have been in transit for three weeks or more by now, and those arriving here via family estates or from distant postings will also have been travelling for some time.
Any members of Severus's new staff who have come from elsewhere in the empire will be able to meet up with him at Gesoriacum if they have not already joined him along the way.*5 With such a large number of soldiers stationed in Britannia, Julius Severus will have more posts to offer than do the governors of most other provinces. Although senior military positions are in the emperor's gift, Julius Severus has undoubtedly had a say in the appointment of Minicius Natalis as the new legionary legate and Maenius Agrippa as commander of the British fleet, both of whom he has worked with in the past: Natalis may have been serving as a tribune in the Legion XIV Gemina in Pannonia Superior at the time when Severus was commanding that legion, while Agrippa was the prefect of the ala Gallorum et Pannoniorum catafractaria, a heavy armoured cavalry unit in Moesia Inferior. If there is trouble in Britannia, and war or the reorganization of the province is looming, Severus will be keen to have these men by his side as soon as possible.
On a clear day, Julius Severus will have a fine view of the coastline of Britannia from the British fleet's base, which is built on a hill overlooking the harbour. Enclosing an area of about 31 acres, it houses around 3,500 men. On high ground, roughly a mile to the north-west of the base, a lighthouse built by Gaius Caligula helps ships navigate the Channel. An answering light across the water in Britannia shines from lighthouses on the cliffs of Dubris (Dover).*6 Alongside Gesoriacum's harbour are extensive navalia (shipyards), where boats can be brought out of water during the long winter months when the sea is 'closed' and when maintenance and repairs can be carried out: prows painted, sails repaired and hulls recoated with pitch and wax to make them more watertight. Nothing goes to waste, and should a vessel be damaged beyond repair, every scrap of it will be recycled, right down to the bolts, nails and even the wax.
The British fleet is one of the two most important provincial fleets of the empire, the other being the classis Germanica, which patrols the Rhine and has its main base at Altenburg, near Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Cologne). Only the Italian fleets based at Misenum and Ravenna are ranked higher. The classis Britannica patrols the Channel and the seas around Britannia, ensuring that supplies are maintained for the province's army and that any goods exported from there on behalf of the emperor, or to supply the army on the Rhine—such as tin, lead, wheat and hides—reach the Continent in safety. Organized along the lines of the auxiliary sections of the army, the fleet is recruited largely from non-citizen provincials who sign up for twenty-six years (one year longer than in the army) and are awarded the prize of citizenship on discharge.
The commander of the British fleet needs to be a senior officer of equestrian rank with sound administrative experience, someone who can deal with logistics and keep complicated supply networks running smoothly. Maenius Agrippa is just such a man.*7 He and his deputy, the subpraefectus, will be supported by staff such as clerks and accountants, quartermasters, messengers and doctors based in Gesoriacum and Dubris, in addition to several likely outposts around the British coast.
Although the classis Britannica still counts men from the Mediterranean area, such as Syrians and Thracians, among its ranks, these days there are many more from the north-western provinces. The Romans were swift to enlist men from tribes such as the Batavii, Chauci, Frisii, Morini, Menapii and Veneti after the conquest of their territories. Living along the coastline of Gallia Belgica and Batavia (northern France, Belgium and the Netherlands), these people have crucial experience of sailing in the strong tidal waters of the Atlantic and North Sea, and of the different types of vessels and skills needed to navigate these waters. By AD 69 the commanding officer of the classis Germanica was a Batavian officer, Julius Burdo, with large numbers of his fellow Batavians serving as oarsmen. The Batavians had a crack cavalry force, which could swim the Rhine in perfect formation in full armour while holding on to their mounts. Sailing men from Britannia were also swiftly recruited into the German fleet.
In the harbour are vessels better suited to the tidal waters of the north-western provinces, with high bows and sterns to protect against heavy seas and storms, than the Mediterranean ships. While the latter are constructed using interlocking timbers, the northern vessels are made of stout planks laid edge to edge which are secured to massive, closely spaced framing timbers by large iron nails. The northern ships' flat bottoms help them ride in shallow waters and on ebb tides, and better enable them to be drawn up on a beach, where they sit upright on the shore. Their sails, like the river boats of northern Gaul, are made of raw hides or thin leather, and their anchor chains differ too, being made of iron rather than rope. Larger ships have additional masts and sails, including a triangular 'lateen' sail, which allows them to sail more directly into the wind. All in all, these vessels make ideal transports for soldiers, horses and supplies. They were swiftly adopted during Caesar's second expedition to Britannia and used in Germanicus's naval expedition from Rhine to Ems in AD 15.
At Gesoriacum ships will now be put at Julius Severus's disposal and that of his retinue of friends, family advisers, freedmen, household staff, bodyguards, horses (and hounds) and all their various baggage, to transport them over the Oceanus Britannicus (English Channel). But before Julius Severus sets sail, he must first write to the outgoing British governor to confirm the day on which he expects to arrive. He is required to do this not only as a matter of courtesy, but also to prevent any fears among the provincials of a hiatus in government, which might lead to unrest or prevent business being carried out.
Julius Severus might have the option of sailing ceremoniously to Britannia in a conventional trireme: there is one based at Gesoriacum called Radians, 'Gleaming'. But he can also take a smaller, nippier type of naval galley which has been specially adapted for use in the north-western provinces. Although the boats have oars, sails are used whenever possible, and it is only ever when under duress—during a battle or when required to go at top speed to carry an urgent message—that all the oars are manned.
On board these vessels, the crews are jealous of their status as military men, describing themselves as soldiers rather than sailors. They have undergone rigorous training, having been taught to row on dry land on special practice benches before being let loose on a ship; now, when the pausarius, or chief oarsman, calls out the stroke they all row together, perfectly in unison. There are no pitiful galley slaves in the Roman fleets.
As they take leave of the Continent, Julius Severus and his retinue pass under the most prominent monument in the port: the victory arch granted to Claudius, commemorating the place from which he launched his successful invasion of Britannia in AD 43. The distance they will travel, from Gesoriacum to Rutupiae, is approximately 40 nautical miles. Provided all goes well, the journey will take between six and eight hours, benefiting from the prevailing south-westerly winds. If the ships cast off about the time of the third watch, around midnight (as Caesar's did in 55 BC), they should reach Britain at about the fourth hour of the day, around 9am.
The route across the Channel to Rutupiae may be short in comparison with the many miles travelled to get to Gesoriacum, but the symbolic distance is immense. For to step foot on a ship bound for Britannia is to venture into Oceanus, that immeasurable expanse of sea full of monsters and perilous tides, beyond which lies a land of unfathomable people.
*1 It would later give its name to the French region of Provence.
*2 Aquitania was bordered by the Bay of Biscay to the west and the Pyrenees to the south; Lugdunensis comprised central and eastern France, and Belgica northern France, Belgium, Luxembourg and a part of western Germany, including Trier.
*3 Germania Superior (Upper Germany) comprised parts of eastern France and western Germany; Germania Inferior (Lower Germany) included the southern part of the Netherlands, the eastern part of Belgium and part of Germany.
*4 The account of the horrible persecution of Christians in the amphitheatre at Lugdunum in AD 177 is preserved in Eusebius (Ecclesiastical History) 5.1.
*5 Those coming from the Rhineland, for example, could have travelled from Cologne (Colonia) via Tongres (Atuatuca Tungrorum), Bavay (Bagacum), Tournai (Turnacum) and Cassel (Castellum Menapiorum).
*6 Remarkably, one of those lighthouses, among the most astonishing Roman remains in Britain, may still be visited at Dover Castle.
*7 He clearly excelled at his new role and flourished in Britain, afterwards being made procurator of the province.
# IV
# Arrival in Britannia
Ex his omnibus longe sunt humanissimi qui Cantium incolunt, quae regio est maritima omnis, neque multum a Gallica differunt consuetudine.
Of all the Britons, by far the most civilized are the inhabitants of Kent, a wholly maritime region, who in their way of life do not differ greatly from the Gauls.
JULIUS CAESAR,
Gallic War (V.14)
*
UNLIKE Julius Caesar's arrival in Britannia, the first sights and sounds to greet travellers now, as they near the long anticipated province, are not war cries from ranks of ferocious painted people but the screeches of seabirds circling above the line of white cliffs. In earliest times this land was referred to as 'the island of the Albiones'; but contrary to what the newcomer may think, looking at those gleaming cliffs, 'Albion' does not derive from the Latin for white (albus) but from the British stem albio-, meaning 'the land' or 'the country'. Now, of course, it is 'Britannia', originally from the Greek Πρεττανια (Prettania).
As Julius Severus approaches the island's shores he is at last allowed to assume the insignia of his office, something he is expressly forbidden to do until he enters his new province. As the new governor of an imperial province, Severus must wear military uniform and carry a sword—with which he is permitted to execute even soldiers—unlike the governors of senatorial provinces. It would not be done to have a senior ranking official, a seasoned soldier, travelling through the empire in military uniform with such power, so this privilege is confined to his role in the province as the emperor's representative.
Unlike the governors of senatorial provinces, appointed for a single year, Julius Severus will be expected to stay in Britannia for however long the emperor chooses. Although most imperial governorships last for about three years, Severus served in Dacia for at least six years, and Agricola was governor of Britannia for a similarly extended period. Whatever the duration, once Julius Severus sets foot on the island he will be expected to stay there until his tour of duty is over: he is not allowed to leave the boundary of his province unless for the purpose of fulfilling a vow; and even then, he must not spend a night away.
RUTUPIAE, GATEWAY TO BRITANNIA
Rutupiae (Richborough), just south of the Isle of Thanet, is the port from which Claudius launched his invasion in AD 43, and in AD 130 it is still the key point of entry to Britannia, representing the shortest crossing from Gesoriacum. It lies on the coast at the centre of the Wantsum Channel, which separates the Isle of Thanet from the British mainland. At the Wantsum Channel's southern mouth is a shingle barrier, which partially closes the channel, with another shingle bank to the north-west, so that Rutupiae provides a large, sheltered anchorage.*1
Dominating the entrance to the port and the entire surrounding landscape is a gigantic monumental arch. It represents the accessus Britanniae, the symbolic gateway to Britannia, sited at the place where terrifying Oceanus meets the shore of this remote province. Glistening in Italian marble from the imperial quarries at Carrara, and adorned with bronzes and sculptures (and conceivably also an enormous sculpture of a chariot drawn by elephants*2), this four-way 'quadrifrons' structure is one of the largest—if not the largest—arches in the empire. Its four arches point north, south, east and west, and it aligns with Watling Street, thus connecting with the great network of roads that penetrates the whole province. It was erected by Domitian in about AD 85, just two years after Agricola's defeat of the Caledonians at the Battle of Mons Graupius (near Inverness). This was the victory that completed the conquest of Britain, by reaching the very furthest corners of the earth, or, in the words Tacitus put in Agricola's mouth as he rallied troops before the battle, the place 'where land and nature end'.
Although Dubris (Dover) will soon become the main British naval port and base of the classis Britannica, Rutupiae is and will remain an important hub and entry port for goods.*3 Its name in the literary imagination is synonymous with the whole island.*4 At about 21 hectares, Rutupiae may be small in comparison with the great ports of the Mediterranean, but its theatrical setting and historic importance still make it a splendid place to stage the formal adventus or arrival of a new governor. Tacitus may have asserted piously that when Agricola (his father-in-law) arrived as governor, in c. AD 77, he elected to get straight down to campaigning in North Wales instead of holding any welcome celebrations, 'choosing work and danger rather than ostentation and ceremony'; but observances of the adventus, such as hanging out garlands or filling the air with incense, are usually to be encouraged. Whatever the scope of the inauguration ceremonies and celebrations for Julius Severus, protocol at least requires that an incoming governor should always arrive at the customary port of entry, 'for provincials think maintenance of customs and privileges of this kind very important'.
While for some it is a mark of honour to be part of the official welcoming party for an incoming governor or other senior official, for others it is simply a costly and time-consuming affair. But it is a brave—or foolhardy—man who dares to opt out of such a ceremony. Emperor Claudius was furious with the people of Ostia when they failed to send boats to meet him on entering the Tiber; he complained bitterly that they had reduced him to the rank of a commoner.
The more judicious—or ambitious—attendee will try to be among the first to greet Julius Severus, perhaps travelling some distance to do so, although those already due to receive him elsewhere are officially exempt from having to greet him now. For his part, the new governor will need to cut a dash in his military uniform, with his five lictors (ceremonial bodyguards), assigned to him while in office, walking before him: their job is to clear a path, keep order and compel respect. As they process from the quayside and straight up the steps leading to the victory arch, Severus's party will no doubt be reassured by the size and confidence exuded by the monument. As part of the ceremonial duties surrounding his arrival, Severus will make a sacrifice for a safe passage across Oceanus at the religious sanctuary that stands close to the sea, to the south of the arch. A little further to the south-west, on slightly raised ground at the edge of town, lies an amphitheatre, which can seat between 4,000 and 5,000 people.*5
Conveniently situated a short walk away from the arch, in the north-eastern corner of the port, is the recently rebuilt stone courtyard building that accommodates the official government guesthouse, the mansio. Though modest in size, with a small bath-house, it is decorated and appointed in a way that will be familiar enough, even if it is somewhat basic by Roman and eastern Mediterranean standards. On the table will be imported food, drink and crockery—Spanish olive oil, Greek or Italian wine, and Gallic Samian ware. But the new arrivals might be eager to try the famous local oysters for dinner, which are now farmed along the coast of Cantium (Kent) and highly rated by connoisseurs. Some gastronomes are said to be able to tell 'at the first bite whether an oyster comes from Circei [in Lazio, Italy], or near the cliffs of the Lucrine Lake [Campania, Italy], or from the beds of Rutupiae'.
TO LONDINIUM VIA DUROVERNUM
Julius Severus can choose to continue his journey from Rutupiae to the province's capital, Londinium, by ship; but there is also the option to become better acquainted with his new province by road. He need not worry about any of the logistics himself, as he has his own strator consularis, or transport officer, whose job is to make travel arrangements for him. Even for those travelling independently, there will be little difficulty in finding the road to Londinium out of Rutupiae. The gigantic victory arch is aligned directly with Watling Street, which runs all the way to the capital and thereafter continues to Verulamium (St Albans) and up to Viroconium (Wroxeter).
The busy street leading out of town is lined with shops and workshops, including one selling lamps and another offering metal goods made on the premises. A busy port like Rutupiae is also provided with taverns, where people can drink and play games, using dice towers or pyrgi which, with their angled slats, prevent people from cheating at throwing the die.
Just south-west of Rutupiae the road forks, with one branch leading south-east to Dubris. Anyone heading to Londinium needs to continue west, to Durovernum Cantiacorum (Canterbury), 11.5 miles (18.5km) away. The Romans have divided Britannia into civitates, tribal states, each with their own civitas capital, and Durovernum is the civitas capital of the Cantiaci.
Before the conquest, the people of this region had long had contact with Rome, and Durovernum was already an important centre in the Iron Age. With its convergence of roads and river networks, all now leading along Watling Street, the town remains a key link in the Roman transport network. A senior official such as Julius Severus will be expected to visit the temple at the heart of the town and to make a sacrifice there. Across the road from the temple is a distinctive Romano-Celtic theatre where religious gatherings also take place. Reminiscent of theatres in Gaul, it is partly an amphitheatre design, with a central arena, but a third of its seating is taken up by a stage.
With the temple enclosure on their right, travellers heading for London will round the corner of the precinct onto what is fast becoming the town's main street, with new roads being laid off it. Once over the River Stour, the road passes through an industrial zone in the north-west quarter of town. Here are brick, tile and pottery kilns, iron-smelting furnaces and bronze-working facilities. It will be a relief to get past this noisy, smoky district, whose fumes must make even the eyes of those in carriages water.
From here, Watling Street passes through easy and pleasant countryside studded with farmsteads in a more or less straight line to Durobrivae (Rochester), just over 25 miles (40km) away. As arguably the most important road in the province, along which all road traffic must progress to Londinium from the south-coast ports, it is extremely busy. Wheeled transport comes in all shapes and sizes. The plodding goods vehicles include the Gaulish benna, with basketwork sides; but the most common is the plaustrum, a two- or four-wheeled wagon drawn by yoked oxen, or occasionally by mules. One would hope, with Julius Severus and his retinue on the road, that such tediously slow contraptions have been diverted onto minor routes and byways.
For their own transport, senior members of the official party may choose to travel in a reda, a large four-wheeled carriage drawn by two or four horses, while for swifter travel there are lighter vehicles, such as the two-wheeled cisium. Servants and baggage usually travel in the lumbering, open petoritum, and it is to be hoped that both have been sent on ahead in readiness. Julius Severus and his family might well travel in a covered two-wheeled carpentum, usually pulled by mules. Such carriages can be luxuriously appointed, with large gabled roofs supported by ornamental columns, and fitted out with every comfort. The heavier four-wheeled carruca is also an option; it can be adapted for use as a sleeping wagon (carruca dormitoria) on long journeys.
If Severus needs to work while travelling, he can dictate notes to a secretary, who will need to have a steady hand: no amount of plump cushions and plush curtains can disguise the fact that the carriages—with their wooden wheels, iron tyres and lack of springs—make for bone-shaking experiences. This did not stop Emperor Claudius, a gaming addict, from having a game board specially fitted to his chariot so that he could play while driving himself around. However you choose to distract yourself while on the road, there is no getting around the fact that travelling by carriage is uncomfortable and noisy. As Horace puts it, the streptitus rotarum—the jarring screeching of wheels—can badly get on your nerves, even after a very short length of time. Travelling in these conditions is immensely tiring, and even if you are fit and well before the start of a journey, it may take its toll after a time.
Severus could choose to ride for parts of the journey, for in the Kent countryside on an early summer's day, he will at least be unlikely to suffer the extremes of heat, dust and insects that colleagues in other parts of the empire must endure. On the contrary, given that this is Britannia, it might still be rather damp and chilly. Those on horseback, lacking the protection of a covered carriage, might well be grateful for their leather travelling cloaks, with the hoods pulled up against the rain.
Twelve miles into the journey, there is a small stopping place called Durolevum.*6 This may be as far as you would wish to travel in a day. But since it is unlikely to offer much in the way of comfort, then—weather and daylight permitting—it could be advisable to press on to Durobrivae, which lies at a crossing of the River Medway. A mansio lies just behind Watling Street.*7 Typically, mansiones are courtyard buildings, and here officials, soldiers, their animals and carriages can be accommodated securely. Travellers can be assured of a bed, a meal and (they will hope) a bath. Those travelling with special permits are able to obtain a change of animal or carriage to take them on to the next stage.
An official transport system, which later became known as the cursus publicus, had been established by Augustus as a form of courier service for disseminating news and messages more speedily and efficiently throughout the empire, via a system of basic stationes, 'posts', and mutationes, 'changing posts'. In theory, the service is carefully regulated; to use it, people need to be issued with a permit or diploma, either signed by the emperor in person or issued by provincial governors (who have a limited number to give out).
In the early post-conquest days, official types of lodging in Britannia were normally attached to forts. As parts of the province became more settled, they began to be found in towns and cities and at convenient stopping places in between, where small roadside settlements sprang up to cater for the needs of the military. The system is now being much improved, and bigger and better accommodation, with separate bath houses, is being built in many parts of the country.
The service is, unfortunately, also open to abuse by the unscrupulous, and it can prove to be a real burden to the locals who are obliged to maintain it, despite many attempts over the years to impose regulations on everything from tipping (not acceptable) to the maximum weight of saddlebags, the size of wagons and the type of whips allowable for use on animals: knotty and very stout clubs are banned, and any soldier found employing them will be demoted (if he is an officer) or deported (if he is a common soldier).
If the travellers rise early the next day, it will be possible to reach Londinium, almost 29 miles (47km) away, in one long day, breaking the journey at Noviomagus (Crayford), about 15 miles (24km) further on. About 8 miles (13km) from Durobrivae, the road runs by the River Ebbsfleet, which joins the Thames just over a mile to the north. Here, at Vagniacae (Springhead), travellers enter a sacred landscape of springs, temples, shrines and ritual pits, including those containing the remains of twenty-three dogs. Pilgrims come here to celebrate the deity of the sacred springs at the head of the river and to gain strength from her healing powers. Within the sacred enclosure lies a late-first-century AD temple, to the north of which is a large rectangular stone-lined pool. Another, smaller temple of more recent date contains within its foundations the remains of four babies ritually murdered, two of them decapitated, and placed at each corner of the building. All in all, it is an interesting place at which to stop—to make an offering at the temples, to take spiritual and physical refreshment from the springs and temple bakery, and to rest in accommodation provided for pilgrims.
For new arrivals in Britannia, this region will appear at least to be peaceful and relatively prosperous, strongly reminiscent of parts of northern Gaul in terms of the style of buildings, the language spoken and the general feel of the place. There are many substantial farms and houses in the surrounding countryside, especially as you get further north. Eleven or more substantial villa estates nestle just to the west of Watling Street, in the broad valley of the navigable River Darent, where lie water meadows and good arable land.*8 It will probably be more agreeable to stay in one of these villas than to spend another night in an indifferently run mansio on a grubby little roadside settlement.
As Julius Severus and his party near their destination, Watling Street takes them onto Shooters Hill. From its west slope they will be treated to a magnificent view of the whole of the Thames basin, as they prepare to make their descent—into Londinium.
*1 In the twenty-first century, the Wantsum Channel is completely silted up, and the Isle of Thanet is connected to the mainland. The shingle barrier is now known as the Stonar Bank.
*2 Although there is no direct evidence for this elephant quadriga at Richborough, a coin of Domitian dated AD 95 or 96 depicts an arch surmounted by a chariot drawn by elephants. The so-called Torlonia relief, found at the site of Portus in the nineteenth century, depicts a scene from Portus showing the Domitian arch with elephant quadriga (and other scenes): it portrays the charioteer holding a sceptre with a human head, a motif found on coins issued during his reign.
*3 Rutupiae is the only channel crossing mentioned in the third-century Antonine Itinerary, a collection of about 225 routes along the empire's roads.
*4 As the poet Lucan wrote, 'When the tides of Ocean and the Rutupian shore are raging, the waves are not heard by the Caledonians' (The Civil War, VI, 67), meaning that when far from events, one cannot be expected to know what is happening—Britannia being as remote as you could get in the Roman world, and the Caledonians being even further away than that.
*5 The dating of the amphitheatre is uncertain. It has been suggested that it might be late third century and contemporary with the Saxon Shore fort.
*6 This is possibly Ospringe, near Faversham.
*7 The remains of the (conjectural) mansio lie under Rochester Cathedral.
*8 A Roman 'villa' meant a house in the country, ranging in size from a farm to a vast estate. At this date, villas in Britannia were generally of modest size. Those in the Darent Valley, including Lullingstone, were much aggrandized in the third and fourth centuries, as elsewhere in Britain.
# V
# London, Seat of Power
Londinium... cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne, sed copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre.
London... while not distinguished by the status of 'colony' is greatly renowned for the large number of merchants there and the volume of its trade.
TACITUS, Annals
(XIV.33)
*
LONDINIUM is like nowhere else in Britannia. The capital of the province, and Britannia's largest and most important city, it attracts trade and commerce from all over the empire. Lying on the boundary of several ancient kingdoms, with the Catuvellauni and Trinovantes to the north and the Atrebates and Cantii to the south, Londinium holds a pivotal position at the head of a tidal river and at the intersection of key routes into the heart of the province.*1
The saying that all roads lead to Rome can certainly be adapted and applied to Londinium. Although a network of roads covering the whole province now interconnects all the chief military bases, tribal capitals, ports, towns and administrative centres of Britannia, Londinium is its undoubted epicentre and the place where all major roads—north, south, east and west—pass through or originate. In addition to its connections in the south-east with the coastal ports of Rutupiae and Dubris, and with Portus Lemanis (Lympne) on the south coast, Londinium also connects via Durovernum with the iron-working sites on the Weald and the corn-producing areas of the South Downs through which Stane Street passes on its way to Noviomagus Regnensium (Chichester).
Arriving at Londinium from the Kent ports along Watling Street, Severus's party joins Stane Street at bustling Southwark on the south side of the Thames. The area south of the river is really a series of low-lying islands surrounded by marshland. Early on, the Romans set about making this area less prone to flooding so that the sandy islands could be occupied and the main route into Londinium from the south laid across the islands. But in recent decades the river level has sunk, and more land has been reclaimed, leading to further expansion, so that there is now a considerable and increasingly affluent settlement here. Although Southwark has only a modest timber wharf, in contrast to the massive timber quays on the opposite side of the river, it is a bustling commercial centre boasting solid oak warehouses with wooden shingle roofs, a market, many workshops, probably a mansio just off Watling Street and numerous temples to serve the needs of its cosmopolitan community.
Amid all these buildings and this activity, the first-time visitor cannot fail to notice a palatial structure commanding a prominent position overlooking the waterfront. Were you to be admitted inside, you would find heated rooms, with interiors richly decorated with expensive materials such as red cinnabar and gold leaf. This lavishness extends to the bath house, whose walls are covered with sophisticated artwork, in which winged Cupids stand enigmatically in the centre of ethereal, festooned pavilions. This is workmanship comparable to any in Italy, commissioned by (or on behalf of) people whose status means that they can demand the sophistication of Rome wherever they might be in the empire. These baths are comparable in size to the public baths over the river at Huggin Hill. Such a large and luxuriously appointed building must surely be the residence of a senior official, perhaps even the imperial procurator himself.*2 And if that is so, then Maenius Agrippa will one day occupy it.
In order to cross the Thames from the south and proceed directly up to the heart of Londinium, to the forum and basilica, you must go over a narrow wooden bridge, wide enough only for one-way traffic. You might pause to make an offering or to throw a coin into the river at the shrine to Neptune. The river is every bit as busy as the streets of the capital. Barges, fishing boats, merchant ships from Gaul and warships of the fleet can all be seen sailing along it. Some have made long and perilous journeys from across Oceanus to serve the demand for imported products from an increasingly prosperous and sophisticated population, which now includes native as well as foreign-born customers.
Looking left, upstream from the bridge, where the mouth of the River Walbrook meets the Thames,*3 there are extensive quays lined with stone warehouses and jetties. Downstream, east of the bridge, the port is expanding rapidly, with masonry as well as timber-framed stores, warehouses and shops alongside the quay and set back from it. Here, near the south-eastern limits of the city, are deep-water berths where the larger ships, carried up to London on the tidal stream, may dock or ride at anchor on the ebb tides.
The creation of Londinium's port during the Flavian period (between AD 69 and 96) was a major feat of engineering, which involved terracing the steep slopes running down to the north bank of the Thames so that they could be built on. On the lower terrace, which was raised about 2 metres (6.5 feet) above flood level, revetted timber quays were laid out using huge oak timbers, alongside which jetties and landing stages were constructed.
Some goods are being rolled off ships down the gangplanks, but heavier items require cranes and stevedores. The huge wooden barrels of wine imported via the Rhine can carry some 960 litres and weigh in when full at 1.166 tonnes. Pottery—such as the Samian ware shipped annually along the Loire or Gironde, and then through the Bay of Biscay and across the Channel—is, with luck, still intact. More modest quantities of wine from southern Gaul arrive in flat-based amphorae, probably carried along the Rhône and Rhine before being ferried across the Channel.
From Spain and Gallia Narbonensis come jars of olive oil, fish sauce, wine, the grape syrup known as defrutum and olives. Each legion in the army requires about 1,370 amphorae of olive oil a year, which means that Baetica—the main source of oil for the army of the western provinces—needs to send more than 4,000 amphorae to Britain annually, the produce of more than 43,000 olive trees. Mainland Greece and the island of Rhodes also supply wine, reaching Britannia—as do the many visitors arriving in Londinium—by varied and circuitous routes.
The traffic is not all one way. Waiting to be loaded onto ships heading back to the Continent are consignments of wool, hide, tin and lead. There is also live cargo in the form of slaves, hunting hounds, bears and oysters. Fish is landed live here too, caught at the mouth of the Thames or in the Channel and most likely transported the 40 miles or so upstream in seawater containers. Oysters are traded immediately downstream of the bridge. Brought up from Cantium, some now with the less distorted shells which mark them as being farmed from artificial beds, they too are kept alive in salt water and then dispersed around Britannia, even as far as Hadrian's Wall, while others are sent to the Continent.*4 Up on the Wall, oysters may well be consumed as much for their curative properties as for their taste. When boiled in their shells they are said to be good for colds, and powdered oyster shells relieve sore throats (together with abscesses and hardness in the breast) when mixed with honey. Many soldiers in Britannia this winter, despite the advantages of thick socks in their boots, might be driven to try beaten raw oysters as a cure for chilblains, though it is not clear whether the prescribed mixture is for internal or external use.
While tastes are changing fast, Britannia does not yet produce its own fish sauce, that staple of the Roman larder, so for now the province is reliant on imports from merchants such as Lucius Tettius Africanus, who markets his bottles of liquamen to Londoners as 'excellent fish sauce from Antipolis (Antibes)'. The best kind is garum sociorum, made from the intestines and offal of mackerel, with its most celebrated centre of production being in Spain at Carthago Nova—'New Carthage' (Cartagena). But it has a price to match its reputation. All grades of fish sauce are now to be found throughout the province: the legionary base at Deva (Chester) keeps a pungent 'flavoured sauce of fish-tails matured for the larder' in their mess stores.
The banks of the Thames also accommodate shipbuilding and repair yards, and a base for the ships from the classis Britannica which are at the disposal of the governor. Perhaps among them is the Ammilla, whose ram is in the shape of a dog's head and stem-post in the form of the swooping neck of a goose or swan.*5 Making their way slowly up the river are keel-less, flat-bottomed barges of crude design, 16 metres (52 feet) or so long and over 6 metres (20 feet) wide. They have massive timber frames and planks nailed in with huge clench nails according to the technique used in this northern part of the empire. The boats are certainly no beauties, but are built for hard work rather than leisure and need to carry loads of Kentish ragstone from quarries near Maidstone—the nearest supply of good building stone to London—up the River Medway and then along the Thames. Buried under their masts are old coins placed there for luck. One such barge has a coin struck forty years previously, at the time of Domitian, carefully positioned with its reverse uppermost, representing the goddess Fortuna holding a ship's rudder.
LONDINIUM'S BUILDING BOOM
Once the road passes across the bridge onto the north side of the river, it leads straight up to the forum. It is immediately apparent that, as in Rome, the city centre is being transformed by massive public building schemes as well as by smaller-scale works, the latter partly initiated after a devastating fire about five years ago. A much larger forum—nearly four times the size of its predecessor—is being built up around, and upon, the first-century original, with ranges of rooms and porticoes around its sides. On completion, it will be the largest in the province.*6 Occupying its north side is a tremendous basilica, built of grey Kentish ragstone. It is enlivened by contrasting red brick courses and red roof tiles, and sections of the portico are plastered and painted. The basilica is the biggest building in Britannia and the largest north of the Alps.*7 When finished, Londinium's forum and basilica will be the central focus of life for a city which is already 'widely renowned for the number of its merchants and volume of its trade'. If the forum is anything like others across the empire, on completion it will be stocked full of statues of distinguished men, including perhaps the larger than life-sized bronze statue of Hadrian, made to commemorate his visit in AD 122.*8
Governor Julius Severus, on arriving in his new capital city for the first time, will receive further welcoming parties. The most important dignitaries in the city, including members of the city council (ordo), will receive him formally in the basilica, which serves as a city hall, a council chamber and a court of law. Here the councillors (decuriones), who must first satisfy a property qualification before they are considered for election, discuss local issues, hear petitions, make dedications and organize the dissemination of imperial decrees and regulations, together with news about censuses to be held and legal rulings.*9
Members of the provincial council of Britannia will also be anxious to meet the new governor and pay him all due honours. The council's members represent each of the civitates, the tribal states, and are leading figures in their respective communities. Councillors can invite men with powerful connections in Rome to be the province's patron and represent their interests abroad, pleading their cause in Rome if necessary. The council can send its own embassy to Rome to speak before the Senate, or indeed before the emperor himself. As a body, they are entitled to present a vote of thanks—or of censure—to retiring governors, and to deliver it before the emperor. In turn, the emperor may be gracious enough to bestow on them, either as a council or as individuals, the honour of holding special ceremonies, games and gladiatorial shows.
As at Lugdunum and elsewhere in the empire, the provincial council also has a religious function, celebrating the emperor's divine spirit annually at a festival at which they hold sacrifices, games and banquets. Unlike their counterparts in Gaul, however, the British elite do not appear to have the same inclination to compete with each other by erecting splendid monuments.*10
On sweeping into Londinium's basilica for the first time, even the most jaded member of Severus's entourage must be surprised, if not impressed, by its size as they stand in its central space: a nave flanked by side aisles, with a raised apse at its marble-lined eastern end. Both the public rooms and the offices, arranged over several floors on the northern side of the nave, are brightly decorated.
Although coloured stone and marble are used sparingly here, in comparison with buildings in Mediterranean cities, many different types from quarries all over the empire are now being imported into Londinium: white Carrara marble from Italy and from the island of Thasos in the northern Aegean; red limestone (rosso antico) from Cape Taenaros in the Greek Peloponnese; purple-veined white breccia (pavonazzetto) from Docimion in Phrygia;*11 maroon and white breccia from Skyros, together with other coloured marbles from Euboea in Greece; green and white (campan vert) and white and pink (campan rouge) breccia from Campan, on the Gallic side of the Pyrenees; and, from the eastern desert of Egypt, rare red porphyry from Gebel Dokhan.
The Greek, Turkish, Italian and Egyptian stones all come from imperially owned quarries. Most likely they are shipped to Britannia via Rome, on a consignment of 'marble for public building works', rather than being ordered individually and transported directly from the quarries themselves. The French stone from the High Pyrenees, which is brought to Britannia in greater quantities than the others, is more likely to be imported directly from the south-west of France, possibly via Burdigala.
The roads being laid out around the forum have attracted new buildings, workshops and commercial premises, and the area is still a semi-permanent building site, with workers' huts, stores for building materials and pits for mixing mortar. Once the official visit is out of the way, an endless line of pack animals will resume their labours up the hill from the river bearing the ragstone rubble from Kent. Weighed down by their loads, the pack horses' hooves press so heavily into the ground that their imprint remains to tell the story of their toil.*12
In contrast to the exotic marbles, the brick used for public building works is made locally. Those bricks destined for official use bear the stamps 'P. PR. BR' or 'P. P. BR', often followed by 'LON' for Londinium. The abbreviations stand for Procurator Provinciae Britanniae Londinii, roughly 'property of the procurator of the province of Britannia at London'. Bored but literate brickies or tile makers around the capital scratch graffiti on their work to pass the time and have some fun. One inscription, written in a breezy rhyming couplet on a freshly made, still-soft building tile, records cryptically that 'Austalis has been wandering off on his own every day for 13 days.' Perhaps it is an in-joke passed around the yard for Austalis's mates to snigger at.
GREAT FIRES OF LONDINIUM
Despite all the building work and the flashy new forum and basilica, Londinium remains, if truth be told, a poor comparison with Rome. For anyone coming from the empire's capital or the great Mediterranean cities, Londinium must seem tiny and irredeemably provincial. Rome squeezes around a million people into a city that stretches for about 8 square miles. By contrast, Londinium now covers a mere 330 acres (138 hectares), a fraction of the size of even Rome's Campus Martius, and has just 20,000 inhabitants—and that by a generous reckoning.*13 Where Rome is built on seven hills, London is built on two, on the north bank of the Thames and separated by the River Walbrook.*14
Sophisticated newcomers passing through Londinium on their way to remoter parts of Britannia may be alarmed to hear that this is the most recognizably Roman of all the cities in Britannia, with the most cosmopolitan population and more well-appointed and richly decorated buildings than anywhere else in the province. Although many public buildings in Londinium are built of stone, the majority of shops, houses and warehouses are still wooden, including the bridge across the Thames. While Rome has an impressive system of aqueducts to quench its thirst, Londinium instead relies on wells that draw on a (thankfully) endless supply of natural springs.
Where many of Rome's buildings are ancient—or at least built and aggrandised on ancient foundations—London is a thoroughly modern city, with no building pre-dating AD 60–61. This is where Boudicca, Queen of the Iceni, having sacked Camulodunum, also wreaked vengeance on Londinium, burning the young city to the ground and massacring those of its inhabitants too weak or too reluctant to flee her merciless war bands.
Just recently, no earlier than AD 125, the city has been devastated once again—by fire. It began west of the River Walbrook and spread eastwards, fanned by a westerly wind and devouring at least 65 acres—a much bigger area than was ravaged during Boudicca's destruction. This most recent fire spread rapidly, possibly from near the quayside south of the forum, although the forum basilica itself escaped unscathed. It badly damaged, however, the area to its immediate east and a large number of timber and clay houses to the west. Although in AD 130 some places have not yet recovered, or are operating on a reduced scale in comparison with their pre-fire days, most areas have been quick to pick up the pieces. Some prime commercial sites have already been redeveloped.*15
Fires are a constant hazard in cities, especially as all heat and light requires a flame to be kindled, whether in the form of oil lamps, candles, braziers, open fires, under-floor heating or ovens. In Rome it is one of the duties of the prefect of the city guard to keep fires under control, with the help of the 500-plus trained vigiles urbani, or city guards. The prefect has the authority to punish people who are careless, by flogging them if necessary, and everyone is obliged to keep a supply of water at the ready in an upstairs room. Prudent householders are also advised to keep vinegar to hand to douse fires, as well as siphons, poles, ladders and buckets.
Londinium, though, probably lacks any trained fire-fighters. There is considerable caution about the formation of fire brigades in Rome's more distant provinces. When the younger Pliny asked Trajan for permission to found a fire brigade in the city of Nicomedia in Bithynia (in northwestern Asia Minor), c. AD 112, the emperor refused his request, fearing that the citizens might use it to form a political club; instead Trajan advocated the provision of fire-fighting equipment that individual property-owners could make use of. Following the fire in Londinium, the governor of Britannia must have been concerned to make adequate provision against future outbreaks. But given that Britannia is such a troublesome place, Hadrian may well have been as unenthusiastic as Trajan was in allowing the formation of fire-fighting organizations.
The London fire does not seem to have dented confidence unduly, though, and recent post-fire buildings are noticeably smarter than their predecessors. Although still mainly built of timber and unfired clay, they are better made and more expensively decorated, with more mosaic floors and wall veneers of Continental marble on show; some even now have their own bath suites. Close to the waterfront, one new house sports a small bath house complete with a mosaic-lined plunge bath and separate latrine. Even modest shops and workshops are now enhanced by reception rooms with painted walls and cement floors, unheard of for this status of building before the fire, or in towns elsewhere in Britain at present.
LONDINIUM, SEAT OF GOVERNMENT
As governor, Julius Severus and his family will reside in Londinium, as will his imperial procurator,*16 judicial legate, close advisers and a modest staff of military men, freedmen and slaves to help deal with the vast amount of administration that comes with running the province. Soldiers especially attached to the governor's staff, including his horseguard, are billeted at the fort in the north-west of the city.
At the top of the province's pecking order is, of course, Severus. As the emperor's personally appointed representative, he answers directly to Hadrian. He comes to Britannia with definite orders and specific imperial instructions, and he will correspond regularly with the emperor, keeping him up to speed through detailed reports and consulting him about potentially tricky matters before taking action. The governor is also the only person in Britannia charged with the power to pronounce capital punishment on Roman citizens. In short, he is in supreme charge of both civilian and military life in the country.
Britannia hosts a very large number of soldiers, and its governorship is one of the two most senior posts available in the empire.*17 Usually, governors of provinces need only to have served as praetors first, a senior position in the career path for men of senatorial rank that is known as the cursus honorum. Governors of Britannia, however, are drawn only from men who have served in the very highest rank of senators: as consuls. Although four or five governorships along the northern frontiers are also assigned to ex-consuls, together with the plum job of governing Hispania Citerior (Tarraconensis), perhaps only Syria is considered more important for a military man.
But to have an experienced ex-consul governing an imperial and highly militarized province is a potentially risky scenario for an emperor who himself holds the rank of proconsul for almost every province in the empire.*18 This may be why the British job is officially classified as 'propraetorian', even though those appointed to it are proconsuls. The governor's title is thus legatus Augusti pro praetore, 'the legate of Augustus with propraetorian rank', in charge as the emperor's deputy. Holding supreme command of the army stationed here, as well as of the government and the judiciary, any governor of Britannia needs to be both an able administrator and an effective military commander: both skills are ones at which Julius Severus excels.
Also in the gift of the emperor is the procuratorship, the most senior post in Britannia available to an eques, or member of the equestrian order—and it will be one that will fall to Maenius Agrippa, after his service as prefect of the classis Britannica. The main duty of the procurator of an imperial province is to oversee the collection of revenues on behalf of the Fiscus (the emperor's personal treasury). The procurator has his own staff, some of them brought with him and others already working in the province. As well as supervising the collection of taxes, the procurator oversees the pay of the military and the administration of imperial property, such as estates and mines.
The relationship between procurator and governor is, though, a notoriously tense one, not least because the procurator is expected to keep a check on the province's finances while being subordinate to the provincial governor. Although both men are appointees of the emperor, they are of different social rank and on different pay scales (the governor being a senatorial posting and the procurator an equestrian one). They are also appointed at different times, so one always has the advantage of having settled into a province before the other.
Although the highest-ranking positions in the administration are now reserved for men of equestrian rank, especially after Hadrian's reorganization of the imperial secretariat, freedmen still hold many posts, including less important procuratorships. Within the hierarchy of administration in Britannia are many sub-groups, including whole social structures of slaves. Take, for example, the imperial slave Montanus, who works in London and employs an assistant slave called Vegetus. Vegetus can afford to pay 600 denarii—the equivalent of two years' gross salary of a comparatively well-paid legionary soldier—for a slave girl from Gaul known as 'Fortunata', a girl recorded as being 'in good health and with no history of running away'. Work, even for a slave within the imperial administration in Britannia, is clearly lucrative. Slaves are commodities—to be bought and sold, and on which tax must be paid. If you need the money, then you can always sell them on again: 'take due care to turn that girl into cash', is the advice given to one inhabitant of Londinium.
An important duty of a governor is to head the judiciary and to hear legal cases. But with the north of Britannia effectively under martial law and periodic violence flaring up, governors spend a considerable amount of their time on military matters rather than on civilian ones. For this reason Julius Severus will have an imperial judicial legate (legatus augusti iuridicus) to assist him, a post first appointed under the Flavian emperors. This is also a very senior position, being assigned to someone of senatorial rank who has already served as a legionary legate and who will expect to go on to govern a province. If necessary, he will be able to deputize for the governor. As the title suggests, his primary duty is to preside over legal cases, such as those concerning inheritance and property disputes. One such legatus iuridicus is Marcus Vettius Valens,*19 seemingly well respected, who will agree to become 'patron of the province'—a title conferred on him by Britannia's provincial council, who look on him to defend their interests in the wider empire.
Some of the most imposing offices for imperial staff are located in an impressive stone building overlooking the river, to the west of the bridge over the Thames.*20 The procurator's staff will consist of a greater proportion of imperial freedmen and slaves—men such as Montanus and Vegetus—in addition to soldiers seconded from auxiliary regiments in the army. Some are skilled in shorthand (exceptores), others at financial accounts or tax collection. They scribble away, sometimes on expensive imported papyrus, but mainly writing and filing memos on official-issue wooden tablets bearing stamps from their respective offices along the lines of: 'issued by the imperial procurators of the province of Britain'.*21 Secretaries take notes on wooden tablets made of thin rectangles of imported silver fir, which are coated in wax and written on with a stylus. These can be reused by warming the wax or erasing the letters with the flat end of the stylus. More permanent records are made on specially prepared wooden tablets, written upon with bronze quill or reed pens with split nibs. At their desks the secretaries and clerks keep small metal or pottery pots containing ink made from the pigment lamp-black. Letters and memos are dictated, so secretaries need to be able to write quickly and on the hoof if necessary. Unsurprisingly, if working in a rushed or noisy environment they may sometimes mishear the odd word or phrase, or anticipate incorrectly. Was that et hiem (and winter) or etiam (even)?
Records are kept scrupulously and there is a mass of filing to do in vast archives. Every governor is expected to keep records of his work, not only in correspondence with the emperor but also in the form of commentarii—accounts of day-to-day operations and observations on events and individuals—and acta, the records of official decisions and directives. For their work, governors, procurators and iuridices need reference libraries containing law books, regulations, records of military promotions, works on tactics, itineraria and maps. (Certainly, while governor in Bithynia, Pliny the Younger found he had to go through the edicts and letters of Augustus, Vespasian, Titus and Domitian.) Papyrus letters are docketed upon receipt with the day, month and year listed in full, with single letters being glued together to make a roll for filing. Official legal documents are written on wooden wax tablets (tabulae) before being duly signed and sealed.
The governor, who has an estimated 200 men working in his office, is served by legionaries seconded to him from elsewhere in Britain. They act not just in military roles or as bodyguards, but in administration. Some men from auxiliary units are seconded to London to serve as singulares, men 'singled out' as the governor's bodyguards in the form of horse and foot guards. They are 'the governor's own', who take part in official ceremonies in the capital. Others have policing roles (speculatores), whose duties include executing condemned criminals, while the beneficiarii consularis (beneficiaries of the governor) are legionaries with a status just below the rank of a centurion, possibly about 180 in number. These troops are dispatched on special duties outside the capital and are to be found all over the province. The stratores consularis, or grooms of the governor, have the job of provisioning the army with horses rather than just looking after them. They are auxiliaries, as are the actual grooms (equisiones) for the governor's horses.
The thousand or so soldiers on duty in London are housed in a large stone fort in the north-west of the city, built in the early years of the century. Apart from the headquarters of the classis Britannica in Dubris, it is probably the only permanent fort in the south of the province.*22 Its four gates, each with entrance towers, enclose an area of about 12 acres. It is therefore much smaller than, for example, the legionary fortresses at Isca Augusta (Caerleon, at 50 acres) or Deva (Chester, at 56 acres), and more in keeping with the largest auxiliary forts.
LONDINIUM AT LEISURE
Adjacent to the fort lies the amphitheatre, which has also benefited from the burst of activity generated by Hadrian's visit eight years ago. Like the fort, it has been rebuilt in stone. Hadrian, who is passionate about both hunting and the military, knows how to use gladiatorial weapons and frequently attends shows, 'in almost every city erecting some building and giving public games'. He may well have presided over ones in Londinium in AD 122. In his beloved Athens, a few years ago, he staged a spectacular hunt (venatio) involving a thousand wild beasts, and in Rome's Circus he has provided many shows involving wild animals, often including a hundred lions.
London's arena may not see many lions but, unlike amphitheatres elsewhere in the province, which are often peculiarly British in form, it is typical of others throughout the empire. It reflects the city's status as a provincial capital with a cosmopolitan population. Its decoration is, though, somewhat less flamboyant than some of its Continental counterparts: its walls do not boast the elaborate scenes of animals, gods and fights that characterize amphitheatres of Mediterranean towns, or the magnificently elaborate stucco work of Rome's Colosseum. Londinium's arena is, instead, plastered and painted with a rather more modest fake-marble effect, and the wall is topped by iron railings.
Unless there are pressing military matters up north, it will do Julius Severus no harm soon after his arrival to host shows and games. Surrounded by his senior staff and guests, he will be able to preside over the games from a box (tribunal) situated over the amphitheatre's south gate, the more elaborate of the four entrances. Other VIP seats are accorded to the city magistrates and the sponsors of particular games. These high-ranking spectators will ensure that they have good seats reserved at the ringside in the widest part of the arena (on the line of the short axis). In Londinium there might also be special covered seating available on the north side, opposite the governor's box. It is important to be seen in the right seats wherever in the empire you are. When German envoys in Rome during Claudius's time saw the Parthian and Armenian envoys sitting among the senators, they caused a stir (showing 'naive self confidence', according to Suetonius) by moving from their seats among the common people to which they had been shown. In protesting that their merits and rank were not in any way inferior to those of other emissaries, their chutzpah paid off and Claudius allowed them to sit among the VIPs.
While Rome's Colosseum has an estimated capacity of 50,000—some say more—Londinium's amphitheatre, which is 100 metres (330 feet) wide at its maximum extent, can hold about 7,000 spectators, the majority of whom sit on wooden seats. Hadrian, attempting to instil a sense of public morality (as his idol Augustus had done more than a century before), has decreed that men and women should be segregated in the theatre and circuses. Augustus, who had stopped men and women sitting together at shows, had apparently relegated women to the back rows and excluded them altogether from athletic contests, perhaps because the athletes performed naked, in the Greek habit. The women of Londinium attend the performances nonetheless, losing hairpins and jewellery in the process through being jostled in the crowds—or possibly from jumping up and down with excitement.
The majority of spectators throng through the east entrance, passing temporary wooden stalls erected outside the amphitheatre, some of which tempt with hot snacks cooked in ceramic portable ovens (clibani), others with souvenirs of the show. Samian-ware cups depicting scenes from the arena are popular. One shows a man with a ridiculously tiny rectangular shield facing a charging bull, surrounded by three lifeless bodies: possibly it depicts prisoners condemned to the beasts. Inside the arena, such brutal scenes are played out for real.*23 While the crowds in Rome are treated to lavish shows with hundreds of exotic beasts, native-born animals such as bears, stags and the bull depicted on the cup are the staple fare in Britannia. The animals arrive at the amphitheatre in crates, driven or wheeled into the beast pens (carceres) situated at the entrance passages into the arena (on the long axes of the amphitheatre). When their turn comes, they are released into the arena through the vertical sliding trapdoors.
While everyone looks forward to an exciting show with plenty of action, safety measures are in place to keep crazed animals and desperate combatants from climbing over the walls of the arena and into the laps of the front-row VIPs. In Rome's 48-metre-high Colosseum, there is about a 4-metre (13-foot) drop between the front-row seating and the arena floor. Additional protection for spectators is available in some places in the form of ivory inlaid rollers around the arena walls, as well as additional fences laid inside the arena, with netting across them.
So that animals and humans in the show can move about easily, the surface of Londinium's arena is hard, made of rammed gravel mixed with pink mortar. But it is covered with a layer of sand, which provides a cushioning layer for falls, not to mention its utility for the mopping up of blood and gore. Appearing on the programme might be armed men fighting animals, or different sorts of beasts pitted against each other. Sometimes the latter are in 'amusingly' odd combinations, such as a bear and a python, or a lion and a crocodile—in those parts of the empire with better access to such exotica. More common in Britannia are a bull and a bear, the latter brought down from Scotland and the far north of England. The animals are tethered together by means of an iron ring in the centre of the arena.
Criminals condemned to the punishment known as damnatio ad bestias (condemnation to the wild beasts) might also form part of the day's entertainment. To add to the amusement, prisoners are sometimes forced to participate in little tableaux, occasionally with elaborate props and machinery. In the first century AD the poet Martial pictured a scene in the Roman arena, in which a Caledonian bear was brought on to attack a condemned criminal—all part of a re-enactment of a popular story about the robber Laureolus, who was devoured by a bear while being crucified. In Apuleius's fiction Metamorphoses (The Golden Ass), a woman who has poisoned members of her family is condemned to the beasts and forced to have sex with an ass on a large bed in the centre of the arena. The ass—really a man turned into a beast by magic—elsewhere has no qualms about making love to women in his animal form; but he is unable to bear the shame of being exposed in the arena in this public 'marriage', not to mention fearful of being torn apart by a wild animal while in flagrante, and so he escapes. Martial, describing games and shows in the Colosseum, also urged his audience to believe the story of the legendary Pasiphaë, wife of King Minos of Crete, who lusted after a bull by whom she conceived the minotaur: 'whatever story you've heard about, you can see it in the arena—the old legends here gain credibility'.
If the beast shows in Londinium's amphitheatre are not entertaining enough for you, then there are other amusements to be had. Bored soldiers use animals grazing in the open pasture on the edge of the city as target practice, and there is good hunting in the surrounding woods and fields.*24 The city also boasts several public baths, all sited by the natural springs that provide them with a ready water supply. An old baths complex, first built around AD 70–90 and terraced into the steep hillside, is now being extensively remodelled: a further caldarium (hot steam room) is being built, the underfloor heating system is being redesigned and new timber-lined drains are being inserted, while the interior decoration is also being updated with imported marble. Accessible directly from the river, and a short stroll away from the government offices, the baths afford pleasant views overlooking the Thames.*25 Here, too, men and women might have to bathe separately—another of Hadrian's efforts to improve public morality.
At the baths—or simply strolling around the streets—more Latin will be heard in Londinium than elsewhere in the province, where Brittonic, the native Celtic language, is the norm. But you will also hear many other languages, such as the Gaulish of the not-so Fortunata slave-girl or Greek from the lips of men such as Aulus Alfidus Olussa, born in Athens. The port of London is the place of arrival for people from diverse lands, who will make the city and the wider province their base. They may be travelling on business or serving in the army, and their stay may be temporary or last many years. They may come from elsewhere in Britannia too, drawn to the capital by the opportunities to trade or serve the imperial cause. Everyone can obtain food and drink to appeal to their native palates, and everyone can worship their native gods in the many temples in the city.
The cosmopolitan nature of London and its multicultural appeal is nowhere better demonstrated than in the dedication by a certain Tiberinius Celerianus, a merchant shipper, in the precinct of a temple in Southwark. It is made on marble imported from north-western Turkey and dedicated to Mars Camulos and the Imperial Spirits—Mars Camulos being a hybrid deity formed from the great Roman god of war, Mars, conflated with the Celtic deity Camulos, much worshipped in northern Gaul, from where the merchant originates.*26 Despite his Roman names (although 'Tiberinius' is a bit of a concoction), Celerianus is from the Bellovaci, a Celtic tribe, and his inscription uses colloquial Celtic rather than the standard Classical Latin to describe his profession: moritix, or merchant seafarer.*27
But the most striking part of his dedication is the fact that Celerianus declares boldly that he is Londoniensium primus—'first of the Londoners'. It is not clear what he has been the first to do, yet this, the earliest surviving inscription to describe Londoners, is created by a man who—despite his Gallic origins—counts himself proudly as one of them.
*1 There is no epigraphic evidence to indicate London's formal civic status. It seems likely that by the Hadrianic period it was at least a municipium, a town which had been granted a charter based on the constitution of Rome itself. It later seems to have been promoted to the highest rank of colonia.
*2 The palatial building stood on the site of Winchester Palace. It is not known who resided here. The bath house wall-painting depicting the Cupid has been restored and is on display at the Museum of London.
*3 Just west of Canning Street railway bridge.
*4 Oysters found at Benwell are thought to have been harvested in southern England.
*5 Ammilla is the name of a ship found on a miniature bronze prow inscribed 'AMMILLA AUG FELIX', perhaps commemorating a victory in a race.
*6 Evidence from excavations of the Leadenhall Court site was sufficiently detailed to identify many features of a building site, including workers' huts and stores, mortarmixing pits and hoof prints of pack animals bringing ragstone rubble from the waterfront at the foot of the hill.
*7 By comparison, St Paul's Cathedral is some 174 metres (574 feet) long, including its portico. Corinium (Cirencester) held the prize for the second-largest basilica in Roman Britain.
*8 It is speculative that the statue of Hadrian was in the forum and that it was made to commemorate the visit, though both scenarios are possible—the head alone survives, which was found in the River Thames.
*9 No details about the London council are known.
*10 It is unknown if the British centre of the cult's activities was transferred to Londinium, as seems likely, or remained at the original provincial capital and imperial cult centre of Camulodunum (Colchester), whose temple had been sacked and the colony's inhabitants massacred during Boudicca's destruction of the city in AD 60–61.
*11 In what is now Turkey.
*12 After two millennia, the hoofprints were excavated in Leadenhall.
*13 That said, this figure represents a density of population that was not reached again for a thousand years.
*14 The western hill corresponds to modern Ludgate Hill, with St Paul's Cathedral on top of it, and the eastern hill to Cornhill, topped by Leadenhall Market.
*15 In the vicinity of Newgate Street.
*16 The identity of the imperial procurator is unknown for the period AD 130–133.
*17 Later, the province was divided into two, at around the end of the second century AD, and into four in the fourth century.
*18 The emperor was technically appointed by the Senate and people of Rome as proconsul of nearly every province, except those peaceful provinces of long standing that did not need a strong military presence.
*19 He was serving in the early 130s, possibly under Julius Severus.
*20 On the site of Cannon Street station. It was clearly an important building, but its exact status is conjectural.
*21 Only a few fibres of Roman papyrus have survived in damp Britain.
*22 These are the only two known permanent forts for the period.
*23 Archaeological finds from a timber drain in the arena include the remains of a bull. The distal humerus of a brown bear was also found, together with the remains of deer, horses and dogs. Human bone has been located too, but it is not clear whether this is associated with activity in the amphitheatre.
*24 An ox tibia found with an iron ballista (catapult) bolt shot through it is evidently the work of a soldier manning the defences of late Roman Londinium, on the site of what became the Tower of London.
*25 The baths were sited on what is now Upper Thames Street.
*26 Around modern Beauvais.
*27 Mor means 'sea' in modern Welsh.
# VI
# Westwards to Silchester
Deo qui vias et semitas commentus est T(itus) Irdas s(ummus) c(urator) f(ecit) v(otum) l(aetus) l(ibens) m(erito) Q(uintus) Varius Vitalis b(ene)f(icarius) co(n)s(ularis) aram sacram restituit Aproniano et Bradua co(n)s(ulibus).
To the god who invented roads and pathways, Titus Irdas, chief supply officer, gladly, willingly and deservedly fulfilled this vow. Quintus Varius Vitalis, the governor's special duty officer, restored this sacred altar in the consulship of Apronianus and Bradua.
LOST ALTAR FROM CATARACTONIUM
(Catterick)
*
LONDINIUM is as much a place to pass through as to live in permanently. If circumstances are not too pressing in the north, where military matters must be Julius Severus's principal concern, the new governor will be able to tour his province, once he has acquainted himself with the workings of his new capital. After all, it is part of his responsibility ultimately to ensure that the whole infrastructure of the province is sound and that the extensive network of roads, harbours, bridges and public buildings is maintained.
The direct road north is the one which Minicius Natalis will take to join the Legion VI Victrix. It leads straight out of Londinium's forum,*1 up to the colonia of Lindum (Lincoln) and from there to Eboracum. But Severus on his tour of duty can choose a more circuitous route, inspecting the bases of all three legions based in Britannia. Travelling west out of Londinium, he can take in the fortress of the Legion II Augusta at Isca (Caerleon) in Wales, and then proceed north via the base of the Legion XX Augusta at Deva on his way up to the Wall, stopping at Eboracum on the way back down south—should he choose not to sail back down Britannia's east coast. On his way to the north-west, he will be able to visit the great temple complex and sacred waters at Aquae Sulis (Bath) and two important civitas capitals: Calleva Atrebatum (Silchester) and Viroconium Cornoviorum (Wroxeter).
The main east–west thoroughfare through Londinium lies immediately south of the forum.*2 Just before the city's boundary it meets an impressive monument built of Bath stone, before crossing the road over the River Fleet and—immediately outside the city—passing through a cemetery. The road leads to Calleva Atrebatum, just over 44 miles (71km) away, and from there to the whole of the west of Britannia.*3
A short way beyond the city's boundary, the road comes to a junction, where Watling Street West branches north to Verulamium (St Albans), 22 miles (35km) away. *4 This is the civitas capital of the Catuvellauni who, at the time of the conquest, occupied one of the biggest and most prosperous territories in the province. Surrounded by rich arable land and pasture, Verulamium has the status of municipium, the second rank of chartered towns, inferior only to a colonia. It lies slightly above the River Ver on the south-west side of the river valley, and forms the junction of three major routes.*5 From here, Watling Street continues north through Durocobrivis (Dunstable) and up to Viroconium and Deva; travellers can also pick up a route to the east from Verulamium to Camulodunum, as well as others leading south-west.
But Julius Severus instead continues westwards.*6 Where the road rises (at Notting Hill), there is a fine view, whereupon the road continues south-west. Unlike Rome, with its miles of urban sprawl, immediately beyond the city of London lies open pasture, with woods and grassland where you might find woodcock, owls, golden plover and red kites, or even—along the river from Southwark to the Thames basin—white-tailed sea eagles. It is an easy journey to Brentford, which lies about 10 miles (16km) from the heart of the capital, at the point where the road passes along the northernmost edge of the bend in the Thames, at the crossing of the River Brent. Here, a small roadside settlement provides the opportunity for official travellers to change horses if necessary and for those in less of a hurry to rest and find refreshment.
The Thames is not crossed for another 9 miles (14.5km), until reaching Pontes—or Pontibus, 'at the Bridges' (Staines). Here the road runs through the centre of town, which is built on one of five gravel 'islands' where the River Colne meets the Thames. Alder grows in abundance in the wetlands between these islands. Shops and houses hug each side of the road, clinging to the highest portions of ground and raised a little above the rest of this flood-prone area.
Pontibus is flourishing, and many of its timber-framed buildings are being embellished with painted wall plaster, mosaics and window glass.*7 As a halfway point on the journey to Calleva, some 22 miles (35km) further west, it is a convenient place to stop. Severus's entourage and any other travellers will have access to all sorts of goods and services here, including smiths, who are kept busy with repairs. Some are replacing loose or lost linchpins on carriage wheels, or seeing to broken harnesses, while others are putting new iron tyres onto carts. While they are at work, the travellers will be glad to stretch their legs and take refreshment, tucking into beef, pork or a bit of widgeon.
Although the town is surrounded by rich grass and arable land, beyond that lies heath and woodland, and as the road proceeds further west it passes through long stretches of lonely, underpopulated country. Milestones punctuate the route, one after every thousand paces (mille passus) or 5,000 pedes (feet): a Roman mile (1.48km). The road then changes alignment (at Bagshot Park, in Berkshire) and runs almost due west for most of the remaining 17 miles (27km) to Calleva.*8
At this point the road is about 6.8 metres wide. But, as Julius Severus will discover on his tour of duty around Britannia, there is no such thing as a set standard in size or construction in the province's extensive road network, and not all the roads are dead straight. Road width varies greatly, from about 5 metres (16.5 feet) to more than 10 metres (33 feet). Few roads outside towns are paved, most being surfaced with gravel and small pebbles, sometimes mixed with a layer of sand or silt, and densely crushed together. In terms of 'standard' road construction, typically a road consists of a main raised agger (bank), flanked by two sets of parallel drainage ditches. Between the outer and inner ditches on either side of the agger run two 'side roads' which are usually unmetalled. The agger is built up of layers of stone or gravel, depending on what materials are available locally, and on soft ground it might be built over piles of timber and layers of brushwood. Some streets in towns and at forts are paved, while others are cobbled.
Unmetalled side roads provide easier going for horses being ridden at a canter, for Roman horses, being unshod, find hard surfaces and stony roads wearing on their hooves. Not all roads have flanking lanes, though, and different solutions have to be found to building roads over difficult terrain. On some steep roads, for example, parallel lanes at different levels are cut into the hillside. Julius Severus and his entourage should be able to enjoy an unhindered journey along the roads, for it is unthinkable that his party will be held up by goods traffic in lumbering wagons, or by animals driven on foot. It is to be hoped that outriders will have been sent in advance to clear the way and instruct people to take secondary routes to their destinations. Soldiers on the move clearly expect people to get out of their way on the roads, and many are those who have felt the force of a hobnailed boot, when they have failed to move fast enough. In all events, cisiarii (waggoners) are expected to exercise due caution when driving. According to Roman law they are deemed liable if, while overtaking another vehicle, they overturn the wagon or damage property, including slaves.
CALLEVA ATREBATUM—ECHOES
OF THE IRON AGE
Calleva Atrebatum (Silchester), the administrative centre of the Atrebates tribe, is the first major town west of Londinium. Standing in an open landscape surrounded by pasture, hay meadows and heathland, Calleva stands at the junction of main roads leading to other significant towns in all directions. Built on a spur of gravel about 90 metres (295 feet) above sea level, Calleva, whose Celtic name signifies a wooded place, has commanding views to the east and south, extending over about 40 hectares.*9 Despite the town's distance from a river, it has a ready supply of water from the many springs that are easily accessible via shallow wells.
Calleva is also a place with a singular history. It is thought to have been settled by newcomers to the island, refugee members of the Atrebates tribe in northern Gaul (near Arras). They had fled to Britain in about 52 BC with their leader, Commius, who had turned against Julius Caesar and consequently become one of Rome's 'most wanted' in Gaul. Calleva seems to have been built as a planned settlement, perhaps as early as 40 BC, and it became one of the most sophisticated in Iron Age Britain, open to Roman influence in the form of goods from northern Gaul and the wider Roman Empire.*10
Three British leaders—Tincomarus, Eppillus and Verica—all claimed to be sons of Commius and might have ruled from Calleva. In a dizzying sequence of fraternal feuding, Tincomarus was ousted by Eppillus and by AD 7 had fled to Rome. Eppillus, who styled himself rex (king), issued coins carrying the marks of 'CALLE' or 'CALLEV'. He was in turn overthrown by Verica, who ruled until the early AD 40s, when he was forced to leave Britain, probably by Caratacus, who had gained much territory from the Atrebates, possibly including Calleva itself. It was Verica's flight to Rome that provided Claudius with the pretext to invade Britain in AD 43.
Under the Romans, power in the region was recalibrated, and Calleva became part of the kingdom of Cogidubnus: he was assigned leadership of some tribes after the Roman conquest, and might also have been a prince of the Atrebatic house. Calleva clearly retained high status within his kingdom. On Cogidubnus's death, Calleva was established as a civitas capital of the Atrebates.*11
Today, travellers approaching Calleva from Londinium first pass an amphitheatre on their right, built on a sloping site on the outskirts of town. It was constructed at some time between AD 55 and AD 75. Its circular arena is enclosed by a wooden wall, behind which are circular banks and metre-wide terraces formed out of the excavated soil. With an estimated capacity of 7,250 standing spectators, this huge earthwork—using the same building techniques and skills as the great, late Iron Age ditches that, until recently, encircled the town—must seem peculiar to anyone from Rome or the Mediterranean. Conventional Roman amphitheatres are, almost without exception, elliptical, with the best seats in the boxes that face the short axis. By contrast, Calleva's, now over seventy years old and beginning to show signs of wear, is not only circular and lacks seats, but has no carefully organized entrance passages to channel the crowds into their places. Instead, spectators must climb up ramps or stairs built against the outside of the amphitheatre. It is to be hoped that marshals are on hand before a gathering, to prevent a scrum to get a ringside position.
Although small and plain by Roman standards, Calleva's amphitheatre still represents a huge undertaking: a large area of land must have been needed to provide sufficient turf to revet its outside wall, as well as 68 acres of woodland to provide sufficient timber. Here is a structure whose resolutely circular form may suggest that it was used by the locals not so much for Roman-style entertainments but as a place for open-air meetings and (perhaps) somewhere to observe the old traditions and customs. Displays of horsemanship take place here and, when the building was first constructed, the remains of a horse, including a skull, were ritually buried to ensure protection for the site. But its rather neglected, not to say dilapidated, appearance indicates that in the normal scheme of things the amphitheatre is not frequently used.
Perhaps the arrival of Britannia's governor will provide an excuse to mount a show—Julius Severus might even fund one to commemorate his visit. He can certainly be assured of a large welcoming party as he proceeds on to the forum, passing a religious precinct at the town's eastern edge, where Romano-Celtic temples are brightly painted with red stucco exteriors. While Severus is formally received, other, considerably less elevated visitors will have to make it a priority to organize accommodation for their masters. The mansio is situated near the south gate and the road to Noviomagus. It is a large compound, occupying most of an entire street block (insula VIII) but set nearly 100 metres (330 feet) back from the road, tucked behind other properties.
The mansio's principal accommodation is arranged around three sides of a porticoed courtyard and consists of suites of rooms on offer to higher-ranking officials only; the lower-ranking soldiers and officials will need to rely on being billeted elsewhere in the town.*12 Although spacious, none of the suites is provided with central heating from hypocausts, instead relying on charcoal-burning braziers for warmth.
After a room is secured, a bath will be welcome, and the well-appointed mansio bath house is situated in a second open courtyard. If you are important enough to stay in the mansio, your slave will accompany you, carrying towels, oil and strigil (for scraping dirt and dead skin off your body, after anointing you with the oil). If you do not have such status, you will still be able to make use of the public baths south-east of Calleva's forum: these were among the first Roman buildings to appear in the town in the AD 50s, and they have undergone alterations over time.
Thus refreshed, newcomers to Calleva can explore their surroundings. To the west of the baths is a Romano-Celtic temple, which nonetheless has distinctly Roman dedications to Peace, Victory and Mars by a collegium peregrinorum consistentium Callevae ('guild of resident aliens at Calleva'). The collegium represents a provincial version of the smart temple guilds to which Hadrian and Minicius Natalis belong in Rome.
The first-time visitor should make for the forum basilica at the town's heart, which makes a natural starting point for a tour of the town. Here, a new structure in Bath limestone—the nearest source of stone to Calleva—is being erected around its wooden predecessor, dating from about AD 85. While the timber basilica had been perfectly aligned with the road east to Londinium, the challenge of erecting this new stone building around the wooden one has led to a two-degree shift in orientation away from the street grid.
Anyone with an eye for architectural detail, and who has travelled in Germania, may notice a familiarity in the style of the Corinthian capitals. They bear the hallmark of work by sculptors from the Rhineland, suggesting perhaps that the stonemasons working on the project trained in the legions.
The single-aisled stone basilica at Calleva is curious in that it has opposing apses at either end of the hall. The contemporary forum basilicas at Viroconium and Venta Silurum (Caerwent) have rectangular rooms at each end, while Londinium's basilica has an apse at one end of the hall; only Calleva has two. What lies behind this decision? Have the Callevans decided to outdo Londinium? Whatever the reason, the novel design will not prove very long-lasting.*13
The forum basilica—or at least the site of it—may hold significance for the Callevans that long pre-dates the arrival of the Romans. It stands at the old Iron Age centre of Calleva, and buried here in that earlier time was the articulated skeleton of a raven. It is a bird that has symbolic associations for Celts, and which is ritualistically buried elsewhere in Britannia: ravens are messengers from the Otherworld, an association perhaps stemming from the birds' black plumage and their diet of carrion.
A SUBTERRANEAN MAGICAL WORLD
Calleva's air of ancient mystery is not limited to buried ravens. All over the town, hidden in pits and wells, and under floors or patches of ground, is a whole magical world that has its roots in Celtic Iron Age belief. Underneath a room in the forum, for example, are the skulls of four dogs, spurs from gamecocks and the blade of a small knife. In two pits between the north side of the forum and the main east–west street are thirty-nine necks of flasks or bottles; in another pit, almost 2 metres (6 feet) below the ground, are a small bronze figure, possibly of the infant Hercules, some fragments of pottery and an iron screw. Among several ritual deposits in insula IX, there is a pottery vessel containing the complete skeleton of a rare small dog, two or three years old, carefully laid to rest as though it were still alive. It too dates from the late Iron Age.
In one part of town (insula XXII) a concoction of mallow, hemlock and nettle seeds—a regular witch's brew—may be found in one pot inside a well; a little further down the shaft are two more pottery vessels, containing elder. A pit in another street block (insula XXVII) has three pots containing, among other plants, hemlock, elder, thistle, deadly nightshade, self-heal, purple dead nettle, Good-King-Henry, dock and hazel. Yet another pit in the same area reveals hemlock, elder, dead nettle, cat's valerian and white bryony. Hemlock and deadly nightshade are poisons that stupefy and dull the senses, and hazel and elder are held sacred, while white bryony is associated with the mandrake, that most magical of plants.*14
In the southern part of town, along the road leading towards Noviomagus, are several pits and wells containing pots and animal skeletons. A complete skeleton of a cockerel can be found here, along with three goose bones, while one pit has the bones from at least five dogs. Indeed, among the particular curiosities buried at Calleva are fifty complete dog skulls, found around the town. The significance of burying dog skeletons is unclear, although it is a practice not entirely unfamiliar to Romans. Columella, a first-century authority on agriculture, related how on 25 April the blood and guts of unweaned puppies were offered to the goddess Robigo ('mildew') in the hope that she would safeguard the new season's crops. Dogs are also associated with Celtic gods such as Sequanna, who presides over the source of the Seine at her shrine of Fontes Sequanae, near Dijon, and who has a dog as a companion. There, tourists can buy little statuettes of pilgrims holding small dogs in their arms, which they deposit at the shrine. Elsewhere, such as at Epidaurus in Greece, the injured and afflicted can have their wounds licked better by sacred dogs.
SOME PROVINCIAL PECULIARITIES
One curious fact regarding the dog skeletons at Calleva is that young dogs, and especially female ones, seem to have been skinned before being deposited, perhaps because their soft fur was put to other uses. Diodorus Siculus, in the first century BC, wrote of how Gauls dined on the ground, using dog or wolf skins as coverings; in a memorable passage he described how the the men got food and drink entangled in their lavish moustaches as they ate.
Times and habits have changed, certainly as regards dining etiquette. In the smarter triclinia (dining rooms) of Calleva, you can now lean on couches rather than carouse on puppy-skin rugs; but having room to lie prone while eating takes up a great deal of space, and so is only an option for those who can afford big houses. By contrast, most people—here as in Italy—sit up to eat.*15 The dining rooms of the better-off boast Samian ware from central Gaul, together with other fine tableware from the Rhineland and Gallia Belgica. This is the exception rather than the rule, however, for most pottery is now produced in the province: Black Burnished ware from the Poole Harbour kilns, and fine grey ware and white ware from Oxfordshire. There is the odd mortarium (mixing bowl) from Isca Augusta and other bits and pieces from Verulamium, Camulodunum and the Nene Valley (in Cambridgeshire). But the main suppliers of coarseware pottery to Calleva are local.*16
As for the food and drink consumed, the inhabitants of Calleva enjoy a varied diet. Their slight preference for mutton and goat reveals their Celtic origins, although they also consume pork, together with occasional meals of venison, hare and domestic fowl. For vegetables, they eat peas and cabbage, and they season their dishes with coriander, dill and mustard. Native fruits such as plums and blackberries are supplemented, for those who can afford it, by the more exotic imports of figs, grapes and mulberries. Callevans consume Spanish olive oil and the garum (fish sauce) imported in amphorae from Gades (Cadiz) and southern Spain; they can also obtain Gallic wine. As you might expect in a provincial town far to the west, such imports are found in proportionally smaller quantities than in Londinium.
Dietary habits are not the only customs that seem to have changed over time. Whatever the state of their facial hair, the Callevans' love of personal grooming suggests that they keep themselves tidier than did the Gauls of old. Here, as in other British towns, the people are keen on cleaning their nails, and they are very attached to their distinctive personal grooming sets, of a type found only in Britannia, which include scoops for cleaning out ears. Visitors interested in women's hairstyles might also notice that in contrast with the practice in other British towns, very few bone hairpins are used in Calleva. There are some rather stylish metal ones to be spotted, though, including one depicting an elegant (right) hand complete with bracelets, daintily picking up a piece of fruit.*17
This sense of a local identity might also—to the observant traveller—be discerned in the style of Calleva's houses. Some have elaborate entrance porches with flanking columns or piers on the street side, of a type found only in this place. Some of these, which are connected to the main houses by long porticoes, have small rooms attached, occasionally even heated by a hypocaust. They might be used as reception rooms or places to hold meetings outside the main dwelling.
Even though, all over town, timber buildings are being replaced by ones in flint and tile, the old Iron Age orientation of buildings and street pattern is being respected. In one of the most central street blocks (insula IX), close to the forum, stand two substantial brick-and-flint houses and a further timber building, set diagonally to the street grid and thus on a completely different alignment to the surrounding houses. They are all the more noticeable given the prominent position they hold in the town centre. But if truth be told, they might first come to the visitor's attention because of the smell and the sight of flies buzzing around: a latrine belonging to the buildings is situated right at the intersection of the streets, with a rubbish dump just to its south.
Private property-owners are responsible for keeping the street front immediately outside their houses free of rubbish, and there are also efforts—in Rome at least—to keep the streets clean. But what happens inside people's houses is a different matter, and prudent landlords are careful to draw up contracts to ensure they are legally covered if their properties are not left in good order when vacated. House leases from Egypt specify that rooms should be 'cleansed of excrements and every kind of filth' at the end of the contract period. Peering over the wooden fence that surrounds the three buildings in Calleva, the passerby is greeted by a more salubrious sight than the smell suggests: an ornamental garden with clipped box and holly bushes and honey bees buzzing round.
These houses in Calleva are of modest appearance, in keeping with the generally small size of British town houses.*18 The larger of the two has three rooms on the ground floor, with a surrounding corridor on three sides; it is a design that can be found in both town and country houses in Britannia and Gaul at this time. The second house is more unusual. Of a square plan, its footprint completely encompasses an earlier circular building, a roundhouse, which lies beneath it, and its layout seems to have been partly determined by its predecessor. The owners of these houses—whom we must presume are related—clearly honour their ancestors and perpetuate the traditions of their forebears, not only in respecting the plan of former buildings, but also in terms of the ritual offerings they make on site, some of which are already of great age when deposited.
Perhaps unsurprisingly, in light of the rubbish dump, some of the householders here suffer from the parasitic whipworm, which causes an irritation of the bowel. The afflicted will, though, almost certainly be ignorant of the cause of their troubles: the roundworm Trichuris trichiura. They will have little idea of how to prevent it through improved hygiene. Another scourge are the flies attracted to human or animal waste, which help to spread trachoma, an eye disease, prevalent all over the empire from damp Britannia to dusty Egypt. While little is understood about preventing the disease, there are many people who claim to be able to treat it. Because eye infections spread quickly in close quarters, such as in barracks or onboard ship, the classis Britannia has its own specialist opthalmikos, or eye doctor. Indeed, the great medical writer Galen mentions such a man attached to the fleet and describes the ingredients of his eye ointment: copper, zinc hydroxide, zinc carbonate, opium and mercuric sulphide.
Infections are also easily spread in the steamy intimacy of bath houses, especially if the water is rarely changed. Independent doctors and quacks can often be found in these establishments, peddling their advice and their jars of eye ointment, or collyria. Pilgrims also often visit temples seeking relief from such complaints and leave votive eyes made of metal, plaster or even gold in thanks for any cure—which they attribute to the gods rather than to the quacks.
It is to be hoped that Julius Severus and his party will remain immune from the health hazards of bath houses, for the next stop on the itinerary is the place where bathing and religion is most spectacularly combined in Britannia and whose mysterious hot springs have a most dramatic connection to the sacred world: Aquae Sulis (Bath), some 58 miles (93km) to the west of Calleva.
*1 Later known as Ermine Street, it left the city at modern Bishopsgate.
*2 The road left Londinium at Newgate, south of modern Smithfield and St Bartholomew's Hospital. Later in the second century the city was bounded by a defensive wall.
*3 The road west out of Londinium followed the line of modern Oxford Street. Calleva's importance on the road network is indicated in the Antonine Itinerary: after Londinium, it is the town that crops up most frequently.
*4 The junction with Watling Street West is at today's Marble Arch, where Edgware Road picks up the Roman route that is still in use all the way to the outskirts of St Albans (see Margary, 1973, p. 171).
*5 The Roman town was situated about two-thirds of a mile to the west of what would become the medieval town.
*6 Along what is now Bayswater Road.
*7 This period represented the high point of the town's prosperity, for it went into decline by the end of the second century and remained in the doldrums for the whole of the third century, possibly because of problems with flooding.
*8 This stretch of road is still visible and is popularly known as The Devil's Highway'.
*9 This is the extent of the late-second-century walled city. The Iron Age settlement covered some 32 hectares.
*10 It was an oppidum, an extensive system of linear earthworks defining a settlement or territory in the late Iron Age, most of which were high status—and some of which have the characteristics of later towns.
*11 Although the area assigned to the Atrebates comprised a fraction of their earlier territory it still extended across land that would later form Berkshire, north Hampshire, south Oxfordshire, Surrey and Wiltshire.
*12 This exclusive arrangement for the mansio applied to this period.
*13 Around AD 150, an arrangement more in keeping with basilicas elsewhere was adopted, with three rectangular rooms at either end.
*14 Many of the plants and trees contained in these deposits continued to have significance in later magical belief long after the Romans. The elder was closely connected with burial rituals and was held sacred among Germanic peoples; St Patrick is said to have driven the snakes out of Ireland with a wand made of hazel—another tree held sacred. White bryony came to be known as the 'English mandrake'. De Cleene and Lejeune (Ghent, 2004), Vols I and II.
*15 Paintings at Pompeii show people sitting at tables in bars and restaurants. The triclinia habit never really caught on in the north-western provinces, and it seems that in the later empire the north-western preference for sitting up to eat prevailed.
*16 Most pottery in Calleva comes from the Hampshire kilns producing Alice Holt greyware.
*17 It is a design also found in the jewellery boxes of women in the north of Britannia, at Coria (Corbridge) and can be seen at the museum there.
*18 In the subsequent fifty years or so, town houses and villas expanded greatly in size and ambition.
# VII
# Bath, a Tourist Hotspot
In quo spatio magna et multa flumina, fons calidi opiparo exculti apparatu ad usus mortalium: quibus fontibus praesul est Minervae numen, in cuius aede perpetui ignes numquam canescunt in favillas, sed ubi ignis tabuit vertit in globos saxeos.
In [Britain] there are many great rivers, and warm springs sumptuously appointed for the use of mortals. The presiding spirit of these is Minerva, in whose temple the eternal flames never whiten into ash, but when the fire dies away, it turns into stony spheres (embers).
SOLINUS, Collection of Curiosities
(22.10)
*
AT CALLEVA Atrebatum, two main roads leave from the western side of town. One heads south-west towards Durnovaria (Dorchester) and Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter), while the other runs north-west to the colonia of Glevum (Gloucester), former base of the Legion II Augusta. Julius Severus and his party will want to take the latter route if their next destination is Aquae Sulis (Bath), travelling on it for some 12 miles (19km) as far as Spinae (Speen, near Newbury).
Just beyond Spinae, the road to Aquae Sulis branches off (south of Wickham) and continues for 15.5 miles (25km) west to Cunetio (Mildenhall).*1 Cunetio possesses a regular street plan and public buildings, including a twenty-four-roomed mansio in the town centre, but its origins pre-date the Romans. It lies on the southern bank of the River Kennet and at a pivotal crossroads, where several major roads converge on the river crossing. Narrow barges make their way slowly along the water, carrying grain downstream towards the Thames, into which the Kennet ultimately flows. Wheat and barley grow on the well-drained soils of the surrounding chalk downs, whose slopes are dotted with still-modest villas. To the south and west the open downland gives way to the rolling hills, dense with oak trees, of the Savernake Forest. Pottery is made in this area; the forest provides a plentiful supply of firewood and charcoal for the potters' kilns.
Just past Cunetio, the main route west crosses the road that connects Venta Belgarum (Winchester) with Corinium (Cirencester) and continues across sarsen-strewn Overton Down.*2 Here, the high chalk downland grasses provide pasture for sheep. The area is also home to the farmers of pre-Roman settlements near to ancient trackways such as the Ridgeway, over which the road now passes. In places, the old field layout has been reorganized, and irregular 'Celtic' fields of the Iron Age have been overlaid with rectangular fields laid out from double lynchetted trackways—trackways running between fields with embankments (lynchets) formed by the soil slippage from many years of ploughing. Following the River Kennet to its source, west of Cunetio, the governor's entourage will enter an extraordinary prehistoric landscape full of ancient monuments charged with ritualistic significance. The road proceeds straight from the site (at West Kennet) of a huge longbarrow, built in about 3,500 BC, to the foot of the great Neolithic monument of Silbury Hill, which was used as a sighting point in laying out the road west. This hill is still revered as a religious site, and ritual shafts lie in an arc around its base. Its peak—should you care to climb it—offers a fine view to the north, towards the massive henge at Avebury, constructed in 2,500 BC.*3 Most sacred among the streams and springs in the locality is the Swallowhead spring, regarded as the source of the Kennet. Passing through the roadside settlement at Silbury Hill, which has an inn to accommodate both pilgrims and passing travellers, the road crosses the downland to just south of Verlucio (Sandy Lane), a market centre surrounded by villas and settlements, which lies roughly midway between Cunetio and Aquae Sulis.*4 Here, travellers can rest and seek refreshment, mustering their energy for the final 14 or so miles of the journey.
Lying in the crook of the River Avon, at a crossing point where several major roads converge, Aquae Sulis occupies the centre of an area rich in corn, wool and quarry stone, and boasts a nascent pewter industry. West of here, the road from Calleva continues to the port of Abonae (Sea Mills) at the mouth of the Avon. An ancient track, running south-east to an Iron Age port (Hamworthy, on Poole Harbour), also crosses the Avon at this point. Here the road meets the great Fosse Way, which cuts diagonally across Britannia, connecting Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter) in the south-west to Lindum Colonia (Lincoln) at its north-eastern terminus.*5 The Fosse Way marked the initial western frontier of Roman rule in Britain after the conquest, a neat division between the more pliant and (to an extent) Romanized south and east and the unknown and decidedly non-compliant north and west of the island.
A fort was probably established here at the time of the conquest, and a small settlement grew up at the crossroads, initially to serve the soldiers, although the military soon moved on. But Aquae Sulis has always been more than a crossing point on a river. With its phenomenal natural hot springs, held sacred since prehistoric times, it became a cult centre and is now the biggest tourist attraction in Roman Britain. Today, people come here to worship the goddess and to bathe in the thermal waters that issue from the sacred spring. Its temple and adjoining baths are dedicated to Sulis Minerva—a union of the Celtic deity Sulis with the Roman goddess Minerva.
BRITANNIA'S NO. 1 TOURIST HOTSPOT
Throughout the empire, temples, shrines and sanctuaries are places of pilgrimage and simultaneously centres of tourism. People visit them not solely to worship the deity associated with them, but also to participate in all sorts of related activities, such as buying souvenirs and admiring the paintings, tapestries and sculptures that are displayed in and about the temples and their precincts.
It is true that in today's empire the principal tourist destinations, apart from the coastal resorts around the Bay of Naples, are Greece and Egypt: the latter can offer, among its numerous attractions, the Valley of the Kings and the pyramids, and you can even visit Crocodilopolis (Arsinoe) to watch the sacred crocodile being fed and having its teeth brushed. (This year while in Egypt, Hadrian and his wife Sabina will be visiting the talking statue at Thebes, believed to be Memnon, child of the goddess of Dawn, the King of the Ethiopians who had died at the hands of Achilles at Troy.)
Local beauty spots also draw the crowds, such as the source of the River Clitumnus, just off the Via Flaminia in Italy.*6 In addition to its beauty, this site also boasts an ancient temple to the river god Clitumnus, who issues prophetic oracles from his shrine, as well as boat rides, swimming, public baths and tourist hotels. While Britain cannot offer the magnificent and ancient architecture of Greece, Egypt or Italy (perhaps excepting Stonehenge), there is Aquae Sulis and its ancient and wonderful spring—far more dramatic and unusual, in fact, than the gently meandering source of the Clitumnus.*7
The hot water that bubbles up from the ground at Aquae Sulis was once rainwater that fell over the Mendip Hills to the south and gradually percolated deep into the ground through carboniferous limestone, flowing north beneath the Somerset coal field to a depth of between 2,700 (8,860 feet) and 4,300 metres (14,100 feet). Here, the earth's heat raises the water's temperature to between 64 and 96 degrees Centigrade. Under pressure, it then rises to the surface through fissures and faults in the Jurassic rocks under Aquae Sulis to emerge in the form of three hot springs.
The force and volume of water created by the largest spring (the King's Bath stream), where it bursts out of the ground, created a valley between two small hills before running down to the Avon. The springs were known to Mesolithic hunters who once camped among them. At the time of the Roman conquest, the area lay in the territory of the Dobunni, who held the waters to be sacred. For pre-Roman pilgrims the experience must have been deeply awe-inspiring, for they would have approached the bright green, bubbling waters (as hot as 46 degrees Centigrade) through a swamp of alders, along a rubble and gravel causeway edged with small stakes. The mystery of the waters was enhanced by the steamy mist rising from them and the lurid orange-red stains from the iron salts around the edge of the pool. Here the Dobunni worshipped Sulis, goddess of the spring, and made offerings to her. As did the Romans at Clitumnus, the Dobunni threw coins into the waters as gifts to their deity.*8
The scene today, however, would be unrecognizable to the ancient Dobunni. Since Boudicca's rebellion, the whole site has been thoroughly and spectacularly transformed, very possibly as part of a policy of reconstruction and active 'Romanization' following the devastation wrought by the British queen. Tough Suetonius Paulinus, who won the decisive victory against Boudicca, was replaced as governor soon afterwards by Petronius Turpilianus, a man who—according to Tacitus—'they hoped would be more merciful and readier to forgive offences to which he was a stranger'. His successor, M. Trebellius Maximus, governor from AD 63 to 69, was apparently also someone who ruled with comitas, or civility. Under him the native Britons 'learned like any Romans to condone seductive vices', a policy pursued by Agricola during his governorship from AD 77. As Tacitus described it, 'temples, market buildings and houses were built and by means of porticoes, baths and elegant banquets the Britons gradually succumbed to the blandishments of vice and enslaved themselves in the name of civilization'.
Whoever was responsible for developing Aquae Sulis as a religious centre and tourist attraction, the site has received a thoroughly Roman treatment, including the waters themselves, which have been channelled in a brilliant piece of engineering.*9 In order to build over and around the spring, the flow of over a million litres (250,000 gallons) of water a day needed to be properly contained. Highly skilled surveyors and engineers, undoubtedly seconded from the army, constructed a huge drainage system to remove the excess water. They did it with characteristic thoroughness and foresight, blocking the natural stream, which drained away from the spring to the Avon, and building a new drain lined with stone to channel the huge volumes of continuously flowing water away to the east. This ensured that the main drain did not run under any major buildings of what would be the temple complex but could be accessed from rectangular manholes in the street. The drain is big enough for a slave to walk along with a shovel to clear away any built-up sediment; it is the sort of job that a convicted criminal is condemned to perform.
With ruthless efficiency, the Roman engineers consolidated the swampy ground around the spring by driving oak piles deep into the mud. They next enclosed the ground with a two-metre-high wall, which they waterproofed with clay and massive sheets of lead from mines in the Mendips, each sheet weighing nearly half a ton. This caused the hot springwater rising through the underlying rock to fill this container, its sandy sediment settling at the bottom of the tank so that only clear water was channelled through to the baths. This reservoir could be flushed clear of sediment whenever necessary by opening the sluice and allowing a great rush of water through it. As soon as the sacred Celtic spring was tamed by the power of Roman engineering, building work could begin on the large temple and baths complex adjoining the spring.
Visitors to the sacred spring now enter the huge temple precinct by the east gate, first having to battle, no doubt, with the touts and dodgy guides who plague tourist sites across the empire. They are notorious for rushing up and offering to explain everything, however obvious, in ways that are exaggerated or simply wrong. They may well drive pilgrims to pray to Minerva to protect them, as tourists elsewhere in the empire have implored: 'Zeus protect me from your guides at Olympia and you, Athena, from yours at Athens!'
As at other tourist sites, there is doubtless plenty of merchandise on offer. If you are a pilgrim you can buy silver offerings for the goddess, such as fine silver pans, their handles decorated with tendrils, leaves and flowers, and with 'D.SULI' ('for the goddess Sulis') picked out in dots on a panel. Or you might plump for bronze pans with brightly coloured enamelled decoration in red, blue and apple-green. This distinctively British style can also be found in the souvenir cups and dishes made for soldiers on Hadrian's Wall. Attractive enamel brooches are popular too; they come in the form of horses and riders, or hares, and can be found at many places in the province.
The cups or dishes dedicated to Sulis Minerva are used to pour libations to the goddess before being thrown into the spring. Pilgrims may opt, of course, to make offerings to other gods at temples around the town—the dedicatory panels on the offerings are left blank, so that they can be inscribed with the name of the chosen deity on purchase. There is something to suit all tastes and pockets: portable altars, miniature lamps and pots, and large leaves or feathers of silver (or gold or bronze) to be hung up or displayed near the cult image. As this is a centre to Minerva, the merchandise is rather less obscene than the pottery on sale around the temple that houses the renowned nude statue of Aphrodite on the island of Cnidus: there, you can also get attendants to unlock a back door for a better view of the goddess's celebrated bottom.
Having got past the stalls at Aquae Sulis, and either eluded the guides (or even engaged one), you will pass through the main entrance in the precinct's eastern wall. Here the Lex Sacra (Sacred Law) is usually posted, informing visitors of temple etiquette and providing such details as which offerings are appropriate and at what time of day certain rituals should be carried out. On entering the precinct, you are confronted by a great sacrificial altar, which lies between the entrance and the temple and is directly aligned with both. The spring and its reservoir lie open to the elements, enclosed by a low balustrade, in the south-east corner of the large courtyard. The inner precinct—the area in front of the temple and around the main altar—is paved with massive limestone slabs, while the surrounding area is gravelled.*10
Immediately to the west of the altar is the temple of Sulis Minerva, set on a high concrete podium and approached up a steep flight of steps. If its massive entrance doors are open, you will be able to espy the glittering cult statue within the temple. The four 8-metre-high Corinthian columns of its entrance porch support an ornate triangular pediment. It is a dramatic and curious piece of sculpture, and it has as its central decoration a circular shield, bordered by oak wreaths, which is held up by two winged figures of victory each lunging towards it from globes. The wreaths signify the civic crown for courage awarded to emperors since the time of Augustus, and the shield held by the Victories is a clear signal of Roman power and domination over the world. Here is a work symbolizing power and martial triumph, and any Roman guide might convincingly interpret it in this way.
In the corners of the pediment are figures of Tritons,*11 and beneath the shield in the spaces between the Victories and the lower edge of the pediment are two helmets, one in the form of a dolphin's head and the other with an owl perched on top of it. Both owl and dolphin are attributes of Minerva. Moreover, the association of martial Minerva with a Gorgon's-head breastplate will cause no surprise to visitors familiar with Classical iconography. But the head depicted is not the female Gorgon of Classical mythology but that of a frowning man with a swirling moustache, wild hair and staring eyes—unmistakably Celtic in appearance. His hair, streaming out in all directions—as if he were floating on his back in water—coils all around his head and merges into wings and serpents. Is it evoking the powers of Sulis, Celtic goddess of the spring?
AWAY WITH THE DRUIDS
A Romano-British guide might well read the Gorgon's head differently. For the Celts, the sun and sky gods are linked not just with heaven but with water and the underworld too. And both sun and water are related to healing. So a Celt with no Classical training who is looking at the pediment might see a depiction of the sun and of the water in the form of the sea snakes and the dolphin. The owl, too, might have connections with the underworld in Celtic belief. And the oak leaves would not necessarily signify a victory crown so much as they suggest an oak grove, associated with the Druids.
The Druids were priests who, according to the elder Pliny, cut mistletoe from oak trees with golden sickles as part of their ritual. They had a high status in Celtic society as teachers and judges and, according to Julius Caesar, they were philosophers and astronomers who taught that the soul was immortal. The Druidic doctrine was said to have originated in Britain, and people in Caesar's day who wished to study it more deeply travelled to the island to do so. Yet the Romans disapproved of the Druids heartily, and abhorred their practice of human sacrifice—in their sacred groves 'no woodland nymphs found a home, nor Pan, but savage rites and barbarous worship, repellent altars erected on massive stones; and every tree made sacred with men's blood'. Claudius is said to have 'utterly abolished the cruel and inhuman religion of the Druids in Gaul'.
Although the Romans subject criminals to all sorts of exquisite deaths in the arena, they make a fine distinction between the execution of criminals according to the law and blood sacrifice to the gods. Any creature that is sacrificed for religious purposes must be brought 'willingly' to slaughter. From a political point of view the Druids were also deeply suspect because they were absolute judges in all aspects of life, with the authority of life and death over those brought before them, a privilege in the Roman Empire accorded only to those specially invested with it by the emperor. They were also, in their own society, 'exempt from paying taxes and military service'.
In sum, the Druids were completely and utterly independent of everything that Roman authority imposed on its subjects. They were thus dangerously subversive, having everything to lose and nothing to gain from Roman rule. Rome therefore sought to extinguish them.
The Druids in Britannia made their last stand on the island of Mona (Anglesey), which the governor Suetonius Paulinus attacked just before the outbreak of Boudicca's revolt. As his troops approached, they were confronted by 'a motley battleline, densely armed standing on the shore, among whom were brazen-faced women shouting curses, their dress wild and their hair loose as though they were Furies; and also Druids, their hands held high, fulminating their angry prayers to heaven'. This disconcerting scene initially made the soldiers freeze to the spot, until Suetonius managed to snap them out of it by telling them not to be scared of a bunch of fanatical women. Thereupon the soldiers conquered their fear and the island and destroyed the sacred groves 'devoted to Mona's barbarous superstition'.
Nowadays at Aquae Sulis, a temple guide (depending on the nature of his audience) might point out that just as the Romans contained the forces of the Druids and their native religion, so Romans had also contained the forces of nature in the sacred spring. There is other potential symbolism and allusion too. The six-point star burst atop the pediment could be a pun on Sulis / Solis (the Latin for sun being sol; genitive: solis), or it might invoke the imperial cult. But were our temple guide to warm to his Druid theme, he might allude to the fact that the Romans had first brought light into what the poet Lucan described as a sacred 'grove which from the earliest time no hand of man had dared to violate; its chilly nooks hidden from the sun; its tangled, matted branches imprisoning the air within'. The Druids worshipped their gods in sacred groves, just as Sulis had been worshipped, before the Romans came, in her mysterious alder-fringed pool.
As for the pediment's breastplate, it was the tradition for Roman generals to dedicate weapons taken from their enemies, as when Marcus Vettius Bolanus dedicated a breastplate 'torn off a British king' when governing Britannia in AD 69–71. Might the temple pediment proclaim that the Romans have conquered the native priests, by displaying the head of a Celt on the shield of the Roman martial goddess Minerva, just as they have tamed the sacred spring now contained in its great pool?
Firmly contained within the walls of the temple, at the end of the single cella (chamber) beyond the porch, stands the life-sized cult statue of Sulis Minerva. When the temple doors are open, she can watch over the sacrifice being made in her honour at her altar outside. Made of gilded bronze and clothed in martial dress, wearing a breastplate with the Gorgon's-head mask,*12 she glitters in the light of the perpetual flame tended by the priests who serve her, the lumps of burning coal never being allowed to whiten into ashes. The light also catches dozens of pairs of eyes made from glinting coloured glass, which are embedded in the tin, bronze and perhaps even silver masks pinned up as votive offerings, on walls in and around the temple.*13
Shining, too, is the regalia of the priests, their crowns, diadems and masks enhancing their mystery and that of the goddess they tend. In processions, and when officiating at certain ceremonies, they carry sceptres—symbols of their authority and status which, like wands, are invested with special powers. Most British sceptres are wooden shafts, with strips of copper alloy wound in spirals around them, and crowned with terminals depicting gods, animals, birds or even emperors.*14 While men recruited from the curial or governing classes serve as part-time priests, to enhance their social status, others are 'career' priests. One of the latter was G. Calpurnius Receptus, whose freedwoman and dutiful wife, Calpurnia Trifosa, erected a monument in his honour, when he died at the age of seventy-five, in the cemetery on the other side of the river.
MAKING A SACRIFICE
After the flickering intensity of the temple interior, the natural light will seem staggeringly bright to anyone emerging into it. Directly in front of the temple, the great sacrificial altar, 2.4 metres square, has a slightly dipped surface made shiny from the viscera of sacrificed animals. At each corner of its base are depicted resolutely Classical gods, among whom are Bacchus holding a thyrsus (wand) and pouring a drink for a panther squatting at his feet; Hercules Bibax (Hercules 'the drinker') sporting his lion-skin cape, the lion's paws knotted around his chest, and holding a large drinking vessel in one hand and a knobbed club in the other; and Jupiter, with a trident in his hand and an eagle at his feet.*15
Aquae Sulis's importance as a religious centre is underlined by the distinguished presence of a haruspex, a specially trained priest who can divine meaning from the entrails of sacrificed animals. The existence of such a personage here is a clear indication of the status of the site, for otherwise such a man is unheard of in the province. Whereas an augur interprets the movement of birds' flights and the meaning of dreams, a haruspex possesses even more arcane knowledge, which enables him to read marks on an animal's liver, understanding the connection that each part of the organ's surface has to a particular god. It is an extremely powerful job, and it is one that demands the greatest amount of tact and intuition, for a haruspex will need to be able to divine the mood of the person—be it Julius Severus on an official visit, or some other high-ranking official or prosperous merchant—who has paid for the sacrifice and wishes validation for his future actions.
Hadrian, as emperor, is the pontifex maximus (chief priest), and Julius Severus—as Hadrian's representative in Britannia—will be expected to officiate at religious ceremonies as part of his duties. Just as he is ultimately responsible for ensuring that the correct procedures are carried out according to the law in civic society, so Severus must preside over religious rites with the same sort of care. To be neglectful and fail to observe the correct proprieties risks causing offence to both men and gods. While Severus cannot do much to prevent natural disasters or unforeseen catastrophes, he must ensure that none of them can ever be ascribed to his disregard for religious observance.
A sacrifice is conducted according to elaborate ritual. The spilling of the animal's blood must be expiated by rigorous observance of certain rites, and the ceremony is fraught with the danger of ill omen. On major feast days, and to mark special occasions such as the visit of the provincial governor, a heifer will be sacrificed for Minerva: a female animal offered to a female deity. It is a carefully orchestrated spectacle, in which everything and everyone must play their due part. Centre stage is the sacrificial victim, wreathed with garlands, its horns gilded, perhaps. It must be led calmly to the altar, so that it meets its doom 'willingly'. Flute players accompany the procession to drown out any sounds that might be interpreted as unpropitious, and the effect might well create a soothing atmosphere for the animal's last moments. Incense lies on the air, burning on the main altar and on numerous smaller votive altars in the precinct.
Julius Severus, officiating, will greet the processional group with his toga pulled over his head to keep out any sights or sounds that may be deemed unlucky and jeopardize the sacrifice. Mola salsa, flour mixed with salt, is sprinkled between the cow's horns, and a couple of its hairs are cut to symbolize purification. Other participants in the sacrifice will also have ritually cleansed themselves before the ceremony.
Now an attendant fells the animal with a pole-axe, stunning it before the knife is plunged into the beast. (Some axes are partly modelled in the form of the animal they are about to slay.) The heifer's liver is removed for the haruspex to interpret. The heart and viscera are also extracted—to be declared, it is hoped, uncorrupt—and burnt, with the prized thigh fat and wine poured as a libation. After the gods have been given their due, the remains of the animal will be taken away to be roasted, then returned to the sacred enclosure for a celebratory feast.
All around the temple courtyard are numerous smaller altars and statues decorated with flowers, their dedicatory inscriptions picked out in red paint. Some of the altars are smoking with incense, others still shining from the gore of sacrifice. A statue to the goddess Sulis, dedicated by Lucius Marcius Memor, a haruspex, stands near the great altar. Two small altars in memory of retired centurion Marcus Aufidius Maximus have been erected by the slaves whom he had set free, while Priscus, son of Toutius, a stonemason of the Carnutes, from around Autricum (Chartres, in northern France), has set up an inscription to the goddess. He may have come here as a tourist, or on a business trip to buy stone from the Bath quarries, or perhaps to work on a building project here.
Another stonemason, called Sulinus, son of Brucetius, whose name recalls the goddess Sulis, has dedicated his altar to a collection of local deities, the Suleviae. Perhaps he, too, was on business here. He came from Corinium, some 30 miles (48km) to the north, where he dedicated another altar to the Suleviae. Pilgrims wishing to buy altars to dedicate to their favourite deities are able to get them ready-made from men like Sulinus, who manufacture them in bulk but leave a space for personalized inscriptions.
THE JOY OF WARM BATHS
The baths of Aquae Sulis lie immediately south of the temple. Constructed in the late first century AD they are now being altered.*16 Their unique feature is the sequence of thermal swimming baths, fed by the sacred spring, which are contained in a monumental aisled hall, more than 33 metres (108 feet) long by almost 20.5 metres (67 feet) wide. The simple grandeur and careful design put them on a par with anything west of Rome—or arguably within Rome itself. The building is cleverly conceived, so that the whole focus of the main hall's interior is the view of the sacred spring and altar beyond: these can be seen through three large windows in its north wall. Additional light comes from a clerestory, or high-level tier of windows, under a pitched timber roof. The walls of the hall are plastered with thick red mortar and painted in blocks of colour. In the centre of the hall is a large pool (the Great Bath) containing the naturally warm spring water, with a smaller pool beyond it. Heated swimming pools, especially ones as large as this, are extremely rare, for heating water is a very costly exercise. Pools that are naturally heated by thermal waters are unique in Britain and uncommon elsewhere—their existence is regarded as truly miraculous.
Broad-pillared arcades, paved with huge slabs of white lias limestone, run around the side of the hall. Alcoves are set into the walls, three on each side. Here, you can sit and gaze upon the waters. In other baths it may be common to play games, eat and drink, conduct business, flirt and gossip, or even have your armpits or other body hair plucked. But since this is part of a sacred zone, the activities carried out immediately around the pool are likely to be of a more religious or contemplative nature. There might be a sanctuary or shrine in the north-west corner of the main baths, and there are other small votive shrines and statues in and around the pools. Priests and perhaps even doctors are in attendance. (Oculists and other purveyors of potions and remedies operate elsewhere in the town.)
The Great Bath occupies almost the whole central area of the hall.*17 All four sides descend, in four steps, into the water, and the entire pool (including steps) is waterproofed with sheets of lead. In the middle of its north side there is a fountain, fed by a lead pipe from the sacred spring.*18 The bath itself is supplied by a pipe that links directly to the reservoir of the spring. Water from here also feeds the other pools, and the excess is removed through a drain in the north-east corner. The water level is maintained in the bath through a bronze sluice.
In addition to the thermal pools, you will also be able to enjoy more conventional baths. The original entrance hall and baths suite to the west of the pool have recently been adapted to accommodate an additional, large, cold plunge pool and sauna. After changing in the new apodyterium (changing room) and perhaps taking exercise in this part of the baths, you can gradually acclimatize to the increasing levels of heat in a warm room (tepidarium). Before proceeding to the very hottest rooms, your attendant will rub you with oils. Then, it is on into the caldarium (the hot steam room) and the laconicum (hot dry room) to work up a good sweat. Having had the oil scraped off with strigils, you will be ready to descend the massive stone steps and plunge into the cold waters of the large circular bath.*19
At the other (east) end of the baths, the smallest and narrowest of the three pools has recently been replaced by a new suite of baths, which has its own separate changing room. Such an arrangement might allow men and women to use the baths at the same time. The men no doubt are given access to the larger western suite and main bath, while the women use the eastern baths and smaller thermal pool.*20 It was, after all, Hadrian's decree (following Augustus's example) that the sexes should bathe separately ('lavacra pro sexibus separavit'), and in places where there are no separate facilities, they will need to bathe at different times.
The Roman attitude to nudity and to mixed bathing is complex, and opinions have changed from generation to generation. In the days of the republic, Romans were shocked by the Greek habit of exercising naked and were averse to being seen naked in public, to the extent that (according to Plutarch) Cato the Elder refused to bathe with his son. But that anecdote is making a point of describing an exceptionally austere and old-fashioned character, and Augustus's subsequent attempts to segregate male and female bathers may have been a reaction to an over-enthusiastic public acceptance of nudity. This is the age, after all, in which the poet Martial wrote: 'The gymnasium, the baths, the stadium is in this part: get back! We have taken off our clothes, spare us the sight of naked men!'
While there are plenty of salacious references to women being at the baths at the same time as men and revealing their bodies, it is rarely clear what this means in practice. When writers criticise women for being naked, they may not necessarily mean that they have taken off every stitch of clothing. It might mean that the women are simply wearing very little. For exercising, women wear a form of bikini; leather ones can be bought in Londinium. Perhaps, to conservative folk who expect 'respectable' women to cover up from head to toe, anyone wearing such a skimpy item may as well be 'naked'. Quintilian, writing in the AD 90s, wondered whether a woman bathing with men could be taken as a sign of adultery, while Juvenal described a woman 'who goes to the baths at night, bossing around her slaves with perfume jars, all because she delights to sweat among the crowds'. Having exercised with heavy weights, the woman enjoys a massage with a happy ending, the masseur 'forcing a cry from his mistress, as he strokes the surface of her thigh'. Salacious satires these might be—but they are only amusing because there is some truth in them, and because they send up familiar characters and situations.
CUTPURSES AND CURSES
As with inns or taverns—or anywhere, in fact, where strangers mix—unsavoury characters lurk, ready to exploit those away from home and in a vulnerable situation. In Aquae Sulis, as you take to the waters you are inevitably separated from your clothes and personal possessions by your state of undress.*21 Bath thieves (fures balnearii) are a hazard of all bath houses, and Aquae Sulis is unfortunately no exception. It is advisable to bring your own slave to guard your possessions while bathing, or failing that to try to hire an attendant from the baths (who might be able to offer other pleasurable services as well). But if you are too poor to do either, you will have to take a risk. Although anyone caught stealing is punishable under Roman law and may end up condemned to the mines, plenty of thieves get away with their crimes.
If you are the unlucky victim of an elusive thief, then your only recourse may be to magic. Among the many offerings thrown into the sacred spring are curses (defixiones), in which the wronged seek justice from Sulis. In sometimes dubious and often extremely vivid Latin, prayers entreat the goddess to bring down terrible vengeance on the thieves of cloaks, sandals, rings and petty cash. They are written on small sheets of lead or pewter, tightly rolled up and consigned to the waters, testament to countless incidents of theft and petty squabbles experienced by the more humble visitors to Aquae Sulis.
Throughout the Greek and Roman world, curse tablets are used in quite specific ways. They can be devised with ease. All you need to do is, as one set of instructions directs, 'take lead from a cold-water pipe, make a tablet and write on it with a bronze pen...' Using pseudo-legal language, as if pursuing a claim in court, curse tablets express a contract with the deity, whereby the victim promises to give the god something in return for punishing the offender. As such, the lowly curse tablet reflects the quid pro quo deals that, in many ways, characterize Romans' relationships with their gods. It is the sort of relationship implied on votive altars too, with their common shorthand 'VSLLM' (Votum Solvit Laetus Libens Merito), 'fulfilling his/her vow gladly and freely as it is merited', and its variants.
Curse tablets are written all over the empire, but no other province has quite such an obsession as Britannia with cursing people over theft and property rights. Elsewhere, passions are more likely to be raised and curses meted out to rival lovers and opposing teams in chariot races.*22 Some of the British curses are quite chilling. One, from a rural shrine (at Uley in Gloucestershire), north of Aquae Sulis, vividly implores Mercury to punish an embezzler with lack of sleep, unknown diseases and ailments; for good measure, his whole family is also to be rendered seminudi, edentuli, tremuli, podagrici sine cuiusque hominis misericordia, 'half naked, toothless, tremulous, gouty, beyond human pity'.
Every single curse text from Aquae Sulis is unique, despite the formulaic nature of curses. They are written in shaky capital letters by the barely literate, or in nonsense language, or in mirror text, or in anagrams, or in Latin using Greek letters. But in one respect there is a theme: in contrast to the names of Roman citizens that appear on the altars and inscriptions in stone at Aquae Sulis, the curse tablets are predominantly populated with Celtic names. Although some of these people are evidently used to writing and have a stylish hand, the spelling and choice of words in the tablets reflects the novel way that Britons pronounce and use Latin.
The humble curse tablets are in striking contrast to the more valuable objects thrown into the spring, including a bag with thirty-three engraved gemstones, the items of silver, the pewter and enamelled bronze cups, and brooches, as well as tens of thousands of coins. Curiously, votive deposits depicting parts of the body are largely absent from the waters of Aquae Sulis, suggesting that people do not come here primarily to secure a cure from the goddess.
BEYOND THE SANCTUARY
Having bathed, sacrificed and feasted, you will find there is plenty to see outside the confines of the sanctuary. Beyond the precinct, to the north of the baths, is a monumental theatre built on the same axis as the temple. Such a building is fairly rare in Britannia but is found in this sort of relationship to large temples in northern Gaul. Judging by the workmanship, it may well have been built with the help of Gaulish craftsmen such as the aforementioned Priscus. The theatre is twice the size of the temple, and visitors from warmer climes may note wryly the larger-than-life-sized gargoyles, which disperse the rainwater that accumulates in the gutter cut into the cornice.*23
Most extraordinary of all is a huge and elaborately worked tholos, a Greek style of temple consisting of a circular inner cella encircled by a colonnade. It is highly unexpected in a north-western province, and in Britannia is little short of astonishing. It stands on the same axis as the temple of Sulis Minerva, exactly mirroring its proportions. The building is new, and it surely reflects the influence of the emperor himself. After all, it would have been unusual for Hadrian not to visit Britannia's premier tourist destination during his tour in AD 122; perhaps it amused him to commission a Greek-style building in such an outlandish place, and so to spread his craze for all things Greek even to the north-western boundaries of his empire. Hadrian was certainly in the mood for commissioning building projects at the time, for on leaving Britannia and crossing to Gaul he built a basilica 'of marvellous workmanship' at Nîmes, in honour of Plotina, Trajan's widow and Hadrian's adoptive mother.
Beyond the sanctuary, there are also two other natural hot springs, situated in the south-west quarter of the town. One (Cross Bath) is an open pool contained within a large, oval, walled enclosure. Immediately south of the other spring (Hot Bath), into which pilgrims like to throw coins, is a large and elaborate suite of baths.*24
Although visitors have been travelling from far and wide to the Romanized springs for decades, and there are more splendid and extraordinary buildings here than in the average Romano-British town, Aquae Sulis remains much smaller than any civitas capital. The whole focus of Aquae Sulis is on the temple and baths complex, and the place remains undeveloped as a town, without a formal street grid. The town's resident population, the lesser temple and baths staff, the tourist guides, craftsmen and shopkeepers all probably live on the level dry ground to the north, along the Fosse Way in the direction of the ford, and across the river. The spa is popular with the military, and many soldiers choose to spend their leave or even retire here. Some die here: Gaius Murrius Modestus of the Second Adiutrix from Forum Julii (Fréjus, in the south of France) did not live long enough to become a veteran, dying here aged twenty-five. Julius Vitalis of the XXth Legion, recruited in Gallia Belgica and based at Deva, died at the age of twenty-nine, after only nine years' service. His funeral costs were paid by the guild of armourers, to which he belonged. It is not clear whether fifty-eight-year-old Rusonia Aventina of the Mediomatrici (a tribe centred on Metz, in eastern Gaul) died here while on holiday or after having made Aquae Sulis her home. Peregrinus, son of Secundus, was a Treveran (from the area around Trier) and, perhaps feeling homesick, he offered an altar to Mars Loucetius and Nemetona, gods from his native eastern Gaul. Tactfully, he placed it outside Minerva's precinct.
Having exercised all due diplomacy themselves by making the appropriate religious observances and bathing in the sacred waters, our travellers must take to the road again, heading north-west out of Aquae Sulis—and into Wales.
*1 Spinae is named on the Antonine Itinerary, suggesting that in the third century AD, at least, there was a posting station here. Cunetio is also mentioned in the Itinerary.
*2 The route passed through modern Marlborough. The sarsen stones were later known popularly as the 'grey wethers', being likened to a flock of grazing sheep.
*3 Roman coins have been found on the summit, recorded by the antiquarian William Stukeley in the eighteenth century.
*4 Its status as a market centre is conjectural.
*5 The road from Calleva meets the Fosse Way at Batheastern.
*6 Between Spoleto and Trevi in Umbria.
*7 Stonehenge was visited in the Roman period, although we have no record of what anyone thought about it. The sacred waters and temple of Minerva at Aquae Sulis are among the few features of Britannia to be mentioned by the third-century writer Solinus in his Collection of Curiosities.
*8 Eighteen coins have been discovered, most minted locally.
*9 The system was so well built that the spring water still enters the Great Bath through the Roman channels in the twenty-first century.
*10 Later in the second century there were radical alterations. The temple, altar and spring were enclosed by a colonnade; access was restricted to the spring, which was roofed with a massive vaulted chamber; and the temple was remodelled and doubled in size.
*11 Too little is left of these figures to be absolutely certain that they are Tritons.
*12 Her gilded bronze head was discovered in 1727. A relief carving of Minerva found in the Great Bath shows her wearing a breastplate in the form of a Gorgon's-head mask.
*13 A tin mask found in the sacred spring has hollowed-out eyes, thought to be for coloured glass, and six nail holes: two on top, and two on each side. See Cunliffe (1988).
*14 Sceptres were also made of iron or copper alloy. Minerva's priests at Aquae Sulis might have had sceptres terminating in a bust of the goddess, such as the one with an iron core found at Stonea in the east of England. It is not known to what extent 'British' and Celtic customs, in terms of crowns and sceptres, were used in apparently 'establishment' centres like Aquae Sulis in the Hadrianic period.
*15 The fourth god is too weathered to identify.
*16 They underwent further changes over time, remaining in use until the late fourth or fifth century.
*17 Its dimensions being 22 metres by 8.8 metres, and 1.5 metres deep (72 × 29 × 5 feet).
*18 This was later replaced by the smaller fountain that is still visible today.
*19 Measuring 9 metres (30 feet) in diameter and 1.2 metres (4 feet) deep.
*20 The idea that this might represent separate changing rooms and have been so devised for the separation of the sexes is purely conjectural.
*21 References to sets of clothes for the baths could mean either bathing costumes or robes worn after a bath. A curse tablet found at Aquae Sulis refers to paxsa(m) ba(ln)earum et [pal]leum, 'my bathing tunic and cloak', which has evidently been stolen from the baths.
*22 Only twenty of around 1,300 known curse tablets elsewhere in the Roman world are concerned with theft. But in Britannia only one paltry possible love charm from Old Harlow has been found, and not a single curse on a sportsman.
*23 Knowledge of buildings in Aquae Sulis beyond the temple and baths is very incomplete. The identification of this monumental building as a theatre is conjectural. Most of it lies unexcavated under Bath Abbey.
*24 Both springs might have had small temples attached to them.
# VIII
# The Fortress and Amphitheatre at Caerleon
Νέμεσι πτερόεσσα, βίου ῥοπά, / κυανῶπι θεα, θύγατερ Δικας, / ἂ κοῦφα φρυάγματα θνατῶν / ἐπέχεις ἀδάμαντι χαλινῷ, / ἕχθουσα δ'ὕβριν ὀλοὰν βροτῶν / μελανα φθονον ἐκτὸς ἐλαύνεις. / ὑπὸ σὸν τροχὸν ἄστατον,ἀστιβῆ / χαροπὰ μερόπων στρέφεται τύχα...
Winged Nemesis, holding life in the balance, / dark-eyed goddess, daughter of Justice / who checks the pointless whinnying of mortals with her adamantine bit, / she hates the deadly hubris of men driving out dark envy. / On her ever-turning wheel restless steel grey Fortune rotates...
From a Hymn to Nemesis by MESOMODES OF CRETE,
Hadrian's court musician
*
HEADING out of Aquae Sulis towards the port of Abonae, at the mouth of the River Avon, the road taken by Severus's party will keep the Avon on the left, climbing steeply over Kelston Round Hill and then onto the statio of Trajectus,*1 almost 6 miles away. Here, the travellers might welcome a break after the steep climb, even after such a short distance. A route from the Mendip Hills leading southwards joins the main road west (at Willsbridge), which then runs over Durdham Down. Abonae lies some 3 miles (5km) to the west, where it is joined by another road running north direct to Glevum (Gloucester).
The main settlement of Abonae is situated on a small plateau above the river, and it is enjoying modest prosperity, despite a recent fire. Some of its buildings boast painted wall plaster and mosaics. With its access to the Bristol Channel and its location at the junction of the roads to Glevum and Aquae Sulis, Abonae serves as a market town for several small agricultural settlements in the area. Samian ware from south and central Gaul, olive oil and fish sauce from Spain, and wine from southern Gaul are all available here, possibly obtained from ships on their way from the Continent to the legionary fortress at Isca Augusta, just across the Bristol Channel.
From Abonae, officials and soldiers can sail across to Isca Augusta, which has its own port about four miles up the coast from the mouth of the River Usk. Another short ferry crossing, a little further north—where the estuary of the River Sabrina (Severn) is at its narrowest, only about a mile across—takes passengers directly to the civitas capital of the Silures tribe at Venta Silurum (Caerwent). However short the journey, many travellers still take care to toss coins or offerings into the waters in thanks to the river goddess for their safe passage.
On crossing the Severn Julius Severus will be entering the territory of the Silures. Their land extends over much of south-eastern Wales (over what will approximate to Gwent, the Glamorgans, southern Powys and Monmouthshire). Visitors who have read up a little beforehand might feel some trepidation on entering this country for the first time, for the Silures—who are said to have originated in the Iberian peninsula—are supposedly fierce, with dark faces and curly hair, the inhabitants of a harsh landscape.
Before the Roman conquest, the Silures lived in predominantly fortified settlements on coastal promontories (such as Sudbrook), or in hillforts (such as Llanmelin and Lodge Hill Camp near Isca), although they also had dwellings on the often flooded Gwent Levels. They depended on farming for their livelihood and do not seem to have had any sort of tribal capital, probably living in clans and extended family groups. After the invasion of Britain, the defeated Caratacus sought refuge among them and, inspired by Caratacus's heroic reputation, the loosely knit Silures rallied around him. Even after his final defeat in North Wales, in the Ordovices' territory, the Silurians, who 'could not be dissuaded from fighting by either savagery or clemency', kept up the war in the south, seriously harassing the Romans with their guerrilla tactics, using their knowledge of the difficult terrain. In one of their most devastating attacks they managed to surround a group of legionary cohorts who had been left to build forts: they killed the camp prefect, eight centurions and some of the best men in the company, and the remainder were only saved from being massacred when the garrisons of nearby forts got wind of their plight and came to the rescue.
The country around here, with its hills, dense forests and boggy ground, is ideally suited to guerrilla warfare and to ambushes in mountain passes and marshes. This helped the Silures to give the Romans, who find such terrain hard to negotiate, a run for their money for more than thirty years and earned them a reputation for being exceptionally tenacious, 'ac praecipua Silurum pervicacia'. This was a struggle to the death, for the Roman commander during the early years of conquest in Wales had vowed that the very name of the Silures should be utterly extinguished. But the Silures managed to persuade other tribes to join their insurgency by lavishing gifts of booty and prisoners upon them, and it was only in AD 75, under the governorship of Sextus Julius Frontinus, that the Silures were finally subdued. Even then, in defeat, they were accorded a rare tribute from Tacitus as 'the strong and warlike Silures, a brave enemy who live in difficult terrain'.
SAILING UP THE USK
Visitors to the legionary fortress at Isca sail up the mouth of the Usk to a substantial harbour just south-west of the fortress. It is provided with a quay and landing stages, wharves, warehouses and offices, so that ships can sail right up to the fortress from the sea. This excellent arrangement means that the supplies and ships enjoy the protection of the legionaries, and neither provisions nor men are dependent on overland routes through the difficult terrain and amidst people who, within living memory, have been sworn enemies.
Frontinus could not have chosen a better spot for the fortress. It is sited on a gently elevated plateau, on the right bank of the Usk and at the river's lowest bridging point before it enters the Severn Estuary. It also sits clear of the Usk's flood plain to the east and south, yet is protected by a broad loop of the river, which forms a natural boundary to the south, with a small tributary, the Afon Lwyd, flanking its eastern side. This strategy of siting legionary fortresses on rivers that are readily accessible from the sea is also evident at Deva, at the mouth of the River Dee, and at Eboracum, which sits on the navigable Ouse, whose mouth is at the Humber Estuary. Isca encloses fifty acres of land, and unsurprisingly, given its location, its name derives ultimately from the British word for river water.
As Julius Severus and his entourage travel up-river, a whole cluster of imposing and unmistakably official buildings looms into view. Dominating the riverside and the adjacent port facilities is a huge courtyard building, covering over two acres. It is not quite Portus, but nonetheless it looks imposing and efficient. Even here, approaching the extreme western fringe of the known world, visitors can experience the full embrace of imperial Rome.
The port serves not just Isca and its immediate environs, but also auxiliary forts further upstream. Isca lies on the road that, to the east, ultimately leads to the former legionary bases at Glevum and Viroconium, and to the west, Moridunum (Carmarthen), tribal capital of the Demetae, which is reached via an auxiliary fort at Cardiff.*2 But right now the whole place looks rather sleepy. The unpaved courtyard, which is big enough to contain thousands of men, together with their equipment and packhorses, is all but empty, and the warehouses and depots further along the quay look quiet too.*3 Since construction of Hadrian's Wall began in AD 122, large numbers of men—from at least seven out of ten cohorts, maybe more—have been deployed in the north during the more clement months of the year.*4 Occasionally vexillations*5 of the legion are also sent abroad, including men such as Tadius Exuperatus who died, aged thirty-seven years, 'on the German expedition' and whose sister erected a tombstone at Isca in memory of him.
Some people always need to remain at the base, of course, and the place is by no means deserted. There are representatives from each cohort, maintaining a presence, welcoming and training recruits, and supervising soldiers who are rejoining their unit or waiting for assignment. Just dealing with the upkeep of this vast place is a huge job, and day-to-day administration takes up considerable time. A mountain of correspondence is produced each day. Daily rosters detailing (for example) which men need to collect timber for building work, receipts for rations and supplies, records of pay, and more, are all filed neatly on wooden tablets, with relevant copies if necessary. Records are maintained of all personnel and equipment, specifying who is on leave and where men are posted. Every day reports also need to be written up, recording the daily password, which could be—for example—the name of one of the seven known planets. Troops are also on hand to police the area, to maintain contact with the surrounding auxiliary forts, and generally to keep the system running smoothly.
They must ensure too that valuable materials being exported from Wales such as iron, lead and gold are transported under guard and are fully accounted for when they leave the area. A fort*6 in Carmarthenshire guards the Dolaucothi gold mine. The only one in the province, it is very modest in contrast with the gold mines of Dacia and the 230-plus gold mines of Asturia, Galicia and Lusitania, which provide over 20,000 pounds in weight of gold a year.
Lead, however, is a very different matter. Whereas in Spain and Gaul it is extracted 'with considerable effort', in Britain lead is said 'to lie so abundantly within the upper layers of the earth, that there is a law limiting the scale of its extraction'. Lead is extracted in many places in Britannia—in Flintshire and the border country (between Montgomery and Shropshire), from mines at Lutudarum (near Wirksworth, Derbyshire), from sources in the North Pennines and from the Mendips, near Aquae Sulis. Lead from North Wales and Shropshire is also exported from ports near Deva, while lead from Derbyshire and Yorkshire is loaded onto ships in the Humber (at Petuaria, Brough-on-Humber). Cast into 'pigs', or ingots, and stamped as '(Property) of the Emperor Caesar Hadrian Augustus', lead is used to make pipes, in sheets to line tanks, fountains and baths, for securing iron clamps in building blocks, in official seals on documents and packages, and even as a material for manufacturing votive statues. It also has medical uses—to diminish scars, ulcers and haemorrhoids, and even to suppress libido: when lead plates are applied to the loins and kidneys, they are believed to restrain sexual passion and prevent wet dreams.
FORTRESS ISCA AUGUSTA
The fortress at Isca Augusta was built by legionaries—the men of the II Augusta, a legion so named because the Emperor Augustus either raised or reformed it. The legion first arrived in Britain from the Rhine frontier (at Strasbourg) during the conquest of AD 43 and served with distinction under its commander and future emperor, Titus Flavius Vespasianus. During his time in Britain, Vespasian 'smashed the power of two extremely strong tribes, over twenty oppida and the Isle of Wight'. Vespasian had probably left Britannia by AD 47, but the legion remained, and from about AD 55 was stationed at Isca Dumnoniorum.
When Vespasian made a successful bid for power during the civil war (AD 68–69) that followed Nero's death, the troops in Britain were inclined to support him because of his earlier command of the II Augusta and his distinguished service there. Soon after taking power, Vespasian, the first emperor of the new Flavian dynasty, began the successful push into the north of Britannia led by the province's new governor, Petillius Cerialis, in AD 71–74. With Frontinus's governorship (AD 74–78) and the conquest of the Silures, construction of Isca Augusta began.
The fortress lies north of the river. To its west is an amphitheatre, and Julius Severus may be pleasantly surprised to see a handsome porticoed courtyard building adjoining it, of a type often found next to theatres and amphitheatres in Roman cities and containing gardens and fountains. Visitors entering the fortress from the river do so through the south gate, the porta praetoria. From here, the via praetoria leads to the centre of the fortress, where it intersects with the main east–west road, the via principalis, in front of the principia, or headquarters building. Just as the main road into a Roman town runs straight to the forum basilica at its heart, so in legionary fortresses the main roads converge on the camp's central focus, the headquarters. Once inside a fortress, a soldier, whether he comes fresh from Africa, Dacia or the Rhineland, will be able to orientate himself very soon, for the main streets and general layout of all the principal buildings are much the same across the empire.
Towering over the surrounding buildings of the fortress, and covering just over 2.5 acres, is the baths complex, a massive construction of stone and concrete. It could easily accommodate the entire garrison, together with their concubines and children. The vaulted ceiling of its baths suite rises, at its highest point, to more than 15 metres (50 feet), with a span of more than 12 metres (40 feet). In scale and form, these structures can hold their own with any in the empire.
The fortress baths, in common with others all over the empire, are also gyms and social clubs. Here, in remote Isca, there might be no access to (or little demand for) Greek and Latin libraries, unlike at the major baths in Rome. The only art on display here might well be the sculptural group in the nymphaeum (fountain house) and the odd statue of Fortuna in the changing rooms. Nevertheless, this vast building is a central focus of the legion's social scene. Here the soldiers swim, bathe, take exercise, play board games (perhaps ludus duodecimo scriptorium, akin to backgammon) and chat to friends. They also enjoy snacks here—munching olives, slurping shellfish and chewing on mutton chops, chicken pieces, pigs' trotters and pork ribs.
At Isca, the open-air pool is larger in area than the Great Bath at Aquae Sulis and an excellent place to swim.*7 It is a little over a metre and a half (5 feet) at the deep end, shelving to just over a metre (4 feet) at the shallow end, and its floor is lined with flagstones. The pool is fed by lead pipes, through which a continuous flow of water brings in the 365,000 litres (some 80,250 gallons) needed to fill it. The attractive nymphaeum stands at one end of the pool. Its apse is painted with a colourful aquatic scene, and it frames the sculptural group in which a dolphin spurts water out of its mouth to cascade down a flight of steps clad in Purbeck marble. Charming though this is, the fountain house's days are numbered as it is suffering from subsidence and will be demolished within the next decade.*8 The baths buildings themselves sport an apodyterium and a vast frigidarium. In the triple recesses at the end of the hall is a cold plunge-bath, flanked by two large round basins, also carved from Purbeck marble.
Women and children have access to the baths, though in the disciplined era of Hadrian they might well have to use them at different times to the soldiers. The baths' patrons leave a legacy of lost property: hair pins and jewellery; children's milk teeth (and adults' teeth from mouths riddled with gum disease); a handsome strigil inlaid with silver, gold and brass, depicting the twelve labours of Hercules and inscribed with the cheery inscription in Greek 'kalws elouse' ('it washed nicely'); and a multitude of engraved gemstones of amethyst, cornelian and jasper, loosened from signet rings in the moist heat of the baths and trapped in the drains.*9
A SPACE FOR SPECTACLE
The baths provide one form of recreational activity for the troops, the amphitheatre another.*10 It was built in about AD 90, in a rather tight space outside the fort's walls near the porticoed courtyard building. Its eight barrel-vaulted entrances, built of tufa and banded with tile and stone, allow up to 6,000 spectators to make their way up to their wooden seats in the grandstand: room enough to accommodate the entire legion, plus guests. The interior wall of the arena is plain, even more so than Londinium's, although its exterior walls are rendered and picked out with false ashlar joints, highlighted in red paint. The coping stones for the parapets of the arena wall and for the top of the open entrances are of fine oolitic limestone from the quarries near Aquae Sulis.
Being so close to the fortress and adjoining the parade ground, the amphitheatre might well also provide a culmination to military parades and a setting for major festivals and ceremonies in the army's calendar, such as honesta missio (demobilisation) on 7 January and the celebrations attached to the rosaliae signorum, the festival of the standards. At this ceremony, traditionally held in May, the legionary standards are taken out of the shrine in the principia and garlanded with roses, the occasion also being marked with religious ceremonies and sacrifice. The legion celebrates its birthday on 23 September (the date of its founder Augustus's birthday), and this is also a time of parades, shows and sacrifices—as is Hadrian's birthday on 24 January.
The amphitheatre is one of the very few types of building that the Romans can claim to have invented—most other familiar Roman structures, such as the theatre, forum, basilica and circus, being indebted to Greek prototypes. Developing during the late Republic, the amphitheatre found its full expression under imperial rule. Equally Roman, too, are the gladiatorial contests—although arguably these originated in Campania—which began as games held as part of funeral ceremonies held in honour of the dead. The first known reference to such a display in connection with a funeral in Rome is in 264 BC. Such munera, a word which originally meant works, public offices or duty, also began to be applied specifically to these funeral honours. The rich families of Rome seized on the political capital that could be gained from financing and mounting such expensive entertainments, and they hired increasing numbers of gladiators for the purpose. In time, the munera became forms of show for the entertainment of the populace and to enhance the standing or popularity of the host, without necessarily requiring the justification of a funeral.
It is through the arena, and the shows and ceremonies that are enacted here, that Rome's supremacy and role in establishing order in the world is acted out in brutal showmanship. Here Rome can demonstrate her mastery over nature, through the hunting down and slaughtering of wild beasts, and the supremacy of her laws, in inflicting capital punishment and sending convicted men and women to their deaths in the arena. It is in the amphitheatre that Rome can afford its citizens that extra frisson of superiority over barbarian forces, condemning prisoners of war to fight to the death and to take part in celebratory tableaux after Roman victory. The gladiators are part of this process, displaying thoroughly un-Roman methods of combat. Some types of fighter are even known by the names of foreign peoples, such as the popular thraeces, 'Thracians', who carry curved, dagger-like swords and small shields.
Some desperadoes volunteer as gladiators, but most are recruited from among prisoners of war, the criminals damnati ad ludum ('condemned to the show') and slaves, although Hadrian has recently made it illegal for anyone who owns male or female slaves to sell them to either pimps or gladiator trainers without giving good reason. Gladiators operate on the fringes of society, like prostitutes and actors (the latter notorious for moonlighting as the former). They are 'infamous' in the original sense of suffering infamia, or public disgrace, because of what they do. Anyone who has been a gladiator is barred from holding political office in local government, from serving on juries or from becoming a soldier; they also lose another privilege of Roman citizenship—freedom from physical assault—and on being recruited into a gladiator training school they must swear to bind themselves body and soul to their lanista, or manager. The people who freely hire themselves out as gladiators are known as auctorati (bondsmen), and in this shady pecking order they hold a higher status than the slave gladiators, who in turn are rated more highly than the venatores, or hunters, and the stagehands who bring on the prisoners and the beasts.
Many gladiators are highly trained fighters, who are first and foremost expected to put on a great show. The best of them command a huge following and can be hired out for large amounts of money. As far as the most skilled fighters are concerned, it is in their managers' best interests to keep them in tip-top condition and ensure that they stay alive. Doctors are provided to treat injured gladiators: this is how the famous medical writer Galen started his career, trying to work out how to reinsert the intestines hanging out of gladiators' gaping wounds.
FIT GLADIATORS, FICKLE GODS
There are plenty of salacious digs about women's attraction to gladiators. Juvenal satirizes the predilection in his misogynistic Satire VI, relating the story of Eppia, the senator's wife, who abandons her family and her wealth to run off to Egypt with an ugly old gladiator well past his prime. He concludes that 'it's the sword that they love' (ferrum est quod amant), 'sword' (ferrum) being very likely a vulgar pun. Juicy gladiator gossip never loses its appeal.*11 Gladiators are only too happy to promulgate their ladykiller status: 'Celadus, the Thracian makes the girls pant' (suspirium puellarum Celadus Tr(ax)), to quote just one boast scrawled in graffiti by the gladiators of Pompeii.
The poets might joke, and gladiators might boast, but to be a gladiator is to enter not just a different social class but a different state of existence—one that hovers even more precariously between life and death than that of the average person, and one that many find both ignominious and terrifying. It is so disgraceful a prospect that, on one occasion, twenty-nine prisoners strangled each other to death rather than submit to the arena. In the first century AD, a German prisoner of war condemned to fight as a hunter in a beast show made an excuse to slip to the lavatory before the performance and rammed a sponge down his throat, choking himself rather than suffering the horrible fate that awaited him.*12
The fact is that, however carefully a lanista has his gladiators' wounds tended, spectators at the arena expect to see people die, and anyone who foots the bill for a show—be it an emperor or a local magistrate—will gain kudos from the perception that he is rich enough to pay for the deaths of numerous men and beasts. As an inscription from a provincial town in Italy boasts so brutally of one such patron, 'over four days he put on 11 pairs and of these he had 11 of the best gladiators in Campania killed and also 10 bears cruelly killed'. Emperors spend extraordinary money on shows. To celebrate his conquest of Dacia, Hadrian's predecessor Trajan spent millions of sestertii, providing 4,941 pairs of gladiators and 10,000 beasts, both tame and wild, during games that lasted more than 120 days. Roman emperors, of course, have the best resources available, including the imperial gladiator schools in Rome, of which the Ludus Magnus, as its name suggests, is the largest and is situated conveniently near the Colosseum. They also have the provincial procurators and army at their disposal to help capture and transport beasts from all over the empire. One centurion of the Legion I Minervia based in Bonna (Bonn) boasts of having caught fifty bears for the arena in the space of six months. Britannia also exports bears and stags, while soldiers serving in northern Britannia are probably charged with procuring bears for imperially sponsored shows, possibly hunting them north of the Wall.
For your average provincial magistrate, however, putting on a gladiatorial show is hugely expensive and fraught with logistical problems.*13 What do you do if, having advertised gladiatorial games to win political favour, you are faced with a nasty surprise, such as that mass suicide of prisoners on the eve of your show, or the loss of your consignment of bears in a shipwreck? And what if the animals you do have are too mangy and lethargic after a traumatic journey to provide much drama in the arena?
The aristocracy in Britannia, however, appear to be singularly untroubled by such problems. For whatever reasons, they seem reluctant to pay for gladiators, bears or public works of any description, and they do not indulge in the sort of competitive public munificence displayed elsewhere in the empire. As a rule, privately sponsored games featuring gladiators in non-military amphitheatres are unheard of. The schools of gladiators that appear in Britannia and on international tours of Gaul, Spain and Germany do so under the surveillance of an imperial procurator, indicating they are funded by the state.
Despite the apparent reluctance of private individuals in Britannia to foot the bill for gladiators outside the legionary forts, images of gladiators are found everywhere—decorating wall-paintings, mosaics, vases, glassware, ceramics, sculpture, penknives and oil lamps, and catering to all pockets and tastes. Fights are depicted, but also popular is the theme of the dying gladiator: the moment at which he lies defeated, poised between life and death, is often rendered with a combination of brutality and sentimentality. Winged cupids acting out the roles of gladiators on mosaics appeal to similarly mixed sentiments.
Large numbers of glass cups from Gaul showing gladiators may be found the length and breadth of Britannia. But local craftsmen also cater for the demand. The Camulodunum potters have a whole range of gladiator motifs in the moulds they use, and the potters from around Durobrivae (Water Newton, near Peterborough), who specialize in drinking cups with hunting scenes, also produce cups depicting gladiators. Clasp-knives with gladiator terminals and blades that fold into their handles, like penknives, are also perennially popular. Probably imported from Gaul, they are made in copper alloy, bone or ivory.
As in Londinium, on show days at Isca there are stalls outside the main entrance to the amphitheatre that sell drinks, snacks and souvenirs such as glass cups bearing scenes of chariot-racing. In the amphitheatre, spectators show their support for their favourite fighters by carving graffiti. One supporter of the 'net men' (retiarii)—those gladiators who, clad only in a loin cloth, wield a large wide-mesh net and a trident—indicates their favour by drawing a trident between two images of the distinctive shoulder guard (galerus) worn on the left arm of a retiarius, as well as a palm frond denoting victory.
Different types of fighters have their own following. There are the fans of the 'small shields', who are nicknamed parmularii (after the parmula used by Thracian fighters), or there are the scutarii, the 'big shields' (after the scutum used by secutores). A secutor wears a helmet that covers his whole face leaving just two small holes for his eyes. He thus has very limited vision and needs to get close to his opponent—extremely hazardous if he is fighting against a retiarius, who can cast his 3-metre-wide net to ensnare him. By way of compensation, the secutor is armed with a sword as well as his large shield.
A gladiator called Lucius who has somehow or other ended up in Ratae Corieltauvorum (Leicester) seems to have had at least one fan, a woman called Verecunda. Verecunda is a ludia (literally 'show girl'), an actress or performer—or a gladiator's moll, which is how Juvenal uses the word when he asks how the senator's wife Eppia could possibly have run off with a gladiator: 'What does she see in him that it's worth enduring the label ludia?' Are Lucius and Verecunda members of a professional troupe on tour in the provinces? Does Verecunda love her Lucius as passionately as Eppia had her lover? If Juvenal's sneering words are to be believed, the allure of gladiators is strong enough to make a woman abandon her family, her home and her country.
One thing is certain: if you are married to a gladiator you can look forward to an early widowhood, as happened to Aurelia in Verona, who buried her husband Glauco after he 'fought 7 fights, died on the eighth, lived 23 years and 5 days'. Inscribed on his tombstone is the advice: 'I warn you not to put your trust in Nemesis. That is how I was deceived. Hail and Farewell'. It is Nemesis, that 'winged balancer of life, dark-faced goddess, daughter of Justice', who is the deity most closely associated with amphitheatres. Nemesis, who is sometimes equated with Fortuna and depicted with her attributes of wheel and rudder, can distribute good or bad fortune, success or failure, life or death. Shrines to Nemesis are found around amphitheatres throughout the empire. Nemesis is also associated with the huntress goddess Diana, appearing together especially in the context of the amphitheatres' hunts (venationes). A temple dedicated to Diana is situated near the amphitheatre.
People also ask Nemesis to help them regain their stolen goods and to take vengeance on the thief. Whoever has left a lead curse tablet at her shrine at Isca's amphitheatre promising 'Lady Nemesis, I give thee a cloak and a pair of Gallic sandals; let him who took them not redeem them (unless) with his own blood' is evidently less of a skilled negotiator than the visitor to Londinium's amphitheatre who promised: 'I give Diana my headgear and scarf, less one third. If anyone has done this, I give him, and through me let him be unable to live.'
Mercury, too, is honoured at Isca's amphitheatre. One of the most popular gods in Britannia, he is commonly associated with merchants and travellers, but he is also connected with the dead through his Greek incarnation as Hermes, who—as Hermes Psychopompus—conducts the souls of the dead to the underworld. In some places, masked attendants dressed as Mercury, with his winged cap, brandish a burning hot model of his cadeuceus, or wand, to check if those who appear to be dead truly are: 'We have laughed at the sport of your midday game of the gods, when Father Pluto, Jove's own brother, drags away, hammer in hand, the remains of the gladiators; when Mercury, with his winged cap and heated wand, tests by branding whether the bodies were really lifeless or only feigning death.'
VENTA SILURUM, THE SILURIAN CAPITAL
The legionaries who sit in the arena can on the whole expect to live longer than the gladiators whose performances they watch. Soldiers such as Julius Valens, who is buried at one of the cemeteries that lie along the roads leading from the fortress, lived to be a hundred years old. He, like many of his comrades who were able to enjoy their retirement, settled in the canabae, or civilian settlements that have grown up around the fortress. Here, the veterans congregate at the taverns, where they drink out of cheap, locally made beakers while snacking off shellfish such as oysters, mussels, limpets and cockles.
Julius Severus and his party will ride through these outlying canabae as they take up the next stage of their journey—towards Viroconium Cornoviorum (Wroxeter). This was once the site of a legionary fortress that spearheaded the conquest of North Wales. Now, with the region long subdued, Viroconium is a flourishing civitas capital and the legionary base there has been transferred further north, to Deva (Chester).
The party will pick up the main road north, Watling Street West, at Blestium (Monmouth). Although the most direct route north from Isca is the busy road through Burrium (Usk), a high official on a tour of the province will no doubt be expected to visit the local civitas capital at Venta Silurum (Caerwent). It lies across the River Usk, about 8 miles east of the fortress. The main settlement in the area around the fort lies in the lowlands of the Vale of Glamorgan and Monmouthshire, where there is good farmland for growing cereals and rearing cattle. The easily flooded Gwent Levels have been drained, a task possibly involving the local soldiers, and the land now provides pasture for horses, cattle and sheep.
Venta Silurum was founded within a very few years of the Silures' final defeat. Despite the Roman threats during the early years of the campaign in Wales, it was not in their best interests to punish the Silures too savagely for giving them such a hard time for so many years. Besides, their defeat came at the advent of Agricola's governorship in AD 75, as he pursued his policy of 'Romanizing' the defeated tribes. It is unlikely that the Silures remained dediticii, or without political status or rights, for long. They were evidently granted, under the watchful eye of the nearby legionaries at Isca, land, a form of self-government with their own council, and help with building their town centre, the forum and basilica. They may have had to hand over hostages for a period—perhaps the sons of high-ranking families, who could be sent to a more civilized place to acquire a little Roman polish.
It is also possible that Venta Silurum was populated with veterans from Isca and elsewhere. There are certainly clues that the legionaries helped out with building and planning the town, providing cranes and other lifting devices, together with sculptors to carve the capitals of the forum basilica's fine (30-foot-high) Corinithian columns from local sandstone. The town is near enough to Isca to be a destination for the soldiers and an alternative to the canabae outside the fortress as a place to spend their cash when on leave.
At about 44 acres, Venta is one of the smallest tribal capitals in Britannia and covers a smaller area than the 50 acres of nearby Isca. Although divided into twenty street blocks or insulae, there are many open spaces within the street grid, and it is really not much more than a straggle of buildings along the main road to Isca.*14 Shop fronts open out onto the main street, with their workshops and living quarters behind. Some houses are surrounded by yards, paddocks and agricultural buildings, and town quickly blurs into country, with farms on its very fringes.
Visitors enter the forum through an archway on the north side of the main street. It occupies the whole of the central block (insula VIII), with shops on the ground floor, each of them a single room with a large open front that can be secured with wooden shutters at closing time; there is also a shellfish snack bar in the north-east corner. The basilica, where the town council sits, is a single long hall with an office at one end and is small compared with those of other civitas capitals. Across the road from the forum are the public baths (insula XIII) and an adjacent temple (insula XII). Visiting officials and dignitaries can stay in a newish mansio in the south-west corner of town, set back from the street. Consisting of a courtyard house with a large basin fountain at its centre and a separate baths building, the mansio is comfortably appointed, with identical suites of rooms in its north and south ranges and a dining room and kitchen. But as yet it has no central heating, and the rooms are warmed with braziers. The house only seems to cater for officers and officials—those of lesser rank must find accommodation elsewhere in town.
Having passed through Venta, Julius Severus and those accompanying him must now make for the crossroads at Chepstow, where there is a bridge over the River Wye and a road leading east to the colonia of Glevum (Gloucester), a former legionary base. Severus, however, follows a direct, though hilly, route north to Blestium, a distance of 12.5 miles (20km). The road keeps to the high ground to the west of the spectacular Wye gorge and much of it affords splendid views over the surrounding countryside. On leaving Blestium, where the road is joined by the busy direct route from Isca, there is a long ascent through a narrow valley—the first stage of a 40-mile stretch to the small roadside settlement of Branogenium (Leintwardine), at the crossing of the River Teme. The journey must be broken somewhere, and one possibility is to make a small diversion to Magnis (Kenchester, near Hereford), a market town for the Dobunni tribe, which has a mansio. At Branogenium, officials and military men can stay at the mansio outside the fort that lies a short distance to the south-west (at Buckton). They will be among the last visitors to stay here, as the fort is very soon to be vacated.
Throughout his tour, Julius Severus will not have to worry about any of the logistics of travel himself, as he has his own strator consularis (transport officer) to depend on, as well as the insights of people with local knowledge; but, as a military man, he will expect to have access to detailed plans of the whole region. A good leader must know not only the distances by the number of paces but also the quality of the roads, the shortest routes and all the by-roads, and detailed information about mountains and rivers. The best-prepared officers have maps containing both annotations and drawings, to enable them to see the best route 'in front of their very eyes'.
For everyday use, civilian travellers are more likely to have a type of route planner, showing the main roads depicted as a series of continuous lines, with the distance between various places written below in numerals, and mainly in Roman miles. (Although in parts of Gaul distances are traditionally measured in leagues, 1 leuga or league being equivalent to 1.5 Roman miles.) Symbols on the route planner depict what is on offer at various places. In addition to showing the large harbours, lighthouses, mountains and major rivers, there are bird's-eye views of towns and the different sorts of facilities available en route: spas (aquae), inns with stabling, and major temples. The maps, produced in sheets in papyrus form, can be wound on two wooden cylinders, or rollers, and packed in luggage. Route planners also exist as lists, giving the start and finish of each itinerary, the total mileage, together with stopping places and distances between them. Maritime routes are available in this form too, listing journeys by sea along the same lines and mainly measured in stadia.*15
Were he to consult his maps, Julius Severus would see that from Branogenium to his next main destination, Viroconium, is a distance of 24.5 miles (39km). The road, which makes its way through the hilly country of the Strettons, keeps to high ground above the valleys, with decent views where possible and maintaining a direct course for long distances. The town the new imperial governor is making for is a substantial one—the civitas capital of the Cornovii. For Viroconium Cornoviorum, AD 130 is a significant year.
*1 Trajectus is probably on the site of today's Bitton.
*2 The fort might have been called Tamium, but that is not certain.
*3 The River Usk was, in the Roman period, much further east than it is now. The quay, wharf and warehouses are all conjectural.
*4 Possibly all ten cohorts were serving on the Wall, but inscriptions attesting their presence have been found from only seven of them. It might be that they returned to Isca during the winter months.
*5 From the Latin for the vexillum, or banner, under which detachments of soldiers served and fought.
*6 At Pumpsaint—it was perhaps called Luentinum.
*7 Its length was 41 metres (135 feet).
*8 When the pool was also shortened to 25.5 metres (84 feet) in length.
*9 A total of eighty-eight gemstones have been found in the drain.
*10 Caerleon has the most complete and thoroughly excavated legionary amphitheatre in Britain.
*11 Towards the end of the second century, rumours abounded that the Emperor Commodus was the product of his mother Faustina's affair with a gladiator rather than the natural son of Marcus Aurelius.
*12 The source is Seneca (Letters) LXX1, 9–21.23. This is, incidentally, one of the very few references in literature to the Romans using sponges on sticks to wipe their bottoms. Such sponges would have had to be imported into Britannia, and there is no convincing material evidence to suggest that anyone ever bothered to do so; they more probably used moss and rags as substitutes. For another rare sponge-on-stick reference, see Martial (Epigrams) XII, 48.
*13 By AD 177 such was the consternation about the expense of mounting provincial gladiator shows that Emperor Marcus Aurelius abolished the tax on the sale of gladiators and tried to fix a scale of prices for putting on shows.
*14 Even in the third and fourth centuries, the population numbered only between 2,400 and 3,800 inhabitants.
*15 As in the Antonine Itinerary. Although the subject of much discussion regarding its purpose and discrepancies within it, this third-century itinerary no doubt had earlier equivalents, which would have provided a useful reference source for a journey to Britain in AD 130.
# IX
# A New Forum at Wroxeter, Capital of Cattle Country
Si in aliam quam celebrem civitatem vel provinciae caput advenerit, pati debet commendari sibi civitatem laudesque suas non gravate audire, cum honori suo provinciales id vindicent; et ferias secundum mores et consuetudinem quae retro optinuit dare.
When the Proconsul enters any other city which is not a populous one or the capital of the province, he should permit it to be placed under his protection and listen to the compliments bestowed upon him without showing any discontent, since the people of the province do this in his honour; and he should appoint festivals in accordance with the manners and customs which have previously been observed.
ULPIAN, On the Duties of a Proconsul,
Book II (Digest 1.16.7)
*
AS THE TRAVELLERS draw near to Viroconium they find themselves in cattle country, the territory of the Cornovii (encompassing much of Cheshire and Shropshire). Sitting in a landscape of mixed arable and pastoral farms, Viroconium Cornoviorum is protected by the River Severn snaking around it to the west, and by the valleys of small streams to the north and south. There are fine uninterrupted views over the countryside towards the surrounding hills, where a large number of former Cornovii hillforts are situated.
Prominent among these hillforts to the east is the Wrekin, from which the town may derive its name. The link with the Wrekin clearly remains important, because a road runs directly to it from the town's east gate. Along this track, at the highest and most exposed point of the town—and adjacent to the place where the town's water supply, carried by an aqueduct, empties into a huge cistern—is a large, walled compound. This is the town's important livestock market, or forum boarium.
Viroconium is built on the site of a legionary fortress established here in the late AD 50s as the base of the Legion XIV Gemina and then the Legion XX Valeria Victrix. Here, on the higher east bank of the Severn at a place where there is a major ford, the army had control to the west and south and a convenient base for attacking Wales and for penetrating further north. By AD 90, however, the XX Valeria Victrix had been transferred to Deva. The fortress's defences were levelled and, with the street grid of the fortress at its core, the town was founded. The extent of the Cornovians' input or enthusiasm for the construction of their new civitas capital is unknown; but given their general lack of materialism, it is likely that a considerable amount of backing was needed from the Roman state—plus an influx of veterans—to get the place up and running.
On approaching Viroconium, Julius Severus should be able to enjoy roads cleared of heavy goods traffic in anticipation of his arrival. While the visit of a high-ranking official, and especially that of a new provincial governor, should be a cause for celebration in the town, it is also a source of consternation, particularly among the town's ruling class. It is they who have the responsibility of receiving this elevated personage, greeting him in the appropriate way in Latin, and putting him and his entourage up in at least something approaching the manner to which they are accustomed.
As the mansio, just south of the new building site for the baths, is not large enough to accommodate the governor and his entire retinue, some members of his party will have to lodge in private houses. Decorating the town will be another headache. Sufficient coloured flags and garlands of flowers from the surrounding countryside must be obtained, and the banners from any guilds and colleges, together with images of gods and goddesses, will all need to be displayed along the official processional route if the townspeople are going to give the governor the sort of welcome he might expect elsewhere. The town will need to lay on music too, even if it means that the few proficient musicians who can be mustered have to take sneaky shortcuts, dashing through back streets to greet the visitors at various points on the route.
This year, the new forum at Viroconium will be officially dedicated to Hadrian, as an extremely handsome, freshly cut inscription set proudly over its entrance testifies. For a British provincial town, the lettering is exceptionally good, the creation of a master stonecutter who is evidently used to working on monuments of the highest quality. The project could have been initiated almost a decade before by the emperor on his visit to the province. Now, in the summer of AD 130, Julius Severus will officiate at its inauguration.*1 It is one of his duties as governor to ensure that all public monuments and temples are in good condition and properly cared for, so he is charged with inspecting them, assessing whether they need repairs and ensuring that they are mended properly by appointing 'with the proper formalities' reliable superintendents, as well as assigning soldiers to assist if necessary. Good governors take these duties seriously, knowing how important it is to maintain and promote the imperial public image—and that includes making sure that letters are cut properly on public monuments.*2
MIND YOUR LATIN
Severus and his entourage enter Viroconium from across a ford over the Severn, at the town's south-west corner, and proceed along Watling Street to the brand-new forum. Its porticoed entrance opens out onto a large courtyard, on the far side of which is a basilica housing the council chamber, archives and offices of the two annually elected magistrates. Another basilica, identical in size and design and 18 metres (59 feet) high at its apex, will be built as the centrepiece of an imposing baths complex across the street, although at present this is merely an ambitious plan on the ground.*3 Having been formally received, and having carried out his inspection of the forum, Julius Severus will sacrifice an ox (or heifer, if the town's presiding deity is female).*4 Once he has examined its entrails and performed libations upon it and any other animals sacrificed, he will offer prayers to the emperor.
During the course of his visit, Julius Severus will also hear petitions and lawsuits, pronouncing judgement in public from a tribunal, or stage, set up in the forum or in the new basilica. He is charged with giving all citizens, rich or poor, a fair hearing. It is his duty to ensure that people of higher rank who can afford the best lawyers are not favoured over those of moderate means, 'who have no one to appear for them or who have had to employ advocates of small experience or no standing who may not be able to present their claims properly'.
In general, as long as they do not happen too regularly or last too long, official visits, though fraught for the hosts and expensive at the time, may prove worthwhile, and a successful inspection can result in more than a few new statues from the emperor. Furthermore, a well-argued petition made to the governor in person can bring enhanced status and privileges for both the town and for the speechmaker.
Before they get any payback, however, they will need to put on a good show in Latin. The Romans are sensitive to the correct usage of their language and are as appreciative of an elegant turn of phrase as they are contemptuous of grammatical errors or rusticisms. A person's reputation can be damaged by committing such errors. The poet Martial mocks someone who remains deaf to his verse as a person with 'a Batavian ear'. There is even a story doing the rounds, unlikely though it seems, that the young Hadrian was laughed at in the Senate for a rustic turn of phrase in a speech, with the result that he worked at his Latin until he had reached the utmost facility in it. As Hadrian was born in Rome, it is not clear whether this is a dig at some provincialisms he picked up during his teenage years on his family's estates in Italica (in Spain), or on account of his love for all things Greek. If emperors brought up in the most elevated circles are teased for their use of Latin, then it must be all the harder for the people of the north-western provinces to acquire fluency in the language.
However good your Latin, you can be forgiven for feeling a little nervous when speaking on behalf of the community in front of such a high-ranking official as the governor. As you address the emperor's deputy, it may feel almost as nerve-wracking as speaking to the emperor in person: 'It is no easy business to ask the emperor of the whole world for a favour for oneself; to put on a bold front before the aspect of such great majesty, to compose one's features, to shore up one's spirits to choose the right words and utter them fearlessly, stopping at the right moment to wait for a reply.' It is true that in this example, the polished Gallic orator's admission of reticence and modesty is really an elegant commonplace and a means of winning over his audience; but many town councillors in provincial Britain must be 'not unaware of how inferior our abilities are to the Romans', because 'speaking in Latin and well is inborn in them but laboriously acquired in us and if by chance we say something elegantly our imitation derives from that font and source of eloquence.'
The children of the British aristocracy have been educated in the liberal arts at least since the governorship of Agricola in the late 70s. Rating their natural facility in Latin more highly than the Gauls, he observed how anxious they were to speak Latin elegantly. The British upper classes are still every bit as keen to speak correct Latin in the second century as they were in the first. Visitors to the island are struck by the way in which they speak text-book style Latin, with an old-fashioned pronunciation and rather affected vowel sounds.
It is possible that high-status Britons now speak Latin among themselves and in 'polite society' while continuing to address their servants in the British tongue. The British language (Brittonic, or Brythonic), as spoken at the time of the Roman conquest, was a form of Celtic similar to languages spoken in Gaul. Some British tribes, such as the Atrebates, which were branches of those on the Continent, would have spoken an almost identical language to Gaulish. But since the Romans arrived, the language has changed, and the British have adopted many Latin words into their vocabulary to describe aspects of daily life and administration for which there was no existing equivalent.*5 As British is an entirely oral language, anyone who needs to write does so in Latin, however crudely—even tradespeople in towns who may barely be able to speak it.
To have real facility in the language and to have the confidence to address formally a high official, it is important to work at Latin from early childhood, laboriously copying out lines from the great literary works such as Virgil's Aeneid: you want to avoid your teacher scrawling the crushing 'seg' across your work (from segniter, meaning 'weak' or 'slack') or, worse, giving you a good thrashing. In order to help provincials perfect their Latin, there are bilingual textbooks, which, for an aspiring Roman gentleman from the distant land of the Cornovii, might also contain useful hints on how to behave in certain social situations—and at the very least how to boss your slave around effectively in Latin. When at the baths, for example, you need to know how to say 'expolia me, discalcia me, compone vestimenta, cooperi, serva bene; ne addormias propter fures' ('undress me, take off my shoes, tidy up my clothes, cover them up, look after them well; don't fall asleep on account of thieves'). At the end of the bathing session your slave can be instructed to 'terge mihi caput et pedes. Da caligulas, calcia me. Porrige amiculum, pallam, dalmaticam. Collige vestimenta et omnia nostra. Sequimini ad domum' ('dry my head and feet, give me my shoes and put them on, hold out my cloak and tunic, collect my clothes and all my things and follow me home').
ROMAN REFINEMENTS, CORNOVIAN CUSTOMS—AND CATTLE
Such phrases as these will no doubt come in handy when Viroconium's state-of-the-art baths are completed. The fact that the town has managed to erect a forum in less than a decade, and is about to start on this luxurious new baths complex, suggests that it has had more than a little official help. The legionaries probably had a hand in designing and building the forum, although their involvement on Hadrian's Wall will have meant only intermittent help—perhaps the reason for the baths project lagging so far behind. When finished, it will be closely related in design to the legionary baths at nearby Deva.
The town's inhabitants might well also be receiving financial support in the form of special tax relief to help fund the project. If the baths were instigated by Hadrian, as part of an official scheme, then money from imperial revenues could also be forthcoming. The British aristocracy, who never quite see the point of spending large amounts of money on public monuments for their own aggrandisement, generally prefer to invest in private property and land instead. Public works are a permanent burden whoever foots the bill for their construction, for once they are finished the expense of maintaining them falls on the local council. Its members have to raise money from local taxation—for example, from rents from stallholders and other vendors who operate in and around the baths, the macellum (official meat market) and the forum. If such revenues are insufficient, then Julius Severus might still need to call upon the emperor to provide whatever the provincials cannot be relied upon to supply. This can include not just funds but also quite specific orders for items such as statues.*6
Julius Severus could find that he needs to order rather a lot of Roman artwork, for the Cornovii on the whole show very little interest in such refinements: conspicuously unmaterialistic in Iron Age times, even now few people in the surrounding countryside display any eagerness to adopt a Roman lifestyle or acquire Roman goods. Unlike other tribes of southern Britain at the time of the conquest, the cattle-rearing Cornovii neither produced nor used coinage, nor even any pottery except that which they needed for transporting salt from brine springs in their territory (at Nantwich, Middlewich and Northwich).
The arrival of thousands of troops in Britain, and in the very heart of the Cornovii lands, changed that situation profoundly. The Romans stormed and set fire to the hillfort on the Wrekin in about AD 47, planted military installations throughout the territory and propelled those who lived in the vicinity of the legionary fortress into a world of coins, pottery and unheard-of consumer goods. The army created hugely increased demand not just for meat and wool, but also for leather goods and all the by-products of cattle, with army contractors dealing in bulk and consignments of hundreds of hides paid for with large amounts of cash.
Cattle can certainly be big business, and punishments for stealing them, are as severe as for stealing horses. Professional cattle or horse thieves can be condemned ad gladium, 'to the sword'—execution in the arena. For serious cases involving armed cattle rustlers, being thrown to the wild beasts is considered to be a justifiable sentence. Other miscreants can be sent to the mines or put to unappealing work in the service of the state, such as cleaning out public baths and latrines. (For the theft of smaller animals, such as sheep, pigs or goats, there are lesser sentences, while anyone who takes a stray horse or ox will be classified merely as a common thief.)
Cattle are valued for their meat—beef is preferred to pork in the north-western provinces, unlike elsewhere in the empire—but also for much else besides, including that healthy trade in hides. Bullocks are used in harness for pulling carts or the plough; cows for their milk. Even after cattle have been slaughtered, no part of their carcases are wasted. Marrow fat is extracted from their bones on an industrial scale, and the bones themselves are used to make items such as hairpins, needles and combs, while the sinew is used for thread and bowstrings. Both beef and mutton fat are used to make soap and tallow candles—much the most common fuel for lighting in Britain, as oil lamps require expensive imported olive oil.
The increased demand for livestock has created jobs all along the line, from rearing the cattle to butchering and processing the carcases and tanning the hides. The messy, smelly trades of the tanners and fullers (who finish and launder wool cloth) take place in their own districts of town.*7 Both industries need a good water supply, and the fullers require copious amounts of urine: they collect it from both animals and humans, in some places leaving large pots on street corners, where people can relieve themselves, and which will later be collected when full.
CHANGING FASHIONS
The fullers will have been hard at work in the run-up to Julius Severus's appearance in town, as local dignitaries prepare their outfits for the visit. The British upper classes, it seems, took up wearing the toga enthusiastically decades ago. A Roman gentleman is judged on his creases—and a white toga, worn on formal occasions, needs to be super-clean and pressed with sharp folds. Election candidates need to scrub up particularly well, and their togas are rubbed with a special type of fuller's earth to make them shine. The work done by the fullers must meet these high expectations. They treat the cloth by treading it in tubs containing a solution of water and urine (or fuller's earth) and then rinse it in running water. Some whites are also bleached with sulphur. The clothing is then pressed in large screw presses.
It is not clear how much store the majority of Cornovii lay by such matters as dress and personal appearance. Elsewhere in the empire, fashion-conscious men sport beards like the emperor; women who have the chance to spy the Empress Sabina, either in the flesh on her travels or on a bust or coin, might (if they have a competent maidservant) attempt to copy her hairstyle with its elaborately piled braids. But most men and women in Britannia lack the means or the inclination to follow the empire's fashion. Women like Vedica, a Cornovian who went to live at Verbeia (Ilkley in Yorkshire), stick to a more traditional form of native dress.*8 Vedica wears her hair down in two long thick plaits, every inch the down-to-earth cowgirl and looking impossibly primitive, no doubt, to the sophisticated ladies of Alexandria, Athens or Marseilles. Country dwellers are unlikely to adopt Roman dress, the men continuing instead to wear the traditional costume of checked trousers, tunic and a short cloak. Romans still view trousers with suspicion—in the first century, Martial referred disparagingly to Lydia's backside being as broad 'as the old breeches of a pauper Briton'.
Indeed, anyone coming from the Mediterranean, and especially from places like Egypt and Syria in the east, will be struck by the plainness of British clothes. It is true that cloth is dyed—red with imported madder (rubia tinctorum) or bedstraw, purple with local lichens, blue with woad (glastum or Isatis tinctoria), yellow with weld (Reseda luteola) and red-purple from whelks found along the Atlantic coast of Gaul. But there are none of the fancy weaves, brocades or elaborate tapestries to be found further east. In these damp islands people adopt, instead, eminently sensible—and excellent-quality—medium-weight diamond, herringbone and plain 2/2 twill cloths. In the streets, men and women wear variants on loose-fitting woollen tunics, with or without short wide sleeves, which men wear at calf length and women down to their ankles. Over this, men wear a hooded cape, the caracalla or birrus, which is fastened down the front. Women sport a less voluminous rectangular cloak draped in various ways, according to fashion.
While there are those, of course, who wear imported damask silks (in Kent) and gold thread (in Essex), for the most part diamond twill and checks remain the distinctively north-west European Celtic look. British wool is highly regarded abroad, and the province's blankets and cloaks, which have an excellent reputation for quality, make acceptable presents for high officials and are presented to members of the governor's staff on retirement from their posts.
After decades of Roman presence, Viroconium's population is now a mixed one. Milling around the forum will be local Cornovii, perhaps traders whose families moved here generations ago to take advantage of opportunities offered by the cash-rich legionaries and army veterans who have settled in the area. Retiring soldiers, usually in their early to mid-forties, are presented with discharge tablets at the ceremony of honesta missio (demobilization) on completion of twenty-five years' service, when they and any children they might have are granted the much-prized Roman citizenship. Mansuetus, a cavalryman from the second cohort of Dalmatians who has retired here from Hadrian's Wall, will leave to posterity a copy of his own inscribed bronze discharge tablet, lodged in Viroconium's record office in the forum basilica.*9 Veterans such as Mansuetus will have lump sums to invest—the compulsory savings deducted from their wages over the years—and, immune from taxation, will be sufficiently well off to become town councillors, serving alongside other former soldiers and members of the local tribal aristocracy.
Affluent members of Viroconium society live in large, comfortable houses in town, which require a large amount of cheap labour to build.*10 But some materials, such as stone, are relatively expensive, and even the most prosperous inhabitants of Viroconium have to make economies while keeping up appearances: among the 'stone' columns of their street-facing porticoes are some formed from tree trunks and painted to imitate marble. As well as Roman-style architecture, the houses also now display Roman-style taste in the form of large sculpted phalli attached to the exterior walls. The Fascinus, or spirit of the phallus, offers protection for the household against the evil eye. In one example a winged phallus, combined with a hand making a mano fica gesture (thumb clasped by fingers)—which is aimed against evil powers in general—pulls a cart. Perhaps its owner hopes to raise a smile from passers-by while warding off the evil eye in the process.
Overall, and in contrast with many images, graffiti and objects found elsewhere in the empire, the British seem to be remarkably reticent, uninterested or backward as regards the obscene and the sexually explicit.*11 While there are vague references to 'buggers' in some places (Farningham, Kent, Colchester and Silchester), and an observation written in red on white wall plaster (in Alresford, Essex) that 'you are shitting' (cacas), it is left to Ratae (Leicester) to take the prize as the rudest place in Britannia. Here, scratched onto the painted wall plaster of an early second-century courtyard fallen into disrepair, is a whole series of insults, ranging from cinae[de] (catamite) to culo, which means 'arse' in the dative or ablative case, leaving it to the viewer's imagination as to whether it should be preceded by 'to', 'for', 'by', 'with' or 'from'. As you might expect, the most cocksure graffiti comes from showy Londinium, where a stone tablet boasts of [M]ENTULARUM [...]XI NONI—the '11 (or more) pricks of Nonius'.
The good people of Viroconium will no doubt pray that on the occasion of Julius Severus's first visit to their city no insult will be given, and no offence taken; that the evil eye will be diverted, the Latin speeches will pass muster and the omens will be propitious for the dedication of the new forum; and that Julius Severus and his retinue will soon pass safely and with all due ceremony on their way again—north to Deva, and beyond that to the Wall.
*1 The inscription is dated to between winter AD 129 and autumn AD 130. If Julius Severus began his tour soon after arriving in Britannia in early July, he could well have presided over the inauguration in August/September that year.
*2 When Arrian, governor of Cappadocia, made his tour of inspection in Trapezus (Trabzon, Turkey) between AD 131 and AD 138, he was appalled that the inscriptions on two altars of 'coarse rough stone' were indistinct and incorrect 'as is common among barbarous people', and erected marble altars with 'well marked and distinct characters' instead. Arrian (Circumnavigation of the Euxine Sea) 2, 2.
*3 It took the best part of the next twenty years to complete.
*4 The identity of the city's presiding deity is not known. The town's major civic temple seems to lie beneath the Victorian model farm to the north of the forum.
*5 Evidence for this comes from the hundreds of Latin loan words present in the descendants of Brittonic—Welsh, Cornish and Breton.
*6 In Trapezus, Arrian, on finding a statue of Hadrian to be a poor copy of the original, asked the emperor to 'send a statue fit to be called yours' and begged for a better image of Mercury 'no more than five feet high' for the temple. Arrian (Circumnavigation of the Euxine Sea), 3.
*7 This is not conclusive at Wroxeter, though it is possible.
*8 The identification of Verbeia as the Roman name is conjectured.
*9 The cohort was originally raised in Croatia, and at this time was serving on Hadrian's Wall. Mansuetus's discharge certificate is dated 14 April AD 135 and was found in the basilica, so this is one explanation for how it could have come to be there.
*10 There were over a hundred such houses at the town's height later in the century.
*11 This conclusion is based on the tiny number of obscene references to survive in Britain. By contrast a potter in Bordeaux wrote on a plate before firing it: 'I will sodomise 3 times anyone who reads this—go on, read it and find the person who wishes you this unhappiness...'
# X
# To the Wall
Murum lo[ngi] operis... non [mul]to diutius exstrucxistis quam caespite exstruitur...Vos lapid[ibus] grandibus, gravibus, inaequalibus, quos neque vehere n[e]que attollere, neque locare quis possit nisi ut inaequa[lita]tes inter se compareant. Fossam glaria duram scabram recte percussistis et radendo levem reddidistis. Opere pr[o]bato introgressi castra raptim et cibum et arma cepistis equitem emissum secuti magno clamore revertentem...
You have built a long wall... in not much more time than if it were made of turf... You built with big, heavy, uneven stones which no one can carry, lift or lay without their unevenness becoming evident... You dug a hard, rough ditch correctly through the earth and by scraping it made it level. Your work approved, you quickly entered camp, took your food and weapons and followed the cavalry which had been sent out, with a great shout as they came back...
Extract from HADRIAN'S address to the troops at Lambaesis, Numidia,
North Africa, AD 128
*
ON LEAVING Viroconium and heading north for Deva (Chester), a little over 38 miles (61km) away, Julius Severus can make first for Mediolanum (Whitchurch), about 24 miles (39km) hence. There, at the junction of several roads, there is a mansio and small market. Although this is still in Cornovian territory, the countryside is beginning to change. More cereal crops are in evidence here, and while there are still settlements with their great ditched enclosures for livestock, the landscape now also reveals solitary roundhouses, surrounded by enclosed arable fields with pasture beyond. Although some farms have been settled by veteran soldiers who employ Roman methods of agriculture, there are few recognizable villas.
After crossing a bridge over the River Dee, the travellers enter Deva. Here is the legionary fortress and adjacent amphitheatre, which loom over the river, commanding the attention of everyone arriving either by road or up-river from the Irish Sea. But the garrison is even more depleted than at Isca. Most of the troops (and those from surrounding auxiliary forts) have gone up to the Wall, and many buildings, including some of the barrack blocks and the amphitheatre, have been abandoned. The main military base in the north is now the legionary fortress at Eboracum, under the command of Minicius Natalis.
With little to detain them at Deva, the travellers soon move on, taking the road north-east towards Eboracum as far as the auxiliary fort at Mamucium (Manchester), some 34 miles (55km) away. The route passes through a flourishing industrialized landscape where vital supplies for the soldiers of the north-west garrisons are produced. The area is an important centre of brine extraction. Salt is a vital commodity, not only for preserving meat but also for tanning leather and making cheese, and the abundance of brine here has encouraged leather-working and shoe-making. At Condate (Northwich), a stopping place almost 19 miles (30km) from Deva, at the confluence of the rivers Dane and Weaver, there is a connecting road south to Salinae (Middlewich), whose name means 'Salt Works': here there is a brine extraction plant in the vicus (village settlement) attached to the auxiliary fort. North of Condate is the industrial centre of Wilderspool (between Widnes and Warrington) on the south shore of the River Mersey, where there is extensive iron-working and a centre for producing mixing bowls (mortaria), which are supplied to military sites throughout the north-west.*1
Julius Severus continues, however, along the main road from Deva to Eboracum. He will not continue east across the Pennines any further than the auxiliary fort at Mamucium, from where he can take the road north to Bremetenacum Veteranorum (Ribchester), 26.5 miles (43km) away in the lovely valley of the River Ribble. Before descending into the valley, any travellers on this route will be treated to a magnificent view from the ridge of Ramsgreave (west of Blackburn), with Pendle (Hill) to their north-east and ahead of them, to the north and across the Ribble, Longridge Fell—and a taste of the mountains and moorlands that lie beyond.
Approaching Bremetenacum, this route crosses the river at a ford a little to the east of the fort, which is garrisoned by the ala II Asturum, a cavalry unit of 500 men originally raised in Asturia (in Spain). A cavalry ala is the most prestigious and best-paid type of auxiliary unit. Bremetenacum itself is cocooned in the gentle valley with its meandering river and rich pasture land, surrounded by a flourishing vicus. Here, any travellers can find rest as well as refreshment and relaxation in a respectable enough little bath house by the river. Here, too, is a significant junction, with routes east to Eboracum (via Skipton, Ilkley and Tadcaster) and west to the Fylde on the Lancashire coast.
Travellers heading north of here could, if they wish, choose an adventurous route north across the fells, beginning with an ascent over Longridge Fell, where the road climbs to just below 290 metres (950 feet) short of the summit. It rewards anyone who makes it to the top with a view (on a clear day) of the Irish Sea to the west, the mass of Bowland fells ahead, and the promise of much wilder and more difficult terrain yet to come. This route would eventually take you to Luguvalium (Carlisle), some 80 fairly challenging miles away, via the rain-soaked fort at Low Borrow Bridge (near Tebay), at the head of the Lune Valley, and 18 or so miles beyond that, Brocavum Fort (Brougham, near Penrith), which nestles in the gentle crook of the River Eden.
While this rugged route through wild and underpopulated country is significant from a military point of view, it is not the logical first choice for a provincial governor on tour unless he has a particular reason for wishing to test it out. There is an easier alternative to the west, along much flatter terrain. Quite apart from the physical rigours that would be entailed in the route over the hills, any group of travellers—military or civilian, and of whatever rank—needs to be vigilant while on the road and avoid unnecessary risk. While harsh terrain and bad weather are hazards of nature, there are also plenty of man-made threats, attested to throughout the empire by the numerous tombstones to those unfortunate individuals who have been interfectus a latronibus—killed by bandits, who are regarded as little more than terrorists. In the western provinces, there are specially designated officials charged with 'guarding against bandits'. As governor, Julius Severus must keep the peace and flush out such men. If bandits are causing trouble in the province, he might well already have appointed a trusted praefectus to try to deal with them.
Travellers wearing or carrying valuables need to take special precautions. Women and girls are warned to keep their jewellery out of sight—the gravestone of one unfortunate ten-year-old girl from Spalatum (Split), who was murdered causa ornamentorum (because of her jewellery), offers a salutary lesson. Bandits have no respect for gender, age or rank. Even the commander of the army in Africa, M. Valerius Etruscus, was left naked and wounded after being attacked en route to Saldae (near Béjaïa, Algeria); he was lucky to escape with his companions. Attacks can occur on even the busiest roads. Pliny the Younger recalled how someone he knew vanished without trace from the Via Flaminia together with his slaves, and 'no one knows whether he was killed by his slaves or along with them'. It is notable that Jesus's Parable of the Good Samaritan, in which a man is attacked and left half dead to be ignored by one and all, is set not on some obscure byway but on the main road between Jerusalem to Jericho. Chillingly, the cruel wounds inflicted by bandits are listed with those of gladiators and soldiers in battle as offering curious doctors the opportunity of studying the position, arrangement and shape of the internal organs of living patients.
Bearing all these factors in mind (and Britannia, after all, has a reputation as a restless and violent place, especially in the north), an easier, flatter and potentially safer route to the west, which skirts the fells, is a more practical choice for Julius Severus and his entourage.*2 From Bremetenacum, Julius Severus now rides west along the Ribble Valley for 6 or 7 miles (11km), before picking up the road north from Coccium (Wigan). An easy, direct road now leads them to Lancaster, 21 miles (34km) away.*3 Here, there is a mansio outside the north gate of the auxiliary fort, which commands the surrounding area from its hilltop position above the River Lune. Outside the vicus attached to the fort, Severus and his party will pass through a cemetery containing vividly painted tombstones of dead cavalrymen from the ala Augusta Sebosiana. One memorial, to Insus son of Vodullus, citizen of the Treveri, is particularly eye-catching. It graphically depicts the deceased quartermaster astride his horse triumphantly holding the severed head of an unfortunate Briton in his right hand, together with the sword that has just performed the decapitation.
To begin a tour of inspection at the western part of Hadrian's Wall, Severus can now reach the north-west and Luguvalium by taking to the water, embarking at the estuary of the Lune and tracking the coastline north of Morecambe Bay.*4 Members of the Cohort I Aelia Classica may be put at his disposal, a naval detachment based at the fort of Glannoventa (Ravenglass). This is the most southern of a series of coastal forts that stretches for 25 miles (40km) up to the Wall's westernmost point at Maia (Bowness-on-Solway). Iron ore is extracted at Glannoventa, and the fort there also connects with one to the north-east at Galava (Ambleside), at the head of Windermere, via one of the steepest and most spectacular roads in the country. Here, the breathtakingly situated new fort at Mediobogdum (Hardknott) commands superb views north to the Scafell range and west along Eskdale to the sea.*5 It is manned by the Fourth Cohort of Dalmatians—soldiers originally raised in Severus's home province.
Maenius Agrippa, in his new post as commander of the classis Britannica, may well accompany Severus on this leg of the journey along the coastline to Alauna (Maryport). Here, the cohors I Hispanorum millaria equitata (First Cohort of Spaniards, 1,000-strong) recently commanded by Maenius Agrippa himself, protects this part of the province from attack by sea from Caledonia. The camp's legate is currently Caius Caballius Priscus. Like Agrippa, Priscus is Italian, born in Verona. He has been at Alauna since AD 128 and will remain here for another year. While making a tour of the camp, Julius Severus will not fail to miss the neat rows of altars made of local St Bees sandstone, which are dedicated annually by the fort's tribune. Maenius Agrippa himself dedicated several of these altars while he was commander here.
Impressing a new governor or legionary legate (especially those in favour with the emperor, as Julius Severus clearly is) can make a young man's career. While to some, serving at Alauna might feel like being at the end of the earth, it is certainly no barrier to career progression. Marcus Censorius Cornelianus, born in Gaul (in Nîmes) but serving at Alauna, will win promotion, eventually serving in Judaea when Severus's fortunes take him there. Among others now serving in the north whose career is in the ascendant is the young equestrian officer M. Statius Priscus, prefect of the Fourth Cohort of Lingones, which was originally raised in Gaul and is now stationed on the Wall.*6 As with Severus, Priscus comes from Dalmatia. The governor will also take him to Judaea, where he will be promoted to tribune in the Legion III Gallica—and his dazzling rise will continue thereafter.
There will be many young officers determined to make a good impression on Severus as he makes his tour of inspection. But they must remember always to pitch their level of keenness carefully, of course, and not go over the top. No one would wish to replicate the disappointing fate of one young man who appeared—doused in rather too much scent—before the Emperor Vespasian to thank him formally for his appointment to the praefecture. Vespasian told him sharply, 'I would have preferred it if you had smelt of garlic,' and promptly recalled his letters of appointment.
AT THE EDGE OF EMPIRE
From Alauna to Luguvalium, a distance of some 30.5 miles (49km), Julius Severus will be able to travel by the good road that runs via the fort at Derventio (Papcastle, near Cockermouth). There is also a maritime route, along the coast to the Solway Firth as far as Maia (Bowness-on-Solway). This is the westernmost part of Hadrian's Wall (Vallum Aelium), and—at some 1,480 miles away from Rome—the most north-westerly frontier point in the whole Roman Empire.*7
From Maia, the Wall continues for 80 Roman miles (73 miles / 117km), slicing across the narrow neck of northern Britain from the Irish Sea to the North Sea. This most audacious building project began at the time of Hadrian's visit to Britannia in AD 122, when he 'put many things to rights, and was the first to build a wall, 80 miles long, to separate the Romans from the barbarians'. It bears all the hallmarks of the emperor's passions and preoccupations, embodying as it does his interests in monumental architecture, the consolidation of his empire and military discipline.
At the beginning of Hadrian's reign, 'the Britons could not be kept under Roman control'. If there was trouble in the province at that time, it was almost certainly in the north, and the emperor's arrival in Britannia possibly coincided with the end of a period of campaigning. M. Maenius Agrippa was chosen by Hadrian to join an expeditio in Britannia in command of the I Hispanorum Cohort, and a top-ranking centurion (primus pilus) T. Pontius Sabinus led a very considerable force of 3,000 men on such a campaign, drawn from three legions stationed in the provinces of Upper Germany and Spain. Many men lost their lives in this, and the many other, wars fought in the north—men such as Titus Annius, a centurion serving with the First Cohort of Tungrians based at Vindolanda. Others showed great heroism and lived to tell the tale, such as Gaius Iulius Karus, prefect of the II Asturum Cohort, who was heavily decorated for his service in 'the British war' before being transferred to Egypt.
It is entirely possible, therefore, that Hadrian's decision to build a wall was a response to those recent troubles; but it was also part of his wider instinct to demarcate the bounds of the empire and declare that he was an emperor interested in consolidation rather than expansion. Early in his reign he had—very controversially—given up his predecessor Trajan's conquests in Parthia, and at about the time of his visit to the Rhine and Britannia in AD 122, as the historians said, 'he began to look at the many regions where the barbarians are held back not by rivers but by artificial barriers, and Hadrian shut them off by means of high stakes planted deep in the ground and fastened together in the manner of a palisade'.
The empire has, of course, had various forms of frontier and border controls in the past—such as the watch towers on the Danube, as depicted on Trajan's Column. In Britannia, before the Wall, there was a series of northern lookout posts, which connected with a solid network of forts positioned along a road (Stanegate) running from Luguvalium to Coria (Corbridge) through the gap in the Pennines cut by the rivers Irthing and Tyne. But Hadrian has been the first to construct barriers on a grand scale: in Germany this has meant a palisade of timbers running 330 miles (530km) along its eastern frontier. In the wilder, much higher and harsher terrain of the Carpathian Mountains of Dacia, with which Julius Severus is so familiar, stone or earth barriers built in conjunction with towers and forts have been erected in places; and in North Africa there is a mud-brick wall with a ditch beyond it (the fossatum Africae), punctuated by gates with a single tower in between and forts spaced out at wider intervals.*8
By starting from the west at the Solway coast, Julius Severus, as a first-time visitor to the Wall, will secure a gentle introduction to it. This stretch is flat and holds no hint of the drama that awaits further east. From Maia, he can follow a road that sticks to high ground near the southern shore of the Solway Firth, keeping close behind the security of the Wall. It is then a mere 12.5 miles (20km) to Luguvalium, a place that will only grow in size and importance in the years ahead.*9 Over recent years its timber fort has become something of a works depot, with a fabrica (workshop) in what was once the camp's praetorium. With smoky, smelly iron-smithing and copper alloy-working being carried out at several places on site, it is not a place at which anyone will choose to tarry. A better bet is the fort at Uxelodunum (Stanwix), dominating the road just half a mile to the north. This houses the most prestigious unit on the Wall, the ala Petriana Milliaria, a 1,000-strong pure cavalry regiment, originally raised in Gaul, whose commanding officer holds the highest rank of any auxiliary unit on the British frontier.*10
THE WESTERN WALL
Although legionaries have built the Wall, helped by members of the provincial fleet, it is manned by auxiliary troops, who are mainly drawn from north-western provinces such as Batavia, northern Gaul and the Rhineland. These are beer-drinking, trouser-wearing men for whom the conditions on this coastal and western section—where a gloomy sea and sky meet on so many days of the year in one great grey, murky mass—will be familiar enough. The scenery might even remind them of home, especially as the land is flatter here than further east along the frontier. But to men from units raised further away, such as the 500-strong cohort Hamiorum Sagittariorum (Hamian Archers) from Syria, who are based at Magnis (Carvoran), or anyone coming from Spain and south-western France, the damp environment of the Wall may well be a strange and perhaps isolating experience. They might well look for consolation. Many soldiers in Britannia put their trust in the goddess Fortuna, and sometimes specifically Fortuna Redux—Fortune the Homebringer. These are men such as Gaius Cornelius Peregrinus, an officer from the province of Mauretania Caesariensis in North Africa. While serving as an officer at Alauna he dedicates an altar to the local spirit (genius loci) and to Fortune the Homebringer, Eternal Rome and Good Fate, perhaps hoping that fate, fortune and the power of Rome will take him back one day to his sunny life as a town councillor in his faraway home town of Saldae.
There are six different sizes and types of auxiliary regiments in existence, and all may be found on the Wall: two pure cavalry units or alae (wings), two infantry units (cohortes peditatae), with two being mixed infantry and cavalry (cohortes equitatae), of which each of the types can be 500- or 1,000-strong. In total, if you were to include the forts along the Cumbrian coast, well over ten thousand auxiliary soldiers are stationed up here. In addition, there are the officers' wives and families, slaves and freedmen, as well as visiting officials and troops from the south, the soldiers' concubines and children, and other men and women servicing the military in various ways who live in the vici, or settlements, outside the forts.
This western section of the Wall from Maia east for 30 miles (48km), as far as the River Irthing and just beyond the fort at Banna (Birdoswald), is made of layers of turf, a huge bank of it 20 Roman feet wide (6 metres) and roughly 4.2 metres (14 feet) high. In some places this wall has a stone base of large cobbles; in others, it is entirely composed of turf, from the ground up. Although less than a decade old, some of the Wall's turf section is just now starting to be rebuilt in stone.
Leaving the fort at Uxelodunum, Julius Severus can make his way along the Stanegate, which runs south of the Wall from Luguvalium to Coria. Before the Wall was built, a series of observation towers situated along what would be its course communicated with the forts on the Stanegate. Now, along the entire stretch of the Wall, at every Roman mile, are gates, each defended by small guardposts, or milecastles, and between every milecastle are two regularly spaced turrets, or lookout posts. On this western section, the milecastles are made of turf and timber, although the turrets are made of stone, as they are all along the Wall.
Running along the whole of the northern side of the Wall, except in places where the steep, rocky terrain makes it unnecessary, is a deep ditch, which measures between 8 and 12 metres wide (26–40 feet) and around 3 metres (10 feet) deep. Between the ditch and the Wall is an open flat area, or 'berm', which can vary between almost 2 metres and 6 metres in width (7–20 feet), usually being narrower nearer to the towers. In places this berm had been studded with holes, which were filled with densely packed branches with sharpened points—a particularly nasty form of obstacle. Anyone stumbling into them would be impaled. Julius Caesar, who employed them at the siege of Alesia in Gaul, during the rebellion of Vercingetorix in 52 BC, recorded that in soldiers' slang—so rich in irony and gallows' humour—the barbed branches were known as cippi, a word meaning both boundary marker and tombstone.
THE DACIANS ARE COMING
The first Wall fort that Julius Severus now comes to is Banna. Positioned within a meander of the River Irthing, it sits high on top of an escarpment with magnificent views to the south over the river valley and Cold Fell. The original timber fort is about to be replaced by a large stone one, which will also sit astride the Wall. Containing the usual layout of streets, barracks, headquarters and storehouses, it will also boast a basilica exercitatoria, or indoor drill hall, so that the men can continue to keep fit and to train even in atrocious weather.
It was originally intended that the forts would be built to the south of the Wall. Something happened during the Wall's construction, however, to cause a major change of plan, and all the forts now sit astride the Wall, so that soldiers can mobilize more effectively and move north or south as required. This is an innovation found on no other frontier. Perhaps the act of building the Wall had stirred up trouble and, as a result, demonstrated the limitations of the earlier plan. After all, the Wall could have become a potential trap for its own soldiers, hampering movement and giving little room to manoeuvre, north or south. It must be remembered that the Wall is not easy to defend. Stretched out as it is over such a distance, any band of determined enough marauders might overpower the men on duty at the turrets and milecastles. The latter can house up to thirty-two men, but some have a maximum capacity of as few as eight.
On the south side of the Wall the soldiers have now built a Vallum, a flat-bottomed ditch 6 metres deep by 3 metres wide (20 × 10 feet), flanked by banks on each side.*11 Crossings through the Vallum are only provided at forts by means of causeways leading directly into the fort gates, with no provision to cross elsewhere, even at milecastles. In adopting this approach, the number of potential crossing points has been reduced from eighty to about sixteen. In this way, the Wall has also become a means of control for those living south of the border, forcing people to cross it only at those points where there is a heavily defended fort. The original width of the stone Wall has also been reduced from the original 10 Roman feet to 8 feet (around 3 metres to 2.4 metres), presumably to speed up its building.
Running direct from the north gate of Banna is a road leading to an outpost fort six miles away. Perched on a bluff above the river, the fort at Fanum Cocidi (Bewcastle)*12 is manned by the cohors I Aelia Dacorum milliaria (First Cohort of Dacians, 1,000-strong), a unit that helped to build the Vallum and whose job now is to patrol the uneasy no-man's-land north of the Wall. The cohort was raised in Dacia soon after Trajan's dramatic conquests there in AD 101–2 and 105–6, and it was possibly dispatched to Britannia as soon as it was formed.
These original Dacian recruits will be coming up for retirement in the next year or so, having served their twenty-five years. Perhaps the new governor may even have the pleasure of presenting them with their discharge certificates. Julius Severus is, of course, extremely familiar with their native land, after his unusually long six-year governorship of Dacia Superior. As he served there as recently as five years ago and has just come from the neighbouring province of Moesia Inferior, he can give the soldiers well-informed and up-to-date news from their part of the world. The unit appears to maintain strong traditions derived from their homeland: they call their sons 'Decebalus' after the Dacian king and hero who fought Trajan at the time of the conquest, and they continue to employ, if only for ceremonial use, the distinctive curved knife known as a falx, which they proudly depict on inscriptions. Although far apart in geographical distance, there are parallels between the two provinces. Dacia, like Britannia, lies on the edges of empire and is surrounded to its north and east by barbarian forces. Both have large garrisons (and in Dacia there is a cohort of Britons), and over the years many high-flying career officers will see service in both provinces.
Returning south to the Wall at Banna, Severus and his party must now turn their faces east, towards the distant crags of the Great Whin Sill, and head past Harrow's Scar milecastle to cross the River Irthing over Willowford Bridge.*13 The next forts that Severus will come to lie south of the Wall on the Stanegate: Magnis (Carvoran) and Vindolanda (Chesterholm). At the latter, Severus can inspect not just the garrison—the First Cohort of Tungrians—but also watch trainee Britons being put through their paces. In a derisory letter from Vindolanda from an earlier time, they had been described disparagingly as Brittunculi ('little Brits') who wear no armour and do not mount to throw javelins.
There is handsome accommodation at Vindolanda, fit for an emperor let alone a governor. It comes in the form of a courtyard building of palatial proportions, built of timber but richly decorated with painted plaster. A visit from the new governor will have been long planned, and the commanding officer will be expected to entertain him handsomely, ordering special provisions up from London, such as sets of dining bowls, and ingredients such as mustard, anise, caraway and thyme.
Officers are expected to provide hospitality for official guests at the drop of a hat. Even when they themselves are absent, they must ensure that their visitors are well received and offered a decent lunch, such as chicken and wine. While the Tungrian officers might have acquired a taste for Roman staples such as pork, wine and olive oil, as well as more exotic ingredients, this is not to say that they do not quietly prefer dishes from their homeland when dining with their immediate family or friends from the same part of the world. Their Batavian predecessors at Vindolanda had their own treasured recipes for food made 'in the Batavian fashion', which contained garlic paste and spice.
A LAND RENT ASUNDER
As Julius Severus and his party leave Vindolanda and head north, back to the Wall, they will note how the landscape becomes more expansive, ever wilder and more magnificent. The Wall strides brazenly over the land, crowning the crags and plunging into the gaps between them. In the cold northern light, this great white scar streaks over the grey-green landscape, 'gleaming with more brilliance than bronze', as the orator Aelius Aristides will describe other boundaries at the limits of empire. For the Wall is painted (perhaps also rendered) white and, like the amphitheatre at Isca and many other buildings, the grooves are painted red in imitation of ashlar joining.*14
At one milecastle (No. 37), the massive handiwork of the Legion II Augusta is again in evidence; and beyond it lies breathtaking Vercovicium (Housesteads). Riding astride the Whin Sill escarpment, this is the most dramatically situated of all the forts on the Wall. What emotion must the sight of it—and of the view of the Wall itself—inspire in men such as Julius Severus? It is at once reassuring, a sign that Rome has managed to draw a nice tidy line even here, in this uncouth place; but also alarming, its very existence a tacit—or perhaps glaring—admission of how fragile the ideal of Romanitas really is, that only a wall separates civilization from restless barbarism beyond, from tribes with unspeakable names who are only too happy to seize the riches of Rome while refusing to succumb to the discipline that created them.
The underlying, ever-present tension is manifested in the presence of the large military zones to north and south of the Wall—both areas are potential sources of trouble, and there are severe restrictions on people mixing across the line. Looking north over the Wall, towards the barbarian lands, the countryside may now seem ominously empty; but it is full of the ghosts of British settlements, abandoned less than ten years ago. That people's lives have been severely disrupted in this region, not to say uprooted and torn apart, would be painfully apparent were you to stray north over the ditch into what is now no-man's land.
The Wall has hacked a brutal and in many ways unimaginative course—the most direct route across country, without this always being the best even from a purely military view. The people who have lived here for centuries have had to watch their ancestral land being severed in two, with those living north of the Wall suddenly finding their access to lands, or family, or markets to the south severely restricted. The kind of humiliation that these displaced people must have suffered as a consequence was expressed—albeit through an entirely Roman filter—in a speech that Tacitus gave to a Germanic tribe in AD 70, but which might just as well have come out of the mouth of a northern Briton in the 120s. An envoy from the Tencteri tribe addresses fellow countrymen who have settled in Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Cologne)*15 and from whom they have been separated by a frontier on the Rhine: 'Having shut off the rivers, the land, even the very sky so to speak, the Romans have prevented us from mixing and meeting—and to add insult to injury for men born to be warriors, we are allowed contact only if unarmed—practically naked—and under escort—and only on payment of a toll fee.' The Tencteri demanded the right to settle on either side of the river bank 'as once our ancesters did'. The inhabitants of the colonia eventually agreed that they would allow the Tencteri to cross the Rhine into their city without escort or having to pay toll or tax, but only during daylight hours and so long as they remained unarmed. The inhabitants around Hadrian's Wall have most certainly not been offered even these rights; the restricted crossing points at forts mean that they can only ever cross the border under the watchful eye of soldiers.
While some provincials might have been partially seduced by Roman blandishments, or at least been prepared to make the best of it and seize what opportunities they could within the new order, the severance and seizure of ancestral land must have proved intolerable to some, who decided to make affiliations further north. Perhaps it is these disaffected, but clearly once quite prosperous and powerful, people who lie behind the emergence now of previously unheard-of tribes in Caledonia. And perhaps their armed struggle over the loss of land influenced the change in the Wall's design soon after construction first started.*16
The rebuilding of the turf section in stone and construction of new forts on and around the frontier suggests that the situation is still tense and unpredictable, with an expectation that trouble can flare up at any time. Indeed, the very presence of Julius Severus—crack soldier and troubleshooter that he is—suggests the sort of problems in Britannia's far north that need to be addressed. Hostility can be encountered from many quarters—from the unconquered tribes of Caledonia, from the disaffected and uprooted peoples who have moved further north, or from those within the frontier zone itself.*17
Violence committed in Britannia was not confined to wars or to the everyday brutality of occupation, of course. As with anywhere else, it could occur on a domestic scale. Buried under the clay floor of a shop (or inn) just outside the south gate of Vercovicium were the bodies of a woman and a man, the latter with the tip of the knife that killed him still wedged between his ribs. Whether the crime was committed by a civilian or a soldier, no one will ever know—all evidence of the crime was carefully concealed by a clean layer of clay.*18
Any fear that officers and men on the Wall have may well be masked by bravado and a disparaging attitude towards the native Brittunculi. Arrian, governor of Cappadocia, refers in his Periplus (an otherwise rather pedestrian catalogue of harbours and places) to the Sanni people, who 'have recently become addicted to plunder and do not pay tribute regularly, but now, by the gods' assistance, we will either oblige them to be more punctual or exterminate them.' Romans have a ruthless attitude towards people who do not comply with their demands. These demands include taxes, which provincials normally pay in cash—though up near the Wall they may still pay wholly in kind.
Across the North Sea the unsophisticated Frisii gave hides specifically for 'army use' in the first century AD, and in the south of Britannia cereal crops were given in payment in the years after the conquest.
The collection of taxes and tribute is universally loathed, and daily throughout the empire letters are written and petitions drawn up complaining about tax collectors and soldiers extorting too much from the local population. In Britannia, those unpopular individuals whose job it is to collect taxes or to organize the distribution of the payments in kind to the depots or collection points (before being dispensed to the military) must make many journeys through the northern frontier. Tax farming is less common in Hadrian's day, however, and in the southern parts of Britannia, where there are established civitas capitals, the duty of organizing and collecting tax falls largely on the local decuriones, or town councillors. In the northern military zone, by contrast, soldiers in the north may be responsible for collecting the taxes; they are certainly employed to carry out censuses, which are used to ensure that everyone eligible pays the tributum capitis (poll tax) and tributum soli (land tax).
When it comes to tax collection, the potential for abuse, wilful misinterpretation and consequent local disturbance is great. In the case of the Frisii, when the chief centurion (primus pilus) responsible for extracting hides wilfully decided they should be from aurochs—huge wild cattle, difficult to hunt—rather than from domestic stock, the tribe rebelled and strung up the soldiers who came to collect the tribute. Needless to say, the Roman response was firm. The Frisii ultimately came off the worse, losing their lands, and their wives and children into slavery, as a consequence.
A SOLDIER'S LOT
The fact is that Britannia has tens of thousands of soldiers planted on her soil, who have to be fed, equipped and paid a salary in cash—and Britons are expected to foot the bill. In a place with a large military presence, such as in the north, the burden is felt particularly deeply and on a day-to-day basis. Not only are the soldiers and their military installations all too visible in the landscape—built on land that has been recently confiscated—but the taxes required to pay for it all are now being extracted from people whose reduction in landholdings has made them less well off. In addition, there is the unwelcome burden of having to billet soldiers passing through towns and villages. From the number of complaints arising and the volume of legislation passed on this subject, it is evidently a constant and common grievance throughout the empire, despite several attempts to define the system and clarify the use of what will become known as the cursus publicus. Officially, soldiers can demand a free billet but not food for themselves or their animals; but both of the latter are commonly exacted, nonetheless.
In Apuleius's Metamorphoses, a legionary soldier confiscates the ass from a poor old market gardener in Greece for 'army use' and beats up the owner for good measure because he (not speaking Latin) cannot answer the soldier's question. Centurions, in particular, are notoriously heavy handed all over the empire, but also heavy footed too: the satirist Juvenal winces as a clumsy soldier steps on his foot with his hobnailed boot in the streets of Rome, though that is to be let off lightly; it is better not to admit that 'your smashed-in teeth, swollen face black and blue with bruises and the one eye left to you which the doctor is doubtful he can save' came from being beaten up by a soldier, else 'you will make enemies of the cohort' and risk being beaten up even worse. In Britannia, perhaps around the time of Hadrian's visit, at least one man from overseas (transmarinus) was outraged at being flogged savagely enough by centurions to draw blood—a treatment, it is implied, that is on a level with that meted out to natives.
It is not always easy being a soldier, of course, and the job, while varied and relatively well paid, is full of risk even in times of peace. If the experiences of the Cohort I Hispanorum Veterana in Moesia Inferior are anything to go by, all manner of eventuality can await you: you can be seconded to the fleet; transferred to a neighbouring province; drowned; killed by bandits; sent to Gaul to get clothing or to the mountains to round up cattle; or dispatched elsewhere to obtain grain, horses, or to visit the mines. Other tasks include guarding draft animals, scouting with the centurion, helping at the grain ships or taking part in a military mission across the River Danube. Being detained by bandits is one of the few acceptable excuses for returning to camp late from leave. A soldier will be charged as AWOL unless delayed by storms, bad weather at sea or by bandits on land.
Military personnel in Britannia carry out similar duties to their counterparts in Moesia or elsewhere and are exposed to the same sort of risks, and the same variety of duties. At one time, the First Cohort of Tungrians at Vindolanda reports that of its 752 men, two-thirds are absent, with 332 at nearby Coria, 46 acting as guards of the governor, 1 centurion away in Londinium, 6 'outside the province', 9 having set out to Gaul and 11 conducting business in Eboracum. Of the 296 men present, 15 are sick, 6 are wounded and 10 are suffering from inflammation of the eyes.
One thing that soldiers in the ranks will not be spending their time doing is getting married, for they are legally prevented from doing so. As soldiers are still deployed regularly in far-off provinces, the army does not want to be saddled with the problem of moving hundreds, if not thousands, of women and children from one part of the empire to another.
The rules do not mean, of course, that soldiers are obliged to remain celibate, and in the settlements surrounding the forts there are plenty of women—and children. Back in the time of the Third Macedonian War, in 171 BC, troops on duty in Spain were said to have fathered some 4,000 offspring with local women. Neither the children of such unions nor their mothers have any legal status, however, until a soldier is honourably discharged on retirement; then he is eligible to marry and to legitimize his union. Until that time, his children will be deemed illegitimate, even if he himself is already a Roman citizen. Children can only inherit if they are named specifically as heirs in their soldier-father's will. Hadrian has now ruled, though, that the children of soldier-citizens who have died intestate can inherit if there are no surviving legitimate children or relations who might take precedence.
The marriage ban brings other social and legal problems, too.*19 Soldiers' relationships with local women might well be a source of resentment among the native men, who in the main have rather less cash in their pockets and no promise of Roman citizenship in the distant future. Many women who strike up partnerships with Roman soldiers around the Wall are British but not from the immediate vicinity, or were formerly slaves. One of the most poignant inscriptions on the Wall belongs to a tombstone in draughty Arbeia (South Shields), which commemorates the death of Regina, a Catuvellaunian woman from the south of Britannia, whose civitas capital is Verulamium. She was enslaved and acquired by Barates, a Syrian originally from Palmyra. He freed her, married her, and on her death in Arbeia he paid for someone to carve a handsome tombstone. On it, Regina is depicted seated in a wicker chair like any self-respecting Roman matron, with a distaff and spindle in her lap, an open jewellery box at her right hand and a basket of wool on the floor beside her. Beneath the formal Latin inscription is carved, in her husband's native Palmyrene, a most poignant cry from the heart: 'Regina, the freedwoman of Barates—alas!'
However touching the story of Regina and Barates as depicted on the tombstone may seem, at its root is a British woman from the peaceful south sold into slavery. The truth is that not everyone who is enslaved becomes so as a result of war or of being kidnapped by pirates or bandits. Some children have slaves as parents and are born into slavery; others are sold by parents who cannot afford to keep them, or are even exposed at birth and picked up, from the rubbish heaps, by opportunists who will raise them as slaves. Girls are particularly dispensable—as one Egyptian papyrus letter from a man to his wife chillingly records: 'If you bear a child and it is male, leave it be; if it is female, throw it out.' People can also be enslaved for debt or, in desperation, even sell themselves into slavery.
Unlike soldiers in the ranks, commanding officers are permitted to take their wives and children on tour with them, as well as their household staff.*20 The wives of officers on the Wall can feel rather isolated, with their husbands fully occupied in their work and their sport. As they can socialize only with people of the same sort of status as themselves, then their female company is limited to the wives of other officers at neighbouring camps—unless they bring out members of their own family. Unsurprisingly, the wives seize every opportunity to write letters to each other and, best of all, to meet up when weather and their own commitments permit them—and are prepared to travel considerable distances to do so. They long to share special occasions with each other, such as birthdays, and dictate their invitations, adding more personal greetings in their own hand.*21
While men can ride about the countryside with relative ease and visit their friends at neighbouring forts comparatively easily, officer's wives are no doubt dependent on travelling by carriage with an escort, and so might only be able to meet on special occasions and long-planned trips.
HORSEMANSHIP AT CILURNUM
When the weather is bad in winter, travel along muddy or frozen roads is difficult, for man, woman and beast. Often there is nothing else to do but to sit it out and wait until the weather improves. No one will risk damage to their carts or animals or put their own lives in danger by setting out in poor weather on bad roads unless it is an emergency. It is small wonder that Titus Irdas, who is in charge of procurement at the busy military supply centre at Cataractonium (Catterick), will dedicate an altar in that town 'to the god who devised roads and paths'.
As Julius Severus is travelling in summer with his own dedicated transport officer, all roads should be accessible for him, including those that follow the wild course east of the Wall from Vercovicium towards the River Tyne, which is where he must now head. Even so, during the course of his journey along the 8 or so miles from here to the fort at Cilurnum (Chesters) he may get a sense that the area is vulnerable and consequently order a fort to be built at Brocolita (Carrawburgh), which will be situated just to the west of the most northern point of the Wall.
After the wild drama of the landscape around Vercovicium, Cilurnum lies in tranquil contrast on the west side of a lush valley of the North Tyne. The fort is situated at a major river crossing, where the Wall is carried across the river by a bridge of nine 4-metre-wide (13 feet) arches. The fort itself is a mere five years old. It is home to the 500-strong ala Augusta ob virtutem appellata ('the cavalry unit named Augusta on account of its courage'), who live with their horses in sixteen stable-barracks, each housing thirty men, which corresponds to the number in a cavalry turma (troop).
The cavalrymen at Cilurnum will no doubt be keen, if not a little nervous, to display their riding skills when the governor comes to visit. To pass muster they must first ensure that their horses look resplendent in decorated harnesses, fancy trappings and bright saddle cloths, while they themselves, sitting resolutely in their horned saddles and awaiting the order to begin manoeuvres, will cut unearthly figures in their gilded parade helmets with face masks drawn down, crowned with brightly coloured plumes.
When addressing them after their demonstration, Julius Severus will doubtless echo the kind of observations made by Hadrian after inspecting the ala I Pannoniorum in Lambaesis (in North Africa) a couple of years earlier: 'You filled the parade ground with your wheelings, your spear-throwing was not ungraceful, though performed with short, stiff shafts. Several of you hurled lances skilfully; you jumped onto horses in a lively way; and yesterday you did this speedily. Had anything been lacking, I would note it; had anything stood out, I would mention it. The entire manoeuvre was equally pleasing.' Hadrian remarked approvingly that 'omnia per ordinem egistis'—everything was in order—and the ala Augusta will surely be just as keen to show Severus that everything is tip-top at Cilurnum so that he can make a favourable report to an emperor who is so keenly interested in military matters. Hadrian's reforms of the army are commemorated on coins celebrating 'the discipline of Augustus', and indeed so highly rated is the ideal of discipline that it is now deified as Discipulina.*22 The ala Augusta are clearly keen to demonstrate their allegiance to the ideal and have dedicated an altar to the Discipline of the Emperor Hadrian Augustus. It stands in the shrine of their headquarters building, sternly reinforcing the idea that military discipline as practised by the Romans is divinely ordained.
Hadrian knows that his men need to train continually to be ready to defend the empire, and although keen to keep the peace rather than foment war, Hadrian is passionate about keeping soldiers in prime condition. Many of his reforms are said to have been made during his tour of the north-western provinces, which included his visit to Britannia, where the recent unrest doubtless informed his ideas, as would have his inspections of British troops. He likes to lead by example, too, demonstrating that he is physically strong and fit and willing to share in the soldiers' hardships. To this end he cheerfully eats army field rations, such as bacon, cheese and vinegary wine, and is said to be able to march 20 miles (32km) a day, fully armed. He is as determined to establish discipline in the camp as in the field. Accordingly, he has taken great interest in the regulation of soldiers' duties and in camp expenses, looking into everything from conditions of leave—to prevent officers using the promise of leave to curry favour with troops—to the improvement of arms and equipment. Legionary legates such as Minicius Natalis, now in Eboracum, will be well aware of the emperor's reputation for examining receipts from provinces scrupulously and of his desire to acquire a sound knowledge of military stores in every province.
Minicius Natalis, who clearly likes to cut a dash, may feel less in tune with Hadrian's disapproval of the flashy-dress and bejewelled-wine-cooler style of officer life. The emperor refuses to wear gold ornaments on his sword belt, jewels on his clasp or ivory on his sword hilt, and is said to have cleared the camps of 'banqueting rooms, porticoes, grottoes and bowers'. It is tempting to speculate whether the rather fancy nymphaeum attached to the long swimming pool at Isca runs the risk of now being classified as a crypta (grotto) and therefore banned, not to mention the porticoed courtyard next to the fortress's amphitheatre.*23
Hadrian knows, of course, that an army is not a machine operated by abstracts but a body of men governed by officers. Consequently, he is keen to ensure that the tribunes have enough maturity and authority, that only centurions who are fit and have an upstanding reputation are appointed to the post, that no one enters the army who is too young, and that no one stays in service when they are too infirm. As with every good leader who encourages morale, Hadrian is said to make a point of visiting sick soldiers in their quarters.
GHOSTS IN THE LANDSCAPE
After Cilurnum, and the displays of horsemanship, the governor must cross the Tyne and proceed east, visiting Coria next, a supply fort about 2.5 miles (4km) south of the Wall, lying at the junction of the Stanegate with Dere Street. Dere Street runs north of Coria all the way to the outpost fort at Bremenium (High Rochester) and into Caledonia. Were Severus to turn south at this point, his route would take him along Dere Street to the military supply centre at Cataractonium (Catterick), and then through the centre of Isurium Brigantum (Aldborough), the capital of the Brigantes tribe (whose territory covers the greater part of northern England). It would continue to Eboracum—and a welcome from Minicius Natalis at the legionary fortress there—and then on to Lindum (Lincoln) and Verulamium (St Albans) before reaching Londinium.
But Julius Severus must first finish his inspection of the Wall, which stretches a further 20 or so miles (32km) further east. As Severus and his party will see, as surely as they did further west, old tracks and ancestral land have been sliced through along the frontier. In the fertile open land of this eastern section, parts of the Wall have been constructed on fields fresh from ploughing, and the area to the north bears the scars of enclosures, which were being dug right up until the building of the Wall. In the not too distant landscape on this eastern stretch are the remains of once-great native landholdings, ripped apart only recently. Even at places considerably further north, centuries-old settlements have been left or replaced by much smaller stock enclosures. Some of these properties had been continuously occupied for more than 300 years.
Far from being squalid little smallholdings, randomly dotted in the landscape, many of these ancestral enclosures were substantial, and had contained in their innermost core large roundhouses, sometimes grouped together or in pairs, where two or more high-status families (presumably related) would have lived and farmed side by side. The biggest of these two-storey houses were as large as any found in southern Britain, big enough to accommodate livestock if necessary on a low-ceilinged ground floor, with the family quartered on the upper level. These places also had subsidiary enclosures where metal—the preserve of the powerful—could be worked, and droveways for cattle and horses, with ditches either side to prevent livestock wandering off. Around these dwellings of chiefs, and presumably dependent on them in some way, lay smaller clusters of roundhouses, protected by much less substantial ditches. The deep foundations of the largest roundhouses and the drainage gullies around them, which collected water from their conical thatched roofs, can still be seen clearly, scarring the ground.
In common with the Cornovii before the conquest, these people evidently prized cattle but showed little interest in material goods. In contrast with tribes further south, these northern people seem to have kept themselves to themselves, at least where the Romans were concerned, right up until the construction of the Wall. A few old bangles, made from melted-down Roman glass, and the odd Roman pot mark the limited extent of their interaction with the alien Roman culture.
Things are different now. Unlike in the west, in Cumbria, where people continue to live in traditional enclosures south of the Wall,*24 some richer chiefs who live south of the Wall in this eastern sector are showing signs that they are succumbing at last to the blandishments of Roman life, to the shops, fine dining, baths and togas. Some villas and settlements, similar to those of small towns in the south, have gradually begun to appear.*25
Nowadays, some provincials seem to have adopted an idiosyncratic 'pick and mix' attitude to Roman culture. Down at Faverdale, which lies between Dere Street and another major north–south route, Cade's Road, some 25 miles (40km) south of the Wall, one family group continues to live in a roundhouse but has adapted Roman methods of stock-rearing, producing bigger specimens of cattle, sheep and pigs. Although they clearly have the means to buy imported pottery and have assembled an impressive number of Samian-ware drinking vessels, they continue to use handmade pottery of ancient, Iron Age form. While maintaining time-honoured rituals, such as the careful burial of broken quernstones, they have acquired new ones, including a miniature bath house, startlingly painted in red, white, green, yellow, orange, black and pink. It contains two heated rooms and a waterproof (opus signum) floor; but it may strike a visitor used to traditional baths as a little odd, as there is no pool or basin. The remnants of seafood snacks, such as cockles, mussels and oysters, lying about the place, however, suggest that the inhabitants are eagerly embracing the enticements of baths and dining rolled into one. If so, these shellfish sauna parties must be intimate gatherings, for the room can only accommodate a maximum of six people.
HUNTING AND FISHING, READING
AND WRITING
Although Julius Severus is on a tour of duty and clearly has a great deal of work to do, he will surely not miss the opportunity to take advantage of the marvellous hunting country in this area and to join some of the senior officers in their favourite—and in many cases pretty much only—pastime. Even when officers cannot leave their work commitments for the day, they write to each other about hunting and fishing—and send each other requests for kit. 'If you love me, brother, I ask that you send me hunting-nets,' implores Flavius Cerialis from Vindolanda to his friend Brocchus.
Friends also exchange news about their hunting hounds. Two Celtic breeds seem to be popular, the segusius and the vertragus. The former are shaggy and ugly—the purer the breed, the uglier they are, according to Arrian (who will also find time to write a treatise on hunting while in Cappadocia). In addition to their unfortunate looks, they also make a terrible noise, a point not lost on Arrian: 'Among the Celts, there is a famous comparison of these dogs with roadside beggars because of their mournful and miserable voice and because they follow their prey not with a keen sound but with importunate and pitiful howls.'
Arrian himself owned a vertragus bitch called Horme (Όρμη), meaning something like 'Dash'. It is a good name, for this breed is renowned for its speed and is rather better looking than the unfortunate segosian hound. 'There is nothing finer to look at than the shape and appearance of the best bred of these dogs... First of all they are long from head to tail, and there is no other sign of speed and good breeding in any dog which is so important for speed as length.' If the officers on the Wall care for their hounds as much as Arrian does for his, they will be well looked after—sensibly fed, praised and fondled after a good chase, and given a soft, warm bed at night where (Arrian advises) 'it is best that they sleep with a man so as to become more affectionate and appreciate companionship, and to love the person who sleeps next to them no less than the one who nurtured them'.
Keen though Arrian and these officers are on hunting, there is no one in the empire more passionate about the chase than Hadrian, who holds both his horses and his hounds in deep affection. He famously erected a tomb with a stele and inscription for his favourite hunter, Borysthenes, who died at Apte in Gallia Narbonensis while on the first leg of the journey that brought Hadrian to Britannia. As a young man, Hadrian was so fond of hunting that he was criticized for it; but he continued to hunt passionately—and, some would say, theatrically—throughout his life. If eating bacon in the camps with the men helps him gain political kudos by suggesting he has the common touch, stagey hunts celebrated by carefully selected poets elevate him to the level of hero, putting his spectacular bravery and strength on a par with Hercules and Alexander. They say he founded a town called Hadrianotherae at the place where he killed a bear.
Lesser mortals can continue to rejoice in the thrill of the hunt and also commemorate their achievements in monuments, even if, in scale at least, they are rather more modest than those of the emperor. Some 27 miles (43km) south of Coria on Dere Street, near Vinovia (Binchester) auxiliary fort, Gaius Tetius Venturius Micianus, prefect of the Sebosian Cavalry Regiment, who hunts in the wild beauty of Weardale, has been unable to contain his pride and excitement at bagging an elusive boar. It was an animal he was so determined to catch that he made a pact with the hunting god, Silvanus, to whom he dedicates an altar 'in fulfilment of his vow... for having caught a remarkably fine wild boar which many of his predecessors had been unable to catch'. Britannia may not be able to provide lions, but up in the north country, in addition to wild boar, there are polecats, grey wolves, beavers, and the odd brown bear lurking in the remote fells; and lynx have been spotted as far south as Yorkshire.
It is to be hoped that the soldiers do enjoy their hunting, for beyond the daily military duties there is precious little else to do, except to make occasional visits to friends at other forts and to look forward to periods of leave or a secondment to one of the legionary bases or to Londinium. If you like to read or study, then the winters can be particularly hard, with heat and light both in short supply. Anyone who employs a secretary in winter will need to ensure his hands are well protected by sleeves so that the cold does not prevent him from taking dictation.
Oil lamps are far less common in Britannia than in other parts of the empire, and outside the most prosperous houses in the cities and the military camps they are a rarity. As olive oil has to be brought hundreds of miles into Britannia it is a luxury, rather than an everyday staple, and is used sparingly, even by the military. Oil lamps are so desirable because they provide a steady, clear flame, provided that the wick is not too long, and even a small lamp can burn for about three or four hours before it needs a refill. In Britannia, however, open lamps, in the form of shallow iron dishes, are more common, fuelled by either liquid tallow (the rendered fat of cattle or sheep), lard from pigs, dripping from cows—or occasionally even fish oil. These lamps can be hung on a wall or carried around.
Candles made out of tallow are also an option, but far from ideal. Mutton tallow is firm but very smelly, while pig tallow gives off a lot of smoke. Quite apart from their unsteady, smoky flames, tallow candles are also greasy to hold and leave fatty marks wherever they drip. They also need constant attention, as their wicks burn only partially, so they need to be trimmed regularly to keep the flame bright. Far better, if you can afford it, are candles made from beeswax.
Once you are up here on the Wall you just have to get on with it and try to maintain the traditions of army and home as best you can. In this wild place, you must hope for the companionship of a fellow officer with all the qualities of a bonus vir, a cultured man of steady character. Dressed in formal dinner attire, with scarves as accessories, officers invite each other to taste the fruits of their sport at dinner: game such as roe deer and venison may appear alongside the thrushes, duck and swans they have taken pleasure in hunting, all washed down with Massic wine from Campania.
Out in the barracks, the men are provided with plainer food, including a weekly ration of wheat for themselves and barley for any horses. For the most part they are well fed, and well clothed in long-sleeved tunics and trousers (also available in hard-wearing, waterproof leather) and thick woollen cloaks. They wear underclothes and woollen socks (which, in their letters, they request friends and family to send), and when the weather is particularly bitter they can wrap great thick wads of wool around their legs. Having cash to spend, they are able to supplement their rations with treats such as oysters and go drinking, gambling and whoring in the small settlements outside the camp and the larger towns when on leave or secondment. While sour wine is standard army issue, many of the auxiliary troops from the north-west provinces have more of a taste for beer.
JOURNEY'S END
As winter approaches, unless there is serious and pressing trouble at the frontier, Julius Severus may choose to return south after he has finished his inspection of the Wall. The great bridge across the Tyne marked the Wall's original terminus. As it seems that work on the Wall began here, this bridge must have been one of the very first structures to be built as part of Hadrian's great project.
The bridge's main purpose is not so much practical as symbolic and magnificent. It is flanked by altars at either end, to the two watery gods Neptunus and Oceanus, both dedicated by the Legion VI Victrix. Its name—Pons Aelius (Hadrian's Bridge)—is of such consequence that the fort built later*26 on a promontory above it will go by the same name. Wherever the emperor goes on his travels, he gives impetus—and often his name—to monumental projects, so it will be said that one can 'see memorials of his journeys in most cities of Europe and Asia'. Pons Aelius bears the same name as the bridge he built in Rome. The two monuments, such worlds apart, are united by Hadrian's name and vision.*27
The bridge no longer marks the terminus of the Wall, which is to be found a little further on at Segedunum (Wallsend). Should Maenius Agrippa be accompanying Severus at this point, he will be able to give him an eyewitness account of Hadrian's visit eight years before, as he was present in person. Both men can pause to reflect on the words of the monumental inscription at Segedunum, which records that Hadrian, having scattered the barbarians and restored the province, added a frontier between the shores of both oceans.
Now Britannia's new governor has completed his first tour of the remote frontier between those two oceans. It is time for him to embark on one of the ships of the classis Britannica anchored in the Tyne, underneath the watchful eye of the garrison at the fort of Arbeia, who defend the lower reaches of the river.
Of those left behind on the Wall as winter approaches, the officers and men from the north-western provinces (especially the Batavians) might be hardened to the rain and the grey, brooding skies; at least they can cherish their recipes from home. The Dacians here might well find in the wintry hills and forests something to remind them of their homeland, the memory of which they try so hard to preserve. Those from sunnier parts of the world, such as the Syrian merchants and Mauretanian town councillors, cannot help but spare a thought now and then for their native cities. Some will die here, their only remaining journey being the one they will take to the Underworld. But others will live to return to their homes or, like Julius Severus, will make further remarkable journeys throughout the length and breadth of the empire.
*1 Some of the potters at Wilderspool migrated to Luguvalium on the western part of Hadrian's Wall later in the century so that they could produce their mortaria closer to their core market of some 13,800 men stationed on the Wall and in York.
*2 A maritime route from Deva, stopping along the way to visit inland bases near the estuaries of the rivers Mersey, Ribble and Lune, would also have been a possibility.
*3 Tantalizingly, beyond an initial letter 'L' the Latin name for Lancaster is unknown.
*4 It is uncertain exactly where ships would have found safe harbour for the night along the Lancashire coast—the coastline has changed greatly since the second century, and evidence for Roman harbours has disappeared.
*5 Identification of Hardknott with Mediobogdum is uncertain.
*6 His presence is probable, if not definitive.
*7 Apart from a few outposts north of the Wall whose status is uncertain.
*8 The date of the African wall is not certain but most probably dates from Hadrian's reign.
*9 By the third century AD, Luguvalium was a flourishing town, the probable civitas capital of the Carvetii, which was a branch, or sept, of the Brigantes tribe based in the Eden Valley. But in the 130s it still lacked a clear urban identity. The timber fort was demolished in the 140s and subsequently rebuilt.
*10 The ala Petriana is presumed to have been here under Hadrian but is not attested until much later. Little is known about Stanwix in the Hadrianic period. The stone fort is generally dated to the 160s.
*11 The banks are set back 9 metres (almost 30 feet) and are 6 metres (20 feet) wide.
*12 Fanum Cocidi means Shrine of Cocidus, a Celtic warrior god. It is not known if the fort had another 'official' name.
*13 Milecastles and turrets along Hadrian's Wall are numbered according to a modern convention from east to west, starting from 0 at Wallsend and finishing at 80 at Bowness-on-Solway. Harrow's Scar is No. 49.
*14 Evidence for whitewashing has been found at Heddon-on-the-Wall, where hard white mortar is still preserved on some of the facing stones; and at Peel Gap between turrets 39a and 39b. The view that the whole wall was painted white is highly speculative. See Bidwell (1996), pp. 19–32. For a brief discussion about whitewashing, see Crow (1991), pp. 51–63.
*15 The modern city of Cologne derives its name from the Latin colonia.
*16 A different type of society seems to have emerged in Scotland after the imposition of the Wall, with new tribal names like the Maeatae and eventually the Picts being documented. Such developments seem to have left the people of the coastal plain north-east of the Wall exposed.
*17 Whether the trouble was in the far north, in Caledonia, or in the region immediately around the Wall is not known.
*18 It is not known who manned Housesteads during the Hadrianic period. Later, the First Cohort of Tungrians, formerly at Vindolanda, was stationed there.
*19 The ban on soldiers marrying remained in place until the early third century.
*20 It is not clear whether centurions, who were provided with more spacious accommodation than the ranks, were also accorded this privilege.
*21 'On 11 September, sister, for the celebration of my birthday, I ask you warmly to come to us, you will make the day more enjoyable by your presence. Greet your Cerialis. My Aelius and our little son greet you. Farewell, sister, dearest soul, as I hope to prosper and hail.' The commanding officer's wife, Claudia Severa, added the last sentence, with its sweet sign-off, in her own slightly uncertain hand. Vindolanda Tablet 291.
*22 Possibly this was Hadrian's idea.
*23 Although there is no record of their nature, Hadrian is said to have corrected many abuses in Britain while on his tour. Scriptores Historiae Augustae (Hadrian), 1, 11.
*24 They would continue to do so into the fourth century.
*25 Although some of these places may equally have been the preserve of retired soldiers and merchants profiting from business on the Wall.
*26 The fort was constructed in the later second century AD.
*27 It is tempting to speculate that there was also some sort of monument high on the promontory above the northern bridgehead (on the site of the later fort which retained the name of the bridge) in the form of a mausoleum, perhaps commemorating the end of the wars in the manner of Augustus's monument at La Turbie, above the Bay of Monaco. But there is no archaeological evidence to support this.
# POSTSCRIPT
# Beyond AD 130:
People, Politics and Places
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PEOPLE
As 'the first of Hadrian's best generals', Julius Severus was summoned from Britannia in the spring of AD 133 to take charge of operations in Judaea following the serious revolt there led by Simon Bar Kokhba. His mission was to annihilate the Jewish rebels, and he was so successful that some 580,000 men on the Jewish side were said to have been killed. For his role in the campaign, Severus was awarded the highest military honours, the ornamenta triumphalia. He was appointed proconsul (governor) of the newly formed province Syria Palaestina, which incorporated Judaea. At this point he vanishes from the record—presumably he died in Syria. Nothing is known about his wife or children, although he appears to have had a son or nephew called Gnaeus Julius Verus, who was appointed governor of Britannia in the 150s (c.155–158).
The commander of the classis Britannica, Marcus Maenius Agrippa, appears to have thrived in Britannia, for he was afterwards appointed procurator of the province. Minicius Natalis, however, returned to Rome on completion of his commission as legionary legate in York. There, he was appointed praefectus alimentorum (prefect of the food supply) and then curator viae Flaminiae (curator of the Via Flaminia). He was made consul in AD 139, after Hadrian's death, and held a further post in Rome with responsibility for temples and public works. He then acceded to Julius Severus's old job as governor of Moesia Inferior, where he had first served as a tribune. His career was crowned with the proconsulship of Africa, a post that his father had also held.
POLITICS
After Hadrian's death in AD 138, Antoninus Pius succeeded as emperor. Within a year the northern frontier of Britannia was overrun and the province's governor, Quintus Lollius Urbicus, was forced to drive back the barbarians and to build a wall of turf between the Forth and the Clyde, 37 miles (60km) long. In the 160s, under Marcus Aurelius, this 'Antonine Wall' was abandoned, and Hadrian's Wall once again formed the northern frontier. There was a further war in Britannia, about which little is known, and under Commodus in the 180s tribes again wreaked havoc across the Wall, though the Romans eventually celebrated victory in AD 184. When Commodus was murdered at the end of AD 192, Pertinax, one-time governor of Britannia, became emperor for eighty-six days before he, too, was assassinated.
Years of civil war in the empire followed, until the North African Septimius Severus narrowly defeated, near Lyon, the army of his compatriot Clodius Albinus, another governor of Britannia and pretender to imperial power, who had the support of the British and Spanish legions. Albinus killed himself, Lyon was pillaged and the fall-out was felt all over the empire. During the course of his reign, Septimius Severus divided Britannia into two provinces, the south part becoming Britannia Superior ('Upper Britain', i.e. nearer Rome) and the north Britannia Inferior ('Lower Britain'). Britannia Inferior was governed from York. In AD 208 Severus himself arrived in Britannia to invade Scotland, accompanied by his wife and two sons, Caracalla and Geta. The war was a failure, and the emperor died in York in 211. His sons succeeded as joint emperors and abandoned the war. The following year Caracalla killed his brother and gave all free men Roman citizenship. Caracalla, too, was killed—by the Praetorian prefect Macrinus, in 217, who claimed imperial power. But Caracalla's cousin Bassianus (a.k.a. Elagabulus), a man of bizarre tastes, managed to snatch that power away from him within the year. He came to a bad end in March 222, when his decapitated body ended up in the Tiber alongside that of his mother. His blander young cousin Severus Alexander succeeded, only to be murdered in his tent, together with his mother, in AD 235 by mutinous soldiers on the Rhine.
Thereafter there followed a dizzying succession of emperors, who mostly died by violent means. Mid-century, plague and Goths hit the empire hard, soon followed by Franks and Alemanni, who crossed the Rhine and pillaged Gaul and Spain, and by Saxons, who appeared on the shores of the North Sea to threaten Britannia. During these deeply troubled times, British cities began to be fortified, and forts were built on the south and east coasts to guard against these barbarian pirates. Christians were persecuted. In the east, the Emperor Valerian was captured, humiliated and put to death by the Persians in AD 259/60.
Aristocratic Gallienus began to re-establish order before being assassinated by his own officers in AD 268. His tough 'Illyrian' soldier successors continued the interminable struggle against external enemies and internal instability. It was the last of the Illyrian emperors, Diocletian, who managed to make the greatest headway. Under him (in AD 284) the army, administration and monetary system were reformed, and the empire was split into two, with his co-emperor (or co-augustus) Maximian ruling the West. Two 'Caesars', Constantius Chlorus and Galerius, helped them govern, thus forming the Tetrarchy, or rule of four.
Britannia continued to cause trouble. In AD 286 Belgic-born Carausius made himself head of an independent state in Britain, declaring himself emperor. He was, however, murdered in AD 293 and succeeded by his curly-haired, snub-nosed chancellor of the exchequer, Allectus, who was himself killed by Constantius Chlorus when he recovered the British provinces for Rome in AD 296. After twenty years, the two emperors abdicated in AD 305, Diocletian retiring to his palace at Split, near his birthplace at Salona.
Under the Tetrarchy, Britannia had been reorganized again, and by AD 312–314 it was divided into four provinces within a diocese of Britannia ruled by a vicarius, under whom were four separate governors who were no longer in charge of both the administration and the military. Soldiers were under the command of a dux Britanniarum (Duke of Britain), while a comes (count) controlled the coastal forts (known as the Saxon Shore forts). Another comes controlled the cavalry. In AD 305, Constantius Chlorus returned to Britannia for a new campaign in Scotland. He died in York in 306. There, the troops declared his son Constantine emperor. He faced much competition for the position—at one point there was a Heptarchy, or rule of seven emperors—but after years of war, Constantine emerged triumphant in AD 324 and became sole ruler.
During the course of these unsettling years Constantine managed to carry out reforms, and in AD 313 he issued the Edict of Milan, legitimizing Christianity. Britannia was sufficiently organized to send bishops from the sees of London and York (probably also Lincoln) to the Council of Arles in AD 314. Constantine founded Constantinople, the 'New Rome', and died in AD 337. The empire had now shifted significantly eastwards, culturally as well as politically.
In the West—and although the times remained troubled, pirates infested the seas and the frontiers were unsafe—Britannia was, in many ways, more settled in her Romanized skin, with magnificent country houses in the south and west and provincial capitals such as York and Cirencester booming. But with the empire's power shifted so far east, this most north-westerly province was now even more geographically and culturally remote.
For the poets, Britannia would forever be clothed in the skin of a 'Caledonian beast, her cheeks tattooed, her azure cloak sweeping around her feet, imitating the billowing ocean.'
PLACES OF NOTE
ALAUNA (MARYPORT). The names of the units that were subsequently stationed here, in the third and fourth centuries, are unknown. The earthworks of the fort are well preserved and there is a fine museum adjoining it. The north-east gate of the fort now forms the chancel arch of Crosscanonby Church.
The bulk of the museum's collection is known as the Netherhall Collection. It was first begun in 1570 by John Senhouse, recorded by William Camden in 1599, and built upon by subsequent generations. The highlight of the museum is the astonishing group of Roman military altars, the largest in Britain, from the site of the fort lying adjacent to the museum. In 2013 excavations at the fort uncovered the most north-westerly Classical temple known in the Roman world.
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AQUAE SULIS (BATH). The temple was modified in the late second century when two small side chapels were added on either side of the steps. The spring was enclosed by a building whose entrance was on the south side of the temple courtyard. The so-called 'four seasons building' was built on the north side of the courtyard. The baths also underwent many changes over time, becoming progressively larger and reaching their maximum extent in the fourth century. Thereafter the complex declined.
Aquae Sulis was surrounded by a defensive wall in the third century. The area contained within the wall was built up, although it is not certain whether these were private dwellings or buildings connected with the development of the site as a centre of religious tourism, with local people living outside the walls.
The Roman baths are astonishingly well preserved, and the sight of the thermal water still gushing through the original Roman channels, and the steam rising from the green waters of the sacred spring, is one of the most thrilling of any Roman remains anywhere. The gilded bronze head of the cult statue of Sulis Minerva and the head of the 'Gorgon' from the temple pediment are two of the most hypnotic treasures of Roman Britain.
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ARBEIA (SOUTH SHIELDS). The Hadrianic fort was replaced, probably under Marcus Aurelius in the AD 160s. Shortly after AD 200, the south wall was taken down and the fort extended. Many of the buildings were replaced by thirteen granaries, converting the fort into a supply base, probably to serve Septimius Severus's attempts at conquest north of the Wall. Nine more granaries were subsequently built. One hundred years later, following a devastating fire, the granaries were adapted as barracks and a new headquarters and commanding officer's house were built.
The fort was first excavated in the 1870s, and the finds from this time form the nucleus of the small but sensational collection at the fort's museum, which includes some of the most important finds from Roman Britain. Highlights include the funerary monument to Regina, the British ex-slave and then wife of Barates the Syrian; the elaborate funerary monument to handsome Victor, a North African slave evidently much cherished by a Spanish soldier stationed here; a complete ringmail suit; a large collection of Roman jet; and the recently discovered second-century head of a deity, possibly the northern goddess Brigantia. On the site are a number of reconstructed buildings, including the fourth-century commanding officer's house, a barrack block and the west gate modelled on that at Housesteads.
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BANNA (BIRDOSWALD). The I Aelia Dacorum Miliaria Cohort originally raised in Dacia (modern Romania) had arrived at Birdoswald by AD 219 and remained there through the third and fourth centuries, although the fort might have been briefly abandoned in the late third century. An extensive settlement grew up outside the fort. The important discovery of a series of timber halls on the site of the granaries indicates that descendants of the soldiers continued to live in the fort long after the end of Roman rule in Britain and into the sixth century.
Lying within a meander of the River Irthing, Birdoswald affords spectacular views of the surrounding countryside. The complete circuit of the fort walls, Roman granaries with the position of the Dark Age hall marked out, a sixteenth-century bastle house and foundations of a medieval tower house may all be seen. The museum has a selection of finds from the site. To the east and west of Birdoswald, Hadrian's Wall survives up to 2.5 metres (8 feet) high, providing one of the most impressive stretches along its entire length. Turret 49b and Milecastle 49 (Harrow's Scar) lie nearby.
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BREMETENACUM VETERANUM (RIBCHESTER). At some point after AD 175, Sarmatians from the Ukraine and southern Russia were stationed at Ribchester. Superb horsemen, they were among 5,500 men drafted to Britannia following Marcus Aurelius's victory over them in what is now Hungary. The baths had fallen into disuse by AD 225, and the granaries appear to have been burned down, but it is not clear whether this was by accident or a deliberate act when the auxiliaries were posted elsewhere.
The site is charming and picturesque, on the banks of the River Ribble. There is a small museum with some excellent finds, including the tombstone of an Asturian cavalryman trampling down a Celtic warrior. The remains of the baths and two of the granaries may be viewed. The Ribchester Hoard, including the famous parade helmet found in 1796 by the son of a village clogmaker, is on display at the British Museum.
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CALLEVA ATREBATUM (SILCHESTER). In about AD 270, a substantial wall was built around the town, covering an area of 2.4 square kilometres. Also in the third century, the amphitheatre was refurbished (by this time it had assumed a typical elliptical shape). Calleva was abandoned between AD 550 and 650. Why a town of such size and status was left in this way and never subsequently developed or built on—there are indications that the inhabitants were forced to leave—is one of the mysteries of Roman Britain.
At Silchester, the amphitheatre and parts of the town walls may still be seen. The large number of finds from the town are on display at the nearby Reading Museum. The most celebrated of them is the bronze eagle, discovered in the forum basilica in 1866 between layers of burned material, and which was romantically interpreted as the imperial standard of a Roman legion lost during a desperate struggle; it is now thought to have formed part of a statue of Jupiter or of an emperor. The find inspired Rosemary Sutcliff's 1954 children's novel, The Eagle of the Ninth, on which the 2011 film The Eagle was based.
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CILURNUM (CHESTERS). Lying in a tranquil valley, with a flourishing civilian settlement, Chesters remained occupied until the end of Roman rule in Britain in the early fifth century.
The site has the finest example of a Roman bath building in Britain. There is also the remarkable survival of the strongroom, with its vaulted roof intact, and the superb remains of the bridge abutment across the North Tyne. An Edwardian museum contains one of the best collections of inscriptions and sculpture on the Wall. The collection was put together by John Clayton, who was responsible for excavating and saving central sections of the Wall, including Chesters, which was situated in the parkland of his family's estate.
*
CORIA (CORBRIDGE). Lying south of Hadrian's Wall, this fort was occupied into the 160s. It then became a base for legionary soldiers, around which a civilian settlement developed. The legionary soldiers both supported and helped garrison Hadrian's Wall and a chain of outpost forts up Dere Street. They also supervised and administered Corbridge as a supply base and market for the frontier. By the early third century an extensive town had grown up around the base, which was abandoned rapidly when Roman administration in Britain collapsed in the early fifth century.
The exposed site of 1.8 hectares represents the central nucleus of the town, although it is only a fraction of the whole original site, which covered up to 20 hectares. The granaries are the best preserved in Britain. A fountain, main street and massive courtyard building ('site XI') are among the most obvious remains. The museum houses one of the biggest collections of architectural fragments from the north-western provinces, as well as a large collection of pottery and everyday objects. Of great significance is the Corbridge Hoard, the discovery of which enabled the workings of lorica segmentata—Roman plate armour—to be understood for the first time.
*
DEVA (CHESTER). The legionary fortress and amphitheatre were neglected for much of the second century as the Legion XX Valeria Victrix was deployed up on Hadrian's Wall. It was only in the late second / early third century that major construction work resumed, when the legion returned to its base. The original amphitheatre was replaced with an ambitious new one, which is the largest and most elaborate of all British amphitheatres. In the post-Roman period many timber buildings were built in the amphitheatre, which might have become a defended settlement connected in some way with the royal church established next to it by the Mercian King Aethelred in the seventh century.
Two-fifths of the late-second-century amphitheatre are on display in the heart of modern Chester. The arena wall survives to a maximum height of 2.2 metres (7 feet) and the arena is floored with yellow gravel to reflect the original yellow sand. Deposits laid down outside the early amphitheatre and sealed by the construction of the second amphitheatre provide evidence for activities outside the amphitheatre, such as hot-snack and souvenir stalls. All the excavated remains are held by the Grosvenor Museum, Chester, including the altar to Nemesis.
*
DUROVERNUM CANTIACORUM (CANTERBURY). In the early third century, the Romano-Celtic theatre was rebuilt to a new plan, making it more Classical in form and enlarging it to accommodate 3,000 people. The town was fortified much later than other towns in Britannia—in the later third century—with coarsed flint and mortar walls, 2.25 metres (7 feet 6 inches) thick, enclosing an area of 120 acres. Many private houses in town were provided with suites of baths, and civic life continued to flourish longer than elsewhere as affluent citizens and local landowners maintained their links with the town rather than retiring to villas in the country, as happened in other places. The town went into a gradual decline from the mid-fourth to the mid-fifth century, after which time the city was repopulated, with small timber-framed houses being built among the ruins.
Finds from Roman Canterbury are displayed at the Roman Museum, built around the remains of a large Roman town house that was excavated after German bombing during the Second World War. Mosaics and the hypocaust system are displayed, as well as an extremely rare soldier's helmet dating from the time of Julius Caesar's invasions of Britain: it was probably made in Gaul and reused as a burial urn. Outside the city walls, St Martin's Church, where Saint Augustine set up his mission when he arrived from Rome in AD 597, contains much Roman fabric and may have been first built in antiquity. Elsewhere in town, the remains of a second-century bath complex lie in the basement of a bookshop.
*
HADRIAN'S WALL (VALLUM AELII). Hadrian's successor, Antoninus Pius, abandoned the Wall, slighting it by removing milecastle gates and throwing crossings across the Vallum ditch. He moved the frontier up to the Forth–Clyde isthmus, where he built a new turf wall. This was abandoned after twenty years, and the soldiers returned to Hadrian's Wall and got it up and running once more. After a war in the 180s, when enemy tribes crossed the Wall, many changes took place and soldiers were redeployed at key points east and west. In the late second or early third century there was a major repair to the Wall, and many mile-castles had their north gates narrowed so that only pedestrians could use them. The Wall was manned into the early fifth century.
Hadrian's Wall, the most famous of all the frontiers of the Roman Empire, is a UNESCO World Heritage Site and has been studied for more than 400 years. Sections of the Wall, the associated forts on the Wall (and to the south and along the Cumbrian coast), its mile-castles, turrets, signal towers, Vallum, civilian settlements and bridges may all be visited. A number of museums containing important collections lie on and around the length of the Wall.
*
ISCA AUGUSTA (CAERLEON). The legionary fortress baths appear to have been maintained until about AD 230–240. By AD 290–300, at the time of the Emperor Carausius or his successor Allectus, the fortress had been stripped of most reusable material. Parts of the buildings were still standing in the twelfth century, when Gerald of Wales, out recruiting for the Third Crusade in 1188, admired 'a lofty tower and beside it remarkable hot baths'.
The excavated remains are extensive: they include the defences, the amphitheatre, the only legionary barracks buildings to be seen in Britain, and the baths. The last are displayed under a covered building. Numerous finds can be viewed at the National Roman Legion Museum in the town.
*
LANCASTER. The auxiliary fort at Lancaster underwent numerous changes, with at least six phases of development. In about AD 340 a stone fort was constructed on a different alignment, which remained in use until the early fifth century.
Little of Roman Lancaster remains: a Roman bath house, part of a large courtyard house and possible mansio connected to the fort, can be visited in Vicarage Fields. A fragment of the fort's massive fourth-century wall, known as the Wery Wall, may also be seen. On display at Lancaster City Museum is the Rider tombstone of Insus, showing him triumphantly holding the head of a Briton whose decapitated body lies at his feet.
*
LETOCETUM (WALL, Staffordshire). Letocetum, an important staging post on Watling Street, provided overnight accommodation at its mansio. A settlement developed and eventually there was a small Romano-British town. The town ran into difficulties towards the end of the third century, and baths and mansio were destroyed by fire and abandoned. Substantial defences were built to the east of these buildings and astride Watling Street around this time, and by the fourth century the whole population appears to have moved within the defences.
The mansio's foundations and those of the bath house (both of which underwent several phases of development and construction, the best understood of which date from about AD 130) can still be seen, together with many excavated finds on display in the museum.
*
LONDINIUM (LONDON). London was enclosed by some 2 miles (3km) of stone wall in the late second century, and the fort (at Cripplegate) was incorporated into these new defences. At Newgate, where the road west to Calleva left the city, the gate was equipped with twin portals flanked by square towers projecting in front of the line of the curtain wall. Ermine Street, the main road north to York, left the city at Bishopsgate, and the main road for Colchester and East Anglia ran from Aldgate. Towards the end of the second century a temple to Mithras was built on the site of Bucklersbury House, north of Cannon Street, which continued in use with several changes to its interior into the middle of the fourth century, after which it was rebuilt and dedicated to Bacchus.
The Museum of London contains much of interest, including a leather bikini and sculptures from the temple of Mithras, the site of which lies at the corner of Queen Street and Queen Victoria Street. Beneath the Guildhall, at Guildhall Yard, the remains of the amphitheatre are on show. The remains of the late-second-century Billingsgate house and baths in Lower Thames Street, once on the waterfront, are generally not open to the public. More accessible are the remains of the Roman wall and gates, although the medieval wall was built on them.
*
LUGDUNUM (LYON). As capital of Tres Galliae, Lugdunum continued to enjoy great prosperity for several more decades after AD 130, but by the advent of the third century the city had run into difficulties. In AD 197 Lyon declared for Clodius Albinus, governor of Britannia and pretender to the imperial throne. He fought Septimius Severus just outside Lyon—and was defeated. The depth of the repercussions the city suffered for supporting the losing side is unclear, but the urban cohort, the only military unit stationed in the interior of Gaul, was disbanded. Under Diocletian's administrative reforms, Lugdunum became the capital of a reduced province. Trèves, Arles and Vienne now assumed greater importance, and during the third century the city contracted.
On the hill known as Fourvière, the 10,000-seat theatre and the smaller 3,000-seat Odeon next to it may be visited. The neighbouring Gallo-Roman Museum contains a breathtaking collection, including the Lyon tablet recording Claudius's speech to the Senate in AD 48, in which he proposed to admit citizens from Gaul as senators, a speech for which we also have Tacitus's version. The second-century Coligny calendar, written in Gaulish, is another of the many treasures in this museum. There is also an amphitheatre on Croix-Rouge, which is where the sanctuary of the Three Gauls was sited and where the Lyon tablet was discovered in the sixteenth century.
*
LUGUVALIUM CARVETIORUM (CARLISLE). The fort, which essentially lies underneath Carlisle Castle, was occupied until the early fifth century. At some point in the third century, possibly as a consequence of Caracalla's settlement of the northern frontier in the early third century, Carlisle became the civitas capital of the Carvetii. The town was fortified, possibly encompassing some 70 acres, and the walls were still standing in the seventh century, when Saint Cuthbert walked around them and was shown a Roman fountain.
The Tullie House Museum contains a large collection of Roman artefacts, including a significant number of wooden and leather objects and a small number of writing tablets from the town, together with numerous artefacts from sites along the western half of Hadrian's Wall.
*
NARBONENSIS (NARBONNE). Narbonne suffered from a terrible fire in about AD 150, which destroyed many of its public buildings. These were restored with the help of Emperor Antoninus Pius. The city began to decline in the third century as trade slowed, and Arles became more important as a commercial centre. Under Diocletian's administrative reforms, Gallia Narbonensis was divided up and Narbonne became the capital of the south-west part of the province named Narbonensis Prima. It remained an important and relatively prosperous city, however, into the fifth century.
Nothing substantial remains of the city's celebrated public monuments so admired by Martial in the first century and Sidonius Apollinarius in the fifth, apart from extensive horrea, or warehouses, which survived as cellars. There are fine collections of artefacts, though, in the Palais des Archevêques, including mosaics and wall-paintings, while the l'église Lamourguier holds an extensive lapidary.
*
OSTIA. Later in the second century and into the early part of the third, little monumental new building took place here, with the exception of a large temple resembling the Pantheon in Rome, constructed near the forum during the reign of Alexander Severus (AD 222–235). During the long period of turmoil following the end of the Severan dynasty, building activity at Ostia almost ceased, the size of the population shrank, and local government collapsed. In the second half of the third century and the first part of the fourth, Ostia and Portus were struck by earthquakes and tsunamis.
Most of the excavated buildings at Ostia date from the first half of the second century, during the reigns of Trajan, Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, with a large number dating from Hadrian's time, so the visitor here will be able to get a strong flavour of the Hadrianic period.
*
PONS AELIUS (NEWCASTLE UPON TYNE). Newcastle Castle occupies the site of the Roman fort. Fragments of the headquarters building, commanding officer's house and granary are visible under a railway arch beside the castle keep.
The city's Great North Museum (Hancock) now houses the collection of the Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle upon Tyne, whose Roman material is of international significance. The museum contains altars, building inscriptions, relief sculpture, tombstones and many other artefacts, including jewellery, pottery, weapons and organic material. The sensational statue of the Birth of Mithras from Housesteads is on display in the museum.
*
ROMA (ROME). After a terrible fire in AD 191, many buildings were reconstructed. The Severans also erected major new monuments, including the baths of Caracalla. During the years of turmoil in the third century, construction work slowed down and practically stopped. Aurelian (ad 271–275) erected walls around the city. Diocletian resumed work, reconstructing a large part of central Rome destroyed in a great fire in ad 283. He also built the largest baths ever constructed in the empire. Maxentius, the son of Diocletian's co-ruler Maximian, chose Rome as his base after the Praetorian Guard proclaimed him emperor, and he began to tend to the neglected city. Constantine the Great took on his work, but soon became engrossed in his new capital, Constantinople. As the old monuments were patched up or fell into disuse, Rome was finished as a political force but emerged as a religious one. With Christians no longer persecuted, Christian monuments began to rise out of the neglected pagan city.
The two outstanding Hadrianic monuments to survive in Rome itself are the Pantheon and his Mausoleum, now the Castel Sant'Angelo. Outside the city there is his stupendous palace at Tivoli.
*
RUTUPIAE (RICHBOROUGH) and REGULBIUM (RECULVER).
Rutupiae thrived as a port until the early third century, when it began to decline, possibly because of the increasing importance of Dover. In the mid-third century, large ditches and an earthen rampart were built around the monumental arch, whose days were numbered. In the 270s, work began on the construction of a massive fort in response to increasing attacks by Saxon and Frankish raiders. The arch was taken down for building material and its marble cladding broken up and burnt to provide lime for concrete. The fort formed part of the Saxon Shore fortifications defending the coast. But despite these radical changes, Rutupiae retained its symbolic importance as the gateway to Britannia.
At the other end of the Wantsum Channel, a new fort was also built at Regulbium in response to the Saxon threat, although it seems to have been abandoned by ad 375. It later became an important Anglo-Saxon monastery, the remains of which still dominate the coastline today. The Roman foreshore now lies two miles inland from the sea.
At Richborough, the most striking standing remains are the walls of the Saxon Shore fort, but there is also much else of interest, including the excavated Claudian invasion ditches, a rare Roman baptismal font, the remains of the mansio and other buildings in the town, and the site of the gigantic arch. The museum displays a small but significant collection of finds from the site, including decorative fragments from the monumental arch.
*
SEGEDUNUM (WALLSEND). As early as the eleventh century the settlement was called 'Wallesende'. Lying at the heart of industrial Tyneside and buried under housing until the 1970s, the whole Roman fort has now been excavated, making Segedunum one of very few places where a fort plan is laid out more or less whole. It is one of the best understood and best excavated sites along the Wall. The barracks, south of the headquarters building, revealed how horses were stabled alongside their cavalrymen.
There is a viewing tower over the site, a reconstructed bath house modelled on that at Chesters, and a museum displaying finds from the site.
*
VENTA SILURUM (CAERWENT). Despite its forum basilica and mansio, Venta remained something of a straggling backwater along the Caerleon–Gloucester road until the later second century. The street grid was then modified and the town surrounded by a ditch, bank and wooden palisade. Towards the end of the third century a stone wall was built in front of the bank, and in about ad 350 stone towers were added to the north and south walls. The town started to decline in the fourth century, but the Roman remains were impressive enough in the 1540s for John Leland to remark that it was 'sometime a fair and large city'.
Now a small village, the defences are still astonishingly well preserved, their circuit just over a mile. The foundations of shops, houses and a Romano-Celtic temple are also on view, as well as the forum basilica—interestingly, the only town in Britain where this can be seen. The road through the village is more or less on the line of the Roman road, although the latter was much wider than the present one. Some stone inscriptions are displayed in the church. Other significant finds from the town are in the National Museum of Wales, Cardiff.
*
VERCOVICIUM (HOUSESTEADS). About halfway along the Wall's length, Housesteads was manned from the later second century until after ad 395 by the First Cohort of Tungrians, raised in eastern Belgium. Early in the third century they were strengthened by a war band of Frisians, recruited from outside the empire.
Perched high on a windswept ridge, with sweeping views over the surrounding countryside, Housesteads is one of the most iconic sites, not just on the Wall but throughout the whole empire. The latrine, west gate, commanding officer's house and granaries are exceptionally well preserved. There is a small exhibition, including finds from the site. The extraordinary sculptures from the Mithraeum are at the Great North Museum (Hancock) in Newcastle upon Tyne and also at Chesters Museum.
*
VINDOLANDA (CHESTERHOLM). Vindolanda lies on the Stanegate, south of Hadrian's Wall. The fort underwent at least nine phases of construction. After the end of Roman rule, Vindolanda remained in use for over 400 years until it was finally abandoned in the ninth century.
Ongoing excavations constantly add to knowledge of the site. Together with the excavated parts of the fort there are also reconstructed buildings and a museum containing a marvellous collection, including the Vindolanda letters and a remarkable display of leather shoes and other organic material. The nearby Roman Army Museum is located next to Walltown Crags, one of the highest-standing sections of Hadrian's Wall.
*
VIROCONIUM CORNOVIORUM (WROXETER). The substantial baths complex was finally completed around ad 150 and the town's defences were built towards the end of the second century. They were refurbished in the fourth century. The baths basilica was maintained into the fifth century and then dismantled; over the ruins, timber buildings were constructed, some of which were substantial. The town was probably abandoned in the sixth century.
The most substantial remains of what was once the fourth-largest town in Britannia are the baths, including the remains of the huge wall of the baths basilica. There is also a reconstructed town house and small museum with an excellent collection of finds from the site. Other significant finds may be seen at Shrewsbury Museum.
~
We hope you enjoyed this book.
For more information, click one of the links below:
Checklist of Latin and English Place Names
Bibliography
Notes on the Text
Acknowledgements
Index
~
About Bronwen Riley
An invitation from the publisher
# Checklist of Latin and English Place Names
(For names of Roman provinces, see map on pages 10–11)
LATIN PLACE NAME | LATER/MODERN NAME
---|---
Abonae | Sea Mills
Alauna | Maryport
Andematunnum | Langres, in Champagne, France
Antipolis | Antibes, France
Arbeia | South Shields
Augusta Suessonium | Soissons, France
Augustodunum | Autun, France
Baeterra | Béziers, France
Banna | Birdoswald
Barcino | Barcelona, Spain
Blestium | Monmouth
Bonna | Bonn, Germany
Branodunum | Leintwardine
Bremenium | High Rochester
Bremetenacum Veteranorum | Ribchester
Brocolita | Carrawburgh
Burrium | Usk
Caledonia | Scotland
(generally north of the Forth–Clyde isthmus)
Calleva Atrebatum | Silchester
Camerinum | Camerino, Italy
Camulodunum | Colchester
Cataractonium | Catterick
Carcasso | Carcassonne, France
Carthago Nova | Cartagena, Spain
Centumcellae | Civitavecchia, Italy
Cilurnum | Chesters
Coccium | Wigan
Colonia Agrippina | Cologne, Germany
(in full, Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium)
Condate | Northwich
Condercum | Benwell
Coria | Corbridge
Corinium Dobunnorum | Cirencester
Cunetio | Mildenhall
Derventio | Papcastle
|
(also the name of several rivers, including the Derwent and Dart, and the Roman fort and town at Littlechester, Derbyshire)
Deva | Chester
Dubris | Dover
Durnovaria | Dorchester
Durobrivae | Rochester
Durovernum Cantiacorum | Canterbury
Eboracum | York
Forum Iulii | Fréjus, France
Gades | Cadiz, Spain
Galava | Ambleside
Gesoriacum | Boulogne, France
Glannoventa | Ravenglass
Glevum | Gloucester
Gobannium | Abergavenny
Isca Augusta | Caerleon
Isca Dumnoniorum | Exeter
Isurium Brigantum | Aldborough
Lemonum | Poitiers, France
Letocetum | Wall
Lindum | Lincoln
Londinium | London
Lugdunum | Lyon, France
Luguvalium | Carlisle
Magnis | Carvoran
Magnis | Kenchester
Maia | Bowness-on-Solway
Mamucium | Manchester
Massilia | Marseille, France
Mediolanum | Whitchurch
Narbonensis | Narbonne, France
Noviomagus | Crayford
Noviomagus Regnorum | Chichester
Oceanus Britannicus | English Channel
Pons Aelius | Newcastle upon Tyne
Pontes/Pontibus | Staines
Pontus Euxinus | Black Sea
Portus Lemanis | Lympne
Puteoli | Pozzuoli, Italy
Ratae Corieltauvorum | Leicester
Regulbium | Reculver
Rutupiae | Richborough
Salinae | Middlewich
Samarobriva | Amiens, France
Segedunum | Wallsend
Spina [Spinis] | settlement near Speen or Woodspeen
Tibur | Tivoli, Italy
Tolosa | Toulouse, France
Uxelodunum | Stanwix
Vagniacis | Springhead
Vallum Aelii | Hadrian's Wall
Venta Belgarum | Winchester
Venta Silurum | Caerwent
Vercovicium | Housesteads
Verlucio | Sandy Lane
Verulamium | St Albans
Vienna | Vienne, France
Vindolanda | Chesterholm
Vinovia | Binchester
Viroconium Cornoviorum | Wroxeter
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———, The Roman Amphitheatre in Britain (Stroud, 2008)
———, Richborough and Reculver, English Heritage Red Guide (London, 2012)
WILSON, P., Lullingstone Roman Villa, English Heritage Red Guide (London, 2009)
WOOLF, G., Becoming Roman: The Origins of Provincial Civilization in Gaul (Cambridge, 1998)
———, 'How the Latin West Was Won', in Cooley (ed.), Becoming Roman, op. cit.
———, 'Pliny's Province' in T. Bekker-Nielson (ed.), Rome and the Black Sea Region (Aarhus, 2006)
WRIGHT, R.P., 'A Hadrianic Building Inscription from Hardknott', Transactions of the Cumberland and Westmorland Archaeological and Antiquarian Society, Vol. 65 (1965): pp. 169–75
YEGUL, F., Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge, MA, 1992)
YOUTIE, H.C. and J.G. Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Michigan Papyri Vol. VIII (Ann Arbor, MI, 1951)
YULE, B., A Prestigious Roman Building Complex on the Southwark Waterfront: Excavations at Winchester Palace, London, 1983–90, Museum of London Archaeology Services Monograph 23 (London, 2005)
ZANT, J., The Carlisle Millennium Project Excavations in Carlisle 1998–2001, Vols I and II (Lancaster, 2009)
ZIENKIEWICZ, J.D., The Legionary Fortress Baths at Caerleon, Vol. I, The Buildings (Cardiff, 1986)
———, The Legionary Fortress Baths at Caerleon, Vol. II, Finds (Cardiff, 1986)
USEFUL WEBSITES
LATIN LIBRARY:
for a variety of useful classical links and texts,
www.thelatinlibrary.com
OSTIA, HARBOUR OF ANCIENT ROME:
www.ostia-antica.org
ROMAN LAW LIBRARY:
with a good internet resources page, including links to papyrology resources,
www.droitromain.upmf-grenoble.fr
VINDOLANDA TABLETS ONLINE:
www.vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk
# Notes to the Text
Unless otherwise indicated in the Notes that follow, citations of texts by Greek and Roman authors refer to editions in the Loeb Classical Library (1912–), published by Heinemann and later by Harvard University Press. My English translations are based upon them. For Dio Cassius, the standard edition is by U.P. Boissevain (5 vols, 1895–1931) and the Loeb English translation (1927), edited by E. Cary, is numbered one book higher than Boissevain. The Loeb numbering is used here. For Tacitus, and for Pliny the Younger, the Oxford Texts have been used.
Short-form citations such as 'Opper (2008)' refer to items appearing in the Bibliography.
ABBREVIATIONS
The following abbreviations are used in the Notes:
CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (1862–)
ILS Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae (1892–1916)
RIB The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, Volume I, Inscriptions on Stone, compiled by R.G. Collingwood and R.P. Wright, edition with addenda and corrigenda by R.S.O Tomlin (Stroud, 1995); Volume II, Instrumentum Domesticum, Fascicles 1–8, edited by S.S. Frere et al. (Stroud, 1990–5)
SHA Scriptores Historiae Augustae
I. ROME, HEART OF EMPIRE
. 'Their boundary is the ocean both where the sun god rises and where he sinks, while they control the entire Mediterranean and all its islands as well as Britain in the ocean,' writes Appian of Alexandria (Preface to History of Romans), 9. Appian was living in Rome after ad 120.
. Halfmann (1986), p. 193; pp. 204–7.
. Sordi (1953), p. 104.
. For his life and career, and that of his father, see Birley (2005), pp. 249–50.
. CIL II 4509 = 6145; ILS 1029.
. The area around Tivoli was popular with the Spanish elite: Opper (2008), p. 135 and footnote 7. Hadrian's Villa Tiburtina was designed as a public space as much as a private one, and the emperor conducted imperial business there: Opper (2008), p. 159.
. This number of insulae, which is taken from fourth-century descriptions of Rome, is considered to be extremely high, and many argue for a more conservative figure. For a discussion on the size of Rome, see Morley (2013), pp. 29–45.
. Pseudo Sextus Aurelius Victor (Epitome de Caesaribus) 13.
. The grain dole was regarded as a privilege, rather than as a handout for the destitute. Those eligible were assigned a specific day of the month and collection point. At the time of Augustus, some 200,000 of Rome's population received a monthly handout. From the time of Trajan, 5,000 boys became eligible as a special mark of favour. See Rickman (1980), pp. 184 and 179–97 for the way corn was distributed and the likely size of queues during the month. See also ILS 6069 = CIL VI 10224 C(aius) Sergius C(ai) fil(ius) Alcimus/ vixit ann(is) III mensib(us) III/ diebus tribus/ frumentum accepit/ die x ostio XXXIX, 'In memory of Gaius Servius Alcimus, son of Gaius, who lived 3 years, 3 months and 3 days. He received grain on the 10th day from entrance arcade 39', which is cited in Aicher (2004) Vol. 1, pp. 222–5 and Vol. II, p. 130.
. There are numerous references to attempts to ban traffic in the city and various exemptions, such as for public building works. SHA (Hadrian) XX states that Hadrian banned heavy wagons entering Rome and banned riding on horseback in the cities.
. Suetonius (Augustus) 7. It was once owned by Suetonius, who presented it to Hadrian. It showed Augustus as a boy, and Hadrian kept it in honour among the household gods in his bedroom.
. Suetonius (Nero) 38.
. Boatwright (1987), p. 101 and footnote 5.
. Even non-combatant auxiliaries at the faraway fort of High Rochester, north of Hadrian's Wall in the mid-second century, set up an altar to Dea Roma n(atali) eius, 'Goddess Roma on her birthday'. RIB 1270, see Hassall (1980), p. 82.
. Opper (2008), p. 119.
. SHA (Hadrian) XI, 2.
. Opper (2008), p. 104 and footnote 15.
. The Porticus Aemilia was 90 metres (295 feet) from the river and was of immense size: 487 metres long and 60 metres wide (1,600 × 197 feet), with its interior divided by 294 piers into a series of rooms, arranged seven rows deep. It is depicted with 'remarkable precision' on the Severan Marble Plan (Coarelli, 2007), p. 345.
. By the end of its life, in the mid-third century, it contained the broken remains of an estimated 24.75 million amphorae, which once contained some 1.7 billion kilos of olive oil. Today it stands more than 40 metres (130 feet) high with a perimeter of 1 kilometre (3,300 feet) or more. More than 80 per cent of the oil came from Baetica in south-western Spain. Baetican imports reached their peak during the second century, when they comprised between 90 and 95 per cent of the total. See Remesal Rodriguez (1998), pp. 183–99.
. Opper (2008), p. 38.
. Men such as L. Marius Phoebus, whose name appears on many of the amphorae stamps from Monte Testaccio: see CIL VI 1935 and Noy (2008), p. 208 and footnote 41, who thinks he could have been a Roman trading with Baetica. The Spanish trade associations had Rome-based distributors, men such as the Roman eques (knight) C. Sentius Regulianus, a diffusor olearius, which probably means that he was responsible for repackaging the oil, distributing it—and dumping all those used-up amphorae on Monte Testaccio. In addition to his interests in Baetican olive oil he also described himself as a wine merchant of Lyon: CIL VI 29722, in Noy (2008), p. 208.
. Claudius ruled that senators could visit estates in Gallia Narbonensis and Sicilia, however, without seeking this permission. See Talbert (1984), pp. 139–40.
. In c. ad 139 Minicius Natalis was honoured as patron of the municipality by the people of Tibur, indicating that he had a villa there. See Millar (1981), p. 159.
. Martial (Epigrams) XIII, 54 mentions ham de Menapis (the Menapii being a tribe in Belgic Gaul between the rivers Meuse and Scheldt) and ham from Cerretans, or Cerdana, in Spain.
. Martial (Epigrams) XIV, 99: Barbara de pictis veni bascauda Britannis; sed me iam mavolt dicere Roma suam, 'A barbarian basket, I came from the painted Britons; but now Rome prefers to say I belong to her'.
. Propertius (Elegies) II, 1.78: esseda caelatis siste Britannia iugis, 'stop your British chariot with its fancy harness'. Caelatus means figures engraved/in bas relief.
. Caesar (Gallic War) IV, 33.
. Hyland (1990), p. 226.
. There is very little evidence for a British presence in Rome, either in associations or as individuals. Only one fragmentary inscription has been found, dating from the third century or later, when Britannia had been divided into two provinces, 'Upper' and 'Lower' Britain (Britannia Citerior et Inferior). On a slab of coarse marble, found within the precinct of the church of S. Pancrazio in the area of the Villa Doria Pamphili, it records a dedication made by the provinciae Brittann(iae) (provincial councils of Britain). See Beard (1980), pp. 313–14.
. Of all the surviving inscriptions of foreigners in Rome from the whole of the Roman era, only three are British, and they record deaths during military service. See CIL VI 3279 Nig. Marinianus natione Britanicianus; CIL VI 3301 M. Ulpius Iustus natione Britto; CIL VI 32861 [name lost] natione Brit... in Noy (2000), p. 295.
. See, for example, Suetonius (Caligula) 44; Dio Cassius (Roman History) LX, 19; Augustus (Res Gestae) 32.
. The reference to elephants taking part in the expedition is in Dio Cassius (Roman History) LX, 21.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 17.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) LX, 21.
. Erim (1982), pp. 277–81.
. See, for example, British Museum Catalogue of Coins in the Roman Empire, Claudius 32, a gold aureus minted at Rome now in the collection of the British Museum, London; and the silver didrachm minted in Caesarea (British Museum Catalogue of Coins in the Roman Empire, Claudius 237).
. A 16th-century drawing of fragments associated with the Claudian arch shows a frieze depicting fighting between Romans and Celtic-looking barbarians and some large panels depicting a procession of Roman soldiers, possibly Praetorians. See Barratt (1991), pp. 1–19. A fragment of inscription is in the courtyard of the Palazzo dei Conservatori and other fragments of sculpture are held in the Museo Nuovo Capitolino: see Coarelli (2007), p. 255.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 31–8.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 36.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 31–9, tells the story of the British uprising.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) LXI, 33. This anecdote reflected not just the sort of ambivalence about imperialism voiced by Tacitus, but perhaps criticism of Rome throwing quite so much money and resources at such an unpromising place as Britannia.
. Dacia Superior was a praetorian province formed following Hadrian's swift reorganisation of the area as a result of unrest in the region in the last years of Trajan's reign and the start of his own. Moesia Inferior reverted to its original boundaries south of the Danube, and the territories it had encompassed north of the river became Dacia Inferior, with Trajan's original province of Dacia renamed Dacia Superior. In Dacia, Julius Severus oversaw further changes in the administration of the province when, in AD 124, it was split again, and Dacia Porolissensis (roughly corresponding to north-western Transylvania) was created. Perhaps it was Severus's experience of reorganizing a troublesome province as much as his reputation as one of Hadrian's best generals which led to his appointment as governor of Britannia. See Piso (2013), pp. 27–8.
. Piso (1993), p. 44.
. Birley, A. (1981), pp. 6–7.
. Tacitus (Histories) II, 1: et praecipui fama quartadecumani, rebellione Britanniae compressa. Addiderat gloriam Nero eligendo ut potissimos.
. For a discussion of Maenius Agrippa's career and uncertainties over dates in light of recent excavation at Maryport, see Breeze, Dobson, Maxfield (2012), pp. 17–30
. Just how erratic and sketchy information about Britannia in the wider world could be is demonstrated by Ptolemy's monumental eight-volume Geography, written in about ad 140–150. In compiling his section on Britain, he used sources from different periods, having access only to information about the south of Britain up to ad 70, for example, although he was a little more up-to-date with the north—despite omitting to mention Hadrian's Wall. He left out key places such as Gloucester and Caerleon, but included insignificant ones and mislocated others. Most spectacularly, Ptolemy tilted Scotland through a right angle—an error, it seems, from his mistaken corrections to information from the earlier geographer Marinus of Tyre, who produced a map of the world around the start of the second century AD. For simply collating old material, see Pliny the Younger (Letters) V, 8.12: Vetera et scripta aliis? Parata inquisitio, sed onerosa collatio..., 'Old stuff written by others? Your research is done—you just have the bore of collating it...' For Ptolemy's mistake, see Jones and Keillar (1996), pp. 43–50, and Davies (1998), pp. 1–16, for a discussion of orientation with respect to road design in Britain.
. As Tacitus (Agricola) 10–12 remarked, writing decades before, 'the position and inhabitants of Britain have been recorded by many writers'.
. Herodian (History) III, 14.7.
. Vindolanda Tablet 164.
. Cicero (Ad Atticum) IV, 16.7 (written in early July 54 BC).
. Pliny (Letters) X, 11.2.
. Horace (Satires) I, 6.101–6.
. Josephus (Jewish War) V, 49; Velleius Paterculus (History of Rome) II, 114, for Tiberius's baggage while campaigning in Pannonia. Both cited in Roth (1999), pp. 89–90.
. As a clothing list from the fortress at Vindolanda (just south of Hadrian's Wall, dating from the early years of the second century) shows, the commanding officer there, Flavius Cerialis, who came from Batavia (roughly the modern Netherlands), needed a bit of a helping hand in this respect from his fellow officers. The list (Vindolanda Tablet 196) mentions that some are sent from 'Tranquillus'. Birley (2002), pp. 138–9, suggests that this uncommon name may refer to Suetonius Tranquillus, for whom the younger Pliny obtained a commission in Britain, but which he did not in the event take up.
. Suetonius (Augustus) 36; for the she-mules and concubines, see SHA (Severus Alexander) XLII, 4; and see SHA (The Deified Claudius) XIV, 2ff., with its fascinating letter from Valerian to Zosimio, procurator of Syria.
. See Talbert (1984), p. 208, and (Digest) 33.7.12.40–1, quoting Ulpian (On Sabinus) XX, describing a proconsul about to set out for his province putting tables, furniture, clothes and medicines into store.
. Tiberius in AD 25 determined that it should be 1 June; Claudius, in ad 43, mid-April.
. For provincial quaestors returning to Rome at the end of the proconsular year in July and before the kalends of September, cf. Pliny the Younger (Letters) IV, 12.4; IV, 15.6nn; V, 21 in Sherwin-White (1966). For a good discussion, see Talbert (1984), Appendix 3 and Chapter 4.2.
. Agricola arrived in Britain in ad 77/8 to take up his governorship 'in the middle of summer', media iam aestate; see Tacitus (Agricola) 9.6 and 18.1.
. An example of one letter of appointment survives from the time of Marcus Aurelius, because its recipient, Q. Domitius Marsianus, promoted to procurator patrimonii of Narbonensis, had it set up as an inscription in his home town of Marsianus, Bulla Regia, in Africa. See Millar (1992), pp. 288 and 311, for a freedman dispatched to Britain with codicilli nominating Agricola as governor of Syria; Tacitus (Agricola) 40.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) LIII, 15–16; Dio Cassius (Epitome) LX, 17, for the mid-April date.
. See Pliny the Younger (Letters) for visits to his estates in September and October: X, 8; X, 9; III, 4; 1.7.4; VII, 30; VIII, 1
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) V.21. The young quaestor Julius Avitus died at sea on his way home from a province during the summer. See note on the letter in Sherwin-White (1966), op. cit.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) LIII, 13.
. Vota pro itu et reditu, 'prayers for leaving and returning': see, for example, Suetonius (Tiberius) 38; Suetonius (Caligula) 14.
. Examples are many; see for instance Juvenal (Satires) 3.
II. ROME TO PORTUS OSTIENSIS
. For a discussion of the date of the speech, see Behr (1981). For a commentary on the text and the boundaries of empire under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius, see notes on the passage in Fontanella's commentary (2007).
. These are attested from at least the mid-second century ad. Terpstra (2013), p. 140.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) II, 17.
. See La Regina (ed.), Vol. IV (2006), pp. 223–30, and Steinby (ed.) Vol. 5 (1999), p. 144 for Via Portuensis and p. 143 for Via Ostiensis.
. Ovid (Fasti) VI, 773–86.
. Casson (1995), p. 212 and ref. 49 citing G. Jacopi, 'Scavi in prossimità del porto fluviale di S. Paolo', Monumenti Antichi, Vol. 39 (1943), pp. 45–96 and plates 3–12.
. For traffic from Rome to Ostia, the road heading through the Porta Raudusculana seems to have become more important than that from the Porta Trigemina in the Forum Boaiarum, which led through Emporium. See J.R. Patterson in Steinby, Vol. 5 (1999). For a detailed description of the Via Ostiensis route outside Rome, see La Regina, Vol. IV (2006), pp. 135–48, and of the route along Via Portuensis, pp. 223–42 of the same.
. Juvenal (Satires) VI: flava ruinosi lupa... sepulchri; Martial (Epigrams) III, 93, 15: cum te lucerna balneator extincta admittat inter bustuarias moechas, 'when the bath attendant has extinguished his lantern, he lets you in among the grave-haunting whores'.
. Petronius (Satyricon) 71: Praeponam enim unum ex libertis sepulcro meo custodiae causa, ne in monumentum meum populus cacatum currat.
. CIL VI 2357: Hospes ad hunc tumulum ni meias ossa precantur/tecta hominis [set] si gratus homo es misce bibe da mi.
. CIL IV 3782, 3832, 4586, 5438, in Croom (2011), p. 117.
. Croom (2011), p. 77; for private houses, see that of Pascius Hermes, Pompei CIL IV 7716; for the arch near the forum at Thigibba in Africa, see Croom (2011).
. Pliny the Elder described the River Tiber as 'the most gentle merchant (mercator placidissimus) of all that is produced on earth and perhaps with more villas built on its banks and overlooking it than all the other rivers on earth'. Pliny (Natural History) III, 5.54: rerum in toto orbe nascentium mercator placidissimus, pluribus prope solus quam ceteri in omnibus terris amnes adcolitur adspiciturque villis.
. Ammianus Marcellinus 17.4.14: tertio lapide ab urbe.
. Symmachus had a suburban villa here in the late fourth century: Symmachus (Epistles) 1.6; 2.52.
. CIL VI 3539; Birley (1990), p. 10.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters), II, 17.2 and 17.3.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) II, 17.26.
. Tacitus (Annals) XV, 43.4.
. Aelius Aristides (Orations: On Rome) XXVI, 11.
. In ad 133 the emperor was honoured by the city for having preserved and enhanced it with all indulgence and generosity: colonia Ostia conservata et aucta omni indulgentia et liberalitate eius.
. Keay (ed.) et al. (2005), p. 35.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 17.2; Dio Cassius (Epitome) LX, 21.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XIX, 3–4: herbam esse quae Gadis ab Herculis columnis septimo die Ostiam adferat et citeriorem Hispaniam quarto, provam Narbonensem tertio...
. A singular reference to a merchant ship from Gaul at Ostia comes from an eyewitness account by the elder Pliny (Natural History), IX, 14–15. He described how a cargo of hides from Gaul sank at Portus while the harbour was under construction during the reign of Claudius. The hides attracted the attentions of a whale wanting to feed on them, but it became trapped and beached. The whale in turn attracted much attention, not least from the Emperor Claudius, who decided to make an entertainment of it by putting nets and ropes across the harbour and then baiting the poor creature with darts and javelins, which he and members of the Praetorian Guard threw from boats. One of the boats was submerged by water which the whale spurted out.
. The mosaics are thought to date from the Severan period, when the theatre complex was restored by Commodus and Septimius Severus. Coarelli (2007), p. 457.
. Stuppatores res[tiones], 'tow-rope and cordmakers'; corpus pellion(um), 'tanners corporation'; codicari(i) de suo, 'barge owners'; navicul(arii) et negotiantes Karalitani, 'ship owners and merchants of Cagliari'.
. Sadly, he came to a sticky end when taken in by a charlatan oracular snake in the 160s. Lucian of Samosata (Alexander) 27.
. In Achilles Tatius's mid-second-century Greek novel Leucippe and Clitophon the protagonists run down to the harbour to look for a ship 'and by chance even the wind seemed to invite us', as they find one on the point of throwing off its stern cables and manage to jump on board. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon) 31.
. Juvenal conjured up the dodgiest possible clientele in a large popina in Ostia. Juvenal (Satires) 8, 171–76:... mitte Ostia, Caesar,/ mitte, sed in magna legatum quare popina:/ invenies aliquot cum percussore iacentem. permixtum nautis et furibus ac fugitivis,/ inter carnifices et fabros sandapilarum/ et resupinati cessantia tympani Galli./ aequa ibi libertas, communia pocula, lectus/ non alius cuiquam, nec mensa remotior ulli.
. See, for example, Horace (Satires), I, 1.29: perfidus (hic)copo; Apuleius (Metamorphoses) 1.8ff. and St Augustine (City of God) 18.18 on landladies and poisoned cheese.
. Seneca (Epistles) 104.6: illum odorem culinarum fumantium quae motae quicquid pestiferi vaporis cum pulvere effundunt..., 'that reeking odour of working kitchens which cover everything in pestilential steam and smoke'. For Nero imposing restrictions, see Dio Cassius (Epitome) LXII, 14.2; and for Vespasian, Dio Cassius (Epitome) LXV, 10.3.
. CIL IV 3948, from Pompeii, in Kleberg (1957), 112.
. A notice put up by Hedone at Pompeii CIL IV 1679 in Kleberg (1957), 107: Edone dicit: assibus hic bibitur, dipundium si dederis, meliora bibes, quattus si dederis, vina Falerna bib(es).
. CIL IV 8442: futui coponam, found scrawled on an election poster next to a Pompeian bar (Reg. ii, 2, 3); futui ospita, found on a drinking vessel in Bonn, CIL XIII 10018, 95 Kleberg (1957) 90.
. Digest 3.2.4.2–3, quoting Ulpian (On the Edict) 6: ut puta si caupo fuit vel stabularius et mancipia talia habuit ministrantia et occasione ministerii quaestum facientia..., 'he is liable to punishment for procurement whether this is his principal occupation, or whether he carries on another trade (for instance, if he is an inn- or tavern-keeper and has slaves of this kind serving and taking the opportunity to ply their trade)'. He also goes on to say that a balneator, or bath-keeper, who keeps a servant for guarding clothes and hires them out for other services would be guilty too.
. Apicius (The Art of Cooking) 1.2: conditum melizomum viatorium: conditum melizomum perpetuum, quod subministratur per viam peregrinanti, 'long-life honey wine used by tourists on journeys', Grocock and Grainger (2006), p. 134.
. Petronius (Satyricon) CIII–CIV.
. See Simon Keay, 'The Port System of Imperial Rome', pp. 33–70, particularly pp. 48–52, in (ed.) Keay (London, 2012).
. Papyrus Michigan VIII, 490, for the letter from the young Egyptian naval recruit: 'I am now writing to you from Portus for I have not yet gone up to Rome and been assigned.' Papyrus Michigan VIII, 491, for the follow-up letter informing his mother that he has arrived in Rome on the same day. Both letters reproduced and translated in Youtie and Winter (1951).
. Trajan brought out a commemorative sestertius showing on its reverse the buildings along sides I, III, IV and VI of the basin where a huge statue of Trajan and temple were located, although these are not shown on the coin. Keay et al. (2005), pp. 308–9.
. Each side of the hexagon measured 357.77 metres (1,173 feet), with over a mile of bank around the main basin and a water surface of more than 32 hectares. This is less than half the size of Claudius's harbour.
. Juvenal (Satires) 12.78–9: non sic igitur mirabere portus quos natura dedit.
. A modius was a unit of measurement for dry goods corresponding to 566.4 cubic inches or 9.28 litres, similar in capacity to a British imperial peck (554.84 cubic inches or 9.092 litres). The figure of 20 million modii comes from a fourth-century epitome. For North Africa supplying twice as much as Egypt, see Josephus (Jewish War) II, 383, 386, writing in the mid-first century. The figures have been questioned. For a discussion, see Garnsey (1988), pp. 231–2, and Rickman (1980), pp. 118–21.
. Tacitus (Annals) 43.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 18.2. That ships did travel off season, often in extremely dangerous conditions, is dramatically shown in the Acts of the Apostles, when the Alexandrian grain ship bound for Rome to which St Paul is transferred as a prisoner, at Myra in Lycia, is shipwrecked while sailing in the 'closed' season, with 276 passengers on board: Acts of the Apostles 27.
. Seneca (Letters) 77.1. It is not certain when the grain ships ceased to use Puteoli. It is possible that during the Hadrianic period some continued to dock here.
. Pomey (ed.) (1999), p. 113.
. For colours of sails, see Casson (1995), pp. 234–5 and references 45–9. He cites e.g. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XIX, 22: 'Cleopatra had a purple sail when she came with Mark Antony to Actium and with the same sail she fled.' A purple sail was subsequently the distinguishing mark of the emperor's ship.
. Aelius Aristides (On Rome), Oration XXVI, 13.
. The Alexandrian grain ship that brought St Paul to Rome went under the sign of Castor and Pollux (Acts of the Apostles) 28.11.
. Casson (1995), p. 358.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXV, 41: 'in painting ships of war the wax colours are melted and laid on with a brush while hot. Painting of this nature, applied to vessels, will never spoil from the action of the sun, winds, or salt water'.
. See, for example, Catullus (Poems) 4: phaselus ille, quem videtis, hospites / ait fuisse navium celerrimus. That phaselus which you see, guests, says she was the fastest of ships.
. For St Paul's journey by grain ship, see Acts of the Apostles 27. For a discussion of ships' tonnage and passenger numbers, see Casson (1995), Chapter 9 Appendix, pp. 183–200.
. Statius (Silvae) III, 2: Propempticon for Maecius Celer. A propempticon is an escort or send-off.
. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon) 15. Melite and Clitophon have their own private cabin on the ship.
. Literary sources only provide vague information about life below deck. In Petronius's Satyricon, the maid takes Giton below deck to disguise him with her mistress's false hair and eyebrows, while in a poem of Paulinus of Nola, Martinianus falls into a deep sleep in prorae sinu, 'in the bosom of the prow', on a hard bed (duro cubili), presumably meaning the floor. Paulinus of Nola (Poems) 24, v.167: qui tunc remoto fessus in prorae sinu et securus innocentia, / Ionas ut olim ventre navis abditus, somnos anhelabat graves. Sed excitatus luctuosis undique pereuntium clamoribus / pedibusque turbae membra quassus omnia, / duro cubili prosilit.
. Casson (1995), p. 176 and footnote 40, citing Paulinus of Nola (Epistles) 49.1; Lucian (Zeus Tragoedus) 48; Suetonius (Tiberius) 51 for bilge duty as punishment.
. There is one that is astonishingly well preserved in the Musée d'Archéologie at Antibes.
. Papyrus London 1979 for leather cushions in Skeat (ed.) (1974), pp. 74–5, cited in André and Baslez (1993), p. 424; see Aelius Aristides (The Sacred Tales) II, 65–8, and IV, 32–6, for vivid descriptions of the discomforts of sailing. Papyrus London 1979, which was written from Alexandria, mentions people having to leave their leather pillows and cushions behind because the captain cannot get them cleared through customs and they have to be sent on later. The letter, however, dates from 2 January 252 BC. The January date is interesting as the travellers have evidently sailed the Mediterranean in winter.
. Petronius (Satyricon) CIX. In the Satyricon, Lichas, the owner of a ship that is about to go down, implores Encolpius to restore a sacred cloak and sistrum (ceremonial rattle), which the latter has stolen from a votive statue of Isis on board the ship. See also Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon) 32.
. A poetic version of the form such a ceremony might take is preserved in the Anthology: 'Phoebus Apollo, who lives on the sheer height of Leucas visible from afar to sailors, and washed by the Ionian Sea, accept from the sailors a feast of barley cake kneaded by hand and a libation mixed in a small cup, accept too, the poor light of this lamp lit from a mean little oil-flask. In return for these offerings, be kind to us and send to our sails a favourable breeze carrying us with it to the shore of Actium.' The Greek Anthology (Philippus) VI, 251 to Apollo: see also The Greek Anthology (Macedonius the Consul) VI, 69 and 70.
. For a reconstruction drawing and description of such a kitchen based on the galley found in the excavation of a seventh-century Byzantine wreck, the Yassi Adi I, in Turkey, see Pomey (ed.) (1999), pp. 106 and 189–91, and also the excavation report of Bass (1962).
. Pomey (ed.) (1999), p. 107, cites excavations where evidence for animals onboard has been found.
. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon) 32.
. As depicted on the third-century Torlonia relief, Museo delle Navi, Fiumicino. The arch at Richborough may also have been topped with elephants.
. Juvenal (Satires) XII, 77.
. Lucian (Zeus Tragoedus) 48–9.
. The small shelter suspended over open water behind the stern post, which is depicted on some illustrations of ships, may be a latrine. Later, medieval ships had latrines in a similar position. Casson (1995), p. 181 and footnote 61.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXVIII, 52.
. Acts of the Apostles 27.3.
. Philo (On the Embassy to Gaius) XXXIII, 251–3.
. 'At breakfast time, a young man who had settled his belongings next to ours very kindly asked us to eat with him... we put what we had together in the middle and shared both food and conversation.' A scene described by Achilles Tatius in Leucippe and Clitophon II, 33. Translation by John J. Winkler, in Reardon (ed.) (1989).
. Ovid (Tristia) I, ii: nec letum timeo; genus est miserabile leti; / demite naufragium, mors mihi munus erit. / est aliquid, fatove suo ferrove cadentem / in solida moriens ponere corpus humo / et mandare suis aliqua et sperare sepulcrum / et non aequoreis piscibus esse cibum.
. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon), III, 1–5, with translation based on that by John J. Winkler, in Reardon (ed.) (1989).
III. PORTUS OSTIENSIS TO OCEANUS BRITANNICUS
. According to Tacitus, the assassins of Faustus Cornelius Sulla Felix—a small group of men, keen to complete their mission as fast as possible—took six days to travel to Marseille from Rome in ad 62. Tacitus (Annals) XIV, 57: Sulla sexto die pervectis Massiliam percussoribus ante metum et rumorem interficitur, cum epulandi causa discumberet. Relatum caput eius inlusit Nero tamquam praematura canitie deforme, 'Sulla was killed by the assassins who reached Marseille on the sixth day—before fear and rumour—and when he was reclining at dinner. His head was brought back [to Rome] where Nero was amused to see his unsightly prematurely grey hair.'
. For a description, see Pliny the Younger (Letters) VI, 31.
. Meiggs (1973), p. 59, but he gives no reference for this statement.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) 7.16 wrote that he hoped to persuade Calestrius Tiro, travelling to Baetica in ad 107 as the new proconsul of the province, to make a diversion to see his wife's grandfather at Ticinum on the Po River near Mediolanum (Milan) and to manumit some slaves on his behalf, which he was entitled to do through his authority as a proconsul.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) II, 46: 'similarly in the province of Narbonne the most famous of the winds is Circius (WNW) which is inferior to none other at all in force and which usually carries a vessel right across the Ligurian Sea to Ostia'.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XIX, 1.
. Sulpicius Severus (Dialogues) 1.1: 'landing on the 30th day at Marseilles, I came on from there and arrived here on the tenth day—so prosperous a voyage was granted to my dutiful desire of seeing you'.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) III, 31, and see Syme (1999), p. 73, on Pliny the Younger's account of being asked: Italicus es an provicialis?, 'Are you Italian or from the Province?'
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) 5.19.
. Colonia Claudia Aequum, to give the city its full name. For Severus's ancestry, see Piso (1993), p. 45; see also Birley (1981), pp. 130 and 348.
. Strabo (Geography) IV, 5.1–5, for routes from Gaul; Diodorus Siculus (History) V, 21–2, for a description of Britain and the tin trade, including the length of time it took for tin traders to cross Gaul.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 4.3: arcebat eum ab inlecebris peccantium praeter ipsius bonam integramque naturam, quod statim parvulus sedem ac magistram studiorum Massiliam habuit, locum Graeca comitate et provinciali parsimonia mixtum ac bene compositum.
. The Greek Anthology (Diodorus) VI, 245.
. Achilles Tatius (Leucippe and Clitophon), 1.1.
. P. Princeton 220. Quoted in in W. Scheidel (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to the Roman Economy (2012), p. 232.
. Plutarch (Moralia) 518e, 'on busybodies'.
. See Quintilian (Declamation) 359—a case of an altercation between a customs man and a woman wearing an expensive string of pearls: praeter instrumenta itineris omnes res quadragesimam publicano debeant, 'except for travelling items let all items owe 2.5 per cent excise duty'.
. For letters of introduction, see, for example, Horace (Letters) XII; Pliny the Younger (Letters) I, 4; and Apuleius (Metamorphoses), 1.22.
. Plautus (The Soldier) I.741.
. Diodorus Siculus (History) V, 22.
. See Carreras and Morais (2010), pp. 261–4, for a summary of the Atlantic trade routes in the first century BC and the effect of the Roman conquest of Gaul.
. Dion (1968), 503.
. Marcus Aurelius Lunaris, a sevir Augustalis—a priest of the imperial cult—at both Eboracum (York) and Lindum (Lincoln) was one such prominent Yorkshire businessman trading with Bordeaux. On his safe arrival at Burdigala in ad 237, he dedicated an altar to the presiding goddess of the city, the 'Tutela Bourdigalae', and to Salus (good health) in fulfilment of a vow he had made on leaving York. The altar is carved out of sandstone brought especially from Yorkshire (the stone local to Burdigala is limestone), and is dated ad 237. It is on display at the Musée d'Aquitaine, Bordeaux: Inv.: 60.1.354.
. Peacock (1978), pp. 49–51.
. The social pressure to put on gladiatorial shows eventually led to the intervention of the emperor and Senate in the late second century ad; in Woolf (1998), pp. 216–17. The inscription concerning the ruling on shows and fixing the price of gladiators for games given by city magistrates and high priests of provincial councils comes from Italica in Spain but refers to the concilium Galliarum; see Millar (1977), p. 195.
. For Lugdunum as the birthplace of Claudius, see Suetonius (Claudius), 2; for the possibility that Claudius spent the winter at Lugdunum on his return from Britain in ad 43–44, see Halfmann (1986), pp. 172–3. Hadrian might also have overwintered at Lugdunum on his journey through the north-western provinces in ad 121–2: see Syme (1988), p. 160.
. Hotel names in Chevallier (1983), p. 190, who also makes the pleasing suggestion that ad Decem Pagos, 'at the Ten Cantons', may be translated as an Inter-Continental. He also provides a list of European place names derived from the Latin Taberna.
. Mercurius hic lucrum promittit, Apollo salutem, Septumanus hospitium cum prandio, qui venerit, melius utetur post. Hospes, ubi maneas, prospice. CIL XIII 2031 (Lyon).
. Galen (De alimentorum facultatibus) 3.2, 6.66K. Galen was born in Pergamum in c. ad 129.
. For sex at inns, see a curious inscription, CIL IX 2689, apparently erected by L. Calidius Eroticus (roughly equivalent to Lucius 'Hot Sex'), who 'while he was still living', made it for himself and for 'Voluptuous Fannia'. It depicts two men counting up on their fingers and the following dialogue: 'Boss, let's settle up. You had one sextarius of wine, bread at one ass, mezze two asses.' 'Correct'. 'A girl, eight asses.' 'That's also correct.' 'Hay for the mule, two asses.' 'That mule will ruin me.' Copo, computemus' Habes vini sextarium unum, pane(m) assem unum, pulmentar(ium) asses duos./ 'convenit'/ puell(am), asses octo'/ et hoc convenit / faenum mulo, asses duos / iste mulus me ad factum dabit. It is not clear whether this is a joke between two lovers or at someone's expense or an advert for an inn.
. For a porter at the gate, see Apuleius (Metamorphoses) 15.1; for a porter arranging dinner, see Petronius (Satyricon) 90:7.
. Apuleius (Metamorphoses) I, 11: grabatulus, alioquin breviculus et uno pede mutilus et putris, 'my camp bed which was rather short and with one broken, rotten leg'.
. CIL V 6668.
. Horace (Satires) I, 5.7–8: hic ego propter aquam, quod erat deterrima, ventri indico bellum, cenantis haud animo aequo expectans comites... , 'here because of the water which was terrible, my stomach waged war with me and I had to watch my companions dine while feeling out of sorts'.
. Horace (Satires) I, 5.71–2.
. Horace (Satires) II, 4.58–62.
. Appian (Gallic Wars) 5 (fragments preserved in Constantine Porphyrogenitus (The Embassies) I, 90.
. Diodorus Siculus (The Library of History) V, 26. See Woolf (1998), pp. 179ff .
. Martial (Epigrams) XIII, 107; XIII, 123; XIV, 118; X, 36; and see also Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXIII, 47, for Marseille. See also Woolf (1998), p. 185.
. CIL XV 4547, 4553, for more Baeterrae inscriptions.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XIV, 62–94.
. CIL XIII 10018, 7, found on a curiously shaped bottle in Paris; CIL XIII 10018, 131, 157 see Kleberg (1957), p. 110. Both inscriptions are from a series of cups produced in Gaul in the third century ad.
. Horace (Satire) I, 5, 82–5: Hic ego mendacem stultissimus usque puellam ad mediam noctem exspecto; somnus tamen aufert intentum veneri; tum inmundo somnia visu nocturnam vestem maculant ventremque supinum...
. CIL IV 4957: Miximus in lecto, Fateor, peccavimus, hospes. Si dices: quare? Nulla fuit matella.
. Croom (2010), pp. 135–6, and Wild's work passim on Gallic and British clothing cited in Bibliography.
. Birley (2013), p. 10.
. The group that accompanies Severus to Britannia would have been the sort of trusted friends, family and colleagues whom Marcus Cornelius Fronto enlisted when appointed proconsul of Asia in about ad 153–4: 'I called from home relations and friends, whose loyalty and integrity I could count on, to assist me. I wrote to my intimates at Alexandria to get to Athens as quickly as they could and wait for me there and I put these very learned men in charge of my Greek correspondence... From Mauretania also I summoned to my side Julius Senex... to help me not only through his loyalty and hard work but in his military expertise at hunting down and fighting bandits.' Fronto (To Antoninus Pius) 8. Fronto did not take up the post, because of ill health. See Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, 25, for anxiety over the late arrival—towards the end of November—of the legate Servilius Pudens in Nicomedia in Bithynia.
. This estimate is by comparison with the 50 acres of a standard legionary fortress, which could accommodate about 5,500 men. The size of the barracks is unknown, but Mason (2003), p. 106, estimates that at least 4,000 men could be accommodated there, enough for twenty triremes or more than sixty liburnian biremes.
. Suetonius (Caligula) 46ff.; Dio Cassius (Roman History) LIX, 25.2.
. Arrian (Periplus Ponti Euxini) V, 2, 'Circumnavigation of the Euxine Sea', where everything is salvaged when one of the boats in their convoy is shipwrecked.
. CIL XIII 3543, 3544.
. Tacitus (Histories ) I, 58.
. Tacitus (Histories) IV, 12.
. AE 1956.249, Cologne: Aemilius son of Saen(i)us who served in the Classis Germanica and was buried at Cologne. If this records a man from the Dumnonii of Devon, then it is the earliest record of a Briton serving in the Roman fleet.
. A mosaic at Bad Kreuznach depicts a ship with a leather sail. Ellmers (1978), pp. 1–14.
. Caesar (Gallic War) III, 13.
. Mason (2003), p. 52.
. Tacitus (Annals) II, 6.
. Arrian (Periplus), 3–6, has several ships to escort him around his province of Cappadocia in the ad 130s.
. (Digest) 1.16.4.4, quoting Ulpian (On the Duties of a Proconsul) I.
. CIL XIII 3564, of uncertain date. See Mason (2003), p. 105.
. Caesar (Gallic War) V, 1 for adapting ships to sail in tidal conditions during his second expedition, and Tacitus (Annals) II, 6 describes boats being adapted to suit specific conditions and for different purposes during Germanicus's war in Germany.
. (Digest) 37.13.1, quoting Ulpian (On the Edict) 45: 'in the fleets all rowers and sailors are soldiers'; see also Casson (1995), p. 310.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) XLVIII, 51.5, for Agrippa training oarsmen on practice benches.
. Caesar (Gallic War) IV, 23.
IV. ARRIVAL IN BRITANNIA
. It was occasionally referred to as Albion by later writers, though in a consciously antiquarian way. A fourth-century poem by Avienus describing Britain as the insula Albionum is ultimately based on a sixth-century BC journey from Marseille, pre-dating Pytheas. See Rivet and Smith (1979), p. 39.
. Dio Cassius (Roman History) LIII, 13.
. (Digest) 1.18.15, quoting Marcianus (De iudiciis publicis—On Public Proceedings), I.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 33.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 18.
. 'The whole remaining population with wives and children were waiting by the roadsides to receive him and each group cried out as he passed and the whole city was filled like a temple with garlands and incense. On his arrival he offered sacrifices of thanksgiving for his homecoming to the household gods.' Josephus (Jewish War) VII, 69–72.
. On arrival in Asia, for example, the incoming proconsul is obliged always to travel there by sea and to land at Ephesus before continuing to any of the other principal cities—at the request of the people of the province themselves. (Digest) 1.16.4–5, quoting Ulpian (On the Duties of a Proconsul) I.
. When a philosopher called Agesilaus failed to join a welcoming party for the emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193–211) in Anazarbus in Cilicia (southern Turkey), claiming that he was too busy being a philosopher, the emperor sent him into exile. Millar (1992), p. 31.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 38.
. Josephus (Jewish War) VII, 69.
. Juvenal (Satires) IV, 139–142; Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXII, 62. Oyster connoisseurship was not just a passing fad of the first century. Some 300 years later, Ausonius loyally accorded the winning prize to his native Bordeaux oysters, which he described lovingly as 'very tender, with plump white flesh, the sweetness of their jus mixing with the taste of seawater to give them a light, salty touch.' Ausonius (Epistles) III, 24–5.
. A sandstone altar found near the Painted House at Dover, RIB 65b, records a dedication to the Mother Goddesses of Italy by Olus Cordius Candidus, who held the office of strator consularis, transport officer for the provincial governor. See Hassall and Tomlin (1977), pp. 426–7, no. 4.
. The road entered Canterbury at the Queningate, (built in the Roman wall in the late third century and passing through the area of the present cathedral precinct). This gate was blocked in the medieval period and replaced by Burgate. Wacher (2nd edition, 1995), p. 189.
. There is a similar example at Lutetia Parisiorum (Paris), for example. Later in the third century ad it was replaced by an expanded and more thoroughly Classical theatre.
. It is not clear exactly when this happened.
. The workaholic elder Pliny kept a secretary by his side complete with book and notebook (ad latus notarius cum libro et pugillaribus) when travelling so that he would not waste a moment of work. He scolded his nephew Pliny the Younger for choosing to walk and thus wasting precious work time. Pliny (Letters) III, 5.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 33.
. Horace (Epistles) 17.7. Aelius Aristides, travelling in autumn ad 144, was taken ill and felt unable to travel overland, 'for my body would not bear the shaking'. So he and his companions sold their remaining pack animals and risked taking a ship, despite inclement weather. Aelius Aristides (Sacred Tales) II, 65ff.
. Pliny the Younger in Letters X ascribed the fever he suffered on his way to Bithynia as being caused by the heat and fatigue of travelling overland.
. Suetonius (Augustus) 49.
. Pliny the Younger scrupulously asked special permission of Trajan for his wife to be issued with such a permit when she needed to travel unexpectedly because of a family emergency. Pliny (Letters) X, 120 and 121.
. The regulations are contained in the fourth–fifth-century Codex Theodosianus.
. The site developed over the course of the century, and other temples were built, there as well as a Jupiter column and monumental gateway. See Andrews (2008), pp. 45–62.
. The route would have taken them through what is now Greenwich Park. Watling Street coming down Shooters Hill was, at this point, aligned directly with Westminster, but because of a loop of the river at Deptford it needed to go south, where its exact course is unknown. It then seems to have followed the course of the Old Kent Road and joined with Stane Street at Borough High Street. Margary (1972), p. 55.
V. LONDINIUM
. The route from the Kent ports joins Stane Street at Borough High Street. Margary (1973), p. 55.
. Cowan (2003), p. 56 and passim; Cowan et al. (2009), pp. 18–24.
. Drummond-Murray, Thompson and Cowan (2002), p. 6.
. Yule (2005).
. The shrine is conjectural. A lead curse tablet (defixio) was found on the north foreshore of the Thames, near the site of the bridge, asking 'Metunus' [Neptune] to avenge the supplicant before nine days were up—which could suggest that there was a shrine to Neptune on the bridge, as at Newcastle. For details of the London defixio, see Hassall and Tomlin (1987), pp. 360–3.
. For revolving cranes, see Vitruvius (On Architecture) X, 2.10, in Casson (1995), p. 370, n. 41: ad onerandas et exonerandas naves sunt paratae, aliae erectae, aliae planae in carchesiis versatilibus conlocatae, 'for loading and unloading ships there are derricks, some fixed vertically, others horizontally on revolving platforms'.
. Marsden, p. 22.
. Peacock (1978) p. 49ff. Dressel 30 is the second-most common type found in London.
. Rodriguez, quoted in Opper (2008), p. 40.
. The instructions are given by Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXII, 21; see Milne (1985), p. 95.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXI, 93.
. RIB 2492.11 Cod(ae) ting(tae) ve(tus) penuar(ium), though there are other possible readings, see RIB II, Fascicle 6 (1994), p. 5.
. Such a boat was found in Thames mud in 1962 at Blackfriars. Its trees were felled between ad 130 and ad 175. It plied the waters of the Thames Estuary for perhaps another couple of decades, before being wrecked in the middle of the century near the mouth of the River Fleet. Merrifield (1983), p. 50, and Milne (1985), p. 38.
. On the north side of the basilica are offices with shops adjoining them, separated by partition walls and accessible only from the street.
. It is possible—as suggested in Brigham with Crowley (1992), pp. 96–113.
. Tacitus (Annals) XIV, 33: copia negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre.
. For statues in fora and decoration with garlands, see, for example, the vivid depictions of the forum from wall-paintings found in the House of Julia Felix at Pompeii. The originals are badly faded, but there is a fine set of eighteenth-century engravings in Le antichità di Erocolano, Vol. III (1762).
. Millar (1992), pp. 348–9. See Pliny the Younger (Letters) II, 11.2, for an example.
. Millar (1992), pp. 348 and 389.
. Tacitus (Annals) XIV, 32, for an account of Boudicca's destruction of Colchester.
. Cowan et al. (2009), pp. 100–1.
. RIB 2491.147, Austalis dibus xiii vagatur sib[i]cotidim, found in Warwick Lane and now in the Museum of London.
. Tacitus (Annals) XIV, 33.
. (Digest) 1.15.3, quoting Paulus (On the Duty of the Prefect of the Guard), in Croom (2011), p. 83.
. (Digest) 33.7.12, 18, quoting Ulpian (On Sabinus) XX.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, 33.2.
. This is at what became Pudding Lane, Perring (1991), pp. 73–4 and Milne (1985), p. 140. It was in Pudding Lane that the 'Great Fire of London' broke out in 1666.
. As shown in the correspondence of Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, with the Emperor Trajan.
. (Digest) 1.16.8, quoting Ulpian (On the Edict) 39: Et ideo maius imperium in ea provincia habet omnibus post principem, 'Therefore the proconsul in his own province has greater authority than anyone else except the emperor.'
. Birley (1981).
. A third-century inscription from a villa at Combe Down in Somerset names Naevius 'freedman and assistant of the procurators' who restored a 'headquarters' (RIB 179). The reference to procurators in the plural indicates that this inscription dates from after the division of Britannia into two provinces.
. One of the clearest examples of a rift between governor and procurator in Britannia occurred during the reign of Nero, in the aftermath of Boudicca's revolt. The newly arrived procurator Gaius Julius Alpinus Classicianus, who came from northern Gaul, objected to the 'scorched earth' policy being pursued by Governor Suetonius Paullinus, even in areas that had remained loyal, a situation that not only created economic hardship (and hence the risk of a fall in future revenues) but also caused considerable suffering and was thereby exacerbating hostility to the Roman presence in Britannia. Classicianus complained to Nero, and the situation was investigated, with Paullinus being replaced early with a more placatory governor, Publius Petronius Turpilianus. Classicianus died in post in the mid-60s, and his wife erected a handsome memorial to him in London (RIB 12). Relationships between procurator and governor met their nadir in ad 69, when one procurator put a governor to death, albeit under the orders of the sleazy Emperor Galba. See Tacitus (Histories) I, 7, for the Galba episode. An example of a more cordial relationship is given in Tacitus (Agricola) IX, where Tacitus commends Agricola for getting on so well with his procurator when he was governor of Aquitania; Pflaum (1950), pp. 157–160.
. Pflaum (1950), but for scepticism about the extent of the Hadrianic reorganization, see Brunt (1983), pp. 42–75.
. Tacitus (Agricola) XV, albeit describing an earlier period, tells how the procurator of Britannia used freedmen to exercise power.
. The legal document written on a wooden tablet recording the sale of Fortunata was found in London and has been dated to c. ad 7–125. Incidentally, when the tablet states that the slave is called 'Fortunata or whatever she was known by', this does not in itself reflect a casual disregard for her name but was a legal phrase to cover the eventuality that she might have been known by other names. This concern with nomenclature is also expressed in prayers to deities and the belief that no deity who was wrongly addressed would respond to a prayer. In a world of multiple gods and goddesses with their multiplicity of names, qualifications are found such as 'to the nymphs or whatever name you wish to be called'. See Tomlin (2003). For a whole entourage of slaves owned by slaves see ILS 1514, a funerary monument dedicated to Musicus Scurranus—a slave accountant (dispensator) of the Emperor Tiberius, who worked at the Treasury for the province of Gallia Lugdunensis—by the sixteen sub-slaves of his own, including secretaries, cooks, footmen, a valet, a doctor and others, who were all with him when he died on a visit to Rome.
. A man called Rufus, instructing his Celtic correspondent Epillicus in London; diligenter cura(m) agas ut illam puellam ad nummum redigas; RIB II, 4,2443.7.
. There is a record of a case presided over by a certain iuridicus Lucius Javolenus Priscus in the ad 70s or 80s, regarding the estate of a helmsman in the classis Britannica whose son had predeceased him. It is quoted in (Digest) 36.1.48. An important document (RIB 2504.29) found in London, dated 14 March 118, refers to a dispute over the tenure of a wood in Kent called Verlucionum. It is the type of case that a judicial legate might have heard, and it demonstrates that land and property in Britannia was now firmly under Roman law.
. CIL XI 384; Birley (2005), pp. 272–3.
. Hassall (2012), pp. 158–63.
. The wood might have been recycled from barrels containing imported goods from other northern provinces. Cowan et al. (2009), p. 98.
. In one letter found at Vindolanda just south of the northern frontier, for example, a secretary presumes that his boss has said 'et hiem', 'and winter' (the 'h' being pronounced silently), following something about tempestates (storms). But he has to cross out 'et hiem' when he realizes that etiam si, 'even if', was meant. Vindolanda Tablet 234; see Bowman and Thomas's commentary on the text for the suggestion that this was a phonetic dictation error.
. At the time, he was looking for an applicable legal ruling, implying that he was drawing on an extensive archive or library, although it is not clear whether this was his personal library or one at his disposal in the province. Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, 65.
. Tomlin (2003), p. 41; Suetonius (Nero) 17.
. Jones (1949), pp. 38–55.
. See the late-first-century figure of an officer from a funerary monument found in Camomile Street, London, which depicts him in military dress but carrying a scroll and writing tablets. See Bishop (1983), pp. 31–48.
. Hassall (1996), p. 20.
. Hassall (1996), p. 21.
. RIB 235, from Dorchester: M. Varius Severus, beneficiarius consularis; and RIB 88 from Winchester, a shrine to the Matres dedicated by Antonius Lucretianus, beneficiarius consularis; and also at many other places, especially on the northern frontier.
. Such as Veldedeius, the recipient in Londinium of a letter sent from his old mess-mate Chauttius from Vindolanda, who was seconded from the north to serve the governor in Londinium for a while. Vindolanda Tablet 310.
. SHA (Hadrian) XIV, for gladiatorial weapons; SHA (Hadrian) XIX, on building and games in every city.
. This took place in either ad 125–6 or 128–9.
. Dio (Epitome) LXIX, 10.2; SHA (Hadrian) XIX, 2–4. Jennison (1937), p. 84.
. This is speculative. The south gate of the London amphitheatre is more elaborate than the other entrances and its twin passage walls could well have supported a box for the governor. For a discussion about the entrances and tribunalia, see Bateman (2011), pp. 98, 105 and 125.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 25.
. Dio Cassius (Epitome) LXIX, 8.2; see also SHA (Hadrian) XVIII.
. Suetonius (Augustus) 44.3.
. Fifty-three items of personal adornment have been found, such as brooches, rings, bracelets, hairpins and shoes, including a fine gold and pearl necklace clasp and bone hairpins with the head of Minerva. See Bateman, Cowan and Wroe-Brown (2008), pp. 132–3.
. Fragments of these clibani or portable ovens, together with a miniature Samian-ware bowl depicting a gladiatorial scene, were found outside the Chester amphitheatre, together with specially brought-in yellow sand containing a human tooth; see Wilmott (2008), p. 178 and fig. 27.
. A fragment of first-century South Gaulish Samian ware was found in the arena depicting this scene, RP 172. See Bird in Bateman, Cowan and Wroe-Brown (2008), pp. 135–40 and fig. 129. For human bone in the arena, see ibid., pp. 128–9.
. Bateman, Cowan and Wroe-Brown (2008), p. 128.
. Scobie (1988). The ivory inlaid rollers are hinted at in a poem from Nero's time regarding the pre-Colosseum amphitheatre at Rome.
. Such an iron ring has been found in the legionary amphitheatre at Chester, and a wooden stake that could have served the same purpose (as well as for tethering people) has been found at St Albans. A near complete bull's skull was found in a drain at the London amphitheatre, as has part of a red deer skull and a fragment of bear bone. See Bateman, Cowan and Wroe-Brown (2008), pp. 128–9.
. Martial (de Spectaculis) IX, 3–5, 'On Shows': nuda Caledonio sic viscera praebuit urso/ non falsa pendens in cruce Laureolus, 'Laureolus hanging on a real-life cross offers his naked flesh to a Caledonian bear'.
. Martial (de Spectaculis) VI, 5: Iunctam Pasiphaen Dictaeo credite tauro./ vidimus, accepti fabula prisca fidem./ nec se miretur, Caesar, longaeva vetustas:/ quidquid Fama canit, praestat harena tibi, 'Believe that Pasiphae had union with a Cretan bull / we have seen it and accept that the old myth is true; long ago antiquity shouldn't rest on its laurels, Caesar,/ whatever fame boasts about is presented to you in the arena.'
. RIB 9. Alfidus Olussa died in London, at the age of seventy; his tombstone was erected near Tower Hill.
. RIB 3014 was found in 2002 in Tabard Street, Southwark, buried in a pit between two Romano-Celtic temples: num(inibus) Aug(ustorum) deo Marti Ca/mulo Tiberini/us Cerlerianus c(ivis) Bell(ovaus) moritix Londiniensi/um primus..., 'To the divinities of the emperors and to the god Mars Camulus. Tiberinius Celerianus, a citizen of the Bellovaci, moritix, of Londoners the first...' For a commentary, see Roger Tomlin in Britannia (2002), p. 364. The inscription dates from the 160s.
VI. WESTWARDS TO CALLEVA ATREBATUM
. RIB 725 from Catterick, ad 191. Roman inscriptions used abbreviations in a similar way to those found in text messages. 'SC' probably stands for summus curator, meaning chief supply officer or accounts manager, a man whose job depended on good roads to ensure supplies reached the auxiliary fort at Catterick, which was an important supply centre. The 'SC' in this inscription has also been translated as singularis consularis, meaning the governor's bodyguard, but the former definition is more likely in the context—although a governor's bodyguard might also be grateful to the gods for good roads. 'FVLLM' is a standard abbreviation for votum, laetus, libens merito, 'joyfully, willingly, deservedly fulfilled his vow'. 'BF COS' stands for beneficiarius consularis, a soldier seconded to the governor's staff on 'special duty'. 'COS' stands for consulares, 'consuls'.
. Pitt (2006), pp. 50–3.
. The line of Watling Street from Kent to Verulamium in fact points towards Westminster and suggests a crossing further west rather than directly into the City: see Margary (1973), p.54; but no traces of such a road have been found and this theory is questioned. See Perring (1991), p. 5, for a brief summary of conflicting views.
. Margary (1973), p. 47.
. For the use of ablative-locatives in British place names, see Rivet and Smith (1979), pp. 34 and 441.
. It is mentioned in the Antonine Itinerary. There was possibly a mansio here, although no evidence has yet been found for one.
. P. Jones (2010).
. Margary (1973), p. 82: the fact that there are no known branches along the road's length indicate that it might have been forested.
. Few milestones survive, here or anywhere else in Britain. Two miles east of Silchester is a possible milestone known locally as the Imp Stone, being inscribed 'IMP'. Local tradition says it was 'thrown by a giant from Silchester'. Victoria County History of Hampshire and the Isle of Wight, Vol. IV (1912), p. 433.
. Hyland (1990), p. 259. Traction animals seem occasionally to have been provided with a form of temporary 'hook on' iron shoes, known as hipposandals, to prevent them slipping in particularly muddy or wet conditions. The remains of several have been found at Ware, for example, where Ermine Street crossed the River Lea, suggesting animals needed extra help descending slippery slopes down to the river during a late period when roads were less well maintained. Allason-Jones (2011), p. 61, referencing Crummy in O'Brien and Roberts (2006), p. 24.
. Davies (1998), p. 71.
. (Digest) 19.2.13.1, quoting Ulpian (On the Edict) 32:... si cisiarius, id est carucharius, dum ceteros transire contendit, cisium evertit et servum quassavit vel occidit.
. Cunliffe (1973), p. 16.
. Noviomagus was perhaps his base. There is a much disputed reading of very hard-to-read letters from the only surviving inscription referring to him which may describe him as 'a great king of Britain'; see Bogaers (1979), pp. 243–54.
. For a summary of Cogidubnus's life, see Malcom Todd's entry 'Cogidubnus (fl. c. ad 47–70)' in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (2004).
. Dating evidence is poor. This first-phase timber amphitheatre is thought to date from c. ad 55–75. It is possible that the amphitheatre had, by ad 130, already been replaced, or was in the process of being replaced, by one more elliptical in shape. In the third century, the amphitheatre was rebuilt in stone in conventional form. There is no evidence for seating arrangements. See Fulford (1989).
. Nigel Sunter in Fulford (1989), pp. 161–76.
. The largest of them contains a cella 3.9 metres (42 feet) square with a 4.11-metre (13 foot 6 inch) wide portico running around it. Fulford (1989). See also Boon (1990), pp. 397–400, suggesting a possible connection between the amphitheatre and temples. The larger northern temple had a concrete floor, while the smaller floors were of plain red tesserae. Bath stone and fragments of Purbeck marble are associated with the site. There is evidence to suggest at least one other temple in the precinct, possibly a fourth. The date the precinct was established is unknown. Wacher (1995), p. 281.
. A small figure of Harpocrates, the god of secrecy and silence, who had once been attached to a charcoal-burning brazier, of a type and quality seen in prosperous homes in Italy was found in a first-century rubbish heap in Calleva. See Crummy (2011), pp. 157–65.
. RIB 69–71. See Frere and Fulford (2002), pp. 167–75.
. Ravens are also significant in the cult of Mithras. Also buried beneath the foundations of the new forum was a small bronze figure of an eagle, once part of a larger statue, perhaps that of an early-first-century Jupiter or the emperor in the persona of Jupiter. This find, now in Reading Museum, inspired Rosemary Sutcliff's children's novel The Eagle of the Ninth. See Boon (1974), pp. 119ff., and Durham (2013), pp. 78–105, for a reappraisal.
. Ritual deposits are found from the late first century BC right through to the fifth century ad, throughout Britain. They occur in major towns and cities, such as London and St Albans, through to small towns, rural sites and military camps. Some of the deposits seem to have been the result of private or familial acts of devotion, but others, involving metal or large numbers of animals, suggest communal activity. The deposits seem to have fulfilled a variety of needs, although what these were is rarely clear. It is often hard to distinguish between what was deposited as a deliberate act of ritual, and what was simply thrown into a random pit. What is to say that the glasses discarded at Calleva did not form part of a Roman bottle bank? Even if items were arranged carefully and seem to be deposited deliberately, that still leaves the questions of what motives lay behind the depositions and under what circumstances they were carried out. Some were apparently foundation deposits, made when new buildings were erected, and some were associated with marking boundaries, while others may have been part of funerary rituals, or practices associated with the changing seasons, or linked to people's work or sporting activities. In London a carefully articulated skeleton of an adult horse, a dog and a juvenile red deer—all arranged nose to tail—were found in a pit. It must signify the hunt in some way, but whether its purpose was to secure good hunting, or to commemorate the life of someone who loved hunting and ensure he would have good hunting in the afterlife (with his horse and his favourite hound beside him), is not known. For a discussion, see Fulford (2001).
. In Silchester, there is evidence perhaps of a vet at work in late Roman times, in the form of a lame dog that has had its paw cleaned and immobilized to prevent infection. Clarke (2006), p. 195.
. Columella (De Res Rustica) X, 342–4. Ovid tells us that dogs' or sheep's entrails could also be used: Ovid (Fasti) IV, 901–10. Inscription about healing dogs from Epidaurus IG IV, 952, 1.36–8, cited in Jenkins (1957), pp. 60–76. See also Green (1992). At the fourth-century shrine at Lydney, Gloucestershire, dedicated to the Celtic god Nodens, pilgrims offered votive objects including cockerels and many images of dogs. The objects included a breathtaking copper-alloy figure of a deerhound, now in the collection of Bristol City Museum. It is not known whether real dogs played a part in either the proceedings at Lydney or at Sequanna's shrine in France.
. Clark (2011).
. Diodoros Siculus V, 28.
. Timby (2011).
. Robinson (2011).
. Whether or not they scooped out their ears in public is not known. For nail cleaners, see Crummy and Eckhardt (2003).
. N. Crummy (2012), pp. 105–25.
. Perring (2002), pp. 49–50.
. Gaius Caligula is said to have been so incensed by (the future emperor) Vespasian's failure to keep the streets clean when he was an aedile and charged with that duty that he ordered Vespasian's senatorial toga to be heaped with mud. Suetonius (Vespasian) 5.3.
. Croom (2011), p. 116.
. P. Dark (2011), pp. 294–300.
. Galen (De Compositione Medicamentorum Secundum Locos) XII, 786. See Boon (1983). And note also the strength report of the first cohort of Tungrians based at Vindolanda at the end of the first century listing fifteen men as sick and ten as having inflammations of the eye. Vindolanda Tablet 154.
VII. AQUAE SULIS
. Margary (1973), p. 135.
. Corney (2001), pp. 15–16.
. Draper (2006), p. 20, and Hostetter and Noble Howe (1997), p. 41. At this period Littlecote Park was still nothing more than a wooden house and barn. It was rebuilt in stone with a brick and flint barn in the 170s. At least thirty-five villas or possible villas have been identified in the area.
. Draper (2006), p. 12.
. Dark and Dark (1997), p. 95.
. Margary (1973), p. 136 and footnote 4, p. 137.
. There may have been a Roman shrine or temple south of the hill, adjacent to the road west. For a discussion of the shafts, and of Roman activity on the hill, see Leary, Field and Campbell (2013), pp. 274–84.
. Leary and Field (2010), p. 159. There was an inn there by the third or fourth century. It has been suggested that the buildings to the north of the road may have been temple precincts around Silbury Hill.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXVI, 16–20, for marvellous monuments in Egypt.
. Plutarch (Moralia) 976C: 'they open their mouths to let their teeth be cleaned by hand and wiped with towels. Recently our excellent Philinus came back from a trip to Egypt and told us that he had seen in Antaeopolis an old woman sleeping on a low bed beside a crocodile which was stretched out beside her in a perfectly decorous way' (Loeb translation, VII, 1957); and Strabo (Geography) XVII, 812, for his charming account of feeding the sacred crocodile at Arsinoe.
. In fact, this was a memorial to Pharoah Amenhotep III (1400 BC), which had split in an earthquake and thereafter could 'speak' at dawn. See Casson (1994) for bibliography on this subject and for sacred crocodiles (above).
. Pliny the Younger describes the resort in detail in (Letters) VIII, 8.6. A site that vividly evokes this account in the twenty-first century and where thermal waters still run into the ruins of the Roman baths, situated by the river, is Fordioganus (Forum Traianii) in Sardinia.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 16.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 21: inde etiam habitus nostri honor et frequens toga; paulatimque discessum ad delenimenta vitiorum, porticus et balinea et conviviorum elegantiam. Idque apud imperitos humanitas vocabatur, cum pars servitutis esset.
. See Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, 32, concerning condemned criminals cleaning baths.
. Pseudo Lucian (Erotes) 8 describes avoiding the guides on Rhodes who do just this: 'two or three fellows rushed up to me offering....'
. See Casson (1994), Chapter 16, for numerous references to dodgy tourist guides.
. For example, Demetrius the silversmith at Ephesus, mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles, made copies of the temple of Diana for tourists. He provoked a riot in the city among other craftsmen, who feared that Christianity, with its abhorrence of idolatry, would destroy their business. Acts of the Apostles 19.22.
. For illustrations of the silver pan, of a second-century date, and other offerings thrown into the sacred spring, see Cunliffe (1988); for souvenirs from Hadrian's Wall and other enamelled objects, see Breeze (2012).
. It was a viewpoint apparently much favoured by gay men, who could fantasise that they were seeing the handsome young Ganymede. See Pseudo Lucian (Erotes) 8–18 for the entertaining account of a visit there.
. Cunliffe and Davenport (1985), p. 24; the courtyard measures 52 metres (170 feet) by 72 metres (236 feet).
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XVI, 251.
. Caesar (Gallic War) VI, 13–14.
. Lucan (The Civil War) III, 453ff.
. Suetonius (Claudius) 25.5.
. Caesar (Gallic War) VI, 14.
. Tacitus (Annals) XIV, 30. The Latin is particularly enjoyable: Stabat pro litore diversa acies, densa armis virisque, intercursantibus feminis; in modum Furiarum veste ferali, crinibus deiectis faces praeferebant; Druidaeque circum, preces, diras sublatis ad caelum manibus fundentes, novitate aspectus perculere militem ut quasi haerentibus membris immobile corpus vulneribus praeberent.
. Lucan (The Civil War) III, 453–57.
. Statius (Silvae) V, 2.147–9. (The shield may possibly be that of Venutius, ex-husband of pro-Roman Queen Cartimandua of the Brigantes.)
. Solinus (Collection of Curiosities) XXII, 10.
. RIB 155: sacerdos deae Sulis.
. Such as the votive bronze axe found near Canterbury in the form of a bull. See Henig (1995), p. 118.
. The inscription that accompanies the statue's dedication shows that his job title was originally abbreviated to 'HAR', in nicely spaced regular letters, but had 'USP' crammed in at the end at a later date. Perhaps the temple authorities felt its meaning was being lost and needed to be spelled out more explicitly, see Cunliffe (2000), p. 49. Confraternities of haruspices are attested in the Rhineland CIL XIII 6765 (Mainz); see Cunliffe (1969), p. 189, no. 1.60.
. RIB 143; RIB 144.
. RIB 149.
. RIB 151.
. RIB 105, possibly the same person. It was discovered in what might have been his mason's yard, together with several pieces cut from Bath stone, and is now in Corinium Museum, Cirencester.
. During the late second or early third century, the baths were extended and entirely re-roofed with an enormous barrel vault.
. SHA (Hadrian) XVIII: lavacra pro sexibus separavit; also mentioned in Dio (Epitome) LXIX, 8.2. For a Hadrianic inscription stating separate bathing hours for men and women, see Lex Metalli Vipascensis (no. 282) and Fagan (1999), p. 184.
. Plutarch (Life of Cato the Elder) XX, 5–6, who tells us in the same passage that at the time fathers avoided bathing with their sons-in-law because they were ashamed about being naked. Later, however, having caught the Greek habit, they even taught the Greeks to bathe when women were present.
. Martial (Epigrams) III, 68.3–4: Gymnasium, thermae, stadium est hac parte: recede! Exuimur, nudos parce videre viros!
. As depicted on the fourth-century mosaics at Piazza Armerina in Sicily. It is often said that the women in bikinis in these pictures are professional acrobats or dancers, but the context is the baths.
. A leather bikini was found in a well in Queen Street in London and is now in the Museum of London.
. For the reference to paxsa(m) ba(ln)earum et [pal]leum from Bath, see Tab. Sulis 32 in Fagan (1999), p. 37, footnote 65. As it might have been stolen in the baths, it may point to being used as a bathrobe rather than a swimming costume. See also SHA (Alexander Severus) XLI, 1, for reference to sets of bathing clothes.
. Juvenal (Satires) VI, 419ff.
. (Digest) 3.2.4.2–3, quoting Ulpian (On the Edict) 6.
. (Digest) 48.17.0. A short chapter is devoted to bath thieves, de furibus balneariis, recommending different types of punishment according to the severity of the crime and the rank of the thieves. If thieves defended themselves or hit anyone, they could be condemned to the mines; people of higher rank could be sent into exile; a soldier caught stealing from the baths would be dishonourably discharged.
. More than half of the 500 or so Latin curse tablets discovered throughout the empire come from Britain, and most of these are from Bath and the surrounding area (the other thousand are written in Greek). Tomlin, in Cunliffe (1988), p. 60.
. Greek Magical Papyri vii, 398–9, cited by Tomlin in Cunliffe (1988), p. 60.
. At Bowness-on-Solway, a merchant called Antonianus dedicated a shrine to the Matres—the Mother Goddesses—and promised them in verse that if they helped his venture he would gild the letters of his poem in return. RIB 2059.
. Late second century, cited by Tomlin in Cunliffe (1988), p. 169.
. No two are written by the same hand, with the exception of one where the writer ran out of room and had to continue on a fresh sheet. Tab. Sulis 95 and 96.
. Tab. Sulis 16.
. One tablet, citing eight Celtic names, is written in a stylish hand: Tab. Sulis 30. See Tomlin in Cunliffe (1988). For the Latin text in Greek letters, see Uley 52.
. The spelling of Patarnianus filius and Matarnus ussor, for example, instead of Paternianus and Maternus, indicates that the writer spoke Latin with a heavy accent, pronouncing their 'e' as an open 'a' when followed by 'r'. Bath curse tablets 30.2–3. See Tomlin in Cunliffe (1988), pp. 146–7. This is something that occurs too in Latin loan-words in Welsh, e.g. taberna becomes tafarn; serpens, sarff; see Adams (1992) and Smith, in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt (ANRW) (1983), p. 900.
. The only possible votive offerings found in the spring representing body parts are one amulet of breasts made of elephant ivory and another small copper-alloy breast. Cunliffe (1988), pp. 7, 8 and 36.
. The elaborately carved blocks associated with the tholos are comparable in workmanship to the baths at Sens in northern France. Cunliffe (2000), p. 110.
VIII. INTO WALES:
TO THE LEGIONARY FORTRESS
OF ISCA AUGUSTA
. Text from Lanna (2013), p. 231. This poem written by Hadrian's court musician Mesomodes captures the hypnotic and inescapable beauty and attraction of Nemesis. Mesomodes of Crete, a freedman of Hadrian, worked at the Museion in Alexandria and is said to have been the composer of the panegyric written to celebrate the life of Hadrian's beloved Antinous. His hymn to Nemesis is one of four that preserve the ancient musical notation written over the text. According to the SHA (Antoninus Pius) VII, 8, his state salary was reduced after Hadrian's death, but he was honoured by a cenotaph erected by Caracalla 100 years after his death.
. Abonae may possibly have been a base for a squadron of the fleet. See Burnham and Davies (2010), p. 38.
. Margary (1973), p. 138.
. Bennett (1985), pp. 3–4.
. For the etymology of the name, see Rivet and Smith (1979), pp. 450–1.
. It has been conjectured that there might also have been a ferry crossing running from Aust to Sudbrook, on the Welsh side of the Severn, with other ferry terminals at Black Rock and Magor on the Welsh coast. See Burnham and Davies (2010), p. 99.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 11: Silurem colorati vultus, torti plerumque crines et posita contra Hispania Hiberos veteres traiecisse easque sedes occupasse fidem faciunt. While the geography may be a little dodgy, the people of northern Spain and Brittany and the Celtic people of Cornwall, Wales, Ireland and western Scotland are now considered to be of common descent: see Cunliffe (2001).
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 32: atrocitate non clementia.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 38.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 39.
. Tacitus (Annals) XII, 39.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 17: validamque et pugnacem Silurum.
. It is most exposed from the north-west, where the land rises steeply to the site of an imposing former hillfort at Lodge Wood, which overlooks the mouth of the Usk and parts of the Severn Estuary.
. From where the River Usk ultimately derives its name. (Welsh Wysg is connected but the etymology is complicated; see Rivet and Smith (1979) pp. 376–8.) The modern name 'Caerleon' is derived from the Welsh for 'fortress of the legion', first referred to around ad 800 as Cair Legeion guar Uisc.
. There are parallels for large courtyard buildings situated outside legionary forts at Nijmegen (in the Netherlands) and Carnuntum (in Austria), and also at Mirebeau (in France) and Vindonissa (in Switzerland), where they are similarly close to the amphitheatre as is the case at Caerleon. It is not clear what they were used for. See Guest, Luke and Pudney (2012), p. 8 and passim, for a description of excavations of the courtyard building and associated structures in the southern canabae.
. RIB 369. The tombstone also remembers their mother, Tadia Vallaunius, who died at the age of sixty-five.
. A fragment of a wooden tablet found at Caerleon provides such a list and is on display at the National Roman Army Museum.
. As cited on a papyrus from Dura Europos, early third century: P. Dura 82.
. The devastating effects of Roman gold-mining techniques and their vast scale are still vividly apparent at Las Médulas in north-western Spain.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXIII, 21.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXIV, 49.
. The exact location of the mines is unknown; they were possibly near Wirksworth. See Rivet and Smith (1979), pp. 403–4.
. Tylecote (1964), p. 34.
. As on a lead pig from Lutudarum (Wirksworth?, Derbyshire) RIB 2404.39: IMP CAES HADRIANI AUG MET LUT.
. Pliny the Elder (Natural History) XXXIV, 50.18: 'the orator Calvus is said to have cured himself by these plates and so preserved his bodily energies for labour and study'; see Boulakia (1972), pp. 139–44.
. Suetonius (Vespasian) 4.1.
. For the porticoed courtyard building at Caerleon, see Guest, Luke and Pudney (2012), pp. 91–2. Gardens and fountains were common features of such buildings elsewhere.
. Zienkiewicz (1986), Vol. I, pp. 115ff.
. Zankiewicz (1986), Vol. II, pp. 226ff.
. They are comparable in scale with the surviving Roman baths at Cluny in Paris.
. A fragment of a round basin (labrum) found at 'Castle' baths outside the fortress walls in 1849 was carved from Purbeck marble and decorated with a Gorgon's head.
. Zankiewicz (1986), Vol II, p. 223.
. The strigil is thought to date from c. ad 150–200 and was possibly made in Syria or Egypt. See Zankiewicz (1986), Vol. II, p. 166.
. Two dates in May are given for the rosaliae signorum—the 10th and 31st of the month. All military units celebrated a calendar of festivals: the Feriale Duranum, a papyrus believed to date from the ad 220s and found at Dura Europos, Syria, where the Cohort XX Palmyrenorum was stationed, is the only surviving example. For a reference in the Feriale Duranum to the rosaliae feriale, see col. II.II. 8, 14. For an interesting discussion about evidence for the celebration of military festivals on other inscriptions, see Fishwick (1988), pp. 349–61.
. Valerius Maximus (Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilium,'Memorable Deeds and Sayings') II, 4.7, on the date on which gladiatorial spectacles were first celebrated at Rome in the Forum Boiarum. Gladiatorial games seem to have had their origins in Campania in funeral games, which included forced combat and which are commemorated on wall-paintings found at Paestum and elsewhere, dating from 370–340 BC.
. SHA (Hadrian) XVIII: lenoni et lanistae servum vel ancillam vendi vetuit causa non praestita.
. See Petronius (Satyricon) XIV, 117: tanquam legitimi gladiatores domino corpora animasque religiosissime addicimus, 'and like real gladiators we bound ourselves religiously to our master, body and soul'.
. Galen (De Compositione Medicamentorum per Genera) III, 2; see also Celsus (De Medicina) Prooemium, 43, on doctors learning about internal organs from examining injured gladiators, soldiers wounded in battle and travellers set upon by robbers.
. CIL IV 4397; see Varone (2002), p. 69.
. CIL X 6012 in Hopkins and Beard (2005), p. 89.
. See, for example, Dio (Epitome) LXVIII, 15.1, and Wiedemann (1992), Chapter 1.
. CIL XIII 12048 for Bonn; Martial (de Spectaculis) VII, 3, for Caledonian bears. See Epplett (2001), pp. 210–22 passim, for descriptions of soldiers in all parts of the empire engaged in capturing animals for shows; and pp. 213–14 for possible British examples. Two hundred British stags were provided for a venatio given by the Emperor Gordian in the third century ad: SHA (The Three Gordians) III, 6 and 7. Gordian held the show as aedile under Septimius Severus.
. Symmachus writing in the fourth century is the magistrate who suffers such problems: (Letters) II, 46 (for the deaths of the twenty-nine Saxons); II, 76, for the pitiful bears; IX, 141, for similar trouble with crocodiles. See Jennison (1937), pp. 96–7.
. The only places where there is the slightest evidence for gladiatorial combat in Britain are the legionary amphitheatres of Caerleon, Chester and London.
. Per Galliam Bretanniam Hispanias Germaniam (CIL III 249, Dessau, 1396) in Sordi (1953), pp. 104ff.
. At Bignor Roman Villa, Sussex, the fourth-century mosaics depict twelve Cupids—three dressed as trainers; nine as gladiators. See Neal and Cosh (2009), Vol. III.
. Green glass cups of the mid-first century made in Gaul, depicting eight named gladiators, one of whom holds a victory palm, have been found at Colchester; a less complete one has been found in Leicester. See Allason-Jones (2011), p. 221, for a round-up of gladiatorial scenes in Britain and bibliographical references.
. Hull (1963), pp. 47–74.
. Known as Nene Valley Ware. Examples of both hunt scenes and a 'Gladiator Cup' are to be found at Peterborough Museum. Whether many Britons were ever entertained by the sight of a female acrobat vaulting from a horse to a panther in real life, as depicted on a pottery beaker from Durobrivae, is a moot point. Toynbee (1962), p. 190.
. A rare ivory knife showing two gladiators fighting, possibly third century, was found in insula XIV of Venta Silurum (Caerwent). Bartus and Grimm (2010), pp. 321–4.
. Another piece of surviving graffito from Caerleon depicts a central rosette flanked by a shoulder guard and what may represent the arm-guard of a retiarius. See Brewer (1986), Vol. 1, Fascicle 5, nos 37 and 38.
. Marcus Aurelius (Meditations) I, 5: 'My tutor taught me not to side with the Greens or the Blues at the races, nor the palmularius (Thracian's shield) or scutarii (rectangular shields of the secutor)'.
. A relief found at Chester in 1738 made from local north Welsh slate depicts a retiarius holding his trident and net. He wears a belted loincloth (subligaculum), his right arm is protected by a padded sleeve (manica) secured by leather straps, and on the right shoulder he carries a metal shoulder guard (galerus) protecting neck and face. His opponent is a secutor with a sword (gladius) and curved rectangular shield. The scene may have been part of a frieze, perhaps even adorning the amphitheatre. The Chester retiarius uniquely holds his trident in his right hand and his net in his left, with his manica and galerus worn on his right arm rather than on his left: it has been suggested that this depicts a known gladiator. The relief is in the Saffron Walden Museum. See Jackson (1983), pp. 87–95.
. The sherd was found in 1851 when a drain was being dug. See Wilmott (2008), p. 162, for an overview and illustration Pl.21. RIB 2501.586 in S. Frere and R.S.O. Tomlin, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain, Vol. II, Fascicle 7, Graffiti on Samian Ware (Oxford, 1995). Had Lucius been killed and Verecunda kept the little fragment of pot as a memento, or were these names scratched by a fan who had seen them both perform? Verecunda means 'shy' or 'coy' and could perhaps be a stage name. There is so little to go on that the romantic possibilities are endless. The only other names of gladiators to survive from Britain are those commemorated on the spectacular 'Colchester Vase' (ad 170s) on display in Colchester Museum. It depicts scenes from the arena, and bears an inscription cut onto the vessel after firing, which reads: MEMNON SAC VIIII VALENTINU LEGIONIS XXX. This could mean that Memnon, the secutor, who had nine victories, defeated Valentinus 'of the legion', who had thirty victories. Surviving thirty fights would be a record achievement, and so Memnon's victory would be all the more worthy of note. See Wilmott (2008), pp. 168–70. Another suggestion is that it refers to the 30th Legion stationed in Xanten, in Lower Germany, and perhaps these gladiators were part of a troupe managed by the 30th Legion and on tour in Britain. 'Of the legion' may mean that Valentinus was a gladiator owned by a legion or the favourite of the legion.
. Juvenal (Satires) VI, 103: quid vidit propter quod ludia dici sustinuit?
. Juvenal (Satires) VI, 82–109.
. CIL V 3466.
. On Nemesis and games, see Hornum (1993).
. A building just outside the amphitheatre has been proposed as a shrine to Nemesis by analogy with one in the same position at Carnuntum, in Austria. See Boon (1972), p. 100. One of the chambers of the amphitheatre was possibly used as a shrine to Nemesis in a later phase of its development. At Chester, a small stone altar found in a chamber near the entrance to the arena at the main north entrance was converted into a Nemeseum: Deae Nemesi Sext Marcianus ex visu, 'To the Goddess Nemesis Sextius Marcianus, the centurion set this up after a vision.'
. RIB 316. An inscription records that a temple of Diana was restored by Titus Flavius Postumius Varus, legionary legate. Nothing is known about the temple itself.
. RIB 323. The lead tablet was found in the arena of Caerleon's amphitheatre. In contrast to Mesmodes' courtly poem, the humble curse from Caerleon reduces Nemesis to some sort of provincial vigilante: Dom(i)na Nemesis do tibi palleum et galliculas qui tulit non redimat ni[si] vita sanguine suo, 'Lady Nemesis, I give thee a cloak and a pair of Gallic sandals; let him who took them not redeem them (unless) with his own blood'.
. For the curse tablet found in London's amphitheatre, see Hassall and Tomlin (2003), pp. 362–3.
. Tertullian (To the Nations) I, 10, and also mentioned in Tertullian (Apology) XV. Tertullian, an early Christian writer c. ad 160–c.225, from Carthage, was himself said to be the son of a centurion.
. Tacitus (Annals) XI, 19, describes how, following the defeat of the rebellious Frisii at the hands of the Roman general Corbulo in ad 47, hostages were handed over, after which Corbulo demarcated land and allocated a senate, magistrates and laws. Tacitus adds: ac ne iussa exuerent praesidium immunivit, 'should they forget these orders, Corbulo also constructed a fort'.
. It is not entirely clear how far the Silures' territory extended outside the town—possibly to the east as far as the River Wye, which probably marked the boundary with the neighbouring Dobunni.
. An open yard to the east probably forms part of a large timber workshop premises of a late-first- or early second-century date. It has comfortable living quarters to its north end and a workshop with several hearths to the south, and was the site of a Romano-Celtic temple in the fourth century.
. It measured about 38 metres (126 feet) long and 19 metres (62 feet) wide.
. Black (1995), pp. 26–7.
. Black (1995), p. 27.
. Vegetius (Epitome of Military Science) III, 6.
. It is possible that leagues were also used as a unit of measurement in Britain. A medieval copy of a late Roman itinerary, known as the Peutinger map (now held in the Austrian National Library, Vienna), shows the main roads throughout the empire and beyond, from Britain to China, in twelve sheets, of which the twelfth, representing most of Britain and Spain, is—frustratingly—lost. The only surviving fragment of Britain depicts its south and eastern corner, which happened to extend beyond the lost first sheet of parchment and onto the second. The Peutinger map is a parchment roll, 6.4 metres (21 feet) long and 30 centimetres (1 foot) wide, and seems to be a conflation of earlier maps from different periods. Presumably a traveller could have used just one or two sheets as necessary, depending on the length of his journey.
. Margary (1973), pp. 318–19.
IX. VIROCONIUM CORNOVIORUM:
CAPITAL OF CATTLE COUNTRY
. Rivet and Smith (1979), pp. 505–6.
. As mentioned in 'Speech of Thanks to Constantine Panegyric V by a native of Autun': on receiving the emperor in Autun, 'we decorated the streets which lead to the palace, with mean enough ornament no doubt but we brought out the banners of all the colleges and the images of all our gods and produced our paltry number of musical instruments, which by means of shortcuts were to greet you several times over'. Translation from Nixon and Rodgers (1994).
. For a discussion about the lettering being provincial rather than imperial quality, see White and Barker (1998), pp. 78–9.
. (Digest) 1.16.7, quoting Ulpian (Duties of a Proconsul) II.
. When the basilica was excavated, inkwells and part of an auxiliary soldier's discharge certificate (that of Mansuetus) were found among the ashes, dating to the occasion on which the forum burnt down in about ad 165–175, and thus suggesting that the city record office was here. White and Barker (1998), p. 86.
. For Hadrian pronouncing judgement in public from a tribunal in the forum, see Dio Cassius (Epitome) LXIX, 7.1, on Trajan, and Millar (1992), p. 229.
. (Digest) 1.16.9.4, quoting Ulpian (On the Duties of a Proconsul) I.
. Martial (Epigrams) VI, 82, for the Batavian ear. Marcus Aurelius was chided by his tutor Fronto for writing sloppy Latin. Fronto (To Marcus Aurelius) III, 13. See Woolf (2002), pp. 181–8.
. SHA (Hadrian) III.
. From a speech of thanks to Constantine (Panegyric V) by a native of Autun, delivered at Trier on behalf of his city in thanks for tax relief before the emperor, his retinue of friends and imperial officials in ad 311. For a critical edition and translation, see Nixon and Saylor Rodgers (1994).
. Although gaining audience sympathy (captatio benevolentiae) is part and parcel of such a speech, the sentiments are true enough. Speech made c. ad 313 (XII Panegyric of Constantine Augustus). Translations from Nixon and Saylor Rodgers (1994).
. Tacitus (Agricola) 21.
. Jackson (1953), pp. 76–121.
. As seems to have happened to one of the commanding officer's boys at Vindolanda, near Hadrian's Wall. See Vindolanda Tablet 118, which has a line from Virgil's Aeneid IX (473) written on the back of a letter, partly in clumsy capital letters. The line should read interea pavidam volitans pinnata per urbem, 'meanwhile winged rumour] flying through the fearful city', but the 'r' is missing from urbem, as is the 'er' from per. Another hand has written 'seg' after it, which Bowman and Thomas suggest might read segniter—'lazy': see [www.vindolanda.casad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-118.
. See Goetz (1892), a textbook with Greek and Latin parallel text from the fifth century.
. Vindolanda Tablet 343. See Bowman and Thomas at www.vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-343.
. (Digest) 47.14.1, quoting Ulpian (On the Duties of a Proconsul) VIII (citing a rescript sent by Hadrian to the provincial council of Baetica about appropriate punishments for cattle rustlers).
. Doloney (2001), pp. 36–45.
. Martial (Epigrams) VI, 93; XII, 48.8, and see Bradley (2002) and Wild (1970), pp. 82–6, on fulling in the northern provinces.
. Tacitus (Agricola) 21.
. See Bradley (2002), p. 22.
. No fullers are securely attested in Britain. Fullers' guilds are known to have existed in the Rhineland, and given that British wool products were so highly rated it is more than likely that they operated in Britain too. See Wild (1970), p. 82.
. Vedica the Cornovian died aged thirty at Ilkley. Her tombstone (RIB 639) depicts her sitting sturdily, her hair in two thick plaits. It does not record her marriage to a soldier, but it is a possibility given that there was an auxiliary fort there.
. Martial (Epigrams) XI, 21.9: quam veteres bracae Brittonis pauperis.
. A poor man's Tyrian purple, the whelks are related to the Murex brandaris of the eastern Mediterranean, from which true purple derived. See Wild (1970), p. 81.
. Wild (1970).
. A tossiam Brit(annicam), or British rug or bedspread, was among the presents listed in a copy of a letter, from a certain Tiberius Claudius Paulinus, sent from Britain in ad 238 to a Gallo-Roman aristocrat called Titus Sennius Sollemnis and proudly published on the Thorigny inscription found at Vieux in Gaul: CIL XIII, 3162. In Diocletian's Edict of Prices listing prices for goods and services across the empire in ad 301, the only British products to be mentioned are the birrus, or hooded woollen cape, which is ranked—in terms of price and quality—equal sixth out of fourteen types, while British rugs (tapetia) of both first-class and second-class grades are second to none. A British coverlet, 1st form, is worth 5,000 denarii; British coverlet, 2nd form is 4,000 denarii; a British hooded cloak is valued at 6,000 denarii.
. RIB 2491.79 (a possible 'Attius, you bugger'). See RIB (Collingwood and Wright), Fascicle 4, p. 117.
. RIB 2491.157 (Colchester); RIB 2491.215 (Silchester).
. RIB 2447.1 (a); see RIB II, Fascicle 4 (1992), p. 63.
. RIB 2447.28(a); RIB 2447.28(d); see RIB II, ibid., pp. 74–6.
. RIB 2450.3; RIB II, ibid., p. 102.
X. TO THE WALL
. Latin text from Speidel (2007), p. 10.
. Mason (1988).
. The bridge lay on or near the site of the present one – Margary (1973), p. 297.
. Towards the end of the second century, a new and extremely elaborate amphitheatre was built at Chester on the site of its predecessor. Building work also began on the fortress at the start of the third century, indicating that the Legion XX Valeria Victrix had returned there. They remained there into the fourth century.
. For a useful summary and bibliography, see Cheshire Historic Towns Survey: Middlewich—Revised Archaeological Assessment, revised and updated by Malcolm Reid (2013), available online.
. The River Mersey is crossed close to Warrington Parish Church: Margary (1973), p. 367.
. Rogers and Garner (2007), pp. 45–6.
. For a discussion of the ala Asturum and the Sarmatians garrisoned here from c. ad 175, see Edwards (2000), pp. 49–50.
. See Edwards (2000), pp. 4–5, and Margary (1973), p. 377. Between Ribchester and Low Borrow Bridge there was a fort at Burrow-in-Lonsdale on the Lune about which little is known.
. praefectus arcend(is) latroc[in(is)] CIL XIII 5010 = ILS 7007; CIL XIII 6211. Such men are recorded in Noviodunum (Nyon, Switzerland), Bingium (Bingen, on the Rhine) and also in Normandy. See Grünewald (2004), p. 22.
. Just as Fronto did, on being elected governor of Asia Minor in the mid-150s. He appointed to his staff his friend Julius Senex of Mauretania, who had an excellent track record of hunting down bandits, though in the end he did not take up his post. Fronto (To Antoninus Pius) 8.
. CIL III 2399.
. CIL VIII 2728 and 18122 = ILS 5795 (Lambaesis): profectus sum et inter vias latrones sum passus. Nudus saucius evasi cum meis, 'I set out and on the highways I was attacked by bandits. Naked and injured I escaped from them with my retinue.' See Grünewald (2004), p. 21.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) VI, 25.
. The Gospel According to St Luke 10.25–37.
. Celsus (de Medicina—On Medicine) Introduction, 43 (first century).
. Travellers coming from Condate could also have chosen the road via Wilderspool, which continued north through undulating farmland to Coccium (Wigan), cutting through great stretches of moss to east and west. From there it was about 16 miles to Preston, where the route entered the Ribble Valley, crossing the river a little to the north of Walton-le-Dale (west of Ribchester).
. For the mansio, see Black (1995), pp. 37–8. The fort was built on Castle Hill, where Lancaster Castle and the Priory Church of St Mary now stand.
. RIB 3185 Dis Manibus Insus Vodulli [...] Cive Trevereques Alae Aug [.] Victoris Curator Domitia [...], see Bull (2007) and Iles and Shotter (2010).
. As their name 'Aelia' suggests, they seem to have been raised during the time of Hadrian.
. The Roman name for Ambleside may have been Clanovanta, 'the market beside the shore', rather than Galava: see Shotter (2004), p. 63. Hardknott's Roman name is not certain—it has been suggested that Mediobogdum would be better ascribed to the fort at Watercrook, near Kendal: see, e.g., Shotter (2004), p. 68. For the date of the fort and the inscription recording the presence of the cohort of Dalmatians, see Wright (1965), pp. 169–75.
. For a table of altars and a discussion of Maenius Agrippa's career and uncertainties over dates in light of recent excavation at Maryport, see Breeze, Dobson and Maxfield (2012), pp. 17–30.
. Emperors received frequent requests for military posts to further equestrian careers, although Pliny's correspondence shows that imperial legates might also have had the power to grant them. For Pliny attempting to secure a job for the young Suetonius, see Pliny the Younger (Letters) IV, 4. The letter mentioned above (Chapter ix, Note 27) from the legatus serving in Britannia Inferior to his friend and client in Gaul promises him a letter of appointment as a tribune with a salary of 25,000 sestertii as soon as there is a vacancy. See also Millar (1992), pp. 284–5.
. He was at Maryport in about ad 132, and was promoted as a centurion in the Legion X Fretensis, serving in Judaea (under Severus's son or nephew, Gnaeus Julius Verus). In ad 133 Julius Severus was sent to Judaea: see Postscript. See Piso (1993), p. 46, citing Petersen, in E. Groag et al. (eds), Prosopographia Imperii Romani (PIR), 2nd edition (Bonn, 1933–), I, 618.
. Birley (1981), pp. 151–5. The Fourth Cohort of Lingones is attested at Wallsend in the third century but its whereabouts in Britannia in the early ad 130s is not known. M. Statius Priscus was decorated with a military flag by Hadrian for his part in the Judaean war and later admitted to the Senate. He returned to Britain as its governor in ad 161.
. Suetonius (Vespasian) 8.3.
. Named after the River Derwent, which was also called Derventio: Rivet and Smith, p. 334.
. SHA (Hadrian) XI, 2.
. SHA (Hadrian) V, 2. And for trouble in the reign of Antoninus Pius, see also SHA (Antoninus Pius) V, 4, and Pausanias (Description of Greece) VIII, 43.4: 'He also took away from the Brigantes in Britain the greater part of their territory because they too had begun an unprovoked war...'
. There is much debate as to the date of the expeditio Britannica. Because the word expeditio seems to be used only of a military campaign at which the emperor himself is present, this may indicate that the war was fought around ad 122. Whatever its date, the sources surrounding Britannia's troublesome reputation are consistent. As Fronto later wrote in a letter to Emperor Marcus Aurelius, 'under the rule of your grandfather, Hadrian, what numbers of soldiers were killed by the Jews, what numbers by the Britons!': Fronto (On the Parthian War) 2, Avo vestro Hadriano imperium obtinente quantum militum a Judaeis, quantum ab Britannis caesum? See Breeze, Dobson and Maxfield (2012), pp. 17–30.
. RIB 3364. His tombstone records his death in war. The Tungrians were at Vindolanda in the ad 90s, and from c.105 until possibly as late as 146, so it is unclear to which war it refers—although a date between ad 100 and ad 125 has been suggested, based on the style of the inscription.
. In Egypt, Karus served as military tribune of the III Cyrenaica Legion, AE 1951.88.
. SHA (Hadrian) XII, 6.
. Breeze (2011), pp. 56–8, for the character and extent of the Upper German-Raetian limes.
. Zant (2009), Vol. I, Chapter 6 ('The Second Fort') and Vol. II, pp. 763ff.
. Birley (1979), p. 63. RIB 812. The altar is second- or third-century and is in the British Museum.
. The turf wall was thus similar in height to the stone wall, which was an estimated 15 Roman feet high (4.4 metres). The walls of the forts may have been a little higher, at 15 feet (4.5 metres). See Breeze and Dobson (2000).
. Caesar (Gallic War) VII, 73.
. Breeze and Dobson (2000), p. 41.
. The falx is shown on Trajan's Column, which commemorates the conquest of Dacia. It is depicted on two building inscriptions from Birdoswald Fort, where the Dacians were stationed from the early third century for the next 200 years. Intriguingly, the falx inscriptions and the tombstone recording the name 'Decebal' date from a hundred years or more after the unit was raised, where all the original recruits from Dacia would have been long dead. This raises the possibility that fresh recruits from Dacia continued to be brought over to join the cohort into the third century, a phenomenon for which there is otherwise no evidence. For a discussion, see Wilmott (2001).
. As a result of unrest in Dacia at the start of his reign, Hadrian had reorganised the area, hiving off territories north of the Danube, which had formerly belonged to the neighbouring province of Moesia Inferior, to create a new province, Dacia Inferior, with Trajan's original province of Dacia renamed 'Dacia Superior'. It was to the newly named Dacia Superior that Julius Severus was appointed governor by June 120. He oversaw a further change in ad 123, splitting Dacia Superior by creating Dacia Porolissensis, which roughly corresponds to north-western Transylvania. Julius Severus might well have had similar plans for reorganizing Britannia, had he not been required to leave the province prematurely. See Piso (2013), pp. 27–8, for the reorganization of Dacia.
. Vindolanda Tablet 164.
. It has been suggested that this, the most lavish building found at Vindolanda, was to accommodate Hadrian on his visit in ad 122. See, for example, Birley (2002), pp. 75–6.
. Fragmentary Inv. 1503B lists these items 'ordered through an Adiutor from London'.
. Bowman and Thomas (Tabulae Vindolandenses III, 2003), 581, for example, implies that the governor was entertained to a lunch of chicken: lines 95–7.
. Vindolanda Tablet 208: www.vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-208
. Aelius Aristides (Orations) XXVI, 83; Behr (1981), pp. 90–1.
. Tacitus (Histories) IV, 64: quod contumeliosius est viris ad arma natis, inermes ac prope nudi sub custode et pretio coiremus.
. It is unclear whether the no-man's-land north of the Wall was imposed as a deliberate policy or whether the presence of such a formidable barrier, with its consequent confiscation of land, made it impossible for communities to sustain a living there. What happened to these people is unknown. For a summary of recent research on the impact of the Wall on the native population, see Hodgson (2013).
. Northern Britain continued to be troubled. Two soldiers serving at the fort at Galava (Ambleside) in Cumbria in the fourth century were killed in the camp 'by enemies', in cas(tris) inte(rfectus ab hosti(bus). See Journal of Roman Studies, Vol. 53, No. 4 (1963), and Breeze (1993).
. Vindolanda Tablet 164: equites gladis non utuntur equites nec resident Brittunculi ut iaculos mittant, 'the cavalry do not use swords nor do the Britlings stay in their saddles to throw javelins'.
. Arrian (Periplus Ponti Euxini) 11.
. For hides from the Frisii for military use, see Tacitus (Annals) IV, 72. The virtual absence of any coins found at native sites on the northern frontier indicates that this was not a cash economy.
. Tax-gatherers are equated with prostitutes and other sinners in the New Testament, their reputation for extortion and enriching themselves at the expense of others made plain in the story of the conversion of Zacchaeus, a chief tax collector in Jericho, who declares, following Jesus's visit to his house, that 'Here and now I give half of my possessions to the poor and if I have cheated anybody out of anything, I will pay back four times the amount.' (The Gospel according to St Luke) 19, 1–10.
. CIL 5213. The inscription from Haterius Nepos's home town describes him as censitor Brittones Anavionesium, 'census officer of the Britons in Annandale'.
. Tacitus (Annals) IV, 72.
. Codex Theodosianus 10.2 and 7.8.5.1.
. Vindolanda Tablet 344: virgis cruentatum (line 17), 'bloodied by the birch', and innocentem virgis castigatum (line 6), 'an innocent man chastised by the birch'. Apuleius (Metamorphoses) IX, 39: Latini sermonis ignarus tacitus praeteribat, 'ignorant of the Latin language he kept quiet and rode on'. For the soldier's hobnail boot, see Juvenal (Satires) III, 247–8, and for brutal military life in general, see Juvenal (Satires) XVI.
. In a pridianum, an annual inventory of personnel recorded by the Cohort I Hispanorum Veterana serving in Moesia. BM Papyrus 2851, dating from c. ad 99.
. (Digest) 49.16.14.
. Dated 18 May, the year is uncertain, though it dates no later than ad 97. Bowman and Thomas (Tabulae Vindolandenses III, 2003), 154.
. Livy (History of Rome) XLIII, 3.
. RIB 1065.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) X, 65–66, on the problem of foundlings in Bithynia.
. P.Oxy.IV.744, 'Letter of Hilarion', dated 17 June 1 BC; and see Apuleius (Metamporphoses) 10.23 for a story about a man who similarly goes abroad, instructing his pregnant wife that if she has a girl she should have it killed.
. A letter from Vindolanda refers to being prevented from travelling to Catterick for fear of injuring the animals because the roads are bad. Bowman and Thomas (Tabulae Vindolandenses III, 2003), 343. (This is the same letter quoted earlier concerning the delivery of hides and sinew: Chapter IX, Note 16. Brocchus, however, managed to visit his friend Cerialis in December and January.)
. RIB 725. He might alternatively have been a singularis consularis, or bodyguard of the governor.
. RIB 1550 restored: [...Se]verus, [Pro-P]raetorian Legate [of Augustus], the 1st Cohort of Aquit-[anians] built this [under...] Nepos the [Pr]efect.
. This is based on Speidel's translation.
. Austen and Breeze (1979); the Discipulina altar at Chesters is the earliest known in Britain.
. SHA (Hadrian) X, 4: triclinia de castris et porticus et cryptas et topia dirueret.
. As seen adapted for an urban context at Calleva.
. Blagdon Park 1 and 2, see Hodgson (2013).
. Glass bangles of a type known as Kilbride Jones Type 2.
. Active Iron Age construction plots have been found and excavated at numerous points beneath the construction levels of the Wall and its forts. See Hodgson (2013).
. The parties were destined not to last, and towards the end of the century the site was abandoned. See Proctor (2012).
. Vindolanda Tablet 233. When Brocchus was later transferred to Pannonia he took his passion for the chase with him, dedicating an altar there to Diana, goddess of the hunt. CIL III 4360, and see notes to Vindolanda Tablet 233 at: www.vindolanda.csad.ox.ac.uk/TVII-233.
. Bowman and Thomas (Tabulae Vindolandenses III, 2003), 594.
. Arrian (Cynegetica) 3–4.
. Arrian (Cynegetica) IX, based on Sestili's Italian translation and commentary (2011).
. Dio (Epitome) LXIX, 10. For the inscription in Gaul: CIL XII 1122.
. Aymard (1951).
. SHA (Hadrian) XX, 12–13.
. RIB 1041: silvano invicto... formae captum quem multi antecessores eius praedari non potuerunt.
. See Hetherington, Lord and Jacobi (2006) for recent carbon-dating evidence that shows lynx to have been present in Yorkshire into the early medieval period.
. Pliny the Younger (Letters) III, 5.15 which describes admiringly how even in winter the workaholic elder Pliny kept a secretary constantly at his side, whose hands 'were well protected by sleeves so that the bitterness of the weather could not snatch any time away from study', and so Pliny could continue to dictate notes to him.
. Croom (2011), pp. 78–82.
. Bowman and Thomas (Tabulae Vindolandenses III, 2003), 660. A fragment of a character reference found at Vindolanda recommends: viri boni accedit etiam liberalium studiorum amor e[iu]s profectus morum denique te[m]peramentum et cu-.
. RIB 1319: Neptuno le(gio) VI Vi(ctrix) P(ia) F(idelis); and RIB 1320 Ociano leg(io) VI Vi(ctrix) P(ia) F(idelis). See Bidwell and Holbrook (1989) for a discussion.
. Bidwell and Holbrook (1989), pp. 99–103.
. Fronto (Principia Historiae) 11: Eius itinerum monumenta videas per plurimas Asiae atque Europae urbes sita, cum alia multa tum sepulcra ex saxo formata, 'And so you may see monuments of his journeys through many cities of Asia and Europe with many other types of buildings as well as tombs made out of stone.'
. RIB 1051a and 1051b for the very, very heavily restored text from two fragments of a second-century inscription from St Paul's Church, Jarrow, which has been interpreted as a possible speech by Hadrian.
POSTSCRIPT: BEYOND AD 130
. Julius Severus is attested in Britain on a diploma dated 9 December ad 132 ('et sunt in Britannia sub Iulio Severo'). See Piso (2013), pp. 25 and 28, which means that he probably did not set off to Judaea until spring ad 133.
. Dio Cassius (Epitome) LXIX, 13.3–14.1. Julius Severus had a statue erected in his honour at Burnum in his native Dalmatia, ILS 1056 (= CIL III 2830 = 9891), which records that he was awarded the ornamenta triumphalia. This description gives the fullest account of his career. Monuments were also erected in his home town of Aequum. AE 1904, 9, states that he was governor of Syria Palaestina—the province of Judaea having been extinguished as punishment.
. See Piso (1993), p. 45 and footnote 19, for Syme on Syrian inscriptions attesting Severus's presence in the province, and footnote 20 for Eck expressing doubts.
. Claudian (On the Consulship of Stilicho) II, 247ff.: Inde Caledonio velata Britannia monstro, ferro picta genas, cuius vestigia verrit / caerulus Oceanique aestum mentitur amictus...
# Acknowledgements
During the course of my work as series editor of English Heritage Red Guides, I have had the pleasure of commissioning new guidebooks to many of the Roman sites in the care of English Heritage and have had the good fortune to learn much from both the authors of these guides on site visits and during the whole stimulating exercise of creating a guidebook: David Breeze (Hadrian's Wall); Jim Crow (Housesteads); Nick Hodgson (Corbridge); Tony Wilmott (Birdoswald and Richborough and Reculver); Roger White (Wroxeter); Pete Wilson (Lullingstone), and from the editors of these guides past and present for their searching questions, diligent picture research and brilliant editing: Katy Carter, Jennifer Cryer, Katherine Davey, Catriona Howatson, Susannah Lawson and Sarah Yates.
Essential ingredients of these guidebooks are the reconstruction drawings which illustrate how a building or settlement may have looked during a particular phase of its existence. Although we know that they will never capture exactly how something looked at a particular moment in time, these drawings add walls, roofs, interiors, landscape and people to ruins which are sometimes little more than wall-footings in a much changed environment. They help to breathe life over archaeological sites which are often presented in such a way that many different phases of building over several centuries are laid bare, making it difficult to unravel them in the mind's eye and picture them at one or other points in their existence. It was in thinking about these drawings (and I am grateful to John Goodall, Richard Lea, and David Robinson from whom I learned so much in this respect) and gazing at Mark Fenton's brilliant phased plans that I began to think about how it might be possible to evoke one particular period of Roman Britain and this book is the result of these thoughts. I am indebted to English Heritage for allowing me research leave and to my colleagues there for their patience and understanding, particularly Anna Eavis, Jeremy Ashbee, Rob Campbell, Katy Carter, Jennifer Cryer, Katherine Davey, Poppy David, Susannah Lawson, Clare Loughlin, Sam Kinchin-Smith, Richard Lea and Mark Fenton.
I am deeply grateful to Nick Hodgson and Pete Wilson who read an early draft and offered invaluable comments and corrections and drew my attention to articles and debates, and also to Mike Fulford who read the chapter on Silchester and to Peter Guest who read the chapter on Caerleon and to David Breeze who early supplied me with invaluable references. Both my father and sister Meg also read early chapters and made comments and suggestions for which I thank them. All errors and infelicities remain my own.
Particular thanks must go to Kwasi Kwarteng, who has been an ever motivating presence, and to Gerard Wales and Simon Lawrance for providing at various times sanctuary, diversions and delicious treats. I wrote the first words of this book seeking solace in the Howgills near Ravenstonedale while staying with Tom and Annie Reeves and I would like to thank my friends in the North for being so kind and so hospitable throughout, particularly my cousin Victoria Brown, Sarah Dunning, Charlotte Fairbairn, Stephen Gorton and Tatiana Harrison. My agent, Georgina Capel, merits a special mention for being ever uplifting in Wardour Street, while my commissioning editor, Richard Milbank has shown me the utmost patience, over many cups of tea and macaroons, in Smithfield.
* * *
This book is dedicated to my parents. To my father who first showed me the remains of the Romans in Britain and to my mother who made it all possible. I thank them for this, and for all the love, support and encouragement they have always given me. I would also like to thank especially my brother Rupert for his most steadfast support while I wrote this book, and my daughter Connie, who has had to share me with the Romans for rather a long time now. Although early driven to parody, she patiently accompanied me round many sites and museums and has even come round to admitting a mild interest in the subject.
# Index
A
Abonae (Sea Mills) 129, 149, 150, 232
Achilles 130
Achilles Tatius (Greek novelist) 62, 66
acta (governor's records of official decisions and directives) 104
actors 159
administration see also record-keeping of Britannia 16, 102
collapse of 223
of imperial property 103
of military affairs 153
census of occupied Britannia 37
civil administration in Rome 35
local administration see individual towns
high-salaried positions 103
reforms under Diocletian (AD 284) 218
reforms under Tetrarchy (AD 312–314) 219
administrators see financial accountants, secretaries, procurators, tax collectors
Aegean Sea 64
Aelius Aristides (orator) 21, 42, 196
Aelii see also Hadrian 29
Aequum (Dalmatia) 35, 65
Aethelred 223
Afon Lwyd (River) 152
Africa 21, 23, 27, 64
fossatum Africae (defensive ditch, North Africa) 190
products 48
Agricola (Roman general)
born at Forum Julii 65
raised at Massilia 65
governor of Britannia (AD 77–83) 18
agriculture 128
arable farming 88, 113, 115, 169, 182
Celtic field systems 128
cereals 182
cereals in lieu of taxes 200
crops 182, 200
fields with lynchets 128
livestock see cattle, sheep
Robigo (goddess of crops) 122
Alauna (Maryport) 14–15, 18, 36, 187, 192, 219
Aldborough see Isurium Brigantum
Alemanni (Germanic tribe) 218
Alesia, siege of (Gaul, 52 BC) 193
Alexander Severus (emperor, r. AD ([0-9]+)–235) 228
Alexandria 50, 64
Allectus (emperor) 218
Alresford, graffiti 180
altars 133, 138, 140, 145, 187, 219, 220
Ambleside see Galava
Amiens see Samarobriva
amphitheatres see also games
arenas 106–107
carceres (beast pens)
female spectators 107
protection for spectators 108
seating 107
stalls for snacks and souvenirs 108
tribunal (box for sponsor of games) 107
amphorae 67
flat-bottomed 93
Mons Testaceus, Rome (Monte Testaccio) 93
with spikes 67
Andematunnum (Langres, France) 69
Anglesey see Mona
Antipolis (Antibes, France) 64, 94, 65
Antonine Itinerary 82, 113, 129, 168
Antonine Wall 217, 224
Antoninus Pius (emperor from AD ([0-9]+)) 217, 227, 224, 228
apartment blocks (insulae) 24
Aphrodisias (Asia) 32
Apollonarius 53
Apte (Apt, France) 211
Apuleius (writer) 71, 109, 201
Aqua Virgo aqueduct (Rome) 32
aquae (spas) 168
Aquae Sulis (Bath) 113, 129–134, 220
baths
construction 132–133, 141
Cross Bath 147
Great Bath 142
Hot Bath 147
defixiones (curse tablets) 19, 145–146
pewter industry 129
Sulis Minerva 130
temple of Sulis Minerva 133–135
theatre 145
thermal baths 220
tholos (Greek-style temple) 147
arable farming 88, 113, 115, 169, 182
Celtic field systems 128
cereals 182
crops 182, 200
Arbeia (South Shields) 15, 189, 203, 214, 220–221
Arch of Claudius (Rome) 32
Arles (France) 227
arms and equipment
Dacian falx (curved dagger) 195
swords (ferrum, gladium) 40, 160, 186
helmets 205, 224
lorica segmentata (Roman plate armour) 223
spears 205
army see military
Arrian,
governor of Cappadocia 18–19, 171
Circumnavigation of the Euxine Sea 171
Periplus 199
reference to enforcing taxes on Sannis 199
treatise on hunting 210
advice on caring for hounds 211
hunting hound, Horme 210
Asia Minor 61
Astarte 66
Asturia 153, 184
Athena 133
Athens 27, 30, 133
Atrebates (British tribe) 90, 115–118, 174
Atuatuca Tungrorum (Tongres) 75
auctorati (gladiatorial bondsmen) 159
augur (priest interpreter of dreams and birds' flights) 23, 139
Augustus (r. 27 BC to AD ([0-9]+)) 24, 25, 26, 30, 39, 48, 105
establishment of cursus publicus (messenger service) 87
embassies from Britannia 31
commissions military road network from Lugdunum 69
Aulus Alfidus Olussa (merchant, Londinium) 110
Aurelia (gladiator's widow, Verona) 163
Aurelian (AD 271–275) 227
aurochs 200
Autricum (Chartres) 140
Avebury henge (2,500 BC) 128
Avon, River 129, 149
B
Baeterrae (Béziers) 73
Baetica see Hispania Baetica
Bagacum (Bavay) 75
bandits 185
Banna (Birdoswald) 221, 193, 221
Barates (Syrian merchant, Arbeia) 15
barbarians 217, 218
bascaudae (rush baskets) 30
basilicas see also forum basilicas
at Isca Augusta 156
in Calleva Atrebatum 117, 120–121
in Corinium 96
in Londinium 96–97, 100
in Rome· 22
at Nemausus 147
decuriones (councillors) 96
ordo (city council) 96
basilica exercitatoria (indoor drill hall) 193
Bassianus (Elagabulus) 218
Batavia 77,191, 196
Batavii (Germanic tribe) 77, 173
Bath see Aquae Sulis 220
bath houses 44, 52, 72
at Aquae Sulis (Bath) 19
at Barcino (Barcelona) 23
at Calleva 119–120
at forts 156
at Isca Augusta 156–157
at Londinium 92
at Ostia (Italy) 72
at Rome 25, 72
Baths of Caracalla· 229
libraries 156
apodyterium (changing room) 142
assistants and special services 144
caldarium (hot steam room) 110
etiquette 142
frigidarium (cold bath) 157
fures balnearii (bath thieves) 144
gym 156
hygiene practices 120, 142
laconicum (hot dry room) 142
lavacra pro sexibus separavit (segregation of sexes for bathing) 143
masseurs 144
nymphaeum (fountain house) 156
opus signum (waterproof) flooring 209
tepidarium (warm room) 142
Bavay (Bagacum) 75
Bay of Naples 47
bears 94
bedstraw for blue dye 178
beer 73, 191, 213
Belgic tribes 77, 225
Bellovaci (Celtic tribe, Gaul) 111
benna (goods vehicles) 85
Bewcastle see Fanum Cocidi
bikinis, leather 144
Binchester see Vinovia
Birdoswald see Banna 221
Bithynia 19, 100
Black Burnished ware 123
Black Sea (Pontus Euxinus) 23, 61
blacksmiths 115
Blestium (Monmouth) ·165
Bonna (Bonn) 52, 161
bonus vir (cultured man of steady character) 213
Borysthenes, Hadrian's favourite hunter 211
Boudicca 14
massacre of Camulodunum, Londonium, Verulamium 36
'Boudiccan destruction layer' 14
conquered (AD 61) 36
Boulogne (Gesoriacum) 32, 49, 69
Bowness-on-Solway see Maia
Branogenium (Leintwardine) 167
braziers 100, 119, 167
see also heating, lighting
candles 100, 212
breccia (stone for building) 97–98
Bremenium (High Rochester) 207
Bremetenacum Veteranum (Ribchester) 13, 14, 184, 221, 222
Brentford, settlement and river crossing 114
brick-making 98
Bridge of Matidia 53
Brigantes (British tribe) 33, 208
Brigantia 221
Britannia 79, 80
see also British industry, British products, British tribes, Britons, Scottish tribes, Welsh tribes
partial exploration by Pytheas 65
Julius Caesar's first expedition to Britannia (54 BC) 37
Julius Caesar's second expedition to Britannia (55 BC) 30, 77
embassies from Tincommius and Dubnovellaunus to Augustus 31
flight of Verica (AD 41) 31
conquest under Claudius (AD 43) 31
division into civitates (tribal states) 84
northern frontier overrun (AD 139) 217
division into Britannia Superior and Britannia Inferior (AD 197) 218
threat from Saxons 218
fortification of cities 218
crossing point to Continent 81, 82
crossing points from Gallia 68
dues under occupation 200
'Albiones' 79
map 79
plaustrum (2- or 4-wheeled cart, drawn by oxen or mules) 85
'Prettania' 79
provincial council 96
trade in tin to Massilia and Narbo 65, 68
trade routes to Rome 49
independence declared by Carausius (AD 286) 218
restoration of Britannia to Rome under Constantius Chlorus (AD 296) 219
redivision into four provinces, with administration and military under separate
control (AD 312–314) 219
Britannicus 32
British industry
brine (salt) industry 183
cheese production 183
leather goods 144, 176, 183, 213
pewter-making 129
shoe-making 183, 231
British products 30, 48–49
barley 128
bears for games 94, 161
corn 91
hides 76, 94
hounds for hunting 94, 210
iron-working 91
lead 76, 94
oysters 84, 94
slaves 94
stags for games 161
tableware 123
tin 65, 68, 76, 94
wheat 76
wool 30, 94, 129, 176
British tribes see also Scottish tribes, Welsh tribes
Atrebates 90, 115–118, 174
Cantii 90
Carvetii 191, 227
Catuvellauni 90, 113, 203
Cornovii 169
Dobunni 130, 167
Trinovantes 90
Britons see also British tribes, Brittonic, Celts, clothing, food and drink, Celtic gods and goddesses 19
aristocracy 162, 173–174, 180
'Brittunculi' ('Little Brits') 37, 196
curse tablets (defixiones) 19, 145–146
disdain for self-aggrandisement 162, 175
facility with Latin 173–174
gardening 125
inhabitants of Kent 78
investment in property and lands 175
personal grooming 124, 142
Brittonic, Brythonic (native Celtic language) 110
'Brittunculi' ('Little Brits') 37, 196
Broad Way see Via Lata (Piazza de Sciarra, Rome) 33
Brocavum Fort (Brougham) 184
Brocchus (recipient of letter re hunting) 210
Brocolita (Carrawburgh) 205
brothels 52
Brougham see Brocavum Fort
Brough-on-Humbe see Petuaria 154
Brythonic see Brittonic
Buckton, fort at 167
building materials 48
Statio Marmorum (Marble Depot, Rome)· 48
breccia 97, 98
marble 25, 27–28, 97
porphyry 98
limestone 97, 120, 131, 134, 158
sandstone 166, 187
buildings see also houses, mosaics
building site in Londinium 97, 98
courtyard buildings 155
plan 155–156
economies in building 180
height restrictions 24
insulae (apartment blocks) 24, 124
mansio/mansiones (official guesthouses) 74, 84
Burdigala (Bordeaux) 65, 68, 98
Burrium (Usk) 165
C
Cade's Road 209
cadeuceus (Mercury's wand) 164
Caerleon see also Isca Augusta 225
Caerwent see Venta Silurum 230
Caesar see Julius Caesar
Caesarea (Cappadocia) 32, 61
Caius Caballius Priscus (tribune, Alauna, AD ([0-9]+)–131) 14, 187
Caius Cestius 45
Caledonia (Caledonians) 23, 30
Calleva Atrebatum (Silchester) 27, 113, 117, 222
amphitheatre, Romano-Celtic 118–119, 222
Atrebates tribe 116–117
baths 119–120
bronze eagle 222
civitas (tribal capital) of Atrebates 118
forum basilica 120
graffiti 180
houses 124
mansio (official guesthouse) 117
map 117
oppidum (Iron Age settlement) 117
road junction at 116
temple, Romano-Celtic 120
Calpurnia Trifosa (wife of a priest) 138
Camerinum (Camerino, Italy) 36
Camulodunum (Colchester) 18, 31, 36, 97, 114, 162, 180
Camulos (Celtic deity) 110
canabae (civilian settlements around fort) 165
candles 100, 177, 212
see also heating, lighting
Canterbury see also Durovernum Cantiacorum 14, 84, 224
Cantii (British tribe) 90
Cantium (Kent) 84
capital punishment see crime and punishment
Capitoline Hill (Piazza del Campidoglio, Rome) 13
Capitolium (Ostia) 48
Caracalla (Antoninus) 217, 218
Caratacus 33
resistance 33
betrayal 33
capture (AD 51) 33
public address 34
Carausius 218
Carcasso (Carcassonne) 65, 68
cargo ships (navis oneraria) 56
Carlisle see also Luguvalium Carvetiorum 13, 227
Carnutes (Gallic tribe) 140
carpentum (covered 2-wheeled carriage) 86
Carrara marble 81, 97
Carrawburgh see Brocolita
carruca (heavy 4-wheeled coach) 86
Carthage 50
Cartagena, Spain (Carthago Nova) 94
Carthago Nova (Cartagena, Spain) 94
Cartimandua (Queen of Brigantes) 33
Carvetii (British tribe) 191, 227
Carvoran see Magnis
Cassel (Castellum Menapiorum) 75
(Lucius) Cassius Dio 18
Castellum Menapiorum (Cassel) 75
Castel Sant' Angelo (Rome) 229
Cataractonium (Catterick) 207, 229
Cato the Elder 143
Catterick see Cataractonium
cattle 47, 165, 169, 176
see also food and drink (meat, beef), hides
aurochs 200
bones 177
butchering 177
cattle rustlers 176
dripping 212
droveways 208
larger specimens using Roman rearing methods 209
marrow fat 177
milk 177
rounding up 202
sinew 177
tallow 212
Catuvellauni (British tribe) 90, 113, 203
see also Verulamium
cavalry units (alae) 184
ala I Pannoniorum (Lambaesis, North Africa) 205
ala II Asturum 183
ala Augusta ob virtutum appellate (Cilurnum) 205
ala Augusta Sebosiana (Lancaster) 186, 211
ala Gallorum et Pannoniorum catafractaria (Moesia Inferior) 75
ala Petriana Milliaria (Uxelodunum) 191
Batavian cavalry skills 77
turma (troop) 205
'cave canem' ('Beware of the dog!') 46
Celtic gods and goddesses see also Romano-Celtic gods and goddesses
Clitumnus 130
Cocidus 194
Nemetona 148
goddess of Dawn 130
river goddess 150
Sequanna 122
Fontes Sequanae 122
Sulis 130
sun and sky gods 135
Celtic tribes 111
Celts see also Celtic tribes, Druids
clothing 74, 178–179
agriculture 128
food 123
language 74, 110
religious beliefs 122
roundhouses 74, 182
torcs 33
Centumcellae (Civitavecchia) 63
Centumviral Court (Court of Chancery) 35
centurions 189
cereals 182
barley 128, 213
gruel 59
porridge 59
wheat 76, 213
charioteers 15, 23
Chartres see Autricum
Chauci (tribe) 77
Chester see also Deva 223–224
Chesterholm see Vindolanda 231
Chesters see Cilurnum 222–223
children see also inheritance laws, women, slavery
bathing 157
children of British aristocracy 173–174
preferment of sons 203
illegitimacy 202
life in the vici 192
milk teeth 157
on tour with officer fathers 204
Roman citizenship through fathers 179
schoolchildren 25
travel 45
Christians· 218
refusal to honour imperial cult 70
persecution of 218
martyrs of Lugdunum (AD 177) 70
tomb of St Paul (Rome) 45
Edict of Milan (AD 313) 219
Council of Arles (AD 314) 219
adoption of Rome as a religious centre· 229
St Augustine's arrival in Britannia (AD 597) 224
Cicero 37
Cilurnum (Chesters) 189, 205–6, 222–223
cippi (defensive pits for impaling enemy) 192
circuses (racetracks)
at Camulodunum 18
in Portus 54
in Rome· 22, 44, 54, 106
segregation of men and women 107
Cirencester see Corinium Dobunnorum 18
cisium (swift 2-wheeled carriage) 86
civil war (AD 68–69) 154
civitates (tribal states) 84, 96
classis Britannica (fleet of province of Britannia) 216
base at Londinium 95
Continental base at Gesoriacum 75
opthalmikos (eye doctor) 125
recruitment 76
term of service 76
freedman status on completion of service 76
Cohort I Aelia Classica (Glannoventa) 186
classis Germanica (fleet on Rhine) 76–77
classis misenensis (fleet based at Misenum) 60, 76
classis Ravennas (fleet based at Ravenna) 44, 76
Claudia Severa (officer's wife) 204
Claudius 31–33, 38, 65, 83, 227
birthplace at Lugdunum 70
conquest of Britannia (AD 43) 31–33, 118
speech to Senate (AD 48) 227
shortage of grain in Rome (AD 51) 55
chariot fitted with game board 86
Clayton, John 223
Cleopatra 56
clibani (ceramic portable ovens) 118
Clitumnus, River 130
Clitumnus, river god 130
Clodius Albinus 217
governor of Britannia 226
defeat by Septimius Severus at Lugdunum 217, 226
clothing
Celts
birrus, caracalla (capes) 74, 178
checked fabrics 178, 179
trousers 179
damask silks 179
dyes 178
gold thread 179
togas 177
tunics 179
twill fabrics 179
Romans
bikinis, leather 144
dinner attire 213
scarves 213
togas 35, 177
laundering of 177–178
travelling cloaks, leather 86
Cnidus (island) 134
Coccium (Wigan) 186
Cogidubnus (client king, Britannia) 118
cohorts 36
I Aelia Dacorum milliaria (Banna, Fanum Cocidi) 221
I Aelia Classica (Glannoventa) 186
I Hispanorum Veterana (Alauna, Moesia Inferior) 36, 187, 201–202
I Tungrorum (Tungrians: Vercovicium, Vindolanda) 230
II Asturum Cohort 190
II Flavia Brittonum (Moesia Inferior) 36
IV Delmatarum (Dalmatians: Mediobogdum) 187
IV Lingonum (Lingones) 187
Hamiorum Sagittariorum (Hamian Archers: Magnis) 191
infantry (cohortes peditatae) 192
mixed infantry and cavalry (cohortes equitatae) 192
Colchester see Camulodunum
Coligny calendar 227
Colne, River 50
Cologne see Colonia Agrippina, Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium
colonia (top rank of chartered town) 90
Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Cologne) see also Colonia Agrippina 69, 76, 198
Colonia Aelia Capitolina 27
Colonia Agrippina (Cologne) see also Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium 69, 76, 198
Columella (agricultural writer) 122
commentarii (governor's daily accounts and observations) 104
Commius (leader of Atrebates) 115
Commodus 160, 217
Condate (Northwich) 69
Constantine (the Great) 219
Constantinople· 219
Constantius Chlorus· 218, 219
cooking 100, 118
copper-working 191
Corbridge see also Coria 223
Coria (Corbridge) 15, 189, 223
Diodora, high priestess of cult of Herakles of Tyre 15
fountain 223
granaries 223
museum 223
road junction at 207
'Site XI' 223
Corinium Dobunnorum (Cirencester) 18, 128, 141
corn dole 25
Cornovii (British tribe) 169, 176
crime and punishment
capital punishment 79, 81, 109, 159
cattle thieves 176
damnati ad bestias (condemned to wild beasts) 109, 176
damnati ad gladium (condemned to the sword) 176
damnati ad ludum (condemned to the show) 109
embezzlement and extortion by a governor 39
horse and ox thieves 176
tableaux 109, 159
work in cleaning public baths and latrines 176
work in mining 176
Crocodopolis (Arsinoe, Egypt) 130
crypta (grotto) 207
cults see religions and cults
Cunetio (Mildenhall) 127
Cunobelinus (Cymbeline) 33
cupids, winged 162
curse tablets (defixiones) 19, 145–146, 164
cursus honororum (career path for those of senatorial rank) 102
cursus publicus (messenger service) 74, 87, 200s
customs duties at frontiers 66
Cybele 51
D
Dacia, Dacians 21, 25, 35
Decebalus (king of Dacia) 195
defensive line 190
falx (curved dagger) 195
gold mines 153
quelled by Trajan (AD 101–102, 105–106) 25, 195
Dacia Superior 35
governed by Julius Severus (AD 119–125) 195
dairy products 183, 177, 206
dancers/mime artists (pantomimi) 23
Dane, River 183
Darent, River 88
Dea Dia cult 44
Decebalus (king of Dacia) 195
Decumanus Maximus (Ostia) 48
decuriones (town councillors) 96, 200
dedicitii (without political rights or status) 166
defrutum (grape syrup) 93
deities see Celtic gods and goddesses, Greek gods and goddesses, Roman gods and goddesses, Romano-Celtic gods and goddesses
Demetae (Welsh tribe) 152
see also Moridunum
Dere Street (Coria to Bremenium) 207, 211
Derventio (Papcastle) 188
Deva (Chester) 105, 113–114, 165, 182–183, 223–224
Diana (goddess) 163
diet see food and drink
Diocletian· 218–219, 227, 229
Diodora, high priestess (Coria) 15
Diodorus Siculus (Greek historian, c.60–30 BC) 68, 122
diseases see health
Dobunni (British tribe) 130, 167
Docimion (Phrygia, now Turkey) 97
doctors see also health problems and cures
Galen (medical writer) 70, 126
wounds assisting study of internal organs 185
Dolocauthi gold mine 153
domestic violence 199
Domitian (emperor) 29, 43, 60, 81, 105
Domus Aurea (Golden House, Rome) 26
Dorchester see Durnovaria 127
Dover see Dubris 14
drinking vessels 73
Druids 135–136
eradication of (AD 61) 36
human sacrifice 135
last stand, Mona (Anglesey) 135
mistletoe 135
sacred groves 135
Drusus (emperor) 69
Dubnovellaunus 31
Dubris (Dubris) 14, 82, 75, 91
Dunstable see Durocobrivis 114
Durnovaria (Dorchester) 127
Durobrivae Cantiacorum (Rochester) 85, 87
Durobrivae (Water Newton) 162
Durocobrivis (Dunstable) 114
Durolevum (?Ospringe, Kent) 87
Durovernum Cantiacorum (Canterbury) 14, 75, 84–85, 91, 224
dyes 178
E
Eagle, The (2011) 222
Eagle of the Ninth, The (Rosemary Sutcliff, 1954) 222
eating and drinking out
bars 51, 71, 123
at bath houses 156
in hotels and inns 72, 115
popinae (bars or cookshops) 51
restaurants 123
snackbars and stalls 108, 156, 163, 165, 166, 224
taverns 51, 52, 84, 144, 165
Ebbsfleet, River 88
Eboracum (York) 15, 113, 208
Eden, River 184
Egypt 22, 66, 130
Elagabulus see Bassianus 218
elections
appearance of candidates 178
property qualification for decuriones 96
emperors see also Alexander Severus, Allectus, Antoninus Pius, Domitian, Drusus, Gaius Caligula, Heptarchy, 'Illyrian' emperors, Julius Caesar, Macrinus, Marcus Aurelius, Pertinax, Titus 102
Emporium (river port, Rome) 28, 45
Epidaurus (Greece) 122
Eppia see Juvenal
Eppillus (Atrebates tribe) 117–118
Ermine Street 113, 226
etesian winds (Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean summer winds) 64
Euboea, Greece 98
eunuchs 51
Eusebius (historian) 70
exceptores (shorthand secretaries) 104
Exeter see Isca Dumnoniorum 127
F
Falernian wine 52
families see children, concubines, inheritance laws, women
Fanum Cocidi (Bewcastle) 194
Farningham, graffiti 180
Fascinus (spirit of the phallus) 180
Faustina (empress) 160
ferrum (sword) 40
financial accountants 104
fire control 100
First Jewish War (AD 66–73) 38
Fiscus (emperor's personal treasury) 102
fish
mackerel 93–94
preserved 59
tuna 65
fish oil (for lamps) 212
fish sauce 48, 93–95, 123
from Gallia Narbonensis 93
garum sociorum (mackerel sauce) from Carthago Nova 93–94
muriae (tuna fish sauce) 65
Flavian 29, 93, 105
Flavius Cerialis (soldier: Vindolanda) 210
fleet see naval fleet
Fontes Sequanae 122
food and drink see also beverages, cereals, dairy products, eating out, fish, fowl, fruit, game, garum, meat, molluscs and shellfish, muriae, olive oil, vegetables and pulses, spices and seasoning, wine
forts, fortresses see 105, 106, 151, 154–156, 229, 230
basilica exercitatoria (indoor drill hall) 193
bath houses 156
canabae (civilian settlements around fort) 165
courtyard buildings 155
praetorium (headquarters) 156, 191
Fortuna, Fortuna Redux (goddess) 163, 192
Fortunata (slave of Vegetus, Londinium) 103
forum (fora), forum basilicas
in Calleva Atrebatum 117, 120–121
in Londonium 91, 95–96, 120
in Ostia 48
in Portus 44
in Rome 25
in Viroconium 120
in Venta Silurum 120
forum vinarium (wine market) 51
Forum Boarium (Rome) 44
Forum Iulii (Fréjus) 65, 147
Fossa Traiana, canal (Rome) 28, 48, 53
fossatum Africae (defensive ditch) 190
Fosse Way (Isca Dumnoniorum to Lindum) 129, 147
fowl, domesticated and wild
chickens 59, 156, 196
ducks 213
swans 213
thrushes 213
widgeon 115
Franks 218, 229
fratres arvales (Arval brethren) 45
see also Dea dia cult
Frisii (Germanic tribe) 77, 200
Frontinus (senator) 152
fruit 51, 59, 123, 124
funerals 158
furniture 31, 39, 58, 72, 84, 87, 100, 108–109, 203, 211
G
Gades (Cadiz) 45
Gaius Caligula (emperor) 54, 61
G(aius) Calpurnius Receptus (priest) 54
Gaius Cornelius Peregrinus, officer (Alauna) 15
Gaius Iulius Karus, prefect of II Asturum Cohort 190
Gaius Murrius Modestus (soldier) 147–148
Gaius Tetius Venturius Micianus (prefect) 211
Galava (Ambleside) 186
Galen (medical writer) 70, 126, 160
Galerius 218
Gallaecia (Galicia) 153
Gallia (Gaul) see also Gallia Narbonensis, Tres Galliae 218, 227
benna (goods vehicles) 85
boats of northwestern rivers 77
Claudius's proposal to admit citizens as senators (AD 48) 227
products 48
see also Samian ware
penknives 162
sandals 164
whelks for red-purple dye 178
wine 150
Vercingetorix, rebellion of (52 BC) 192
siege of Alesia 192
Gallia Narbonensis 63, 64, 65, 68, 93, 211, 221, 227
Narbonensis Prima 227
province created (121 BC) 64
'Provincia' 64
products 93
Gallienus 218
game
hare 123, 133
roe deer 213
venison 123, 213
games and shows see also amphitheatres, gladiators
beast shows 106, 108–109, 159
damnatio ad bestias (condemnation to the wild beasts) 109, 159
gladiatorial shows see also gladiators 158–159
scheme for fixed prices of games (AD 177) 161
venatio (wild animal hunt) 106
gaming
Claudius's chariot fitted with game board 86
ludus duodecimo scriptorium (akin to backgammon) 156
pyrgi (dice towers) 84
Garonne 58
garum sociorum (mackerel sauce) from Carthago Nova 93–94
Gaul see Gallia
Gauls
aristocratic priests 69–70
dining customs 122
feasting and drinking to excess 72
language skills 174
personal grooming 69
wine production 73
gemstones 146, 157
genius loci (local spirit) 192
Germania 69, 190
Germanic goddess, Nehalennia 66
Germanic tribes 77, 198, 218
Germanicus 58, 77
Gesoriacum (Boulogne) 32, 49, 69, 75, 77–78
Geta (emperor) 217
Gironde, River 68, 93
gladiators 23, 158–164
abolition of tax on sale of (AD 177) 161
auctorati (bondsmen) 159
consequences of service 159
deaths 161, 162
infamia (public disgrace) 159
suicides prior to combat 159
lanista (manager) 159
Ludus Magnus 161
motif on pottery 162
parmularii (fighters with small shields) 163
prisoners of war 159
retiarii (net men) 163
schools 161
bilingual dictionaries 174
corporal punishment 174
'seg', segniter (weak, slack) 174
scutarii (fighters with big shields) 163
secutores (fighters in helmets with swords and big shields) 163
tableaux 159
thraeces (Thracians) 159
tending of wounds 160
venatores (hunters) 159
women's attraction to 160
gladium (sword) 176
Glannoventa (Ravenglass) 186
glass for windows 74
glassware
cups 162
wine glasses 73, 163
motifs for decoration 162–163
Glauco (gladiator, Verona) 163
Glevum (Gloucester) 127, 149, 152, 167
Gloucester see Glevum 127
(Gnaeus Julius) Agricola see Agricola
Gnaeus Julius Verus (governor of Britannia) 216
gods and goddesses see Celtic gods and goddesses, Greek gods and goddesses, Roman gods and goddesses, Romano-Celtic gods and goddesses
gold 153
Golden House (Domus Aurea, Rome) 26
Gorgon 220
governors
cursus honororum requirement to govern Britannia 102
governors of Britannia are proconsuls but classed 'propraetorian' 102
leave Rome for senatorial provinces by 1 April rule 39
start of posting to senatorial provinces on 1 July rule 39
letter of arrival 77
adventus (arrival) 83, 172
clothing and insignia 40, 79
roles:
head of army 102
head of government 102
head of judiciary 102–103, 172
horseguard 101
inauguration ceremonies 83
'mule-and-tent' allowance 39
obligation to remain in province 81
official inspections 170–173
perks of office 39
power to pronounce capital punishment 79, 81, 101
punishment for misgovernment 39
term as governor 79
graffiti 46, 52, 98, 162, 163, 180, 181
grain 28, 47, 54–55
Great North Museum (Hancock) (Newcastle upon Tyne) 228, 231
Greece 22, 94
Greek gods and goddesses
Aphrodite 134
Hermes 164
Hermes Psychopompus 164
Zeus 133
grooming, personal
Britons 124
Gauls 69
Romans 142
Grosvenor Museum (Chester) 224
guilds and colleges
armourers' guild 148
banners 170
collegium peregrinorum consistentium Callevae ('guild of resident aliens at Calleva') 120
temple guilds 120
H
Hadrian (Publius Aelius Hadrianus) 16, 217, 228
Spanish parentage 29
early rustic use of Latin 173
veneration of Augustus 25–26
made emperor (AD 117) 25
relinquishment of Parthian gains 190
visit to Britannia (AD 122) 16
visit to Rhine (AD 122) 16
construction of Hadrian's Wall commenced (AD 122) 16, 189
magister of Dea dia cult (AD 126) 45
promotion of Dea dia cult 44
army reforms 206–207
discipline, zeal for 206
building programme in Rome 25–28
palace at Tivoli (Villa Tiburtina, Rome)· 24, 229
Pons Aelius bridge (Rome) 214
building programme in Ostia 47–48
service as duovir (chief magistrate) for Ostia 47
efforts to improve public morality 107, 110
hunting, passion for 211
Borysthenes, favourite hunter 211
personal interests 106
Plotina (widow of Trajan, adoptive mother) 147
refusal of ostentation 207
Sabina (wife) 130
Scriptores Historiae Augustae 1,11
speeches to troops 182, 205
temple for Matidia (mother-in-law) 26
death (AD 138) 217
mausoleum (Castel Sant'Angelo, Rome)· 229
Hadrian's Villa see Villa Tiburtina 24, 229
Hadrian's Wall ((Vallum Aelii) 16, 27, 188–189, 221, 224–225
earlier defences 190
construction commenced (AD 122) 16
composition and structure 192–193
cippi (pits for impaling enemy) 192
ditches and causeways 193, 194
forts sited on wall 194
numbering of milecastles and turrets 195
destruction of indigenous settlements 208
no-man's-land 197
whitewashing of wall 197
souvenirs for soldiers 133
Arbeia (South Shields) 189, 220–221
Banna (Birdoswald) 188, 221
Benwell 189
Burgh by Sands 188
Magnis (Carvoran) 188, 192, 195
Castlesteads 188
Cilurnum (Chesters) 189, 222
Coria (Corbridge) 15, 189, 223
Crawburgh 189
Drumburgh 188
Fanum Cocidi (Bewcastle) 194
Great Chesters 188
Halton Chesters 189
Luguvalium Carvetiorum (Carlisle) 13, 184, 188, 191, 227
Maia (Bowness-on-Solway) 13, 14–15, 186, 188, 189
map 188–189
Milecastle 39 19
Milecastle 49 (Harrow's Scar) 221
Pons Aelius (Newcastle upon Tyne) 189, 228
Rudchester 189
Segedunum (Wallsend) 189, 230
Turret 49b 221
Uxelodunum (Stanwix) 188, 191
Vercovicium (Housesteads) 188, 197, 228, 231
Vindolanda (Chesterholm) 188, 195, 231
Walltown Crags 230
UNESCO World Heritage Site 225
Hadrianotherae 211
hairstyles 69, 124, 135, 178
ham 30, 72
Hamworthy 129
Hardknott see ?Mediobogdum
Harrow's Scar (Milecastle 49) see Hadrian's Wall 221
haruspex (religious interpreter of sacrificial livers)· 140
health problems and cures
chilblains 94
collyria (eye ointment) 126
dog saliva to cleanse wounds 122
eye infections 202
haemorrhoids 154
gum disease 157
herbal remedies 121–122
lead, uses of 154
libido 154
roundworm 125
scars 154
trachoma 125
ulcers 154
votives 126
wet dreams 154
wounds assisting study of internal organs 185
heating
braziers 100, 119, 167
open fires 100
under-floor heating 100, 110, 119, 167
see also hypocausts
Helios the sun god 26
Heptarchy (rule of seven emperors) 219
Hera 56
Herakles of Tyre 15
Hides 48, 76, 94, 176–177
Hierosylma (Jerusalem) 27
High Rochester see Bremenium
Hispania 218
Hispania Baetica 29, 48
Italica (Santiponce, Spain) 173
olive oil, olives 94, 150
wine 52, 73
Hispania Citerior ('Nearer Spain') 29, 102
Hispania Tarraconensis 23, 102
Asturia 153, 184
governor post 102
products 93
defrutum (grape syrup) 93
fish sauce 150
gold 153
olive oil, olives 93
Historia Augusta 18
Homer 61
honesta missio (army demobilisation day, 7 January) 158
honeyed wine (mulsum) 52
Horace (poet) 37, 72, 86
Horrea Piperataria (warehouses storing spices, Rome) 43
horses and mules 23, 30, 33, 34, 38, 39, 47, 68, 71, 72, 75, 114
Britons' skill in riding 30
equisiones (governor's grooms) 105
Hadrian's fondness for 211
tomb of Borysthenes 211
harnessing and saddling 205
military barley ration 213
military packhorses 68, 152
pasture 23, 165, 182, 184
penalties for abusing 87–88
ritual burial 119
stabling 23, 205, 230
stratores consularis (governor's transport officers) 105
unshod hooves 115–116
hotels and inns 71, 72, 74
hounds, for hunting 94, 210
houses see also building materials, buildings, mosaics
in Calleva 124
in Viroconium Cornoviorum 180
case a giardino (apartment blocks with courtyard gardens) 48
economies in building 180
gardens 125
latrines 124
opus signum (waterproof) flooring 209
roundhouses 74, 182, 208
rubbish disposal 124–125
tenancy agreements 125
timber and clay 93, 100–101, 114
triclinium (dining room) 123
tableware 123
Housesteads see also Vercovicium 228
hunting 94, 210
hypocausts 119, 124, 224
see also heating, under-floor
I
Iceni 14
Ides of the month 25
Iliad, The 68
Ilkley see ?Verbeia
'Illyrian' emperors 218
imperial cult of Rome and Augustus 65, 69
imperial judiciary 102–104, 172
imperial secretariat 103
see also secretaries
imperial ships 56
industry see British industry
infamia (public disgrace, of gladiators) 159
infections see health problems and cures
inheritance laws governing soldiers 202–203
inns see hotels and inns 70
Insula Portuensis (Isola Sacra, Italy) 48, 53
insulae (apartment blocks) 24
Insus (quartermaster: son of Vodullus, Treveri tribe) 225
iron 75, 91, 191
Iron Age beliefs
Druids 36, 135–136
herbal concoctions 121
ritual burials 121–122
Irthing, River 192
Isca see Isca Augusta
Isca Augusta (Caerleon) 151–158, 225
amphitheatre 155, 157–158, 163, 164, 225
barracks 225
baths 225
defences 225
fort 106, 151, 154–156
Frontinus, founder (senator) 151
Legion II Augusta 46, 113, 127, 154
National Roman Legion Museum 225
port 151–152
shrine to Nemesis 164
Isca Dumnoniorum (Exeter) 127, 129, 154
Isle of Thanet 81
Isurium Brigantum (Aldborough) 208
JK
Jerusalem (Hierosylma) 27, 28
jewellery 29, 124, 203, 209
Jews 28, 44, 70
Josephus 57
Judaea 27
judicial system see also imperial judiciary 102–104, 172
Julia Fericula and Evaristus 46
Julius Caesar (emperor) see also Notes
first expedition to Britannia (54 BC) 37
second expedition to Britannia (55 BC) 30, 77, 78
Gallic Wars (V.14) 78, 79
cippi (defensive pits), notes on 193
Julius Severus 61, 67, 70, 75, 77, 79, 83, 139, 214, 216
born in Aequum (Dalmatia) 65
quattuorviri viarum curandarum (magistrate responsible for street maintenance, Rome) 35
tribune of Legion XIV Gemina (Carnuntum, Pannonia Superior) 36
quaestor (Macedonia) 36
Tribune of the Plebs 36
praetor of Legion XIV Gemina (Carnuntum, Pannonia Superior) 36
governor of Dacia Superior (AD 119–125) 35
governor of Britannia (AD 130–133) 17
campaign in Judaea (AD 133) 216
awarded ornamenta triumphalia 216
proconsul of Syria Palaestina 216
arrival in Londonium 96
Julius Silvanus 65
Julius Valens (soldier) 165
Julius Vitalis 148
Juno 48
Jupiter 48
Juvenal (satirist) 51, 54, 60, 160, 201
Kennet, River 128
L
lamps see also lighting, olive oil
British open lamps 212
lamp use in rituals 59
lamps for sale 84
lamps from North Africa 48
oil lamps 24, 29, 100, 162, 177, 212
votive lamps 133
Lancaster 13, 14, 186, 225
land tax (tributum solis) 200
Langres, France (Andematunnum) 69
lanista (manager of gladiators) 159
Latin
provincial struggles with 173–174
Roman pride in 173
laundering 177–178
see also clothing
Laurentum 43
Laureolus (robber with a grisly death) 109
lavatory arrangements 161
Lazio, Italy (Circei) 84
lead 76, 94, 153, 154
legates
imperial judicial legates 103
legionary legates 23, 67, 187, 216
legatus augusti iujuridicus (imperial judicial legate) 103
Legions 15, 36, 223
I Minervia (Bonna) 161
II Adiutrix (Forum Julii) 147
II Augusta (Glevum, Isca Augusta, Isca Dumnoniorum) 46, 113, 127, 154
III Gallica (Judaea) 187
XI Victrix 213
VII Claudia Pia Fidelis 65
XIV Gemina 'Martia Victrix' 75
invasion of Britannia (AD 61) 36
destruction of Druids (AD 61) 36
victory over Boudicca (AD 61) 36
base at Viroconium Cornoviorum 170
XVI Victrix 15, 112
XX Valeria Victrix 113, 223
base at Viroconium Cornoviorum 170
base at Deva 170
legionaries on secondment to governor:
beneficiarii consularis (beneficiaries of governor, despatched on special duties) 105
equisiones (governor's grooms) 105
singulares (governor's foot guards, horse guards) 105
speculatores (governor's police, executioners) 105
stratores consularis (governor's transport officers) 105
Leicester see Ratae Corieltauvorum
Leintwardine see Branogenium
Lemonum (Poitiers) 5
Letocetum (Wall, Staffordshire) 14, 225
letters, personal 204, 210
letters of introduction 67
letters from ex-pat women 204
soldiers' letters 213
travel time for correspondence between Britannia and Italy 38
Vindolanda tablets 103
Libraries 25, 105, 156
lichens for purple dye 178
lictors (ceremonial bodyguards) 83
lighting see also lamps (oil lamps)
beeswax 212
braziers 100, 119, 167
candles 100, 212
fat for lamps 212
tallow fat 177, 212
limestone 97, 120, 131, 134, 142, 158
Lindum (Lincoln) 113, 129, 208
liquamen (fish sauce from Antipolis, Gallia) 94
litter-bearers 25
livestock see also cattle, horses and mules
enclosures for 182
goats 177
larger specimens using Roman rearing methods 209
pasture 165, 182, 184
pigs 177
sheep 47, 128
Loire, River 50, 58, 93
Londinium (London) 27, 87, 91, 208, 226
torched by Boudicca (AD 61) 14
'Boudiccan destruction layer' 14
fire (AD 125) 99
Aldgate 226
amphitheatre 105, 226
basilica 92, 96
bath houses 110
Bishopsgate 113, 226
colonia status (top rank of chartered town) 90
Cripplegate 226
forum 92, 95
fort 105
graffiti 181
municipium status 90
Newgate 226
port (constructed AD ([0-9]+)–96) 92
seat of governor to Britannia 101
shrine to Neptune 90
Southwark 91–92
strategic position 90
temple to Mithras / Bacchus 226
timber buildings 93, 100–101
walls 226
wells 99
London see Londinium 226
lorica segmentata (Roman plate armour) 223
Lucan (poet) 67, 82, 137
Lucian (satirist) 60
Lucius (gladiator) 163
Lucius Cammius Maximus (camp prefect, Alauna) 15, 17
Lucius Marcius Memor (haruspex) 140
L(ucius) Minicius Natalis (the Younger)
family estates 29
augur (priest) 23
senator 23
tresviri monetales (magistrate responsible for Roman mint) 23
chariot-racing, Olympic Games 15, 23
legionary legate (Eboracum) 15, 17, 23, 216
praefectus alimentorum (prefect of food supply, Rome) 216
curator viae Flaminiae (curator of Via Flaminia, Rome) 216
consul (Rome, AD ([0-9]+)) 216
responsible for temples and public works (Rome) 216
tribune, then governor (Moesia Inferior) 217
proconsul (Africa) 217
Lucius Tettius Africanus (liquamen importer) 94
Lucrine Lake, Italy 84
ludia (actress, performer, gladiator's moll) 163
Ludus Magnus (gladiator school) 161
Luentinum (?Pumpsaint, Wales) 153
Lugdunum (Lyon) see also Tres Galliae 38, 69, 70, 226–227
Luguvalium Carvetiorum (Carlisle) 13, 184, 190, 191, 227
Lusitania, gold mines 153
Lutudarum (Derbyshire), lead mines 154
Lyon see also Lugdunum· 227, 226
M
Macedonia 202
Macrinus (emperor) 218
madder (rubia tinctorum) for red dye 178
Maecenas (aesthete) 30
Maenius Agrippa see (Marcus) Maenius Agrippa
Magnis (Kenchester) 167
Magnis (Carvoran) 188, 191, 192
Maia (Bowness-on-Solway) 13, 14–15, 167, 186
Mamucium (Manchester) 183
Manchester see Mamucium
mano ficus (hand gesture against evil powers) 180
Mansuetus (cavalryman, Viroconium) 179
maps and charts 168
see also Antonine Itinerary
papyrus rolls 168
route planners 168
maritime routes 168, 186, 188
symbols 168
Marble Depot (Statio Marmorum) 48
Marcus Aufidius Maximus (centurion) 140
Marcus Aurelius (emperor) 161, 217, 220, 221–222
Marcus Censorius Cornelianus (soldier: Alauna, Judaea) 14–15, 187
(Marcus) Maenius Agrippa 17, 36, 75, 187, 216
M(arcus) Sedatius Severianus (senator) 216
M(arcus) Statius Priscus (equestrian officer) 187
M(arcus) Stlaccius Coranus (equestrian tribune) 46
M(arcus) Trebellius Maximus (governor of Britannia) 132
M(arcus) Valerius Etruscus 185
Marcus Vettius Bolanus (governor of Britannia) 137
Marcus Vettius Valens (judicial legate) 104
M(arcus) Vipsanius Agrippa 69
maritime routes 168, 186, 188
charts 168
etesian winds (Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean summer winds) 64
Gallic rivers to Britannia 58, 93
Mistral winds 64
stadia (measurement at sea) 168
winter closed season for sailing 39, 54, 55, 76
Mark Antony 56
Mars Camulos 110
Mars Lucetius and Nemetona 148
Martial (poet) 109, 143, 173, 178, 228
martial law, in north of Britannia 103
Maryport see also Alauna 26, 14, 219
Massilia (Marseille) 49, 64, 65
Matidia (d. AD ([0-9]+)) 26–27, 53
matrons, Roman see also hairstyles, jewellery boxes 203
Mauretania Caesariensis (North African province) 192
Maxentius 229
Maximian (co-augustus) 218, 219
measures
leagues 168
pedes (feet) 115
mille passus (Roman mile: 1,000 paces) 115, 168
time 24
Maeatae (Scottish tribe) 198
meat
beef 115, 177
goat 59, 123, 177
ham 30, 72
human flesh presented as pork 71
mutton 123, 156
pork 115, 123, 156, 177, 196
bacon 206
pigs' trotters 156
pork ribs 156
sausages 72
preserved meat 59
medicine see health problems and cures
Mediobogdum (?Hardknott) 187
Fourth Cohort of Dalmatians
Mediolanum (Whitchurch) 148, 182
Mediomatrici (Gallic tribe) 148
Mediterranean 64
Medusa 56
Memnon (King of Ethiopians) 130
Menapii (Belgic tribe) 77
Meroë 71
Mesomodes of Crete (Hadrian's court musician) 148
Mesopotamia 21
Middlewich see Salinae
Mildenhall see Cunetio 127
milestones 115
see also measures
military see also arms and equipment, centurions, legions
abuse of natives 200–201
extortion 200
flogging 201
administration 153
census-taking 200
rosters 153
receipts 153
records of pay 153
discharge records 179
tax collection 200
auxiliary units see also cavalry units (alae)
infantry (cohortes peditatae) 192
mixed infantry and cavalry (cohortes equitatae) 192
calendar
honesta missio (demobilisation day, 7 January) 158
legion's birthday 158
rosaliae signorum (festival of standards, May) 158
clothing 213
concubines 156, 192, 202
conditions of leave 202, 206
daily password 153
diet of soldiers in ranks
weekly wheat ration 213
duties 201–202
inheritance laws 202
letters home 213
lorica segmentata (Roman plate armour) 223
marriage ban for soldiers in ranks 202
packhorses 68, 152
pay 103, 153, 200
compulsory savings 179
procurement of beasts for games 161
recreation 213
retirement and Roman citizenship 179
immunity from taxes 179
right to a free billet 201
slang 193
training 206
vexillatio (taskforce on detachment from legion)· 153
woollen socks 213
mime artists/ dancers (pantomimi) 23
Minerva 48, 127
Minicius Natalis see L(ucius) Minicius Natalis
mining 132
Misenum (Miseno) 53, 60, 75
Moesia Inferior 23
molluscs and shellfish 156, 165
cockles 165, 210
limpets 165
mussels 165, 210
oysters 30, 84, 94, 156, 165, 210, 213
artificially farmed 94
prawns 72
shellfish 156, 165
snails 72
Mona (Anglesey) 36, 136
monetary system 32
coins
British coins 31, 118
coins buried for luck 95, 129
commemorative coins 32
throwing coins into water 131, 146, 147, 150
Roman mint 24, 35
Monmouth see Blestium ·165
Mons Graupius, Battle of (AD 83) 15, 30, 82
Mons Testaceus (Monte Testaccio) see Roma
Montanus (imperial slave, Londinium) 102
Monti di San Paolo (Italy) 46
Moridunum (Carmarthen) 152
Morini (Belgic tribe) 77
mortaria (mixing bowls) 183
mosaics 49, 101, 150, 162, 224, 228
mules see horses and mules
munera (funeral honours, gladiatorial shows) 158
municipium (second rank of chartered town) 90
murder see crime and punishment 185, 199
muriae (tuna fish sauce) 65
mutationes (changing posts on cursus publicus) 87
N
Narbonensis Prima 227
Narbo Martius (Narbonne) 49, 64, 65, 68, 227
Narbonne see Narbo Martius, Narbonensis
National Museum of Wales, Cardiff 230
National Roman Legion Museum (Caerleon) 225
Naumachia Augusti 45
naval bases 56
Dubris (Dover) 82
Forum Julii (Fréjus) 65
Glannoventa (Ravenglass) 186
Londinium 85
Misenum (Miseno) 60
Ravenna 44
naval fleet 55–56
classis Britannica (fleet based in Britannia) 76, 216
classis Germanica (fleet based on Rhine) 76
classis Ravennas (fleet based at Ravenna) 44, 76
classis misenensis (Praetorian fleet based at Misenum) 60, 76
galleys for northwestern provinces 77
triremes 55, 78
navalia (shipyards) 76
Nehalennia (Germanic goddess) 66
Nemausus (Nîmes, France) 147
Nemesis 164, 224
Nemetona (Celtic goddess) 148
Nero 26, 36, 47, 154
Netherhall Collection (Maryport) 219
Newcastle upon Tyne see also Pons Aelius 228, 231
Nicomedia in Bithynia 100
Nîmes see Nemausus
Northwich see Condate
Noviomagus (Crayford) 88
Noviomagus Regnensium (Chichester) 88
novus homo (nouveau riche) 38
nudity 143
Numidia (Tunisia) 27
O
Oceanus Britannicus 20, 68, 69, 77
olive oil 28–29, 31, 48
for cooking 29
as fuel for lamps 29
as soap 29
storage of amphorae 67
from Gallia Narbonensis 93
from Spain 84
luxury commodity in Britannia 212
Olympia 133
Olympic Games 23
ordo (city council) 96
Ordovices 33
Ospringe (Kent) see ?Durolevum 87
Ostia 42, 228
founded (386 BC) 47
development of Porto 43
distribution centre 48
journey times by sea 49
inauspicious arrival of Claudius 83
Capitolium 48
case a giardino (apartment blocks with courtyard gardens) 48
Decumanus Maximus 48
forum 48
forum vinarium 51
Piazzale delle Corporazioni 48
popinae (bars or cookshops) 51
Porta Romana 48
temple to Rome and Augustus 48
Terme dei Cisiarii (Baths of the Wagon Drivers) 48
Terme di Nettuno (Baths of Neptune) 48
Ovid (poet) 61
ox carts 74
oysters 30, 84, 94, 165, 210, 213
PQ
Palazzo Imperiale 54
Pannonia Superior (Lower Austria) 36
pantomimi (mime artists/ dancers) 23*
Papcastle see Derventio
papyrus 104, 105, 168, 203
Parable of Good Samaritan 185
Parilia 26
parmularii (gladiators with small shields) 163
Pasiphaë 109
Peloponnese 97
penknives 162
Peregrinus, son of Secundus 148
Pertinax (emperor), assassinated (AD 193) 217
petoritum (slow, open carriage) 86
Petronius, Satyricon 45
Petronius Turpilanius 131
Petuaria (Brough-on-Humber) 154
phallus against evil eye (Fascinus) 180
phaselus (boat) 56
Phoenicians 66
Picts (Scottish tribe) 198
pimps 23, 159
plaustrum (two- or four-wheeled cart) 85
Plautus 67, 68
Pliny the Elder 49, 56, 73
admiral of Praetorian fleet at Misenum 60
Natural History (III.5.31) 63
Pliny the Younger (c. AD ([0-9]+)–113) 185
governor of Bithynia 18–19, 105
letters 18, 38
request to found fire brigade, Nicomedia (c. AD ([0-9]+)) 100
villa at Laurentum 43
Plotina (widow of Trajan, adoptive mother of Hadrian) 147
Plutarch (biographer) (died c. AD ([0-9]+)/7) 66, 143
poll tax (tributum capitis) 199–200
pomerium (city boundary of Rome) 40
Pompeii 74
Pons Aelius (Newcastle upon Tyne) 189, 228
Pons Aelius (Rome) 214
Ponte Galeria (Ponte Rotto, Broken Bridge) (Rome) 44
Pontes, Pontibus (Staines) 114
pontifex maximus (chief priest) 139
Pontus Euxinus (Black Sea) 23
popinae (bars or cookshops) 51, 71
porphyry (stone for building) 98
Porta Ostiensis (Rome) 45
Porta Romana (Ostia, Italy) 48
Portus Lemanis (Port Lympne) 91
Portus Lympne (Portus Lemanis) 91
Portus Ostiensis (Portus) 28, 42, 47, 53–54, 60, 75, 82, 100, 228
pottery see also Samian ware
Alice Holt greyware from Hampshire 123
Black Burnished ware from Poole Harbour 123
burial urn 121
graffiti from Burdigala 180–181
grey ware from Oxfordshire 123
ink pots 104
kilns at Durovernum 85
mortaria (mixing bowls) 183
obscene pottery on Cnidus 133
provincial use of imported and local pottery 209
white ware from Oxfordshire 123
praetorium (general's headquarters) 156, 191
prefects 75
of a cavalry unit 75, 211
of a city food supply 216
of a city guard 100
of a cohort 187, 190
of a fleet 17
of a military camp 151
of a province 66
duty to quell bandits 185
Praetorian prefect 218
priests and priestesses
augur (interpreter of dreams and birds' flights) 23, 139
haruspex (interpreter of sacrificial livers)· 140
pontifex maximus (chief priest) 139
sacerdos (priest, priestess) 69
primus pilus (chief centurion) 189
Priscus, son of Toutius (stonemason) 140, 146
prisoners of war 159
proconsuls 39–40, 169, 216, 217
procurators
administration of imperial property 102
collectors of taxes 102
imperial procurators 92, 101, 162
overseers of military pay and expenses 103
procurator of Britain 102
procurers of beasts for games 161
provincial procurators 161
rank in equestrian order 102
relationship with governor of province 103
requirements for work 105
returning from tour of duty 40
review of provincial finances 103
staff 104
stamp of procurator of Britain 98
supervision of state-funded games 162
Propertius (poet) 30
prostitution 23, 45, 71–73, 144
'Provincia' see Gallia Narbonensis 64
public works, funding of 175–176
Publius Ostorius Scapula (governor of Britannia) 33
Puteoli (Pozzuoli) 47, 55
pyrgi (dice towers) 84
Pytheas (Greek explorer) 65
quarries 98
Quintilian 144
Quintus Lollius Urbicus 217
R
Ratae Corieltauvorum (Leicester) 163, 180
Ravenna (Ravenna) 44
reading in winter 212
Reading Museum (Reading) 222
record-keeping see also military (administration) 37, 179
Reculver see Regulbium 229
reda (large 4-wheeled carriage) 86
Regina, freedwoman (Arbeia) 15
Regulbium (Reculver) 229
religions and cults 40, 60, 65
see also altars, Celtic gods and goddesses, Dea Dia cult, Druids, Germanic gods and goddesses, priests and priestesses, ritual burials, Roman gods and goddesses, Romano-Celtic gods and goddesses, sanctuaries and shrines
defixiones (curse tablets) 19, 145–146
ex voto offerings 66
human sacrifice 88, 136
imperial cult of Rome and Augustus (12 BC) 65, 69, 70
Iron Age beliefs 121
libations 40, 133, 172
omens 52, 56, 139, 181
oracles 130
priests and priestesses 23, 69, 138, 139, 140
ritual slaughter 140
Romaia 26
sacrifices· 83, 138–140, 172
sceptres (caduceus) 138
throwing coins into water 131, 146, 147, 150
votive offerings 126, 146
votive altars 145
retiarii (gladiatorial net men) 163
Rhine 40, 49, 58, 68, 69, 76, 77, 93, 190, 198, 218
Rhodes 94
Rhône 69, 93
Ribchester see also Bremetenacum Veteranum 13, 221, 222
Richborough see also Rutupiae 14, 229
Ridgeway, the 128
ritual burials 122, 209
coins under ship mast 95
dogs 121–122
horse 119
ravens 121
rivers
Britannia see Avon, Colne, Dane, Darent, Ebbsfleet, Eden, Irthing, Kennet, Lune, Lwyd, Severn, Thames, Tyne, Usk, Ver, Walbrook, Weaver
Gaul see Rhône
Germania see Rhine
Italy see Clitumnus
siting of fortresses on rivers accessible from sea 152
roads and streets see also Cade's Road, Dere Street, Ermine Street, Stane Street, Watling Street, Viae
construction 115
insula (residential block) 124
mansio/mansiones (official guesthouses) 74, 84
mutationes (changing posts) 87
paving 115
regulations 116
stationes (posts) 74, 87
width 115
Robigo (goddess worshipped to protect crops) 122
Rochester (Durobrivae) 85
Roma see Rome
Roma Aeterna 26
Romaia cult (Natalis Urbis Romae) 26
Romanitas (ideal of being Roman) 197
Romans see bath houses, clothing, food and drink, games and shows, gaming, governors, grooming (personal), houses, military, poets, priests, proconsuls, procurators, Rome, sailors, senators, slaves, tax collectors, tourism, travel
Roman Army Museum (Walltown Crags) 231
Roman citizenship 159, 179
Roman gods and goddesses
Athena 133
Bacchus 138
Diana 163
Discipulina 206
Fortuna 163, 192
Fortuna Redux 192
genius loci (local spirit) 192
Hercules Bibax 138
Imperial Spirits 110
Jupiter (Jove) 133, 164
Mercury 164
Minerva 48, 127
Nemesis 163
Neptune 22, 93
Oceanus 213
Pluto 164
Robigo 122
Silvanus 211
Romano-Celtic gods and goddesses
Mars Camulos 110
Mars Lucetius and Nemetona 148
Sulis Minerva 127
Rome (Rome) 21, 22, 228
urban development under Trajan 25
urban development under Hadrian 25–28
fire (AD 64) 47
fire (AD 191)· 228
fire (AD 283) 229
immigration 30–31, 44
merchandise 29–30
senators 23, 35
Aqua Virgo aqueduct 32
Arch of Claudius (AD 51) 32–33
Aventine Hill 28
map 22
basilica 22
Baths of Caracalla 229
Caligula's Circus 54
Capitoline Hill (Piazza del Campidoglio) 13, 28, 31
Circus 22, 44, 54, 106
city guard, Rome 100
Domus Aurea (Golden House) 26
Egyptian obelisk 54
Emporium 28, 45
Forum 25
Forum Boarium (livestock market) 44
Hadrian's mausoleum (Castel Sant'Angelo) 229
Hadrian's Villa (Villa Tiburtina) 24, 229
Horrea Piperataria (Rome) 43
Ludus Magnus (gladiator school) 161
Mons Testaceus (Monte Testaccio) 28
Pantheon 26, 229
pomerium (city boundary of Rome) 40
Pons Aelius 214
Ponte Galeria (Ponte Rotto, Broken Bridge) 44
Porta Ostiensis 45
Portico of Aemilia 25
Portico of Minucia 25
Praetorian Camp 34
Saepta Iulia shopping district 27, 38
Sanctuary of Dea Dia 44
Servian Wall 45
Temple of Fors Fortuna 45
Temple of Venus and Roma 25
tomb of St Paul (Rome) 45
Trajan's column 25
Trans Tiberium (Trastevere) district 44
Via Campana (Via Portuensis )(Campus Saliniensis to Porta Trigemina) 44
Via Lata (Broad Way, Piazza de Sciarra) 33
Via Ostiensis (Rome to Ostia) 43, 46
Via Portuensis (Rome to Ostia) 43
Via Sacra (Sacred Way) 26
Romulus 44
rosaliae signorum (festival of standards, May) 158
Rusonia Aventina 148
Rutupiae (Richborough) 14, 60, 80, 81–84, 91, 229
S
Sabratha (Libya) 50
Sabrina, River (Severn) 150, 169, 172
Sacred Way see Via Sacra (Rome)
sailors 52
St Albans see Verulamium 14, 18
St Augustine 224
St Paul 45, 57, 61
Saldae (Algeria) 185, 192
Salinae (Middlewich) 183
salt see industry, brine industry
Samarobriva (Amiens) 69
Samian ware 84, 93, 108, 123, 150
sanctuaries and shrines
Avebury henge (2,500 BC) 128
Dea Dia cult (Rome) 44–45
sarsens 128
Silbury Hill 128
Vagniacae (Springhead) 88
Sandy Lane see Verlucio 129
Sanni (tribe near Trapezus) 199
Saône 69
sarsens 128
Saxons 218, 229
scapha (lifeboat) 62
Scotland 198–199
Scottish tribes 198
scutarii (gladiators with big shields) 163
Sea Mills see Abonae
secretaries see also imperial secretariat
acta (governor's records of official decisions and directives) 104
commentarii (governor's daily accounts and observations) 104
dictation 212
in winter 212
exceptores (shorthand secretaries) 104
filing 104
secretarial errors 105
secretary to governor 86
secutores (gladiators in helmets with swords and big shields) 163
Segedunum (Wallsend) 189, 214, 230
segregation of sexes 107, 110, 143
Seine 58, 122
senators 23, 35
civic offices 24
Centumviral Court (Court of Chancery) 35
capital cases 35
curator viae Flaminiae (curator of Via Flaminia, Rome) 216
duovir (chief magistrate) 47
praefectus alimentorum (prefect of food supply, Rome) 216
quattuorviri viarum curandarum (four magistrates responsible for street maintenance, Rome) 35
tresviri monetales (three magistrates responsible for Roman mint) 23
latus clavus (senatorial stripe on toga) 35
military positions 23
progress to Senate 35
religious offices 23, 45
augur (priest interpreter of dreams and birds' flights) 23
fratres arvales (Arval brethren) 45
residential requirements 29
Seneca 161
Senhouse Roman Museum 219
Septimius Severus 217, 221, 227
Septumanus (hotelier, Lugdunum) 71
Sequanna 122
Servian Wall (Rome) 45
Servius Tullius 45
Severn, River (Sabrina) 150, 169, 172
Severus Alexander (emperor) 218
Sextus Julius Severus 16, 23
shellfish see molluscs and shellfish
ships and boats 49–50
bailing equipment 58
barges 95
cabins 58
celox ('speedy' boats) 56
galleys 59
grain ships 47, 55
imperial ships 56
life on board 61, 63
naval galleys for northwestern provinces 77
navis oneraria (cargo ship) 56
of northwestern provinces 77
passengers 50, 57–63, 65, 150
phaselus boat 56
rations on board 59
remedy for sea-sickness 60
rituals to gods 40, 60, 65, 83
sailing season (May to October) 16
scapha (lifeboat) 62
ship decoration 57
ships' names 56
shipwrecks 61
shrine and altar on board 59
standards 59
storm procedure 62
triremes 55, 78
water supply on board 58
shipwrecks 61
voyage duration 64
Shooter's Hill 89
Sidon 61, 66
Sidonius Apollinarius 228
Silbury Hill 128
Silchester see Calleva Atrebatum 222
silk 29
Silures (British tribe) 150, 151
Simon Bar Kokhba 216
slaves 23, 30
from Britannia 94, 203
instructions in Latin 175
laws against mistreatment 159
prostitutes 23
routes into slavery 203–204
soap 177
Solinus 127
South Shields see Arbeia 220
Spain see Hispania
Spalatum (Split) 185
spas (aquae) 168
see also Aquae Sulis
'speedy' boats (celox) 56
Speen see Spinae 127
spices and seasoning 29, 123, 196
Spinae (Speen) 127
Split see Spalatum
Springhead (Vagniacae) 88
Stanegate (Luguvalium to Coria) 190, 192, 193, 195, 207, 231
Stane Street 91
Stanwix see Uxelodunum
Statio Marmorum (Marble Depot) 48
stationes (offices of port representatives, posts on cursus publicus) 19
Statius (poet) 58
Stonehenge 130
Stour, River 85
Strabo (first century BC) 68
strator consularis (transport officer) 84
strigils 120, 143, 157
studying in winter 212
Suetonius Paulinus 131, 136
Suetonius Tranquillus 19, 107
Suleviae (deities local to Aquae Sulis) 141
Sulinus, son of Brucetius (stonemason) 141
Sulis Minerva 220
superstitions 52, 140
Syria, Syrians 61, 76, 102
T
tableaux (for punishment) 109, 159
Tacitus 18, 33, 65, 82, 131, 132, 227
Annals 18, 90
Histories 18
Agricola 82
story of Caratacus 33
story of Tencteri tribe 198
tribute to Silures 150
Tadius Exuperatus (soldier) 153
Taranto, Italy (Tarento) 72, 73
Tarentum (Taranto, Italy) 72, 73
taxation
extortion by soldiers 200
immunity awarded to army veterans 179
payment in kind 199–200
tax collectors 102, 104
decuriones (town councillors) 200
tax payers 176
tributum capitis (poll tax) 200
tributum solis (land tax) 200
temples
furthest known north-westerly Classical temple (Alauna) 219
Lex Sacra (Sacred Law) 134
Romano-Celtic temple 120
temple guilds 120
Temple of Fors Fortuna 45
temple of Sulis Minerva 133–135
Temple of Venus and Roma 25
temple to Matidia 26
temple to Mithras / Bacchus 226
temple to Rome and Augustus 48
tholos (Greek-style temple) 147
Temple of Venus and Roma (Rome) 25
temple guilds 120
Tencteri (Germanic tribe) 198
Terme dei Cisiarii (Baths of the Wagon Drivers, Ostia) 48
Terme di Nettuno (Baths of Neptune, Ostia) 48
tesserae (tickets) 25
Tetrarchy (rule of four) 218
Textiles 177–179
Thaesion 53
Thames, River 31, 88, 89, 91–96, 99, 110, 114, 128
Thasos (Thassos, Greece) 97
theatres 48, 49, 155, 158, 227
in Aquae Sulis 146
Romano-Celtic theatre 85, 224
segregation of men and women 107
Thebes (Egypt) 130
tholos (Greek-style temple) 147
Thrace 76
thraeces (Thracians) 76, 159
Tiber 28, 42, 53, 83
Tiberinius Celerianus (merchant seafarer, Londinium) 110
Tiberius 48
Tibur (Tivoli) 24, 229
Villa Tiburtina (Hadrian's Villa) 24
tickets (tesserae) 25
time 25
tin from Britannia 65, 68, 76, 94
Tincomarus, Tincommius (Atrebates tribe, Britannia) 131, 117–118
Tincommius see Tincomarus
Titus (emperor) 29, 105
Titus Annius (soldier, Vindolanda) 189
Titus Flavius Vespasianus see Vespasian
T(itus) Pontius Sabinus 189
Titus Urdus (soldier in charge of procurement, Cataractonium) 204–205
Tivoli see Tibur 24, 229
togas see clothing
Tolosa (Toulouse) 65, 68
Tongres (Atuatuca Tungrorum) 33
torcs 33
Torlonia relief 82
tourism 22, 23, 108, 130, 133, 163, 224
Tournai (Turnacum) 75
towns, chartered 90
Trabezon see Trapezus 171
Trajan 19, 24, 25, 54, 63, 228
Trajectus (?Bitton) 149
Trans Tiberium (Trastevere) district (Rome) 44
Trapezus (Trabezon, Turkey) 171
travel see also carriages, journeys, maps and charts, ships and boats, tourism, vehicles
accommodation 71
arrival 83, 172
leave-taking 40, 57–58
suspension of travel in winter 204
Tres Galliae 68, 226
conquered by Julius Caesar (58–51 BC) 68
'Gallia Comata' (Long-haired Gaul) 69
tresviri monetales (magistrates responsible for Roman mint) 23
Treveri (Belgic tribe) 225
Trèves 227
tribunal (box for sponsor of games) 107
tribunal (stage for governor's judicial hearings) 107
tributum capitis (poll tax) 199–200
Trimalchio see Petronius 45
Trinovantes (British tribe) 90
triremes 55, 78
Troy 130
Tullie House Museum 227
Turnacum (Tournai) 75
Tyne, River 213
U
Uley shrine 19, 145
Ulpian (jurist) 19
Ulpii see also Trajan 29
Usk see Burrium 165
Usk, River 150, 151
Uxelodunum (Stanwix) 191
V
Vagniacae (Springhead) 88
Valerian 218
Vallum Aelii see Hadrian's Wall 221, 224–225
Vedica (Cornovian, resident at Verbeia) 178
vegetables and pulses 51, 123
Vegetus (assistant imperial slave, Londinium) 103
vehicles
benna (goods vehicles, Gaul) 85
carpentum (covered 2-wheeled carriage) 86
carruca (heavy 4-wheeled coach) 86
carruca dormitoria (carruca for long night journeys) 86
cisium (swift 2-wheeled carriage) 86
petoritum (slow, open carriage) 86
plaustrum (2- or 4-wheeled cart) 85
reda (large 4-wheeled carriage) 86
streptitus rotarum (screeching of wheels) 86
venatores (gladiatorial hunters) 159
Veneti (tribe) 77
Venta Belgarum (Winchester) 128
Venta Silurum (Caerwent) 120, 150, 165–167, 230
Ver, River 113
Verbeia (?Ilkley) 178
Vercingetorix, rebellion of (Gaul, 52 BC) 192
Vercovicium (Housesteads) 188, 197, 228, 230
Verecunda (ludia, actress) 163
Verica (client king, Atrebates tribe, Britannia) 31, 117–118
Verlucio (Sandy Lane) 129
Verulamium (St Albans) 14, 18, 31, 113, 114, 208
Vespasian (Titus Flavius Vespasianus) 29, 105, 154–156, 188
vexillatio (taskforce on detachment from legion) 153
vexillation see vexillatio
Via Aquitania (Mediterranean to Atlantic) 65
Via Aurelia (Centumcellae to Rome) 63
Via Campana (Via Portuensis) (Campus Saliniensis to Porta Trigemina, Rome) 44
Via Domitia (Italy to Spain) 65
Via Flavia (Ostia to Portus) 53
Via Flaminia 130
Via Lata (Broad Way, Piazza de Sciarra, Rome) 33
Via Ostiensis (Rome to Ostia) 43, 46
Via Portuensis (Rome to Ostia) 43
Via Sacra (Sacred Way, Rome) 26, 43
vicus, vici (village settlements) 183, 192
Vicus Alexandri 46
Vienna (Vienne, France) 227
vigiles urbani (city guards, Rome) 100
Villa Tiburtina (Hadrian's Villa) 24
Vindolanda (Chesterholm) 188, 196, 231
Vinovia (Binchester) 211
Virgil 37, 174
Viroconium Cornoviorum (Wroxeter) 27, 113, 114, 152, 165, 169–171, 180–181, 231
aqueduct 170
baths complex 170, 231
cistern 170
civitas (tribal capital) of Cornovii 165
forum basilica 120, 172
forum boarium (livestock market) 170
founding 170
mansio (official guesthouse) 170
museum 231
virtus (noble actions) 34
Vodullus (Treveri tribe) 225
W
Walbrook, River 93, 99, 100
Wales 150–158, 165–167
see also Silures
Wall, Staffordshire see Letocetum 14, 225
Wallsend see also Segedunum 230
Walltown Crags 231
Wantsum Channel 81, 229
Watling Street (Rutupiae to Londinium to Viroconium)· 14, 82, 84, 113, 165, 172, 226
weapons see arms and equipment
Weaver, River 183
weld (Reseda luteola) for yellow dye 178
Welsh tribes 152
wheat 76
whelks for red-purple dye 178
Whitchurch see Mediolanum
Wigan see Coccium
wild animals (Britannia) 212
Wilderspool, industrial centre 183
Winchester see Venta Belgarum
wine 45, 51, 52
barrels 93
Falernian wine 52, 73
Gallic wine 29, 48, 52, 84, 93, 150
from Baeterrae 73
from Gallia Narbonensis 93
from Massilia 73
from Vienne 73
Greek wine 29, 52, 84
from Rhodes 94
honeyed wine (mulsum) 52
Italian wine 84
Massic wine from Campania 213
prices 52
sour wine for soldiers 206, 213
Spanish wine 52, 73
woad (glastum, Isatis tinctoria) for blue dye 178
women see also children, clothing, concubines, gladiators (women's attraction to), jewellery, hairstyles, letters, matrons, priests and priestesses, prostitutes, slaves
execution of, in the amphitheatre 159
exercise and gymnastics 143–144
'fanatical women' 136
landladies of bars 51
loneliness abroad 204
hoteliers 71–73
segregation from men in theatres and circuses 107
travel 204
wool
fulling 177
socks 213
trade· 30, 94, 129
wads for insulation in winter 213
Wrekin, the (Cornovii hillfort) 176, 169
writing
ink 104
papyrus 104–105
stylus 104
wax tablets 104
wooden tablets 104
Wroxeter see Viroconium Cornoviorum 231
XYZ
York see Eboracum 15
Zeus 133
# About Journey to Britannia
It is AD 130. Rome is the dazzling heart of a vast empire and Hadrian its most complex and compelling ruler. Faraway Britannia is one of the Romans' most troublesome provinces: here, on this distant island, the sun is seldom seen and a thick mist is said to rise from the marshes 'so that the atmosphere in the country is always gloomy'.
What awaits the traveller to Britannia in AD 130? How would you get there? What do you need to pack? Can you obtain your favourite food? What language will you speak? How does London compare to Rome? Are there any tourist attractions worth visiting? And, far to the North, what dangers lurk behind Hadrian's great new Wall?
Combining an extensive range of Greek and Latin sources with a sound understanding of archaeological sites, Bronwen Riley describes an epic journey from Rome to Hadrian's Wall at Britannia's – and the empire's – northwestern frontier. In a strikingly original and evocative snapshot of Roman Britain, she brings vividly to life the smells, sounds, colours and textures of travel in the second century AD.
# About Bronwen Riley
BRONWEN RILEY is series editor of English Heritage Guidebooks. She studied Classics at Oxford and then Byzantine Art at the Courtauld Institute.
# A Letter from the Publisher
We hope you enjoyed this book. We are an independent publisher dedicated to discovering brilliant books, new authors and great storytelling. Please join us at www.headofzeus.com and become part of our community of book-lovers.
We will keep you up to date with our latest books, author blogs, special previews, tempting offers, chances to win signed editions and much more.
If you have any questions, feedback or just want to say hi, please drop us a line on hello@headofzeus.com
@HoZ_Books
HeadofZeusBooks
The story starts here.
First published in 2015 by Head of Zeus Ltd
Copyright © Bronwen Riley 2015
The moral right of Bronwen Riley to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act of 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of both the copyright owner and the above publisher of this book.
1 3 5 7 9 10 8 6 4 2
A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.
ISBN (HB) 9781781851340
ISBN (E) 9781781852675
Jacket design: kid-ethic.com
Front image: © Superstock
Back image: © Shutterstock
Head of Zeus Ltd
Clerkenwell House
45-47 Clerkenwell Green
London EC1R 0HT
www.headofzeus.com
|
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| 7,630
|
"""
Views for managing Swift containers.
"""
from django.core.urlresolvers import reverse
from django import http
from django.utils.functional import cached_property # noqa
from django.utils import http as utils_http
from django.utils.translation import ugettext_lazy as _
from django.views import generic
from horizon import browsers
from horizon import exceptions
from horizon import forms
from horizon.utils import memoized
from openstack_dashboard import api
from openstack_dashboard.api import swift
from openstack_dashboard.dashboards.project.containers \
import browsers as project_browsers
from openstack_dashboard.dashboards.project.containers \
import forms as project_forms
from openstack_dashboard.dashboards.project.containers import tables
import os
def for_url(container_name):
"""Build a URL friendly container name.
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container_name = tables.wrap_delimiter(container_name)
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class ContainerView(browsers.ResourceBrowserView):
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template_name = "project/containers/index.html"
def get_containers_data(self):
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self.request, marker=marker)
except Exception:
msg = _('Unable to retrieve container list.')
exceptions.handle(self.request, msg)
return containers
@cached_property
def objects(self):
"""Returns a list of objects given the subfolder's path.
The path is from the kwargs of the request.
"""
objects = []
self._more = None
marker = self.request.GET.get('marker', None)
container_name = self.kwargs['container_name']
subfolder = self.kwargs['subfolder_path']
prefix = None
if container_name:
self.navigation_selection = True
if subfolder:
prefix = subfolder
try:
objects, self._more = api.swift.swift_get_objects(
self.request,
container_name,
marker=marker,
prefix=prefix)
except Exception:
self._more = None
objects = []
msg = _('Unable to retrieve object list.')
exceptions.handle(self.request, msg)
return objects
def is_subdir(self, item):
content_type = "application/pseudo-folder"
return getattr(item, "content_type", None) == content_type
def is_placeholder(self, item):
object_name = getattr(item, "name", "")
return object_name.endswith(api.swift.FOLDER_DELIMITER)
def get_objects_data(self):
"""Returns a list of objects within the current folder."""
filtered_objects = [item for item in self.objects
if (not self.is_subdir(item) and
not self.is_placeholder(item))]
return filtered_objects
def get_subfolders_data(self):
"""Returns a list of subfolders within the current folder."""
filtered_objects = [item for item in self.objects
if self.is_subdir(item)]
return filtered_objects
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(ContainerView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
context['container_name'] = self.kwargs["container_name"]
context['subfolders'] = []
if self.kwargs["subfolder_path"]:
(parent, slash, folder) = self.kwargs["subfolder_path"] \
.strip('/').rpartition('/')
while folder:
path = "%s%s%s/" % (parent, slash, folder)
context['subfolders'].insert(0, (folder, path))
(parent, slash, folder) = parent.rpartition('/')
return context
class CreateView(forms.ModalFormView):
form_class = project_forms.CreateContainer
template_name = 'project/containers/create.html'
success_url = "horizon:project:containers:index"
def get_success_url(self):
parent = self.request.POST.get('parent', None)
if parent:
container, slash, remainder = parent.partition(
swift.FOLDER_DELIMITER)
args = (for_url(container), for_url(remainder))
return reverse(self.success_url, args=args)
else:
container = for_url(self.request.POST['name'])
return reverse(self.success_url, args=[container])
def get_initial(self):
initial = super(CreateView, self).get_initial()
initial['parent'] = self.kwargs['container_name']
return initial
class CreatePseudoFolderView(forms.ModalFormView):
form_class = project_forms.CreatePseudoFolder
template_name = 'project/containers/create_pseudo_folder.html'
success_url = "horizon:project:containers:index"
def get_success_url(self):
container_name = self.request.POST['container_name']
return reverse(self.success_url,
args=(tables.wrap_delimiter(container_name),
self.request.POST.get('path', '')))
def get_initial(self):
return {"container_name": self.kwargs["container_name"],
"path": self.kwargs['subfolder_path']}
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(CreatePseudoFolderView, self). \
get_context_data(**kwargs)
context['container_name'] = self.kwargs["container_name"]
return context
class UploadView(forms.ModalFormView):
form_class = project_forms.UploadObject
template_name = 'project/containers/upload.html'
success_url = "horizon:project:containers:index"
def get_success_url(self):
container_name = for_url(self.request.POST['container_name'])
path = for_url(self.request.POST.get('path', ''))
args = (container_name, path)
return reverse(self.success_url, args=args)
def get_initial(self):
return {"container_name": self.kwargs["container_name"],
"path": self.kwargs['subfolder_path']}
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(UploadView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
container_name = utils_http.urlquote(self.kwargs["container_name"])
context['container_name'] = container_name
return context
def object_download(request, container_name, object_path):
try:
obj = api.swift.swift_get_object(request, container_name, object_path)
except Exception:
redirect = reverse("horizon:project:containers:index")
exceptions.handle(request,
_("Unable to retrieve object."),
redirect=redirect)
# Add the original file extension back on if it wasn't preserved in the
# name given to the object.
filename = object_path.rsplit(swift.FOLDER_DELIMITER)[-1]
if not os.path.splitext(obj.name)[1] and obj.orig_name:
name, ext = os.path.splitext(obj.orig_name)
filename = "%s%s" % (filename, ext)
response = http.HttpResponse()
safe_name = filename.replace(",", "").encode('utf-8')
response['Content-Disposition'] = 'attachment; filename="%s"' % safe_name
response['Content-Type'] = 'application/octet-stream'
response.write(obj.data)
return response
class CopyView(forms.ModalFormView):
form_class = project_forms.CopyObject
template_name = 'project/containers/copy.html'
success_url = "horizon:project:containers:index"
def get_success_url(self):
new_container_name = for_url(self.request.POST['new_container_name'])
path = for_url(self.request.POST.get('path', ''))
args = (new_container_name, path)
return reverse(self.success_url, args=args)
def get_form_kwargs(self):
kwargs = super(CopyView, self).get_form_kwargs()
try:
containers = api.swift.swift_get_containers(self.request)
except Exception:
redirect = reverse("horizon:project:containers:index")
exceptions.handle(self.request,
_('Unable to list containers.'),
redirect=redirect)
kwargs['containers'] = [(c.name, c.name) for c in containers[0]]
return kwargs
def get_initial(self):
path = self.kwargs["subfolder_path"]
orig = "%s%s" % (path or '', self.kwargs["object_name"])
return {"new_container_name": self.kwargs["container_name"],
"orig_container_name": self.kwargs["container_name"],
"orig_object_name": orig,
"path": path,
"new_object_name": "%s copy" % self.kwargs["object_name"]}
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(CopyView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
container_name = utils_http.urlquote(self.kwargs["container_name"])
context['container_name'] = container_name
context['object_name'] = self.kwargs["object_name"]
return context
class ContainerDetailView(forms.ModalFormMixin, generic.TemplateView):
template_name = 'project/containers/container_detail.html'
@memoized.memoized_method
def get_object(self):
try:
return api.swift.swift_get_container(
self.request,
self.kwargs["container_name"],
with_data=False)
except Exception:
redirect = reverse("horizon:project:containers:index")
exceptions.handle(self.request,
_('Unable to retrieve details.'),
redirect=redirect)
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(ContainerDetailView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
context['container'] = self.get_object()
return context
class ObjectDetailView(forms.ModalFormMixin, generic.TemplateView):
template_name = 'project/containers/object_detail.html'
@memoized.memoized_method
def get_object(self):
try:
return api.swift.swift_get_object(
self.request,
self.kwargs["container_name"],
self.kwargs["object_path"],
with_data=False)
except Exception:
redirect = reverse("horizon:project:containers:index")
exceptions.handle(self.request,
_('Unable to retrieve details.'),
redirect=redirect)
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(ObjectDetailView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
context['object'] = self.get_object()
return context
class UpdateObjectView(forms.ModalFormView):
form_class = project_forms.UpdateObject
template_name = 'project/containers/update.html'
success_url = "horizon:project:containers:index"
def get_success_url(self):
container_name = for_url(self.request.POST['container_name'])
path = for_url(self.request.POST.get('path', ''))
args = (container_name, path)
return reverse(self.success_url, args=args)
def get_initial(self):
return {"container_name": self.kwargs["container_name"],
"path": self.kwargs["subfolder_path"],
"name": self.kwargs["object_name"]}
def get_context_data(self, **kwargs):
context = super(UpdateObjectView, self).get_context_data(**kwargs)
context['container_name'] = utils_http.urlquote(
self.kwargs["container_name"])
context['subfolder_path'] = utils_http.urlquote(
self.kwargs["subfolder_path"])
context['object_name'] = utils_http.urlquote(
self.kwargs["object_name"])
return context
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 4,716
|
@interface PodsDummy_Pods_ContainerNodeTest : NSObject
@end
@implementation PodsDummy_Pods_ContainerNodeTest
@end
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 6,779
|
package org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.memory;
import org.drools.compiler.commons.jci.readers.ResourceReader;
import org.drools.compiler.commons.jci.stores.ResourceStore;
import org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.File;
import org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.FileSystem;
import org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.Folder;
import org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.Path;
import org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.Resource;
import org.drools.core.util.IoUtils;
import org.drools.core.util.StringUtils;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;
import java.io.ByteArrayInputStream;
import java.io.ByteArrayOutputStream;
import java.io.FileOutputStream;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.io.InputStream;
import java.io.InputStreamReader;
import java.io.OutputStream;
import java.io.PrintStream;
import java.io.Serializable;
import java.util.Arrays;
import java.util.Collection;
import java.util.Enumeration;
import java.util.HashMap;
import java.util.HashSet;
import java.util.Iterator;
import java.util.Map;
import java.util.Map.Entry;
import java.util.Set;
import java.util.jar.JarInputStream;
import java.util.zip.ZipEntry;
import java.util.zip.ZipFile;
import java.util.zip.ZipOutputStream;
public class MemoryFileSystem
implements
FileSystem,
ResourceReader,
Serializable,
ResourceStore {
private static final Logger log = LoggerFactory.getLogger( MemoryFileSystem.class );
private final MemoryFolder folder;
private final Map<String, Set<Resource>> folders;
private final Map<String, Folder> folderMap;
private final Map<String, byte[]> fileContents;
private Set<String> modifiedFilesSinceLastMark;
public MemoryFileSystem() {
folders = new HashMap<String, Set<Resource>>();
folderMap = new HashMap<String, Folder>();
fileContents = new HashMap<String, byte[]>();
folder = new MemoryFolder( this,
"" );
folders.put( "",
new HashSet<Resource>() );
}
public Folder getRootFolder() {
return folder;
}
public File getFile(Path path) {
return getFile( path.toPortableString() );
}
public Collection<String> getFileNames() {
return fileContents.keySet();
}
public Map<String, byte[]> getMap() {
return this.fileContents;
}
public File getFile(String path) {
path = MemoryFolder.trimLeadingAndTrailing( path );
int lastSlashPos = path.lastIndexOf( '/' );
if ( lastSlashPos >= 0 ) {
Folder folder = getFolder( path.substring( 0,
lastSlashPos ) );
String name = path.substring( lastSlashPos + 1 );
return new MemoryFile( this,
name,
folder );
} else {
// path is already at root
Folder folder = getRootFolder();
return new MemoryFile( this,
path,
folder );
}
}
public Folder getFolder(Path path) {
return getFolder( path.toPortableString() );
}
public Folder getFolder(String path) {
Folder folder = folderMap.get(path);
if (folder == null) {
folder = new MemoryFolder( this, path );
folderMap.put( path, folder );
}
return folder;
}
public Set< ? extends Resource> getMembers(Folder folder) {
return folders.get( folder.getPath().toPortableString() );
}
public byte[] getFileContents(MemoryFile file) {
return fileContents.get( file.getPath().toPortableString() );
}
public void setFileContents(MemoryFile file,
byte[] contents) throws IOException {
if ( !existsFolder( (MemoryFolder) file.getFolder() ) ) {
createFolder( (MemoryFolder) file.getFolder() );
}
String fileName = file.getPath().toPortableString();
if (modifiedFilesSinceLastMark != null) {
byte[] oldContent = fileContents.get( fileName );
if (oldContent == null || !Arrays.equals(oldContent, contents)) {
modifiedFilesSinceLastMark.add(fileName);
}
}
fileContents.put( fileName,
contents );
folders.get( file.getFolder().getPath().toPortableString() ).add( file );
}
public void mark() {
modifiedFilesSinceLastMark = new HashSet<String>();
}
public Collection<String> getModifiedResourcesSinceLastMark() {
return modifiedFilesSinceLastMark;
}
public boolean existsFolder(MemoryFolder folder) {
return existsFolder( folder.getPath().toPortableString() );
}
public boolean existsFolder(String path) {
if (path == null) {
throw new NullPointerException("Folder path can not be null!");
}
return folders.get(MemoryFolder.trimLeadingAndTrailing(path)) != null;
}
public boolean existsFile(String path) {
if (path == null) {
throw new NullPointerException("File path can not be null!");
}
return fileContents.containsKey(MemoryFolder.trimLeadingAndTrailing(path));
}
public void createFolder(MemoryFolder folder) {
// create current, if it does not exist.
if ( !existsFolder( folder ) ) {
// create parent if it does not exist
if ( !existsFolder( ( MemoryFolder) folder.getParent() ) ) {
createFolder( (MemoryFolder) folder.getParent() );
}
folders.put( folder.getPath().toPortableString(),
new HashSet<Resource>() );
Folder parent = folder.getParent();
folders.get( parent.getPath().toPortableString() ).add( folder );
}
}
public boolean remove(Folder folder) {
if ( folder.exists() ) {
remove( folders.get( folder.getPath().toPortableString() ) );
folders.remove( folder.getPath().toPortableString() );
return true;
} else {
return false;
}
}
public void remove(Set<Resource> members) {
for ( Iterator<Resource> it = members.iterator(); it.hasNext(); ) {
Resource res = it.next();
if ( res instanceof Folder ) {
remove( folders.get( res.getPath().toPortableString() ) );
} else {
String fileName = res.getPath().toPortableString();
fileContents.remove( fileName );
if (modifiedFilesSinceLastMark != null) {
modifiedFilesSinceLastMark.add( fileName );
}
}
it.remove();
}
}
public boolean remove(File file) {
if ( file.exists() ) {
String fileName = file.getPath().toPortableString();
fileContents.remove( fileName );
if (modifiedFilesSinceLastMark != null) {
modifiedFilesSinceLastMark.add( fileName );
}
folders.get( ((MemoryFile) file).getFolder().getPath().toPortableString() ).remove( file );
return true;
} else {
return false;
}
}
public int copyFolder(Folder srcFolder,
MemoryFileSystem trgMfs,
Folder trgFolder,
String... filters) {
return copyFolder( this,
srcFolder,
trgMfs,
trgFolder,
0,
filters );
}
private static int copyFolder(MemoryFileSystem srcMfs,
Folder srcFolder,
MemoryFileSystem trgMfs,
Folder trgFolder,
int count,
String... filters) {
if ( !trgFolder.exists() ) {
trgMfs.getFolder( trgFolder.getPath() ).create();
}
if ( srcFolder != null ) {
for ( Resource rs : srcFolder.getMembers() ) {
if ( rs instanceof Folder ) {
count = copyFolder( srcMfs,
(Folder) rs,
trgMfs,
trgFolder.getFolder( ((Folder) rs).getName() ),
count,
filters );
} else {
MemoryFile trgFile = (MemoryFile) trgFolder.getFile( ((org.drools.compiler.compiler.io.File) rs).getName() );
boolean accept = false;
if ( filters == null || filters.length == 0 ) {
accept = true;
} else {
for ( String filter : filters ) {
if ( trgFile.getName().endsWith( filter ) ) {
accept = true;
break;
}
}
}
if ( accept ) {
try {
trgMfs.setFileContents( trgFile,
srcMfs.getFileContents( (MemoryFile) rs ) );
count++;
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
}
}
}
}
}
return count;
}
@Override
public int hashCode() {
final int prime = 31;
int result = 1;
result = prime * result + ((fileContents == null) ? 0 : fileContents.hashCode());
result = prime * result + ((folder == null) ? 0 : folder.hashCode());
result = prime * result + ((folders == null) ? 0 : folders.hashCode());
return result;
}
@Override
public boolean equals(Object obj) {
if ( this == obj ) return true;
if ( obj == null ) return false;
if ( getClass() != obj.getClass() ) return false;
MemoryFileSystem other = (MemoryFileSystem) obj;
if ( fileContents == null ) {
if ( other.fileContents != null ) return false;
} else if ( !fileContents.equals( other.fileContents ) ) return false;
if ( folder == null ) {
if ( other.folder != null ) return false;
} else if ( !folder.equals( other.folder ) ) return false;
if ( folders == null ) {
if ( other.folders != null ) return false;
} else if ( !folders.equals( other.folders ) ) return false;
return true;
}
@Override
public String toString() {
return "MemoryFileSystem [folder=" + folder + ", folders=" + folders + ", fileContents=" + fileContents + "]";
}
public void printFs(PrintStream out) {
printFs( getRootFolder(),
out );
}
public void printFs(Folder f,
PrintStream out) {
for ( Resource rs : f.getMembers() ) {
out.println( rs );
if ( rs instanceof Folder ) {
printFs( (Folder) rs,
out );
} else {
out.println( new String( getFileContents( (MemoryFile) rs ), IoUtils.UTF8_CHARSET ) );
}
}
}
public boolean isAvailable(String pResourceName) {
return existsFile( pResourceName );
}
public byte[] getBytes(String pResourceName) {
return getFileContents((MemoryFile) getFile(pResourceName));
}
public void write(String pResourceName,
byte[] pResourceData) {
write( pResourceName,
pResourceData,
false );
}
public void write(String pResourceName,
byte[] pResourceData,
boolean createFolder) {
if (pResourceData.length == 0 && pResourceName.endsWith( "/" )) {
// avoid to create files for empty folders
return;
}
MemoryFile memoryFile = (MemoryFile) getFile( pResourceName );
if ( createFolder ) {
String folderPath = memoryFile.getFolder().getPath().toPortableString();
if ( !existsFolder( folderPath ) ) {
memoryFile.getFolder().create();
}
}
try {
setFileContents( memoryFile,
pResourceData );
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
}
}
public byte[] read(String pResourceName) {
return getBytes( pResourceName );
}
public void remove(String pResourceName) {
remove(getFile(pResourceName));
}
public byte[] writeAsBytes() {
ByteArrayOutputStream baos = new ByteArrayOutputStream();
zip( baos );
return baos.toByteArray();
}
public java.io.File writeAsJar(java.io.File folder,
String jarName) {
try {
java.io.File jarFile = new java.io.File( folder,
jarName + ".jar" );
System.out.println( jarFile );
zip( new FileOutputStream( jarFile ) );
return jarFile;
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
}
}
private void zip(OutputStream outputStream) {
ZipOutputStream out = null;
try {
out = new ZipOutputStream( outputStream );
writeJarEntries( getRootFolder(),
out );
out.close();
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
} finally {
try {
if (out != null) {
out.close();
}
} catch ( IOException e ) {
log.error(e.getMessage(), e);
}
}
}
public void writeAsFs(java.io.File file) {
file.mkdir();
writeAsFs(this.getRootFolder(), file);
}
public void writeAsFs(Folder f,
java.io.File file1) {
for ( Resource rs : f.getMembers() ) {
if ( rs instanceof Folder ) {
java.io.File file2 = new java.io.File( file1, ((Folder) rs).getName());
file2.mkdir();
writeAsFs( (Folder) rs, file2 );
} else {
byte[] bytes = getFileContents( (MemoryFile) rs );
try {
IoUtils.write(new java.io.File(file1, ((File) rs).getName()), bytes);
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException("Unable to write project to file system\n", e);
}
}
}
}
private void writeJarEntries(Folder f,
ZipOutputStream out) throws IOException {
for ( Resource rs : f.getMembers() ) {
String rname = rs.getPath().toPortableString();
if ( rs instanceof Folder ) {
rname = rname.endsWith("/") ? rname : rname + "/"; // a folder name must end with / according to ZIP spec
ZipEntry entry = new ZipEntry( rname );
out.putNextEntry( entry );
writeJarEntries( (Folder) rs,
out );
} else {
ZipEntry entry = new ZipEntry( rname );
out.putNextEntry( entry );
byte[] contents = getFileContents( (MemoryFile) rs );
if (contents == null) {
IOException e = new IOException("No content found for: " + rs);
log.error(e.getMessage(), e);
throw e;
}
out.write( contents );
out.closeEntry();
}
}
}
public static MemoryFileSystem readFromJar(java.io.File jarFile) {
MemoryFileSystem mfs = new MemoryFileSystem();
ZipFile zipFile = null;
try {
zipFile = new ZipFile( jarFile );
Enumeration< ? extends ZipEntry> entries = zipFile.entries();
while ( entries.hasMoreElements() ) {
ZipEntry entry = entries.nextElement();
int separator = entry.getName().lastIndexOf( '/' );
String path = separator > 0 ? entry.getName().substring( 0, separator ) : "";
String name = entry.getName().substring( separator + 1 );
Folder folder = mfs.getFolder( path );
folder.create();
File file = folder.getFile( name );
file.create( zipFile.getInputStream( entry ) );
}
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
} finally {
if ( zipFile != null ) {
try {
zipFile.close();
} catch ( IOException e ) {
log.error(e.getMessage(), e);
}
}
}
return mfs;
}
public static MemoryFileSystem readFromJar(byte[] jarFile) {
return readFromJar( new ByteArrayInputStream( jarFile ) );
}
public static MemoryFileSystem readFromJar(InputStream jarFile) {
MemoryFileSystem mfs = new MemoryFileSystem();
JarInputStream zipFile = null;
try {
zipFile = new JarInputStream( jarFile );
ZipEntry entry;
while ( (entry = zipFile.getNextEntry()) != null ) {
// entry.getSize() is not accurate according to documentation, so have to read bytes until -1 is found
ByteArrayOutputStream content = new ByteArrayOutputStream();
int b;
while( (b = zipFile.read()) != -1 ) {
content.write( b );
}
mfs.write( entry.getName(), content.toByteArray(), true );
}
} catch ( IOException e ) {
throw new RuntimeException( e );
} finally {
if ( zipFile != null ) {
try {
zipFile.close();
} catch ( IOException e ) {
log.error(e.getMessage(), e);
}
}
}
return mfs;
}
public String findPomProperties() {
for( Entry<String, byte[]> content : fileContents.entrySet() ) {
if ( content.getKey().endsWith( "pom.properties" ) && content.getKey().startsWith( "META-INF/maven/" ) ) {
ByteArrayInputStream byteArrayIs = new ByteArrayInputStream( content.getValue() );
return StringUtils.readFileAsString( new InputStreamReader( byteArrayIs, IoUtils.UTF8_CHARSET ) );
}
}
return null;
}
public MemoryFileSystem clone() {
MemoryFileSystem clone = new MemoryFileSystem();
for (Map.Entry<String, byte[]> entry : fileContents.entrySet()) {
clone.write(entry.getKey(), entry.getValue());
}
return clone;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,438
|
Q: GMSMapView not showing polyline while used as subview I am using GMSMapview to display the polyline. If I use self.view it's worked perfect.
let camera = GMSCameraPosition.camera(withLatitude: 0, longitude:-165, zoom:2)
let mapView = GMSMapView.map(withFrame: self.gMap.bounds, camera:camera)
let path = GMSMutablePath()
path.addLatitude(-33.866, longitude:151.195) // Sydney
path.addLatitude(-18.142, longitude:178.431) // Fiji
path.addLatitude(21.291, longitude:-157.821) // Hawaii
path.addLatitude(37.423, longitude:-122.091) // Mountain View
let polyline = GMSPolyline(path: path)
polyline.strokeColor = UIColor.blue
polyline.strokeWidth = 5.0
polyline.map = mapView
self.gMap.isHidden = true
self.view = mapView
But while I used GMSMapView as subview to display the polyline it's not getting updated.
@IBOutlet weak var gMap: GMSMapView!
let camera = GMSCameraPosition.camera(withLatitude: 0, longitude:-165, zoom:2)
let mapView = GMSMapView.map(withFrame: self.gMap.bounds, camera:camera)
let path = GMSMutablePath()
path.addLatitude(-33.866, longitude:151.195) // Sydney
path.addLatitude(-18.142, longitude:178.431) // Fiji
path.addLatitude(21.291, longitude:-157.821) // Hawaii
path.addLatitude(37.423, longitude:-122.091) // Mountain View
let polyline = GMSPolyline(path: path)
polyline.strokeColor = UIColor.blue
polyline.strokeWidth = 5.0
polyline.map = mapView
//self.gMap.isHidden = true
self.gMap = mapView
A: Are you sure the GMSMapView is fully loaded when you are setting map to polyline?
Implement GMSMapViewDelegate method and do the same, I am sure you would be able to see.
/**
* Called when all tiles have been loaded (or failed permanently) and labels have been rendered.
*/
optional public func mapViewDidFinishTileRendering(mapView: GMSMapView!)
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 330
|
\section{Introduction}
Heat transport across various nanostructured interfaces has been the
subject of intense experimental
interest,\cite{Wilson:2002uq,Ge:2004yg,Shenogina:2009ix,Wang10082007,Schmidt:2008ad,Juve:2009pt,Alper:2010pd,Harikrishna:2013ys}
and the interfacial thermal conductance, $G$, is the principal
quantity of interest for understanding interfacial heat
transport.\cite{Cahill:2003fk} Because nanoparticles have a
significant fraction of their atoms at the particle / solvent
interface, the chemical details of these interfaces govern the thermal
transport properties. Time-domain thermoreflectance (TDTR)
measurements on planar self-assembled monolayer (SAM) junctions
between quartz and gold films showed that surface chemistry,
particularly the density of covalent bonds to the gold surface, can
control energy transport between the two solids.\cite{Losego:2012fr}
Experiments and simulations on three-dimensional nanocrystal arrays
have similarly shown that surface-attached ligands mediate the thermal
transport in these materials, placing particular importance on the
overlap between the ligand and nanoparticle vibrational densities of
states.\cite{Ong:2013rt,Ong:2014yq} Likewise, simulations of
polymer-coated gold nanoparticles in water have shown that the surface
coating introduces a dominant thermal transport channel to the
surrounding solvent.\cite{Soussi:2015fj}
For ligand-protected nanoparticles in a solvent, there may be three
distinct heat transfer processes: (1) from the particles to the
ligands, (2) vibrational energy tranfer along the length of the
ligand, followed by (3) heat transport from the ligand to the
surrounding solvent.\cite{Ge:2006kx}
Heat transport at the gold-alkylthiolate-solvent interface has been
previously explored both through molecular dynamics simulations and
via
TDTR.\cite{Kikugawa:2009vn,Kuang:2011ef,Stocker:2013cl,Tian:2015uq}
Most of these studies have found that alkylthiolates enhance the
thermal conductance to the solvent, and that the vibrational overlap
provided by the chemically-bound ligand species plays a role in this
enhancement.
Reverse nonequilibrium molecular dynamics (RNEMD)
methods~\cite{Muller-Plathe:1997wq} have been previously applied to
calculate the thermal conductance at flat (111) metal / organic
solvent interfaces that had been chemically protected by varying
coverages of alkanethiolate groups.\cite{Kuang:2011ef} These
simulations suggested an explanation for the increased thermal
conductivity at alkanethiol-capped metal surfaces compared with bare
metal interfaces. Specifically, the chemical bond between the metal
and the ligand introduces a vibrational overlap that is not present
without the protecting group, and the overlap between the vibrational
spectra (metal to ligand, ligand to solvent) provides a mechanism for
rapid thermal transport across the interface. The simulations also
suggested that this phenomenon is a non-monotonic function of the
fractional coverage of the surface, as moderate coverages allow energy
transfer to solvent molecules that come into close contact with the
ligands.
Similarly, simulations of {\it mixed-chain} alkylthiolate surfaces
showed that solvent trapped close to the interface can be efficient at
moving thermal energy away from the surface.\cite{Stocker:2013cl}
Trapped solvent molecules that were orientationally aligned with
nearby ligands were able to increase the thermal conductance of the
interface. This indicates that the ligand-to-solvent vibrational
energy transfer is a key feature for increasing particle-to-solvent
thermal conductance.
Recently, we extended RNEMD methods for use in non-periodic geometries
by creating scaling/shearing moves between concentric regions of a
simulation.\cite{Stocker:2014qq} In this work, we apply this
non-periodic variant of RNEMD to investigate the role that {\it
curved} nanoparticle surfaces play in heat and mass transport. On
planar surfaces, we discovered that orientational ordering of surface
protecting ligands had a large effect on the heat conduction from the
metal to the solvent. Smaller nanoparticles have high surface
curvature that creates gaps in well-ordered self-assembled monolayers,
and the effect of those gaps on the thermal conductance is unknown.
For a solvated nanoparticle, it is possible to define a critical value
for the interfacial thermal conductance,
\begin{equation}
G_c = \frac{3 C_s \Lambda_s}{R C_p}
\end{equation}
which depends on the solvent heat capacity, $C_s$, solvent thermal
conductivity, $\Lambda_s$, particle radius, $R$, and nanoparticle heat
capacity, $C_p$.\cite{Wilson:2002uq} In the limit of infinite
interfacial thermal conductance, $G \gg G_c$, cooling of the
nanoparticle is limited by the solvent properties, $C_s$ and
$\Lambda_s$. In the opposite limit, $G \ll G_c$, the heat dissipation
is controlled by the thermal conductance of the particle / fluid
interface. It is this regime with which we are concerned, where
properties of ligands and the particle surface may be tuned to
manipulate the rate of cooling for solvated nanoparticles. Based on
estimates of $G$ from previous simulations as well as experimental
results for solvated nanostructures, gold nanoparticles solvated in
hexane are in the $G \ll G_c$ regime for radii smaller than 40 nm. The
particles included in this study are more than an order of magnitude
smaller than this critical radius, so the heat dissipation should be
controlled entirely by the surface features of the particle / ligand /
solvent interface.
\subsection{Structures of Self-Assembled Monolayers on Nanoparticles}
Though the ligand packing on planar surfaces has been characterized
for many different ligands and surface facets, it is not obvious
\emph{a priori} how the same ligands will behave on the highly curved
surfaces of spherical nanoparticles. Thus, as new applications of
ligand-stabilized nanostructures have been proposed, the structure and
dynamics of ligands on metallic nanoparticles have been studied using
molecular simulation,\cite{Henz:2008qf} NMR, XPS, FTIR,
calorimetry, and surface
microscopies.\cite{Badia1996:2,Badia1996,Badia1997:2,Badia1997,Badia2000}
Badia, \textit{et al.} used transmission electron microscopy to
determine that alkanethiol ligands on gold nanoparticles pack
approximately 30\% more densely than on planar Au(111)
surfaces.\cite{Badia1996:2} Subsequent experiments demonstrated that
even at full coverages, surface curvature creates voids between linear
ligand chains that can be filled via interdigitation of ligands on
neighboring particles.\cite{Badia1996} The molecular dynamics
simulations of Henz, \textit{et al.} indicate that at low coverages,
the thiolate alkane chains will lie flat on the nanoparticle
surface\cite{Henz:2008qf} Above 90\% coverage, the ligands
stand upright and recover the rigidity and tilt angle displayed on
planar facets. Their simulations also indicate a high degree of mixing
between the thiolate sulfur atoms and surface gold atoms at high
coverages.
In this work, thiolated gold nanospheres were modeled using a united
atom force field and non-equilibrium molecular dynamics. Gold
nanoparticles with radii ranging from 10 - 25 \AA\ were created from a
bulk fcc lattice. These particles were passivated with a 50\%
coverage (compared with the coverage densities reported by Badia
\textit{et al.}) of a selection of thiolates. Three straight-chain
thiolates of varying chain lengths and rigidities were utilized.
These are summarized in Fig. \ref{fig:structures}. The passivated
particles were then solvated in hexane. Details on the united atom
force field are given below and in the supporting information.\cite{supplemental}
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{structures}
\caption{Topologies of the thiolate capping agents and solvent
utilized in the simulations. The chemically-distinct sites (S,
\ce{CH2}, \ce{CH3}, CHe, CHa and \ce{CH2a}) are treated as united
atoms. Most parameters are taken from references
\bibpunct{}{}{,}{n}{}{,} \protect\cite{TraPPE-UA.alkanes},
\protect\cite{TraPPE-UA.alkylbenzenes}
\protect\cite{TraPPE-UA.thiols}. Cross-interactions with the Au
atoms were adapted from references
\protect\cite{landman:1998},~\protect\cite{vlugt:cpc2007154},~and
\protect\cite{hautman:4994}.}
\label{fig:structures}
\bibpunct{[}{]}{,}{n}{}{,}
\end{figure}
\section{Computational Details}
\subsection{Creating a thermal flux between particles and solvent}
The non-periodic variant of the velocity shearing and scaling RNEMD
algorithm (VSS-RNEMD)\cite{Stocker:2014qq} applies a series of
velocity scaling and shearing moves at regular intervals to impose a
flux between two concentric spherical regions. To impose a thermal
flux between the shells (without an accompanying angular shear), we
solve for scaling coefficients $a$ and $b$,
\begin{eqnarray}
a = \sqrt{1 - \frac{q_r \Delta t}{K_a - K_a^\mathrm{rot}}}\\ \nonumber\\
b = \sqrt{1 + \frac{q_r \Delta t}{K_b - K_b^\mathrm{rot}}}
\end{eqnarray}
at each time interval. These scaling coefficients conserve total
kinetic energy and angular momentum subject to an imposed heat rate,
$q_r$. The coefficients also depend on the instantaneous kinetic
energy, $K_{\{a,b\}}$, and the total rotational kinetic energy of each
shell, $K_{\{a,b\}}^\mathrm{rot} = \sum_i m_i \left( \mathbf{v}_i
\times \mathbf{r}_i \right)^2 / 2$.
The scaling coefficients are determined and the velocity changes are
applied at regular intervals,
\begin{eqnarray}
\mathbf{v}_i \leftarrow a \left ( \mathbf{v}_i - \left < \omega_a \right > \times \mathbf{r}_i \right ) + \left < \omega_a \right > \times \mathbf{r}_i~~\:\\
\mathbf{v}_j \leftarrow b \left ( \mathbf{v}_j - \left < \omega_b \right > \times \mathbf{r}_j \right ) + \left < \omega_b \right > \times \mathbf{r}_j.
\end{eqnarray}
Here $\left < \omega_a \right > \times \mathbf{r}_i$ is the
contribution to the velocity of particle $i$ due to the overall
angular velocity of the $a$ shell. In the absence of an angular
momentum flux, the angular velocity $\left < \omega_a \right >$ of the
shell is nearly 0 and the resultant particle velocity is a nearly
linear scaling of the initial velocity by the coefficient $a$ or $b$.
Repeated application of this thermal energy exchange yields a radial
temperature profile for the solvated nanoparticles that depends
linearly on the applied heat rate, $q_r$. Similar to the behavior in
the slab geometries, the temperature profiles have discontinuities at
the interfaces between dissimilar materials. The size of the
discontinuity depends on the interfacial thermal conductance, which is
the primary quantity of interest.
\subsection{Interfacial Thermal Conductance}
As described in earlier work,\cite{Stocker:2014qq} the thermal
conductance of each spherical shell may be defined as the inverse
Kapitza resistance of the shell. To describe the thermal conductance
of an interface of considerable thickness -- such as the ligand layers
shown here -- we can sum the individual thermal resistances of each
concentric spherical shell to arrive at the inverse of the total
interfacial thermal conductance. In slab geometries, the intermediate
temperatures cancel, but for concentric spherical shells, the
intermediate temperatures and surface areas remain in the final sum,
requiring the use of a series of individual resistance terms:
\begin{equation}
\frac{1}{G} = R_\mathrm{total} = \frac{1}{q_r} \sum_i \left(T_{i+i} -
T_i\right) 4 \pi r_i^2.
\end{equation}
The longest ligand considered here is in excess of 15 \AA\ in length,
and we use 10 concentric spherical shells to describe the total
interfacial thermal conductance of the ligand layer.
\subsection{Force Fields}
Throughout this work, gold -- gold interactions are described by the
quantum Sutton-Chen (QSC) model.\cite{Qi:1999ph} Previous
work\cite{Kuang:2011ef} has demonstrated that the electronic
contributions to heat conduction (which are missing from the QSC
model) across heterogeneous metal / non-metal interfaces are
negligible compared to phonon excitation, which is captured by the
classical model. The hexane solvent is described by the TraPPE united
atom model,\cite{TraPPE-UA.alkanes} where sites are located at the
carbon centers for alkyl groups. The TraPPE-UA model for hexane
provides both computational efficiency and reasonable accuracy for
bulk thermal conductivity values. Bonding interactions were used for
intra-molecular sites closer than 3 bonds. Effective Lennard-Jones
potentials were used for non-bonded interactions.
The TraPPE-UA force field includes parameters for thiol
molecules\cite{TraPPE-UA.thiols} as well as unsaturated and aromatic
carbon sites.\cite{TraPPE-UA.alkylbenzenes} These were used for the
thiolate molecules in our simulations, and missing parameters for the
ligands were supplemented using fits described in the supporting
information.\cite{supplemental} Bonds are rigid in TraPPE-UA, so although equilibrium
bond distances were taken from this force field, flexible bonds were
implemented using bond stretching spring constants adapted from the
OPLS-AA force field.\cite{Jorgensen:1996sf}
To derive suitable parameters for the thiolates adsorbed on Au(111)
surfaces, we adopted the S parameters from Luedtke and
Landman\cite{landman:1998} and modified the parameters for the CTS
atom to maintain charge neutrality in the molecule.
Other interactions between metal (Au) and non-metal atoms were adapted
from an adsorption study of alkyl thiols on gold surfaces by Vlugt,
\textit{et al.}\cite{vlugt:cpc2007154} They fit an effective pair-wise
Lennard-Jones form of potential parameters for the interaction between
Au and pseudo-atoms CH$_x$ and S based on a well-established and
widely-used effective potential of Hautman and Klein for the Au(111)
surface.\cite{hautman:4994}
All additional terms to represent thiolated alkenes and conjugated
ligand moieties were parameterized as part of this work and are
available in the supporting information.\cite{supplemental}
All simulations were carried out with the open source molecular
dynamics package, OpenMD.\cite{openmd,OOPSE}
\subsection{Simulation Protocol}
Gold nanospheres with radii ranging from 10 - 25 \AA\ were created
from a bulk fcc lattice and were thermally equilibrated prior to the
addition of ligands. A 50\% coverage of ligands (based on coverages
reported by Badia, \textit{et al.}\cite{Badia1996:2}) was placed on
the surface of the equilibrated nanoparticles using
Packmol\cite{packmol}. We have chosen three lengths for the
straight-chain ligands, $C_4$, $C_8$, and $C_{12}$, differentiated by
the number of carbons in the chains. Additionally, to explore the
effects of ligand flexibility, we have used three levels of ligand
``stiffness''. The most flexible chain is a fully saturated
alkanethiolate, while moderate rigidity is introduced using an alkene
thiolate with one double bond in the penultimate (solvent-facing)
carbon-carbon location. The most rigid ligands are fully-conjugated
chains where all of the carbons are represented with conjugated (aryl)
united-atom carbon atoms (CHar or terminal \ce{CH2ar}).
The nanoparticle / ligand complexes were thermally equilibrated to
allow for ligand conformational flexibility. Packmol was then used to
solvate the structures inside a spherical droplet of hexane. The
thickness of the solvent layer was chosen to be at least 1.5$\times$
the combined radius of the nanoparticle / ligand structure. The fully
solvated system was equilibrated for at least 1 ns using the
``Langevin Hull'' algorithm to apply 50 atm of pressure and a target
temperature of 250 K.\cite{Vardeman2011} Typical system sizes ranged
from 18,310 united atom sites for the 10 \AA\ particles with $C_4$
ligands to 89,490 sites for the 25 \AA\ particles with $C_{12}$
ligands. Figure \ref{fig:NP25_C12h1} shows one of the solvated 25
\AA\ nanoparticles passivated with the $C_{12}$ alkane thiolate
ligands.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{NP25_C12h1}
\caption{A 25 \AA\ radius gold nanoparticle protected with a
half-monolayer of TraPPE-UA dodecanethiolate (C$_{12}$) ligands
and solvated in TraPPE-UA hexane. The interfacial thermal
conductance is computed by applying a kinetic energy flux between
the nanoparticle and an outer shell of solvent.}
\label{fig:NP25_C12h1}
\end{figure}
Once equilibrated, thermal fluxes were applied for 1 ns, until stable
temperature gradients had developed (see figure
\ref{fig:temp_profile}). Systems were run under moderate pressure (50
atm) with an average temperature (250K) that maintained a compact
solvent cluster and avoided formation of a vapor layer near the heated
metal surface. Pressure was applied to the system via the
non-periodic ``Langevin Hull'' algorithm.\cite{Vardeman2011} However,
thermal coupling to the external temperature bath was removed to avoid
interference with the imposed RNEMD flux.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{temp_profile}
\caption{Radial temperature profile for a 25 \AA\ radius particle
protected with a 50\% coverage of TraPPE-UA butanethiolate (C$_4$)
ligands and solvated in TraPPE-UA hexane. A kinetic energy flux is
applied between RNEMD region A and RNEMD region B. The size of the
temperature discontinuity at the interface is governed by the
interfacial thermal conductance.}
\label{fig:temp_profile}
\end{figure}
Although the VSS-RNEMD moves conserve \emph{total} angular momentum
and energy, systems which contain a metal nanoparticle embedded in a
significant volume of solvent will still experience nanoparticle
diffusion inside the solvent droplet. To aid in measuring an accurate
temperature profile for these systems, a single gold atom at the
origin of the coordinate system was assigned a mass $10,000 \times$
its original mass. The bonded and nonbonded interactions for this atom
remain unchanged and the heavy atom is excluded from the RNEMD
velocity scaling. The only effect of this gold atom is to effectively
pin the nanoparticle at the origin of the coordinate system, thereby
preventing translational diffusion of the nanoparticle due to Brownian
motion.
To provide statistical independence, five separate configurations were
simulated for each particle radius and ligand. The structures were
unique, starting at the point of ligand placement, in order to sample
multiple surface-ligand configurations.
\section{Results}
We modeled four sizes of nanoparticles ($R =$ 10, 15, 20, and 25
\AA). The smallest particle size produces the lowest interfacial
thermal conductance values for most of the of protecting groups
(Fig. \ref{fig:NPthiols_G}). Between the other three sizes of
nanoparticles, there is no systematic dependence of the interfacial
thermal conductance on the nanoparticle size. It is likely that the
differences in local curvature of the nanoparticle sizes studied here
do not disrupt the ligand packing and behavior in drastically
different ways.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{G3}
\caption{Interfacial thermal conductance ($G$) values for 4 sizes of
solvated nanoparticles that are bare or protected with a 50\%
coverage of C$_{4}$, C$_{8}$, or C$_{12}$ thiolate
ligands. Ligands of different flexibility are shown in separate
panels. The middle panel indicates ligands which have a single
carbon-carbon double bond in the penultimate position.}
\label{fig:NPthiols_G}
\end{figure}
Unlike our previous study of varying thiolate ligand chain lengths on
planar Au(111) surfaces, the interfacial thermal conductance of
ligand-protected nanospheres exhibits a distinct dependence on the
ligand identity. A half-monolayer coverage of ligands yields
interfacial conductance that is strongly dependent on both ligand
length and flexibility.
There are many factors that could be playing a role in the
ligand-dependent conductuance. The sulfur-gold interaction is
particularly strong, and the presence of the ligands can easily
disrupt the crystalline structure of the gold at the surface of the
particles, providing more efficient scattering of phonons into the
ligand / solvent layer. This effect would be particularly important at
small particle sizes.
In previous studies of mixed-length ligand layers with full coverage,
we observed that ligand-solvent alignment was an important factor for
heat transfer into the solvent. With high surface curvature and lower
effective coverages, ligand behavior also becomes more complex. Some
chains may be lying down on the surface, and solvent may not be
penetrating the ligand layer to the same degree as in the planar
surfaces.
Additionally, the ligand flexibility directly alters the vibrational
density of states for the layer that mediates the transfer of phonons
between the metal and the solvent. This could be a partial explanation
for the observed differences between the fully conjugated and more
flexible ligands.
In the following sections we provide details on how we
measure surface corrugation, solvent-ligand interpenetration, and
ordering of the solvent and ligand at the surfaces of the
nanospheres. We also investigate the overlap between vibrational
densities of states for the various ligands.
\subsection{Corrugation of the Particle Surface}
The bonding sites for thiols on gold surfaces have been studied
extensively and include configurations beyond the traditional atop,
bridge, and hollow sites found on planar surfaces. In particular, the
deep potential well between the gold atoms and the thiolate sulfur
atoms leads to insertion of the sulfur into the gold lattice and
displacement of interfacial gold atoms. The degree of ligand-induced
surface restructuring may have an impact on the interfacial thermal
conductance and is an important phenomenon to quantify.
Henz, \textit{et al.}\cite{Henz:2008qf} used the metal
density as a function of radius to measure the degree of mixing
between the thiol sulfurs and surface gold atoms at the edge of a
nanoparticle. Although metal density is important, disruption of the
local crystalline ordering would also have a large effect on the
phonon spectrum in the particles. To measure this effect, we use the
fraction of gold atoms exhibiting local fcc ordering as a function of
radius to describe the ligand-induced disruption of the nanoparticle
surface.
The local bond orientational order can be described using the method
of Steinhardt \textit{et al.}\cite{Steinhardt1983} The local bonding
environment, $\bar{q}_{\ell m}$, for each atom in the system is
determined by averaging over the spherical harmonics between that atom
and each of its neighbors,
\begin{equation}
\bar{q}_{\ell m} = \sum_i Y_\ell^m(\theta_i, \phi_i)
\end{equation}
where $\theta_i$ and $\phi_i$ are the relative angular coordinates of
neighbor $i$ in the laboratory frame. A global average orientational
bond order parameter, $\bar{Q}_{\ell m}$, is the average over each
$\bar{q}_{\ell m}$ for all atoms in the system. To remove the
dependence on the laboratory coordinate frame, the third order
rotationally invariant combination of $\bar{Q}_{\ell m}$,
$\hat{w}_\ell$, is utilized here.\cite{Steinhardt1983,Vardeman:2008fk}
For $\ell=4$, the ideal face-centered cubic (fcc), body-centered cubic
(bcc), hexagonally close-packed (hcp), and simple cubic (sc) local
structures exhibit $\hat{w}_4$ values of -0.159, 0.134, 0.159, and
0.159, respectively. Because $\hat{w}_4$ exhibits an extreme value for
fcc structures, it is ideal for measuring local fcc
ordering. The spatial distribution of $\hat{w}_4$ local bond
orientational order parameters, $p(\hat{w}_4 , r)$, can provide
information about the location of individual atoms that are central to
local fcc ordering.
The fraction of fcc-ordered gold atoms at a given radius in the
nanoparticle,
\begin{equation}
f_\mathrm{fcc}(r) = \int_{-\infty}^{w_c} p(\hat{w}_4, r) d \hat{w}_4
\end{equation}
is described by the distribution of the local bond orientational order
parameters, $p(\hat{w}_4, r)$, and $w_c$, a cutoff for the peak
$\hat{w}_4$ value displayed by fcc structures. A $w_c$ value of -0.12
was chosen to isolate the fcc peak in $\hat{w}_4$.
As illustrated in Figure \ref{fig:Corrugation}, the presence of
ligands decreases the fcc ordering of the gold atoms at the
nanoparticle surface. For the smaller nanoparticles, this disruption
extends into the core of the nanoparticle, indicating widespread
disruption of the lattice.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{fcc}
\caption{Fraction of gold atoms with fcc ordering as a function of
radius for a 10 \AA\ radius nanoparticle. The decreased fraction
of fcc-ordered atoms in ligand-protected nanoparticles relative to
bare particles indicates restructuring of the nanoparticle surface
by the thiolate sulfur atoms.}
\label{fig:Corrugation}
\end{figure}
We may describe the thickness of the disrupted nanoparticle surface by
defining a corrugation factor, $c$, as the ratio of the radius at
which the fraction of gold atoms with fcc ordering is 0.9 and the
radius at which the fraction is 0.5.
\begin{equation}
c = 1 - \frac{r(f_\mathrm{fcc} = 0.9)}{r(f_\mathrm{fcc} = 0.5)}
\end{equation}
A sharp interface will have a steep drop in $f_\mathrm{fcc}$ at the
edge of the particle ($c \rightarrow$ 0). In the opposite limit where
the entire nanoparticle surface is restructured by ligands, the radius
at which there is a high probability of fcc ordering moves
dramatically inward ($c \rightarrow$ 1).
The computed corrugation factors are shown in Figure
\ref{fig:NPthiols_corrugation} for bare nanoparticles and for
ligand-protected particles as a function of ligand chain length. The
largest nanoparticles are only slightly restructured by the presence
of ligands on the surface, while the smallest particle ($r$ = 10 \AA)
exhibits significant disruption of the original fcc ordering when
covered with a half-monolayer of thiol ligands.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{C3}
\caption{Computed corrugation values for 4 sizes of solvated
nanoparticles that are bare or protected with a 50\% coverage of
C$_{4}$, C$_{8}$, or C$_{12}$ thiolate ligands. The smallest (10
\AA ) particles show significant disruption to their crystal
structures, and the length and stiffness of the ligands is a
contributing factor to the surface disruption.}
\label{fig:NPthiols_corrugation}
\end{figure}
Because the thiolate ligands do not significantly alter the larger
particle crystallinity, the surface corrugation does not seem to be a
likely candidate to explain the large increase in thermal conductance
at the interface when ligands are added.
\subsection{Orientation of Ligand Chains}
Previous theoretical work on heat conduction through alkane chains has
shown that short chains are dominated by harmonic interactions, where
the energy is carried ballistically through the
chain.\cite{Segal:2003qy} As the saturated ligand chain length
increases in length, it exhibits significantly more conformational
flexibility. Thus, different lengths of ligands should favor different
chain orientations on the surface of the nanoparticle, and can
localize the ligand vibrational density of states close to the
particle, lowering the effectiveness of the heat
conduction.\cite{Segal:2003qy} To determine the distribution of ligand
orientations relative to the particle surface we examine the
probability of finding a ligand with a particular orientation relative
to the surface normal of the nanoparticle,
\begin{equation}
\cos{(\theta)}=\frac{\vec{r}_i\cdot\hat{u}_i}{|\vec{r}_i||\hat{u}_i|}
\end{equation}
where $\vec{r}_{i}$ is the vector between the cluster center of mass
and the sulfur atom on ligand molecule {\it i}, and $\hat{u}_{i}$ is
the vector between the sulfur atom and \ce{CH3} pseudo-atom on ligand
molecule {\it i}. As depicted in Figure \ref{fig:NP_pAngle}, $\theta
\rightarrow 180^{\circ}$ for a ligand chain standing upright on the
particle ($\cos{(\theta)} \rightarrow -1$) and $\theta \rightarrow
90^{\circ}$ for a ligand chain lying down on the surface
($\cos{(\theta)} \rightarrow 0$). As the thiolate alkane chain
increases in length and becomes more flexible, the ligands are more
willing to lie down on the nanoparticle surface and exhibit increased
population at $\cos{(\theta)} = 0$.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{NP_pAngle}
\caption{The two extreme cases of ligand orientation relative to the
nanoparticle surface: the ligand completely outstretched
($\cos{(\theta)} = -1$) and the ligand fully lying down on the
particle surface ($\cos{(\theta)} = 0$).}
\label{fig:NP_pAngle}
\end{figure}
An order parameter describing the average ligand chain orientation relative to
the nanoparticle surface is available using the second order Legendre
parameter,
\begin{equation}
P_2 = \left< \frac{1}{2} \left(3\cos^2(\theta) - 1 \right) \right>
\end{equation}
Ligand populations that are perpendicular to the particle surface have
$P_2$ values of 1, while ligand populations lying flat on the
nanoparticle surface have $P_2$ values of $-0.5$. Disordered ligand
layers will exhibit mean $P_2$ values of 0. As shown in Figure
\ref{fig:NPthiols_P2} the ligand $P_2$ values approaches 0 as
ligand chain length -- and ligand flexibility -- increases.
\subsection{Orientation of Interfacial Solvent}
Similarly, we examined the distribution of \emph{hexane} molecule
orientations relative to the particle surface using the same angular
analysis utilized for the ligand chain orientations. In this case,
$\vec{r}_i$ is the vector between the particle center of mass and one
of the \ce{CH2} pseudo-atoms in the middle of hexane molecule $i$ and
$\hat{u}_i$ is the vector between the two \ce{CH3} pseudo-atoms on
molecule $i$. Since we are only interested in the orientation of
solvent molecules near the ligand layer, we select only the hexane
molecules within a specific $r$-range, between the edge of the
particle and the end of the ligand chains. A large population of
hexane molecules with $\cos{(\theta)} \sim \pm 1$ would indicate
interdigitation of the solvent molecules between the upright ligand
chains. A more random distribution of $\cos{(\theta)}$ values
indicates a disordered arrangement of solvent molecules near the particle
surface. Again, $P_2$ order parameter values provide a population
analysis for the solvent that is close to the particle surface.
The average orientation of the interfacial solvent molecules is
notably flat on the \emph{bare} nanoparticle surfaces. This blanket of
hexane molecules on the particle surface may act as an insulating
layer, increasing the interfacial thermal resistance. As the length
(and flexibility) of the ligand increases, the average interfacial
solvent P$_2$ value approaches 0, indicating a more random orientation
of the ligand chains. The average orientation of solvent within the
$C_8$ and $C_{12}$ ligand layers is essentially random. Solvent
molecules in the interfacial region of $C_4$ ligand-protected
nanoparticles do not lie as flat on the surface as in the case of the
bare particles, but are not as randomly oriented as the longer ligand
lengths.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{P2_3}
\caption{Computed ligand and interfacial solvent orientational $P_2$
values for 4 sizes of solvated nanoparticles that are bare or
protected with a 50\% coverage of C$_{4}$, C$_{8}$, or C$_{12}$
alkanethiolate ligands. Increasing stiffness of the ligand orients
these molecules normal to the particle surface, while the length
of the ligand chains works to prevent solvent from lying flat on
the surface.}
\label{fig:NPthiols_P2}
\end{figure}
These results are particularly interesting in light of our previous
results\cite{Stocker:2013cl}, where solvent molecules readily filled
the vertical gaps between neighboring ligand chains and there was a
strong correlation between ligand and solvent molecular
orientations. It appears that the introduction of surface curvature
and a lower ligand packing density creates a disordered ligand layer
that lacks well-formed channels for the solvent molecules to occupy.
\subsection{Solvent Penetration of Ligand Layer}
The extent of ligand -- solvent interaction is also determined by the
degree to which these components occupy the same region of space
adjacent to the nanoparticle. The radial density profiles of these
components help determine this degree of interaction. Figure
\ref{fig:density} shows representative density profiles for solvated
25 \AA\ radius nanoparticles with no ligands, and with a 50\% coverage
of C$_{4}$, C$_{8}$, and C$_{12}$ thiolates.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{density}
\caption{Radial density profiles for 25 \AA\ radius nanoparticles
with no ligands (circles), C$_{4}$ ligands (squares), C$_{8}$
ligands (diamonds), and C$_{12}$ ligands (triangles). Ligand
density is indicated with filled symbols, solvent (hexane) density
is indicated with open symbols. As ligand chain length increases,
the nearby solvent is excluded from the ligand layer. The
conjugated ligands (upper panel) can create a separated solvent
shell within the ligand layer and also allow significantly more
solvent to penetrate close to the particle.}
\label{fig:density}
\end{figure}
The differences between the radii at which the hexane surrounding the
ligand-covered particles reaches bulk density correspond nearly
exactly to the differences between the lengths of the ligand
chains. Beyond the edge of the ligand layer, the solvent reaches its
bulk density within a few angstroms. The differing shapes of the
density curves indicate that the solvent is increasingly excluded from
the ligand layer as the chain length increases.
The conjugated ligands create a distinct solvent shell within the
ligand layer and also allow significantly more solvent to penetrate
close to the particle. We define a density overlap parameter,
\begin{equation}
O_{l-s} = \frac{1}{V} \int_0^{r_\mathrm{max}} 4 \pi r^2 \frac{4 \rho_l(r) \rho_s(r)}{\left(\rho_l(r) +
\rho_s(r)\right)^2} dr
\end{equation}
where $\rho_l(r)$ and $\rho_s(r)$ are the ligand and solvent densities
at a radius $r$, and $V$ is the total integration volume
($V = 4\pi r_\mathrm{max}^3 / 3$). The fraction in the integrand is a
dimensionless quantity that is unity when ligand and solvent densities
are identical at radius $r$, but falls to zero when either of the two
components are excluded from that region.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{rho3}
\caption{Density overlap parameters ($O_{l-s}$) for solvated
nanoparticles protected by thiolate ligands. In general, the
rigidity of the fully-conjugated ligands provides the easiest
route for solvent to enter the interfacial region. Additionally,
shorter chains allow a greater degree of solvent penetration of
the ligand layer.}
\label{fig:rho3}
\end{figure}
The density overlap parameters are shown in Fig. \ref{fig:rho3}. The
calculated overlap parameters indicate that the conjugated ligand
allows for the most solvent penetration close to the particle, and
that shorter chains generally permit greater solvent penetration in
the interfacial region. Increasing overlap can certainly allow for
enhanced thermal transport, but this is clearly not the only
contributing factor. Even when the solvent and ligand are in close
physical contact, there must also be good vibrational overlap between
the phonon densities of states in the ligand and solvent to transmit
vibrational energy between the two materials.
\subsection{Ligand-mediated Vibrational Overlap}
In phonon scattering models for interfacial thermal
conductance,\cite{Swartz:1989uq,Young:1989xy,Cahill:2003fk,Reddy:2005fk,Schmidt:2010nr}
the frequency-dependent transmission probability
($t_{a \rightarrow b}(\omega)$) predicts phonon transfer between
materials $a$ and $b$. Many of the models for interfacial phonon
transmission estimate this quantity using the phonon density of states
and group velocity, and make use of a Debye model for the density of
states in the solid.
A consensus picture is that in order to transfer the energy carried by
an incoming phonon of frequency $\omega$ on the $a$ side, the phonon
density of states on the $b$ side must have a phonon of the same
frequency. The overlap of the phonon densities of states, particularly
at low frequencies, therefore contributes to the transfer of heat.
Phonon scattering must also be done in a direction perpendicular to
the interface. In the geometries described here, there are two
interfaces (particle $\rightarrow$ ligand, and ligand $\rightarrow$
solvent), and the vibrational overlap between the ligand and the other
two components is going to be relevant to heat transfer.
To estimate the relevant densities of states, we have projected the
velocity of each atom $i$ in the region of the interface onto a
direction normal to the interface. For the nanosphere geometries
studied here, the normal direction depends on the instantaneous
positon of the atom relative to the center of mass of the particle.
\begin{equation}
v_\perp(t) = \mathbf{v}(t) \cdot \frac{\mathbf{r}(t)}{\left|\mathbf{r}(t)\right|}
\end{equation}
The quantity $v_\perp(t)$ measures the instantaneous velocity of an
atom in a direction perpendicular to the nanoparticle interface. In
the interfacial region, the autocorrelation function of these
velocities,
\begin{equation}
C_\perp(t) = \left< v_\perp(t) \cdot v_\perp(0) \right>,
\end{equation}
will include contributions from all of the phonon modes present at the
interface. The Fourier transform of the time-symmetrized
autocorrelation function provides an estimate of the vibrational
density of states,\cite{Shin:2010sf}
\begin{equation}
\rho(\omega) = \frac{1}{\tau} \int_{-\tau/2}^{\tau/2} C_\perp(t) e^{-i
\omega t} dt.
\end{equation}
Here $\tau$ is the total observation time for the autocorrelation
function. In Fig.~\ref{fig:vdos} we show the low-frequency region of
the normalized vibrational densities of states for the three chemical
components (gold nanoparticle, C$_{12}$ ligands, and interfacial
solvent). The double bond in the penultimate location is a small
perturbation on ligands of this size, and that is reflected in
relatively similar spectra in the lower panels. The fully conjugated
ligand, however, pushes the peak in the lowest frequency band from
$\sim 29 \mathrm{cm}^{-1}$ to $\sim 55 \mathrm{cm}^{-1}$, yielding
significant overlap with the density of states in the nanoparticle.
This ligand also increases the overlap with the solvent density of
states in a band between 280 and 380 $\mathrm{cm}^{-1}$. This
provides some physical basis for the high interfacial conductance
observed for the fully conjugated $C_8$ and $C_{12}$ ligands.
\begin{figure}
\includegraphics[width=\linewidth]{rho_omega_12}
\caption{The low frequency portion of the vibrational density of
states for three chemical components (gold nanoparticles, C$_{12}$
ligands, and hexane solvent). These densities of states were
computed using the velocity autocorrelation functions for atoms in
the interfacial region, constructed with velocities projected onto
a direction normal to the interface.}
\label{fig:vdos}
\end{figure}
The similarity between the density of states for the alkanethiolate
and penultimate ligands also helps explain why the interfacial
conductance is nearly the same for these two ligands, particularly at
longer chain lengths.
\section{Discussion}
The chemical bond between the metal and the ligand introduces
vibrational overlap that is not present between the bare metal surface
and solvent. Thus, regardless of ligand identity or chain length, the
presence of a half-monolayer ligand coverage yields a higher
interfacial thermal conductance value than the bare nanoparticle. The
mechanism for the varying conductance for the different ligands is
somewhat less clear. Ligand-based alterations to vibrational density
of states is a major contributor, but some of the ligands can disrupt
the crystalline structure of the smaller nanospheres, while others can
re-order the interfacial solvent and alter the interpenetration
profile between ligand and solvent chains. Further work to separate
the effects of ligand-solvent interpenetration and surface
reconstruction is clearly needed for a complete picture of the heat
transport in these systems.
\begin{acknowledgments}
Support for this project was provided by the National Science Foundation
under grant CHE-1362211. Computational time was provided by the
Center for Research Computing (CRC) at the University of Notre Dame.
\end{acknowledgments}
\newpage
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Making is a process of misremembering, forgetting, inventing new narratives to take the place of old ones. In this exhibition we have several objects that once existed as one, most likely. Things built and rebuilt; a chaotic neurotic reaction. Pink Cloud is a children's story about a girl's desperate attempt to remake a perfect cloud. Her furious construction continues until she forgets her original point of reference… BUT and THEN this thing exists. There is a break again−debris spinning, pieces lost. Lime was originally used to construct walls; tampon viscose to absorb fluids. The works encapsulate frantic bouts of activity paired with the slowness of curing times. They come together and are pushed apart.
To be incomplete allows space for something still to be said. Full of weight or weightless – they can't have it either way. The surface is treated, recovered, splintered, polished, dusted. Deformed and reformed. The cloud was the first Rorschach test.
In a collaborative process multiple agents are always at work. Images in (different) brains lashed together, fogged over, retraced. Finding space. The reorientating of two bodies versus one creates a spinning mass. Splitting and hardened; curved and bended; caked layers and adhesive spit. Fermented conversations lacquered onto a patchwork of sticks and tape. Birthed shitting onto a lavender altar next to a pile of accumulated bones. Thoughts become physical acts, congealing and dispersed like an overcast sky. Everything has an orientation. There is no such thing as routine, only work and the right recipes.
Zinaïda Tchelidze and Rachel Koolen first worked together on a project titled The Sun In Our Window (Le Sceptre, 2014). This early work, instigated by an exchange of gifts, consisted of an arrangement of found bricolage objects and materials that preserved the traces of their conversations. Four years later their collaborative practice has developed, and their approach has shifted to stress the body, labour and the construction of space. The works contrast technologies of the body (tampon viscose, clothing, food processing) with technologies of the home (construction materials, cushioning, adornment).
Pink Cloud continues the duo's interest in domestication: the zone where structure and life meet. For Koolen and Tchelidze, this is importantly not a question of either/or, domestic/wild, but a contested and radical boundary. Pickling is a form of domestication: wild processes are contained but remain uninhibited. The collaboration evolves with an emphasis on process, in conversation with material cues, interpersonal exchanges and spatial play.
Rachel Koolen (b. 1979, Rotterdam, The Netherlands) lives and works in Enschede. She received her M.A. in Fine Art at Piet Zwart Institute in 2011 and was a fellow researcher at the Jan van Eyck Academie from 2007 to 2009.
Zinaïda Tchelidze (b. 1982, Tblisi, Georgia) lives and works in Brussels. She received her M.A. in Visual Arts at the Royal Academy of Fine Art in Brussels in 2008.
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{"url":"http:\/\/mathhelpforum.com\/geometry\/163408-circle-geometric-reasoning.html","text":"# Thread: Circle geometric reasoning.\n\n1. ## Circle geometric reasoning.\n\nABCO is a quadrilateral. ABC lies on the circumference of a circle and O is on the centre of the circle. Angle BAC is 39 degrees. Angle BCA is labeled x. Angle ACO is labeled y.\n\nUse geometric reasoning to find the unknown angle y, in terms of x.\n\nImage:\n\nHere's what I got:\n\nAngle ABC = 141 - x (Angles in a triangle must add to 180)\nReflex angle COA = 282 -2x (Angle at the centre is double the angle at the circumference)\nAngle COA = 78 + 2x (Angles on a point must add to 360)\n\nThis is where I get stuck. I cannot get any other angles. Is there a really simple geometric proof that I'm missing?\n\nPoint D was drawn there on the original question as well. Maybe it is used, or maybe it is just there to distract you.\n\n2. Hm... angle AOB is equal to 2x, since angle at centre is double angle at circumference.\n\nThis gives angle COB = 78\n\nNow I'm not sure where to go... give me some time to think about it.\n\n3. Ah, I missed the obvious. Angle CAO is equal to angle ACO since the triangle OAC is an isoscelese traiangle with sides OC and OA equal since they are radii of the circle.\n\nFrom there, we get:\n\n$y + y + 78 +2x = 180$\n\nIt should be okay now.\n\n4. Ah, how did I not see that! That's so obvious.\n\nThanks for helping.","date":"2017-05-25 09:20:44","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 1, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.6594439744949341, \"perplexity\": 1155.716938107497}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.3, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2017-22\/segments\/1495463608058.13\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20170525083009-20170525103009-00357.warc.gz\"}"}
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Make and Use an Anemometer to measure Wind Speed
Wind is the horizontal movement of air. The instrument used to measure wind speed is called an anemometer, which is an indicator that will spin in the wind. The anemometer rotates at the same speed as the wind. It gives a direct measure of the speed of the wind. Wind speed is measured by using the Beaufort Wind Scale which is a scale of 0-12 based on visual clues. Depending on the ability of students, it is probably sufficient that they recognize calm air, and gentle, moderate, and strong breezes. For example, students can use a simplified scale such as the following:
Wind Speed (KmPH) Term Description
0-5 Calm Smoke goes straight up
6-20 Light Wind is felt on face; weather vanes turn, leaves rustle
21-39 Moderate Raises dust; flags flap
40-61 Strong Large branches move; umbrellas turn inside out
62 or more Gale / Whole Gale
Make an Anemometer
(if you already have an anemometer, you can skip to the Use an Anemometer to measure Wind Speed)
4 small paper cups
4 plastic drinking straws
straight pin
pencil with a new eraser
This anemometer has four cups which catch the wind and cause the anemometer to spin. The inward curve of the cups receives most of the force of the wind. That's what makes the cups move. The more spins per minute, the greater the wind velocity.
Arrange four (4) plastic drinking straws to form a cross and tape them together at the center.
Staple the top side of one drinking cup, such as the small paper cups designed for bathroom dispensers, to the end of each straw, so the open ends of the cups all face the same direction.
Push a straight pin through the center of the straws into an eraser on the end of a pencil. This provides the axle.
Mark one of the cups; this will be the one they use for counting when the anemometer spins. NOTE: When using this anemometer, 10 turns per minute means the wind speed is about one mile per hour. If possible, it would very useful to use a commercial anemometer to determine an approximate determination. For example, "when our anemometer read 20 spins a minute, the commercial anemometer read 2 miles per hour."
Blow on the anemometer or turn an electric fan on low to make sure that it spins easily. How many times the anemometer will spin in one minute? Can you make a statement connecting the number of spins of your anemometer and the speed of the wind? (you can use the table below to record your practice trials).
Time Interval Number of Spins
The photos below show the students from Mrs. Clarizio's fourth grade class in Garfield, New Jersey making their anemometers. Click on the picture to view a larger image.
Use an Anemometer to measure Wind Speed
Anemometer (above)
Divide the into small groups with the following roles (optional)
One time keeper who will be responsible for timing one minute for each trial.
One official "counter" for the day. The others may count on their own, but the counter's readings will be the ones recorded.
One holder who will hold the anemometer while the spins are counted; the holder should make sure that he holds the anemometer so that the wind is unobstructed.
Mount or hold the anemometer in a place that has full access to the wind from all directions.
When the time keeper says "Go", the counter in each group will count how many times the marked cup passes them in one minute and write it down.
If possible, repeat the above step four (4) times and record the average number of spins
Optional: you can multiply the average number of spins by 60 to find out how many times the anemometer would spin in an hour and come up with a statement such as: the speed of the wind today is about 1,000 spins per hour.
Copyright � 2007 Stevens Institute of Technology,
Center for Innovation in Engineering and Science Education (CIESE) All Rights Reserved.
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Produced by Barbara Tozier, Bill Tozier, Carol Brown, and
the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
http://www.pgdp.net
THE
HISTORY OF PAINTING
IN
ITALY.
VOL. IV.
THE
HISTORY OF PAINTING
IN
ITALY,
FROM THE PERIOD OF THE REVIVAL OF
THE FINE ARTS
TO THE END OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY:
TRANSLATED
From the Original Italian
OF THE
ABATE LUIGI LANZI.
BY THOMAS ROSCOE.
_IN SIX VOLUMES._
VOL. IV.
CONTAINING THE SCHOOLS OF LOMBARDY, MANTUA,
MODENA, PARMA, CREMONA, AND MILAN.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR
W. SIMPKIN AND R. MARSHALL,
STATIONERS'-HALL COURT, LUDGATE STREET.
1828.
J. M'Creery, Tooks Court,
Chancery Lane, London.
CONTENTS
OF
THE FOURTH VOLUME.
HISTORY OF PAINTING IN UPPER ITALY.
BOOK THE SECOND.
SCHOOLS OF LOMBARDY.
CHAP. I.
MANTUAN SCHOOL.
Page
EPOCH I. _Of Mantegna and his successors_ 5
EPOCH II. _Giulio Romano and his school_ 14
EPOCH III. _Decline of the school, and foundation of
an academy in order to restore it_ 26
CHAP. II.
MODENESE SCHOOL.
EPOCH I. _The old masters_ 32
EPOCH II. _Imitation of Raffaello and Coreggio in
the sixteenth century_ 42
EPOCH III. _The Modenese artists of the seventeenth
century chiefly follow the example of the
Bolognese_ 57
CHAP. III.
SCHOOL OF PARMA.
EPOCH I. _The ancients_ 74
EPOCH II. _Coreggio, and those who succeeded him in
his school_ 79
EPOCH III. _Parmese school of the Caracci, and of
other foreigners until the period of the
foundation of the academy_ 134
CHAP. IV.
SCHOOL OF CREMONA.
EPOCH I. _The ancients_ 148
EPOCH II. _Camillo Boccaccino, Il Soiaro, the Campi_ 163
EPOCH III. _Decline of the school of the Campi.
Trotti and other artists support it_ 182
EPOCH IV. _Foreign manners introduced into Cremona_ 194
CHAP. V.
SCHOOL OF MILAN.
EPOCH I. _Account of the ancient masters until the
time of Vinci_ 206
EPOCH II. _Vinci establishes an academy of design at
Milan. His pupils and the best native artists
down to the time of Gaudenzio_ 238
EPOCH III. _The Procaccini and other foreign and
native artists form a new academy, with new
styles, in the city and state of Milan_ 283
EPOCH IV. _After the time of Daniele Crespi the art
declines. A third academy is founded for
its improvement_ 305
HISTORY OF PAINTING
IN
UPPER ITALY.
BOOK II.
THE SCHOOLS OF LOMBARDY.
After a consideration of the principles and progress of painting in
Lombardy, I came to the conclusion that its history ought to be treated and
arranged in a manner altogether different from the rest of the schools.
Indeed those of Florence, of Rome, of Venice, and of Bologna, may be almost
considered in the light of so many dramas, in which there occurs an
interchange of acts and scenes, for such are the epochs of each school; and
there is also a change of actors, for such are the masters of each new
period; but the unity of place, which is no other than the capital city, is
invariably preserved; while the principal actors, and as it were
protagonists of the story, always continue in action, at least in the way
of example. Every capital, it is true, is in possession of its own state,
and in that ought to be comprehended the various other cities, and the
revolutions in each; but these are in general so nearly connected with
those of the metropolis as to be easily reducible to the same leading law,
either because the state artists have acquired the art in the principal
city, or because they have taught it there, as may easily be gathered from
the history of the Venetian School; while the few who wander out of the
usual routine, cannot be said to infringe greatly upon the unity of the
school and the succession of its histories. But it happens differently in
the history of Lombardy, which, in the happier periods of the art, being
divided into many more districts than it now is, possessed in each state a
school distinct from all the others; enumerated also distinct eras; and
when the style of one influenced that of another, such a circumstance
occurred neither so universally, nor so near in regard to time, as to admit
of the same epoch being applied to many of them. Hence it is, that even
from the outset of this book, I renounce the received manner of speaking
which would mention the Lombard School, as if in itself constituting one
school, in such a way as to be compared for instance with the Venetian,
which in every place acknowledged the sway of its sovereign masters; of the
Bellini first, next of Titian and his noblest contemporaries, and then of
Palma; and moreover established several characteristics of design, of
colouring, of composition, of the use of the pencil, so as easily to
distinguish it from every other school. But in that which is called the
Lombard the case is otherwise. For its founders, such as Lionardo, Giulio,
the Campi, and Coreggio, are too widely opposed to each other to admit of
being brought under one standard of taste, and referred to the same epoch.
I am aware that Coreggio, being by birth a Lombard, and the originator of a
new style that afforded an example to many artists in that part of Italy,
has conferred the name of Lombard School upon the followers of his maxims;
and according to these characteristics the contours were to be drawn round
and full, the countenance warm and smiling, the union of the colours strong
and clear, the foreshortenings frequent, with a particular regard to the
chiaroscuro. But the school thus circumscribed, where shall we find a place
for the Mantuans, the Milanese, the Cremonese, and the many others who,
having been born, and having flourished in Lombardy, and moreover being the
tutors of a long extended line, justly deserve a rank among the Lombards.
From such considerations I have judged it most advisable to treat severally
of each school, enlarging upon them more or less, according as the number
of the professors and the information respecting them may seem to render it
requisite. For the accounts of some of these schools have been already
separately compiled; Zaist having treated of the Cremonese painters, and
Tiraboschi of the Modenese; thus conferring upon artists the same
obligations which he so richly conferred upon the literati in a still
greater work; a rare writer, for whose loss we yet indulge a mournful
recollection. In the rest of the schools I shall be supplied with ample
materials from Vasari, from Lomazzo, and the Guides of the cities, besides
some authors to be cited when requisite, together with my own observations
and sources of information borrowed from different places; whence it is
hoped that the pictoric history of Lombardy, the least known amongst all
the schools of Italy, may by my means have at least some additional light
thrown upon it.
CHAPTER I.
MANTUAN SCHOOL.
EPOCH I.
_Of Mantegna and his Successors._
I shall first commence with Mantua, from which there emanated two sister
schools, those of Modena and of Parma. Were any one desirous of
investigating the most ancient remains that the art of colouring in that
state can boast, he might record the celebrated anthem book, still
preserved at S. Benedetto at Mantua, a gift of the Countess Matilda to that
monastery, which being founded by her long preserved her remains,
transferred during the late century into the Vatican. In this book, shewn
me by the learned and courteous Abbate Mari, are exhibited several little
histories of the life and death of the Virgin, which, notwithstanding the
barbarous period in which they were produced, display some taste, insomuch
that I do not remember having seen any work of the same age at all equal to
it. Upon this subject it may not be useless to observe, that in ages less
uncivilized, and nearer our own, the art of miniature was practised in
Mantua by a great number of professors, among whom is Gio. de Russi, who,
about the year 1455, illustrated for the Duke Borso of Modena, the Bible of
Este, in large folio, one of the rarest specimens of that distinguished
collection. But in regard to pictures, I have been able to discover no
artist who flourished in that place previous to Mantegna; and it is only
some anonymous productions belonging to the fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries, that can be mentioned as remaining to this day. Of the former
age, I saw in the cloister of S. Francesco, a sepulchre, erected in 1303,
with a Madonna among various angels, all rude and disproportioned figures,
though coloured with such strong and animated tints as to appear truly
surprising. I doubt not but that the revival of painting in Lombardy,
through the genius of its natives, might be fairly proved from the
existence of this monument, as its age is anterior to that of the followers
of Giotto, scattered throughout Italy; besides the style is different. Of
the fifteenth, I have seen another Madonna upon an altar likewise of S.
Francesco; and whoever may have been the author, he has shewn that the art,
even in those days, had already emerged from its infancy, without arriving
at that rank to which the great Andrea Mantegna conducted it, of whom we
have twice already had occasion to speak shortly in the course of this
work; a subject which we now resume, and shall enlarge upon more fully.
Although the honour of having given birth to Mantegna can no longer, as
formerly, be denied to Padua, his school was, nevertheless, established in
Mantua, where, under the auspices of Marchese Lodovico Gonzaga, he settled
with his family, without, however, ceasing to exert his talents elsewhere,
and more particularly in Rome. The chapel which he painted at the desire of
Innocent VIII. in the Vatican still exists, though injured by time; and it
is clear that in the imitation of the antique constantly pursued by him he
greatly improved, through the number of examples to be found throughout the
city. He never varied his manner, which I described when I treated of him
as a pupil of Squarcione in Padua; but he still continued to perfect it.
Several works produced during his latter years are yet extant at Mantua;
and far surpassing the rest is his picture of Victory, painted upon
canvass. Another is the Virgin, amidst various saints, among whom S.
Michele the Archangel, and S. Maurizio, are seen holding her mantle, which
is stretched over Francesco Gonzaga; he is in a kneeling posture, while the
Virgin extends her hand over him in sign of protection: more in the
background appear the two patrons of the city, S. Andrea and S. Longino,
and the infant St. John before the throne, with S. Anna, as is supposed at
least by Vasari and Ridolfi, little exact in their description of this
picture, inasmuch as the rosary held in her hand distinguishes her for the
princess, consort of the Marchese, kneeling at her husband's side. Mantua,
perhaps, boasts no other specimen equally sought after and admired by
strangers; and though produced in 1495, it is still free, in a conspicuous
degree, from the effects of three ages, which it has already survived. It
is truly wonderful to behold carnations so delicate, coats of armour so
glittering, draperies so finely varied, with ornamental fruits still so
fresh and dewy to the eye. Each separate head might serve as a school, from
its fine character and vivacity, and not a few from imitation of the
antique; while the design, as well in its naked as in its clothed parts,
expresses a softness which sufficiently repels the too general opinion,
that the stiff style and that of Mantegna are much the same thing. There is
also an union of colours, a delicacy of hand, and a peculiar grace, that to
me appears almost the last stage of the art towards that perfection which
it acquired from Lionardo. His works upon canvass remind us of that
exquisite taste to which he had been habituated by Squarcione, who supplied
him with pictures of the same kind from various places, and indeed the
whole of the above specimen discovers him to have been an artist who spared
neither his colours nor his time, to produce works that might satisfy his
own ideas, as well as the eye of the spectator.
His great masterpiece, nevertheless, according to the judgment of Vasari,
is the Triumph of Caesar, represented in different pictures, which, becoming
the prey of the Germans in the sackage of the city, were finally sent into
England. They belonged to a great hall in the palace of S. Sebastiano,
"which was completed," says Equicola, an historian of his native place, "by
Lorenzo Costa, an excellent artist, who added to it all that pomp which
used to attend upon a triumph, besides the spectators before wanting." But
these pictures having perished, there yet remain other considerable relics
from the works of Andrea, in a saloon of the castle, entitled by Ridolfi
the _Camera degli Sposi_. We there behold copious productions executed in
fresco, and among them several portraits of the Gonzaga family, still in
good preservation; and some Genii drawn over a door-way, so joyous,
animated, and airy, that nothing can be supposed to surpass them. Among
collections of art we more rarely meet with specimens of him than is really
believed, his genuine hand being recognized, not only by its lightness, by
its rectilinear folds, or by its yellowish landscape, spread with certain
minute and broken little stones; but by the skill of its design and the
delicacy of its pencil. It does not appear that he produced many pictures
for private exhibition, engaged as he was in works of greater magnitude,
and upon many engravings. More than fifty of these last have been
enumerated, for the chief part abounding with figures; labours which must
have occupied a large portion of his best time. But there are some persons,
as I have observed, (vol. i. p. 136,) who would considerably reduce this
number, whether correctly or not posterity will, perhaps, ascertain.
The style of Andrea greatly influenced that of his age, and imitations of
it are to be seen even beyond his school, which was extremely flourishing
in Mantua. We enumerate among his most distinguished disciples Francesco,
and one of his other sons. There is a paper yet extant, in which they
undertake to complete the chamber of the castle just alluded to, of which
their father Andrea had only painted the walls. To these they added the
beautiful vaulted recess. Whoever examines it must confess that the science
of foreshortening, originally attributed to Melozio, was here improved and
nearly brought to perfection by Mantegna and his sons. In the same work
appear several exquisitely drawn infantine figures, under different points
of view, and admirably shortened, so as to lose nothing in comparison with
those of Melozio, though his painting of Paradise, drawn for the church of
SS. Apostoli, was afterwards cut down and placed in the grand Palazzo
Quirinale. The same sons of Mantegna likewise added lateral pictures to an
altar-piece of their father, in a family chapel they had, attached to the
church of S. Andrea; and in the same place they raised a beautiful monument
to his memory in 1517, which has been falsely supposed by some to be the
year of his death, whereas it appears, from many authentic works, that he
closed his days in 1505.
After the death of Mantegna, Lorenzo Costa held the first rank, an artist
of whom we shall treat more at length in the Bolognese School. He adorned
the palace with various histories, and the churches with many of his
pictures, continuing under Francesco to reside in the same place, and
afterwards under Federigo, until beyond the year 1525, in which time he
produced also his picture for his family chapel. There too, like Mantegna,
he wished to have his remains deposited. Following his example, he
established his family in Mantua, where some of his descendants will again
appear at a more modern epoch. But the young Mantegni must be referred to
this more ancient period, and along with them ought to be mentioned Carlo
del Mantegna, who having studied some length of time under Andrea, and
cultivated a complete acquaintance with his style, afterwards introduced
it, as we shall shew, into Genoa. Carlo is supposed to have assisted in the
labours of the palace and the chapel above mentioned, as well as in many
others ascribed to the disciples of Mantegna, among which are two histories
of the ark preserved in the monastery of S. Benedetto at Mantua, where
Andrea's manner appears somewhat more amplified, though boasting less
beautiful forms. But few certain productions of his followers can be fixed
upon, their labours being confounded by connoisseurs, from their
resemblance of their style and name to those of their master. And it has
thus happened in an extremely interesting historical point; for Coreggio
having studied, it appears, under Francesco Mantegna, was believed a
scholar of Andrea, already deceased before Allegri had attained his twelfth
year.
Still more celebrated than the preceding were the names of Gianfrancesco
Carotto and Francesco Monsignori, of Verona. Such was the progress made by
the former, that Andrea was in the habit of sending forth his labours as
the work of his own hand. He was celebrated for his portraits; and for his
composition, equally excellent in large as in small pieces; and he was
employed by the Visconti, at Milan, as well as in the court of Monferrato,
and to a still greater extent in his native place. Although an artist who
flourished at so early a period, in a few of his pictures he might be
pronounced more great and harmonious than Andrea himself; as we may gather
from his fine altar-piece of S. Fermo, at Verona, and from that of his
_Angioli_, at Santa Eufemia, whose side pictures represent two virgins,
very manifestly imitated from Raffaello. He is not to be confounded with
Giovanni Carotto, his brother and his pupil, and very greatly inferior to
him. Francesco Monsignori ought not to be referred to Verona, but to
Mantua, where he established himself, honoured by the Marchese Francesco
with his confidence, and remunerated in the most liberal manner. If this
artist, also, does not exhibit the beautiful forms, and the purity of
design so remarkable in the works of his master, he approaches nearer to
the modern taste; his contours more full, his drapery less trite, and his
softness more finely studied. In his drawings of animals, he was also
considered the Zeuxis of his age; insomuch that he succeeded in imposing
upon a real dog with a copy of the animal. In perspective he was a master;
and in the refectory of the Franciscans, there is a picture of our Lord
amidst the apostles, exhibiting an architecture, which, however much
retouched, does not fail to produce great effect. In the pulpit of the same
church is also a S. Bernardino, with a S. Lodovico, one of his most
beautiful pieces; and elsewhere altar-grades, with figures which appear
like miniature. He had a brother of the name of Girolamo, of the order of
S. Domenico, also an excellent artist. The Last Supper, to be seen in the
grand library of S. Benedetto, copied from that of Leonardo, in Milan, is
from his hand. By many it is esteemed the best copy of that miracle of art,
which now remains to us. I have before treated of several of Andrea's
scholars, natives of Vicenza; and another of Cremona, I shall have to
mention in due time. Yet the entire series of this school will not be
completed with these names, as there are specimens of many unknown artists
executed in fresco, interspersed throughout different places in Mantua.
They are for the most part to be met with on the facades of buildings, and
in the churches; while in several of the galleries we may observe pictures
in oil, which appear to exhibit more of the defects than of the excellences
of a Mantegna.
MANTUAN SCHOOL.
EPOCH II.
_Giulio Romano and his School._
The school of the Mantegni becoming extinct in Mantua, another of a more
beautiful and distinguished character arose, sufficient to excite the envy
even of Rome. Duke Federigo had succeeded to Francesco, a prince of much
enlargement of mind, and so much devoted to the fine arts, that no artist
of common genius would have been equal to execute his ideas. Through the
interest of Baldassar Castiglione, then extremely intimate with Raffaello,
Giulio Romano was prevailed upon to visit Mantua, where he became at once
engineer and painter to Duke Frederic. The duties, however, of the first,
occupied him more than those of the second. For the city having been
damaged by the waters of the Mincio, the buildings being insecure or badly
planned, and the architecture inferior to the dignity of a capital, he was
thus furnished with sufficient materials on which to employ his talents,
and to render him as it were a new founder of Mantua; insomuch, that its
ruler, in a transport of gratitude, was heard to exclaim, that Giulio was
in truth more the master of the city than he himself. The whole of these
works are extensively recorded in different books of architecture. The duty
here required of me is to point out to the reader the originality of this
artist's character; a solitary instance perhaps in history, of one who,
having erected the most noble and beautiful palaces, villas, and temples,
painted and ornamented a considerable portion of them with his own hand;
while at the same time a regular school of his pupils and assistants was
formed in Mantua, which continued for a length of years to do equal honour
to the country and to the city of Lombardy.
We have already considered Giulio, in treating of the Roman School, in the
character of scholar, as well as heir and continuator of the works of
Raffaello; but here he is to appear in that of a master, pursuing the
method of the head of this school, both in teaching and composition. When
he came to Mantua he found abundance of ancient marbles, to which he
continued to add specimens, out of which the statues, the busts, and the
bassi-relievi, still preserved in the academy, are mere relics. To such
materials, collected by the Gonzaghi, he united some of his own. He was
abundantly furnished with designs, as well copied from the antique in Rome,
as executed by the hand of Raffaello. Nor were his own immediate studies
less valuable, no designer having better succeeded in uniting freedom of
invention with selection, rapidity with correctness, a knowledge of fable
and of history with a certain popular manner, and facility in treating
them. Upon the death of his master he began to give a freer scope to his
natural genius, which inclined rather to the bold than to the beautiful,
and induced him more to adopt the experience acquired by many years of
application, than his own knowledge of nature and of truth. He considered
it, therefore, mere amusement to adorn the palace of Mantua, and the great
suburban of the Te, (to say nothing of his numerous other works,) in the
style that Vasari relates, and which is, in part, to be seen at the present
day. So many chambers with gilded entablatures; such a variety of beautiful
stucco work, the figures of which have been removed for the instruction of
youth; so many stories and _capricci_ finely conceived and connected with
one another, besides such a diversity of labours adapted to different
places and subjects, altogether form a collection of wonders, the honour of
which Giulio divided with no other artist. For he himself conceived,
composed, and completed these vast undertakings.
He was accustomed himself to prepare the cartoons, and afterwards having
exacted from his pupils their completion, he went over the entire work with
his pencil, removed its defects, impressing at the same time upon the whole
the stamp of his own superior character. This method he acquired from
Raffaello; and he is commended by Vasari as the best artist known for his
production of distinguished pupils. It was the misfortune of Giulio to have
the touches of his own hand in his labours at the Te, modernized by other
pencils, owing to which the beautiful fable of Psyche, the moral
representations of human life, and his terrible war of the giants with
Jove, where he appeared to compete with Michelangiolo himself in the
hardihood of his design, still retain, indeed, the design and composition,
but no longer the colours of Giulio. In these last his hand will more truly
appear in his War of Troy, preserved at the royal court; in his history of
Lucretia; and in those little cabinets ornamented by him with grotesques
and other ingenious fancies. There we might sometimes pronounce him a
Homer, treating of arms, or sometimes an Anacreon, celebrating the delights
of wine and love. Nor did he employ his powers less nobly in sacred
subjects, more particularly for the dome, which, by commission of the
Cardinal Gonzaga, brother to Federigo, and guardian of his young nephew, he
not only built, but in part ornamented, though his death occurred before he
was enabled to complete his celebrated work. The paintings produced for
other churches by his own hand are not very numerous; such, consisting more
particularly of his Three Histories of the Passion, coloured in fresco, at
S. Marco; of his Santo Cristoforo, in the large altar of that church, in
which he is represented with an uncommon degree of strength, yet groaning
under the burden of the Lord of the Universe, who in the figure of an
infant is borne upon his shoulders; an incident originating in the name
itself of _Cristoforo_. But let us come to the school of Giulio, in Mantua.
It will not occupy many pages; since it did not mix the style of this
artist, as in other places has happened, with foreign styles, being
peculiarly true to its prototype, so that in each countenance we may trace,
as it were, his own exact features, although copied unequally.
In his Mantuan School there appeared several foreigners, among whom
Primaticcio proved the most celebrated; an artist whom Giulio employed to
work in stucco, and whom, on being invited into the service of the king of
France, he sent to that country in his stead. But we shall take no further
notice of him here, having to treat of him more fully in our account of the
Bolognese. The Veronese, who are in possession of a beautiful fresco, in
the Piazza delle Erbe, with the name of _Alberto Cavalli Savonese_, have
supposed this painter a scholar of Giulio, but without any other foundation
beyond a strong resemblance to the style of Pippi, in the naked parts. It
is strange that no other specimen of such a distinguished hand should be
known in Italy, nor any memorial of him, notwithstanding the great
researches that have been made; nor is it very improbable that he also may
have changed his country, and died in foreign parts. Benedetto Pagni from
Pescia had already tried his abilities in Rome, together with Bartolommeo
da Castiglioni, with Paparello da Cortona, and with Gio. da Leone; artists
of whom I know not if there exist any thing beyond the name; while Pagni,
who accompanied Giulio into Mantua, has been as highly esteemed by Vasari
as any other name. From his hand, besides what remains in his native place,
we possess a S. Lorenzo, painted in S. Andrea, at Mantua, which does credit
to such a school. Companion to him in the numerous works of the Te, we find
Rinaldo Mantovano, considered by Vasari the most celebrated painter of the
city, while he laments the untimely termination of his days. His
altar-piece of S. Agostino, at the Trinita, proves him to have been great
even in his youth, so much is the design beyond the expectation of such an
age; and it has by some been pronounced the work of his master. Fermo
Guisoni had a longer career; he painted in the cathedral the Vocation of S.
Pietro and S. Andrea, copied from one of the most beautiful and studied
cartoons of Giulio. Other pieces of his are extant, in part designed by
Bertani, and in part from his own hand. Such is a picture of the
Crucifixion at S. Andrea, which both in point of design and force of
colouring is indeed admirable.
In this series Vasari has omitted to mention several others whom the
Mantuans have enumerated as belonging to the school of Giulio, and as
natives of their country. Among these is a Teodoro Ghigi, a Mantuan, as he
subscribes himself, an excellent designer, and so familiar with the manner
of the leader of his school, that on the decease of the latter, he was
employed in the service of the prince, to complete his labours in the city,
and in the country. Ippolito Andreasi also painted a good deal upon the
cartoons of Giulio, and produced pictures of merit in S. Barbara as well as
elsewhere. There are moreover two frescos in the dome, at the chapel of S.
Lorenzo, attributed to one Francesco Perla; an altar-piece at S. Cristoforo
by Gio. Batista Giacarolo, neither of them greatly celebrated in this
class. Raffaello Pippi was a son of the head of the school; and there only
remains of him the honourable recollection of the very promising efforts of
his youthful genius, cut off in its happiest spring.
Following Giulio, his pupil, the cavalier Gio. Batista Bertani continued to
labour, and to instruct the school. He had accompanied his master to Rome;
he was a great architect, and an excellent writer on the subject, as well
as a painter of no ordinary talent. Assisted by his brother of the name of
Domenico, he ornamented several chambers in the castle of the court; and he
committed various altar-pieces to different painters, in the dome erected
by Giulio, in Sta. Barbara, which is the work of Bertani himself, and in
other churches of the place. To some of these artists he gave his designs.
He was esteemed almost as another Giulio by Duke Vincenzio, though very
inferior to his predecessor. For what Vasari observes of him, that his
knowledge did not equal that of his master, is no less true, than that the
chief part of his own assistants surpassed him. His assistants were Gio.
Batista del Moro, Geronimo Mazzuola, Paol Farinato, Domenico Brusasorci,
Giulio Campi, Paol Veronese; whose works, displayed in that cathedral, do
no less honour to the sanctuary than to the city. Yet let this be said
without the least reflection upon his merit, which, particularly in design,
was undoubtedly very great. This, indeed, we gather from his picture of the
Martyrdom of Sta. Agata, which, executed from the design of Bertani by
Ippolito Casta, approaches much nearer to the composition of Giulio than
other works of Ippolito, drawn from his own invention.
There is reason to believe that Ippolito was of the family of Lorenzo
Costa, together with Luigi, and another Lorenzo, both named Costa, and both
Mantuans. Orlandi states Ippolito to have been a pupil of Carpi. Baldinucci
includes him in the school of Giulio, either from his having frequented his
academy, or in other ways having availed himself of his instructions and
his models; and, indeed, his style betrays no slight traces of them. Lamo,
who wrote an account of the artists of Cremona, describes him to us as a
master, who about 1538 instructed Bernardino Campi; and moreover gives us
reason to suppose that his brother Luigi was likewise initiated by him in
the art. But he proved an inferior artist, and drew his chief celebrity
from his surname. Among the assistants of Taddeo Zuccari, about 1560,
Vasari mentions Lorenzo Costa, a Mantuan; and it seems likely that he
sprung either from Luigi or from Ippolito; and had such name conferred upon
him, as was usual, in memory of Lorenzo Costa, his grandfather, or from
some other relationship to him. We frequently read in the Guide of Mantua,
written by Cadioli, that such a painting is from the hand of Costa, without
giving his proper name; and it appears probable, that pursuing their
labours in the same studio, they may have contracted a sort of family
style, not indeed very correct or learned, but of a practical kind. There
is a pleasing air about the heads, and some care in the colours; for the
rest it is minute; not exact, nor sufficiently shaded; and in fine,
modelled upon the composition of one who aimed at imitating the grace, not
of rivalling the power of Giulio. The Costa are esteemed in Mantua among
the last disciples of the great school; nor do I know of their having
produced any pupil besides Facchetti, who devoted himself altogether to
portraits.
It will here be proper to state that Giulio in imitation of Raffaello gave
rise, by the influence of his taste, to a great number of artificers, who
ornamented other professions. He was possessed of those general ideas of
beauty and proportion, from which he drew his rules for the particular
direction of every work; an enviable distinction of that age, in which the
leading men were at once painters, modellers, and architects, extending
their influence even from the noblest works of art down to vases and plates
of earthenware, and cornices of wood. I am not certain whether Giulio, like
Raffaello, formed the taste of another Gio. da Udine, in drawing fruits and
trees, &c.: but I know that Camillo, a Mantuan, declared by Vasari to be
most excellent in point of landscape,[1] flourished about this period. Some
specimens in fresco still continue to adorn his native place; but he
chiefly produced his works in Venice, in Urbino, and at the ducal palace in
Pesaro, where, in a chamber, since changed into an armour-room, he painted
a grove, executed with so much taste and truth, that it would not be
difficult to number every separate leaf upon the trees. It is certain that
Giulio educated a pupil as his Perino, for his stuccos; and this was,
besides Primaticcio, a Gio. Batista Briziano, commonly called Mantovano,
who likewise became his Marc Antonio, engraving on copper many of the
pictures of his master, as well as of other distinguished artists of his
day. To him ought to be added Giorgio Ghisi, or Ghigi, who flourished at
the same period; and to these succeeded Diana, daughter of Gio. Batista,[2]
celebrated for her fine engravings; and this branch of art, introduced into
Mantua by that eminent artist, continued to prosper there for a long course
of years.
Footnote 1: In the _Life of Genga_.
Footnote 2: She is also called _Civis Volaterrana_, from her
connexion with that city; an instance that ought to be
present to our recollection, when we find that different
writers ascribe different countries to the same painter.
Another branch of the fine arts, that of miniature, seemed to attain its
perfection under one of Giulio's scholars. His name was D. Giulio Clovio,
of Croazia, a regular Scopetine Canon, afterwards becoming a layman by a
dispensation from the Pope. He had first turned his attention to the higher
branches of the art, but Giulio, who saw he possessed a peculiar talent for
diminutive figures, prevailed upon him to apply himself to these; and
taught him the first of any in Rome, the method of applying tints and
colours in gum and water colours, while in miniature he obtained
instructions from Girolamo da' Libri of Verona. He is esteemed at the head
of his profession in this line. In his design he displays a good deal of
study of Michelangiolo, and of the Roman School, though approaching nearer
to the practice of a good naturalist, exquisitely graceful in his colours,
and admirable in his exactness of drawing the minutest objects. Great part
of his labours were undertaken for sovereigns and princes, in whose
libraries may be found books ornamented by him in miniature with such a
degree of truth and spirit, that we appear to view these diminutive objects
rather through some camera-optica, than in a picture. It is related by
Vasari, that in an Office of the Virgin, made for the Cardinal Farnese,
there were figures which did not exceed the size of a small ant; and that
each part was nevertheless distinctly drawn. It is worth while, indeed, to
read the whole description given by that historian of the miniatures there
inserted, in which he likewise selected subjects adapted for a multitude of
figures, such as the procession of the _Corpus Domini_ at Rome, and the
feast of the Monte Testaceo: a labour of nine years, which was distributed
into twenty-six little histories. He produced numerous small portraits
painted for private people; (an art in which he is said by Vasari to have
equalled Titian) besides a few little pictures. These are rarely to be met
with in collections. There is one of the _Deposizione_, in the library of
the Padri Cisterciensi, at Milan, a piece quite original in its
composition, but which breathes altogether the taste of the golden period.
Indeed, I am inclined to be of opinion that Giulio promoted this very study
in Mantua; having myself seen there some exquisite miniatures, though by
unknown hands. It is also worthy of notice, as Vasari remarks, that by
means of Giulio, the art advanced towards perfection, not only in Mantua,
but throughout all Lombardy, (a state which, in the native acceptation of
the term, includes also a portion of the modern Venetian territories). This
we have already in part seen; and in part shall continue to see more
clearly in the course of this history.
MANTUAN SCHOOL
EPOCH III.
_Decline of the School, and Foundation of an Academy in
order to restore it._
Subsequent to the period in which Giulio flourished, the school of Mantua
produced no new names which at all approached the reputation of the first.
The disposition of its sovereigns was always inclined rather to invite
painters of celebrity from elsewhere, with a sure prospect of being
speedily and well served, than to promote the education of their young
subjects in the study of an art, slow in producing fruits, and subject to
rapid decay. We have already recounted a tolerable number assembled by Duke
Vincenzio for the object of ornamenting his churches; of several of whom he
also availed himself for the decoration of the palaces. Antonmaria Viani,
called _il Vianino_, a native of Cremona and a scholar of the Campi, thus
filled the double capacity of an artist and an architect. The frieze
surrounding the gallery of the court presents a specimen of their style,
where, in a ground of gold, are seen a group of most beautiful boys,
painted in chiaroscuro, and playing amidst luxuriant festoons of flowers.
In the same taste of the Campi he produced several sacred pieces; such as
the picture of S. Michele at Sta. Agnese; the Paradiso at the Orsoline; and
subsequent to Duke Vincenzio, he was employed by his three successors, and
died in Mantua, after having established his family in that city.
Not very long afterwards, Domenico Feti from Rome was declared painter of
the same court, an artist of whose education, received under Cigoli, I have
treated elsewhere. Cardinal Ferdinando, succeeding to the dukedom of
Mantua, had brought him from Rome to his own court, where he had
opportunities of improving himself, by studying the finest Lombard models,
along with several of the Venetians. He produced many pictures in oil, for
various temples and galleries; one of which, representing the
Multiplication of Loaves, exists in the Mantuan academy, abounding with
figures rather truly noble than large; but varied, shortened, and coloured
in a very masterly style. A still more copious work was that in the choir
of the cathedral, though his pieces in fresco, like those of Cigoli, have
less merit than those painted in oil. With all the excellence of his
compositions, he has certainly the fault of being too symmetrical in his
groups, which consequently seem to correspond in an exact order, calculated
in architecture to please both the eye and the mind, but by no means so in
painting. His own youthful excesses deprived Venice of this fine genius,
and distinguished ornament of his art, in the very flower of his age. The
names of other artists likewise engaged in the service of the same court,
where a relish for the fine arts seems to have been almost indigenous, were
Titian, Coreggio, Genga, Tintoretto, Albani, Rubens, Gessi, Gerola,
Vermiglio, Castiglione, Lodovico Bertucci, with others of eminent
abilities; some of whom were invited for particular commissions, and others
permanently engaged for a length of time. Thus the city of Mantua became
one of the most richly ornamented in all Italy; insomuch that after
suffering the sackage of 1630, in which the ducal palace was despoiled of
the noble collection, now dispersed abroad, it still can boast, both in
private and public exhibitions, sufficient to engage the curiosity of
cultivated strangers for a period of many days.
The city in the meanwhile was not deficient in native artists of superior
genius, such as Venusti, Manfredi, and Facchetti; all of whom, on account
of their residence in Rome, we have treated of in that school; while in
that of Parma we shall have occasion to insert the name of Giorgio del
Grano, supposed to be of Mantua, and of Andrea Scutellari in that of
Cremona, in which he became fixed. Francesco Borgani is one of those who
resided in his native place, and who adopted a good style from the
paintings of Parmigianino, in which he composed several pictures in S.
Pietro, in S. Simone, in S. Croce, as well as in other places, by which he
deserves to be better known than he now is. This artist flourished until
the latter half of the past century.
Towards the same period Giovanni Canti, while yet young, came from Parma
and settled in Mantua, an artist whose merits, consisting in his landscapes
and battle-scenes, are to be sought for in galleries of art, not in the
specimens of his altar-pieces in churches, which are very inferior. He was
one of those who lay too much stress on their rapidity of hand.
Schivenoglia, whose proper name was Francesco Ranieri, was one of his
scholars, equally distinguished for his battles as for his landscape;
superior to his master in design, but inferior in point of colouring. Next
to him Giovanni Cadioli was considered a good landscape painter, and better
in fresco than in oils. He wrote an account of the pictures of Mantua, and
at the same period was one of the earliest founders and the first director
of the academy for design at that place.
Giovanni Bazzani, a pupil of Canti, was endowed with a higher genius for
the art than his master, and laid a better foundation for excellence by the
cultivation of his mind, by careful study, and by copying from the most
esteemed models. He more particularly directed his attention towards
Rubens, whose footsteps he diligently pursued to the end of his career. He
was long employed in Mantua and in its adjacent monastery, principally in
works of fresco, displaying an easy, spirited, and imaginative character,
in a manner that does credit to his genius. He was universally allowed to
possess uncommon powers, but being crippled and infirm, he was unable to
exhibit them as he wished; and besides, the rapid manner acquired from
Canti, diminished, for the most part, the value of his works.
Giuseppe Bottani of Cremona, educated at Rome under Masucci, afterwards
established himself in Mantua, where he acquired the reputation of a good
landscape painter in the manner of Poussin, and of a good figurist in that
of Maratta. His best pictures are found beyond the confines of the city; in
a church at Milan, dedicated to Saints Cosma and Damiano, is to be seen a
Santa Paola by his hand, taking farewell of the domestics, a piece by no
means inferior to that of Batoni, which is placed at its side. It had been
well for his reputation as an artist had he always exerted himself with
equal care, for in every composition he might have approved himself an
excellent disciple of the school of Rome. His extreme haste, however,
rendered him inconsistent with himself, so that in the city where he
taught, there can hardly be enumerated one or two specimens among the great
number he produced in public, which can at all vie with the Milanese. The
reader may have already learned, in the course of this work, that of all
faults celerity is one of the most fatal to the reputation of artists; the
rock upon which many of the finest geniuses have struck. To few, indeed,
has it been given to produce with rapidity and to produce well.
The academy of Mantua not only still exists, but has been furnished by the
princes of the house of Austria with splendid rooms, with select casts, and
other advantages for the improvement of youth, so as to render it one of
the finest academies in Italy.[3] There have appeared, under the auspices
of Signor Volta, one of its members, compendious notices of the artists of
Mantua, down from the year 1777; an earnest of a more extended work that we
are in hopes of receiving from his able and accomplished pen. With these
notices, as well as others afforded us in conversation with the same
enlightened scholar, we have been glad to enrich the present chapter. Nor
have we failed to keep in view the two Discourses upon the Letters and the
Arts of Mantua, recited in the academy, and afterwards made public by the
Sig. Abate Bettinelli, in which his character, as a fluent orator, and a
diligent historian, in the various notes he has added, appears to equal
advantage.
Footnote 3: Upon the establishment of the Italian republic,
according to what I have recently heard from the learned P.
Pompilio Pozzetti Scolopio, public librarian at Modena, the
academies were reduced to two; the one in Bologna, the other
in Milan; and in the rest of the cities they continue to
exist as schools of the fine arts. To both of these the
government is extremely favourable, as well as to letters,
both very interesting objects of public education. And now,
by the union of the Venetian states, the academy of Venice
is greatly strengthened and increased, established by decree
of the government in the year 1724.
CHAPTER II.
THE MODENESE SCHOOL.
EPOCH I.
_The Ancients._
The state of Modena, such as it is now reunited under the happy government
of the house of Este, will form the subject of the following chapter; and
no other portion of my work can be pronounced superior in point of interest
to this. Since the feeble attempts of Vedriani, and of other writers, more
eager than sagacious, the pictoric history of the entire dominion has been
recently illustrated, as I observed at the commencement, by a distinguished
historian. I have no further object in view than to adapt it to my usual
method, omitting at the same time a few names, which, either from their
mediocrity, from the loss of their works, or other reasons, cannot be
presumed to be greatly interesting to my readers.
The antiquity of this school may be sought for as far back as 1235, at
least if it may be supposed that Berlingeri of Lucca, certainly the author
of a S. Francesco remaining in the castle of Guiglia, painted in the above
year, likewise produced pupils to the state of Modena, a matter which is
still involved in doubt. There is another sacred figure, also the
production of a Modenese, consisting of the Blessed Virgin, between two
military saints, a picture brought from Prague into the Imperial Gallery at
Vienna. We read inscribed upon it in ancient character the two following
lines:--
Quis opus hoc finxit? Thomas de Mutina pinxit;
Quale vides Lector _Rarisini_ filius auctor;
in which we ought to read _Barisini_, both on account of Sig. Garampi, who
is profoundly skilled in the ancient characters, having thus understood it,
and because this name approaches nearer to those which, though certainly
different, are known to apply to the father of Tommaso, as well in Modena
as in Trevigi. In the former I know not that there now remains any thing of
him but the name; but in the latter is to be seen a very extensive work in
the chapter of the Padri Predicatori. Here are represented the saints and
scholars of the order, and the artist's name also appears with the date of
1352.[4] The design of this piece is tolerably good for those times, as
appears from the engravings taken of it by the Domenican, Father Federici,
the same who presented us with a learned work upon the Antiquities of
Trevigi. He discovered that the father of Tommaso, by name _Borasino_ or
_Bizzarrino_, an abbreviation he says of _Buzzaccarino_, became nominated
to the citizenship, and to the public notaryship of Trevigi, in 1315; in
all which his family was called di Modena, as that of Girolamo Ferrarese
was called di Carpi. On the strength of these documents Trevigi may,
perhaps, dispute with Modena the honour of producing such an artist; but I
shall take no share in the question. I would here merely observe that the
superscription does not say _Thomas de Mutina_, from which we might gather
that Modena was the cognomen of the family; but that _Thomas pictor de
Mutina pinxit istud_; whence to conclude that he there gave the name of his
real country, either because he was born in Modena, or because, descended
from a Modenese family, he retained his citizenship, and rather wished to
appear a native of Modena than of Trevigi. However this may be, it is a
signal honour for Italy to have given such an artist to Germany, a name of
which the historians of that great nation have mistakenly availed
themselves, in the outset of the historic series of their painters, tracing
his origin to Muttersdorff, and making him the master of Theodoric of
Prague, followed in succession by Wumser, Schoen, Wolgemut, and Albert
Durer.
Footnote 4: It was believed some time ago that this painting
was produced in 1297, this date being found on the picture,
and Sig. Mechel having thus published it in his catalogue of
the Royal Gallery at Vienna. Whether it still remains thus
inserted I know not; but undoubtedly it ought not to be
there.
Next to the pictures of Tommaso, ought to be enumerated an altar-piece by
Barnaba da Modena, preserved together with the author's name in Alba, and
dated 1377, a piece by one writer supposed anterior to Giotto; and in
addition to this an _Ancona_, from the hand of Serafino de' Serafini da
Modena, containing various busts and entire figures, with the name also of
the painter, and the year 1385. It is placed in the cathedral, and its
principal subject is the Incoronation of the Virgin. In its composition it
very nearly resembles that of Giotto and his school, of which, indeed, more
than of any other, the whole character of the piece partakes, only the
figures are, perhaps, a little more full, and as it were better fed than
those of the Florentine School. If the origin of such resemblance should be
sought for, let us consider that Giotto not only employed himself in the
adjacent city of Bologna, but likewise in Ferrara, which, together with
Modena, was then subject to the house of Este, so that one city might
easily afford precepts and examples to another.
Vasari remarked at Modena some ancient paintings at S. Dominico, and he
might have seen more in possession of the Padri Benedettini, and elsewhere;
from which he judged, that "in every age there had been excellent artists
in that place." Their names, which were unknown to Vasari, have in part
been collected from MSS., consisting of a Tommaso Bassini,[5] whose age and
productions are uncertain, and some others of the fourteenth century,
approaching nearer to a more improved era. One of these was Andrea Campana,
to whom a work, bearing the initials of his name, in the Colorno Villa of
the Duke of Parma, has been attributed, representing the acts of S. Piero
Martire, a piece extremely pleasing and well coloured. Another is
Bartolommeo Bonasia, excellent both in painting and inlaid work, a specimen
of which he left in a picture placed in the convent of S. Vincenzo. There
are, moreover, in Sassuolo, some notices of Raffaello Calori of Modena,
beginning in 1452 and terminating in 1474; besides a picture of the Virgin
in the best manner of those times, during which he was in the service of
Duke Borso. Later than him flourished Francesco Magagnolo, an artist who
terminated his career early in the sixteenth century, and one of the first
who drew countenances in such a manner as to appear looking at the
spectator, in whatever point of view he might observe them. His
contemporaries, it appears, were Cecchino Setti, whose labours have wholly
perished, with the exception of a few altar-ornaments, in the most finished
taste; Nicoletto da Modena, at once a painter, and one of the very earliest
engravers, whose prints are much sought after for cabinets, and are placed
at the head of collections; Giovanni Munari, commended by historians, and
distinguished for the great name of his son and pupil Pellegrino; and
finally Francesco Bianchi Ferrari, who died in 1510. To this last has been
ascribed the honour of instructing Coreggio, which, however, can by no
means be asserted beyond dispute. One of his altar-pieces was formerly to
be seen in S. Francesco, executed with some degree of modern softness,
though still partaking of the ancient stiffness, and the eyes designed
without a due regard to rotundity.
Footnote 5: This information, taken from Tiraboschi, does not
seem to favour the system of Father Federici, who says, that
in the fourteenth century names were frequently shortened,
adducing, at the same time, several examples, (vol. i. p.
53). He thus explains how _Buzzaccarino_ became
_Bizzarrino_, _Barisino_, _Borasino_, with many more strange
terms in Trevigi. Now why might not this artist's name
become _Bassino_, in Modena? And if in reading _Tommaso di
Bassino da Modena_ in the authorities of Tiraboschi, every
one perceives the name of the painter, that of the father,
and of the country to which he belonged; then why, on
reading upon pictures _Tommaso di Barisino_, or _Borisino,
da Modena_, are we bound to believe this last the name of a
family; and so much more, as there were then few families
distinguished by their surnames? Tommaso, therefore, wished
it to be understood that he came from Modena; and if this
became a surname which distinguished his family in Trevigi,
it must have been at a later period, when he knew nothing of
it.
In the smaller capitals, also, about this period, flourished artists of
considerable merit. Reggio still boasts a Madonna of Loreto, painted in the
dome by the hand of Bernardino Orsi, with the date of 1501; while in S.
Tommaso, and elsewhere, we meet with some paintings of Simone Fornari, also
called Moresini, and of Francesco Caprioli. I mention them here, not so
much on account of the period which they adorned, as for the resemblance of
their manner to the two Francia, more especially Fornari; many of his
pictures having been attributed to those distinguished ornaments of
Bologna.
Carpi, likewise, preserves several relics of the ancient arts: besides a
frieze in the rudest style of sculpture, in the facade of the old
cathedral, a work of the twelfth century. To the same church is attached
two chapels, exhibiting the commencement and the progress of painting in
those parts. In one is seen the spousals of Santa Caterina, a piece so
extremely infantile, that it would be difficult to find a similar example
in Italy. The painting upon the walls is, however, superior; displaying an
original style, no less in the drapery than in the ideas, and forcible in
its action. The other chapel is divided into various niches, with the
effigy of a saint in each; and in this work, which is the latest of the
two, appear some traces of the style of Giotto. There is no nomenclature
giving us any account of artists so very ancient. The list of the school
commences with Bernardino Loschi, who, sprung from a family in Parma, signs
his own name, _Carpense_, in some of his pictures. Without such
elucidation, these might have been pronounced the works of one or other of
the Francia. Loschi was employed in the service of Alberto Pio; and there
exist memorials of him from the year 1495 until 1533. There remains on
record the name of one of his contemporaries, Marco Meloni, one of the most
accurate of artists, of whom every thing may be included in the
observation, that his pictures at S. Bernardino, and elsewhere, partake in
the same degree of the Bolognese manner. Probably he was a pupil of that
school, as well as Alessandro da Carpi, enumerated by Malvasia among the
disciples of Costa.
Finally, Coreggio likewise cultivated the fine arts before Antonio Allegri
came into the world. For not many years ago a fresco of tolerable execution
was discovered in that cathedral, ascribed by tradition, to Lorenzo
Allegri, who, in a letter of donation, subscribed by him in 1527, is called
_Magister Laurentius Filius Magistri Antonii de Allegris Pictor_. This
artist is believed to have been the first instructor of Antonio Allegri,
his brother's son; and it is, at least, certain that he had a school in
which he taught the rules of art to another of his nephews, as I have heard
from the learned Dottore Antonioli, who is busied in preparing a life of
his very distinguished fellow citizen. At present there are few paintings
in Coreggio displaying the taste of the artists of the fourteenth century,
from which we might judge of that school. A Madonna, painted in 1511, when
Antonio Allegri had attained his seventeenth year, is, however, to be met
with in the Catalogue of the Este Gallery, whither it had been transferred.
It is attributed to Antonio Allegri, but there is no sufficient evidence of
the fact; and we should have about equal authority for giving it to
Lorenzo. The style is but middling, and in point of forms, the ancient
character is not wholly laid aside in the folds of the drapery: it may,
however, be pronounced of a softer tone than that of the chief part of its
contemporaries, and nearer to the modern manner.
Before proceeding further, it will be right to inform the reader of a
certain advantage that this tract of country, and Modena in particular,
enjoyed from the commencement of the fifteenth century, consisting in the
abundance of its excellent modellers in clay. Of this art, the parent of
sculpture, and the nurse of painting, that city has since produced the most
exquisite specimens in the world; and this, if I mistake not, is the most
characteristic, rare, and admirable advantage of the school. Guido Mazzoni,
otherwise Paganini, a name highly celebrated by Vasari, had the reputation
of an excellent artist from the time he produced his Holy Family, at St.
Margherita, in 1484, presenting statues of a vivacity and expression truly
surprising. This great artificer was employed by Charles VIII., both in
Naples and France, where he remained upwards of twenty years, retiring at
length into his native country, full of honours, to terminate his days. No
slight commendation has likewise been bestowed by the historian
Lancillotto, upon Gio. Abati, father of Niccolo, and his contemporary,
whose sacred images in chalk were held in the highest esteem; more
particularly the crucifixions, executed with a knowledge of anatomy, most
exact in every separate vein and nerve. He was nevertheless far surpassed
by Antonio Begarelli, probably his pupil, who by his works in clay, with
figures even larger than life, has succeeded in bearing away the palm from
all his competitors. In the church and monastery of the Padri Benedettini,
there is preserved a noble collection of them. As he flourished during a
long period, he filled those churches with monuments, groups, and statues,
to say nothing of others which he produced in Parma, Mantua, and other
places. Vasari praises him for "the fine air of his heads, beautiful
drapery, exquisite proportions, and colour of marble;" and the same author
continues to relate, that they appeared so excellent to Bonarruoti that he
said, "if this clay were only to become marble, woe betide the ancient
statues." I am at a loss to imagine what species of eulogy could be more
desirable to an artist; in particular when we reflect upon the profound
science of Bonarruoti, and how tardy he was to praise. We ought not to omit
to mention, that Begarelli was likewise excellent in design, and acted as a
master, both of that and modelling, in the instruction of youth. Hence he
greatly influenced the art of painting, and to him we are in a great
measure to trace that correctness, that relief, that art of foreshortening,
and that degree of grace approaching nearly to Raffaello's, in all of which
this part of Lombardy boasted such a conspicuous share.
MODENESSE SCHOOL.
EPOCH II.
_Imitation of Raffaello and Coreggio, in the Sixteenth
Century._
Such were the preparatory efforts throughout all these districts, as far as
we have hitherto considered them: but the best preparation lay in the
natural talent of the young artists. Of these we are told, upon the
authority of Tiraboschi, that the Card. Alessandro d'Este observed, that
"they appeared to have been born with a natural genius for the fine arts:"
an opinion fully borne out during the lapse of the sixteenth century, when
if every province of Italy produced some great name in painting, this
little district of itself abounded with a sufficient number to reflect
honour upon a whole kingdom. I commence my account from the city of Modena;
no other city of Lombardy earlier appreciated the style of Raffaello, nor
did any city of all Italy become more deeply attached to, and produce more
enthusiastic imitators of it. I have already treated of Pellegrino da
Modena, (vol. ii. p. 115) called in the Chronicle of Lancillotti _degli
Aretusi, alias de' Munari_. He received his education in his native place,
and produced a picture there as early as 1509, still preserved at S.
Giovanni, in excellent condition, and creditable to the talent of its
author, even before he entered the school of Raffaello. But such was here
his improvement, that his master availed himself of his assistance in
adorning the open galleries of the Vatican, as well as in other works
executed in Rome, sometimes along with Perino del Vaga, and sometimes by
himself. Several of his pieces at S. Giacomo degli Spagnuoli boasted
figures of such a truly graceful and Raffaellesque air, according to the
account of Titi, that the modern retouches they received was a circumstance
truly to be deplored. He is better known in his own country than at Rome,
in particular at S. Paolo, where there remains a Nativity of our Lord which
seems to breathe, in every part, the graces of D'Urbino. This unhappy
artist had a son who, having committed homicide, was threatened with the
vengeance of the parents of the deceased; and meeting with the father, they
directed their fury against him, and slew him upon the spot, a truly tragic
event, which occurred in 1523. Another of his sons, Tiraboschi conjectures
to have been Cesare di Pellegrino Aretusi, the same, who by many writers is
called _Modenese_, having been born in Modena; _Bolognese_ by others,
because he lived in Bologna, and there took up his citizenship. This
artist, to whom we shall again refer, formed his taste in Bologna by
copying Bagnacavallo, being unable to obtain the instructions of
Pellegrino. A Giulio Taraschi, however, was more fortunate, and benefitted
much by his instructions, as appears from many of his paintings at S.
Pietro, in Modena, in the Roman taste; a taste which he is said to have
cultivated in two of his brothers, and transmitted to others whose names
will appear as we proceed.
Somewhat later, also, Coreggio began to afford a new model for the school
of Modena; he who is now held their master, and whose skull is preserved,
upon the example set by Rome, (vol. ii. p. 143), in the academy recently
opened with so much splendour. He employed himself a good deal in Parma, in
which school we shall more decidedly treat of him, though he also, in some
measure, adorned Modena, Reggio, Carpi, and Coreggio; drawing scholars from
all these places, who will appear in a catalogue with the rest in their
appropriate chapter. In this way he early began to exercise an influence
over the school of Modena, and to be esteemed in it a sort of master, whose
manner might be pursued with advantage, either in emulating it altogether,
or uniting it with that of Raffaello.
This became more particularly the case when his fame increased, after his
decease; and when the best specimens he left behind him were collected by
degrees, both from the capital and from the adjacent cities, by different
dukes of Este, to adorn their Gallery, where they were to be seen until
nearly the middle of the present century.[6] At that period Modena was
thronged with artists of every country, coming to take copies of those
great productions, and to study the rules of their composition; an object
in which the natives themselves were not remiss; insomuch that we trace
vestiges of their imitation in every separate hand. In regard, however, to
the earliest and more ancient, it would appear that their predilection and
their genius were more decidedly directed towards Raffaello, and the Roman
manner; whether it be that exotic commodities are more highly valued than
those of native growth, or whether it were that the successors of
Pellegrino alone continued for a length of time to instruct youth, and to
maintain a reputation in those parts.
Footnote 6: Francesco III. disposed of one hundred pictures to
the court of Dresden; among which were five from the hand of
Coreggio, for 130,000 zechins, which were coined in Venice.
It would be desirable in the history of so excellent a school, that writers
should inform us by whom many of those masters were educated who flourished
towards the middle, or latter half of the century. Observation, however,
may in some degree serve to supply the omission of historians, as the style
in many approaches so nearly that of Raffaello, as to lead us to conclude,
that they must have imbibed it from Munari himself, or from the Taraschi,
who succeeded him in his school.
Among the works of Gaspare Pagani, who was also a portrait-painter, the
picture of S. Chiara is the only remaining specimen. Of Girolamo da
Vignola, a few frescos remain at S. Piero. Both were professed imitators of
Raffaello; but the last one of the most happy whom that age produced.
Alberto Fontana displayed equal excellence in his frescos, and ornamented
both within and without the public market-place; pictures, says Scanelli,
which _appear like Raffaello_'s, while he erroneously ascribes them to the
hand of Niccolo dell' Abate. And in truth, from the observation of
Vedriani, the style of one very much resembles that of the other; whether
they may have both equally imbibed it from Begarelli, which the same
historian seems to insinuate, or whether they derived it through some other
channel, in the academy of Munari. Still the similitude of their manner is
not such as to merge their more peculiar distinctions; so that if the heads
of Alberto's figures are remarkable for a fine air, and for tints that
rival those of Niccolo, we can easily point out less perfect design, and
occasionally a certain rudeness and heaviness. But let us turn to his
competitor, and dwell upon the subject more at length, as becomes the
character of a painter, enumerated by Algarotti "among the first who have
adorned the world."
He is supposed by some to have been instructed by Coreggio, an assertion
which cannot wholly be discredited, when we cast our eye upon some
instances of his foreshortening, and of his fine relievo. But Vasari no
where mentions such a circumstance; and it is only on adverting to the
Martyrdom of the chiefs of the Apostles, painted by him at the Monaci Neri,
that he remarks, that the figure of an executioner is taken from a picture
by Coreggio at S. Giovanni of Parma. Whoever may have been the tutor of
Niccolino, he very evidently betrays his enthusiasm for the Roman School,
in his frescos at Modena, supposed to be one of his earliest works. The
same might be averred of his twelve fresco pictures upon the twelve books
of the AEneid, removed from the fortress of Candiano, and now adorning the
ducal palace; sufficient of themselves to exhibit him as an excellent hand
in figures, in landscape, in architecture, and in animals; in every merit
requisite to a distinguished disciple of Raffaello. Proceeding at a maturer
age to Bologna, he painted under the portico of the Lions, a Nativity of
our Lord, in such a manner that neither in those of Raffaellino del Borgo,
nor of any other artist educated in Rome, do I recollect meeting with so
decided a resemblance to the head of the school. I know that a
distinguished professor was in the habit of pronouncing it the most perfect
painting in fresco that the city of Bologna possessed. It formed likewise
the admiration and model of the Caracci, no less than other works of
Niccolino, remaining in the city. Among these, the most admired by
strangers, is that fine _Conversazione_ of ladies and youths, which serves
for a frieze in the hall of the Institute. Next to Raffaello this artist
did not refuse to imitate some others. There is recorded, and indeed
impressed upon the memory of most painters, a sonnet of Agostino Caracci,
from which we learn, that in Niccolino alone was assembled the symmetry of
Raffaello, the terror of Michelangiolo, the truth of Titian, the dignity of
Coreggio, the composition of Tibaldi, the grace of Parmigianino; in a word,
the best of every best professor, and of every school. Such an opinion,
though to be taken with some grains of allowance, from a poet passionately
attached to the honour of his native school, might perhaps obtain more
supporters, did the pieces of Abati appear somewhat more frequently in
different collections. But they are extremely rare; no less because of the
superior number of his frescos, than from the circumstance of his having
passed into France at the age of forty. He was invited thither by the Abate
Primaticcio to assist him in some of his greatest works, intended for
Charles IX., nor did he ever return into Italy. Hence arose the story of
his having been a pupil of Primaticcio, and taking from him his cognomen of
Abate; when in fact he drew that title from his own family. About 1740
there were remaining at Fontainebleau the Histories of Ulysses, to the
number of thirty-eight, painted by Niccolo from designs of Primaticcio; the
most extensive of any of his works executed in France. According to
Algarotti, it was afterwards destroyed, though engravings of it, from the
hand of Van-Thulden, a pupil of Rubens, still remain.
Niccolo's family, also, for a long period, continued to maintain a
reputation in many branches of the art. One of his brothers, Pietro Paolo,
distinguished himself by his happy manner of representing warlike
skirmishes, in particular the terrific charges of horse: several small
pictures in the ducal gallery, from their peculiar character, are thus
ascribed to his hand; and they are to be seen placed immediately below
those of the AEneid. In the chronicle of Lancillotto we meet with Giulio
Camillo, son of Niccolo, who accompanied his father into France; his name
thus remaining nearly unknown in Italy. The most distinguished name in the
family after Niccolo, is that of Ercole, son of Giulio, though its lustre
was impaired by an abandoned course of life, productive of great
unhappiness. He painted a good deal; but, as is too frequently the case
with persons of his character, he diminished the value of his productions
by the haste and inaccuracy of his hand. Of his superior merit, however, we
are assured by the number of commissions bestowed upon him by the Modenese
court, to which we are inclined to give more credit than to the venal
strains of Marino, who extols him to the skies. His picture of the marriage
of Cana, remaining in the ducal gallery, would be sufficient to establish
his fame; it is in his finest manner, and, in many points, displays much of
the taste of the Venetian School. His most extensive work was produced for
the hall of council, where he had a companion and rival in Schedone,
assisting him in those pictures which they undertook in conjunction, and
vieing with him in his separate works. Nor ought it to be esteemed any
diminution of his merit to have been surpassed by so great a competitor.
The last of these family artists is Pietro Paolo, son of Ercole, who died
in his eight and thirtieth year, 1630. I include his name here, in order
not to separate him from his ancestors, of none of whom he was unworthy.
Though hardly with equal genius, he pursued the manner of his father; there
is a tame expression in several of his best authenticated pieces: I say
best authenticated, because it is doubtful whether we should consider some
pictures, attributed to him, as the inferior specimens of his father, or
the best of his own.
Besides the disciples and imitators of Raffaello, I find other artists of
Modena, who, during the sixteenth century, became attached to a different
style; and no one among these is to be preferred to Ercole de' Setti, an
excellent engraver, as well as a painter of considerable merit. A few of
his altar-pieces remain at Modena; and I have seen, though very rarely,
some little pieces painted for galleries, dignified rather than beautiful
in point of design. He is cautious and studied in the naked parts, nearly
equal to the style of the Florentines, spirited in his attitudes, and
strong in his colouring. We find his name subscribed _Ercole de' Setti_,
and also in Latin, _Hercules Septimius_. Along with his name Vedriani
enumerates that of a Francesco Madonnina, entitling him one of the most
celebrated artists in the city; but there is too little of his remaining in
Modena to form a judgment of his style. As little also remains of Giovanni
Battista Ingoni, a rival of Niccolo, as he is termed by Vasari; and what
yet exists is by no means to be held in high estimation. I have discovered
nothing from the hand of Gio. Batista Codibue, though I have read of his
_Nunziata_ at the Carmine being highly esteemed, besides other productions
both in painting and sculpture. High commendations have likewise been
bestowed upon Domenico Carnevale for his frescos, that have now perished,
though a few oil paintings still exist, held in much esteem; one of the
Epiphany, belonging to one of the prince's collections, and another of the
Circumcision, in the palace of the Conti Cesi. He also distinguished
himself at Rome; and it will be sufficient to add, that he was the artist
selected to restore the pictures of Michelangiolo, as we find recorded in
the notes to Vasari.
Reggio boasts the honour of having derived its first school from Raffaello;
and Bernardino Zacchetti is supposed to have been one of his disciples,
though the authorities cited to this effect by most historians, are not
entirely conclusive. Perhaps his picture at S. Prospero, designed and
coloured in the taste of Garofolo, and others which partake of that of
Raffaello, may have given rise to this opinion. But Italy then abounded
with the disciples of that great master, no longer instructed, indeed, by
his voice, but by his paintings and engravings. The works, said to have
been produced by him in Rome, and the assistance afforded to Bonarruoti, in
his labours at the Sistine Chapel, are assertions of Azzari, contained in
his _Compendio_, which remain unquestioned by any ancient writer. We might
more easily, however, grant him the proposition of Giarola having been a
pupil of Coreggio, and as such I have reserved him for the school of Parma.
Not long after these flourished Lelio Orsi, of Reggio. Banished from his
native place, he took up his residence at Novellara, a city then in the
possession of the Gonzaghi, where he established himself, and derived his
name of Lelio da Novellara. This distinguished character, of whom no
account had been given, beyond a slight notice in the Abbecedario, has
recently been honoured with an excellent life, from the pen of the Cavalier
Tiraboschi, compiled from a variety of sources. Whether he was really a
disciple of Coreggio still remains a disputed point with historians, though
it is certain he flourished sufficiently near, both in regard to time and
place, to have become acquainted with him. He, at least, studied and copied
his works, of which there is an instance in a copy of the celebrated
_Notte_, in possession of the noble house of Gazzola, at Verona. Nor are
there wanting writers who maintain that Parma, likewise, was embellished by
his hand, a city in which the chief ornaments of that school employed
themselves. And there are false accounts, still in some measure credited,
of his having been a pupil of Michelangiolo; of Coreggio having
corresponded with him, and even consulted him in his designs. It is true,
indeed, he is an ingenious, accurate, and powerful designer. Whether he
imbibed his taste at Rome, as Tiraboschi, upon the authority of a MS.,
seems to believe; or from Giulio in the city of Mantua; or, again, from
studying the designs and models of Michelangiolo; a knowledge of the path
being itself sufficient to enable enlightened spirits to run the same
career with success. Decidedly his design is not of the Lombard School; and
hence arises the difficulty of supposing him one of the scholars of
Coreggio, in which case his earlier pieces, at least, would have partaken
of a less robust character. He has admirably succeeded, however, in
attaining the same grace in his chiaroscuro, in the spreading of his
colours, and in the beauty and delicacy of his youthful heads. Both Reggio
and Novellara possess many of his pictures in fresco, now, for the most
part, perished; and we are indebted to the glorious memory of Francesco
III. for such as are now to be seen at Modena, in the palace of his
highness, transferred thither from the fortress of Novellara. Few of his
altar-pieces remain in public in either of the cities, the rest being
removed; one of which last, representing the Saints Rocco and Sebastiano,
along with S. Giobbe, I happened to meet with in the studio of Signor
Armanno, at Bologna. A few others attributed to him at Parma,[7] at Ancona,
and at Mantua, are by no means of so authentic a character; and there is
every reason to believe that Lelio, dividing his time between Reggio and
Novellara, never absented himself from those places long together; and has
thus remained less known than many other painters of inferior rank. The
silence of Vasari, of Lomazzo, of Baldinucci, as well as the chief part of
foreigners, is thus likewise accounted for.
Footnote 7: See Father Affo, pp. 27-124.
From the school of Lelio, in all probability, sprung Jacopo Borbone, of
Novellara, who, in the year 1614, painted a portion of the cloister at the
church of the Osservanti, in Mantua; also, Orazio Perucci, of whom there
remain various pictures in private houses, and an altar-piece at S.
Giovanni. Raffaello Motta was undoubtedly a pupil of Orsi, better known
under the name of Raffaellino da Reggio, who left in his native place a few
of his productions in fresco; an astonishing genius, deserving of Rome for
his theatre of action, as indeed I before observed, and of being lamented
like a new Raffaello, prematurely passing away.
At this period Carpi had to boast the name of Orazio Grillenzone, who
resided mostly in Ferrara, where enjoying the acquaintance of Tasso, he was
honoured and immortalized by his pen, being rendered the subject of that
dialogue, bearing for its title, _Il Grillenzone_, or the _Epitaph_. But
none of his paintings are now to be found in that city; and even what
remains of his in Carpi is of a very disputable character. I do not here
speak of the celebrated Girolamo of Carpi; because he was in fact a native
of Ferrara, as I elsewhere observed. There is little to be said of Ugo da
Carpi, as a painter: he was of an inferior genius when he applied himself
to his pencil; and fell still further below mediocrity when he became
whimsical enough to paint with his fingers, recording the exploit upon the
canvass, as he did in the figure of the Volto Santo, the Holy Face, at S.
Pietro, in Rome. Still we ought to bear honourable testimony to his merit,
as the inventor of wood engraving in two, and next in three blocks, or
pieces, by which he expressed the three different tints, the shade, the
middle tints, and the light.[8] In this way he produced many designs and
inventions of Raffaello, with greater clearness than even Marc Antonio had
before done; besides opening to posterity a new path, as it were, of
painting in chiaroscuro, very easily imitated and multiplied. Vasari
particularly treats upon it at the close of his Introduction; and there, no
less than in other places, commends the genius of Ugo as one of the most
acute that was ever directed towards the fine arts.
Footnote 8: The Germans claim the invention of the art of
engraving in wood, in _chiaroscuro_, before Ugo announced it
to the Italians. For this, they produce the cards of Gio.
Ulderico Pilgrim, which, although _Gothic_, observes Huber,
(p. 89) _produce an admirable effect in regard to
chiaroscuro_. They make out the inventor to be very ancient,
enumerating Mair and others, equally celebrated at the same
period. We are told nothing, however, in regard to their
mechanism, which was probably not the same as that of Ugo.
It will not here be thought irrelevant to record the new
method of engraving in the Dutch manner, in imitation of
coloured designs, though not executed by process of wood,
but of copper. It has been introduced into Tuscany, through
the efforts of the distinguished Cosimo Rossi, a gentleman
of Pistoia, and vice-president of the academy. After various
experiments, and making the first trials upon some
representations of tombs, in the solid Egyptian style of his
own invention, it soon became also imitated in other modes
of engraving, and more especially in the _Viaggio Pittorico_
of Traballesi. It were desirable that the before-mentioned
gentleman should continue to apply the same in works of
architecture and perspective; in which he succeeds admirably
also with his pencil, very happily emulating the style of
Canaletto. The method ought to be explained very minutely;
but it is both too complicate and too extensive to be
adapted to the degree of brevity we have bound ourselves to
observe upon similar subjects.
MODENESE SCHOOL.
EPOCH III.
_The Modenese Artists of the Seventeenth Century chiefly
follow the example of the Bolognese._
The taste introduced by Munari into Modena and the state, together with the
example of Coreggio and Lelio, did not become wholly extinct in the
seventeenth century. It was in some measure continued by several of their
pupils and imitators, but in proportion as those of the Caracci grew into
greater credit, gradually extending their influence over the other schools
of Italy, it began to decline apace. It is well known that some of the
Modenese frequented their academy, and Bartolommeo Schedone is included by
Malvasia among the scholars of the Caracci. If such be the fact, we must
conclude, either that his first productions are not known, or that he
merely saluted that school, as it were, from the threshold; inasmuch as the
larger works which are pointed out as his, betray few traces of the style
of the Caracci. It seems more probable that he employed himself in
following the successors of Raffaello in his native place, and in
particular Coreggio, of whom there remained so many original pieces. His
pieces in fresco, executed in competition with Ercole Abati, about 1604,
still exist in the public palace; and among these is the beautiful history
of Coriolanus, and the Seven Sisters, who are meant to represent Harmony:
whoever observes these will find they possess a mixture of the two
characters before alluded to. There is, moreover, in the cathedral, a half
figure of S. Geminiano, with an infant boy restored by him to life,
supporting himself by the saint's staff, and apparently returning his
thanks. It may be enumerated among the best of his works, and bears a
striking resemblance to those of Coreggio. The same resemblance was
affirmed from that period in other of his pictures transferred elsewhere;
and Marini mentions them in one of his letters as a kind of phenomenon.
Scanelli, who wrote about forty years after the death of Schedone, also
confirms such an opinion; though to make the imitation complete, he would
have wished a little more practice and solidity, in which I rather think he
alludes to his perspective and design, not always quite correct. For the
rest his figures, both in their character and their action, are very
pleasing, while his colouring in fresco is very vivid and lively; in oils
he is more serious, but more harmonious, though not always free from the
ill effect produced by the bad grounds usual in the age of the Caracci. His
pictures on a larger scale, such as his Pieta, now in the academy of Parma,
are extremely rare, and also his history-pieces, as the Nativity of our
Lord and that of the Virgin, placed for lateral ornaments to an altar-piece
by Filippo Bellini. Of his Holy Families, and little sacred pieces, there
are some remaining; such as are found in galleries being highly valuable,
so much so, that Tiraboschi records the sum of 4,000 crowns having been
required for one of them. The court of Naples is extremely rich in them,
having, together with the other Farnesian pictures, obtained also those
painted by Schedone, while in the service of Duke Ranuccio, his most
liberal patron. This artist produced but little, being seduced by the love
of gambling; nor did he survive very long after losing a large sum of
money, about the end of the year 1615.
The three following names belong to the school of the Caracci, also in
regard to style. Giacomo Cavedone, born in Sassuolo, but absent from the
state after the period of youth, was esteemed one of the best disciples of
Lodovico. Giulio Secchiari, of Modena, resided also at Rome, and in Mantua,
where he produced several excellent pictures for the court, which perished
in the sack of 1630. What remains of him in his native place, and in
particular the Death of the Virgin, in the subterranean part of the
cathedral, with four crowns around, is calculated to give rise to lively
regret, that Giulio should not be equally well known in different
collections, with the other disciples of the Caracci. Camillo Gavassetti,
likewise of Modena, may boast also of a greater degree of merit than of
fame; no less because he died young, than because of his attaching himself
to works in fresco, which, confined to the place in which they are
produced, confine also the reputation of the artist. He is better known in
Piacenza than in Modena, Parma, or, indeed, any other city. One of his
paintings adorns the presbytery of the church of S. Antonino, accompanied
with figures taken from the Apocalypse, so finely executed as to induce
Guercino, when coming to Piacenza to complete his finest work, to bestow
the highest commendation upon it; and it is still enumerated among the
chief ornaments of that rich and ornate city. There is something so grand,
spirited, and choice, in its whole expression, combined with so much grace
and harmony of tints, that it equally surprises us when viewed together,
and satisfies us when examined part by part. The action only is sometimes
too extravagant, and some of the figures are hardly sufficiently studied.
In fact, this artist preferred expedition to high finish; and held a
dispute, reported by Baldinucci, with Tiarini, who practised and maintained
the contrary, a plan by which, in all works of importance, he was preferred
to him in Parma. In Santa Maria di Campagna, at Piacenza, however, where
they both painted scriptural histories in opposition, Gavassetti maintains
his ground against Tiarini, and other competitors, very numerous and
distinguished for that period.
When the pupils of the Caracci succeeded their masters in Bologna, the
young artists of the neighbouring state of Modena continued to receive
instructions from them, being highly esteemed in the court of Este. At that
period flourished Francesco I., and Alfonso IV., both of whom, according to
the history of Malvasia, were greatly attached to the followers of the
Caracci; some of these they invited into their service, others they
employed in their palaces, and at their public festivals; and from all they
were anxious to obtain designs and pictures which they might exhibit in
their churches, or in their grand collection of paintings, rendered by
their means one of the richest in Europe. Hence the artists who next
follow, with the exception of a very few, among whom is Romani of Reggio,
will be included in one school. It seems certain that Romani studied in
Venice, and there became attached to Paolo, whose style he adopted in the
Mysteries of the Rosario; and even more so to Tintoretto, whose rules he
usually practised, and very successfully.
Guido Reni was either the master or the prototype of Gio. Batista Pesari;
if this artist, who resembles Guido in his Madonna at S. Paolo, imitated
him as closely in his other works. But of this we cannot judge, as he
flourished only during a short period, and part of that time in Venice,
where he died before enjoying any degree of fame. Guido himself undoubtedly
bestowed his instructions on Luca da Reggio, and on Bernardo Cervi da
Modena. Luca I have mentioned in the preceding book. The second according
to the judgment of Guido, was possessed of distinguished talents for
design; and though meeting with a premature fate in the pestilence of 1630,
he left behind him works in the cathedral, and other churches, not
inferior, perhaps, to those of Luca. From the same school sprung Giovanni
Boulanger, of Troyes, painter to the court of Modena, and master in that
city. We find, in the ducal palace, various specimens of his pencil truly
delicate, though his want of good grounds in many pictures, occasionally
casts some reflection upon his merit. He is happy in his inventions, warm
and harmonious in his colours, spirited in his attitudes, but not without
some touch of excessive enthusiasm. The sacrifice of Iphigenia, if a
genuine production, is sufficient to establish his character; although the
figure of Agamemnon may appear veiled in a capricious style, scarcely
adapted to an heroic subject. Two of his best imitators and disciples are
Tommaso Costa, of Sassuolo, and Sigismondo Caula, of Modena; the first of
whom succeeded as a powerful colourist, of very general talent, and was
eagerly employed by the neighbouring courts and cities in perspective, in
landscape, and in figures. Reggio, where he usually resided, retains many
of his productions: Modena has several, and in particular the cupola of S.
Vincenzo bears proud testimony to his merit. Caula left his native place,
only in order to improve his knowledge in Venice. Thence he returned with
the acquisition of a copious and richly coloured style, as Orlandi very
justly remarks, in regard to his great picture of the Plague, at S. Carlo.
He subsequently changed his tints, which became more languid, and in such
taste are most of the pictures he produced for the ornament of altars and
cabinets.
Many artists of Reggio were initiated in the art by Lionello Spada, and by
Desani, his pupil, and assistant in the numerous labours he executed at
that place. Among these are Sebastiano Vercellesi, Pietro Martire Armani,
and in particular Orazio Talami, who, not content, like the rest, to remain
in his native place, traversed Italy, studied with unwearied care the
models of the Caracci, and succeeded so well in his figures, that he might
be mistaken for one of their scholars. While at Rome, which he twice
visited, he devoted himself much to perspective, and very scrupulously
observes its rules in the noble and extensive representations of
architectural objects, which he introduced into his compositions. In all
respects his style is inclined rather to solidity than to amenity. His
native place boasts many of his labours, and more especially two large
pictures abounding in figures, preserved in the presbytery of the
cathedral. Jacopo Baccarini was an imitator of his style, two of whose
pictures have been engraved by Buonvicini; a _Riposo di Egitto_, and a _S.
Alessio Morto_, both of which are to be seen at S. Filippo. This artist's
manner displays much judgment, accompanied with a good deal of grace.
Mattia Benedetti, a priest of Reggio, commended in the Abbecedario, was
instructed in the art of perspective by Talami himself, and, together with
his brother Lodovico, occupies an honourable place in this class. Paolo
Emilio Besenzi, a particular imitator of Albano, either from natural taste
or education, differs a good deal in the former from Lionello. Reggio
retains many pieces, especially at S. Pietro, highly creditable to this
artist's talents; besides statues and buildings in very good taste; as he
succeeded in uniting, like some of the best among the ancients, the various
qualities of the three sister arts.
Guercino, likewise, presented the state with an excellent scholar in
Antonio Triva di Reggio. He distinguished himself in various cities of
Italy, and even in Venice, whither he conducted his sister Flamminia, who
possessed a genius for the art. Here they both employed themselves in
several public works, which acquired for them the commendation of Boschini.
Occasionally he adheres so faithfully to his master, as in the Orto at
Piacenza, as not even to yield to Cesare Gennari. In other pieces he is
more free; though still his manner retains strong traces of his school,
really beautiful, as it is pronounced by Zanetti, and, if I mistake not,
full of truth. He finally visited the court of Bavaria, where he was
employed until the period of his death.
To Guercino, also, we must refer another imitator of his style, in Lodovico
Lana. He was instructed, however, by Scarsellini, and from that
circumstance, has been enumerated by some among the artists of Ferrara. But
Lana, most likely, was born in the state of Modena, in whose city he
resided and held his school. His reputation there is great, as well on
account of many very beautiful pieces, as more particularly for that in the
Chiesa del Voto, in which he represented Modena freed from the scourge of
the plague. It is generally agreed that he never produced a finer specimen
of his art, and there are few, at this time, in those churches, that can be
said to rival it in point of composition, in force of colouring, harmony,
and a certain novelty and abundance of images, that produce surprise in the
spectator. Lana is one of the freest among the imitators of Guercino; his
touch is the same, though less strong, and in taste they exactly coincide.
In his motions he has something of Tintoretto, or more properly of
Scarsellini; but in his colours, and the expressions of his countenances,
he preserves an originality of character. Pesari and he were rivals, as
were the masters whom they respectively followed, on account of their
contrast of style. Pesari, however, seemed to yield, as he transferred his
talents to Venice, while his competitor became the director of an academy
in Modena, which supported by his credit, then became celebrated throughout
Italy. The name of Lana continues to maintain its ground in Bologna, and
other adjacent places, while it is not unknown in lower Italy. The chief
part of his specimens to be met with in collections, consist of heads of
aged men, full of dignity, and touched with a certain boldness of hand,
which declares the master.
Those who flourished after him, belonging to the city of Modena and the
state, were for the most part educated elsewhere. Bonaventura Lamberti, of
Carpi, as I have observed in the Roman School, was instructed by Cignani;
and there he had a noble theatre for the display of his powers. At the same
period flourished Francesco Stringa, in Modena, where he painted a good
deal in a style, if I mistake not, that approached, or seemed rather
ambitious of approaching, that of Lana, and Guercino himself. By some, he
is supposed to have been a pupil of the first; by others, of the second of
these artists; but it is known only with certainty, that he formed himself
upon their model, and that of other excellent masters, whose works, during
his superintendance of the great Este Gallery, he might consult at his
pleasure. Endowed with a rich imagination, spirited and rapid in execution,
he produced much, which was greatly commended, both in the cathedral and in
the churches. His distinguishing characteristic is the depth of his shades,
the somewhat disproportioned length of his figures, and an inclination to
the capricious in his actions and composition. When in advanced years he
began to deteriorate in style, a case common to most artists.
He was the first master of Jacopo Zoboli, who, proceeding from Modena into
Bologna, and thence to Rome, settled there, and died in 1761, with the
reputation of a good artist. This he in a high degree acquired by his
labours in the church of S. Eustachio, where he is distinguished amongst
the more modern productions by his S. Girolamo, displaying singular
diligence, polish, and harmony of colours, by no means general in those
times. The Primaziale of Pisa also boasted a grand picture by his hand,
representing S. Matteo, in the act of dedicating a young princess to a holy
life, by the imposition of the sacred veil. Two other artists of Modena,
Francesco Vellani and Antonio Consetti, who died near the same time, not
very long ago, were instructed in the art by Stringa and his school. Both
are in a taste much resembling that of the Bolognese of their own age. The
former however, is not so accurate in point of design as the latter, a
strict and commendable master in that art. It is true, he has a crudeness
of colours, not very pleasing to the eye; no new circumstance in an artist
educated in the school of Creti. Both Modena and the state are in
possession of many of their pieces.
Still more modern artists have supported with honour the reputation of such
predecessors; but I could not here, without deviating from my original
system, venture to mention them. The place will invariably serve to forward
instruction; a collection of designs and paintings being now exhibited in
the ducal gallery, which does honour to Italy, no less than to the noble
taste of the family of Este that established it. Nor has it omitted, from
time to time, to provide for young artists the assistance of the academy,
which continued to flourish there, from the times of Lana, often closed,
and afterwards re-opened, until beyond the age of Consetti. But it proved
too difficult an attempt, to support another academy so near that of
Bologna, so widely distinguished and attended.[9]
Footnote 9: The latest attempt to restore it was made in 1786,
when it continued to flourish with some credit, during ten
years. In the close of the year 1796 it assumed the name of
school, as I before remarked, directed by a master in the
art of designing figures, together with an assistant.
The same celebrated state, so fruitful in every kind of merit, produced
also able professors in other branches of the art. Lodovico Bertucci, of
Modena, was a painter of _capricci_, which were at that period much admired
and admitted even into palaces; and perhaps there are many of his specimens
still preserved there, but known under other names. A Pellegrino Ascani, of
Carpi, was an admirable flower-painter, and was succeeded, after a long
interval, by Felice Rubbiani. This last was a scholar of Bettini, the
companion of his travels, and the imitator of his taste. He was a favourite
at court, in the cities, and the vicinity; and had commissions bestowed
upon him to the number of thirty-six pictures, by the Marchesi Riva, of
Mantua, all of which he varied in the most astonishing manner. There was,
moreover, a Matteo Coloretti, from Reggio, excellent in portraits, and a
lady of the name of Margherita Gabassi, who succeeded admirably in
humourous pieces. Nor ought we to omit the name of Paolo Gibertoni, of
Modena, who settled at Lucca, and for this reason less known in his native
place. His grotesques in fresco boast no ordinary merit; and these he
varied with every species of strange animals, executed with great spirit.
He was likewise very pleasing in his landscapes, which rose in value after
his death, and are still much esteemed.
Most part of the artists of the Modenese state distinguished themselves in
ornamental work and in architecture; such as Girolamo Comi, whose fine
perspectives deserved to have been accompanied with superior figures; and
Gio. Batista Modonino, called by mistake Madonnino in the Dictionary of
Artists, who acquired a high reputation in Rome, and probably left several
frescos in the Palazzo Spada. He died of the plague, in Naples, 1656.
Antonio Ioli met with a better fate there, about the same period; having
acquired the theory of architecture, he passed into Rome, and, entering the
school of Pannini, he became one of the most celebrated painters in
architecture and ornamental work, known to the present century. Applauded
in the theatres of Spain, England, and Germany, all of which he adorned, he
afterwards went to Naples, and became painter to Carlo III., and to his
successor. Giuseppe Dallamano, a weak man, and, as it is said, unacquainted
with his alphabet, was ignorant even of the common principles of the art;
though by an extraordinary sort of talent, and especially in colouring, he
attained a degree of excellence truly surprising, even to the learned; by
which he continued to live, employing himself in the service of the royal
family at Turin. His pupil Fassetti was, likewise, an extraordinary
character; applying himself, at the age of twenty-eight, to the grinding of
colours, he soon began to imitate his master; and ultimately, with the
assistance of Francesco Bibiena, he became one of the most skilful among
the theatrical painters of Lombardy. He came from Reggio, as well as his
contemporary Zinani, and the younger Spaggiasi, both educated in the school
of Bibiena; although of the father of Spaggiasi, who died in the service of
the king of Poland, the master's name remains unknown. To these we might
add the name of Bartoli, Zannichelli, Bazzani, and of others, either yet
flourishing or deceased; names by which the cavalier Tiraboschi is
justified in observing, that "Reggio had the honour of having at all times
produced excellent theatrical painters."
Carpi enjoys a different kind of honour, though as great in its way. For
there were first commenced the works termed _a scagliola_, or _a mischia_,
of mixed workmanship, the first inventor of which was Guido Fassi, or del
Conte.[10] The stone, called selenite, forms the first ingredient in it. It
is pounded and mixed with colours, and by the application of a certain
glue, the composition becomes as hard as stone, forming a kind of marble,
capable, with further care, of taking a gradual polish. The first trial was
made upon cornices, which thus assume the appearance of fine marbles; and
there remain also in Carpi, of the same composition, two altars by the hand
of Guido himself. His fellow citizens began to avail themselves of this
discovery; some adding one thing to it, and some another. Annibal Griffoni,
a pupil of Guido, applied it to monuments, and even ventured upon the
composition of pictures, intended to represent engravings upon copper, as
well as pictures in oil; an attempt not very successful, insomuch that the
specimens by his son Gaspero are not valued beyond a few tabernacles, and
things in a similar taste. Giovanni Gavignani afforded assistance first to
Guido, and next to Griffoni, surpassing both in a skilful application of
the art. Thus, the altar of S. Antonio, in the church of S. Niccolo, at
Carpi, is still pointed out as something extraordinary, consisting of two
columns of porphyry, and adorned with a pallium embroidered with lace; an
exact imitation of the covers of the altar, while it is ornamented in the
margin with medals, bearing beautiful figures. Nor is the monument from the
hand of one Ferrari in the cathedral, less perfect in its kind; where the
marbles are so admirably counterfeited, that several tourists of the best
taste have been induced to break a small portion, to convince themselves of
the fact. There are, also, pictures preserved in private houses thus drawn
by Gavignani; one of which consists of the Rape of Proserpine, executed
with much elegance, in possession of Signor Cabassi.
Footnote 10: In the _Novelle Letterarie of Florence_, 1771, it
is asserted that this art was introduced about two ages back
into Tuscany, giving rise to imitations of marbles, besides
some fancy pieces. I have diligently sought after specimens
thus antique, both at Florence and at Vallombrosa, where
this art was in great vogue; but what I have seen are very
trivial in their character, nor do they appear of so ancient
a date.
Leoni, who resided in Cremona, was a disciple of the Griffoni, and the
artificer of two very beautiful desks, preserved in the Ducal Museum at
Modena, as well as Paltronieri and Mazzelli, who introduced the art into
Romagna, where it still continues to flourish. We there meet with altars,
that equally deceive the eye by their colour, and the touch by the
freshness of the marble. But the most celebrated pupil of the Griffoni was
a priest called Gio. Massa, who, together with Gio. Pozzuoli, produced
wonderful specimens of the art in his native place, in the adjacent cities,
in Guastalla, Novellara, and elsewhere. The priest proved equally
successful in drawing distant views, gardens, and in particular
architecture, besides adorning with it tablets, and coverings of altars, in
such a manner as to reach the very perfection of the art. The most
dignified objects possessed by Rome were those which he most delighted in
for his views; such as the facade of the temple of the Vatican, its
colonnade, and its piazza. It appears the Duke of Guastalla took singular
pleasure in similar works; and at his desire were prepared those two little
tables, in the possession of Signor Alberto Pio, cited by Tiraboschi, and
which were, perhaps, the masterpieces of Massa. No objects appeared to me
more remarkable than such works abounding almost in every church throughout
those parts; and it would be very desirable that the plan of representing
architectural views, by this process, should become more frequent. Massa
also included figures, the honour of perfecting which has fallen upon
Florence; a subject I have treated in my first volume, (p. 346). I shall
merely notice here, that after the practice of modelling had been brought
to vie with sculpture; and after engraving upon wood had so well
counterfeited works of design, we have to record this third invention,
belonging to a state of no great dimensions. Such a fact is calculated to
bring into still higher estimation the geniuses who adorned it. There is
nothing of which man is more ambitious, than of being called the inventor
of new arts: nothing is more flattering to his intellect, or draws a
broader line between him and the animals that are incapable of such
inventions, or of carrying them beyond the limits prescribed by instinct.
In short, nothing was held in higher reverence among the ancients; and
hence it is, that Virgil, in his Elysian fields, represented the band of
inventors with their brows crowned with white chaplets, equally distinct in
merit as in rank, from the more vulgar shades around them.
THE SCHOOL OF PARMA.
EPOCH I.
_The Ancients._
Next in order to the school of Modena, I rank that of Parma and its state;
and I should very gladly have united them together, as other writers have
done, if in addition to the distinction of dominions there did not also
exist an evident distinction in point of taste. For it appears to me, as I
have before had occasion to observe, that in the former of these cities the
imitation of Raffaello prevailed; in the second that of Coreggio. This last
indeed is the founder of the School of Parma, which preserved a series of
disciples for several generations, so strongly attached to his examples as
to bestow no attention upon any other model. The situation in which he
found the city on his first arrival, is apparent from the ancient figures
scattered throughout, which by no means discover a progress in the art of
painting equal to that of many other cities in Italy. Not that this arose
from any want of acquaintance with the arts of design; for there flourished
there as early as the 12th century an artist named Benedetto Antelani, of
whom a basso-relievo, representing the Crucifixion of our Lord, is in the
cathedral, which, though the production of a rude age, had nothing in
sculpture equal to it that I have been able to meet with, until the period
of Giovanni Pisano. Respecting the art of painting, the celebrated Father
Affo has extracted very interesting notices from published documents and
MSS., in order to shew, that before 1233, both figures and historical
pieces had been painted in Parma.[11] Upon the completion of the baptismal
font, about 1260, that assemblage of paintings was there executed, which
may now be regarded as one of the finest remaining monuments of the ancient
manner that upper Italy has to boast. The subjects are in the usual taste
of those times; the style is less angular and rectilinear than that of the
Greek mosaicists; and displays some originality in the draperies, in the
ornamental parts, and in the composition. Above all, it shews very skilful
mechanism in regard to gilding and colouring, which, notwithstanding the
distance of five centuries, retain much of their original strength.
Footnote 11: The notices of the artists of Parma communicated
by him to the public, are in part contained in the Life of
Parmigianino, and partly in a humorous little work, entitled
_Il Parmigiano servitor di Piazza_; and some further
information on this subject I have myself received from the
lips of this learned ecclesiastic.
Down from that period there appear in several places, both at Piacenza and
Parma, further specimens of the _Trecentisti_, sometimes with annexed
dates, and sometimes without any. Such as belong to Piacenza, are in the
church and cloister of the Predicatori; but the best preserved of all is an
altar-piece at San Antonio Martire, with histories of the titular saint in
small figures, tolerably well drawn, and in costume which seems to have
been borrowed, as it were, from some municipal usages peculiar to the
place. Parma, likewise, possesses some of the same date, besides a few
others remaining at San Francesco, in a somewhat more polished style,
attributed to Bartolommeo Grossi, or to Jacopo Loschi, his son-in-law, both
of whom were employed there in 1462. Subsequent to these flourished
Lodovico da Parma, a pupil of Francia, whose Madonnas, executed in his
master's manner, are easily recognized in Parma; and a Cristoforo Caselli
(not Castelli, as he is termed by Vasari,) or Cristoforo Parmense,
enumerated by Ridolfi among the pupils of Gian Bellino. He produced a very
beautiful painting for the hall of the Consorziali, bearing the date of
1499; and he is much commended by Grappaldo in his work _De partibus
AEdium_, who next to him ranks Marmitta, of whom there is no authentic
specimen remaining. Still his name ought to be recorded, were it for no
other reason than his being the supposed master of Parmigianino. Along with
these we may mention Alessandro Araldi, one of the scholars of Bellini, of
whom there remains a Nunziata, at the Padri del Carmine, with his name,
besides altar-pieces in different churches. He was indisputably a good
artist in the mixed manner, that is now called antico moderno. The family
of the Mazzuoli was much employed about the same period in Parma,
consisting of three brother artists, Michele and Pierilario, falsely
supposed to have been the first masters of Coreggio, and Filippo, called
_dalle Erbette_, from succeeding better in fruits and flowers than in
figure pieces. There remains an altar-piece of Pierilario in the Sacristy
of Santa Lucia, executed in a method very superior to that of the "Baptism
of Christ," painted for the baptismal font by his brother Filippo. But,
however inferior to his other brothers in this line himself, Filippo may be
pronounced at least more fortunate in his posterity, being the father of
Parmigianino, whom we have so lately had occasion to commend.
Yet the two most excellent of the Mazzuoli could not, any more than their
contemporaries, have been considered artists upon a great scale, when the
Padri Cassinensi, instead of availing themselves of their services to
decorate the tribune and cupola of their magnificent temple, dedicated to
St. John, preferred inviting Antonio Allegri da Coreggio, a foreigner and a
youth, to undertake the immense task; a choice which may be said to have
conferred a lasting obligation upon posterity. For Coreggio, like
Raffaello, stood in need of some extensive undertaking in order to bring
his powers into full play, and to open a new path for labours upon a grand
scale, as he had before done in those of a smaller class. But of an artist
who forms an era in Italian painting itself, not in this particular school
only, it becomes us to treat, as well as of his imitators, in a separate
chapter.
SCHOOL OF PARMA.
EPOCH II.
_Coreggio, and those who succeeded him in his School._
We are at length arrived at one of those distinguished characters, whom,
from his high reputation, and the influence he exercised over the style of
painting in Italy, we can by no means dismiss with our accustomed brevity.
His name, however, must still be confined within compendious limits, adding
whatever new information and reflections we may think best adapted for the
illustration of such a subject; the life of Coreggio being involved in so
much obscurity, as to admit, beyond that of any other artist, of fresh
discussion. The more curious may consult the notices of him by the Cavalier
Mengs, contained in his second volume, a little work by Cavalier Ratti,
upon the life and works of Allegri, published in Finale in 1781, and
Tiraboschi in his Notices of the professors of Modena, besides Padre Affo,
in his works already cited, the most accurate, perhaps, of any in point of
chronology.
The whole of these writers, following the example of Scannelli and Orlandi,
have complained of Vasari for having falsely asserted the abject condition
of Antonio,[12] sprung, in fact, from a tolerably good family in an
illustrious city, and not destitute of those conveniences of fortune that
might enable him from the first to obtain an education adapted to the
success of his future efforts. They have also in particular reproached him
with his excessive credulity, in representing him to us as a suffering and
unhappy object, burdened with a numerous family, little appreciated and
badly rewarded for his labours. On the contrary they observe, we know that
he was respected by the great, richly recompensed, and enabled to leave a
fair heritage for his family. Now I admit that Vasari is guilty of much
exaggeration, though not without some shew of truth; for we only need to
compare the commissions and gains of Coreggio with those of Raffaello, of
Michelangiolo, of Titian, and even of Vasari himself, to divest us of all
surprise at the honest commiseration of the historian. Annibal Caracci did
not only compassionate his condition, but is said to have bewailed it with
his tears.[13] Besides, if we reflect that the terms made use of by Vasari,
of Coreggio having become _si misero_, so wretched, that nothing could be
worse, do not exactly signify _miserabile_, miserable, as interpreted by
some of his critics, but rather mean, _miserly_, and _sparing_, renouncing
certain conveniences of life, in order to spend as little as possible, it
will alter the complexion of the case. In the same manner he states, or
rather as some think, imagines that Antonio, though enabled to travel like
others, by water, mounted horse during the summer solstice, and shortly
after died. And, indeed, if we consider the singular deprivations to which
very wealthy people, for the same reason, will submit, we do not see how a
reference to the possessions of the Allegri family, not without some degree
of exaggeration, as has more than once been done, can disprove this charge
of meanness and extreme parsimony. We trust that the Signor Dottor
Antonioli will inform us more distinctly respecting the amount of Antonio's
property, though we are inclined to believe it could not have exceeded the
limits of mediocrity. The highest salaries received by him have been
ascertained. For the cupola and larger nave of the church of San Giovanni,
he was paid four hundred and seventy-two gold ducats, or Venetian zecchins,
and for the cupola of the cathedral, three hundred and fifty; doubtless
considerable sums, though we should consider he was occupied from the year
1520 until 1530, in the designs and labours requisite for works of such
magnitude, and which prevented him from accepting other offers of any
account during the interval. He earned forty gold ducats by his celebrated
picture of Night; his San Girolamo brought him forty-seven ducats, or
zecchins, besides his subsistence during six months he was employed on it;
and thus, in equal proportion, we may suppose him to have been recompensed
for the time bestowed upon his lesser pieces. The two which he painted for
the Duke of Mantua we may reckon at something more; but these were the only
ones he produced at the request of sovereigns. Thus much being certain, it
is hardly credible, that after deducting the expense of colours, of models,
and of assistants, including the maintenance of his family, there should
still have remained enough to leave that family in a state of affluence.
Footnote 12: In the opening of the Life we find--"He was of a
very timid disposition, and with extreme inconvenience
devoted himself to incessant labour in order to provide for
a numerous family." Towards the conclusion he adds--"Like
those who have a numerous family, Antonio was desirous," (he
had four sons,) "of hoarding his money, and thus soon became
one of the most miserable of men." Elsewhere it is
observed--"He held himself in slight esteem, and was
satisfied with little."
Footnote 13: "It almost drives me mad with grief to think of
the wretchedness of poor Antonio; to think that so great a
man, if he were not an angel in human shape, should be thus
lost in a country which could not appreciate him, and though
with a reputation reaching to the skies, destined to die in
such a place so unhappily." In a letter to Lodovico, written
from Parma, 1580, (Malvas. vol. i. p. 366). Annibal likewise
exaggerated, because the Padri Benedettini, as well as
others, were aware of the value of Antonio.
But although we admit the reality of his supposed indigence, it can form no
reproach, no drawback upon the excellences of so great a man, crowning him
rather with additional honour, in particular when we reflect, that with
such limited means he was invariably lavish of his colours, to a degree
beyond example. There is not a single specimen, whether executed on copper,
on panels, or on canvass, always sufficiently choice, that does not display
a profusion of materials, of ultramarine, the finest lake and green, with a
strong body, and repeated retouches; yet for the most part laid on without
ever removing his hand from the easel before the work was completed. In
short he spared neither time nor expense, contrary to the custom of all
other painters, with very few exceptions. Such liberality, calculated to do
honour to a rich amateur, painting for amusement, is infinitely more
commendable in an artist of such circumscribed resources. It displays, in
my opinion, all the grandeur of character that was supposed to animate the
breast of a Spartan. And this we would advance, no less in reply to Vasari,
who cast undue reflections upon Coreggio's economy, than as an example for
such young artists as may be desirous of nourishing sentiments worthy of
the noble profession they embrace.
It is still current in Coreggio that Antonio commenced his first studies
under his uncle Lorenzo. Subsequent to which, according to Vedriani, he
entered into the school of Francesco Bianchi, called Il Frari, who died in
1510, a school established in Modena. There also it appears he acquired the
art of modelling, at that time in great repute; and he thus prepared in
clay, along with Begarelli, the group of that Pieta, in Santa Margherita,
where the three most beautiful figures are attributed to Coreggio. In the
same highly distinguished city it is most probable that he also laid the
foundation of that learned and cultivated taste so conspicuous in his
works; the geometrical skill exhibited in his perspective, the
architectural rules of his buildings, and the poetry of his warm and lively
conceptions. Thus his historians, judging from the specimens of his early
style, assert that he must have sought it in the academy of Andrea Mantegna
at Mantua; but the recently discovered fact of Andrea's having died in
1506, does away with such a supposition. It is, nevertheless, extremely
probable that he acquired it by studying the works left by Andrea at
Mantua, for which I can adduce various arguments. I have described pretty
fully the character of Mantegna's picture of Victory, the most
extraordinary of all he produced; imitations of this are to be met with in
many of the works of Coreggio, but most evidently so in the picture of his
St. George at Dresden. The manner in which Coreggio could have imbibed so
exquisite a taste, was always considered surprising and unaccountable,
prevailing every where, as we find it in his canvass, in his laying on his
colours, in the last touches of his pictures; but let us for a moment
suppose him a student of Andrea's models, surpassing all others in the same
taste as we before observed, and the wonder will be accounted for. Let us
moreover consider the grace and vivacity so predominant in the compositions
of Coreggio; that rainbow as it were of colours, that accurate care in his
foreshortenings, and of those upon ceilings; his abundance of laughing boys
and cherubs, of flowers, fruits, and all delightful objects; and let us
then ask ourselves whether his new style does not appear an exquisite
completion of that of Mantegna, as the pictures of Raffaello and Titian
display the progress and perfection of those of Perugino and Giovanni
Bellini.
In regard to his education in the studio of Mantegna, the generally
received opinion in Lombardy is, that Vedriani must have been mistaken in a
name; and that in place of Andrea, he ought to have pronounced his son
Francesco, the master with whom it is maintained Coreggio resided, either
in quality of pupil or assistant. Mantegna's school, indeed, had risen into
great reputation, having given striking proof of its excellence even in
foreshortening from above; besides surpassing Melozio, as I elsewhere
observed, so as only to leave another step before reaching the modern
manner. This was reserved for the genius of Coreggio, in common with the
master spirits of every other school, who flourished during the same
period. In truth from his very first attempts, he appears to have aimed at
a softer and fuller style than Mantegna's; and several, among whom is the
Abate Bettinelli, have pointed out some such specimens in Mantua. Signor
Volta, member of the Royal Academy there, assured me that Coreggio is named
in the books of the Opera di S. Andrea, for which reason, several of the
figures on the outside of the church, and in particular a Madonna, better
preserved than the rest, a youthful essay, but from the hand of one freed
from the stiffness of the quattrocentisti, have been attributed to him.[14]
In Mantua likewise I saw a little picture in possession of the Abate
Bettinelli, about to be engraved, representing a Holy Family, in which, if
we except a degree of stiffness in the folds, the modern manner is
complete. A few other of Coreggio's Madonnas, to be referred to this
period, are to be seen in the ducal gallery at Modena, with other works
mentioned in various places. Among these is a picture of our Lord, taking
farewell of the Virgin mother, previous to his passion, a piece recognized
as a genuine Coreggio by the Abate Carlo Bianconi at Milan.[15] Doubtless
many of his other early productions were of an inferior description, and
are dispersed abroad, either unknown, or disputed, Vasari having recorded
of him that _he completed many pictures and works_.
Footnote 14: There is a document existing in the same archives,
where Francesco Mantegna binds himself to ornament the
outside of the church. It may thus be conjectured, that the
picture of the Ascension, placed over the gateway, is from
his hand, while the Madonna, evidently from another, is the
work of Coreggio. The master, in executing his commissions,
often employed his pupil or his assistant.
Footnote 15: This excellent judge of art, more particularly in
point of engravings, and also extremely skilful in portraits
drawn with the pen, departed this life at the beginning of
1802.
Wherefore is it then that in the published catalogues we meet with so very
scanty a list of his pictures, nearly all esteemed excellent? It is because
whatever does not appear superlatively beautiful has been doubted, denied,
and cast aside as unworthy of him, or attributed to some of his school.
Mengs himself, who investigated the relics of this great artist, and was
very cautious of admitting any disputed productions, declares that he had
only seen one specimen of his early style, that of his S. Antony, in the
gallery of Dresden. This, as well as a S. Francis and the Virgin, he
painted in 1512, in Carpi, when he was eighteen years of age.[16] From the
stiffness apparent in this last, and the contrasted softness of the others,
he was led to conjecture that Coreggio must have suddenly altered his
manner, and attempted to penetrate into the unknown cause of it. He
suspected, therefore, that what de Piles, followed by Resta, and some other
writers, first advanced in his Dissertations, against the authority of
Vasari, must be correct,[17] namely, that Coreggio visited Rome, and having
observed the ancient style, and that of Raffaello and Michelangiolo, along
with Melozio's pictures in the _sotto in su_, or foreshortening, he
returned into Lombardy with a different taste acquired during his stay in
the capital.
Footnote 16: Thus conjectures Tiraboschi, with arguments that
prove the fact rather than shew its probability.
Footnote 17: Ortensio Landi, in his Observations, had put on
record that Coreggio died young, without seeing Rome.
Tiraboschi.
Yet this able scholar proposes such a view of the case, with singular
deference to the contrary opinion of others, and even presents his reader
with arguments against that view, to the following effect:--"If he did not
behold the antique," (and the same may be averred of the two distinguished
moderns,) "such as it exists in Rome, he may still have seen it as it
appears at Modena and Parma; and the mere sight of an object is enough to
awaken in fine spirits the idea of what it ought to be." And my readers,
indeed, will be at no loss to find examples to confirm such an opinion;
Titian and Tintoretto, by the mere use of modelling, having far surpassed
those who designed statues; and Baroccio happening to cast his eye upon a
head of Coreggio, soon distinguished himself in the same style. And if we
may farther adduce an example of the power of sovereign genius, from the
sciences, let us look at Galileo watching the oscillations of a bell in a
church at Pisa, from which he drew the doctrine of motion and the
principles of the new philosophy. So likewise might this great pictorial
genius conceive the idea of a new style, from a few faint attempts of art,
and thus won the applauses of the world of art, bestowed upon him from the
time of Vasari, as something due less to a _mortal than to a god_.
Doubtless in the first instance he received no slight impulse from the
finer works of Andrea, from the collection of ancient relics in Mantua and
Parma, from the studio of the Mantegni, and that of Begarelli, equally rich
in models and designs. To these we may add an acquaintance with artists,
familiar with Rome, with Munari, with Giulio Romano himself; and finally
the general influence of the age, every where dissatisfied with the
meanness of the late style, and aiming at a more soft, full, and clear
development of the contours. All these united in facilitating the
progressive step which Coreggio had to take, though his own genius was
destined to achieve the task. This it was that first led him to study
nature, with the eye of the ancient Greeks, and that of his great Italian
predecessors. The leading geniuses of their age have often pursued the same
career, unknown to each other, as Tully has expressed himself, "Et quadam
ingenii divinitate, in eadem vestigia incurrerunt." But we must here check
ourselves, in regard to this portion of the subject, having to treat of it
anew at the distance of not many pages. At present we have only to inquire
whether Coreggio really adopted the modern style at once, as has been
asserted, or by gradual study.
Upon this point it is much to be regretted, that the Cavalier Mengs did not
obtain a sight of some paintings in fresco, executed by Coreggio, as it is
said, in his early youth, during the period he was employed by the Marchesa
Gambara; but which have now perished. For, doubtless, he would thus have
been enabled to throw much light upon the subject; and at least I could
have wished that he had met with two pictures produced by Antonio in his
native place, though but recently discovered, as in these, perhaps, he
might have detected that sort of middle style, which is seen to exist
between his St. Antony and his St. George at Dresden. The first of these
has been called in question by Tiraboschi, on the ground of there being no
authentic document assigning it to Coreggio; though I think it ought to be
admitted as his, until stronger arguments, or the authority of experienced
professors of the art, compel us to deny it. This picture was formerly
placed in the chapel of _La Misericordia_, and very old copies of it are
still preserved in many private houses at Coreggio. It represents a
beautiful landscape, together with four figures of saints, St. Peter, St.
Margherita, the Magdalen, and another, most likely St. Raimond, yet
unborn.[18] The figure of St. Peter bears some resemblance to one of
Mantegna, in his Ascension of St. Andrew, just alluded to; while the wood
and the ground are extremely like that master's composition. This fine
piece was much damaged by the lights, or, as some suspect, by the varnish,
purposely laid on, in order, by decreasing its value, to prevent its being
carried away; but, on the contrary, it appears for this very reason to have
been removed from the altar, and a copy substituted, in which the last of
the above figures was exchanged for one of St. Ursula. The original
afterwards came into the possession of Signor Antonio Armanno, one of the
best connoisseurs at this time known, in respect to the value of
engravings, as well as of other productions of our best artists, which he
has likewise, in a singular degree, the art of restoring even when much
defaced. So in this instance, by the most persevering care, during a whole
year, he at length succeeded in removing this ugly veil, which concealed
the beauty of the work, now renewed in all its pristine excellence, and
attracting crowds of accomplished strangers to gaze upon its merits. It is
generally allowed to exhibit a softer expression, in the modern style, than
the St. Antony, of Dresden; though yet far distant from the perfection of
the St. George and others, produced about the same time.
Footnote 18: Tiraboschi, p. 257, gives a different account of
it, and appears to confound the original with the copy,
which for a long time has been placed on the altar, also
considerably defaced and discoloured. Respecting this
picture, likewise, we hope we shall be better informed by
the Dottor Antonioli, to whom we here confess our
obligations for much information inserted in this chapter,
obtained from his own mouth upon the spot.
About this period, Allegri painted in the church of the Conventuals, at
Coreggio, what is termed an ancona, a small altar-piece in wood, consisting
of three pictures. It appears certain, that the two altar-pieces already
mentioned, opened the way also to this fresh commission; for from the
written agreement, he seems to have been in his twentieth year, and the
price fixed upon was one hundred gold ducats, or one hundred zecchins,
which proves the esteem in which his talents were held. He here represented
St. Bartholomew and St. John, each occupying one side;[19] while in the
middle department, he drew a Repose of the Holy Family flying into Egypt,
to which last was added a figure of St. Francis. So greatly was Francesco
I. Duke of Modena, delighted with this picture, that he sent the artist
Boulanger with orders to copy it for him; and thus obtaining possession of
the original, he dexterously contrived to substitute his own copy in its
place, a deception which he afterwards repaired by presenting the convent
with some fresh lands. It is believed that it was afterwards presented to
the Medicean family, and by them was given in exchange, to the house of
Este, for the Sacrifice of Abraham, from the hand of Andrea del Sarto. It
is certain that it was to be seen in the royal gallery at Florence, from
the end of the last century, and was there commended by Barri, in his
_Viaggio Pittoresco_, as original. In progress of time, it began to be less
esteemed, because less perfect, perhaps, than some of the masterpieces of
Coreggio, and not long after, assuming another name, it began to be pointed
out by some as a Baroccio, and by others as a Vanni. The same Signor
Armanno, before mentioned, who was the first to recall to mind the copy
remaining at Coreggio, presented us, also, with this hidden treasure. Its
originality, however, was disputed from the first, it being objected, in
particular, that Allegri had depicted the subject upon board, whereas this
Medicean painting was found to be upon canvass. But this doubt was removed
on comparing the work with the copy of Boulanger, made upon canvass; for
certainly if the genuine production were really painted upon board, the
imitator could hardly have succeeded in palming upon the holy brethren one
of his copies upon canvass. The probability of its genuineness is still
greater when we reflect, that no gallery was ever in possession of a Repose
similar to it, so as to have contested with the city of Florence the
possession of the original; so frequent an occurrence, both now and in
other times, with works of art repeated in different places. Besides, the
hand of the master is, in itself, nearly enough to pronounce it genuine; we
see the remains of a varnish peculiar to the author; a tone of colouring
perfectly agreeing with his pictures at Parma; insomuch, that many very
experienced judges of art, and among others Gavin Hamilton, whose opinion
carries great weight, have united in giving it to Coreggio. At the same
time, they admit, that it is a piece partaking of an union of his styles,
during the progress of the second; and if we are careful in comparing it
with his other representation of the Repose, at S. Sepolcro, in Parma,
commonly entitled the Madonna della Scodella, we shall discover much the
same difference as between Raffaello's paintings in Citta di Castello and
those at Rome. Such a distinction was noticed by some very respectable
professors, even during the heat of the controversy, who agreed in
declaring, that the Medicean picture in part resembled Coreggio in his best
manner, and in part differed from it.
Footnote 19: These two saints had already been withdrawn from
the altar, (Tiraboschi, p. 253,) nor does a copy of them
remain at San Francesco. That made by Boulanger is in the
convent, and was evidently produced in haste, and upon a bad
ground; hence it is neither very exact, nor in good
preservation. It is, nevertheless, valuable as throwing
light upon Coreggio's history, and his different styles;
while it also tends to prove, that if the ancona was made of
wood, the picture was made portable, and painted on
canvass.
There are two other pictures of his, mentioned by the Cavalier Mengs, which
may be referred to the same class. One of them is the "_Noli me tangere_,"
in the Casa Ercolani, but which subsequently passed into the Escurial; the
other a picture of the Virgin in the act of adoring the Divine Infant,
which adorns the royal gallery in Florence; both of which he declares are
in a taste which he failed to discover in the most sublime and celebrated
pictures of Coreggio. To these we may add the Marsyas of the Marchesi
Litta, at Milan, with a few other works of Coreggio's, inserted in the
catalogue of Tiraboschi, which is the most copious extant. From such
evidence it must, in short, be admitted, that this artist was possessed of
a sort of middle style, between that which he formed as a scholar and that
which he completed as a master. And we have equal reason for believing what
has been stated respecting Coreggio's having attempted a variety of styles,
before he made choice of the one by which he so greatly distinguished
himself, and thus laid the foundation for his pieces being attributed, as
they have been, to different masters. In fact, his conceptions of the
beautiful and the perfect were deduced in part from other artists, and in
part created by himself; conceptions that could not be matured without much
time and labour; on which account he was compelled, as it were, to imitate
those natural philosophers who try an infinite number of different
experiments to discover some single truth which they have in view.
During a progress thus gradually pursued, and by an artist who in every new
production succeeded in surpassing himself, it is difficult to fix the
precise epoch of his new style. I once saw in Rome a very beautiful little
picture, representing, in the background, the taking of Christ in the
garden; and in the fore part, the youth Joseph, who, in the act of flying,
leaves his mantle behind him; the original of which is in England, and a
duplicate at Milan, in possession of Count de Keweniller; the picture at
Rome bore in ancient character the date of 1505, indisputably false. A more
correct one, however, is to be found upon that of the Marriage of St.
Catherine, in possession of Count Brull, late prime minister to the king of
Poland, which is every way corresponding to the other, remaining at Capo di
Monte; it bears the date of 1517. It is probable, that in this year, when
the artist was just twenty-three, he had already sufficiently mastered his
new style, from the fact of his having about 1518, or 19, produced in Parma
the picture which is still in existence at the monastery of St. Paul. This,
after various disputes, has recently been acknowledged to be "one of the
most grand, spirited, and laboured productions that ever proceeded from
that divine hand;" and it has been illustrated with its real epoch, from an
excellent little work of the celebrated Padre Affo. Such a work, indeed,
confers a benefit upon history. He there explains the manner in which
Coreggio might have imitated the ancients with such advantages only as he
found in Parma; and endeavours to account for the difficulty presented to
us in the silence of Mengs, who, having beheld this very picture, omitted
to mention it among Antonio's other works. We are relieved, also, from
another difficulty in respect to the manner in which a piece representing
the Chase of Diana, abounding with such a variety of loves and cupids,
could have been painted for a holy monastery, accompanied by those profane
representations distributed throughout the same chamber, in various
circular pieces, such as the Graces, the Fates, the Vestals; a naked Juno,
suspended from the heavens, in the method described by Homer, in his
fifteenth book of the Iliad; with other similar objects, still less
becoming the sphere of a cloister. But our wonder will cease when we
reflect, that the same place was once the residence of a lady abbess, at a
time in which the nuns of S. Paolo lived unguarded by grates; in which
every abbess sought to enjoy herself; held jurisdiction over lands and
castles, and, independent of the bishop, lived altogether as a secular
personage, a license in those days extremely general, as is justly observed
by Muratori, in his "Italian Antiquities," tom. iii. p. 332. The above work
was a commission given by a Donna Giovanna di Piacenza, who was then the
superior of the monastery; and whatever degree of learning we meet with in
the painting, and in the devices or conceits, was, most probably,
communicated to the artist by Giorgio Anselmi, a celebrated scholar, whose
own daughter belonged to the same establishment. But we must not allow
ourselves to proceed further in our notice of a dissertation, assuredly one
of the most profound and ingenious that we ever recollect to have read. The
pictures are about to be engraved by the hand of Signor Rosaspina, after
those of S. Giovanni, in which the learned Abate Mazza is at present so
laudably engaged, no less to the advantage of the arts than of his own
reputation.
The vast undertaking, so finely executed by Coreggio, at S. Paolo, obtained
for him so high a name, that the Padri Cassinensi invited him to engage in
the equally extensive one of San Giovanni, entered upon in 1520,[20] and
completed in 1524, as we find mentioned in the books. There, also, in
addition to several minor works, he decorated the tribune, which being
afterwards removed, in order to extend the choir, and rebuilt, was
repainted, as we shall notice elsewhere, by Aretusi. On the demolition of
the tribune, the picture of the Incoronation of the Virgin, the leading
subject in the fresco, was saved, and is now exhibited in the royal
library; and various heads of angels, which in like manner escaped the same
destruction, are preserved in the Palazzo Rondanini at Rome. There are,
now, in the church of San Giovanni, two pictures in oil, placed opposite to
one another, in one of the chapels; one, a Christ taken from the Cross; the
other, the Martyrdom of St. Placidus, both painted on canvass made for the
purpose, like some of the pictures of Mantegna. On the exterior of one of
the other chapels is a figure of St. John the Evangelist, executed in the
noblest manner. And, finally, there is the grand cupola, where the artist
represented the Ascension of Jesus to his Father; the apostles looking on
in mingled veneration and surprise; a production in which, whether we
regard the proportion, and the shortening of the figures, the naked parts,
or the draperies, or gaze upon it as a whole, we must alike confess that it
was an unexampled specimen of the art, in its kind; the terrific Judgment
of Michelangiolo,[21] not having then assumed its place in the Vatican.
Footnote 20: Tiraboschi was unable to discover any certain
work from the hand of Antonio, between the years 17 and 20,
of the same age. This gave rise to the assertion of Vasari's
annotator, that he remained in Rome in quality of
Raffaello's pupil during this interval, and on his master's
death, in 1520, returned to Lombardy. Such a supposition
becomes utterly void, after the above epochs adduced by us.
Footnote 21: It is worth notice, that Ratti, persuaded of
Coreggio's residence at Rome, has availed himself of the
argument of certain figures being borrowed by him from the
Judgment, _before Michel Angiolo had painted it_. Equally
valid is his conjecture, founded upon several figures of
Raffaello's, which he detected in Coreggio, as if these two
artists had never studied from the same book of nature. Such
an opinion is asserted also by Padre della Valle, cited in
our second volume, p. 121. But writers will always be liable
to these mistakes, as long as they pretend to make
discoveries and throw light upon ancient facts, without
adhering to historical dates, and in their conjectures
rather consult novelty and their own vanity than truth. But
this fault, brought into vogue about the middle of the
eighteenth century, has produced no little evil, both in
letters and religion, and surely cannot continue to receive
encouragement at this enlightened period. Let us rather
trust, that the love of truth, never altogether
extinguished, will resume its former influence in the
investigation of historical points, and that one of its
leading objects will be to free both sacred and profane
history from those foolish sophisms that so much obscure
it.
Astonishing, however, as such a production must be allowed to be, it will
still be found to yield the palm to another, which the hand of Coreggio
alone could have rendered superior. This is the celebrated Assumption of
the Virgin, in the cathedral of Parma, completed in the year 1530. It is
indisputably more ample; and in the background the figures of the same
apostles are reproduced, as was customary, expressing feelings of surprise
and piety, though in a manner altogether different from the former. In the
upper part is represented an immense crowd of happy spirits, yet
distributed in the finest order, with a number of angels of all dimensions,
all full of action; some employed in assisting the flight of the Virgin,
others singing and dancing, and the rest engaged in celebrating the triumph
with applause, songs, torches, and the burning of celestial perfumes. In
all, the countenances beam with mingled beauty, hilarity, and triumph; a
halo of light seems to envelope the whole, so that notwithstanding the
piece is much defaced, it is still calculated to awaken such an enchantment
of the soul, that the spectator almost dreams he is in elysium. These
magnificent works, as it has been observed of the chambers of Raffaello,
were calculated to promote the dignity of his manner, and led the way to
that height of perfection he attained in the difficult art of working in
fresco. To estimate it aright, we ought to approach near, to mark the
decision and audacity as it were of every stroke; the parts, that at a
distance appear so beautiful, yet effected by few lines; and that
colouring, and that harmony which unites so many objects in one, produced,
as it were, in sportful play. The renowned artist survived only four years,
subsequent to the completion of the cupola; without commencing, during the
interval, the painting of the tribune, for which he had pledged himself,
and received part of the remuneration, which was afterwards restored to the
revenues of the cathedral by his heirs. It has been conjectured, that the
conductors of the works must, in some way, have given him offence; since
the artist Soiaro, on being invited to paint at the _Steccata_, objects to
it in the following terms: "Not wishing to remain at the discretion of so
many different heads; for you know," he continues to his friend, "what was
said to Coreggio in the dome." Now this, it would appear, must have
consisted of some expressions derogatory to his talents; probably some
words which one of the artificers is said to have applied to the
diminutiveness of his figures: "Ci avete fatto un guazzetto di rane." "You
have presented us with a hash of frogs." Words from a workman, for which
Coreggio might easily have consoled himself, as they did not express the
opinion of the city of Parma.
He died, however, about four years afterwards, at his native place, before
he had completed his undertaking; and without leaving any portrait of
himself which can be considered genuine. Vasari's editor, at Rome, produces
one of a bald old man, little agreeable to our ideas of Coreggio, who died
at the age of forty. It is taken from a collection of designs by the Padre
Resta, which he entitled, the "Portable Gallery," and which both the
Cavalier Tiraboschi and the Padre della Valle mentioned as having been
lost. Nevertheless it exists in the Ambrosian collection, and contains,
among other designs, one which Resta, in the notes added thereto, declares
to be the family of Coreggio, consisting of the portrait of himself, his
wife, and his sons; altogether forming one female and three male heads,
poor, and wretchedly attired. But it betrays evident marks of its want of
genuineness, and not the least in the description of the family; inasmuch
as Antonio is known to have had one son and three daughters, two of whom
appear to have died at an early age. The portrait remaining at Turin, in
the Vigna della Regina, engraved by the very able Valperga, bears an
inscription, in part obliterated by the cornice. Still I contrived to
decypher the words, _Antonius Corrigius, f_--(that is, _fecit_), one of the
first arguments for not admitting it, as some have done, to be a head of
Coreggio. A further one may be derived from the inscription itself being
written in large letters, and in a space occupying the whole length of the
canvass, a method occasionally adopted to explain the subject of the piece,
but never the name of the artist. There was another portrait sent from
Genoa into England, with an inscription upon the back, indicating it to be
that of Antonio da Coreggio, drawn by Dosso Dossi, which is to be found in
the memoirs of Ratti. I have no sort of ground for asserting such a
signature to have been introduced several years subsequent; a plan which
was, and still is frequently adopted, by an accurate imitation of the
ancient characters; I would merely observe, that there was also a
distinguished painter in miniature, of the name of M. Antonio da Coreggio,
who traversed Italy about the time of Dosso, and whose merits I shall treat
of hereafter. Of the portrait taken of Coreggio, by Gambara, in the
cathedral of Parma, it would here be improper to speak, otherwise than as
an idle popular rumour. In conclusion, therefore, I am inclined to admit
the seeming truth of what is advanced by Vasari, that this noble artist
entertained no idea of transmitting his likeness to posterity, not justly
estimating his own excellence, but adding to his numerous other
accomplishments that of a remarkable modesty, conferring real honour upon
our history.
The latest and most perfect style of Coreggio has been minutely analysed by
the Cavalier Mengs, in the same manner as he examined that of Raffaello and
of Titian. And in this famous triumvirate he accorded to him the second
rank, after Raffaello, observing, that this last depicted more exquisitely
the affections of the soul, though inferior to him in the expression of
external forms. In this, indeed, Coreggio was a true master, having
succeeded by his colouring, and yet more by his chiaroscuro, in introducing
into his pictures an ideal beauty, surpassing that of nature, and at the
same time attracting the admiration of the most learned, by an union of art
and nature in its rarest forms, such as they never before beheld. And such
admiration, and such applauses, were in particular bestowed upon his St.
Jerome, preserved in the academy at Parma. Algarotti declares, that he was
inclined to prefer it to any other of his productions; and to exclaim in
his heart: "Tu solo mi piaci!" "Thou alone pleasest me!" Annibal Caracci
himself, upon first beholding this picture, as well as a few others from
the same hand, declares, in the letter already cited to his brother
Lodovico, that he would not even exchange them with the St. Cecilia of
Raffaello, which is still to be seen in the city of Bologna. And it may be
truly said, that the same art that had been carried to such a pitch of
sublimity by Michelangiolo; to such an exquisite degree of natural grace
and expression by Raffaello; and from Titian received such inimitable
perfection in its tones of colouring; displayed in Coreggio such an union
of excellences, as in the opinion of Mengs, carried the whole of these to
their highest point of perfection, adding to all their dignity and truth
his own peculiar elegance, and a taste as captivating to the eye as to the
heart of the spectator.
In design he exhausted not all that depth of knowledge, so conspicuous in
Bonarruoti; but it was at once so great and so select, that the Caracci
themselves adopted it for their model. I am aware, that Algarotti
considered him to be somewhat incorrect in the expression of his contours;
while Mengs, on the other hand, defends him very warmly from such a charge.
Truly, there does not appear the same variety in his lines as is to be
found in Raffaello and the ancients, inasmuch as he purposely avoided
angles and rectilinear lines, preserving, as much as lay in his power, an
undulating sweep of outline, sometimes convex and sometimes concave; while
it is maintained, that his grace results, in a great measure, from this
practice: so that Mengs in uncertainty appears at one time to commend, and
at another to excuse him for it. He is lavish of his praises on the design
of his draperies, on whose masses Coreggio bestowed more attention than on
the particular folds; he being the first who succeeded in making drapery a
part of the composition, as well by force of contrast as by its direction;
thus opening a new path which might render it conspicuous in large works.
In particular, his youthful and infantile heads are greatly celebrated; the
faces beaming with so much nature and simplicity, as to enchant, and to
compel us, as it were, to smile as they smile.[22] Each separate figure may
be pronounced original, from the infinite variety of foreshortenings he has
introduced; there is scarcely a single head that is not seen from a point
of view either above or below; not a hand, not a whole figure, whose
attitude is not full of an ease and grace of motion, beyond example. By his
practice of foreshortening figures upon ceilings, which was avoided by
Raffaello, he overcame many difficulties still remaining to be vanquished
after the time of Mantegna, and in this branch of perspective is justly
entitled to the merit of having rendered it complete.
Footnote 22: This is an expression of Annibal Caracci.
Elsewhere he observes: "This kind of delicacy and purity,
which is rather truth itself than verisimilitude, pleases me
greatly. It is neither artificial nor forced, but quite
natural."
His colouring is allowed to correspond beautifully with the grace and
selection of his design, Giulio Romano having been heard to assert that it
was altogether the best he had ever seen; nor was he averse to the Duke of
Mantua giving the preference to Coreggio above himself, when about to make
a presentation of pictures to the emperor Charles V. Equal commendation is
bestowed upon him by Lomazzo, when he pronounces that, among the
colourists, he is to be considered rather as unique than as rare in point
of merit. No artist before him ever bestowed so much attention upon his
canvass, which, after a slight covering of chalk, received his colours,
both in point of quantity and quality, as we have before stated, from a
lavish hand.[23] In the _impasto_, or laying on his colours, he approaches
the manner of Giorgione, in their tone he resembles Titian, though in their
various gradations, in the opinion of Mengs, he is even more expert. There
prevails likewise in his colouring a clearness of light, a brilliancy
rarely to be met with in the works of others; the objects appear as if
viewed through a glass, and towards evening, when the clearness of other
paintings begins to fade with the decay of light, his are to be seen as it
were in greater vividness, and like phosphoric beams shining through the
darkness of the air. Of the kind of varnish for which Apelles has been so
commended by Pliny, we appear to have no idea since the revival of the art,
or if, indeed, we at all possess it, we must confess our obligations to
Coreggio. Some there have been who could have liked more delicacy in his
flesh tints; but every one must allow, that according to the age and the
subjects he had to deal with, he has succeeded in varying them admirably,
impressing them at the same time with something so soft, so juicy, and so
full of life, as to appear like the truth itself.
Footnote 23: One of the professors being employed in restoring
a piece of Coreggio, analyzed the mode of colouring. Upon
the chalk, he said, the artist appeared to have laid a
surface of prepared oil, which then received a thick mixture
of colours, in which the ingredients were two thirds of oil
and one of varnish; that the colours seemed to have been
very choice, and particularly purified from all kind of
salts, which in progress of time eat and destroy the
picture; and that the before-mentioned use of prepared oil
must have greatly contributed to this purification by
absorbing the saline particles. It was, moreover, his
opinion, that Coreggio adopted the method of heating his
pictures, either in the sun, or at the fire, in order that
the colours might become as it were interfused, and
equalized in such a way as to produce the effect of having
been poured, rather than laid on. Of that lucid appearance
which, though so beautiful, does not reflect objects, and of
the solidity of the surface, equal to the Greek pictures, he
remarks, that it must have been obtained by some strong
varnish unknown to the Flemish painters themselves, who
prepared it of equal clearness and liveliness but not of
equal strength. See vol. i. p. 49.
But his grand and mastering quality, his crowning triumph and distinction
above all other artists known to us, is his thorough knowledge of lights
and shades. Like nature herself he does not present objects to us with the
same force of light, but varied according to the surfaces, oppositions, and
distances; it flows in a gradation insensibly increasing and diminishing, a
distinction essential in aerial perspective, in which he is so great, and
contributing finely to the general harmony. He observed the same principle
in his shades, representing the reflection of colour upon each, in so
delicate a degree, that though using them so abundantly, his shadows are
always varied like nature's, never monotonous. This quality is eminently
conspicuous in his night-piece in the Dresden gallery;[24] and in his
Magdalen, there seen reposing in a cave; a small picture it is true, but
estimated in the purchase at twenty-seven thousand crowns. By the use of
his chiaroscuro he not only gave superior softness and rotundity to his
forms, but displayed a taste in the whole composition, such as had never
been witnessed before. He disposed the masses of his lights and shades with
an art, purely natural in its foundation, but in the selection and effect
altogether ideal. And he arrived at this degree of perfection by the very
same path pursued by Michelangiolo, availing himself of models in clay and
wax, the remains of some of which are said to have been found in the cupola
at Parma not many years ago. It is also currently reported, that while
employed in that city, he engaged the assistance of the famous modeller
Begarelli, whom he conducted thither at his own expense.
Footnote 24: It is more accurately entitled by others the
Opening of Day.
Though excellent in all, in other portions of his art he cannot be
pronounced equally excellent. His conceptions were good, but occasionally
they betrayed a want of unity, representing as he did one and the same
story in different parts. Thus in the fable of Marsyas, in the Palazzo
Litta at Milan, his contest with Apollo, Minerva consigning him over to
punishment, and the punishment itself, are distributed into separate
groups. The same kind of repetition will, I think, be found in the story of
Leda, executed for Charles V. in which the swan is twice brought into view,
proceeding by degrees to familiarize himself with her charms, until in the
third group he wholly possesses her. In fact his inventions, for the most
part, are like the strains of Anacreon, in which the young loves, and in
sacred themes the angels, are introduced under the most agreeable forms and
actions. Thus in the picture of S. George, they are seen sporting about the
sword and helmet of the saint; and in S. Jerome an angel is engaged in
shewing our Lord the book of that great doctor of our holy church, while
another is holding under his nose the uncovered vase of ointment belonging
to the Magdalen. Of his powers of composition we have a proof in the
execution of the cupola, already so highly commended, in which it appears
as if the architecture had been formed for the effect of the painting, so
admirably is this last adapted, and not the production for the place. He
was fond of contrasts, no less in whole figures than their parts; but he
never arbitrarily affected them, or carried them to the extravagant degree
we have since beheld, in violation of all decorum and truth. In force of
expression, more particularly upon tenderer subjects, he stands, perhaps,
without a rival or an example; such is his Magdalen just alluded to, as she
is seen bending to kiss the feet of the Holy Child, with a countenance and
action expressive of all the different beauties, scattered over the works
of many other artists, a sentiment more fully expressed by Mengs: of this
picture we may truly say with Catullus, "Omnibus una omnes surripuit
Veneres." Grief was a passion likewise depicted by him with singular power;
admirably varied according to circumstances in his Dead Christ at Parma,
most heartfelt in that of the Magdalen, profound in the Virgin, and in a
middling degree in the other female face. And though we do not meet with
many examples of a loftier cast, still he could depict the fiercer passions
with sufficient power, as witness the Martyrdom of S. Placidus, in which
piece an executioner is so nobly drawn, that Domenichino avowedly imitated
it in his celebrated picture of S. Agnes.
Finally the costume of his sacred history-pieces is deficient in nothing we
could desire; though in his fables, indeed, he might have improved it, by
adhering, like Raffaello and the moderns, more closely to the ancients.
Thus in his Leda he has represented Juno in the guise of an elderly lady,
full of spite and jealousy, secretly beholding the stolen embraces of her
lord. She approaches in nothing to the antique, either in her countenance
or in her symbols, and hence in the usual interpretations she is considered
as a mere cypher. In the fable of Marsyas, he bears no resemblance to the
Faun; Minerva has no AEgis, nor any other of her usual attributes; while
Apollo is endued neither with the limbs nor aspect which are awarded him at
this day; and so far from boasting of his lyre, he plays upon a violin.
Here again we might adduce a fresh argument for Coreggio having never
visited Rome, where even artists of mediocrity, instructed in a knowledge
of the antique, knew how to avoid similar errors. In him, however, they are
scarcely blemishes, and rather flattering to the name of Coreggio, inasmuch
as they serve more fully to convince us that he partakes not the glory of
his sovereign style with many masters or many assistants, standing great
and alone. Regarded in this view he appears indeed something more than
mortal; and in his presence, as Annibal Caracci truly wrote, Parmigianino
and others of his rank seem to shrink into nothing.[25] But the productions
of this great master are daily becoming more rare in Italy, such are the
prices offered, such is the eagerness of strangers to obtain them, and the
esteem in which he is held. We are still consoled for their loss by several
ancient copies, more especially of his smaller pictures, such as the
Marriage of S. Catherine, the Reposing Magdalen, the Young Man's Escape,
pieces already mentioned; but to which we may add his Christ praying in the
Garden, placed in the Escurial, and his Zingherina, the Gipsey Girl, in the
gallery at Dresden. The most estimable among the old copies are by
Schidone, Lelio da Novellara, Girolamo da Carpi, and by the Caracci, who,
by dint of copying Coreggio's pieces, approached very nearly the style of
the originals; though more in point of design than in skill and delicacy of
colouring.
Footnote 25: His words are, "It is my unalterable opinion that
Parmigianino in no way approaches Coreggio, whose thoughts
and fine inventions are all clearly drawn from himself,
always original. All other artists look out for some
support, some foundations for their efforts taken from other
sources; one to models, one to statues, another to cartoons:
all their productions are represented such as they might
have been, Coreggio's such as they really are." (_See second
Letter to Lodovico, Malvasia_, vol. i. p. 367.)
Hitherto I have treated of the manner of Antonio, and in so doing have
described the manner of his school; not, indeed, that any single artist at
all equalled or approached him, but that all held very nearly the same
maxims, mixed, in some instances, with different styles. The prevailing
character of the school of Parma, by way of distinction likewise called the
Lombard school, is the excellence of its shortenings, like the delineation
of the nerves and muscles in that of Florence. Nor is it any reproach that
its artists, in some instances, have become extravagant and affected in
their foreshortening, as the Florentines in their representations of the
naked limbs: to imitate well is in all places a difficult art. Its
character may further be said to consist in a fine study of the chiaroscuro
and of draperies, rather than of the human figure, in which few artists of
the school can boast much excellence. Their contours are broad, their
countenances selected rather from among the people, than of an ideal cast,
being well rounded, high coloured, and exhibiting those features and that
joyousness esteemed so original in Coreggio, as it has been well remarked
by a professor long resident in Parma. There we have reason to believe that
our artist instructed more pupils than have been recorded by Vasari, to
whose observations and opinions much additional matter has been supplied by
writers of the present age, though doubts continue to prevail respecting
some of his reputed scholars. I shall treat this great master as others
have done in regard to Raffaello, comprehending, within the limits of his
school, all those assistants and others who, educated in different
academies, subsequently attached themselves to his, availing themselves of
his instructions and examples.
First upon the list, therefore, I place his own son, Pomponio Allegri. He
had hardly time to benefit by his father's instructions, or to receive his
earliest rudiments, having lost him at the age of twelve. His grandfather
then took him under his care, until the period of his death, occurring five
years after, when he left a pretty handsome provision for the orphan, who
boasted likewise no common degree of talent. With whom he pursued his
education, however, is not known, whether with Rondani, a faithful disciple
of his father, or with some other of the same school. It is certain he was
a youth of fair abilities, and that with the aid of his father's studies he
acquired some reputation, and established himself at Parma. In the
cathedral there appears, wrought upon a large earthen bason, the story of
the Israelites awaiting the arrival of Moses, to whom the Lord has just
consigned the tablets of the law. Though not very successful as a whole,
the work displays great merit in particular parts; many of the heads are
beautiful, many of the motions spirited, and there are tones of colouring
extremely clear and natural. It was believed that Pomponio had early
abandoned the use of his pencil, disposing of his property in Coreggio, and
afterwards dying in great poverty at an early age. These false or uncertain
reports, however, have been rendered nugatory by authentic documents
brought forward by Father Affo, stating him to have enjoyed, in Parma, high
reputation and honourable public commissions, and confirmed by a public
decree recording him, while the best disciples of the school of Parma were
yet alive, as being _ottimo pittore_.
We now proceed to other artists belonging to the city and state of Modena.
Among these we find the name of Francesco Cappelli, a native of Sassuolo,
who established himself in Bologna, without, however, leaving there any
public specimen of his labours. Most probably he was employed by private
persons, or, as Vedriani is led to conjecture, also by princes; though in
respect to their names he is certainly mistaken. There is an altar-piece in
S. Sebastiano at Sassuolo, commonly attributed to his hand, representing a
figure of the Virgin, with some saints, among which last appears the
Titular, the most noble and conspicuous of the whole, in such fine impasto
and relief, as to be attributed to the pencil of his master.
Another of the school is Giovanni Giarola da Reggio, whose productions
there in fresco are to be seen in the Palazzo Donelli and other places,
though they have perished in Parma. He cannot, however, be pronounced
exempt from the usual negligence of fresco painters in their contours;
still he was much esteemed, while he flourished, for the spirit and
delicacy of his manner. Although epitaphs are by no means the most
desirable sort of testimony to the worth of the deceased, it will be,
nevertheless, worth while to recall that of Giarola, from which, if we
deduct even nine parts of the commendation, the tenth will confer upon him
no slight honour;--"Io. Gerolli, qui adeo excellentem pingendi artem
edoctus fuerat, ut alter Apelles vocaretur;" who had arrived at such a
masterly degree of excellence in this noble art that he was entitled to the
name of another Apelles. To him we have to add a fellow citizen and
namesake of Coreggio, called Antonio Bernieri, sprung from a noble stock,
and who having lost his master at the age of eighteen years, inherited, in
a manner, the appellation of Antonio da Coreggio, thus giving rise to
several historical doubts and inaccuracies. He is enumerated by Landi, and
by Pietro Aretino, among the most distinguished of the miniature painters;
and also mentioned by D. Veronica Gambara, Marchioness of Coreggio. There
is no genuine painting by him, however, in oil, though I have no reason for
refusing him the degree of reputation so general among the miniaturists;
and the portrait at Turin, described in the present volume (p. 101), ought
certainly I think to be attributed to him rather than to Antonio Allegri.
He long flourished in Venice, visited Rome, and died at his native place.
The next I have to add to this list is a name unknown, as far as I can
learn, to history, and one which I only discovered from a beautiful design
I happened to meet with in a collection by Father Fontana Barnabita, a
collection mentioned by me with commendation in my first volume (p. 75).
His name is Antonio Bruno, a native of Modena, and an artist who ably
emulated the genius of Coreggio in his grace, his nature, his
foreshortenings, and his broad lights, though with far less correct a
pencil.
Further, among the scholars of Parma, there remain several who acquired
less fame. A Daniello de Por is mentioned by Vasari in his life of Taddeo
Zuccaro, who, according to his account, received some assistance from
Daniello, more in the way of instructions than example. Yet he records no
other of his productions besides a piece in fresco, to be seen at Vito,
near Sora, where he invited Zuccaro to join him as an assistant; nor does
it appear that he commends him for any thing beyond having acquired from
Coreggio and Parmigianino a tolerable degree of softness of manner. In fact
he must have rather occupied the place of a journeyman than of an assistant
of Coreggio, and I suspect he is the same from whom Vasari obtained some
information respecting this artist, in particular, such as related to his
avarice, which the historian had assuredly no reason either for
disbelieving or inventing. But a superior pupil of the same school will be
found in M. Torelli, called a native of Milan in the MS. of Resta, where he
is mentioned as the companion of Rondani, in executing the Frieze at San
Giovanni in Parma, painted in chiaroscuro. It was taken from the design of
Coreggio, who received likewise the proceeds from the work. It is added by
Ratti, that the first cloister of the same monastery was also adorned with
singular felicity by the same hand.
The names of the following artists all enjoy more or less celebrity in
Italy at the present day; but it is not therefore certain that they were
all the pupils of Coreggio, nor that they all observed the same manner.
Like young swimmers, some of them seem cautious of leaving the side of
their master, while others appear fearful only of being seen to approach
him too nearly, as if proud of the skill they had already acquired. To the
first class belongs Rondani, who was employed along with Coreggio at the
church of S. Giovanni, and to him is chiefly attributed a grotesque
contained in the monastery, assigned to the school of Antonio, though we
may detect some figures of cherubs which appear from the master's hand. Yet
Rondani was accustomed to imitate his master pretty accurately in his
individual figures; and on the exterior of the church of S. Maria
Maddalena, he drew a Madonna, that in want of historical evidence, might
have been attributed to Coreggio. There is also an altar-piece at the
Eremitani, representing saints Agostino and Geronimo, so much in the
Coreggio manner as to be esteemed one of the best pictures in Parma. But
Rondani was unable to reach the grandeur of the head of the school; he is
accused on the other hand of having been too careful and minute in the
accessaries of his art, which we gather, indeed, from one of his frescos in
a chapel of the cathedral, and in general from his other works. They are
rarely to be met with in collections, though I have seen one of his
Madonnas, with a Child, in possession of the Marchesi Scarani at Bologna,
the figure bearing a swallow in her hand, in allusion to the painter's
name; besides the portrait of a man, draped and designed in the Giorgione
taste, at the house of the Sig. Bettinelli in Mantua.
I have already alluded to Michelangiolo Anselmi, in the school of Siena,
and I again prepare to treat of him more fully, from documents since
published, or which I have since read. Upon the authority of these it is
very certain that he traced his family several generations back to the city
of Parma; though he is denominated _da Lucca_, from the circumstance of his
having been born at that place, according to Ratti, in 1591; and he has
been also called _da Siena_, because, as I am inclined to conjecture, he
may have resided and pursued his studies there while young. Resta, in the
MS. I have so frequently cited, contends that he acquired his art from
Sodoma; Azzolini, from Riccio, son-in-law to Sodoma, both of whom are known
to have remained a considerable time at Lucca. There he may have been
instructed in the first rudiments, and afterwards have completed his
studies at Siena, where he produced the altar-piece of Fontegiusta, which
bears no traces of the Lombard style. When practised in the art he returned
to Parma, he was older than Coreggio, and then only capable of improving
his style by availing himself of his advice and example, in the same way as
Garofolo and many others, by the example of Raffaello.
When in the year 1522 Coreggio was engaged to paint the cupola of the
cathedral and the great tribune, Anselmi, together with Rondani, and
Parmigianino, were fixed upon to adorn the contiguous chapels. The
undertaking was never executed; but such a selection shews that he was
esteemed capable of accompanying the style of Coreggio, and his works
sufficiently attest that he became a devoted follower of it. He is full in
his outlines, extremely studied in the heads, glowing in his tints, and
very partial to the use of red, which he contrives to vary and to break as
it were into different colours in the same picture. Perhaps his least merit
consists in his composition, which he sometimes overloads with figures. He
painted in various churches at Parma; and one of the most pleasing of his
productions, approaching nearest to his great model, is at S. Stefano, in
which S. John the Baptist, along with the titular saint, is seen kneeling
at the feet of the Virgin. His largest work, however, is to be met with at
the Steccata, where, upon the testimony of Vasari, he executed the cartoons
of Giulio Romano. But this is disproved by the contract, which assigns to
Anselmi himself a chamber in which to compose his cartoons; nor did Giulio
do more than send a rough sketch of the work to Parma. In collections his
specimens are rare and valuable, although he flourished, to say the least,
as late as the year 1554, in which he added a codicil to his will.
Bernardino Gatti, named from his father's profession Soiaro, of whom I
shall again make mention in the Cremonese School, is an artist, who, in
different countries, left various specimens of his art. Parma, Piacenza,
and Cremona abound with them. He ranks among the least doubtful disciples
of Coreggio, and was strongly attached to his maxims, more especially in
regard to the subjects treated by the hand of his master. His picture of a
Pieta, at the Magdalen, in Parma, that of his Repose in Egypt, at S.
Sigismond, in Cremona, with his Christ in the Manger, at S. Peter's, in the
same city, afford ample evidence of his power of imitating Coreggio without
becoming a servile copyist. No one has emulated him better in the delicacy
of his countenances. His young girls and his boys appear animated with the
spirit of innocence, grace, and beauty. He is fond of whitish and clear
grounds, and infuses a sweetness into his whole colouring which forms one
of his characteristics. Nor does he want relief in his figures, from which,
like the head of the school, he seems never to have removed his hand until
he had rendered them in every way perfect and complete. He possessed
singular talent for copying, as well as for imitating those masters whom he
had engaged to assist. He succeeded to the place of Pordenone, in Piacenza,
where he painted the remainder of the tribune at S. M. di Campagna, of
which Vasari observes, that the whole appeared the work of the same hand.
His picture of S. George, at the same church, is deserving of mention,
placed opposite that of S. Augustine by Pordenone, a figure displaying
powerful relief and action, which he executed from the design of Giulio
Romano, at the request, it is supposed, of the person who gave the
commission. We may form an estimate of his unassisted powers by what he has
left in the churches of Parma, and more particularly in the cupola of the
Steccata. It is an excellent production in every part, and in its principal
figure of the Virgin truly surprising. Another of his pieces representing
the Multiplication of Loaves, is highly deserving of mention. It was
executed for the Refectory of the Padri Lateranensi at Cremona, and to this
his name, with the date of 1552, is affixed. It may be accounted one of the
most copious paintings to be met with in any religious refectory, full of
figures larger than the life, and varied equal to any in point of features,
drapery, and attitudes, besides a rich display of novelty and fancy; the
whole conducted upon a grand scale, with a happy union and taste of
colouring, which serves to excuse a degree of incorrectness in regard to
his aerial perspective. There remain few of his pieces in private
collections, a great number having been transferred into foreign countries,
particularly into Spain.
Giorgio Gandini, likewise surnamed del Grano, from the maternal branch of
his family, was an artist formerly referred to Mantua, but who has since
been claimed by Padre Affo, who traced his genealogy for the city of Parma.
According to the account of Orlandi he was not only a pupil of Coreggio,
but one whose pieces were frequently retouched by the hand of his master.
P. Zapata, who illustrated in a latin work the churches of Parma, ascribes
to him the principal painting in S. Michele, the same which, in the Guide
of Ruta, was attributed by mistake to Lelio di Novellara. It is one
calculated to reflect honour upon that school, from its power of colouring,
its relief, and its ease and sweetness of hand, though it occasionally
displays a somewhat too capricious fancy. How highly he was esteemed by his
fellow citizens may be inferred from the commission which they allotted him
to paint the tribune of the cathedral, as a substitute for Coreggio, who
died before he commenced the task which he had accepted. The same happened
to Gandini, and the commission was bestowed upon a third artist, Girolamo
Mazzuola, whose genius was not then sufficiently matured to cope with such
vast undertakings.
The names of Lelio Orsi and Girolamo da Carpi, I assign to another place,
both of whom are enumerated by other writers in the school of Parma. For
this alteration I shall give a sufficient reason when I mention them. The
last belonging to the present class, are the two Mazzuoli; and I commence
with Francesco, called Parmigianino, whose life, by Father Affo, has been
already written. This writer does not rank him in the list of Coreggio's
scholars, but in that of his two uncles, in whose studio he is supposed to
have painted his Baptism of Christ, which is now in possession of the Conti
Sanvitali, and as the production of a boy of fourteen years of age, it is
indeed a wonderful effort of genius. It is remarked by the same historian
of his life, that having seen the works of Coreggio, Francesco began to
imitate him; and there are some pictures ascribed to him at that period,
which are evidently formed upon that great model. Of such kind, is a Holy
Family, belonging to the President Bertioli, and a S. Bernardino, at the
Padri Osservanti, in Parma. Independently of these, the fact of Francesco's
having been chosen, together with Rondani and Anselmi, to decorate a chapel
near the Cupola of Coreggio, shews, that he must have acquired great
similarity of style, and possessed docility, equal to the other two, in
following the directions of such a master. He had too much confidence,
however, in his own powers, to be second in the manner of another artist,
when he was capable of forming one of his own. And this he subsequently
achieved; for owing to the delays experienced in the above undertaking, he
had time to make the tour of Italy, and meeting with Giulio, in Mantua, and
Raffaello, at Rome, he proceeded to form a style that has been pronounced
original. It is at once great, noble, and dignified; not abounding in
figures, but rendering a few capable of filling a large canvass, as we may
observe in his S. Rocco, at San Petronio, in Bologna; or in his Moses, at
the Steccata of Parma, so celebrated a specimen of chiaroscuro.
The prevailing character, however, in which this artist so greatly shone,
was grace of manner; a grace which won for him at Rome that most flattering
of all eulogies, that the spirit of Raffaello had passed into Parmigianino.
Among his designs are to be seen repeated specimens of the same figure,
drawn for the purpose of reaching the highest degree of grace, in the
person, in the attitudes, and in the lightness of his drapery, in which he
is admirable. It is the opinion of Algarotti, that he sometimes carried his
heads to an extreme, so as to border upon effeminacy; a judgment analogous
to the previous observation of Agostino Caracci, that he could wish a
painter to have a little of Parmigianino's grace; not all, because he
conceived that he had too much. In the opinion of others, his excessive
study of what was graceful led him sometimes to select proportions somewhat
too long, no less in respect to stature than in the fingers and the neck,
as we may observe in his celebrated Madonna, at the Pitti Palace, which,
from this defect, obtained the appellation of _collo lungo_, or long
neck;[26] but it boasted likewise of its advocates. His colouring, also,
evidently aims at grace, and for the most part is preserved moderate,
discreet, and well tempered, as if the artist feared, by too much
brilliancy, to offend the eye; which, both in drawings and paintings, is
apt to diminish grace. If we admit Albano as a good judge, Parmigianino was
not very studious of expression, in which he has left few examples; if,
indeed, we are not to consider the grace that animates his cherubs and
other delicate figures, as meriting the name of expression, or if that term
apply only to the passions, as very abundantly supplying its place. It is,
in truth, on account of this rare exhibition of grace, that every thing is
pardoned, and that in him defects themselves appear meritorious.
Footnote 26: He might have pleaded the example of the ancients,
who in their draped statues, observed similar proportions,
in order to avoid falling into vulgarity. The length of the
fingers was rather subject of praise, as is noticed by the
commentators on Catullus. (See his 44th Ode.) A long neck in
virgins is inculcated by Malvasia, as a precept of the art,
(tom. i. p. 303); and the Can. Lazzarini drew his Madonnas
according to this rule. These observations are all intended
to be applied with that judgment, which, in every art, is
not presumed to be taught, but understood.
He would seem to have been slow in his conceptions, being accustomed to
form the whole piece in idea, before he once handled his pencil; but was
then rapid in his execution. Strokes of his pencil may sometimes be traced
so very daring and decided, that Albano pronounces them divine, and
declares, that to his experience in design, he was indebted for that
unequalled skill, which he always united to great diligence and high
finish. His works, indeed, are not all equally well and powerfully
coloured, nor produce the same degree of effect; though there are several
which are conducted with so much feeling and enthusiasm as to have been
ascribed to Coreggio himself. Such is the picture of Love, engaged in
fabricating his bow, while at his feet appear two cherubs, one laughing and
the other weeping; a piece, of which a number of duplicates, besides that
contained in the imperial gallery, are enumerated, so great a favourite was
it either with the artist or some other person. In regard to this
production, I agree with Vasari, whose authority is further confirmed by
Father Affo and other judges, whom I have consulted upon the subject;
although it is true that this Cupid, together with the Ganymede, and the
Leda, which are mentioned in the same context, (p. 302), have been
positively assigned by Boschini to Coreggio, an opinion that continues to
be countenanced by many other persons.
His minor paintings, his portraits, his youthful heads, and holy figures,
are not very rare, and some are found multiplied in different places. One
that has been the most frequently repeated in collections, is a picture of
the Virgin and Infant with S. Giovanni; while the figures of St. Catherine
and Zaccarias, or some similar aged head, are to be seen very near them. It
was formerly met with in the Farnese gallery, at Parma, and is still to be
seen, sometimes the same, and sometimes varied, in the royal gallery, at
Florence; in the Capitoline; in those of the princes Corsini, Borghesi, and
Albani, at Rome. In Parma, also, it is in possession of the Abate
Mazza,[27] and is found in other places; insomuch, that it is difficult to
suppose that they could all have been repeated by Parmigianino, however old
in appearance. He produced few copious compositions, such as the Preaching
of Christ to the Crowd, which is contained in a chamber of the royal
palace, at Colorno, forming a real jewel of that beautiful and pleasant
villa. His altar-pieces are not numerous, of which, however, none is more
highly estimated than his St. Margarita, at Bologna. It is rich in figures,
which the Caracci were never weary of studying; while Guido, in a sort of
transport of admiration, preferred it even to the St. Cecilia of Raffaello.
His fresco, which he began at the Steccata, is a singular production;
besides the figure of Moses, exhibited in chiaroscuro, he painted Adam and
Eve, with several Virtues, without, however, completing the undertaking for
which he had been remunerated. The history of the affair is rather long,
and is to be found in Father Affo, where it is divested of many idle tales,
with which it had been confounded. I shall merely state, that the artist
was thrown into prison for having abandoned his task, and afterwards led a
fugitive life in Casale, where he shortly died, in his thirty-seventh year,
exactly at the same age as his predecessor Raffaello. He was lamented as
one of the first luminaries, not only of the art of painting, but of
engraving; though of this last I must say nothing, in order not to deviate
from the plan I have laid down.
Footnote 27: It is mentioned and compared with that of the
Borghesi, (in both the virgin is seen on one side) by P.
Affo, in a letter edited by the Advocate Bramieri, in the
notes to the _Elogio d'Ireneo Affo_, composed by P. D.
Pompilio Pozzetti; a very excellent scholar, (no less than
his annotator,) and deserving to stand high in the
estimation of all learned Italians.
Parma was in some degree consoled for the loss of Francesco, by Girolamo di
Michele Mazzuola, his pupil and his cousin. They had been intimate from the
year 1520, and apparently had contracted their friendship some years before
Francesco set out for Rome, which was continued unabated after his return.
Most probably, however, it at length experienced an interruption, owing to
which Francesco named two strangers his heirs, omitting his cousin. This
last is not known beyond Parma and its confines, though he was deserving of
more extensive fame, in particular for his strong impasto, and his
knowledge of colouring, in which he has few equals. There is reason to
suppose, that some of the works ascribed to Francesco, more especially such
as displayed warmer and stronger tints, were either executed or repeated by
this artist. Not having been in Rome, Girolamo was more attached to the
school of Coreggio, than Francesco, and in his style composed his picture
of the Marriage of St. Catherine, for the church of the Carmine; a piece
that proves how well he could exhibit that great master's character. He was
excellent in perspective, and in the Supper of our Lord, painted for the
refectory of S. Giovanni, he represented a colonnade so beautiful, and well
adapted to produce illusion, as to compete with the best specimens from the
hand of Pozzo. He could, moreover, boast ease and harmony, with a fine
chiaroscuro; while in his larger compositions in fresco, he was inventive,
varied, and animated. No single artist, among his fellow citizens, had the
merit of decorating the churches of Parma with an equal number of oil
paintings; no one produced more in fresco for the cathedral and for the
Steccata; to say nothing of his labours at S. Benedetto, in Mantua, and
elsewhere. It is from this rage for accomplishing too much, that we find so
many of his pieces that are calculated to surprise us at first sight,
diminish in merit upon an examination of their particular parts. Not a few
defects are observable amidst all his beauties; the design in his naked
figures is extremely careless; his grace is carried to a degree of
affectation, and his more spirited attitudes are violent. But these faults
are not wholly attributable to him, inasmuch as he occasionally painted the
same work in conjunction with other artists. This occurred in his large
picture of the Multiplication of Loaves placed at S. Benedetto, in Mantua,
in which, from documents discovered by the Ab. Mari, Girolamo would appear
to have been assisted in his labours; there are in it groups of figures,
whose beauty would confer credit upon any artist; while, on the other hand,
there are faults and imbecilities that must have proceeded from some other
pencil. It is true that he has admitted the same in other of his works, and
there they are wholly to be ascribed to his haste. We likewise find mention
of an Alessandro Mazzuola, son of Girolamo, who painted in the cathedral,
in 1571; but he is a weak imitator of the family style; the usual fate of
pictoric families, when arrived at the third generation.
Such was the state of the art in Parma about the middle of the sixteenth
century, at which period the Farnese family acquired dominion there, and
greatly contributed to promote the interest of that school. Coreggio's
disciples had already produced pupils in their turn; and though it be
difficult to ascertain from what school each artist proceeded, it is easy
to conjecture, from their respective tastes, that they were all inclined to
pursue the career of the two most illustrious masters of the school of
Parma; yet Mazzuola was, perhaps, more followed than Coreggio. It is too
favourite an opinion, both with dilettanti and artists, that the new style
must invariably be the most beautiful; permitting fashion even to corrupt
the arts. Parmigianino, perhaps, educated no other pupil besides his
cousin; Daniel da Parma had studied also under Coreggio; and Batista
Fornari, after acquiring little more than a knowledge of design from
Francesco, turned his attention to sculpture, producing, among other fine
statues, for the Duke Ottavio Farnese, the Neptune, which is now placed in
the royal gardens. The name of Jacopo Bertoia, (often written by mistake
Giacinto) has been added by some to this list. He was a good deal employed
by the court at Parma and Caprarola; and not very long ago, some of his
small paintings were transferred from the palace of the royal garden into
the academy. The subjects are fabulous, and both in the figures of his
nymphs, and in every thing else, the grace of Francesco is very
perceptible. Yet the memorials discovered by P. Affo, do not permit us to
name Parmigianino as his master. He was still young in 1573, and Lomazzo,
in his "Tempio," calls him the pupil of Ercole Procaccini. He produced many
small pictures for private ornament, which were at one time in great
repute; nor does Parma possess any large painting by his hand, excepting
two banners for companies or associations.
It is rather, likewise, from a resemblance of style, than upon historical
authority, that one Pomponio Amidano has been enumerated among the pupils
of Parmigianino. He may be mentioned, however, as one of his most strenuous
followers; insomuch as to have had one of his altar-pieces, which adorns
the church of Madonna del Quartiere, attributed even by no common artists
to the hand of Francesco. It is the most beautiful work of its author that
the city of Parma has to boast. The style of this artist is full and noble,
were it not, adds the Cav. Ratti, that it is sometimes apt to appear
somewhat flat.
Pier Antonio Bernabei, called della Casa, does not belong to the school of
Parmigianino, but is to be referred to some other assistant or pupil of
Coreggio. I cannot account for the slight praise bestowed upon him by
Orlandi, when his painting of the cupola at the Madonna del Quartiere is
calculated to impress us with the opinion that his powers were equal to
those of any artist who then flourished in Lombardy, or even in Italy, as a
painter of frescos. He there represented, as was very common upon the
cupolas, a Paradise, very full, but without any confusion; with figures in
the Coreggio his tints are powerful, and relieved with a force which might
be pronounced superfluous in the more distant figures, from a deficiency of
the due gradations. This cupola still remains perfectly entire after the
lapse of more than two centuries, and is his great masterpiece, though
some of his other paintings likewise produce a great effect. Aurelio
Barili, and Innocenzio Martini, of Parma, must have enjoyed very
considerable reputation in their day, having been employed at S. Giovanni
and the Steccata: some specimens of their fresco work are still pointed
out, but are cast into the shade by the vicinity of more attractive
beauties.
About the same period another subject of the same state painted, in his
native place of Piacenza. His name was Giulio Mazzoni, at one time pupil to
Daniel da Volterra, in the life of whom he is much commended by Vasari.
Some figures of the Evangelists still remain in the cathedral by his hand,
though the ceiling of S. M. di Campagna, which he adorned with histories,
has been renewed by another pencil. He did not acquire a knowledge of
foreshortening in the school of Daniello, and here he failed, however
respectable in other points.
SCHOOL OF PARMA.
EPOCH III.
_Parmese Pupils of the Caracci, and of other Foreigners,
until the period of the Foundation of the Academy._
In the year 1570, when the most celebrated imitators of the Coreggio manner
were either greatly advanced in years, or already deceased, the Parmese
School began to give place to that of Bologna; and I proceed to explain the
mode, and the causes which, partly by design and partly by chance, led to
that event. It was intended to ornament a chapel in the cathedral, a
commission bestowed upon Rondani and Parmigianino, but which, through a
variety of interruptions, had been so long deferred, that both artists died
before undertaking it. Orazio Sammachini was then invited from Bologna; he
gave satisfaction, and if I mistake not, derived great improvement from his
study of Coreggio, whom he more nearly resembled than any other Bolognese
artist of that age. Ercole Procaccini, likewise, painted in the dome
itself; nor was it long before Cesare Aretusi was invited from Bologna, to
become court painter to Duke Ranuccio. This artist, as we before observed,
was employed in restoring the painting of the tribune at S. Giovanni. In
order to lengthen the choir, it was resolved to destroy the old tribune;
but such parts as Coreggio had there painted, were to be correctly repeated
to adorn the new; an example that deserves to be adopted as a law, wherever
the fine arts are held in esteem. We are informed by Malvasia, that Aretusi
undertook this task, though he refused to take a copy of it upon the spot;
observing, that such an employment was more adapted for a pupil than for a
master. Annibal Caracci was in consequence of this called in, and assisted
by his brother Agostino, he took a copy of that vast work in various
portions, which are now at Capo di Monte. Guided by these, Aretusi was
afterwards enabled to repaint the new edifice in the year 1587. To this
account Affo opposes the contract of Aretusi, drawn out in 1586, where he
binds himself "_to make an excellent copy of the Madonna Coronata_;" and
provision is promised him for a boy who is to prepare the cartoons: a
circumstance that cannot be made applicable to Annibal, who appeared in the
character of a master as early as 1586. What conclusion we are to draw from
such a fact, no less than from the cartoons so generally attributed to
Annibal, and which are pronounced worthy of his hand, _quaerere distuli; nec
scire fas est omnia_. Hor. I shall merely observe, that Annibal, after
spending several months in studying and copying Coreggio during 1580,
frequently returned again to admire him, and that such devoted enthusiasm
was of wonderful advantage to him in acquiring the character of his model.
It was at this time that he painted the picture of a Pieta for the Capuchin
friars, at Parma, approaching the nearest that ever was seen to that at S.
Giovanni, and from that period the Duke Ranuccio gave him several
commissions for pictures, which are now to be met with at Naples.
The duke was a great lover of the arts, as we gather from a selection of
artists employed by him, among whom were Lionello Spada, Schedoni, Trotti,
and Gio. Sons, an able figure and a better landscape painter, whom Orlandi
believes to have been instructed in Parma, and perfected in the art at
Antwerp. It appears, that he also had much esteem for Ribera, who painted a
chapel, which is now destroyed, at Santa Maria Bianca, in so fine a style,
that according to Scaramuccia, it might have been mistaken for Coreggio's,
and it awakened emulation even in the breast of Lodovico Caracci.[28] The
chief merit, however, of the duke, and of his brother, the cardinal,
consisted in estimating and employing the genius of the Caracci. In that
court they were both fairly remunerated, and held in esteem; though, owing
to the arts of some courtiers, history has preserved circumstances
regarding these great men, calculated to move compassion.[29] To this early
patronage we may trace the events which we find in the history of the
Caracci, at different periods: Annibal engaged to paint the Farnese Gallery
at Rome; Agostino called to Parma, in quality of its court-painter, an
office in which he died; and Lodovico sent to Piacenza, along with Camillo
Procaccini, in order to decorate the cathedral of that city. Hence also
arose the principles of a new style at Parma, or rather of several new
styles, which during the seventeenth century continued to spread both there
and throughout the state, and which were first introduced by the artists of
Bologna.
Footnote 28: See Lettere Pittoriche, tom. i. p. 211.
Footnote 29: Bellori, in his Life of Annibal, pp. 34, 35.
See also Malvasia, tom. i. pp. 334, 404, 405, 442. And
Orlandi under the head _Gio. Batt. Trotti_.
Their scholars, besides Bertoia, were Giambatista Tinti, pupil to
Sammachini, Giovanni Lanfranco, and Sisto Badalocchi, who, having been
acquainted with the younger Caracci, at Parma, became first attached to the
school of Lodovico, in Bologna, and afterwards followed Annibal to Rome,
where they continued to reside with him. These, although they were educated
by the Bolognese, resemble certain characters who, though they may abandon
their native soil, are never able to divest themselves of its memory or its
language. In respect to Lanfranco, it is agreed by all, that no artist
better imitated the grandeur of Coreggio in works upon a large scale;
although he is neither equal to him in colouring, nor at all approaches him
in high finish, nor is destitute of an air of originality peculiar to the
head of a school. At Parma, he produced a picture representing all the
saints in the church that bears their name; and in Piacenza, besides his
saints Alessio and Corrado at the cathedral, works highly commended by
Bellori, he painted an altar-piece of St. Luke, at the Madonna di Piazza,
as well as a cupola, so avowedly imitated from that of S. Giovanni at
Parma, that it can scarcely escape the charge of servility. Sisto
Badalocchi,[30] no way inferior to Lanfranco in point of facility, and
other endowments of the art, approached very nearly to his style. It was
even doubted in Parma, whether the picture of S. Quintino, in the church of
that name, was the production of Lanfranco or his. Of the rest who
flourished for the most part among the disciples of the Caracci, beyond the
limits of their own state, we shall treat more opportunely under the
Bolognese School.
Footnote 30: By Malvasia, tom. i. p. 517, he is called
_Sisto Rosa_.
Giambatista Tinti acquired the art of design and of colouring from
Sammachini at Bologna; he studied Tibaldi with great assiduity, and painted
upon his model at S. Maria della Scala, not without marks of
plagiarism.[31] Having subsequently established himself at Parma, he
selected for his chief model the works of Coreggio, and next proceeded to
the study of Parmigianino. The city retains many of his productions, both
in private and in public, among which that of the Assumption in the
cathedral, abounding with figures, and the Catino, at the old Capuchin
Nuns, are accounted some of the last grand works belonging to the old
school of Parma.
Footnote 31: Malvasia, tom. i. p. 212.
From the time these artists ceased to flourish, the art invariably
declined. Towards the middle of the seventeenth century we find mention, in
the Guide of Parma, of Fortunato Gatti and Gio. Maria Conti, both Parmese,
who were shortly followed, if I mistake not, by Giulio Orlandini. They are
better qualified to shew the succession of Parmese artists than of great
painters. The name of one Girolamo da' Leoni, of Piacenza, is also
recorded, who was employed along with Cunio, a Milanese, about the time of
the Campi. At Piacenza likewise, after the middle of the century, appeared
one Bartolommeo Baderna, pupil to the Cavalier Ferrante, whose works
display more diligence than genius; whence Franceschini took occasion to
say, that he had knocked loudly at the door of the great painters without
being able to gain admission. In the mean while the court continued to
promote the study of the fine arts throughout the state. It even sent a
young man of talent, named Mauro Oddi, under the direction of Berettini,
with a salary to Rome. He fulfilled the expectations of his patrons by his
productions at the villa of Colorno, and he adorned some churches with
specimens of his altar-pieces; but still he aimed more at the fame of an
architect than of a painter. At the same time there was employed at court
an artist named Francesco Monti, who painted likewise for churches and
private collections. He was mentioned in the Venetian School, and exercised
a more marked influence over the art at Parma. presenting it in Ilario
Spolverini with a disciple of merit. Ilario, no less than his master,
acquired reputation from his battle-pieces; and whether owing to
exaggeration or to truth, it was commonly said that the soldiers of Monti
threatened, and that those of Spolverini seemed to kill. He threw no less
fierceness and terror into some of his assassin scenes, which are esteemed
equal to his battles. He painted chiefly for the Duke Francesco, though
there are some of his works on a larger scale, in oil and in fresco, placed
in the cathedral, at the Certosa, and other places throughout the city and
the state.
Spolverini instructed in the art Francesco Simonini, a distinguished
battle-painter of that period. Orlandi says he was a scholar of Monti, and
educated at Florence upon the model of Borgognone. He long resided at
Venice, where, in the Sala Cappello, and in different collections, he left
pictures which abound in figures, ornamented with fine architecture, and
varied with every kind of skirmish and military exploits. Ilario instructed
several young Parmese in the art, among whom, perhaps, were Antonio
Fratacci, Clemente Ruta, and more indisputably the Ab. Giuseppe Peroni. The
first under Cignani became a better copyist of his master than a painter,
being called _pittor pratico_, a mechanical hand, by Bianconi in his Guide
to Milan, where, as well as in Bologna, a few of his pictures are to be
seen. At Parma he was not employed in public, as far as I can learn, but
for collections, in which he holds a pretty high rank. Ruta was likewise
educated in the academy of Cignani at Bologna. Returning to his native
state, whose paintings he has described, he there entered into the service
of the Infant Charles of Bourbon, as long as he remained at Parma, after
which he accompanied his patron to Naples. Subsequently returning to Parma;
he continued to employ himself with credit, until, near the period of his
decease, he lost the use of his eyes.
The Ab. Peroni, in the first instance, repaired to Bologna, where he
received the instructions of Torelli, of Creti and of Ercole Lelli. He next
visited Rome, where he became pupil to Masucci; though it is probable that
he was struck with the colouring of Conca and Giacquinto, who were then
much in vogue, as his tints partake more or less of their verds, and other
false use of colouring. For the rest he could design well, and in elegant
subjects partakes much of Maratta, as we perceive from his S. Philip in S.
Satiro at Milan, and from the Conception, in possession of the Padri dell'
Oratorio, at Turin. In Parma his productions are to be seen at S. Antonio
Abbate, where his frescos appear to advantage, and there is an altar-piece
of Christ Crucified, placed in competition with Battoni and Cignaroli, and
here more than elsewhere he is entitled to rank among the good painters of
this last age. He adorned his native place and its academy with his
pictures, and died there at an advanced age. The career of Pietro Ferrari
was much shorter, although he had time to produce several fine pictures for
the public, besides that of his B. da Corleone in the church of the
Capuchins, as well as more for private collections. He imitated the ancient
manner of his school, no less than more recent styles.[32]
Footnote 32: I wish here to offer a brief tribute to the merit
of his deceased master, (he died two years since) who,
though a native of Pavia, resided a long period at Parma. He
studied in Florence under Meucci, next at Paris, where one
of his pictures was greatly applauded, and the artist
elected to a place in that distinguished academy of art. On
his return he became first painter to the court at Parma,
and produced works no less than pupils calculated to reflect
credit on his country. His Prometheus freed by Hercules,
placed at the academy, his large portrait-piece of the
family of Philip, Duke of Parma, which is pointed out in the
Guardarobas as his best specimen, fully justify the
reputation he enjoyed while living, and which continues
beyond the tomb. The name of this artist was Giuseppe
Baldrighi, and he died at Parma, aged eighty years.
In Piacenza there flourished Pier Antonio Avanzini, educated by
Franceschini at Bologna. He is said to have been wanting in imagination,
which led him, for the most part, to copy from his master's designs. Gio.
Batista Tagliasacchi, from Borgo S. Donnino, sprung from the school of
Giuseppe del Sole, and displayed a fine genius for elegant subjects, which
induced him to study Coreggio, Parmigianino, and Guido. He was particularly
ambitious of adding Raffaello to the list, but his parents would not permit
him to visit Rome. He resided and employed himself chiefly at Piacenza,
where there is a Holy Family much admired in the cathedral, which, in its
ideal cast of features, partakes of the Roman style, and is not inferior to
the Lombards in point of colouring. He was an artist, if I mistake not, of
far greater merit than fortune.
Finally, the state was never in want of excellent masters in minor branches
of the art. Fabrizio Parmigiano is commended by Baglioni amongst the
landscape painters of his age. He was assisted by his wife Ippolita in
drawing for Italian collections, and he visited a variety of places
previous to his arrival at Rome, where he also adorned a few of the
churches with his wood-scenes, and views, with hermits, &c. and died there
at an early age. His style was, perhaps, more ideal than true, as it
prevailed before the time of the Caracci; but it was spirited and diligent.
There is known also one Gialdisi, of Parma, whom, from his residence in
Cremona, Zaist enumerates among the professors of that school as a
celebrated painter of flowers. He frequently represented them upon small
tables covered with tapestry, and he added also musical instruments, books,
and playing-cards, the whole depicted with an air of truth and a fine
colouring, that obtained for him from such inconsiderable objects a large
portion of fame. I must also record Felice Boselli of Piacenza, who became,
under the direction of the Nuvoloni, a tolerable artist in figures, though
he succeeded best in copying ancient pictures, even so as to deceive the
eye of experienced judges by the exactness of his imitations. Following the
bent of his genius, he began to draw animals, sometimes with their skins,
and at others, as they are exposed to view in the shambles; besides
collections of birds and fishes, arranging them in order, and all coloured
from the life. The palaces in Piacenza abound with them, Boselli, having
survived beyond his eightieth year, and despatching them with facility and
mechanically, whence all his productions are not equally entitled to
esteem. Gianpaolo Pannini belonged to the Roman School, in which he both
learned and taught, and in treating of which I rendered him that justice
which the public admiration of his perspective views, and of his peculiar
grace in small figures, seemed to require. Many fine specimens were sent
from Rome to his native country, and among these the Signori della Missione
possess a very rare picture, inasmuch as the figures are on a larger scale
than those which he in general drew. It represents the Money Changers
driven out of the Temple by our Lord; the architecture is truly
magnificent, and the figures full of spirit and variety. The governor,
Count Carasi, the able illustrator of the public paintings in Piacenza,
declared that he was the only artist then deceased, of whom the city could
justly boast. Such deficiency ought not to be ascribed to its climate,
abounding as it does with genius, but to the want of a local school, a
want, however, which was converted into a source of great utility to the
city. If we examine the catalogue of painters who flourished there, with
which the Count Carasi closes his work, we shall find that, with the
exception of the capitals, no other city of Italy was so rich in excellent
painters belonging to every school. Had it possessed masters, they would
have produced for every excellent disciple, at least twenty of only
middling talent, whose works would have filled its palaces and churches, as
it has happened to so many other secondary cities.
Like one university for letters, one academy for the fine arts is usually
found sufficient for a single state; and in particular, where it is
established, supported, and encouraged in the manner of that at Parma. It
owed its origin to Don Philip of Bourbon, in 1757, the tenth year of his
government; and his son, who at this time bears sway, continues to promote
the interests of the institution.[33] Nothing can be better calculated to
revive among us the noble genius of the art of painting, than the method
there adopted in the distribution of premiums. The subject of the painting
being proposed, the young artists invited to the competition are not
confined to those of the state; and consequently the industry of the most
able and best matured students is laid under contribution, in every place,
for the service of Parma. The method of holding the assembly, the skill and
integrity of the umpires, and the whole form of the decision, excludes
every doubt or suspicion respecting the superiority of the piece adjudged.
The artist is largely remunerated; but his highest ambition is gratified in
having been pronounced the first among so many competitors, and before such
an assemblage. This is of itself always sufficient to raise the successful
candidate above the common standard, and often leads to fortune. The prize
painting assumes its perpetual station in one of the academic halls, along
with the favourite pieces of previous years, forming a series which already
excites a warm interest among the lovers of the fine arts. Since the period
when the Cortona manner began to lose ground in Italy, a manner that, under
such a variety of names and sects, had usurped so wide a sway, the art in
our own times has approached a sort of crisis, which as yet forms an essay
of new styles, rather than any prevailing one characteristic of this new
era. It is in such a collection, better than in any book, that we may study
the state of our existing schools; what maxims are now enforced; what kind
of imitation, and with how much freedom, is allowed; from what source we
are to look for a chance of recovering the ancient art of colouring; what
profit painting has derived from the copies of the best pictures published
in engravings, and from the precepts of the masters communicated through
the medium of prints. I am aware that a variety of opinion is entertained
on this head, nor would my own, were I to interpose it, give weight to any
of the conflicting arguments in this matter. But I am happy to say, that
finding at length appeals made to reason, which were formerly referred to
practice, I feel inclined rather to indulge hopes than doubt or diffidence
in regard to the future.
Footnote 33: The professors who reflect credit upon it are
enumerated by P. Affo in the works cited in this chapter.
CHAPTER IV.
SCHOOL OF CREMONA.
EPOCH I.
_The Ancients._
I have never perused the history of Bernardino, and the rest of the
pictoric family of the Campi, written some time since by Baldinucci, and
more recently by Giambatista Zaist, without thinking that I see in the
school which these artists established at Cremona, a sketch of that which
was subsequently formed by the Caracci in Bologna. In both these cities a
single family projected the formation of a new style of painting, which
should partake of all the Italian schools, without committing plagiarism
against any; and from each family in its respective city sprung a numerous
series of excellent masters, who partly by themselves and partly by means
of their disciples, adorned their country with their works, the art by
their example, and history itself with their names. Why the Cremonese
School did not keep pace with that of Bologna in reputation, nor continue
so long as the Caracci's, and why the latter completed in a manner what the
other only essayed, was occasioned by a variety of causes which I shall
gradually explain in the course of the present chapter. In the outset,
agreeably to my usual plan, I mean to investigate the origin and principles
of this school, nor shall we need to go farther back than the foundation of
the magnificent cathedral in 1107, which as speedily as possible was
decorated with all that sculpture and painting could afford. Its specimens
of both are such as to gratify the eye of the antiquary, who may wish to
trace through what channels, and by what degrees, the arts first began to
revive in Italy. The sculpture there does not indeed present us with any
works that may not likewise be found in Verona, in Crema, and other places;
whereas the paintings remaining in the ceiling of the two lateral naves,
may be considered uniques, and deserve the trouble of examining them more
nearly, on account of the smallness of the figures and the want of light.
They consist of sacred histories; the design is extremely dry, the colours
are strong, and their drapery wholly novel, except that some of them still
continue to be seen in the modern masks and theatres of Italy. Some
specimens of architecture are introduced, presenting only right lines, like
what we see in our oldest wood engravings, and explanations are also
inserted, indicating the principal figures, in the manner of the more
ancient mosaic-workers, when the eye, yet unaccustomed to behold pictoric
histories, required some such illustration of the subject. Yet we can
gather no traces of the Greek mosaics; the whole is Italian, national, and
new. The characters leave us in doubt whether we ought to ascribe them to
the age of Giotto, or to that preceding him, but the figures attest that
their author was indebted neither to Giotto nor his master for what he
knew. I can learn nothing of his name from the ancient historians of the
school, neither from Antonio Campi, Pietro Lamo, nor Gio. Batista Zaist,
whom I have already cited, and who compiled two volumes of memoirs of the
old artists of Cremona, edited by Panni in the year 1774.
I may, however, safely assert that there were painters who flourished in
the Cremonese as early as 1213; for on occasion of the city obtaining a
victory over the people of Milan, the event was commemorated in a picture,
in the palace of Lanfranco Oldovino, one of the leaders of the Cremonese
army, and for this we have the testimony of Flameno in his History of
Castelleone.[34] There is also recorded by the Ab. Sarnelli, in his
"Foreigner's Guide to Naples," as well as by the Can. Celano, in the
"Notices of the Beauties of Naples," a M. Simone of Cremona, who, about
1335, painted in S. Chiara, and is the same mentioned by Surgente, author
of the "Naples Illustrated," as Simon da Siena, and by Dominici as Simone
Napolitano. In a former volume I adhered to the opinion of Dominici,
inasmuch as he cites Criscuolo and his archives; but let the authority rest
with them. Other names might be added, which Zaist has in part collected
from MSS., and in part from published documents, such as Polidoro Casella,
who flourished about 1345, Angelo Bellavita in 1420, Jacopino Marasca,
mentioned in 1430, Luca Sclavo, named by Flameno, subsequent to 1450, among
excellent painters, and among the friends of Francesco Sforza, besides
Gaspare Bonino, who became celebrated about the year 1460. Hence it may be
perceived that this school was not destitute of a series of artists, during
a long period, although no specimens of their art survive to confirm it.
Footnote 34: See Zaist, p. 12.
The earliest that is to be met with bearing a name and certain date, is a
picture which belonged to Zaist, representing Julian (afterwards the saint)
killing his father and mother, whom he mistakes for his wife and her
paramour. Below the couch on which they are found, are inscribed the two
following verses:--
Hoc quod Manteneae didicit sub dogmate clari,
Antonii Cornae dextera pinxit opus.--MCCCCLXXVIII.
The name of Antonio della Corna is handed down to us by history, and from
this monument he is discovered to have been a pupil of Mantegna, and a
follower of the first rather than the second style of his master. But he
does not appear to have flourished a sufficient time, or he was not in
repute enough to have a place among the painters of the cathedral, in the
fourteenth century, who left there a monument of the art that may vie with
the Sistine chapel; and if I mistake not the figures of those ancient
Florentines are more correct, those of the cathedral more animated. There
is a frieze surrounding the arches of the church, divided into several
squares, each of which contains a scriptural history painted in fresco.
Upon this work a number of Cremonese artists, all of high repute, were
successively employed.
The first in this list, subscribed in one of these compartments, _Bembus
incipiens_, and in the other compartment 14-- ... under his paintings of
the Epiphany and the Purification. The remaining figures after the above,
have long been concealed by a side wing of the organ. But the sense is very
clear, the name and the date of the centuries appearing together; nor are
we at a loss to perceive that the artist, in an undertaking to be conducted
by many, and during many years, was desirous of commemorating his name, as
the first who commenced it, and in what year. Some, nevertheless, have
wished to infer, by detaching the words _Bembus incipiens_ from the rest,
that the artist meant to inform us he was then first entering upon his
profession; as if the people of Cremona, in the decoration of their finest
temple, which was long conducted by the most celebrated painters, would
have selected a novice to begin. It is, however, a question whether the
inscription refers to Bonifazio Bembo, or to Gianfrancesco his younger
brother; but apparently we ought to give it, with Vasari, to the former, a
distinguished artist who was employed by the court of Milan as early as
1461, while Gio. Francesco flourished later, as we shall shortly have
occasion to shew. In the two histories with which Bembo commenced his
labours, as well as in those that follow, he shews himself an able artist,
spirited in his attitudes, glowing in his colours, magnificent in his
draperies, although still confined within the sphere of the naturalists,
and copying from the truth without displaying much selection, if he does
not occasionally transgress it by want of correctness. Both our
dictionaries of artists and Bottari have confounded this Bonifazio with a
Venetian of the same name, whom we have mentioned in his place.
Opposite to those of Bembo is a painting, a history of the Passion,
representing our Redeemer before his judges, painted by Cristoforo
Moretti,[35] the same, according to Lomazzo, who was employed with Bembo in
the court of Milan, and also painted at the church of S. Aquilino. One of
his Madonnas is still to be seen there, seated amid different saints, and
upon her mantle I was enabled to decipher, _Christophorus de Moretis de
Cremona_, in characters interweaved in the manner of gold lace. Cremonese
writers call him the son of Galeazzo Rivello, and father and grandfather to
several other Rivelli, all artists, Moretti being only an assumed
appellation. From the inscription I have adduced, there appears some
difficulty in the way of such a tradition, since _de Moretis_ is an
expression importing a family name, not an acquired one. Whatever may be
thought on this head, it is certain that he was one of the reformers of the
art in Lombardy, and particularly in the branches of perspective and
design; and in this history of the Passion, in which he excluded all kind
of gilding, he is seen to approach the moderns.
Footnote 35: See Lomazzo, Treatise on Painting, p. 405.
Somewhat later, and not before 1497, Altobello Melone and Boccaccio
Boccaccino, two Cremonese artists, were employed in completing the frieze
of the cathedral. The former, according to Vasari, painted several
histories of the Passion, truly beautiful and deserving of commendation.
But he was the least consistent in point of style, introducing, as it has
been observed, figures of small and large proportions in the same piece,
and also least excellent in his frescos, colouring them in a manner that
now gives them the look of tapestry. But he excelled in his oil paintings,
as we gather from his altar-piece of Christ descending into Limbo, which is
preserved in the sacristy of the Sacramento, a piece for which the canons
refused to receive a large sum that was offered for it. The figures are
very numerous, of somewhat long proportions, but coloured with equal
softness and strength. His knowledge of the naked figure is beyond that of
his age, combined with a grace of features and of attitudes that conveys
the idea of a great master. In the Notizia of Morelli, his picture of
Lucretia, painted for private ornament, is mentioned. It is executed in the
Flemish style, and he is said to have been the pupil of Armanino, perhaps
an artist of that nation.
Boccaccio Boccaccino bears the same character among the Cremonese as
Grillandaio, Mantegna, Vannucci, and Francia, in their respective schools,
the best modern among the ancients, and the best of the ancients in the
list of the moderns. He had the honour of instructing Garofolo during two
years previous to his visiting Rome in 1500. In the frieze of the
cathedral, Boccaccino painted the Birth of the Virgin, along with other
histories, relating to her and the Divine Infant. The style is in part
original, and in part approaches that of Pietro Perugino, whose pupil
Pascoli says he was. But he is less regular in his composition, less
beautiful in the air of his heads, and less powerful in his chiaroscuro,
though richer in his drapery, with more variety of colours, more spirit in
his attitudes, and scarcely less harmonious or less pleasing in his
architecture and landscape. He is, perhaps, least attractive in some of his
figures, which are somewhat coarse, owing to their having a fulness of
drapery, and not being sufficiently slender, a defect carefully avoided by
the ancient statuaries, as I have formerly observed.[36] It is remarked by
Vasari that he visited Rome, in which I agree with him, both because it is
in some degree alluded to by Antonio Campi, and because there are evident
traces of his imitation of Pietro, as in his Marriage of the Virgin Mary,
and in a very magnificent temple, that appears erected upon lofty steps, a
subject repeated by Pietro several times. It has been also noticed that his
Madonna at S. Vincenzo, with the titular Saint and S. Antonio, seems like
the work of Vannucci, and he certainly approaches very near him in other
figures. I can easily believe, therefore, that Boccaccino was at Rome; but
I also believe that what is written of him by Vasari and by Baldinucci, if
not fictitious, is at least wide of the mark.
Footnote 36: Chapter iii.
Let us briefly examine this matter. It is said that he there attempted to
depreciate the works of Michelangiolo, and that after exhibiting his own
productions at the Traspontina, which met with ridicule from the Roman
professors, in order to escape from the hisses they excited on all sides,
he was compelled to return to his native place. This story, added to others
of a like nature, irritated the Lombard artists. Hence Scanelli in his
Microcosm, Lamo in his Discourse on Painting, and Campi in his History,
renewed the complaints of the other schools against Vasari. These are
recorded by Zaist (p. 72) with the addition of his own refutation of this
account. The refutation rests upon the epochs which Vasari himself points
out, and which of themselves, say his opponents, afford a decided negative
to the story of Boccaccino's journey to Rome in time to have cast
reflections upon the paintings of Michelangiolo. It is the custom of less
accurate historians, when they give the substance of a fact, to add to it
circumstances of time, of place, or of manner, that had really no
existence. Ancient history is full of such examples, and the severest
criticism does not presume to discredit facts on the strength of some
interpolated circumstance, provided there be others sufficiently strong to
sanction them. In this instance, the historian, and a great friend of
Michelangiolo, narrates an affair relating to that friend, and which is
supposed to have taken place at Rome, only a short period before the author
wrote. We can hardly then believe it to have been a mere idle report
without any foundation in truth. I would reject indeed some of its
accessaries, and in particular condemn those unwarranted reflections in
which Vasari indulges at the expense of one of the most distinguished
artists who at that time flourished in Lombardy.
Next to the four historical paintings just mentioned, follow those
conducted by Romanino di Brescia and by Pordenone, two master spirits of
their age, who left examples of the Venetian taste at the cathedral, which
were not neglected by the Cremonese, as will be seen. We ought in justice
to add, that their city has always shewn a laudable wish to preserve these
ancient productions from the effects of age, as far as in her power. When
towards the close of the sixteenth century they began to exhibit marks of
decay, they were instantly ordered to be examined and restored by a painter
and architect of some reputation, called Il Sabbioneta, his real name being
Martire Pesenti. The same degree of care and attention has been shewn them
in the present day by the Cav. Borroni.
Two other citizens exhibited specimens in the same place, of the style
which is now called _antico moderno_. Alessandro Pampurini, as it is said,
drew some figures of cherubs, round a _cartellone_, or scroll for
inscriptions, together with a kind of arabesques, bearing the date of 1511;
and in the subsequent year Bernardino Ricca, or Ricco, produced a similar
work opposite to it, which owing to its having been executed with too much
dryness, perished in a few years, and was renewed by a different hand. But
there still exists his picture of a Pieta at S. Pietro del Po, with some
specimens likewise by his companion, sufficient to prove that both are
worthy of commemoration for their time.
Having thus described the series of artists who decorated the cathedral,
there remain a few other names unconnected with that great undertaking, but
which, nevertheless, enjoyed considerable celebrity in their day. Such are
Galeazzo Campi, the father of the three distinguished brothers, and Tommaso
Aleni. This last so nearly resembled Campi in his manner, that their
pictures can with difficulty be distinguished, as may be seen at S.
Domenico, where they painted in competition with each other. It is loosely
conjectured by many that they were the pupils of Boccaccino, an opinion
which I cannot entertain. The disciples of the best masters in the
fourteenth century continued to free themselves, the longer they
flourished, from the dry manner of their early education. Galeazzo, on the
other hand, the only one we need here mention, approaches less closely to
the modern style than his supposed master, as we perceive in the suburban
church of S. Sebastiano, where he painted the tutelar saint and S. Rocco
standing near the throne of the Virgin with the Infant Christ. The picture
bears the date of 1518, when he was already a finished master, and
nevertheless he there appears only a weak follower of the Perugino manner.
His colours are good and natural, but he is feeble in chiaroscuro, dry in
design, cold in his expression; his countenances have not a beam of
meaning, while that of the holy infant seems as if copied from a child
suffering under an obliquity of the eyes, those of the figure are so badly
drawn. The observation, therefore, of Baldinucci, or of his continuator,
that he "had rendered himself celebrated even beyond Italy," would seem in
want of confirmation; nor do I know whence such confirmation can be
derived. Certainly not from the ancients, for even his own son Antonio
Campi only remarks of Galeazzo, that he was "a tolerable painter for his
age."
Nor did some others of Galeazzo's contemporaries rise much above
mediocrity. To this class belonged Antonio Cigognini and Francesco Casella,
a few of whose productions remain in their native place; Galeazzo Pesenti,
called Il Sabbioneta, a painter and sculptor; Lattanzio of Cremona, who
having painted at the school of the Milanese in Venice, has been recorded
by Boschini in his _Miniere della Pittura_, besides Niccolo da Cremona, who
was employed, according to Orlandi, in 1518 at Bologna. There are two,
however, who merit a larger share of consideration, having produced works
of a superior character which still exist, and belong in some degree to the
golden period of the art. The name of the first is Gio. Batista Zupelli, of
whom the Eremitani possess a fine landscape with a Holy Family. His taste,
although dry, is apt to surprise the eye by its originality, and attracts
us by a natural and peculiar grace, with which all his figures are designed
and animated, as well as by a certain softness and fulness of colouring. If
Soiaro had not acquired the principles of his art from Coreggio, we might
suppose that this Zupelli had instructed him in regard to the strong body
of his colouring, which is remarkable both in him and in his school. The
second is Gianfrancesco Bembo, the brother and disciple of Bonifazio,
highly commended by Vasari, if, indeed, he be, as is supposed, the same
Gianfrancesco, called Il Vetraro, who is recorded by the historian in his
Life of Polidoro da Caravaggio. It appears certain that he must have
visited Lower Italy, from the style which he displays in one of his
altar-pieces, representing saints Cosma and Damiano, at the Osservanti, to
which his name with the date of 1524 is affixed. I have not observed any
thing in a similar taste, either in Cremona or in its vicinity. It retains
very slight traces of the antique, much as may be observed in those of F.
Bartolommeo della Porta, whom he greatly resembled in point of colouring,
however inferior in the dignity of his figures and his draperies. A few
more of his specimens are met with in public places and the houses of
noblemen, which exhibit him as one of those painters who added dignity to
the style of painting in Lombardy, and improved upon the ancient manner.
SCHOOL OF CREMONA.
EPOCH II.
_Camillo Boccaccino, Il Soiaro, The Campi._
After the time of Vetraro, nothing occurs worthy of putting on record until
we reach the moderns; and here we ought to commence with the three
distinguished artists, who, according to Lamo, were employed in Cremona in
the year 1522. These were Camillo Boccaccino, son of Boccaccio, Soiaro,
recorded in the preceding chapter, and Giulio Campi, who subsequently
became the head of a numerous school. Other Cremonese artists, it is true,
flourished about the same period, such as the two Scutellari, Francesco and
Andrea, who have been referred by some writers to the state of Mantua; but
as few of their works remain, and those of no great merit, we shall proceed
at once to the great masters of the school whom we have mentioned above.
The grand undertaking of the cathedral proved useful likewise in the
advancement of these artists, and in particular the church of S.
Sigismondo, already erected by Francesco Sforza at a little distance from
the city, where these artists and their descendants, painting as it were in
competition, rendered it a noble school for the fine arts. We may there
study a sort of series of these artists, their various merit, their
prevailing tastes in the Coreggio manner, their different style of adapting
it, and their peculiar skill in fresco compositions. With these they not
only decorated temples, but by applying them to the facades of palaces and
private houses they gave an appearance of splendour to the state, which
excited the admiration of strangers. They were surprised, on first entering
Cremona, to behold a city arrayed as if for a jubilee, full of life, and
rich in all the pride of art. Strange then that Franzese, who wrote the
Lives of the best painters (in four volumes) should have compiled nothing
relating to the Cremonese, far more deserving of commemoration than many
others in his collection whom he has greatly praised.
Camillo Boccaccino was the leading genius of the school. Grounded in the
ancient maxims of his father, though his career was short, he succeeded in
forming a style at once strong and beautiful, insomuch that we are at a
loss to say which is the prevailing feature of his character. Lomazzo
pronounces him, "very able in design, and a noble colourist," placing him,
as a model for the graceful power of his lights, for the sweetness of his
manner, and for his art of drapery, on a level with da Vinci, Coreggio,
Gaudenzio, and the first painters in the world. According to the opinion of
Vasari, against whom the Cremonese have so bitterly inveighed, Camillo was
"a good mechanical hand, and if he had flourished for a longer period would
have had extraordinary success, but he produced few works except such as
are small, and of little importance." In respect to his paintings at S.
Sigismondo, he adds, not that they are, but are only "believed by the
Cremonese to be, the best specimens of the art they have to boast." They
are still to be seen in the cupola, in the grand recess, and on the sides
of the great altar. The most distinguished pieces are the four Evangelists
in a sitting posture, excepting the figure of S. John, who, standing up in
a bending attitude, with an expression of surprise, forms a curved outline
opposed to the arch of the ceiling, a figure greatly celebrated, no less on
account of the perspective than the design. It is truly surprising how a
young artist who had never frequented the school of Coreggio, could so well
emulate his taste, and carry it even farther within so short a period; this
work, displaying such a knowledge of perspective and foreshortening, having
been executed as early as the year 1537.
The two side pictures are also highly celebrated, both in Cremona and
abroad. One of these represents the Raising of Lazarus, the other the Woman
taken in Adultery, both surrounded with very elegant ornaments,
representing groups of cherubs, which are seen in the act of playing with
the mitre, the censer, and other holy vessels in their hands. In these
histories, as well as in their decorations, the whole of the figures are
arranged and turned in such a way, as scarcely to leave a single eye in the
figures visible, a novelty in respect to drawing by no means to be
recommended. But Camillo was desirous of thus proving to his rivals that
his figures were not, as they asserted, indebted for their merit to the
animated expression of the eyes, but to the whole composition. And truly in
whatever way disposed, they do not fail to please from the excellence of
the design, their fine and varied attitudes, the foreshortening, the
natural colouring, and a strength of chiaroscuro which must have been drawn
from Pordenone, and which makes the surrounding paintings of the Campi
appear deficient in relief. Had he exhibited a little more choice in his
heads of adults, with a little more regularity in his composition, there
would, perhaps, have been nothing farther to desire. We may, moreover,
mention his painting on a facade in one of the squares of Cremona, where,
not long ago, were to be seen the remains of figures which Camillo executed
so as to excite the admiration of Charles V. and obtain the highest
commendations. There remain likewise two of his altar-pieces, one at
Cistello and the other at S. Bartolommeo, both extremely beautiful.
The name of Bernardino, or Bernardo Gatti, for he subscribed both to his
pictures, was mentioned at length among the pupils of Parma; and I have now
to record it among the best masters of Cremona. Both Campi and Lapi refer
him without scruple to Cremona, though he is given by others to Vercelli,
and supposed to be the same Bernardo di Vercelli who succeeded Pordenone in
painting S. Maria di Campagna at Piacenza, as we find related in Vasari. By
others he is supposed again to have come from Pavia, where he was employed
in the cupola of the cathedral, and according to the testimony of Count
Carasi, mentioned before with commendation, he there subscribed his name
_Bernardinus Gatti Papiensis_, 1553. I leave the question to others, though
it seems hardly credible that two contemporary historians, who wrote
shortly after the death of Bernardino, while the public recollection of his
native place must have been yet fresh, and ready to refute them, should
have each fallen into error. We might add that Cremona is in possession of
many of Soiaro's paintings from his earliest age until he became an
octogenarian, and owing to a paralytic affection was in the habit of
painting with his left hand. At that advanced period he produced for the
cathedral his picture of the Assumption, fifty hands in height, and which,
although he never lived to complete it, is a work, as is justly observed by
Lamo, that excites our wonder. Moreover he left his possessions and a
family at Cremona, from which sprung two artists deserving of record, one
of whom is celebrated in history, the other never before noticed. As there
still remains some degree of foundation for attributing him to Pavia, upon
the authority also of Spelta, who wrote the Lives of the Pavese Bishops,
and was almost contemporary with Bernardino, and what is more, he himself
thinks that the difference might be thus reconciled, we may agree with him
in stating that our artist was either derived from, or a citizen of Pavia,
and at the same time a citizen and a resident at Cremona.
Gervasio Gatti, Il Soiaro, nephew to Bernardino, was initiated by him in
the same maxims and principles which he had himself imbibed, by studying
and copying the models left by Coreggio at Parma. The advantage he derived
from them may be known from his S. Sebastiano, which was painted for S.
Agatha, at Cremona, in 1578, a piece that appears designed from the
antique, and coloured by one of the first figurists and landscape painters
in Lombardy. In the same city is his Martyrdom of S. Cecilia, at S. Pietro,
surrounded with angels, in the Coreggio manner, a picture nobly coloured,
and finished with exquisite care. In composition it resembles those of his
uncle, for one of which it might be mistaken, did we not find the name of
Gervasio and the date of 1601. But he was not always equally diligent, and
sometimes betrays a mechanical hand, while there is often a monotony in his
countenances, and a want of selection in his heads, no unusual fault in
portrait-painters, among whom he held a high rank. It is most probable that
he saw the works of the Caracci, traces of which I have discovered in some
of his productions, and particularly in those at S. S. Pietro and
Marcellino. Perhaps it was a brother of this artist who left a picture of a
Crucifixion, surrounded by different saints, at S. Sepolcro in Piacenza,
bearing an inscription of _Uriel de Gattis dictus Sojarius_, 1601. It
boasts great strength of colouring, combined with no little elegance, but
the manner is insignificant and it is feeble in chiaroscuro. This, if I
mistake not, is the same _Uriele_ who, on the testimony of the Cav.
Ridolfi, had been selected for some undertaking at Crema in preference to
Urbini, as I formerly observed. Bernardino likewise instructed Spranger, a
favourite artist of the Emperor Rodolph II. as well as the Anguissole, of
both of whom we shall give some account shortly. What more peculiarly
distinguishes him is his title to be considered the great master of the
Cremonese School, which, benefitted by his presence and guided by his
precepts and examples, produced during so long a period such a variety of
admirable works. To speak frankly what I think, Cremona would never have
seen her Campi, nor her Boccaccino rise so high, if Soiaro had not
exhibited his talents in that city.
The remaining portion of our chapter will be devoted almost wholly to the
Campi, a family that filled Cremona, Milan, and other cities of the state,
both in private and public, with their paintings. They consisted of four
individuals, all of whom devoted themselves indefatigably to the art until
they reached an extreme old age. They were by some denominated the Vasari
and the Zuccari of Lombardy, a comparison founded on some degree of truth
in regard to the extent and the vast mechanism of their compositions; but
not just, as far as intended to be applied to any desire of achieving much,
rather than what was excellent in its kind. Giulio and Bernardino, the most
accomplished of their family, were accused of too great rapidity and want
of accuracy; but they are not very often liable to the charge, and many of
their faults must be ascribed to their assistants. They generally produced
good designs, which were invariably well coloured, and these still remain
entire, while those of Vasari and Zuccari stand in need of continual
restoration and retouching from the fading of their colours. Of both these
masters, however, as well as the rest of the Campi, we must now proceed to
treat in their individual character.
Giulio may be pronounced the Lodovico Caracci of his school. The eldest
brother of Antonio and Vincenzo, and the relation, or the instructor at
least, of Bernardino, he formed the project of uniting the best qualities
of a number of styles in one. His father, who was his first preceptor,[37]
not conceiving himself equal to perfecting him in the art, sent him to the
school of Giulio Romano, established at that period in Mantua, and which
had begun, according to Vasari, to propagate the taste imbibed by its
master from the most distinguished ornament of the art. Romano, too,
instructed his pupils in the principles of architecture, painting, and
modelling, and rendered them capable of directing and conducting all the
branches of a vast and multiplied undertaking with their own hands. Such an
education was enjoyed by the eldest Campi, and by his brothers, owing to
his care. The church of S. Margherita was wholly decorated by him; and the
chapels at S. Sigismondo were all completed by him and his family. They
contain almost every variety of the art, large pictures, small histories,
cameos, stuccos, chiaroscuros, grotesques, festoons of flowers, pilasters,
with gold recesses, from which the most graceful forms of cherubs seem to
rise with symbols adapted to the saint of the altar; in a word, the whole
of the paintings and their decorations are the work of the same genius, and
sometimes of the same hand. This adds greatly to their harmony and in
consequence to their beauty, nothing in fact being truly beautiful that has
not perfect unity. It is a real loss to the arts that these various talents
should be divided, so as to compel us to seek a different artist for works
of different sorts; whence it arises that in a number of halls and churches
we meet with collections, histories, and ornaments of every kind, so
extremely opposite, that not only one part fails to remind us of the other,
but sometimes repels it, and seems to complain of its forced and
inharmonious union. But we must again turn our attention to Giulio Campi.
Footnote 37: We may here correct the mistake of Orlandi, who
assigns the death of Galeazzo to the year 1536, and Giulio's
birth to 1540, when it is known that he began his labours as
early as 1522.
It appears then that he laid the foundation of his taste and principles
under Giulio Romano. From him he derived the dignity of his design, his
knowledge of anatomy, variety and fertility of ideas, magnificence in his
architecture, and a general mastery over every subject. To this he added
strength when he visited Rome, where he studied Raffaello and the antique,
designing with a wonderful degree of accuracy the column of Trajan,
universally regarded as a school of the ancients always open to the present
day. Either at Mantua or elsewhere he likewise studied Titian, and imitated
him in an equal degree with any other foreign artist. In his native state
he met with two more models in Pordenone and Soiaro, in whose style,
according to Vasari, he exercised himself, before he became acquainted with
the works of Giulio. From such preparatory studies, combined with imitating
whatever he met with in Raffaello and Coreggio, he acquired that style
which is found to partake of the manner of so many different artists. On
visiting the church of S. Margherita just alluded to, in company with an
able professor of the art, we there noticed several of his heads, each
drawn after a different model, insomuch that on viewing the works of this
artist we feel inclined to pronounce the same opinion on him, as Algarotti
did on the Caracci, that in one of their pictures one kind of taste
prevails, and in another an opposite manner. Thus in his S. Girolamo, in
the cathedral at Mantua, and in his Pentecost at S. Gismondo in Cremona, we
meet with all the strength of Giulio, though his most successful imitation
is to be found in the castle of Soragno in the territory of Parma, where he
represented the labours of Hercules in a grand hall, which might be
pronounced an excellent school for the study of the naked figure. In the
larger picture at the church of S. Gismondo, where the duke of Milan is
seen with his duchess in the act of being presented by the patron saints to
the Holy Virgin, and also in that of saints Pietro and Marcellino at the
church bearing their name, Campi displays so much of the Titian manner as
to have been mistaken for that artist. One of his Histories of the Passion,
in the cathedral, representing Christ before Pilate, was also supposed to
be from the hand of Pordenone, though ascertained to be his. Finally in a
Holy Family, painted at S. Paolo in Milan, particularly in the figure of
the child seen caressing a holy prelate, who stands lost in admiration, we
are presented with all the natural grace, united to all the skill that can
be required in an imitator of Coreggio. The picture is exquisitely
beautiful, and an engraving of it in large folio was taken by Giorgio
Ghigi, a celebrated artist of Mantua.
Nor did Giulio's admiration of great painters lead him to neglect the study
of nature. It was nature he consulted, and selected from; a study which he
inculcated likewise upon the rest of the Campi. A choice is thus
perceptible in their heads, more especially in those of their women,
evidently drawn from nature, and I may add from national truth, inasmuch as
they express ideas and attitudes that are not usually met with in other
artists; the hair and temples often appearing bound with a ribbon, as was
then customary in the city, and is still in use in some of the villages.
The colouring of the heads approaches near that of Paul Veronese, and in
the whole of their paintings the Campi were accustomed to make use of the
distribution of colours that had prevailed before the time of the Caracci,
though in their manner of disposing and animating them they acquired a
peculiar beauty which Scaramuccio pronounces wholly original. Judging,
therefore, from their colours, and the air of their heads, it is difficult
to discern the individual hands of the Campi; but if we examine the design
we shall more easily distinguish them. Giulio surpasses the rest in point
of dignity; and he likewise aims at displaying more knowledge, both of the
human frame and of the effects of lights and shadows. In correctness too he
is superior to his two brothers, though he is not equal to Bernardino.
The Cav. Antonio Campi was instructed by his brother in architecture and
painting, in the former of which he employed himself more than Giulio. This
was useful to him in the distribution of his large works, where he often
introduced perspective views of great beauty, and displayed great skill in
foreshortening. A fine specimen of his powers is to be seen in the sacristy
of S. Pietro, with that beautiful colonnade, above which appears the
chariot of Elias in the distance. Antonio was also a modeller, an engraver,
and the historian of his native state, whose annals, enriched with many of
his copper-plates, he published in 1585. In the Campi family, therefore, he
will be found to occupy the same place as Agostino among the Caracci, an
artist of great versatility, conversant with polite letters. He was well
known and appreciated by Agostino, who engraved one of his most beautiful
productions, the Apostle of the Gentiles in the act of raising a person
from the dead. It is placed at S. Paolo in Milan, a noble church, where all
the Campi, in the same manner as at S. Sigismondo, are seen in competition
with each other. Antonio there appears to great advantage, no less in the
forementioned picture than in that of the Nativity, though the frescos
adorning the chapels, ascribed to him, are deficient in accuracy. Thus he
also produced works of unequal merit at S. Sigismondo, as if he wished to
shew that he knew more than he was ambitious of expressing. His most
familiar model, as is remarked also by Lomazzo, was Coreggio, and the
feature that he most aimed at expressing was that of grace. To this he
often attained in point of colouring, but was less happy in design, where,
owing to his study of elegance, he at times becomes disproportionately
thin, and at others, in order to display his power, he exhibits a
foreshortening somewhat out of place. He is still more mannered in his more
robust subjects, and occasionally borders upon heaviness and vulgarity,
into which his imitation of Coreggio's grandeur, more difficult, perhaps,
than his grace, doubtless betrayed him. There are many of these exceptions,
however, along with his incorrectness of design, so often discernible,
which are to be attributed to his numerous assistants, employed in these
vast undertakings. But this will not apply to his over-grouping, which is
so remarkable in some of his compositions, nor to the introduction of
caricatures into his holy histories, which is a sort of jesting out of
season. In a word his genius was vast, spirited, resolute, but often in
want of the rein; and in this respect, and generally in what relates to
pictorial learning, we should do wrong to put him in competition with
Lodovico Caracci.
In the church of S. Paolo, at Milan, there is an inscription by Vincenzio
Campi, in which he mentions Giulio and Antonio as his younger brothers.
Most probably, however, it has been inserted there by some other hand,
being quite contradictory to what is established by history. For he is
represented by Antonio as the youngest of the brothers, and by others as an
indefatigable assistant in their labours, and little more worthy of being
compared with them than Francesco Caracci with his brother Annibal or
Agostino. His portraits, however, are held in esteem, as well as his fruit
pieces, which he painted on a small scale for private rooms in a very
natural manner, and they are by no means rare at Cremona. In the colouring
of his figures he was equal to his brothers, but in point of invention and
design greatly inferior to them. He appears to have imitated Antonio rather
than Giulio, as far as we can judge from the few works he has left, which
are now known to be his. He painted a few altar-pieces for his native
place, four of which consist of Descents from the Cross. That in the
cathedral extorted the praise of Baldinucci; and truly in the figure of
Christ his foreshortening deceives the eye like that of Pordenone in his
Dead Christ, while his heads and his colouring have likewise been
commended. I cannot, however, think that the attitude of the Virgin mother,
who is seen grasping his face with both her hands, is very becoming; nor do
I approve of the saints Antonio and Raimondo, who lived at a period so
remote from that of Christ, being here introduced, the one supporting his
arm, the other kissing his hand. It moreover betrays several errors, of a
kind which Baldinucci, so familiar with a more learned and severe school,
would not so easily have forgiven had he happened to have beheld this
picture. Vincenzio seems to have possessed greater skill in small than in
large figures, in common indeed with a great number of artists. Mention is
made in his Life of six little pictures which he executed on slate, and
which were sold after his death for three hundred ducats. Zaist, whom I
follow in my index, has presented us with the epochs applying to these
three artists in such a manner as to leave them in considerable doubt. The
inscription at S. Paolo in Milan, recorded in the Guide (p. 152) is as
follows:--_Vincentius una cum Julio et Antonio fratribus pinxerunt an._
MDLXXXVIII. Now Bianconi does not seem inclined to credit the authenticity
of this; nor is it improbable but it may have been written some years
subsequent to the painting, and by another hand.
Bernardino Campi, perhaps some way related to the other three Campi,
occupied the same place in his family as Annibal Caracci amongst his
brothers. Receiving his first instructions from the eldest Campi, he
entered into similar views of forming a style which should include that of
many other artists, and in a short time he rivalled, and in the opinion of
many surpassed his master. He had at first attached himself to the
goldsmith's art by the advice of his father; but happening to behold two
tapestries, copied by Giulio Campi from Raffaello, he resolved to change
his profession, and devoting himself to the school of Campi at Cremona, and
next to that of Ippolito Costa at Mantua, he began to profess the art at
the age of nineteen, and acquired a great proficiency in it at that early
age. At Mantua he cultivated an acquaintance with Giulio Romano and his
school, and we may infer, that from the study of his works he was enabled
to enlarge his views and his capacity for great undertakings. But the love
of Raffaello was fixed in his heart, and he took delight in nothing so much
as his pictures, his designs, and his engravings; while in Giulio and the
rest he was only anxious to emulate those portraits which appeared to him
to bear some resemblance to his Raffaello. There too he applied himself to
the study of Titian's series of the Caesars, eleven in number; and after
having copied them he added a twelfth in a style so perfectly consistent,
as to exhibit no traces of imitation. By the liberality of one of his
patrons he was enabled also to visit Parma, Modena, and Reggio, in order to
become acquainted with the manner of Coreggio; and the advantage he thence
derived, his pictures at S. Gismondo sufficiently display. From these first
principles, with such as he studied in his native place, he derived one of
the most original styles that is to be met with in the list of imitators.
His imitation is never, like that of so many others, apparent to the eye,
but rather resembles our poet Sannazzaro's, of the best Roman writers, who
colours with them every line, but that line is still his own. In so great a
variety of models, the most beloved and the most honoured, as Virgil was by
Sannazzaro, was Raffaello by Bernardino; but it was unfortunate for him
that he did not see Rome, and the originals which that great pictoric
genius there produced. The want of this he supplied with ability, and
formed for himself several maxims drawn from nature and simplicity, which
serve to distinguish him from the rest of his school. By the side of the
other Campi he perhaps appears the most timid artist, but the most correct;
he has not the magnificence of Giulio, but he has more ideal beauty, and
much more captivates the heart. He resembles Antonio rather than Giulio in
the length of his proportions; but not so in other points, for he
occasionally borders upon dryness, as in his Assumption at the cathedral,
in order to avoid falling into mannerism.
But it is the church of S. Sigismondo which inspires us with the loftiest
ideas of this artist, in every view. We can imagine nothing more simply
beautiful, and more consistent with the genius of the best age, than his
picture of St. Cecilia, in the act of playing on the organ, while St.
Catherine is seen standing near her, and above them a group of angels,
apparently engaged with their musical instruments and with their voices, in
pouring forth in concert with the two innocent virgins, strains worthy of
Paradise. This painting, with its surrounding decoration of cherub figures,
displays his mastery in grace. Still he appears to no less advantage in
point of strength in his figures of the Prophets, grandly designed, for the
same place; although he seems more anxious to invest them with dignity of
feature and of action, than to give strength and muscle to their
proportions. Above all, he shone with most advantage in the grand cupola,
with which few in Italy will bear a comparison, and still fewer can be
preferred for the abundance, variety, distribution, grandeur, and gradation
of the figures, and for the harmony and grand effect of the whole. In this
empyrean, this vast concourse of the blessed, belonging to the Old and New
Testament, there is no figure that may not be recognised by its symbols,
and that is not seen in perfection from its own point of view, whence all
appear of the natural proportion, although they are on a scale of seven
braccia in height. Such a work is one of those rare monuments which serve
to prove, that it is possible for a great genius to execute rapidly and
well; it was wholly conducted by him in seven months; and to satisfy the
workmen, who were more sensible of the brevity of the time than the merit
of the work, he obtained a written acknowledgment from Soiaro and Giulio
Campi, that he had achieved a laudable task. Bernardino was younger than
either of them, or than Boccaccino, and the citizens took pleasure in
placing him in competition with one or the other of them in their public
works, in order that a noble emulation might call forth all their powers,
nor suffer them to slumber. Nevertheless, the Nativity of our Lord, at S.
Domenico, has been pronounced his masterpiece; a kind of abstract, in
which he aimed at comprehending the various excellences of the art. This,
at least, is the opinion of Lamo, who composed a diffuse life of this
artist; such as to render his information far the most copious we possess
upon the subject. He also compiled a correct catalogue of his works,
executed both in his native place and at Milan, where he passed a great
part of his time, and of those he painted in foreign parts. We find a great
number of portraits of princes, as well as of private persons, enumerated;
his skill in this branch of the art, in which very few equalled him,
greatly adding to his fame and fortune. The precise period of his decease
is not known, though it must have been somewhere towards 1590, at which
time the art assumed quite a new aspect at Cremona.
SCHOOL OF CREMONA.
EPOCH III.
_Decline of the School of the Campi. Trotti and other
Artists support it._
From the brief description already given, it will easily be perceived how
far the Campi School was a sort of sketch of that of the Caracci; and what
were the causes which contributed to the superiority of the latter,
although they had both the same original outline. The Caracci were all
excellent designers, and invariably aimed at appearing such; they were
likewise united by affection, no less than by their place of residence, and
were continually engaged in assisting each other. Finally, they supported
an academy, much frequented, the object of which was, not so much to study
the various manners of different artists, as to examine the different
effects produced by nature, so as to render their works her real offspring,
as it were, and not her more distant relations. The Campi, on the other
hand, did not so uniformly aspire to the same excellence, nor did they
reside, and unite together in forming so methodical and well-established an
academy; each maintaining a separate school and residence, and teaching, if
I mistake not, rather how their pupils should imitate them, than how they
should paint. Hence it arose, that while Domenichino, Guido, Guercino, and
others of the Caracci School, distinguished themselves by their novelty and
originality of manner, the scholars of the Campi were confined to the
sphere of imitating, as nearly as lay in their power, the painters of their
own city, either severally or in a select number. And thus, as man is every
where the same, it here ensued, as in the rest of the Italian schools, that
having acquired a tolerable degree of skill in imitating their
predecessors, artists began to slacken their industry. The first had
accustomed themselves to copy only from the life; they drew cartoons, they
modelled in wax, and carefully arranged all the divisions of their folds,
with every accessary; but the second contented themselves with making a few
sketches, and some heads taken from nature, executing the rest of their
work in a mere mechanical manner, and as they judged to be most convenient.
Thus by degrees this great school degenerated, and it happened also about
the same period, when the disciples of Procaccini observed the same method
at Milan. From this cause, during the seventeenth century, Lombardy was
filled with the sectarists of the art, among whom the followers of Zuccheri
themselves would have appeared in the rank of masters. A few there were who
struggled to free themselves from the herd of imitators; and Caravaggio
afforded them an opportunity. Born in the vicinity of Cremona, he was
partly considered their compatriot, and the more willingly followed by the
Cremonese; more particularly as it became popular to cry down the style of
the last masters as feeble, and to demand one of a more vigorous character.
The attempt succeeded admirably in a few; while others, on the contrary, as
it occurred in Venice, at Cremona also became only coarse and sombre. I
have not been very anxious to cultivate an acquaintance with the artists of
this period; though I shall take care to make mention of such as succeeded
in raising themselves above the crowd.
Each of the Campi, therefore, claims his own disciples, though they have
not always been distinguished in history, being described under the general
designation of pupils of the Campi; as the two Mainardi, Andrea and Marc
Antonio, by Orlandi. The two pupils of Giulio, best entitled to
commendation, namely, Gambara of Brescia, and Viani of Cremona, having
flourished in other schools, have been recorded by us, the first among the
Venetians; and the second among the Mantuan artists.
Antonio Campi has left us an account of three of his own disciples:
Ippolito Storto, Gio. Batista Belliboni, and Gio. Paolo Fondulo, who passed
into Sicily. All of them remained in obscurity, however, in Lombardy, and
are omitted in the painters' Dictionaries. Towards the close of his life,
he instructed one Galeazzo Ghidone, an artist of weak health, who employed
himself only at intervals, but with success; as we may judge from his
picture of the Preaching of St. John the Baptist, at S. Mattia, in Cremona,
which has been highly commended by good connoisseurs. Another, is Antonio
Beduschi, who, in his twenty-sixth year, produced a Pieta for S. Sepolcro,
in Piacenza, and a still superior painting of the Martyrdom of S. Stefano;
he is referred to the school of the Campi, and strongly partakes of the
style of Antonio; I esteem him one of his imitators, if not in the list of
his pupils. He was unknown to the historian Zaist, and is indebted for
commemoration to the Sig. Proposto Carasi.
Luca Cattapane was initiated in the art by Vincenzio, and devoted much time
to copying the works of the Campi family. He succeeded in this by
exhibiting a rare boldness of hand, so as to give his pieces the air of
originals, and they continue to impose upon the most experienced, even to
the present day. He likewise counterfeited the style of Gambara in a Pieta
of his, at the church of S. Pietro, in Cremona; and in order to enlarge the
picture, he added three figures in a taste agreeable to the former. For the
rest, being misled by his ambition to form a new style, or to approach
nearer Caravaggio, he became even more sombre than the Campi, with still
less taste. Many of his altar-pieces yet remain. In S. Donato, at Cremona,
he represented the Beheading of St. John; one of his most successful works,
in which the effect is superior either to the design or to the expression.
To these we may add a number of his fresco paintings, though inferior to
those he executed in oil.
Bernardino, however, was the favourite master, and the most frequented of
any belonging to the school. His successors have continued to flourish
longer, and even reached the confines of the present age. I first propose
to enumerate a few of his most distinguished scholars, who either did not
teach, or taught the art only to a few; and I shall afterwards treat of
Malosso and his school, which, about the year 1630, held the chief sway in
Cremona, and became one of the most celebrated throughout Lombardy.
Coriolano Malagavazzo, who is erroneously called Girolamo Malaguazzo, in
the "Painters' Dictionary," assisted in the labours of his master, insomuch
as to render it uncertain whether Cremona possesses any painting designed
and executed by himself; for it is supposed that he drew his fine
altar-piece, in S. Silvestro, representing the Virgin with S.S. Francesco
and Ignazio, the martyr, from one of Bernardino's designs. Nothing,
likewise, that has not been questioned, remains of Cristoforo Magnani da
Pizzichettone, a young artist of great promise, as we are informed by
Antonio Campi, who laments the shortness of his career. Lamo, too,
complains of his loss, when he mentions him and Trotti as the two greatest
geniuses of the school. His chief talent lay in portraits; though he was
also well skilled in compositions. I have seen one of his productions,
consisting of Saints Giacomo and Giovanni, at S. Francesco, in Piacenza, an
early effort, but very well conceived and executed. Andrea Mainardi, called
Chiaveghino, employed himself both singly and with Marcantonio, his nephew,
in painting for the city, and more especially for its environs. By
Baldinucci, he is pronounced a weak painter; and such indeed he appears
wherever he worked in haste, and for a small sum. But several of his
altar-pieces, laboured with more care, tend to redeem his character; there
he shews himself a successful disciple of Bernardino, both in his minute
style, as in his Marriage of S. Anne, at the Eremites, and in his loftier
manner, as in his large picture of the Divin Sangue, or divine blood. He
exhibits that prophetic idea, _torcular calcavi solus_, and the Redeemer is
seen standing upright under a wine-press, and, crushed by the Divine
Justice, emitting from his holy body, through the open wounds, whole
streams of blood, which are received into sacred vessels by S. Agostino,
and three other Doctors of the church; and are afterwards shed for the
benefit of an immense crowd of the Faithful, who are seen gathered round.
The same subject I saw in one of the churches of Recanati, and in some
others, but no where so appropriately expressed. It is a picture that would
reflect credit on any school; exhibiting fine forms, rich draperies, warm
and lively colouring. In the distribution of his small and frequent lights
he might, indeed, have been more happy, as well as in the grouping of his
figures; a fault, however, common to many of his school.
The best, however, of these disciples of Bernardino, with a number of
others whom I omit, were all surpassed by a fair votary of the art named
Sofonisba Angussola, sprung from a noble family at Cremona. Along with her
younger sister, Elena, who afterwards took the veil, she received his
instructions at her father's request, in his own house. Upon his going to
Milan, Soiaro was selected to supply the place of Bernardino, and Sofonisba
soon attained to such a degree of excellence, more particularly in
portraits, as to be esteemed one of the most finished painters of her age.
She at first superintended the pictorial education of her four younger
sisters, whose names were Lucia and Minerva, who died young; Europa and
Anna Maria, of whom the former married, and died in the flower of her age;
and of the second, likewise married, there remains no further account.
Vasari bestows the highest commendations upon Sofonisba, and upon the other
sisters, with whom he was acquainted at Cremona, when they were young. At
that period Sofonisba had already been invited as court painter, by Philip
II. into Spain, where, besides the portraits she took of the royal family
and of Pope Pius IV., she painted several other princes and lords of rank,
all ambitious of the same honour, insomuch that we might apply to her the
words of Pliny: "Illos nobilitans quos esset dignata posteris tradere."
Entering afterwards into matrimony with one Moncada, she resided with him
some years at Palermo, and after his death again married a gentleman of the
name of Lomellino. She died at Genoa, at a very advanced age, infirm and
blind; though she continued to converse and give her advice upon the art
until her last moments; insomuch that Vandyck was heard to say, that he had
acquired more knowledge from her, than from any one else he knew. Her
portraits are greatly esteemed in Italy; and in particular, two which she
took of herself; one of which is in the ducal gallery at Florence, and the
other in possession of the Lomellini family at Genoa.
I next approach that celebrated pupil of Bernardino, whom I promised to
mention at the close of the chapter; and this is the Cavalier Gio. Batista
Trotti, who published his master's life, during his lifetime, written by
Lamo. None of Campi's pupils was so much attached to him as this artist,
who married his niece, and was left heir to his valuable studio. On his
competing at Parma with Agostino Caracci, and being more applauded at
court, it was said by Agostino, with pleasantry, that they had given him a
hard bone to gnaw. Hence he acquired the surname of Malosso, which he
adopted, and sometimes made use of in signing his name, besides
transmitting it, as an hereditary appellation, to his nephew. Thus he
converted into a source of applause, the satiric trait launched against him
by Caracci, meant to convey, that the people of Parma had preferred to him
an artist of inferior worth. Nor indeed was Malosso his equal either in
design or in solid judgment; though he could boast pictoric attractions
which made him appear to advantage when opposed to other artists. He
displayed little of Bernardino's taste, except in a few of his first
efforts; he afterwards studied Coreggio, and, most of all, aimed at
resembling Soiaro, whose gay, open, and brilliant style, varied
shortenings, and spirited attitudes, he exhibited in the chief part of his
works. But he carried it too far, making an extravagant display of his
white and other clear colours, without sufficiently tempering them with
shade, insomuch that I have heard his paintings compared to those on
porcelain; while he has been accused of want of relief, or according to
Baldinucci, of some degree of harshness. His heads are, however, extremely
beautiful, smiling with loveliness, and of a graceful roundness, not unlike
Soiaro's; though he is too apt to repeat them on the same canvass, nearly
alike in features, colours, and attitude. Here his rapidity of hand alone
was in fault, as he was in no want of fertility of ideas. When he pleased
he could give variety to his lineaments, as we gather from his Beheading of
St. John, at S. Domenico, in Cremona, as well as to his compositions;
having represented at S. Francesco and at S. Agostino, in Piacenza, and if
I mistake not, elsewhere, a picture of the Conception of the Virgin, in
every instance abounding with fresh ideas. Nor do we often meet with any of
his paintings throughout the numerous cities in which he was employed, that
have much resemblance in point of invention. He was equally varied in his
imitations when he pleased, as appears from his Crucifixion, surrounded by
saints, in the cathedral of Cremona, executed in the best Venetian taste;
while his S. Maria Egiziaca driven from the Temple, to be seen at S. Pietro
in the same town, partakes as much of the Roman. There is also a Pieta of
his at S. Abbondio, which shews that he was occasionally happy in catching
the Caracci manner.
His most esteemed works in fresco, for which he was honoured with the title
of cavaliere, were exhibited in the palace called del Giardino, at Parma.
His labours in the Cupola of S. Abbondio, before-mentioned, were on a
magnificent scale, though designed from Giulio Campi. But they display a
mastery of hand, and strength of colouring, fully equal, if not superior,
to the invention of the work. For Giulio, indeed, did not possess the same
skill in varying his groups of angels as the Caracci; inasmuch as both he
and his family were accustomed to arrange them like the horses we see in
the ancient chariots, all drawn up in a line, or in some other manner
unusual in the best schools. The Cremonese historian endeavours, in some
degree, to defend Trotti from the charge of harshness, casting it upon his
assistants and disciples, whose altar-pieces have been attributed to
Malosso, by Baldinucci. This may be the case with some, but there are
others inscribed with the name of Trotti, especially at Piacenza, which
more or less exhibit the same fault. Nor ought we to cast reflections upon
an artist of a secondary character, on account of some errors, as these are
precisely the cause of his exclusion from the rank of the very first
masters.
Trotti educated a number of artists who flourished about the year 1600,
devoted to his manner, although in course of time the method of preparing
grounds becoming corrupted throughout Italy, and the age attached to a more
sombre style of colouring, they were induced to abandon much of that
clearness which forms a chief characteristic of his colouring. Baldinucci
gives some account of Ermenegildo Lodi, as well as Orlandi, who could not
discern which of two paintings belonged to the master, and which to the
scholar. This, I conjecture, arose from painting under the eye of his
preceptor, whom he assisted in many of his labours, together with his
brother Manfredo Lodi. When we consult the few which he executed alone,
particularly at S. Pietro, they discover nothing to have excited the
jealousy of Agostino Caracci, nor to have gained for the artist the
appellation of Malosso. The productions likewise of Giulio Calvi, called Il
Coronaro, might be mistaken for the least perfect of those of Trotti, says
Zaist, where they are not inscribed with his name. The same may be averred
of two other artists, Stefano Lambri and Cristoforo Augusta, a youth of
great promise, cut off in the flower of his age; and both excellent
disciples of the school. These, no less than Coronaro, may be seen and
compared with each other in the church and convent of the Padri
Predicatori, which possess specimens of each.
Of Euclide Trotti, before-mentioned, there remains in his native place no
work clearly ascertained to be his, except two history-pieces of St. James
the Apostle, at S. Gismondo. These too were sketched by Calvi, and
completed by Euclide, with a very able imitation of his uncle Gio.
Batista's style. The altar-piece of the Ascension, however, at S. Antonio,
in Milan, is wholly ascribed to him; and displays much beauty, and a more
serious manner than is generally to be met with in the works of the elder
Malosso. No other painting is attributed to him, nor was he capable of
executing many. For while yet young, he was tried and found guilty of
felony against the prince. Being thrown into prison, he is there supposed
to have died by poison, which was administered by his friends, in order to
avoid the disgrace of a public execution. In conclusion, we must not omit
the name of Panfilo Nuvolone. He was attached to Malosso, whom he imitated
from the outset; but he afterwards followed a more solid and less
attractive style. One of his works, which is omitted in the account of his
life, is his S. Ubaldo giving his benediction to the sick, at S. Agostino,
in Piacenza. Mention will be made of this painter also in the Milanese
School, where he flourished, together with his two sons, Giuseppe and
Carlo, who obtained the appellation of the Guido of Lombardy.
SCHOOL OF CREMONA.
EPOCH IV.
_Foreign Manners introduced into Cremona._
Among the descendants of Malosso the Cremonese School continued to decline;
and here, as in the instance of so many others, it was compelled to resort
to foreign sources, in order to restore its somewhat aged and exhausted
powers. Carlo Picenardi, of a patrician family, was the first to lead the
way, an artist who had ranked among the favourite pupils of Lodovico
Caracci. He was very successful in burlesque histories, and likewise
exhibited to the public some of his paintings, executed for churches, which
were imitated by another Carlo Picenardi, called the younger, who had
formed his style in Venice and at Rome. Other artists of the city attached
themselves to other schools, insomuch, that before the middle of the
seventeenth century many new manners had arisen which assumed the place of
more native styles. In the train of Malosso Zaist enumerates Pier Martire
Neri, or Negri, a good portrait-painter and composer, though, adds the
historian, he procured from a foreign source a character of more boldness
and strength of shadow, at the same time adducing as an instance, his great
picture of the Man born Blind receiving his sight from our Saviour, which
is preserved at the hospital of Cremona. He painted likewise a S. Giuseppe
at the Certosa, in Pavia, a work which, if I mistake not, is superior in
point of taste to the former, and there are others to be met with in Rome,
where the artist's name is found among the academicians of S. Luke.
Andrea Mainardi opened school simultaneously with Malosso; and two of his
pupils, Gio. Batista Tortiroli and Carlo Natali, became particularly
distinguished. Both abandoned their native place, Gio. Batista going first
to Rome and thence to Venice, where he formed a style which partakes most
of the younger Palma, united to an evident imitation of Raffaello. Such it
appears in his picture of the Slaughter of the Innocents, at S. Domenico,
commendable in point of composition, and extremely well coloured. This, and
a few other productions, are regarded however only as specimens of his
powers, the artist dying in his thirtieth year, leaving behind him a pupil
of the name of Gio. Batista Lazzaroni. This last flourished at Piacenza and
in Milan, was an excellent portrait-painter, and much employed by the
princes of Parma and other personages of high rank. Carlo Natali, surnamed
Il Guardolino, attended the school of Mainardi, and afterwards that of
Guido Reni, to which he added a long residence at Rome and Genoa, observing
all that was most valuable, and exerting his own talents in the art. It was
while engaged in executing a frieze in the Doria palace at Genoa, that he
instructed Giulio Cesare Procaccini in the principles of painting, who had
previously devoted himself to sculpture, and in him he presented us with
one of the most successful imitators of Coreggio. Carlo's attachment to
architecture, however, permitted him to produce few specimens, which are
highly esteemed in his native state, in particular his Santa Francesca
Romana, painted for S. Gismondo, a piece, which if not perfect, is
certainly above mediocrity.
He had a son named Giambatista, whom he instructed in both these arts;
though he was desirous that he should acquire a more perfect knowledge of
them under Pietro da Cortona at Rome. There he pursued his studies and left
some specimens of altar-pieces, producing works upon a still more extensive
scale upon his return to Cremona, where he opened school and introduced the
Cortona manner, although with little success. There is a large picture of
his at the P. Predicatori, displaying some skilful architecture, and in
which the holy patriarch is seen in the act of burning some heretical
books; nor is it at all unworthy of a disciple of Pietro. In the archives
of the royal gallery at Florence I discovered, at the period I was drawing
up my index, some letters addressed by Gio. Batista to the Card. Leopoldo
de' Medici, one of which was written from Rome, dated 1674, wherein he
states that he was then engaged in collecting notices respecting the
artists of his native place. Hence we may gather the real origin of their
lives, as contained in the work of Baldinucci, for whom the Cardinal, who
patronized him, likewise procured other materials for his history from
different places. Had Zaist been informed of this he would rather have
directed both his eulogies and his complaints to Natali, than to Baldinucci
or his continuator. The pupils of Natali were Carlo Tassone, who became, on
the model of Lovino, a painter of portraits, much admired at Turin and
other courts; Francescantonio Caneti, afterwards a Capuchin Friar, and a
pretty good miniature-painter in his day, and who left a fine painting in
the church of his own order at Como; with Francesco Boccaccino, the last of
that pictoric family, who died about the year 1760. Having familiarized
himself at Rome, first with the school of Brandi, and next with that of
Maratta, he acquired a manner that came into some repute in private
collections, for which he employed himself more than for churches. He
resembles Albano, and was fond of portraying mythological subjects. A few
of his altar-pieces still adorn Cremona, which may be esteemed good for the
period at which they were produced.
While the Cremonese artists left their native state in search, as we have
observed, of more novel methods, a foreigner took up his residence, and not
only studied, but taught at Cremona. This was Luigi Miradoro, commonly
called Il Genovesino, from his native city of Genoa, whence, after being
initiated in the principles of his art, he appears to have gone, while
young, to Cremona, towards the beginning of the seventeenth century. There
he began to study the works of Panfilo Nuvolone, and afterwards formed a
manner partaking of the Caracci, though neither so select nor studied, but
bold, large, correct in colouring, harmonious, and productive of fine
effect. This artist, equally unknown in his native place and in foreign
cities, as well as passed over by Orlandi and his continuator, is
nevertheless held in high repute in Lombardy, and particularly in Cremona,
where his pictures adorn several churches, among which that of his S. Gio.
Damasceno, at S. Clemente, has been most highly commended. The Merchants'
College likewise at Piacenza possesses a very beautiful painting of a Pieta
from his hand. In all subjects he was successful, and remarkably so in
those of a terrific cast. In the Casa Borri at Milan there is a piece
representing a variety of punishments inflicted upon some accomplices in a
conspiracy, a magnificent production of its kind. Others are to be met
with, though not very frequently, in collections belonging to the above
mentioned cities, on one of which I read the date of 1639.
Agostino Bonisoli was pupil to Tortiroli, and subsequently, for the space
of a year, to Miradoro, though he was more indebted to his own genius than
to any master, with the aid of studying excellent models, more especially
that of Paul Veronese. From him he borrowed his grace and spirit, his
design from other artists. He painted little for churches, and Cremona
possesses scarcely any other specimen than the Dialogue of S. Antonio with
the tyrant Ezzelino, which is preserved at the church of the Conventuali.
His portraits and history-pieces are to be met with in private houses, for
the most part taken from sacred records, and intended for the decoration of
rooms. Many of these passed into Germany and other foreign parts; for,
having been in the service of Gio. Francesco Gonzaga, prince of Bozolo, in
which he remained twenty-eight years, his paintings were frequently
presented as gifts, or requested by foreigners of rank. As long as he
continued in his native state he maintained an academy for the study of
naked figures, in which he gave instructions to youth.
Two other artists flourished after him in Cremona, of whom their biographer
observes that they must have drunk at the same fountain, from the great
resemblance of their paintings, at least during a certain period, though
they differed greatly in point of colouring. One is Angelo Massarotti, a
native of Cremona, the other Roberto La Longe, born at Brussels, ranked
among those artists who have been denominated Fiamminghi, or Flemish, in
Italy, an appellation which has given rise to frequent mistakes in history.
Angelo was undoubtedly pupil to Bonisoli, and though he studied many years
with Cesi at Rome, where he painted at S. Salvatore in Lauro, he exhibits
very little of the Roman, except a more regular kind of composition than
belongs to the Cremonese style. For the rest he was fonder of introducing
portraits than ideal forms into his canvass, nor was he sufficiently
careful to shun the faults of the naturalists; owing to which, more
particularly in his draperies, he sometimes became heavy. He boasts
moreover a more rich and oily colouring than was then prevalent at Rome,
which gives his pictures an appearance of fulness and roundness, while it
adds to their preservation. Perhaps his masterpiece is to be seen at S.
Agostino, a vast production, in which the saint is represented giving rules
to various religious orders, which form a body militant under his banners,
and in such a crowd of figures, the ideas, the attitudes, and the draperies
are all well varied.
Most probably Roberto la Longe frequented the academy of Bonisoli, and
occasionally, as we have observed, conformed to the manner of Massarotti.
But both there and at Piacenza, where he long resided and closed his days,
he painted in a variety of styles, yet always soft, clear, and harmonious;
much as if he had never ventured beyond the confines of Flanders. At times
he emulates Guido, as in some histories of S. Teresa, painted for S.
Sigismondo at Cremona; and in some histories of S. Antonio Martire, at
Piacenza, he approaches Guercino, while at others he displays a mixture of
strength, delicacy, and beauty, as in his picture of S. Saverio, in the
cathedral at Piacenza, seen in the act of dying, and supported by angels.
His landscapes give singular attraction to his figures, though the latter
might be better designed, and more gradation may be desired in his
landscape, as well as in other parts of his works.
Both these last masters had for their pupil Gian Angiolo Borroni, who,
being taken under the patronage of the noble house of Crivelli, was
retained many years at Bologna, during the period the Creti rose into
repute. Monti and Giangioseffo del Sole, to whose style he most attached
himself, were then likewise flourishing at the same place. He was
particularly employed in ornamenting the palaces of his patrons, who were
desirous of having him with them, both at Cremona and at Milan, and in this
last city he spent the best part of his life, dying very infirm in the year
1772. There too he left the chief portion of his works, some of which are
upon a very large scale, distributed throughout its temples and palaces,
besides others in different cities of the Milanese, more especially in his
native place. In the cathedral remains his picture of S. Benedetto, in the
act of offering up prayers for the city, of which he is the patron, to
paint which the Cav. Borroni exerted his utmost degree of industry and art.
Its success was sufficient indeed to have placed it upon an equality with
the best of its age, had the draperies been folded with a degree of skill
at all corresponding to the rest of the work; but in this he certainly was
not happy. A little subsequent to him began to flourish Bottani, an artist
who has been mentioned also in the Mantuan School; for, though a native of
Cremona, he resided elsewhere. Good artists continue to flourish at Cremona
to this day, whose merits, however, according to my plan, I leave untouched
to the judgment of posterity.
Professors of minor branches of painting were not wanting in this school,
one of whom, named Francesco Bassi, who had fixed his residence at Venice,
was there called Il Cremonese da' Paesi. His powers were extremely varied
and pleasing, united to great polish, powerful in his shadows, warm in his
airs, while he often added to his pieces figures of men and animals in a
pretty correct taste. They enrich many collections both in Italy and
elsewhere, and some, as we find from the catalogue published in Venice,
were included in Algarotti's. We must be cautious to avoid mistaking this
painter for another Francesco Bassi, also a Cremonese, who is in that city
called the younger. He was a pupil of the former in the art of landscape,
and although much inferior to him, is not unknown in different collections.
But a still higher rank in the same class is occupied by Sigismondo Benini,
a scholar of Massarotti, the inventor of beautiful methods in his
landscapes, with well retiring grounds, and with all the accidents of light
well portrayed. His composition is polished, distinct, and coloured with
equal harmony and vigour, though to continue agreeable he ought not to have
transgressed the limits of landscape; for, by the addition of his figures,
he diminished the value of his works.
About the same period a family, sprung from Casalmaggiore in the Cremonese,
distinguished itself in the line of architectural and ornamental painting.
Giuseppe Natali, the elder, impelled by his natural inclination for this
art, entered upon it notwithstanding the opposition of his father, which,
being at length overcome, he was permitted to visit Rome, and to remain
some time at Bologna in order to qualify himself. He flourished precisely
at the period which the architectural painters are fond of considering as
the happiest for their art. It had very recently been improved by Dentone,
by Colonna, by Mitelli, and boasted, from its attractive novelty, a number
of young geniuses, whom it inspired with the dignity of masters, and with
the prospect of rewards, a subject on which I shall treat more particularly
in the Bolognese School. He formed a style at once praiseworthy for the
architectural, and judiciously pleasing for the ornamental parts. He
gratifies the eye by presenting it with those views which are the most
charming, and gives it repose by distributing them at just distances. In
his grotesques he retains much of the antique, shunning all useless
exhibition of modern foliages, and varying the painting from time to time,
with small landscapes, which he also executed well in little oil pictures,
which were in the highest request. The softness and harmony of his tints
extorted great commendation. He did not permit his talents to remain idle,
ornamenting a number of halls, chambers, chapels, and churches throughout
Lombardy, often with a rapidity that appears almost incredible. He more
particularly distinguished himself at San Sigismondo, and in the palace of
the Marchesi Vidoni.
He had three brothers who followed in his footsteps, and all of whom he had
himself instructed. Francesco, the second, approached nearest to Giuseppe
in point of merit, and even surpassed him in dignity. He was employed in
works on a large scale for the churches of Lombardy and Tuscany, as well as
for the courts of the dukes of Massa, of Modena, and of Parma, in which
city he closed his days. Lorenzo, the third, chiefly assisted his brothers,
or if he had the misfortune to execute any works alone, he was rather
pitied than applauded. Pietro, the fourth brother, died young and
uncommemorated. There were two sons, the one of Giuseppe, the other of
Francesco, who were initiated by their parents in the same art. The first,
named Giambatista, became court-painter to the elector of Cologne; and the
second, who bore the same name, honourably occupied a similar rank at the
court of Charles, King of the two Sicilies, and in that of his son, a
station in which he died. Giuseppe educated a pupil of merit in Gio.
Batista Zaist, a name to which we have frequently referred. Memoirs of him
were collected by Sig. Panni, both his pupil and relation. To him also we
are indebted for the publication of the work of Zaist, by which we have
been guided in this account. It is a guide, however, not to be followed by
a reader who is in haste, inasmuch as he is found to proceed very
leisurely, and is very apt to go over the same ground again.
CHAPTER V.
SCHOOL OF MILAN.
EPOCH I.
_Account of the Ancients until the time of Vinci._
If in each of our pictoric schools we have adhered to the plan of tracing
back the memorials of more barbarous ages, and thence proceeding to more
cultivated periods, Milan more especially as the capital of Lombardy, and
the court of the Lombard kings, will afford us an epoch remarkable no less
for its lofty character than for the grandeur of its monuments. When Italy
passed from the dominion of the Goths to that of the Longobards, the arts,
which invariably follow in the train of fortune, transferred their primary
seat from Ravenna to Milan, to Monza, and to Pavia. Each of these places
still retains traces of the sort of design now entitled, both on account of
the place and the time, Longobardic, much in the same manner as in the
diplomatic science we distinguish by the same name certain characters
peculiar to that age, or rather to those ages, for after the Longobards
were driven from Italy, the same taste in writing and sculpture continued
to flourish during a great part of them. This style, as exhibited in works,
both of metal and of marble, is coarse and hard beyond the example of any
preceding age, and is seen most frequently and to most advantage in the
representation of monsters, birds, and quadrupeds rather than of human
figures. At the cathedral, at S. Michele, and at S. Giovanni in Pavia,
appear some friezes over the gates, consisting of animals chained in a
variety of ways to one another, sometimes in natural positions, and
sometimes with the head turned behind. In the interior of the same
churches, as well as in some others, we meet also with capitals, presenting
similar figures, not unfrequently united to historical representations of
men, differing so much from the human figure as to appear belonging to
another species. The same kind of abuse of the art was practised in places
under the sway of the Longobard dukes, one of which was the Friuli, which
still preserves a number of these barbarous efforts. In Cividale there is a
marble altar, first begun by Duke Pemmone, and completed by his son Ratchi,
who lived during the eighth century. The bassi-relievi consist of Christ
seated between different angels, his Epiphany, and the Visitation of the
Blessed Virgin.[38] Art would appear scarcely capable of producing any
thing more rude than these figures, yet whoever will be at the pains of
examining the frieze on a gate at the same place, or the capitals of the
pillars of S. Celso at Milan,[39] works of the tenth century, will admit
that it was susceptible of still greater corruption when it added absurdity
to its coarseness, and produced distorted and dwarfish figures, all hands
and all heads, with legs and feet incapable of supporting them. There are
an infinite number of similar marbles, and of like design, at Verona and
other places. To these, nevertheless, are opposed other monuments which
will not permit us to admit, as a general rule, that every trace of good
taste was then extinct in Italy. I might easily adduce instances, drawn
from different arts, and in particular from that of working in gold, which,
during the tenth century, boasted its Volvino, who produced the very
celebrated altar-piece at S. Ambrogio in Milan, a work which may be
pronounced equal in point of style to the finest specimens of the dittici,
or small ivory altar-pieces, that the museums of sacred art can boast.
Footnote 38: The inscription is annexed to it, and may be found
in Bertoli, _Antichita di Aquileia_, num. 516.
Footnote 39: See the Dottore Gaetano Bugati, in his Historical
and Critical account of the relics and the worship of San
Celso the Martyr, p. 1; and the P. M. Allegranza,
Explanations and Reflections relating to some sacred
monuments at Milan, p. 168.
Confining myself, however, to the subject before me, we know that
Tiraboschi remarked in the palace of Monza, some of the most ancient
pictures belonging to those ages, while other similar reliques are pointed
out at S. Michele in Pavia, although placed in too elevated a situation to
permit us to form an exact judgment of them. Others yet more extensive
exist in Galliano, of which a description is given in the _Opuscoli_ of P.
Allegranza, (p. 193). Upon this point I may observe, that the Treatise upon
Painting already mentioned, was discovered in a manuscript in the
University of Cambridge to have had this title:--_Theophilus Monachus_
(elsewhere _qui et Rugerius_), _de omni scientia artis pingendi. Incipit
Tractatus Lumbardicus qualiter temperantur colores, &c._ This is a
convincing proof, that if painting could then boast an asylum in Italy, it
must have been more particularly in Lombardy. And in the church of S.
Ambrogio, just mentioned, proofs of this are not wanting. Over the
Confessional is seen a ceiling in _terra cotta_, with figures in
basso-relievo, tolerably designed and coloured, resembling the composition
of the best mosaic-workers in Ravenna and in Rome, supposed to be the work
of the tenth century, or thereabouts. The figures of the Sleeping Saints
are also seen near the gate, which must have been painted about the same
time, and were at one time covered with lime, though they have since been
brought to light and very carefully preserved by the learned ecclesiastics
who are entrusted with the care of the temple. The portico has also a
figure of the Redeemer, with a holy man worshipping at his feet, wholly in
the Greek manner; besides a Crucifixion, which, to judge from the
characters, might more suitably be ascribed to the thirteenth century than
to the next. I omit the mention of several figures of the Crucified Saviour
and of the Virgin, interspersed through the city and the state; contenting
myself with referring to those of our Lady placed at S. Satiro and at
Gravedona, which are of very ancient date.
From the period of these first efforts, I am of opinion that the art of
painting continued to flourish throughout the state and city of Milan,
though we are not fortunate enough to retain sufficient memorials of it to
compile a full historical account. For little mention has been made by our
oldest writers concerning the artists, except incidentally, as by Vasari in
his Lives of Bramante, of Vinci, and of Carpi, and by Lomazzo, in his
Treatise, and in his Temple, or Theatre[40] of Painting. As little likewise
has been said by several of the more modern writers, nor that always with
good authority, such as Torre, Latuada, Santagostini, whose narratives were
collected by Orlandi, and inserted in his Dictionary. Some supplementary
information has been supplied by _Notices of the Paintings of Italy_ as to
a variety of artists, and their exact age; and by the New Guide to Milan,
truly new and unique until this period in Italy, and reflecting the highest
credit upon the Ab. Bianconi, who not only points out every thing most rare
in the city, but teaches us, by sound rules, how best to distinguish
excellence from mediocrity and inferiority in the art. To this we may add
the name of the Consiglier de' Pagave, who published very interesting
notices relating to this school, in the third, fifth, and eighth volumes of
the new Sienese edition of Vasari. I am also enabled to furnish
considerable information in addition, politely transmitted to me in
manuscript by the last writer, for the present work. From these I am happy
to announce we may become acquainted with the names of new masters, along
with much chronological information of a sounder kind, relating to those
already known, frequently derived from the _Necrologio_ of Milan, which had
been carefully preserved by one of the public functionaries of that city.
Footnote 40: He borrowed the idea of this work from the Theatre
of Giulio Camillo, with whom he compares his own Treatise in
chap. ix. Hence, as in the case of some books which have two
titles, I judge it best to call it by this name (Theatre)
also, as others have done.
By aid of these, and other materials I have to bring forward, I prepare to
treat of the Milanese School from as early a date as 1335, when Giotto was
employed in ornamenting various places in the city, which, down to the time
of Vasari, continued to be esteemed as most beautiful specimens of the art.
Not long subsequent to Giotto, an artist named Stefano Fiorentino was
invited thither by Matteo Visconti, and is celebrated as one of the most
accomplished pupils of the former. But he was compelled by indisposition to
abandon the work he had undertaken in that city; nor do we know that at
that period he had any successor in the Giotto manner. About the year 1370,
Gio. da Milano, pupil to Taddeo Gaddi, arrived there, so able an artist
that his master, at his death, entrusted to him the care of his son
Angiolo, and another son, whom he was to instruct in a knowledge of the
art. It is therefore evident that the Florentine early exercised an
influence over the Milanese School. We are informed at the same time of two
native artists, who, according to Lomazzo, flourished at the period of
Petrarch and of Giotto. These are Laodicia di Pavia, called by Guarienti,
_pittrice_, and Andrino di Edesia, also said to belong to Pavia, although
both his name and that of Laodicia lead us to conjecture that they must
have been of Greek origin. To Edesia and his school have been attributed
some frescos which yet remain at S. Martino and other places in Pavia.[41]
I cannot speak positively of the authors; their taste is tolerably good,
and the colouring partakes of that of the Florentines of the age. Michel de
Roncho, a Milanese, is another artist discovered by Count Tassi, at the
same time that he gives some account of the two Nova who flourished at
Bergamo. Michele is said to have assisted in their labours in the cathedral
of that city, from the year 1376 to 1377, and remnants of these paintings
survive, which shew that they approached nearer the composition of Giotto
than the artists of Pavia. There are some pictures in Domodossola that also
bring us acquainted with an able artist of Nova. They are preserved in
Castello Sylva and elsewhere, and bear the following memorandum--_Ego
Petrus filius Petri Pictoris de Novaria hoc opus pinxi_, 1370. Without,
however, going farther than Milan, we there find in the Sacristy of the
Conventuali, as well as in different cloisters, paintings produced in the
fourteenth century, without any indication of their authors, and most
frequently resembling the Florentine manner, though occasionally displaying
a new and original style, not common to any other school of Italy.
Footnote 41: See Notizie delle Pitture, Sculture, ed
Architetture d'Italia, by Sig. Bertoli, p. 41, &c.
Among these anonymous productions in the ancient style, the most remarkable
is what remains in the Sacristy of Le Grazie, where every panel presents us
with some act from the Old or the New Testament. The author would appear to
have lived during the latter part of the fourteenth and beginning of the
fifteenth centuries; nor is it easy to meet with any other Italian
production, conducted during that age by a single artist, so abundantly
supplied with figures. The style is dry, but the colouring, where it has
escaped the power of the sun, is so warm, so well laid on, so boldly
relieved from its grounds, that it yields in nothing to the best Venetian
or Florentine pieces of the time, insomuch that whoever be the artist he is
fully entitled to all the praise of originality. Another Lombard artist,
formerly believed to be a Venetian, is better known. His name has been
incorrectly given by Vasari, in his life of Carpaccio, and in that of Gian
Bellini, as well as by Orlandi and by Guarienti, in three articles inserted
in the Dictionary of art. In one article, following Vasari, he is called by
Orlandi, Girolamo Mazzoni, or Morzoni, and in the two others he is named
Giacomo Marzone, and Girolamo Morzone, by Guarienti, a writer happier
perhaps in adding to the errors and prejudices entertained about the old
painters, than in correcting them. His real name is to be found upon an
altar-piece which is still preserved at Venice, or in its island of S.
Elena, a piece representing the Assumption of the Virgin, with the titular
saint, S. Gio. Batista, S. Benedetto, and a holy Martyr, along with the
following inscription--_Giacomo Morazone a laura questo lauorier. An. Dni._
MCCCCXXXXI. The excellent critic Zanetti is persuaded, from its Lombard
dialect, as well as from the fact of the artist having painted a good deal
in different cities of Lombardy, as related by Vasari, that he does not
belong to the Venetian, but to the Lombard School, and the more so as he
took his name from Morazzone, a place in Lombardy. It is true, that
granting this, there is no great sacrifice made, inasmuch as this Giacomo,
who, when in Venice, was the competitor of Jacobello del Fiore, displayed
little merit, at least in this picture, which cannot boast even a foot
placed upon the ground according to the rules of perspective, nor any other
merit that raises it much above the character of the thirteenth century.
Michelino was an artist who also retained the ancient style, and continued
to the last the practice of making his figures large and his buildings
small, a practice blamed by Lomazzo even in the oldest painters. He assigns
to him a rank, however, among the best of his age on account of his designs
of animals of every kind, which he painted, says Lomazzo, wonderfully well,
and of the human figure, which he executed with effect, rather in burlesque
than in serious subjects; and in this style was esteemed the model of his
school. He would appear likewise to have been esteemed by foreigners, as we
find in the Notizia Morelli, that in the house of the Vendramini at Venice
there was preserved "a small book in 4to. bound in kid-skin, with figures
of animals coloured" by this artist. At a little interval, according to
Pagave, we are to place the period of Agostino di Bramantino, an artist
unknown to Bottari, as well as to more recent investigators of pictorial
history. I apprehend that an error committed by Vasari gave rise to an
additional one in the mind of Pagave, a very accurate writer. Vasari,
remarking that in a chamber of the Vatican, which was subsequently painted
by Raffaello, the previous labours of Pier della Francesca, of Bramantino,
of Signorelli, and of the Ab. di S. Clemente, were destroyed to accommodate
the former, supposes that the two first of the artists, thus sacrificed,
conducted them contemporaneously under Nicholas V. about 1450. Induced by
the esteem he had for the same Bramantino, he collected notices also of his
other works, and discovered him to be the author of the Dead Christ
foreshortened, of the Family which deceived the horse at Milan, and of
several perspectives; the whole of which account is founded in error, when
attributed to a Bramantino, who flourished about 1450, yet the whole is
true when we suppose them to have been the work of one Bramantino, pupil to
Bramante, who lived in the year 1529. I cannot perceive, however, in what
way the Consiglier Pagave could have detected Vasari's mistake in the
Milanese works; whilst in those of the Vatican, which, according to Vasari
himself, all belong to the same individual, he has taken occasion to repeat
it. He had better have asserted that the historian had erred in point of
chronology, in supposing that Bramantino painted under the pontificate of
Nicholas V. than have ventured on the hypothesis of the existence of an
ancient Bramantino, called Agostino, by whom a very beautiful work was to
be seen in the papal palace, and no other specimen at Rome, at Milan, or
elsewhere. I disclaim all belief then in this old artist until more
authentic proofs are brought forward of his existence, and I shall be
enabled to throw new light upon the subject before I conclude the present
epoch.
In the time of the celebrated Francesco Sforza, and of the Cardinal Ascanio
his brother, both desirous no less of enriching the city with fine
buildings than these last with the most beautiful decorations; there sprung
up a number of architects and statuaries, and, what is more to our purpose,
of very able painters for the age. Their reputation spread through Italy,
and induced Bramante to visit Milan, a young artist who possessed the
noblest genius, both for architecture and painting, and who, after
acquiring a name in Milan, taught the arts to Italy and to the world. The
former had made little progress in point of colouring, which, though
strong, was somewhat heavy and sombre, nor in regard to their drapery,
which is disposed in straight, hard folds, until the time of Bramante,
while they are also cold in their features and attitudes. They had improved
the art, however, in regard to perspective, no less in execution than in
writing on the subject; a circumstance that led Lomazzo to observe, that as
design was the peculiar excellence of the Romans, and colouring of the
Venetians, so perspective seemed to be the chief boast of the Lombards. It
will be useful to report his own words, from his Treatise upon Painting, p.
405. "In this art of correctly viewing objects, the great inventors were
Gio. da Valle, Costantino Vaprio, Foppa, Civerchio, Ambrogio and Filippo
Bevilacqui, and Carlo, all of them belonging to Milan. Add to these Fazio
Bembo da Valdarno, and Cristoforo Moretto of Cremona, Pietro Francesco of
Pavia, and Albertino da Lodi;[42] who, besides the works they produced at
other places, painted for the Corte Maggiore at Milan, those figures of the
armed barons, in the time of Francesco Sforza, first duke of Milan:" that
is to say, between the period of 1447 and 1466.
Footnote 42: Note that Lomazzo would not have passed over
the name of Agostino di Bramantino, were it true that he had
flourished as early as 1420, and employed himself at Rome,
an honour to which the rest of these Milanese did not
attain.
In treating of these artists, I shall observe nothing further in reference
to the last four, having described those of Cremona in their own place, and
not being aware that any thing more than the name of the other two survives
at Milan; I say at Milan, because Pier Francesco of Pavia, whose surname
was Sacchi, left, as we shall find, some fine specimens at Genoa, where he
resided during some time. It is doubtful whether any altar-piece remains by
the first of these, (Gio. della Valle,) it being impossible to ascertain
the fact. Nor do I know of any genuine work belonging to Costantino Vaprio,
though there is a Madonna painted by another Vaprio, surrounded by saints
in different compartments, at the Serviti, in Pavia, with this
inscription:--_Augustinus de Vaprio pinxit 1498_: a production of some
merit.
Vincenzio Foppa, said by Ridolfi to have flourished about the year 1407, is
esteemed almost the founder of the Milanese School, in which he
distinguished himself during the sovereignty of Filippo Visconti, and that
of Francesco Sforza. I alluded to his name in the Venetian School, to which
he is referable from his being of Brescia, whatever Lomazzo may on the
other hand contend. It is my wish to avoid all questions of nationality,
and the compendious method of my work will be a sufficient apology in this
respect, more particularly as far as relates to the names of less
celebrated artists. But with the head of a school, such as Foppa, I cannot
consider it a loss of time to investigate his real country, in particular
as the elucidation of many confused and doubtful points in the history of
the art is found to depend upon this. In Vasari's Life of Scarpaccia we
find it mentioned, that about the middle of the century "Vincenzio, a
Brescian painter, was held in high repute, as it is recounted by Filarete."
And in the life of this excellent architect, as well as in that of
Michelozzo, he says, that in some of their buildings, erected under Duke
Francesco, Vincenzo di Zoppa (read Foppa), a Lombard artist, painted the
interior, "as no better master was to be met with in the surrounding
states." Now that there was a Vincenzo, a Brescian artist, who then and
subsequently flourished, and who ranked among the best artists, is proved
by Ambrogio Calepino, in his ancient edition of 1505, at the word _pingo_.
There, after having applauded Mantegna beyond all other artists of his age,
he adds:--_Huic accedunt Jo. Bellinus Venetus, Leonardus Florentinus, et
Vincentius Brixianus, excellentissimo ingenio homines, ut qui cum omni
antiquitate de pictura possint contendere._ After so high a testimony to
his merits, written, if I mistake not, while Foppa was still living, though
edited after his decease, (as we noticed from the eulogy written by
Boschini on Ridolfi, in its proper place); let us next attend to that found
on his monument in the first cloister of S. Barnaba at Brescia, which runs
as follows:--_Excellentiss. ac. eximii. pictoris. Vincentii. de. Foppis.
ci. Br. 1492._ (Zamb. p. 32.) To these testimonials I may add that from the
hand of the author, which I discovered in the Carrara Gallery at Bergamo,
where, on a small ancient picture, conducted with much care, and a singular
study of foreshortening, extremely rare for the period, representing Christ
crucified between the two Thieves, is written:--_Vincentius Brixiensis
fecit, 1455._--What proof more manifest can be required for the identity of
one and the same painter, recorded by various authors with so much
contradiction with regard to name, country, and age?
It must therefore be admitted, after a comparison of the passages adduced,
that there is only a single Brescian artist in question, that he is not to
be referred to so remote a period as reported, and that he could not have
painted in the year 1407 of the vulgar era, inasmuch as he very nearly
reaches the beginning of the sixteenth century. We may for the same reasons
dismiss from history those specious accounts interspersed by Lomazzo,
asserting that Foppa drew the proportions of his figures from Lysippus;
that Bramante acquired the art of perspective from his writings, out of
which he composed a treatise of essential utility to Raffaello, to
Polidoro, and to Gaudenzio; and that Albert Durer and Daniel Barbaro
availed themselves, by plagiarism, of Foppa's inventions. Such assertions,
already in a great measure refuted by the learned Consiglier Pagave in his
notes to Vasari,[43] first took their rise in supposing that the age of
Foppa was anterior to Piero della Francesca, from whom perspective in Italy
may truly be said to have dated its improvement. Next to him Foppa was one
of the first who cultivated the same art, as clearly appears from the
little picture already mentioned at Bergamo. In Milan there are some of his
works remaining at the hospital, executed upon canvass, and a martyrdom of
S. Sebastiano, at Brera, in fresco, which, for design of the naked figure,
for the natural air of the heads, for its draperies and for its tints, is
very commendable, though greatly inferior in point of attitude and
expression. I have frequently doubted whether there were two Vincenzi of
Brescia, since Lomazzo, besides Vincenzo Foppa, whom, against the received
opinion, he makes a native of Milan, marks down in his index a Vincenzio
Bresciano, of whom I am not aware that he makes the slightest mention
throughout the whole of his work. I am led to suspect, that meeting with
some works bearing the signature of _Vincenzio Bresciano_, without the
surname of Foppa, beyond the limits of Milan, the historian, fixed in his
persuasion that Foppa must be a native of Milan, set down two artists of
the name instead of a single one, and that this, moreover, was perhaps an
old prejudice, prevailing in the Milanese School, and which Lomazzo was
unable to dismiss. National errors and prejudices are always the last to be
renounced. In the Notizia Morelli, a Vincenzo Bressano the elder is twice
mentioned, an adjunct, which, if not a surname, as it was in the instance
of Minzocchi, may have arisen from some false report connected with the two
Vincenzi Bresciani. Indeed we have repeatedly observed that the names of
artists have been very frequently drawn, not from authentic writings, but
from common report, which generally presents us with a worse account of
what has been ill heard or understood.
Footnote 43: Vasari, vol. iii. p. 233.
Vincenzo Civerchio, denominated by Vasari Verchio, to which Lomazzo, who
asserts him to have been a Milanese, added the surname of Il Vecchio, is an
artist whom we have recorded in the Venetian School, to which he is
referred as a native of Crema, though he resided at Milan and educated
several excellent pupils for that school, and with the exception of Vinci
is the best entitled of any master to its gratitude. Vasari, when he
praises his works in fresco, considers him in no way inferior to Foppa. In
his figures he was extremely studied, and admirable in his method of
grouping them in the distance, so as to throw the low grounds back, and
bring down the higher parts with a gentle gradation. Of this he affords a
model at S. Eustorgio in some histories of S. Peter Martyr, painted for a
chapel of that name, which are highly commended by Lomazzo, though they
have since been covered with plaister, there remaining only from the hand
of Civerchio the summits of the cupola, which we trust will enjoy a longer
date.[44] Ambrogio Bevilacqua is an artist known by a production at S.
Stefano, representing S. Ambrogio with saints Gervasio and Protasio
standing at his side. Other paintings procured for him the reputation of a
fine drawer of perspective, though in the specimen here mentioned he has
undoubtedly not adhered to its rules. The design, however, is such as
approaches, with some slight traces of dryness, to a good style. Memorials
of this artist are found as early as 1486; but of his brother Filippo, his
assistant, and of Carlo, a native of Milan, mentioned by Lomazzo in the
same work, I am able to find no account. There are two, however, who are
referred by our already highly commended correspondent to this more remote
epoch. These are Gio. de' Ponzoni, who left a picture of S. Cristoforo in a
church near the city, called Samaritana, and a Francesco Crivelli, who is
reported to have been the first who painted portraits in the city of Milan.
Footnote 44: The epochs relating to this artist appear difficult,
and almost irreconcileable. From Lomazzo's account he was a
painter as early as 1460, and according to Ronna, in his
_Zibaldone Cremasco_, for the year 1795, p. 84, there are
existing documents which prove that he was still living in
1535. If we give credit to these, Civerchio must have
flourished to an extreme age, so as to be ranked in this
point with Titian, with Calvi, and the other hoary-headed
octogenarians of the art.
Of those who here follow, a part formed the body of painters under the
government of Lodovico the Moor, during whose time Vinci resided at Milan,
and others were gradually making progress during the following years,
though not any wholly succeeded in freeing themselves from the old style.
The first on the list are the two Bernardi, as frequently also called
Bernardini, natives of Trevilio in the Milanese, the one of the family
Butinoni, the other of that of Zenale, both pupils of Civerchio, and his
rivals both in painting and in writing. Trevilio is a territory in the
Milanese, at that period included in that of Bergamo, and for this reason
comprehended by Count Tassi in its school. It is also a considerable
distance from Trevigi, where he took advantage of the resemblance of the
name to announce one Bernardino da Trevigi, a painter and architect, who
never existed. Vasari mentions a Bernardino da Trevio (he meant to say
Trevilio) who, in the time of Bramante, was an engineer at Milan, "a very
able designer, and esteemed an excellent master by Vinci, though his manner
was somewhat harsh and dry in his pictures;" and he then cites among his
other works a picture of the Resurrection at the cloister of the Grazie,
which presents some beautiful foreshortenings. It is surprising how Bottari
should have changed Trevio into Trevigi, and how Orlandi should have
understood Vasari as writing of Butinone, when, guided by Lomazzo, at page
271, and in other parts of the treatise, it was easy to conjecture that he
was there speaking of Zenale of Trevilio. He was a distinguished character,
in the confidence of Vinci,[45] and in the Treatise upon Painting compared
with Mantegna, besides being continually referred to as an example in the
art of perspective, on which, when old, in 1524, he composed a work, and
put down a variety of observations. There, too, among others, he treated
the question so long contested in those days, whether the objects
represented small and in the distance ought to be less distinct in order to
imitate nature, than those that are larger and more near, a question which
he explained in the negative, contending rather that distant objects should
be as highly finished and well proportioned as those more fully before the
eye. This, then, is the Bernardino, so much commended by Vasari, whose
opinion of this artist may be verified by viewing the Resurrection at Le
Grazie, and a Nunziata at San Sempliciano, presenting a very fine piece of
architecture, calculated to deceive the eye. This, however, is the best
portion of the painting, as the figures are insignificant, both in
themselves and in their drapery. In respect to Butenone, his contemporary,
and companion also when he painted at San Pietro in Gessato, we may
conclude that he displayed an excellent knowledge of perspective, since it
is affirmed by Lomazzo. For the rest, his works, with the exception of a
few pictures for rooms, better designed than coloured, have all perished.
There is a Madonna represented between some saints, which I saw in
possession of the Consiglier Pagave, at whose suggestion I add to the
pupils of Civerchio, a Bartolommeo di Cassino of Milan, and Luigi de'
Donati of Como, of whom authentic altar-pieces remain.
Footnote 45: Lomazzo, in his Treatise, (book i. chap, ix.),
relates that Vinci in his Supper had endued the countenance
of both the saints Giacomo with so much beauty, that
despairing to make that of the Saviour more imposing, he
went to advise with Bernardo Zenale, who to console him
said, "Leave the face of Christ unfinished as it is, as you
will never be able to make it worthy of Christ among those
Apostles," and this Leonardo did.
At the period when these artists were in repute, Bramante came to Milan.
His real name, as reported to us by Cesariani his disciple and the
commentator on Vitruvius, was Donato, and he was, as is supposed, of the
family of Lazzari, though this has been strongly contested in the Antichita
Picene, vol. x. There it is shewn, at some length, that his real country
was not Castel Durante, now Urbania, as so many writers assert, but a town
of Castel Fermignano. Both places are in the state of Urbino, whence he
used formerly to be called Bramante di Urbino. There he studied the works
of Fra Carnevale, though Vasari gives no further information respecting his
education. He continues to relate that on leaving his native place he
wandered through several cities in Lombardy, executing, to the best of his
ability, small works, until his arrival at Milan, where, becoming
acquainted with the conductors of the cathedral, and among these with
Bernardo, he resolved to devote himself wholly to architecture, which he
did. Before the year 1500 he went to Rome, where he entered the service of
Alexander VI. and Julius II., and died there in his seventieth year, in
1514. We may here conjecture that the historian gave himself very little
anxiety about investigating the memoirs of this great man. Sig. Pagave has
proved to be a far more accurate inquirer into the truth. Animated by his
love of this quality, the soul of all history, he at once renounced the
honour his country would have derived from having instructed a Bramante;
nor yet has he referred to him as a pupil to Carnevale, or to Piero della
Francesca, or to Mantegna, like some writers cited by Signor Colucci. He
has properly noticed his arrival at Milan, already as a master, in 1476,
after having erected both palaces and temples in the state of Romagna. From
this period, until the fall of Lodovico, that is until 1499, he remained at
Milan, where he executed commissions, with large salaries for the court,
and was employed as well by private persons in works of architecture, and
sometimes of painting.
Cellini in his second treatise denies Bramante the fame of an excellent
painter, placing him in the middling class, and at this period he is known
by few in lower Italy, where he is never named in collections, though he is
very generally met with in the Milanese. Cesariano and Lomazzo had already
asserted the same thing, the latter having frequently praised him in his
work when giving an account of his pictures both sacred and profane, in
distemper and in fresco, as well as of his portraits. His general manner,
he observes, much resembles that of Andrea Mantegna. Like him he had
employed himself in copying from casts, which led him to throw his lights
with too much force on his fleshes. In the same manner also as Mantegna he
covered his models with glued canvass, or with pasteboard, in order that in
the curves and folds he might correct the ancients. And like him he
employed for painting in distemper, a kind of viscous water, an instance of
which is adduced by Lomazzo, who repaired one of the specimens. Most of
Bramante's pictures in fresco, mentioned by Lomazzo and by Scaramuccia as
adorning the public places in Milan, are now destroyed or defaced, if we
except those that are preserved in the chambers of the Palazzi Borri and
Castiglioni, which are pretty numerous. There is also a chapel in the
Certosa at Pavia, said to have been painted by him. His proportions are
square, and sometimes have an air of coarseness, his countenances are full,
the heads of his old men grand, his colouring is very lively and well
relieved from the ground, though not free from some degree of crudity. This
character I have remarked in one of his altar-pieces, with various saints,
and with fine perspective, in possession of the Cav. Melzi, and the same in
a picture at the Incoronata in Lodi, a very beautiful temple erected by
Gio. Bataggio, a native of the place, from the design of Bramante. His
masterpiece, which is to be seen at Milan, is a S. Sebastiano, in that
saint's church, where scarcely a trace of the style of the fourteenth
century is perceptible. The Notizia Morelli points out his picture of a
Pieta, at S. Pancrazio, in Bergamo, which Pasta had mistaken for one of
Lotto, and mentions also his picture of the Philosophers, painted by
Bramante in 1486, belonging to the same city.
He educated two pupils in Milan, whose names have survived. One of these is
Nolfo da Monza, who is said to have painted from the designs furnished by
Bramante, at S. Satiro and other places; an artist who, if not equal to the
first painters, was nevertheless, it is remarked by Scanelli, of a superior
character. In the sacristy also of S. Satiro, placed near the beautiful
little temple of Bramante, are a number of old pictures, most probably from
the hand of Nolfo. The other artist is Bramantino, supposed by Orlandi to
have been the preceptor of Bramante, by others confounded with him, and
finally discovered to have been his favourite disciple, from which
circumstance he obtained his surname. His real name was Bartolommeo Suardi,
an architect, and, what is more to my purpose, a painter of singular merit.
In deceiving the eye of animals, he equalled the ancients, as we are
acquainted by Lomazzo in the opening of his third book. During a period he
followed his master; but on occasion of visiting Rome he improved his
style, though not so much in regard to his figures and proportions, as in
his colouring and his folds, which he made more wide and spacious. He was
doubtless invited or conducted to Rome by Bramante, and there, under Pope
Julius II., painted those portraits so highly praised by Vasari, and which,
when about to be removed, to give place to Raffaello's, were first copied
at the request of Jovius, who wished to insert them in his museum. It is
certain that the Vatican paintings by Bramantino do not belong to the time
of Nicholas V. as we have shewn. He returned from Rome to Milan, as we are
informed by Lomazzo; and to this more favourable period we may refer his
production of S. Ambrogio, and that of S. Michele, with a figure of the
Virgin, coloured in the Venetian style, and recorded in the select Melzi
gallery, and to be mentioned hereafter. There are also some altar-pieces
both designed and coloured by him, in the church of S. Francesco, which
display more elevation and dignity than belonged to his age. But his chief
excellence was in perspective, and his rules have been inserted by Lomazzo
in his work, out of respect to this distinguished artist. He likewise holds
him up as a model, in his picture of the Dead Christ between the Maries,
painted for the gate of S. Sepolcro, a work which produces a fine illusion;
the legs of the Redeemer, in whatever point they are viewed, appearing with
equal advantage to the eye. Other artists I am aware have produced the same
effect: but it is a just, though a trite saying, that an inventor is worth
more than all his imitators. The Cistercian fathers have a grand
perspective in their monastery, representing the Descent of Christ into
Purgatory, from his hand. It consists of few figures, little choice in the
countenances, but their colouring is both powerful and natural; they are
well placed, and well preserved in their distance, disposed in beautiful
groups, with a pleasing retrocession of the pilasters, which serve to mark
the place, united to a harmony that attracts the eye. He had a pupil named
Agostin da Milano, well skilled in foreshortening, and who painted at the
Carmine a piece that Lomazzo proposes, along with the cupola of Coreggio at
the cathedral of Parma, as a model of excellence in its kind. His name is
made very clear in the index of Lomazzo, as follows:--_Agostino di
Bramantino of Milan, a painter and disciple of the same Bramantino._ I
cannot imagine how such a circumstance escaped the notice of Sig. Pagave,
and how he was led to present us with that more ancient Agostino
Bramantino, (so called from his family name, not from that of his master)
whose existence we have shewn to have been ideal, wholly arising out of a
mistake of Vasari. The one here mentioned was real, though his name is so
little known at Milan, as to lead us to suppose he must have passed much of
his time in foreign parts. And we are even authorized to conjecture that he
may be the same _Agostino delle Prospettive_ whom we meet with in Bologna,
in 1525. All the circumstances are so strong, that in a matter of justice,
they would have proved sufficient to establish his identity; his name of
Agostino, his age, suitable to the preceptorship of Suardi, his excellence
in the art, which procured for him his surname, and the silence of
Malvasia, who could not be ignorant of him, but who, because he was drawing
up a history of the Bolognese School only, omitted to mention him.
There were other artists about 1500, who, as it is said, following Foppa,
painted in the style which we now call antico moderno. Ambrogio Borgognone
represented at S. Simpliciano the histories of S. Sisinio and some
accompanying martyrs, which adorn one of the cloisters. The thinness of the
legs, and some other remains of his early education, are not so displeasing
in this work, as we find its accurate study, and the natural manner in
which it is conducted, calculated to please. The beauty of his youthful
heads, variety of countenance, simplicity of drapery, and the customs of
those times, faithfully portrayed in the ecclesiastical paraphernalia, and
mode of living, together with a certain uncommon grace of expression, not
met with in this or any other school, are sufficient to attract attention.
Gio. Donato Montorfano painted a Crucifixion, abounding with figures for
the refectory of Le Grazie, where it is unfortunately thrown into the shade
by the Grand Supper of Vinci. He cannot compete with a rival to whom many
of the greatest masters are compelled to yield the palm. He excels only in
his colouring, which has preserved his work fresh and entire, while that of
Vinci shewed signs of decay in a few years. What is original in Montorfano
is a peculiar clearness in his features, as well as in his attitudes, and
which, if united to a little more elegance, would have left him but few
equals in his line. He represents a group of soldiers seen playing, and in
every countenance is depicted attention, and the desire of conquest. He has
also some heads of a delicate air, extremely beautiful, though the distance
in regard to their position is not well preserved. The architecture
introduced, of the gates and edifices of Jerusalem, is both correct and
magnificent, presenting those gradual retrocessions in perspective upon
which this school at the time so much prided itself. He retained the habit
which continued till the time of Gaudenzio at Milan, though long before
reformed in other places, of mixing with his pictures some plastic work in
composition, and thus giving in relief glories of saints, and ornaments of
men and horses.
Ambrogio da Fossano, a place in the Piedmontese,[46] was an artist, who, at
the grand Certosa in Pavia, designed the superb facade of the church, being
an architect as well as a painter. In the temple before mentioned there is
an altar-piece, which is ascribed either to him or his brother, not very
highly finished, but in a taste not very dissimilar from that of Mantegna.
Andrea Milanese, who has been confounded by one of Vasari's annotators with
Andrea Salai, extorted the admiration of Zanetti, by an altar-piece he
produced at Murano, executed in 1495, and it would appear that he studied
in Venice. I cannot agree with Bottari that he is the same as Andrea del
Gobbo, mentioned by Vasari in his life of Coreggio, since this last was a
disciple of Gaudenzio.[47] About the same time flourished Stefano Scotto,
the master of Gaudenzio Ferrari, much commended by Lomazzo for his art in
arabesques, and of his family is perhaps a Felice Scotto, who painted a
good deal at Como for private individuals, and left a number of pictures in
fresco at S. Croce, relating to the life of S. Bernardino. His genius is
varied and expressive, he displays judgment in composition, and is one of
the best artists of the fourteenth century known in these parts. He was
probably a pupil of some other school, his design being more elegant, and
his colouring more clear and open than those of the Milanese. We might
easily amplify the present list with other names, furnished by Morigia in
his work on the Milanese nobility, where we find mentioned with praise
Nicolao Piccinino, Girolamo Chiocca, Carlo Valli, or di Valle, brother to
Giovanni, all of them Milanese, besides Vincenzo Moietta, a native of
Caravaggio, who flourished in Milan about 1500, or something earlier, along
with the foregoing. About the same period the study of miniature was
greatly promoted by the two Ferranti, Agosto the son, and Decio the father,
three works by whom are to be seen in the cathedral at Vigevano, consisting
of a Missal, a book of the Evangelists, and one of the epistles illuminated
with miniatures in the most exact taste.
Footnote 46: A number of places which are now included in the
Piedmontese, formerly belonged to the state of Milan, as we
have already observed. The city of Vercelli was united to
the house of Savoy in 1427, and was subsequently subject to
a variety of changes. Many of its more ancient painters are
referred to the Milanese as their scholars; but they may be
enumerated among the Piedmontese as citizens. This remark
will apply to many different passages, both in this and in
the fifth volume.
Footnote 47: Lomazzo, Trattato, c. 37.
Other professors then flourished throughout the state, of whom either some
account remains in books, or some works with the signature of their names.
At that period the Milanese was much more extensive than it has been since
the cession of so large a portion to the house of Savoy. The artists
belonging to the ceded portion will be considered by me in this school, to
which they appertain, being educated in it, and instructing other pupils in
it, in their turn. Hence besides those of Pavia, of Como, and others of the
modern state, we shall in this chapter give some account of the Novarese
and Vercellese artists (of whom I shall also give the information found in
the prefaces to the tenth and eleventh volumes of Vasari, edited at Siena
by P. della Valle), with others who flourished in the old state. Pavia
boasted a Bartolommeo Bononi, by whom there is an altar-piece bearing the
date of 1507, at San Francesco, and also one Bernardin Colombano who
produced another specimen at the Carmine in 1515. In other churches I
likewise met with some specimens by an unknown hand, (but perhaps by Gio.
di Pavia, inserted by Malvasia in his catalogue of the pupils of Lorenzo
Costa,) partaking a good deal of the Bolognese style of that age. At the
same period flourished Andrea Passeri of Como, for whose cathedral he
painted the Virgin among different apostles, in which the heads and the
whole composition have some resemblance to the modern. But there is a
dryness in the hands, with use of gilding unworthy of the age, (1505) in
which his picture was painted. A Marco Marconi of Como, who flourished
about 1500, displayed much of the Giorgione manner, and was probably a
pupil of the Venetians. Troso da Monza was employed a good deal at Milan,
and painted some pieces at S. Giovanni in his native place. Several
histories of the Queen Teodelina, adorning the same church, executed in
various compartments in 1444, are now also ascribed to him. It is not very
easy to follow his inventions, somewhat confused and new in regard to the
drapery and the Longobardish customs which he has there exhibited. There
are some good heads, and colouring by no means despicable; for the rest, it
is a mediocre production, and perhaps executed early in life. He is an
artist much praised by Lomazzo for his other works which he left at the
Palazzo Landi. They consist of Roman histories, a production, says Lomazzo,
(p. 272) _quite surprising for the figures as well as the architecture and
the perspective, which is stupendous_. Father Resta, cited by Morelli, who
saw it in 1707, says that it almost astounded him by its surpassing
excellence, beauty, and sweetness. (Lett. Pittor. tom. iii. p. 342.)
In the new state of Piedmont is situated Novara, where, in the archives of
the cathedral, Gio. Antonio Merli painted in green earth Pietro Lombardo,
with three other distinguished natives of Novara; an excellent
portrait-painter for his age. In Vercelli, adjoining it, there flourished
about 1460 Boniforte, Ercole Oldoni, and F. Pietro di Vercelli, of which
last there is an ancient altar-piece preserved at S. Marco. Giovenone
afterwards appeared, who is esteemed in that city as the first instructor
of Gaudenzio, although Lomazzo is silent upon it. If he was not, he was
worthy of the charge. The Augustin fathers possess a Christ risen from the
Dead, between saints Margaret and Cecilia, with two angels, a picture of a
noble character, in the taste of Bramantino and the best Milanese artists,
and conducted with great knowledge of the naked figure and of perspective.
SCHOOL OF MILAN.
EPOCH II.
_Leonardo da Vinci establishes an Academy of Design at
Milan. His Pupils and the best native Artists down to the
time of Gaudenzio._
In treating of the Florentine School we took occasion to enter into a brief
examination of the pictoric education of Vinci, of his peculiar style, and
of his residence in different cities, among which was mentioned Milan, and
the academy which he there instituted. He arrived in that city, according
to the testimony of Vasari, in the year 1594, the first of the reign of
Prince Lodovico Il Moro; or rather he resided there, if not altogether, at
least for the execution of commissions, from 1482, as it has been recently
supposed,[48] and left it after its capture by the French in 1499. The
years spent by Lionardo at Milan were, perhaps, the happiest of his life,
and certainly productive of the most utility to the art of any in the whole
period of his career. The duke had deputed him to superintend an academy of
design, which, if I mistake not, was the first in Italy, which gave the law
to the leading ones in other parts. It continued to flourish after the
departure of Vinci, was much frequented, and formed excellent pupils,
maintaining in the place of its first director, his precepts, his writings,
and his models. No very distinct accounts indeed of his method have
survived; but we are certain that he formed it on scientific principles,
deduced from philosophical reasoning, with which Vinci was familiar in
every branch. His treatise upon painting is esteemed, however imperfect, as
a kind of second canon of Polycletes, and explains the manner in which
Lionardo taught.[49] We may also gather some knowledge of it from his other
numerous and various writings, which, having been left to the care of
Melzi, and in the course of time distributed, now form the ornament of
different cabinets. Fourteen volumes of these presented to the public, are
in the Ambrosian collection, and many of them are calculated to smooth the
difficulties of the art to young beginners. It is further known that the
author, having entered into a familiar friendship with Marcantonio della
Torre, lecturer of Pavia, united with him in illustrating the science of
anatomy, then little known in Italy, and that he represented with the
utmost exactness, in addition to the human figure, that of the horse, in a
knowledge of which he was esteemed quite unrivalled. The benefit he
conferred upon the art by the study of optics is also well known, and no
one was better acquainted with the nature of aerial perspective,[50] which
became a distinctive and hereditary characteristic of his school. He was
extremely well versed in the science of music, and in playing upon the
lyre, and equally so in poetry and history. Here his example was followed
by Luini and others; and to him likewise it was owing that the Milanese
School became one of the most accurate and observing in regard to antiquity
and to costume. Mengs has noticed before me that no artist could surpass
Vinci in the grand effect of his chiaroscuro. He instructed his pupils to
make as cautious an use of light as of a gem, not lavishing it too freely,
but reserving it always for the best place. And hence we find in his, and
in the best of his disciples' paintings, that fine relief, owing to which
the pictures, and in particular the countenances, seem as if starting from
the canvass.
Footnote 48: Amoretti, Memorie Storiche di Leonardo da Vinci,
p. 20.
Footnote 49: This work was reprinted at Florence, together
with the figures, 1792, an edition taken from a copy in the
hand of Stefano della Bella, belonging to the Riccardi
library. It was published by the learned librarian, the Ab.
Fontani, with the eulogy of Vinci, abounding with
information on his life and paintings, as well as on his
designs attached to it. To this is added the eulogy of
Stefano, and a Dissertation of Lami upon the Italian
painters and sculptors who flourished between the tenth and
the thirteenth centuries.
Footnote 50: Cellini declares that he borrowed a great number
of excellent observations upon perspective from one of
Vinci's discourses. (Tratt. ii. p. 153.)
For a long period past, the art had become gradually more refined, and
considered its subjects more minutely; in which Botticelli, Mantegna, and
others had acquired great reputation. As minuteness, however, is opposed to
sublimity, it ill accorded with that elevation in which the supreme merit
of the art would seem to consist. In my opinion Lionardo succeeded in
uniting these two opposite qualities, before any other artist. In subjects
which he undertook fully to complete, he was not satisfied with only
perfecting the heads, counterfeiting the shining of the eyes, the pores of
the skin, the roots of the hair, and even the beating of the arteries; he
likewise portrayed each separate garment and every accessary with
minuteness. Thus, in his landscapes also, there was not a single herb or
leaf of a tree, which he had not taken like a portrait, from the select
face of nature; and to his very leaves he gave a peculiar air, and fold,
and position, best adapted to represent them rustling in the wind. While he
bestowed his attention in this manner upon the minutiae, he at the same
time, as is observed by Mengs, led the way to a more enlarged and dignified
style; entered into the most abstruse inquiries as to the source and nature
of expression, the most philosophical and elevated branch of the art; and
smoothed the way, if I may be permitted to say so, for the appearance of
Raffaello. No one could be more curious in his researches, more intent upon
observing, or more prompt in catching the motions of the passions, as
exhibited either in the features or the actions. He frequented places of
public assembly, and all spectacles in which man gave free play to his
active powers; and there, in a small book always ready at hand, he drew the
attitudes which he selected; and these designs he preserved in order to
apply them, with expressions more or less powerful, according to the
occasion, and the degree of expression he wished to introduce. For it was
his custom, in the same manner as he gradually strengthened his shadows
until he reached the highest degree; so also in the composition of his
figures, to proceed in heightening them until he attained the perfection of
passion and of motion. The same kind of gradation he observed in regard to
elegance, of which he was perhaps the earliest admirer; since previous
artists appeared unable to distinguish grace from beauty, and still more so
to adapt it to pleasing subjects in such a way as to rise from the less to
the more attractive points, as was practised by Lionardo da Vinci. He even
adhered to the same rule in his burlesques; always throwing an air of
greater ridicule over one than another, insomuch that he was heard to say,
that they ought to be carried to such a height, if possible, as even to
make a dead man laugh.
The characteristic, therefore, of this incomparable artist, consists in a
refinement of taste, of which no equal example, either preceding or
following him, is to be found; if, indeed, we may not admit that of the old
Protogenes, in whom Apelles was unable to find any reason why he himself
should be preferred to him, except it were the superabundant industry of
his competitor.[51] And, in truth, it would appear, that Vinci likewise,
did not always call to mind the maxim of "ne quid nimis," in the observance
of which, the perfection of human pursuits is to be found. Phidias himself,
said Tully, bore in his mind a more beautiful Minerva and a grander Jove,
than he was capable of exhibiting with his chisel; and it is prudent
counsel, that teaches us to aspire to the best, but to rest satisfied with
attaining what is good. Vinci was never pleased with his labours if he did
not execute them as perfectly as he had conceived them; and being unable to
reach the high point proposed with a mortal hand, he sometimes only
designed his work, or conducted it only to a certain degree of completion.
Sometimes he devoted to it so long a period as almost to renew the example
of the ancient who employed seven years over his picture. But as there was
no limit to the discovery of fresh beauties in that work, so, in the
opinion of Lomazzo, it happens with the perfections of Vinci's paintings,
including even those which Vasari and others allude to as left imperfect.
Footnote 51: Plin. lib. xxxv. c. 10. Uno se praestare, quod
manum ille de tabula nesciret tollere. This he said in
reference to that Jalysus, on which Protogenes had bestowed
no less than seven years.
Before proceeding further, it becomes our historical duty, having here
mentioned his imperfect works, to inform the reader of the real sense in
which the words are to be taken when applied to Vinci. It is certain he
left a number of works only half finished, such as his Epiphany, in the
ducal gallery at Florence, or his Holy Family, in the archbishop's palace
at Milan. Most frequently, however, the report is grounded upon his having
left some portion of his pieces less perfectly finished than the rest; a
deficiency, nevertheless, that cannot always be detected even by the best
judges. The portrait, for instance, of M. Lisa Gioconda, painted at
Florence in the period of four years, and then, according to Vasari, left
imperfect, was minutely examined by Mariette, in the collection of the king
of France, and was declared to be carried to so high a degree of finish,
that it was impossible to surpass it. The defect will be more easily
recognized in other portraits, several of which are yet to be seen at
Milan; for instance, that of a lady belonging to the Sig. Principe Albani;
and one of a man, in the Palazzo Scotti Gallerati. Indeed Lomazzo has
remarked, that, excepting three or four, he left all the rest of his heads
imperfect. But imperfections and faults like his would have been accounted
distinguishing qualities in almost any other artist.
Even his grand Supper has been stated in history as an imperfect
production, though at the same time all history is agreed in celebrating it
as one of the most beautiful paintings that ever proceeded from the hand of
man. It was painted for the refectory of the Dominican fathers, at Milan,
and may be pronounced a compendium not only of all that Lionardo taught in
his books, but also of what he embraced in his studies. He here gave
expression to the exact point of time best adapted to animate his history,
which is the moment when the redeemer addresses his disciples, saying, "One
of you will betray me." Then each of his innocent followers is seen to
start as if struck with a thunderbolt; those at a distance seem to
interrogate their companions, as if they think they must have mistaken what
he had said; others, according to their natural disposition, appear
variously affected; one of them swoons away, one stands lost in
astonishment, a third rises in indignation, while the very simplicity and
candour depicted upon the countenance of a fourth, seem to place him beyond
the reach of suspicion. But Judas instantly draws in his countenance, and
while he appears as it were attempting to give it an air of innocence, the
eye rests upon him in a moment as the undoubted traitor. Vinci himself used
to observe, that for the space of a whole year, he employed his time in
meditating how he could best give expression to the features of so bad a
heart; and that being accustomed to frequent a place where the worst
characters were known to assemble, he there met with a physiognomy to his
purpose; to which he also added the features of many others. In his figures
of the two Saints Jacopo, presenting fine forms, most appropriate to the
characters, he availed himself of the same plan; and being unable with his
utmost diligence to invest that of Christ with a superior air to the rest,
he left the head in an unfinished state, as we learn from Vasari, though
Armenini pronounced it exquisitely complete. The rest of the picture, the
tablecloth with its folds, the whole of the utensils, the table, the
architecture, the distribution of the lights, the perspective of the
ceiling, (which in the tapestry of San Pietro, at Rome, is changed almost
into a hanging garden) all was conducted with the most exquisite care; all
was worthy of the finest pencil in the world. Had Lionardo desired to
follow the practice of his age in painting in distemper, the art at this
time would have been in possession of this treasure. But being always fond
of attempting new methods, he painted this masterpiece upon a peculiar
ground, formed of distilled oils, which was the reason that it gradually
detached itself from the wall, a misfortune which had also nearly befallen
one of his Madonnas, at S. Onofrio, at Rome, though it was preserved under
glass. About half a century subsequent to the production of his great
Supper, when Armenini then saw it, it was already _half decayed_; and
Scanelli, who examined it in 1642, declares that it "_was with difficulty
he could discern the history as it had been_." In the present century a
hope had been indulged of this magnificent painting being restored by aid
of some varnish, or other secret, as may be seen by consulting Bottari. In
regard to this, however, and the other vicissitudes of this great picture,
we ought also to consider what is stated in a tone of ridicule and reproach
by Bianconi, in his _New Guide_.[52] It will be sufficient for my purpose
to add, that nothing remains in the modern picture from the hand of Vinci,
if we except three heads of apostles, which may be said to be rather
sketched than painted. Milan boasts few of his works, as those which are
ascribed to him are for the most part the productions of his school,
occasionally retouched by himself, as in the altar-piece of S. Ambrogio _ad
nemus_, which has great merit. A Madonna, however, and Infant, in the
Belgioioso d'Este palace, as well as one or two other pictures in private
possession, are undoubtedly from his hand. We are assured, indeed, that he
left few pieces at Milan, as well from his known fastidiousness in
painting, as from his having been diverted from it, both by inclination and
by the commissions received from the prince, to conduct works connected
with engineering, hydraulics, and machinery for a variety of purposes,
besides those of architecture;[53] and especially in regard to that
celebrated model of a horse, of which, owing to its size, as we are told by
Vasari, no cast could be taken in bronze. And this writer is the more
entitled to credit, as well because he flourished near the period of which
he treats, as because he could hardly be ignorant of a work, which would
almost have placed the fame of our Italian on an equality with that of
Lysippus.[54]
Footnote 52: (Page 329.) The Sig. Baldassare Orsini has
likewise inveighed against the inconsiderate retouchings of
old paintings, in his _Risposta_, p. 77; where he also
alludes to a letter of Hakert's, in defence of varnishes,
and to another in reply, in which the use of them is
disapproved by force of examples. He moreover cites a
Supplementary Letter drawn from the Roman Journal of Fine
Arts, for December, 1788.
Footnote 53: A number of designs are to be seen in his MS.
volumes belonging to the Ambrosian collection. See
Mariette's letter, in vol. ii. of Lett. Pittoriche, p. 171;
and, also, "Observations upon the Designs of Lionardo," by
the Ab. Amoretti, Ed. of Milan, 1784.
Footnote 54: It was intended for the equestrian statue of
Francesco Sforza, father of Lodovico. The Cav. Fr. Sabba da
Castiglione has mentioned in his Ricordi, No. 109, that this
very ingenious model, so greatly celebrated in the annals of
the arts, which cost Vinci sixteen years to complete, was
seen by the writer in 1499, converted into a target for the
Gascon bowmen in the service of Louis XII. when he became
master of Milan.
Of all his labours in Milan, therefore, nothing is better deserving of our
notice than the academy which he founded, whose pupils constitute the
proudest and most flourishing epoch of this school. They are not all
equally well known; and we often find, both in collections and in churches,
that pictures are pointed out as being of the school of Vinci, without
specifying the particular artists. Their altar-pieces seldom display
composition, varying much from that common to other schools of the age;
namely, figures of the Virgin with the Infant, upon a throne, surrounded by
saints, chiefly in an erect posture, and a few cherubs on the steps.
Vinci's disciples, however, if I mistake not, were the first who conferred
on their figures some degree of unity in action, so as to give them the
appearance of conversing with each other. In the remaining parts, also,
they exhibit a pretty uniform taste; they represent the same faces, all
somewhat oval, smiling lips, the same manner in their precise and somewhat
dry outlines, the same choice of temperate colours, well harmonized,
together with the same study of the chiaroscuro, which the less skilful
artists overcharge with darkness, while the better ones apply it in
moderation.
One who approached nearest to his style, at a certain period, was Cesar da
Sesto, likewise called Cesare Milanese, though not recorded by Vasari, or
Lomazzo, in the list of his disciples. Still he is generally admitted by
more modern writers. In the Ambrosian collection is the head of an old man,
so extremely clear and studied, in the Vinci manner, by this artist, as to
surprise the beholder. In some of his other works he followed Raffaello,
whom he knew in Rome; and it is reported, that this prince of painting one
day said to him, "It seems to me strange that being bound in such strict
ties of friendship as we two are, we do not in the least respect each other
with our pencils," as if they had been rivals on a sort of equality. He was
intimate too with Baldassar Peruzzi, and was employed with him in the
castle of Ostia. In this work, which was one of the earliest efforts of
Baldassare, Vasari seems inclined to yield the palm of excellence to the
Milanese artist. He was esteemed Vinci's best pupil; and he is more than
once held up by Lomazzo, as a model in design, in attitude, and more
particularly in the art of using his lights. He cites an Herodias by him,
of which I have seen a copy in possession of the Consiglier Pagave, and the
countenance bore an extreme resemblance to the Fornarina of Raffaello. The
Cav. D. Girolamo Melzi has likewise one of his Holy Families, in the
Raffaello manner, which he obtained a few years ago at an immense sum, as
well as that celebrated altar-piece painted for S. Rocco. It is divided
into compartments; in the midst is seen the Titular Saint and the Holy
Virgin, with the Infant, imitated from a figure by Raffaello, which is at
Foligno. From his Dispute of the Sacrament he likewise borrowed the S. Gio.
Batista seated on a cloud, which is accompanied with the figure of St. John
the Evangelist, placed in the same position. These decorate the upper part
of the picture; the lower being occupied by the figures of the two
half-naked saints, Cristoforo and Sebastiano, both appropriately executed,
and the last exhibiting a new and beautiful foreshortening. They are on a
larger scale than the figures of Poussin, and with such resemblance to
Coreggio's, that, in the opinion of the Ab. Bianconi, they might have been
easily ascribed to him, in default of the artist's name; such is the
softness, union, and brightness of the fleshes, such their beauty of
colouring, and the harmony investing the whole painting. It used to be
closed with two panels, where, with a certain correspondence of subjects,
were drawn the two princes of the Apostles, with Saints Martino and Giorgio
on horseback; all of which display the same maxims, though not equal
diligence in the art. Hence we may infer that this artist did not, like
Vinci, aspire at producing masterpieces as an invariable rule, but was
content, like Luini, with occasional efforts of the kind.
At the church of Sarono, situated between Pavia and Milan, are seen the
figures of four Saints, drawn on four narrow pilasters; the two equestrian
saints, already mentioned, and Saints Sebastiano and Rocco, to whom
especially invocations are made against the plague. They are inscribed with
the name _Caesar Magnus_, f. 1533: the foreshortening is well adapted to the
place; and the figure of S. Rocco more especially displays a composition
such as we have mentioned. The features are not very pleasing, with the
exception of those of St. George, as they are somewhat too round and full.
These pieces are in general assigned to the artist of whom we here treat,
and many are inclined to infer, from the inscription, that he belonged to
the family of the Magni. But it is doubted by others; the frescos not
appearing to justify his high reputation, however excellent in their way.
Besides, I find the death of Cesare da Sesto recorded, in a MS.
communicated to me by Sig. Bianconi, as occurring in the year 1524, though
not in such a manner as to remove all kind of doubt. I find some reason for
inclining to an opposite opinion in the great diversity of style,
remarkable in this artist, the conformity of various ideas in the frescos
and in his altar-piece, together with the silence of Lomazzo, generally so
exact in his mention of the best Lombards, and who records no other Cesare
but da Sesto.
I ought not to separate the name of this noble figurist from that of
Bernazzano the landscape painter, as they were united no less in interest
than in friendship. It is uncertain whether he was instructed by Vinci; he
doubtless availed himself of his models, and in drawing rural landscape,
fruits, flowers, and birds, he succeeded so admirably as to produce the
same wonderful effects as are told of Zeuxes and Apelles, in Greece. This
indeed Italian artists have frequently renewed, though with a less degree
of applause. Having represented a strawberry-bed in a court-yard, the
peafowl were so deceived by its resemblance, that they pecked at the wall
until the painting was destroyed. He painted the landscape part for a
picture of the Baptism of Christ, and on the ground drew some birds in the
act of feeding. On its being placed in the open air, the birds were seen to
fly towards the picture, as if to join their companions. As this artist had
the sense to perceive his own deficiency in figures, he cultivated an
intimacy with Cesare, who added to his landscapes fables and histories,
sometimes with a degree of license that is reprobated by Lomazzo. These
paintings are held in high esteem, where the figure-painter has made a
point of displaying his powers.
Gio. Antonio Beltraffio, as his name is written on his monument, was a
gentleman of Milan, who employed only his leisure hours in painting, and
produced some works at Milan, and other places; but the best is at Bologna.
It is placed at the Misericordia, and bore his signature, with that of his
master Vinci, and the date 1500, though these have been since erased. In it
is represented the Virgin between Saints John the Baptist and Bastiano,
while the figure of Girolamo da Cesio, who gave the commission for the
picture, is seen kneeling at the foot of the throne. It forms the only
production of Beltraffio placed in public, and is on that account esteemed
the more valuable. The whole of it exhibits the exact study of his school
in the air of the heads, judicious in composition, and softened in its
outlines. His design, however, is rather more dry than that of his fellow
pupils; the effect, perhaps, of his early education, under the Milanese
artists of the fourteenth century, not sufficiently corrected.
Francesco Melzi was another Milanese of noble birth, enumerated among
Lionardo's disciples, though he had only the benefit of his instructions in
design during his more tender years. He approached nearest of any to
Vinci's manner, conducting pieces that are frequently mistaken for those of
his master; but he employed himself seldom, because he was rich.[55] He was
greatly esteemed by Vinci, inasmuch as he united a very fine countenance to
the most amiable disposition, his gratitude inducing him to accompany his
master on his last visit into France. He was as generously rewarded for it,
becoming heir to the whole of Vinci's designs, instruments, books, and
manuscripts. He promoted as far as possible the reputation of his master,
by furnishing both Vasari and Lomazzo with notices for his life; and by
preserving for the eye of posterity the valuable collection of his
writings. For as long as the numerous volumes deposited at the Ambrosian
library continue to exist, the world must admit that he was one of the
chief revivers, not only of painting but of statics, of hydrostatics, of
optics, and of anatomy.
Footnote 55: Amoretti, Mem. Stor. del Vinci, p. 130.
Andrea Salai, or Salaino, was, from similar qualities, a great favourite
with Vinci, who chose him according to the language of the times, as his
_creato_, using him as a model for beautiful figures, both of a human and
angelic cast. He instructed him, as we are told by Vasari, in matters
pertaining to the art, and retouched his labours, which I think must
gradually have changed their name; as a Salai is not now esteemed like a
Vinci. There is a St. John the Baptist pointed out as his, elegant, but
rather dry, in the archbishop's palace; a very animated portrait of a man,
in the Aresi palace; with a few other pieces. His picture in the sacristy
of S. Celso, is more particularly celebrated. It was drawn from the cartoon
of Lionardo, executed at Florence, and so greatly applauded, that the
citizens ran to behold it, as they would have done some great solemnity.
Vasari calls it the cartoon of St. Anna, who, with the Virgin, is seen
fondling the Holy Child, while the infant John the Baptist is playing with
him. Subsequently, this cartoon rose into such repute, that when Francis I.
invited Vinci to his court, he entreated that he would undertake the
colouring; but the latter, says Vasari, according to his custom, amused him
a long while with words. It appears, moreover, from a letter of P. Resta,
inserted in the third volume of the Lettere Pittoriche, that Vinci formed
three cartoons of his St. Anna, one of which was coloured by Salai. This
artist admirably fulfilled the design of the inventor, in the taste of his
well harmonised and low colours, in the agreeable character of his
landscape, and in grand effect. In the same sacristy, opposite to it, was
placed, for some time, a Holy Family by Raffaello, now removed to Vienna;
nor did it shrink from such competition. A similar copy of the same cartoon
was obtained from Vienna for our reigning sovereign, Ferdinand III. and now
adorns the ducal gallery at Florence, likewise, perhaps, from the hand of
Salai.
Marco Uglone, or Uggione, or da Oggione, ought to be included among the
best Milanese painters. He did not employ himself exclusively on favourite
pictures, like most of the scholars of Vinci, who preferred to paint little
and well; but was celebrated for his frescos; and his works at the Pace
still maintain their outline entire, and their colours bright. Some of
these are in the church, and a very magnificent picture of the Crucifixion
is to be seen in the refectory; surprising for the variety, beauty, and
spirit of its figures. Few Lombard artists attained the degree of
expression that is here manifested; and few to such mastery of composition
and novelty of costume. In his human figures, he aimed at elegance of
proportion; and in those of horses he is seen to be the disciple of Vinci.
For another refectory, that of the Certosa, in Pavia, he copied the Supper
of Lionardo, and it is such as to supply, in some measure, the loss of the
original. Milan boasts two of his altar-pieces, one at S. Paolo in Compito,
and another at S. Eufemia, in the style of the school we have described,
and both excellent productions; though the manner which he observed in his
frescos, is more soft and analogous to modern composition.
In the historical memoirs of Vinci, written by Amoretti, one Galeazzo is
mentioned as one of his pupils, though it is difficult to decide who he
was, along with other artists recorded in the Vinci MSS. These are one
Jacomo, one Fanfoia, and a Lorenzo, which might perhaps be interpreted to
be Lotto, did not the epochs pointed out by Count Tassi and P. Federici,
relating to this artist, appear inapplicable to the Lorenzo of Vinci, who
was born in 1488, and came to Lionardo in April, 1505, and probably while
Vinci was at Fiesole, since he was there in the month of March in that
year; that is, a month before,[56] and continued to reside with him at
least while he remained in Italy. I am inclined to believe he filled the
place of his domestic.
Footnote 56: See Amoretti, p. 90.
Father Resta, in his "Portable Gallery," cited by me in the third chapter,
inserts also, among Vinci's Milanese disciples, one Gio. Pedrini, and
Lomazzo, a Pietro Ricci, of whom I can learn nothing farther. Some, indeed,
include in the same list Cesare Cesariano, an architect and painter in
miniature, whose life has been written by Poleni. Lattuada, too, mentions
Niccola Appiano, and makes him the author of a fresco painting over the
gate of the Pace, which is certainly in the Vinci manner. Cesare Arbasia,
of whom we shall further treat in the sixth book of the fifth volume, under
the head of Piedmont, was erroneously referred, at Cordova, to the school
of Vinci, and is mentioned as his pupil by Palomino. This was impossible,
if we consider the epochs of his life, together with the character of his
paintings. Were a resemblance of style enough to decide the question of
preceptorship, I might here add to Leonardo's school a number of other
Milanese, both of the city and the state. I cannot, however, dispense with
a maxim, which, under a variety of forms, I have recommended to my readers;
that history alone can ascertain for us the real pupils, as style does such
as are imitators. Being unable, therefore, to pronounce them disciples, I
shall give to Vinci only as his imitators the names of Count Francesco
d'Adda, who was accustomed to paint on panels and on slate for private
cabinets; Ambrogio Egogui, of whom there remains at Nerviano a fine
altar-piece, executed in 1527; Gaudenzio Vinci, of Nova, who is
distinguished also for another altar-piece at Arona, with a date anterior
to the preceding. I never saw any of these; but it is agreed by all, that
they are in the Vinci manner; and that the last especially is an
astonishing production. Another work, which made its appearance only a few
years ago at Rome, representing the figure of the Virgin, and quite in
Leonardo's composition, as I have heard, bears the following inscription:
_Bernardinus Faxolus de Papia fecit_, 1518. It was purchased by the Sig.
Principe Braschi, for his very choice gallery; and it appeared truly
surprising at Rome, that such a painter should be presented to our age, as
it were alone, and without a word of recommendation from any historian. Yet
similar occurrences are not unknown in Italy, and it forms a portion of her
fame to enumerate her celebrated artists by ranks and not by numbers.
It remains for us to do justice to Vinci's most distinguished imitator,
Bernardin Lovino, as he writes it, or Luini, as it is generally expressed;
a native of Luino, in the Lago Maggiore. Resta asserts, that he did not
arrive at Milan until after the departure of Vinci, and that he was
instructed by Scotto. The author of the Guide, (at page 120) includes him
in the list of Lionardo's pupils, and this, from the period when he
flourished, might, I think, have been the case. Because if Gaudenzio, born
in 1484, _was at once the disciple of Scotto and of Lovino_, as we are
informed in the treatise of Lomazzo, (p. 421) it follows, that Bernardino
must already have been a master about 1500, the time when Vinci left Milan.
To much the same period Vasari refers Bernardino da Lupino, (he should have
said da Luino,) an artist who painted the Marriage and other histories of
the Virgin in so highly finished a taste at Sarono. One of Vasari's
annotators erroneously again changes the name of Lupino into _Lanino_, a
pupil of Gaudenzio. My supposition respecting the age of Bernardino, is
further confirmed by a portrait which he drew of himself at Sarono, in his
Dispute of the child Jesus with the Doctors, where he appears then old, and
this picture was executed in the year 1525, as appears from the date.
Luini, therefore, may have been one of Vinci's disciples; and he certainly
frequented his academy. Others indeed of the school surpassed him in
delicacy of hand, and in the pleasing effect of the chiaroscuro, a quality
for which Lomazzo commends Cesare da Sesto, declaring that Luini drew his
shadows in too coarse a style. Notwithstanding this, no artist approached
nearer Vinci, both in point of design and colouring than Bernardino, who
very frequently composed in a taste so like that of his master, that out of
Milan many of his pieces pass for those of Vinci. Such is the opinion of
true connoisseurs, as reported and approved by the author of the New Guide,
who is assuredly one belonging to this class. He adduces two examples in
the pictures at the Ambrosiana; namely, the Magdalen, and the St. John, who
is seen caressing his lamb, a piece which foreigners can hardly be
persuaded is not from Vinci's own hand. I have seen other pictures of
equal, or nearly equal, merit, in different Milanese collections which I
have frequently mentioned.
We must, however, add what I observed in reference to Cesare da Sesto just
before, that in some of his works there is great resemblance to the manner
of Raffaello, such as in a Madonna, belonging to the Prince of Keweniller,
and one or two others which I know were purchased under the impression of
their being Raffaello's. Hence, I imagine, must have arisen the opinion,
that he had visited Rome, which is very properly questioned by the Ab.
Bianconi, (p. 391), who rather inclines to the negative. Nor can I myself
admit it without some further proofs, a similarity of manner to me
appearing far too weak an argument to decide the fact. The same point was
discussed in the third chapter on the subject of Coreggio; and if we found
reason to conclude, that Coreggio succeeded in enlarging and refining his
divine genius to such a degree, without seeing either Raffaello or
Michelangiolo at Rome, we may admit the same to have been the case in the
instance of Luini. The book of nature is equally open to all artists; taste
is a sure guide to selection; and, by degrees, practice leads to the
complete execution of what is thus selected. Vinci's taste so nearly
resembled that of Raffaello in point of delicacy, grace, and expression of
the passions, that had he not been diverted by other pursuits, and had he
sacrificed some degree of his high finish, for the sake of adding to his
facility, amenity, and fulness of outline, his style would naturally have
run into competition with that of Raffaello, with whom, as it is, in some
of his heads especially, he has many points in common. It was the same with
Bernardino, who had embued himself with the taste of Vinci, and nourished
during a period that bordered on an improved degree of freedom and softness
of manner. At first, indeed, he adopted a less full and somewhat dry style,
such as we easily recognise in his Pieta, at the Passione; subsequently he
proceeded gradually to modernize it. Even that fine little picture of the
Ebriety of Noah, which is shewn at S. Barnaba, as one of his most exquisite
pieces, retains a certain precision in its design, a hardness of drapery
and a direction of folds, which remind us of the fourteenth century. He
becomes more modern in his histories of S. Croce, executed about 1520,
several of which he repeated at Sarono five years after, where he appears
to surpass his own productions. These last are the works which most
resemble Raffaello's composition; though they retain that minuteness in
decoration, the gilding of glories, and the abundance of little ornament in
the temples, such as we see in Mantegna and his contemporaries; all of
which were abandoned by Raffaello, when he arrived at his best manner.
It is my opinion, in fact, that this artist was not so much indebted to
Rome, from whose masters he probably only imitated some prints or copies,
as to Vinci's academy, with whose maxims he became completely familiar; and
more especially to his own genius, vast in its kind, and equalled by very
few. I say in its kind; for I allude to all that is sweet, beautiful,
pious, and sensitive in the art. In those histories of our Lady, at Sarono,
her features present us with a lovely union of beauty, dignity, and
modesty, such as approach to Raffaello, although they are not his. They
are, moreover, always consistent with the history the artist represents,
whether we behold the Virgin at the marriage, or listening with wonder to
the prophecies of Simeon; when, penetrated with the grand mystery, she
receives the wise men of the east; or when, with a countenance of mingled
joy and sorrow, she inquires of her divine son, teaching in the temple, why
he had thus left her. The other figures possess a corresponding beauty; the
heads appear to live, the looks and motions seem to be expecting a reply;
combined with variety of design, of drapery, and of passions, all borrowed
from nature; a style in which every thing appears natural and unstudied,
which gains at a first view, which compels the eye to study part by part,
and from which it cannot withdraw itself without an effort: such is the
character of Luini's style in that temple. We observe little variation in
his other pictures, which he executed with more care, and at a more mature
age, at Milan; nor can I imagine what could lead Vasari to assert _that the
whole of his works are tolerable_; when we meet with so many calculated to
excite our wonder. Let us consult his picture of Christ scourged, at S.
Giorgio, and inquire by what hand the countenance of our Redeemer has been
drawn more full of kindness, humility, and piety; or turn to his smaller
cabinet paintings in the possession of the Signori Litta, and other noble
houses, so beautifully finished, and inquire again how many artists in his
own times could have equalled him in these? The genius of Luini does not,
moreover, appear to have been at all fastidious or slow; at least in his
fresco paintings. Thus his Crown of Thorns, placed at the college of S.
Sepolcro, a picture abounding with figures, for which he received one
hundred and fifteen lire, occupied him thirty-eight days, besides eleven
more, during which one of his pupils was engaged on the work. He availed
himself of similar aid, likewise, in painting the choir of Sarono, in the
Monastero Maggiore, at Milan, in several churches of Lago Maggiore, and in
other places; and to these assistants we ought apparently to ascribe
whatever parts we find less perfect.
Two only of his disciples, his own sons, as far as I can learn, are known.
At the period when Lomazzo published his treatise, in 1584, they were both
living, and both mentioned by him with commendation. Of Evangelista, the
second brother, he remarks, that in the art of ornamenting and festooning,
he was equally ingenious and fanciful, at the same time giving him a high
rank in other branches of painting; though it is to be regretted that he
did not point out any of his productions. Aurelio Luini is frequently
praised in the same work, as well as in the Teatro, for his knowledge of
anatomy, and for his skill in landscape and perspective. He is subsequently
introduced in the Treatise upon Painting, among the most celebrated artists
of Milan who then flourished, as a successful rival of Polidoro's style, of
which a specimen is praised, consisting of a large fresco, on the facade of
the Misericordia. After the lapse of two centuries, Bianconi has written of
him with more freedom, declaring, that though the son, he was not the
follower of Bernardino, the purity of whose style he was far from
attaining. And, in truth, if we except his composition, there is not much
calculated to please in this artist. We may, indeed, often trace the
paternal manner, much deteriorated however, and tainted with mannerism; his
ideas are common, his attitudes less natural, the folds of his drapery are
minute, and drawn in a mechanical manner. This character prevails in some
genuine pieces of his that I have seen; among which is one in the Melzi
Collection, with his name and the date of 1570. Others, however, which I
have examined at Milan, are in a better taste, especially at S. Lorenzo,
where an altar-piece with the Baptism of Christ, is ascribed to him, that
would have done credit to Bernardino. Aurelio instructed in the art Pietro
Gnocchi; and, if I mistake not, he was surpassed by his pupil, both in
selection and in good taste. A Pietro Luini, having the reputation of a
soft and accurate hand, and esteemed the last of the Luini, being admitted
in history, I doubt whether he be not the Pietro of whom we here treat,
occasionally surnamed from the house of his master, as we find in the case
of Porta, and others of the sixteenth century. To him was ascribed the S.
Pietro, painted for S. Vittore, seen in the act of receiving the Keys; but
in the _New Guide_ it is correctly given to the hand of Gnocchi.
Having thus shewn, as in a family tree, the regular successors of Leonardo
at Milan, we must prepare to examine the other school, that traces its
origin to Foppa, and other artists of the fourteenth century, who are
mentioned in their place. It is not to be confounded with that of Vinci,
and is separately considered by writers on the subject, though it is known
to have derived great advantage from his models, and, I believe, from his
discourse, inasmuch as he is allowed, like Raffaello, to have been
extremely courteous and agreeable in his reception of every one, and in
communicating his knowledge to all who desired it without any feeling of
jealousy. If we take the pains to examine Bramantino and the rest of the
Milanese artists, subsequent to the middle of the sixteenth century, we
shall find them all more or less imitators of Vinci, aiming at his mode of
chiaroscuro and his expression, rather dark in their complexions, and
addicted to colour rather with force than with amenity. They are, however,
less studious of ideal beauty, less noble in their conceptions, less
exquisite in their taste, with the exception of Gaudenzio, who in every
thing rivals the first artists of his age; and he is the only one of the
ancient school who inculcated its maxims by teaching as well as by example.
Gaudenzio Ferrari da Valdugia is called by Vasari Gaudenzio Milanese. We
mentioned him among Raffaello's assistants, referring to the account of
Orlandi, who gives him as a pupil to Pietro Perugino, and noticing certain
pictures that are attributed to him in lower Italy. But in those parts,
where he only tarried a short time, or attempted some new method, he can
scarcely be recognized, the information regarding it being very doubtful,
which will be further shewn under the Ferrarese School. In Lombardy we may
now treat of him with more certainty, many of his works being met with, and
many particulars of him from the pen of Lomazzo, his successor in the art,
as we shall shortly shew. He mentions Scotto as his master, and next to him
Luini; and that previous to either of these he studied with Giovanone, is a
current tradition at Vercelli. Novara is thought to be in possession of one
of his first paintings, an altar-piece with various divisions at the
cathedral, in the taste of the fourteenth century, and with the gilt
decorations then so much in request. Vercelli possesses at S. Marco his
copy of the cartoon of S. Anna, to which are added the figures of S. Joseph
and some other saints. It is a youthful production, but which shews
Gaudenzio to have been an early imitator of Vinci, from whom, says Vasari,
he derived great assistance. He went young to Rome, where he is said to
have been employed by Raffaello, and acquired a more enlarged manner of
design, and greater beauty of colouring than had been practised by the
Milanese artists. Lomazzo, against the opinion of Scannelli, ranks him
among the seven greatest painters in the world, among whom he erred in not
including Coreggio. For whoever will compare the cupola of S. Giovanni at
Parma with that of S. Maria near Sarono, painted by Gaudenzio about the
same period, must admit that there are a variety of beauties in the former,
we may in vain seek for in the latter. Although we must admit that it
abounds with fine, varied, and well expressed figures, yet Gaudenzio will
be found in this, as in some other of his works, to retain traces of the
old style; such as a degree of harshness; too uniform a disposition of his
figures; his draperies, particularly of his angels, some of them drawn in
lines like Mantegna's; with figures occasionally relieved in stucco, and
then coloured, a practice he observed also in his trappings of horses, as
well as in other accessaries in the manner of Montorfano.
With the exception of these defects, which he wholly avoided in his more
finished pieces, Gaudenzio must be pronounced a very great painter, and one
who approached nearest of any among Raffaello's assistants to Perino and to
Giulio Romano. He displays also a vast fund of ideas, though of an opposite
cast, Giulio having frequently directed his genius to profane and
licentious subjects, while the former confined himself to sacred
compositions. He appears truly unequalled in his expression of the divine
majesty, the mysteries of religion, and all the feelings of piety, of which
he himself offered a laudable example, receiving the title of _Eximie pius_
in one of the Novarese assemblies. He was excellent in strong expression;
not that he aimed at exhibiting highly wrought muscular powers, but his
attitudes were, as Vasari entitles them, wild, that is, equally bold and
terrible where his subjects admitted of them. Such is the character of his
Christ's Passion, at the Grazie in Milan, where Titian was his competitor;
and his Fall of S. Paul, at the Conventual friars in Vercelli, a picture
approaching the nearest of any to that of Michelangiolo in the Pauline
chapel. In the rest of his pictures he shews great partiality for the most
difficult foreshortenings, which he introduces very frequently. If he fails
in reaching the peculiar grace and beauty of Raffaello, he at least greatly
partakes of that character, as we observe in his S. Cristoforo, at
Vercelli, where, in addition to the picture of the titular saint, he
painted upon the walls various histories of Jesus Christ, and others of
Mary Magdalen. In this great work he appears more perhaps than in any
other, in the character of a beautiful painter, presenting us with the most
lovely heads, and with angels as lively in their forms as spirited in their
attitudes. I have heard it praised as his masterpiece, though Lomazzo and
the author of the Guide both agree in asserting that the manner he adopted
in the Sepolcro of Varallo surpassed all he had elsewhere produced.
If we examine into further particulars of his style, we shall find
Ferrari's warm and lively colouring so superior to that of the Milanese
artists of his day, that there is no difficulty in recognizing it in the
churches where he painted; the eye of the spectator is directly attracted
towards it; his carnations are natural, and varied according to the
subjects; his draperies display much fancy and originality, as varied as
the art varies its draperies; with middle tints, blended so skilfully as to
equal the most beautiful produced by any other artist. And if we may so
say, he represented the minds even better than the forms of his subjects.
He particularly studied this branch of the art, and we seldom observe more
marked attitudes or more expressive countenances. Where he adds landscape
or architecture to his figures, the former chiefly consists of very
fanciful views of cliffs and rocks, which are calculated to charm by their
novelty; while his edifices are conducted on the principles of the best
perspective. As Lomazzo, however, has dwelt so much at length on his
admirable skill both in painting and modelling, it would be idle to insist
upon it further. But I ought to add, that it is a great reflection upon
Vasari that he did not better know, or better estimate such an artist; so
that foreigners, who form their opinions only from history, are left
unacquainted with his merit, and have uniformly neglected to do him justice
in their writings.
Ferrari's disciples for a long period maintained the manner of their
master, the first in succession with more fidelity than the second class,
and the second than the third. The chief part were more eager to imitate
his expression and his facility than the elegance of his design and
colouring, even so far as to fall into the bordering errors of negligence
and of caricature. The less celebrated scholars of Gaudenzio were Antonio
Lanetti da Bugnato, of whom I know of no remaining genuine production;
Fermo Stella da Caravaggio, and Giulio Cesare Luini Valsesiano, who are
still to be met with in some of the chapels at Varallo. Lomazzo, in the
thirty-seventh chapter of his Treatise, besides Lanino, to come shortly
under consideration, mentions, as imitators of Gaudenzio, Bernardo Ferrari
of Vigevano, where two sides of the cathedral organ are painted by his
hand; and Andrea Solari, or del Gobbo, or Milanese, as he is called by
Vasari at the close of his life of Coreggio, in whose age he flourished. He
says he was "a very excellent and beautiful painter, and attached to the
labours of the art," adducing some of his pictures in private, and an
Assumption at the Certosa in Pavia, in which Torre (p. 138) gives him
Salaino as a companion. His two most distinguished pupils were Gio. Batista
della Cerva and Bernardino Lanino, from whom sprung two branches of the
same school, the Milanese and that of Vercelli.
Cerva took up his abode at Milan, and if he painted every picture like that
which adorns San Lorenzo, representing the Apparition of Jesus Christ to S.
Thomas and the other Apostles, he is entitled to rank with the first of his
school, such is the choice and spirited character of the heads, such the
warmth and distribution of his colouring, and so truly noble and harmonious
is its effect as a whole. He must have been deeply versed in the art,
though we possess no more of his public works, as he became the master of
Gio. Paolo Lomazzo of Milan, who acquired from him the maxims he afterwards
published in his Treatise upon Painting in 1584, and which he condensed in
his Idea of the Temple of Painting, printed in 1590, to say nothing of his
verses, for the most part connected with the same profession.
In his account of this writer Orlandi inserted several erroneous epochs of
his life, subsequently cleared up by Bianconi, who fixes that of his loss
of sight about 1571, in the thirty-third year of his age. Until this
misfortune he had continued to cultivate all the knowledge he could derive
from those times, which indeed in certain branches are in some measure
undervalued. He took a tour through Italy, attaching himself to polite
letters and to the sciences, for which he indulged such an enthusiasm, in
his ill placed ambition to appear a philosopher, astrologer, and
mathematician, that he treated matters even the most obvious in an abstruse
and often false manner, as mistaken as the principles of the current
astrology itself. This defect is very perceptible in his larger work,
though being dispersed scantily here and there, it is the more easily
excused. But it is more serious in his compendium, or Idea of the Temple of
Painting, where it is presented to us in a point of view truly repugnant to
common sense. Whilst engaged in teaching an art which consists in designing
and colouring well, he flies from planet to planet; to each of the seven
painters, whom he calls principals, he assigns one of these celestial
bodies, and afterwards one of the metals to correspond. Extravagant as this
idea is, he gave scope to still more strange fancies; so that with this
method, combined with a most fatiguing prolixity, and the want of an exact
index, his treatises have been little read. It would be well worth while to
re-model this work, and to separate the fruit from the husk, as it abounds
not only with much pleasing historical information, but with the best
theories of art heard from the lips of those who knew both Leonardo and
Gaudenzio, as well as with excellent observations upon the practice of the
best masters, and much critical knowledge relating to the mythology,
history, and customs of the ancients. His rules of perspective are
particularly valuable. They were compiled from the MSS. of Foppa, of
Zenale, of Mantegna, and of Vinci, (Tratt. p. 264); in addition to which he
has preserved some fragments of Bramantino, who was extremely ingenious in
this art, (p. 276). By these qualities, united to a certain ease of style,
not so agreeable perhaps as that of Vasari, yet not so mysterious and
obscure as that of Zuccaro, nor so mean as that of Boschini, the treatise
of Lomazzo is deserving of attention, even from confessed masters, and of
their selection of some of the best chapters for the benefit of their
oldest pupils. I know of no other better adapted to furnish youthful genius
with fine pictoric ideas on every theme, none more likely to attach him,
and to instruct him how to treat questions upon ancient art, none that
displays a more extensive acquaintance with the human heart--what are its
passions, and by what signs they are manifested, and how they assume a
different dress in different countries, with their appropriate limits; and
no writer, finally, includes, in a single volume, more useful precepts for
the formation of a reflecting artist, a fine reasoner, in a spirit
congenial to Vinci, at once the father of the Milanese School, and I may
add of pictoric philosophy, which consists in sound reflection upon each
branch of the profession.
None of Lomazzo's paintings are doubtful, as the author has celebrated his
own life and works in certain verses, composed, as I have reason to think,
to beguile the tedium of hours wholly passed in darkness, and which he
entitled _Grotteschi_.[57] His first efforts, as in all instances, are
feeble, of which kind is his copy of Vinci's Supper, which may be seen at
the Pace. In his others we trace the hand of a master eager to put his
maxims into execution, and who succeeds more or less happily. One of the
most fundamental of these was to consider as dangerous the imitation of
other artists, whether taken from paintings or engravings. It is contended
that an artist should aim at becoming original, forming the whole of his
composition in his own mind, and copying the individual portions from
nature and from truth. This precept, first derived from Gaudenzio, was put
in force both by Lomazzo and others of his own time. In his pictures we may
always discover some original traits, as in that at S. Marco's, where,
instead of putting the keys in the hands of S. Peter, according to the
usual custom, he represents the Holy Child offering them to him in a
playful attitude. His novelty appears still more conspicuous in his large
histories, such as his Sacrifice of Melchisedech, in the library of the
Passione, a picture abounding with figures, in which the knowledge of
anatomy is equal to the novelty of the drapery, and the animation of the
colours to that of the attitudes. He has added to it a combat in the
distance, well conceived, and in good perspective. I have seen no other
painting of his that displays more knowledge. In other instances he is
confused and overloaded, sometimes also extravagant, as in that grand
fresco painted for the refectory of S. Agostino at Piacenza, or as it is
called of the Rocchettini, which represents the subject of the Forty Days'
Fast. This is an ideal feast of meagre meats, where the sovereigns are seen
in different seats (some of them portraits of the age), with lords of rank
feasting at a splendid banquet of fish, while the poor are devouring such
food as they have, and a greedy man is struggling with a huge mouthful
sticking in his throat. The Lord blesses the table, and above is seen the
sheet which was shewn in a vision to S. Peter. It is a grand picture,
calculated to surprise the eye by the exactness with which the particular
parts are copied from nature, and with a delicacy that Girupeno asserts was
unequalled even by Lomazzo in the works he executed at Milan. But it is not
happy as a whole; the canvass is too full, and there is a mixture of sacred
and burlesque subjects, from scripture and from the tavern, that cannot be
reconciled or approved.
Footnote 57: Can there be any doubt whether he was blind or
not, when he wrote the following verses:--
Quindi andai a Piacenza, et ivi fei
Nel refetorio di Sant'Agostino
La facciata con tal historia pinta.
Da lontan evvi Piero in orazione
Che vede giu dal ciel un gran lenzuolo
Scender pien d'animai piccioli e grandi
Onde la Quadragesma fu introdotta, &c.
Lomazzo gives the names of two Milanese as his pupils, Cristoforo Ciocca
and Ambrogio Figino. He could not long have afforded them his instructions,
as at the period when he wrote his treatise, being then blind, they were
both still in early youth. He commends them for their portraits, and the
first would appear never to have been an able composer, having left,
perhaps, no other pieces in public, except his histories of S. Cristoforo,
at S. Vittore al Corpo, by no means excellent. Figino succeeded no less
admirably in portraits, which he painted also for princes, with high
commendation from the Cav. Marino, than in large compositions almost always
executed in oil, and more distinguished by the excellence than by the
number of the figures. Some of his pictures, as his S. Ambrogio, at S.
Austorgio, or his S. Matteo, at S. Raffaello, though presenting few
figures, fail not to please by the grandeur of character expressed in the
faces of those saints; nor has any other artist of Milan approached in this
art nearer to Gaudenzio who left such noble examples in his S. Girolamo and
S. Paolo. In works of a larger scale, such as his Assumption at S. Fedele,
and the very elegant Concezione at S. Antonio, he also excels. His method
is described by his preceptor, in his Treatise, (p. 438). He proposed for
his imitation the lights and the accuracy of Leonardo, the dignity of
Raffaello, Coreggio's colouring, and the outlines of Michelangiolo. Of the
last in particular he was one of the most successful imitators in his
designs, which are consequently in the highest repute; but independent of
which he is little known, either in collections or in history, further than
Milan. This artist must not be mistaken for Girolamo Figino, his
contemporary, a very able painter, and an exact miniaturist, if we are to
credit Morigia. There is also ranked, among Lomazzo's disciples, a Pietro
Martire Stresi, who acquired some reputation by his copies from Raffaello.
The other branch of Gaudenzio's school, before mentioned, sprung from
Bernardino Lanini of Vercelli, who there produced some excellent early
imitations of the style of Gaudenzio, his master. At S. Giuliano there is a
Pieta, with the date of 1547, which might be ascribed to Gaudenzio, had not
the name of Bernardino been affixed. It is the same with his other
pictures, executed at his native place, when still young, and perhaps the
chief distinction consists in his inferior accuracy of design, and less
force of chiaroscuro. At a riper age he painted with more freedom, and a
good deal in the manner of the naturalists, ranking among the first in
Milan. He had a very lively genius both for conceiving and executing, and
adapted like that of Ferrari for noble histories. The one of S. Catherine,
in the church of that name, near S. Celso, is greatly celebrated, and the
more so, from what Lomazzo has said of it, being full of pictoric spirit in
the features and the attitudes, with colouring like Titian's, and embued
with grace, no less in the face of the saint, which partakes of Guido, than
in the choir of angels, which rivals those of Gaudenzio. If there be any
portion deficient, it is in the want of more care in arranging his drapery.
He was much employed, both for the city and the state, particularly at the
cathedral of Novara, where he painted his Sibyllo, and his Padre Eterno, so
greatly admired by Lomazzo; besides several histories of the Virgin, which
though now deprived of their colour, still attract us by the spirit and
clearness of the design. He was sometimes fond of displaying the manner of
Vinci, as in his picture of the Patient Christ, between two angels, painted
for the church of Ambrogio; so complete in every part, so beautiful and
devotional, combined with so fine a relief, as to be esteemed one of the
most excellent productions that adorn that church.
Bernardino had two brothers, not known beyond Vercelli; Gaudenzio, of whom
there is said to be an altar-piece in the Sacristy of the Padri Barnabiti
representing the Virgin between various saints; and his second brother
Girolamo, from whose hand I have seen a Descent from the Cross, belonging
to a private individual. Both display some distant resemblance to
Bernardino in the natural expression of the countenances, the former also
in the force of his colouring, though alike greatly inferior in design.
Three other Giovenoni, subsequent to Girolamo, flourished about the period
of Lanini, whose names were Paolo, Batista, and Giuseppe; the last became
an excellent portrait-painter. He was brother-in-law to Lanini, two of
whose sons-in-law were likewise good artists; Soleri, whom I reserve for
the school of Piedmont, and Gio. Martino Casa, a native of Vercelli, who
resided, however, at Milan, whence I obtained my information. Perhaps the
last in the list of this school was Vicolungo di Vercelli. In a private
house at that place, I saw his Supper of Belshazzar, tolerably well
coloured, abounding with figures, extravagant drapery, poor ideas, and no
way calculated to surprise, except by exhibiting the successors of
Raffaello reduced thus gradually to so mean a state.
Good landscape painters were not wanting in this happy epoch in Milan,
particularly in the school of Bernazzano, their productions appearing in
several collections, though their names are unknown. To this list perhaps
belongs the Francesco Vicentino, a Milanese so much commended by Lomazzo,
who, in a landscape, succeeded even in shewing the dust blown about by the
wind. He was also a good figure-painter, of which a few fine specimens
remain at the Grazie and other churches. Some ornamental painters and of
grotesques we have already noticed, to which list we may add Aurelio Buso,
mentioned with praise among the native Venetian artists, and here again
justly recorded for his labours. Vincenzio Lavizzario, an excellent
portrait-painter, may be esteemed the Titian of the Milanese, to whose name
we may unite that of Gio. da Monte of Crema, treated in the preceding book,
and deserving of repetition here. Along with him flourished Giuseppe
Arcimboldi, selected for his skill in portrait, as the court-painter of
Maximilian II., in which office he continued also under the emperor
Rodolph. Both these artists were much celebrated for those capricci, or
fancy pieces, which afterwards fell into disuse. At a distance they
appeared to be figures of men and women; but on a nearer view the Flora
disappeared in a heap of flowers and leaves, and the Vertumnus was
metamorphosed into a composition of fruits and foliage. Nor did these
fanciful artists confine themselves to subjects taken from ancient fable;
they added others in which they poetically introduced various
personifications. The former even represented Cucina, with her head and
limbs composed only of pots and pans and other kitchen utensils; while the
latter, who acquired great credit from these strange inventions, produced a
picture of Agriculture, consisting of spades, ploughs, and scythes, with
other appropriate implements.
We have lastly to record an art connected with the inferior branches of
painting, scarcely noticed by me in any other place, being, indeed,
purposely reserved for the Milanese School, where it more particularly
flourished. This is the art of embroidering, not merely flowers and
foliage, but extensive history and figure-pieces. It had continued from the
time of the Romans in Italy, and there is a very valuable specimen
remaining in the so called Casula Dittica, at the Museo di Classe at
Ravenna, or more properly some strips of it brocaded with gold, on which,
in needlework, appear the portraits of Zenone, Montano, and other saintly
bishops. It is a monument of the sixth century, and has been described by
the Ab. Sarti, and afterwards by Monsig. Dionisi. The same custom of
embroidering sacred walls with figures would appear, from the ancient
pictures, to have continued during the dark ages, and there are yet some
relics to be seen in some of our Sacristies. The most entire are at S.
Niccolo Collegiata in Fabriano, consisting of a priest's cope, with figures
of apostles and different saints; and a vestment with mysteries of the
passion, worked in embroidery, with the dry and coarse design of the
fourteenth century. In Vasari we find frequent mention of this art; and, to
say nothing of the ancients, he presents us with many names greatly
distinguished in it in more cultivated ages: such as Paolo da Verona, and
one Niccolo Veneziano, who being in the service of the Prince Doria, at
Genoa, introduced Perin del Vaga at that court, as well as Antonio
Ubertini, a Florentine, to whom we alluded under his own school.
Lomazzo traces the account of the Milanese from the earliest period. Luca
Schiavone, he observes, carried this branch to the highest degree, and
communicated it to Girolamo Delfinone, who flourished in the times of the
last Duke Sforza, whose portrait he executed in embroidery, besides several
large works, among which is the life of our lady, worked for the cardinal
Baiosa. This skill became hereditary in the family, and Scipione, the son
of Girolamo, was equally distinguished. His chases of different animals
were in great request for royal cabinets, a number of them being collected
by Philip of Spain and the English King Henry. Marcantonio, son of
Scipione, followed the genius of the family, and is mentioned by Lomazzo in
1591 as a youth of great promise. This writer has also praised for her
skill in the same line, Caterina Cantona, a noble Milanese lady, and has
omitted the name of Pellegrini, the Minerva of her time, only perhaps
because she had then hardly become celebrated. Other individuals of this
house are mentioned in the list of artists. Andrea, who painted in the
choir of S. Girolamo, and a Pellegrino his cousin, celebrated in the
history of Palomino for his productions in the Escurial, and being both
architect and painter to the royal court. The lady of whom I write, how far
related to them I know not, devoted herself wholly to her needle, and by
her hand were embroidered the great pallium (vestment) and other sacred
furniture, still preserved in the sacristy of the cathedral, and exhibited
to strangers with other curious specimens of ancient learning and the arts.
In the Guide for 1783, she is called Antonia, and in that for 1787
Lodovica, unless, indeed, they were two different persons. In the following
age Boschini mentioned, with high commendation, the unrivalled Dorothea
Aromatari, who, he adds, produced with her needle all those beauties which
the finest and most diligent artists exhibited with their pencil. To hers
he unites with praise the names of some other female embroiderers of the
age; and we, in mentioning that of Arcangela Paladini, had occasion to
commend her paintings and her needlework at the same time.
SCHOOL OF MILAN.
EPOCH III.
_The Procaccini and other foreign and native artists
establish a new Academy, with new styles, in the city and
state of Milan._
The two series which we have hitherto described have gradually brought us
towards the seventeenth century, when there scarcely remained a trace
either of the Vinci or Gaudenzio manner. This arose from their latest
successors, who adopted, more or less, those new manners which were
gradually introduced into Milan at the expense of the ancient style. As
early as the time of Gaudenzio appeared in that city the Coronation of
Thorns, painted by Titian, which was so greatly admired that several of his
pupils came to establish themselves there, besides other foreigners. Some
unfortunate circumstances also occurred; particularly the plague, which
more than once, in the same century, desolated the state, and which,
sweeping off native artists, opened the way to strangers who succeeded to
their commissions. Hence Lomazzo, at the close of his Tempio, only commends
three among the Milanese figure-painters, who then flourished, Luini,
Gnocchi, and Duchino, the rest being all foreigners. The attachment shewn
by several noble families to the arts, conduced to invite them thither, and
in particular that of the Borromea, which presented to the archiepiscopal
seat of their country two distinguished prelates, cardinal Carlo, who added
to the number of saints at the altar, and Federigo, who nearly attained the
same honours. Both were inspired by the same spirit of religion; they were
simple in private, but splendid and liberal in public. Out of their economy
they clothed and fed numbers of citizens, and promoted the dignity of the
sanctuary, and of their country. They erected and restored many noble
edifices, and decorated with paintings a far greater number both in and
beyond the city, insomuch as to make it observed that Milan was no less
indebted to the Borromei than Florence to her Medici, or Mantua to her
Gonzaghi. The Car. Federigo, who received his education first at Bologna,
then at Rome, not only possessed a decided inclination but a taste for the
fine arts; and he also enjoyed a longer and more tranquil pontificate than
Carlo, so as to enable him to afford them superior patronage. Not satisfied
with employing the ablest architects, sculptors, and painters in public
works, he rekindled, as it were, the spark that yet survived of Vinci's
academy, instituting, with much care and expense, a new academy of the fine
arts. He provided it with schools, with casts, and a very choice picture
gallery,[58] for the benefit of the young students, taking advantage of the
plan and rules of the Roman academy, founded a few years before, with his
co-operation. The grand colossal figure of S. Carlo reflects equal honour
on the new school and on its founder, being executed in bronze from the
design of Cerani, and exhibited at Arona, the place where the saint was
born; a statue fourteen times the height of the human figure, and vieing
with the grandest productions of Greek or Egyptian statuary. In painting,
however, to say the truth, the new is not equal to the ancient school,
though by no means deficient in fine artists, as we shall shew. Meanwhile
we must resume the thread of our history, and explain how the Milanese,
being reduced to very few artists, while painters were much in request for
the ornament of churches and other public edifices, greatly on the
increase, were superseded by foreign artists, such as the Campi, the
Semini, the Procaccini, and the Nuvoloni, who introduced new styles, while
others were sought out in foreign parts by some of the citizens of Milan,
particularly by Cerano and by Morazzone. These became the instructors of
almost all the Milanese youth, and of the state; these commencing their
labours about 1570, which they continued until after 1600, at length rose
so superior to the ancient schools, not so much in soundness of taste and
maxims, as in the amenity of their colours, as gradually to extinguish
them. Nor did they only aim at teaching new styles; some of them began to
treat them with so much haste as to fall into mannerism, from which period
their school began to decline, and appeared to have adopted as a maxim to
praise the theory of the ancients, and to practise the haste of the
moderns. But let us return to our subject.
Footnote 58: He was one of the first in Italy who collected
paintings of the Flemish School, which was then fast rising
into reputation. His agreement with Gio. Breughel still
exists, who painted for the academic collection at Milan the
Four Elements, pictures very often repeated, of which copies
are to be seen in the royal gallery at Florence, in the
Melzi collection at Milan, and in several at Rome. The
artist, who had great skill in drawing flowers, fruits,
herbs, birds, and animals, of which he formed copious and
beautiful compositions, displayed a grand variety in these,
and was no less admirable in his high finish, in the
clearness of his colours, and in other qualities which
acquired him the esteem of the greatest artists, among whom
Rubens was one who availed himself of his talents for
landscape, which he introduced into his own pictures.
I mentioned, not far back, in treating of Titian's disciples, the names of
Callisto da Lodi and Gio. da Monte, and I have here to add that of Simone
Peterzano, or Preterazzano, who, on his Pieta, at S. Fedele, inscribed
himself _Titiani Discipulus_; and his close imitation seems to confirm its
truth. He produced also works in fresco, and particularly at S. Barnaba
several histories of St. Paul. He there appears to have aimed at uniting
the expression, the foreshortening, and the perspective of the Milanese to
the colouring of the Venetian artists; noble works, if they were thoroughly
correct; and if the author had been as excellent in fresco as in oil
painting. From Venice, or rather from its Senate, we trace the name of
Cesare Dandolo, who went to settle at Milan, and whose paintings adorn
various palaces, esteemed no less for their art than on account of the rank
of the noble artist.
The Campi were among the most eager to establish themselves at Milan, where
they were much employed, and Bernardino more than the rest. He painted,
likewise, in the adjacent cities, and it was at that period that he
completed for the Certosa, at Pavia, the before-mentioned altar-piece of
Andrea Solari, which, remaining unfinished at his death, was, after the
lapse of many years, completed in the same style by Bernardino, so as to
appear wholly from the same hand. Unable alone to despatch his commissions,
he had his cartoons coloured by his pupils, who became, like their master,
accurate, precise, and worthy of the commendations bestowed upon them by
Lomazzo. One of these was Giuseppe Meda, both painter and architect, who
represented upon an organ, in the Metropolitana, the figure of David seen
playing before the ark. This work is cited by Orlandi, under the name of
Carlo Meda, who, perhaps, belonged to the family of the preceding, and who,
as stated in the dictionary, appears younger. Few of his other pictures are
to be seen, as is observed by Scannelli. Another was Daniello Cunio, of
Milan, who became a landscape painter of great merit; perhaps a brother, or
other relation of the same Ridolfo Cunio, who is met with in several
Milanese collections, and is particularly celebrated for his design. The
third was Carlo Urbini da Crema, one of the least celebrated but most
deserving artists of his age, and one whom we have commemorated elsewhere.
Lamo observes, that Bernardino had a vast number of scholars and
assistants, and from his account, we are here enabled to add the names of
Andrea da Viadana, Giuliano or Giulio de' Capitani, of Lodi, and Andrea
Marliano, of Pavia. Perhaps, also, Andrea Pellini belongs to this list,
who, though unknown in his native city of Cremona, is celebrated at Milan
for his Descent from the Cross, placed at S. Eustorgio, in 1595.
Of a later date, appeared at Milan the two Semini, from Genoa; both of whom
were much employed, and both disciples of the Roman more than any other
style. Ottavio, the eldest, instructed Paol Camillo Landriani, called Il
Duchino, who was justly praised in the Tempio of Lomazzo as a youth of the
greatest promise. He subsequently produced a number of altar-pieces, among
which was a Nativity, at S. Ambrogio, in which, to the design and elegance
of his master, he unites perhaps a greater degree of softness. The
professors hitherto described, do not reach the era of the art's decline,
except, possibly, in their extreme old age; insomuch as to be fully worthy
of the praise I bestow.
The artists, however, who more particularly employed themselves in painting
and teaching at Milan during this period, were the Procaccini of Bologna.
Though not mentioned by Lomazzo in his Treatise, in the year 1584, they are
afterwards, in 1590, recorded with much honour in his Tempio; so that we
may infer that they became celebrated during the intervening period at
Milan, where they afterwards established themselves in 1609. Ercole is at
the head of this family, whom Orlandi, following Malvasia, represents in a
military manner, as having lost the field at Bologna, where he could no
longer "make head against the Samacchini, the Cesi, the Sabbatini, the
Passarotti, the Fontana, the Caracci, though he afterwards encountered the
Figini, the Luini, the Cerani, and the Morazzoni, at Milan." I am at a loss
how to verify such an assertion. Ercole was born in 1520, as I gathered
from a MS. of P. Resta, in the Ambrosian library; and in 1590, when the
"Temple of Painting" first issued from the press, he was very old, nor did
he ever exhibit any of his pictures in public at Milan, so that Lomazzo
ought to have sought subjects for commendation of him from Parma, and more
particularly Bologna. Many of his works still remain there, from which we
may decide whether Malvasia and Baldinucci had more reason to represent him
as an artist of mediocrity, or Lomazzo to entitle him a very successful
imitator of the great Coreggio's colouring, as well as of his grace and
beauty. In my own opinion he appears somewhat minute in design, and feeble
in his colouring, resembling the tone of the Florentines; a thing so common
among his contemporaries, that I know not why it should be made a peculiar
reproach to him. For the rest he is more pleasing, accurate, and exact,
than most artists of his age; and possibly his over diligence acted as an
obstacle to him in a city where the rapid Fontana bore the chief sway. But
this quality, besides exempting him from the mannerism then beginning to
prevail, rendered him an excellent preceptor; whose principal duty is found
to consist in checking the impatience of young artists, and accustoming
them to precision and delicacy of taste. Thus many excellent pupils sprung
from his school, such as Samacchini, Sabbatini, and Bertoia. He instructed
also his three sons, Camillo, Giulio Cesare, and Carlo Antonio, from which
last sprung Ercole the younger; all masters of young Milanese artists, and
of whom it will be our business to treat in succession.
Camillo is the only one of the three who was known to Lomazzo, who
describes him as an artist distinguished both for his design and his
colouring. He received his first instructions from his father, and often
displays a resemblance in his heads, and in the distribution of his tints;
though, where he painted with care, he both warmed and broke them, as well
as employed the middle colours, in a superior manner. He studied other
schools, and if we are to believe some of his biographers, he practised at
Rome from the models of Raffaello and Michelangiolo, besides being
passionately devoted to the heads of Parmigianino, an imitation of which is
perceptible in all his works. He possessed wonderful facility both in
conception and execution; added to nature, beauty, and spirit, always
attractive to the eye, though they do not always satisfy the judgment. Nor
is this surprising, as he early threw off the reign of paternal
instruction, and executed works enough to have employed ten artists, at
Bologna, at Ravenna, Reggio, Piacenza, Pavia, and Genoa. He was by many
called the Vasari, and the Zuccaro of Lombardy; although to say truth, he
surpasses them in sweetness of style and of colours. He was particularly
engaged at Milan, a city which boasts some of his best productions, by
which he obtained reputation there; and many of his worst, with which he
satisfied those who valued his name. Of his earliest works there, and the
most free from mannerism, are those adorning the exterior of the organ at
the Metropolitana, along with various mysteries of our Lady, and two
histories of David playing upon his harp; all described very minutely by
Malvasia. But he produced nothing in Milan equal to his Judgment at S.
Procol di Reggio, esteemed one of the finest specimens of fresco in all
Lombardy; and to his S. Rocco among the sick and dying of the plague, a
picture that intimidated Annibal Caracci, when he had to paint a companion
for it, (see Malvasia, p. 466). The pictures produced by Camillo, in the
cathedral of Piacenza, where the Duke of Parma had placed him in
competition with Lodovico Caracci, whose genius was then mature, are well
and carefully executed. He there represented our Lady crowned Queen of the
Universe by the Almighty, surrounded with a very full choir of Angels, in
whose forms he displayed the most finished beauty. It was the part of
Lodovico to represent other angels around; and opposite to the Coronation
the _Padri del Limbo_. The first occupied the most distinguished place in
the tribune; though both then and now he was esteemed by spectators the
least worthy of the two. However advantageously he there appears, and
entitled to the applause of Girupeno and other historians, as well as
travellers, he at the same time loses a portion of his consequence at the
side of Caracci, who, by the novelty of his ideas, the natural expression
of his countenances, of his attitudes, and of his symbols, especially in
those angels opposed to the more common conceptions of his rival, makes the
monotony and weakness of Procaccini the more remarkable. Caracci's superior
dignity, likewise, in his figures of the patriarchs, throws that of
Camillo's Divinity into the shade. They also executed some histories of the
Madonna, placed opposite each other; and almost bearing the same proportion
as we have already mentioned. But as the Caracci were few, Procaccini for
the most part triumphed over his competitors. He is even now well received
in the collections of the great, and our own prince has recently obtained
one of his Assumptions, with Apostles surrounding the tomb of Jesus, a
picture full of variety, and in a grand manner.
Giulio Cesare, the best of the Procaccini, at first devoted himself to
sculpture with success, subsequently attaching himself to painting, as to a
less laborious and more pleasing art. He frequented the Caracci Academy at
Bologna; and it is said, that taking offence at some satirical observations
of Annibal's, he struck, and even wounded him. His French biographer states
Giulio's birth to have occurred in 1548, though he postpones this quarrel
until 1609, in which year the Procaccini established themselves at Milan.
It must have occurred, however, much earlier, as in 1609 Giulio was a
renowned painter, while Annibal was in his decline. Giulio Cesare's studies
were directed to the models of Coreggio, and it is the opinion of many,
that no one approached nearer to the grand style of that artist. In his
small pictures, with few figures, in which imitation is more easy, he has
often been mistaken for his original, though his elegance cannot boast the
same clear and native tone, nor his colours the same rich and vigorous
handling. One of his Madonnas, at S. Luigi de' Francesi, at Rome, was, in
fact, engraved not long since for a work of Allegri, by an excellent
artist; and there are other equally fine imitations at the Sanvitali
Palace, in Parma; in that of the Careghi, in Genoa, and other places. Among
his numerous altar-pieces, the one I have seen, which displays most of the
Coreggio manner, is at S. Afra, in Brescia. It represents the Virgin and
Child, surrounded with some figures of Angels and Saints, which are seen
gazing and smiling upon him. He has perhaps, indeed, gone somewhat beyond
the limits of propriety, in order to attain more grace, which is the case
with his Nunziata, at S. Antonio, in Milan; in which the Holy Virgin and
Angel are seen smiling at each other; a circumstance hardly compatible
either with the time or the mystery. In his attitudes, also, he was
occasionally guilty of extravagance, as in his Martyrdom of S. Nazario, in
the church of that name, a picture attractive by its harmony and its grace,
though the figure of the executioner is in too forced a position. Giulio
left many very large histories, such as his Passage of the Red Sea, at S.
Vittore, in Milan; and more in Genoa, where Soprani has pointed them out.
What is surprising, in so vast a number of his pieces, is the accuracy of
his design, the variety of his ideas, and his diligence both in his naked
and dressed parts, combined at the same time with a grandeur, which, if I
mistake not, he derived from the Caracci. In the Sacristy of S. Maria, at
Sarono, is his picture of Saints Andrea, Carlo, and Ambrogio, displaying
the most dignified character of their school; if, indeed, we are not to
suppose, that in common with the Caracci, he acquired it from those
magnificent models of the art at Parma.
To these two may be added Carlantonio Procaccini, not as a figure, but a
good landscape painter, and a tolerable hand in drawing fruits and flowers.
He produced a variety of pieces for the Milanese gallery, which happening
to please the court, then one of the branches of Spain, he had frequent
commissions from that country, insomuch that he rose, though the weakest of
the family, into the highest repute.
The Procaccini opened school at Milan, where they obtained the reputation
of kind and able masters, educating, both for the city and state, so great
a number of artists, that it would be neither possible nor useful to
comprise them all in a history. They could boast among them some inventors
of a new style, the same as the disciples of the Caracci; though most of
them aimed at observing the manner of their masters; some maintaining it by
their accuracy, and others injuring it by their over haste. We reserve the
series of them, however, to the last epoch, in order not to disperse the
same school through different parts.
The last of the foreigners who then gave instructions at Milan, was Panfilo
Nuvolone, a noble Cremonese, of whose style we treated at length in the
list of the Cav. Trotti's disciples. He was a diligent rather than an
imaginative artist, and produced no works of any extent at Milan, except
for the nunneries of Saints Domenico and Lazzaro, where he painted in the
ceiling the history of Lazarus and the Rich Man, with true pictoric
splendour; which is no less apparent in his Assumption of the Virgin, in
the cupola of the Passione. In his altar-pieces, and histories executed for
the ducal gallery at Parma, he aimed rather at perfecting than at
multiplying his figures. He instructed his four sons, two of whom are
unknown in the history of the art, and the two others are frequently
mentioned by different illustrators of the paintings of Milan, of Piacenza,
of Parma, and of Brescia; where they are also surnamed, from their father,
the Panfili. We shall, however, treat of them more particularly in the age
during which they flourished.
Fede Galizia introduced another foreign style into Milan, a female artist,
who, according to Orlandi, was a native of Trent. Her father, Annunzio, was
a celebrated miniaturist, born at the same place, and a resident at Milan,
and from him perhaps she acquired that taste for accuracy and finish of
hand, no less remarkable in her figures than in her landscapes; in other
points, more similar to the Bolognese predecessors of the Caracci, than to
any other school. There are some specimens of her style in foreign
collections. One of her best studied pictures is seen at S. Maria
Maddalena, where she painted the titular saint, with the figure of Christ
in the dress of a gardener. This lady has been criticised by the excellent
author of the Guide, for her too great study of the ideal, which she aimed
at introducing both into her design and colouring, at the expense of nature
and of truth, a practice pretty much in vogue at that period in Italy.
About the same time, one Orazio Vaiano was employed a good deal at Milan,
where he long resided, called Il Fiorentino from his extraction. He, in
some way, came to be confounded, in some of his pictures, with the elder
Palma, as we are informed by Orlandi; but how, it is difficult to say. The
specimens of his composition at S. Carlo and at S. Antonio Abate, are
judicious and diligent, though somewhat feeble in point of colouring; and
in the distribution of their lights much resembling the tone of Roncalli.
He likewise visited Genoa; but neither he nor Galizia, as I am aware, left
any pupils at Milan. The same may be said of the two Carloni, noble fresco
painters belonging to Genoa, and of Valerio Profondavalle, from Lovanio,
who painted glass, as well as in oil and in fresco, for all which he had
frequent commissions at court.
We ought here to add the name of Federigo Zuccari, an artist invited by the
Card. Federigo Borromeo to take up his residence at Milan, where, as well
as at Pavia, he painted, as we have mentioned, (at p. 139, vol. ii). I am
indebted to the polite and kind attention of Sig. Bernardo Gattoni,
chaplain and rector of the other Borromean college at Pavia, for correcting
an error into which I had fallen, from following the local tradition rather
than the written authority of the same Zuccheri, in his "Passaggio per
l'Italia," a very rare work, and which I had not seen at that time. In it
are described the pictures of the Borromean college at Pavia; and it
appears, that Zuccari produced no other besides the principal picture, that
of S. Carlo, who is seen in the Consistory in the act of receiving the
cardinal's hat; the rest being from the hand of Cesare Nebbia, who
flourished at the same period. In order to have them retouched at leisure,
while they were left to dry, the cardinal Federigo despatched the two
artists to visit the sacred mount of Varallo, whence they passed to Arona,
and next to the Isola Bella, situated upon the Lago Maggiore, where the
cardinal joined them, and where each of them left a work in fresco, upon
two pilasters of the chapel at that place. There has since been found in
the archives of the college, an original letter of the cardinal, in which
he recommends to the then rector, that Nebbia should be received into the
college, and the sums of money disbursed to both, entered in the books of
account.
Proceeding next to those artists who studied at other places, I shall
briefly mention Ricci of Novara, with Paroni and Nappi of Milan, not
omitting others of the same place, commemorated in the lives of Baglioni.
Residing at Rome, they in no way contributed to the fame of their native
school, neither by their pupils, nor their example; and even at Rome, they
may be said to have added rather to the number of paintings than to the
decoration of the city. Ricci was a fresco painter, very well adapted to
the hasty temper of Sixtus V., whose works he superintended, and promoted
the effeminate taste then so prevalent; he possessed much facility and
beauty of forms. Paroni pursued the manner of Caravaggio, but his career
was short. Nappi displays great variety; and when he painted in his Lombard
manner, such as in his Assumption, at the cloister of the Minerva, with
other pieces at the Umilta, he shewed himself a naturalist far more
pleasing than the mannerists of his time.
There flourished likewise, for a few years, at Rome, the Cav. Pier
Francesco Mazzuchelli, called from his birthplace Morazzone. After
practising there for a period, from all the best models, which influenced
both his mind and his productions, he directed his attention to the
Milanese School, in which he taught, and succeeded beyond all example, in
improving his own style. It will be sufficient to compare his picture of
the Epiphany which he painted in fresco for one of the chapels of S.
Silvestro _in capite_, which boasts no beauty beyond that of colouring; and
his other Epiphany, placed at S. Antonio Abate, at Milan, which appears
like the production of another hand; such is the superiority of the design,
the effect, and the display of drapery, in the manner of the Venetians. He
is said to have studied Titian and Paul Veronese; and some of his angels
are painted with arms and legs, in those long proportions that are not the
best characteristics of Tintoretto. In general, the genius of Morazzone was
not adapted for the graceful, but for the strong and magnificent; as
appears in his S. Michael's Conquest over the bad Angels, at S. Gio. di
Como, and in the chapel of the Flagellazione, at Varese. In 1626 he was
invited to Piacenza, to paint the grand cupola of the cathedral, a work
which was left very incomplete by his death, and bestowed upon Guercino. He
had drawn the figures of two prophets, which, in any other place, would
have appeared to the greatest advantage; but there they are thrown into the
shade by those of his successor, that magician of his art, who threw into
it the whole enchantment of which he was capable. Morazzone was employed
for different collections, no less than for churches; and received a number
of commissions from Cardinal Federigo, and the king of Sardinia, from which
last he received his title of cavalier.
Contemporary with him flourished Gio. Batista Crespi, better known by the
name of Cerano, his native place, a small town in the Novarese. Sprung from
a family of artists, which left specimens of its genius at S. Maria di
Busto, where his grandfather Gio. Piero, and Raffaello, his father or
uncle, (I am not certain which,) had been employed. He studied at Rome, and
at Venice, uniting to that of painting great knowledge in the art of
modelling, as well as in architecture; being, moreover distinguished for
good taste in literature and for polite accomplishments. With such
qualifications he took the lead at the court of Milan, from which he
received a salary; no less than in the great undertakings of the Card.
Federigo, and in the direction of the academy. Not to dwell upon the
buildings, statues, and bassi-relievi, which he either designed or
executed, but which are less connected with my subject, he painted a great
number of altar-pieces, in which he at once exhibited, if I mistake not,
great excellences and great defects. He is invariably free, spirited, and
harmonious; but he frequently, from too great affectation of grace or of
magnificence, falls into a degree of mannerism, as in some of his histories
at the Pace, where his naked figures are heavy, and the attitudes of others
too extravagant. In his other subjects these defects are less apparent; but
here he has also overloaded his shadows. In the greater part of his works,
notwithstanding, the correct and the beautiful so far abounds, as to shew
that he was one of the first masters of his school. Thus in his Baptism of
S. Agostino, painted for S. Marco, he rivals Giulio Cesare Procaccini,
whose productions are placed opposite, and in the opinion of some he
surpasses him. Another instance occurs in his altar-piece of saints Carlo
and Ambrogio, at Santo Paolo, where, in taste of colouring at least he
surpasses the Campi; and a third in his celebrated picture of the Rosario,
at S. Lazzaro, which casts into shade the fine fresco painting of Nuvoloni.
He was particularly skilled in drawing birds and quadrupeds, of which he
composed pictures for private ornament, as we gather from Soprani in his
life of Sinibaldo Scorza. He educated many pupils, whom we shall reserve
for an inferior epoch, excepting Daniele Crespi of Milan, who, on account
of his worth, and the period in which he flourished, ought not to be
separated from his master.
Daniele is one among those distinguished Italians who are hardly known
beyond their native place. He possessed, however, rare genius, and,
instructed by Cerano, and afterwards by the best of the Procaccini,
undoubtedly surpassed the first, and in the opinion of many likewise the
second, though he did not live to reach the age of forty. He had great
penetration in learning, and equal facility in executing, selecting the
best part of every master he studied, and knowing how to reject the worst.
Familiar with the maxims of the Caracci school, even without frequenting
it, he adopted and practised them with success. He shews this in his
distribution of colours, and in the varied expression of his countenances;
select and careful in disposing them according to the prevailing passions
of the mind; and above all, admirable in catching the beautiful and
devotional spirit that ought to inspire the heads of saints. In the
distribution of his figures he at once observes a natural and well judged
order, so that no one would wish to behold them placed otherwise than they
are. Their drapery is finely varied, and very splendid in the more imposing
characters of the piece. His colouring is extremely powerful, no less in
oil than in fresco; and in the highly ornamented church of La Passione, for
which he painted his grand Descent from the Cross, he left many portraits
of distinguished cardinals, all composed in the best Titian taste. He is
indeed one of those rare geniuses who delight in being constant rivals of
themselves, calling forth their highest energies in each production, in
order that they may in some way surpass the last; geniuses, who know how to
correct in their later paintings the errors they committed in their first,
exhibiting in them the full maturity of those excellences which they
discovered in their early attempts. His last pieces, consisting of acts
from the life of S. Brunone, at the Certosa, in Milan, are of all the most
admired. That of the Dottor Parigino is more particularly celebrated, in
which, having raised himself on his bier, he declares his state of
reprobation. What desperation he exhibits! what horror in the faces of the
beholders! Nor is that of the Duke of Calabria less excellent, where, in
going to the chase, he meets with the holy hermit, a picture upon which the
artist inscribed, _Daniel Crispus Mediolanensis pinxit hoc templum_. _An.
1629._ This was the year before his death, as he was unhappily cut off by
the plague of 1630, together with his whole family.
We may here add, as a sort of corollary to the foregoing, the names of some
other artists who displayed great merit, though it is uncertain of what
school. Such is Gio. Batista Tarillio, by whom there was an altar-piece
with the date of 1575, painted for the now suppressed church of S. Martino
in Compito. There are some pictures by another native of Milan, named
Ranuzio Prata, at Pavia. These I have not seen; they are, however, greatly
commended by others. He flourished about 1635. The Novarese also boasted at
that period two artists who were brothers, both of whom coloured in pretty
good taste. These were Antonio and Gio. Melchiore Tanzi, the former a very
able designer, who competed with Carloni at Milan, distinguished himself at
Varallo, and painted at S. Gaudenzio di Novara the Battle of Senacherib, a
work full of spirit and intelligence. There are likewise other of his works
preserved in the galleries of Vienna, of Venice, and of Naples,
representing both histories and perspectives; but of his brother there is
nothing remaining of any great degree of merit.
SCHOOL OF MILAN.
EPOCH IV.
_The Art continues to decline after the time of Daniele
Crespi. A third Academy is founded with a view of improving
it._
We now approach the last epoch, which may be truly entitled the decline of
this school. I recollect hearing the opinion of a good judge, that Daniele
Crespi might be called the last of the Milanese, just as in another sense
Cato was pronounced _ultimus Romanorum_. The observation is correct, so far
as it applies to certain geniuses superior to the common lot, but false if
we should extend it to the exclusion of every artist of merit from the
period which it embraces. It would be injustice to the names of Nuvoloni
and Cairo, and several others who flourished in an age nearer our own. But
in the same way as Cassiodorus and some other writers are insufficient to
remove the stain of barbarism from their age, so the artists we treat of
cannot redeem theirs from the stigma of its decline. It is the majority
which invariably gives a tone to the times; and he who may have seen Milan
and its state would be at no loss to remark, that after the introduction of
the Procaccini School, design was more than ever neglected, and mechanical
practice succeeded to reason and taste. Artists, after the visitation of
the plague, had become more rare; and subsequent to the death of the
Cardinal Borromeo, in 1631, they became less united, insomuch that the
academy founded by him remained closed during twenty years; and if by the
exertions of Antonio Busca it was then re-opened, still it never afterwards
produced works similar to those of other times. Whether owing to the manner
of teaching, to the want of its great patron, or to the abundance of
commissions and the kindness of those who gave them, which urged young
artists prematurely to make abortive efforts; no school, perhaps, on the
loss of its great masters, was filled with so great a number of inferior
and bad ones. I shall not give much account of them, yet must not omit such
names as have attained to some consideration. In general it may be remarked
of the artists of this epoch, that though the pupils of different schools,
they display a mutual resemblance, as much as if they had been instructed
by the same master. They possess no character that strikes the eye, no
beauty of proportions, no vivacity of countenance, no grace in their
colouring. Their whole composition appears languid, even their imitation of
the head of the school does not please, as it is either deficient, or
overdone, or falls into insignificance. In their choice of colours we
detect a certain resemblance to the Bolognese School, to which their guides
were not very much opposed, though we often perceive that sombre cast which
then prevailed in nearly all the other schools.
To this uniformity of style in Milan, Ercole Procaccini the younger most
probably contributed, an artist in whom an unprejudiced critic will be at
no loss to detect the character we have described. But in his more studied
works, as we find in an Assumption, at S. M. Maggiore, in Bergamo, he
exhibits dignity, spirit, and a happy imitation of the Coreggio manner. He
received his first instructions from his father Carlantonio, and next from
Giulio Cesare, his paternal uncle. It is known that by public report, by
his insinuating manners, and by the family reputation, he arrived at a
degree of consideration beyond his merit, and lived till he reached the age
of eighty. Hence he induced many to follow his maxims, and the more as he
kept an open academy for the study of the naked figure at his own house,
and succeeded his uncles in their instructions; equal to them perhaps in
rapidity, but not so well grounded in the art. He painted much; and in the
best collections in Milan, if he is not in as much request as many others,
he yet maintains his place.
Two young artists educated in his school reflected credit upon it; Carlo
Vimercati, who owed his success to the most pertinacious study of Daniele's
works at the Certosa, which he daily visited for a long period while at
Milan, and Antonio Busca, who likewise employed his talents upon the best
models both at Milan and Rome. Vimercati exhibited few of his pictures in
public at Milan; he painted more at Codogno, and in his best manner, as
well as in a new one in which he was greatly inferior. Busca assisted his
master, and at S. Marco also was employed in competition with him. There,
placed opposite to some histories by Procaccini, is seen his picture of the
Crucifixion full of pious beauty, surrounded with figures of the Virgin, of
Mary Magdalen, and S. John, who are all weeping, and almost draw tears from
the eyes of the spectator. But he did not always succeed as in this
specimen; the gout deprived him of the use of his feet, and he fell into a
weak and abject style, the result of mere mechanic practice. In this state
of health, I imagine, he must have conducted two holy histories, placed
opposite each other, in the chapel of S. Siro at the Certosa in Pavia, in
which he idly repeated in the second the same features as distinguished the
first, so greatly is an artist sometimes in contradiction with himself. A
similar complaint might be alleged for a different reason, in regard to the
style of Cristoforo Storer, a native of Constance. A pupil to the same
Ercole, he also produced works of solid taste, as in the instance of his S.
Martino, which I saw in possession of the Ab. Bianconi, a picture much
valued by its intelligent owner. Subsequently he became a mannerist, and
not unfrequently adopted gross or common ideas. In other points he displays
much spirit, and is one of the few belonging to that age who may lay claim
to the title of a good colourist. I am uncertain whether Gio. Ens, of
Milan, sprung from the same school, as well as at what precise time he
nourished; I know that he was an artist of less talent, whose delicacy
often bordered upon weakness, as we may perceive at S. Marco in Milan.
Lodovico Antonio David of Lugano, a scholar of Ercole, of Cairo, and of
Cignani, resided at Rome. There he produced some portraits, and at one
period made the tour of Italy. The city of Venice possesses one of his
Nativities at S. Silvestro, conducted in a minute manner, that betrays a
disciple of Camillo more than of any other of the Procaccini. He wrote too
upon painting, and compiled some account of Coreggio, for which the reader
may consult Orlandi under the head of that artist,[59] or perhaps in
preference, Tirasboschi, in his life of him.
Footnote 59: In the additions to the Dictionary, made by
Guarienti, following the article Orlandi, we find Lodovico
David of Lugano, of whose pencil he could only trace the
picture at S. Silvestro in Venice. This is one of the
mistakes committed by this continuator.
Next to the nephew of the best Procaccini, I may place the son-in-law of
one of the others. This is the Cav. Federigo Bianchi, on whom, after
affording him his instructions, Giulio Cesare bestowed the hand of one of
his daughters. He derived from his father-in-law his maxims, rather than
his forms and attitudes, which display an original air in Bianchi, and are
at once graceful and beautiful without affectation. Some of his Holy
Families at S. Stefano and at the Passione are held in much esteem, besides
some of his other pictures exhibiting few, but well conceived figures. Such
is that of a Visitazione at S. Lorenzo, every way creditable to one of the
favourite pupils of Giulio Cesare. He was not distinguished in compositions
of a grander character; but he was full of ideas, united to harmony and
good keeping, and altogether one of the first Milanese artists in the
present age. He was much employed in Piedmont, and we are indebted to him
for notices of many artists which he communicated to P. Orlandi, by whom
they were made public. This artist is not to be confounded with one
Francesco Bianchi, a friend and almost inseparable companion of Antonmaria
Ruggieri. They painted together for the most part in fresco, and without
the least dispute consented to share all the emolument, all the praise and
blame they might receive. They belong to the present age, to which they
have bequeathed a more noble example of mutual attachment than of the art
they professed.
The greater part of the Procaccini disciples sprung from the school of
Camillo. He had likewise taught at Bologna, though his only pupil known
there is Lorenzo Franco, who, with his instructions, afterwards became an
excellent imitator of the Caracci. In the opinion of P. Resta, however, his
style was somewhat too minute; this artist resided and died at Reggio. The
school of Camillo at Milan was always full, and no one reflected upon it
greater credit than Andrea Salmeggia of Bergamo, of whom we treated in the
preceding book. Becoming a follower of Raffaello at Rome, he occasionally
returned to his native place, where he attracted admiration by his
productions. Like the rest Gio. Batista Discepoli, called Zoppo di Lugnano,
was at one time the disciple of Camillo, but afterwards added much of other
styles, and was one of the most natural, powerful, and rich colourists of
his time. For the rest he is to be included in the rank of the naturalists,
rather than among the lovers of the ideal. Several of his pictures are at
Milan, in particular that of his Purgatorio at S. Carlo, executed with much
skill; and he painted a good deal for his native place and its confines, as
well as at Como, where he ornamented Santa Teresa with a picture of the
titular saint, with lateral squares, esteemed one of the best altar-pieces
belonging to the city. Carlo Cornara acquired equal reputation, though in
an opposite style. He produced few works, but all conducted with an
exquisite degree of taste, peculiarly his own, which renders them valuable
in collections. One of his best altar-pieces was painted for S. Benedetto,
at the Certosa, in Pavia, a picture now much defaced by time, and there are
a few others completed by one of his daughters after his death, who added
to them some original pieces of her own.
Giovanni Mauro Rovere, an artist who exchanged the manner of Camillo for
that of Giulio Cesare, was among the earliest followers of the Procaccini,
and might be referred to their epoch from the period in which he
flourished, did not his inferior character, arising from too great rapidity
of hand, prevent his admission into the same rank. He had all that fire,
which, when directed with judgment, is the soul of painting, but when
abused destroys the beauty of the art. It was very seldom that he was able
to command it, though, in a Supper of our Lord, at S. Angelo, in which he
used great care, he obtained corresponding success. He had two brothers,
named Giambatista and Marco, who assisted him in his labours both for
churches and private houses, both of whom were inaccurate but spirited.
They have left works in fresco, besides some histories in oil,
perspectives, battle-pieces, and landscapes, to be met with in almost every
corner of the city. I find that they were also surnamed Rossetti, and still
better known under the name of Fiamminghini, derived from their father
Riccardo, who came from Flanders to establish himself at Milan.
To these three Rossetti, succeeded the three Santagostini, of whom the
first, named Giacomo Antonio, was pupil to Carlo Procaccini. He gave few
pieces to the public, though his sons Agostino and Giacinto were more
indefatigable, both conjointly, as we may gather from their two grand
histories at S. Fedele, and separately. They were distinguished above most
of their contemporaries, more especially Agostino. He was the first who
wrote a little work upon the paintings of Milan; it was entitled
_L'Immortalita e Glorie del Pennello_, and published in 1671. Whatever rank
a book with such a title ought to assume among the writers of the age, it
is certain that his pictures exhibit him in the light of a good painter for
his time, in particular a Holy Family, painted for S. Alessandro, and a few
others among the more highly finished, in which he displays expression,
beauty, and harmony, although somewhat too minute. The names of Ossana,
Bissi, Ciocca, Ciniselli, with others still less celebrated at Milan, I may
venture to pass over without much loss to this history.
The two Nuvoloni, not long since mentioned, though instructed by their
father, may be said, in some way, to belong to the Procaccini. Thus Carlo
Francesco, the elder, early adopted the manner of Giulio Cesare; and in
Giuseppe we every where trace a composition and colouring derived from that
school. The former, however, impelled by his genius, became a follower of
Guido, and so far succeeded as to deserve the name, which he still enjoys,
of the Guido of Lombardy. He does not abound in figures, but in these he is
pleasing and graceful, elegant in his forms and the turn and air of his
heads, united to a sweetness and harmony of tints which are seldom met
with. I saw one of his heads at S. Vittore, where he drew the Miracle of
St. Peter over the Porta Speciosa, and many other pieces at Milan, Parma,
Cremona, Piacenza, and Como, in the same excellent taste. This artist was
selected to take the portrait of the Queen of Spain when she visited Milan;
and there still appear in private houses those of many noble individuals
who employed him. The faces of his Madonnas are in high request for
collections, one of which is in the possession of the Conti del Verme,
displaying all the grace and beauty so peculiar to him, and which he has
here perhaps indulged at the expense of that dignity which should never be
lost sight of. Orlandi gives an account of his devotional exercises, which
he always performed previous to his painting the portraits of the Virgin. I
know not what opinion may be formed upon this point, either by his or my
readers. For my own part I indulge the same peculiar admiration of this
artist in the rank of painters, as I do of Justus Lipsius among literary
men, who, though both seculars, always observed great filial piety towards
our Holy Lady; a piety that has descended from the earliest fathers of the
church, in a regular line, down to the elect of our own times. His younger
brother painted on a much larger scale; boasted more pictoric fire and more
fancy; but he did not always display equal taste, nor was exempt from harsh
and sombre shadows that detract from his worth. He was more indefatigable
than Carlo, painting not only for the cities of Lombardy above mentioned,
but for the state of Venice, and many churches in Brescia. His pictures at
S. Domenico in Cremona, in particular his grand piece of the Dead Man
raised by the saint, adorned with beautiful architecture, and animated with
the most natural expression, are among some of his best works. They were
apparently executed in the vigour of life, inasmuch as there are others
bearing traces of infirmity, he having pursued the art until his eightieth
year, in which his death occurred.
I cannot learn that he left any pupils of note. His brother, Carlo
Francesco, however, instructed Gioseffo Zanata, extremely well versed in
the art, according to the opinion of Orlandi. Under him, and subsequently
under the Venetian artists, studied likewise Federigo Panza, an artist who
began with using strong shadows, which he improved as his genius grew more
mature. He was well employed and remunerated by the court of Turin. Filippo
Abbiati frequented the same school, a man of wonderful talent, adapted for
works on an immense scale; rich in ideas, and resolute in executing them.
He painted with a certain freedom, amounting to audacity, which, however
imperfect, does not fail to please, and would have pleased much more had he
been better versed in the principles of his art. He was placed in
competition with Federigo Bianchi, in the grand ceiling of S. Alessandro
Martire, and with other fine fresco painters; and he every where left
evidence of a noble genius. He appears to singular advantage in his
Preaching of S. John the Baptist at Sarono, a picture to which is affixed
his name. It has few figures, but they are fine and varied, with strong
tints, and very appropriate shadows, which produce a good effect. Pietro
Maggi, his disciple, was not equal to him in genius, nor did he observe his
moderation and care. Giuseppe Rivola, employed for private persons more
than for the public, is also deserving of mention, his fellow citizens
esteeming him among the best of Abbiati's pupils.
Cerano, though engaged in a variety of other labours, instructed many
pupils, and more particularly Melchiorre Giraldini, with success. He very
happily caught the manner of his teacher, easy, agreeable, and harmonious,
but still inferior to him in the more masterly power of his pencil. At the
Madonna at S. Celso is seen a picture of S. Caterina da Siena by his hand,
that has been greatly commended. Cerano gave him his daughter in marriage,
and left him the whole of his studio. He engraved in acqua forte some
minute histories and battle-pieces in the manner of Callot, and he
instructed his son in the same branch, whose battle-pieces have been much
prized in collections. He also taught a young artist of Gallarate, named
Carlo Cane, who, devoting himself at a more advanced age to the manner of
Morazzone, became a great proficient in it. He imitated with some success
his strength of colouring and his relief; in other points he was common
both in his forms and conceptions. He painted some altars, and in the
larger one of the cathedral at Monza, there is one representing different
saints, at the feet of whom is seen the figure of a dog, which he inserted
in all his pieces, even that of Paradise, to express his name. He observed
an excellent method in his frescos, his histories of Saints Ambrogio and
Ugo, which he painted for the grand church of the Certosa at Pavia, as well
as others, still retaining all their original freshness. He opened school
at Milan, and we may form an idea of the character of his pupils from his
own mediocrity. Cesare Fiori, indeed, acquired some degree of reputation,
several of whose ornamental works on a great scale, have been made public.
He too had a scholar named Andrea Porta, who aimed at catching the manner
of Legnanino. There are others who approach the two best of the Cerani,
namely, Giuliano Pozzobonelli, an artist of good credit, and Bartolommeo
Genovesini,[60] by whom there remain works possessing some degree of
grandeur; besides Gio. Batista Secchi, surnamed from his country
Caravaggio, who painted for S. Pietro in Gessato, an altar-piece of the
Epiphany with his name.
Footnote 60: I thus named him in the former edition, because
all other writers had so done before me, but his family name
was Roverio and his surname Genovesino. See the first index.
Morazzone had to boast a numerous list of pupils, imitators, and copyists,
both at Milan and elsewhere. The Cav. Francesco Cairo reflected honour upon
this school, who, having commenced his career, as is usual, by pursuing his
master's footsteps, afterwards changed his manner on meeting with better
models, which he studied at Rome and Venice. He also worked on a great
scale, and coloured with effect, united, however, to a delicacy of hand and
grace of expression, altogether forming a style that surprises us by its
novelty. His pictures of the four saints, founders of the church at S.
Vittore, of his S. Teresa swooning with celestial love at S. Carlo, his S.
Saverio at Brera, various portraits in the Titian manner, and other pieces,
public and private, at Milan, at Turin, and elsewhere, entitle him to rank
high in the art, though he is not always free from the reproach of sombre
colouring. Morazzone derived some credit from the two brothers Gioseffo and
Stefano Danedi, more commonly called the Montalti. The first, after being
instructed by him in the art, became more refined in his taste under Guido
Reni, of whose style he sufficiently partakes, as we may perceive in his
Slaughter of the Innocents at S. Sebastiano, and in his Nunziata its
companion. Stefano frequented no foreign schools that I know of, though he
did not wholly confine himself to Morazzone's manner, rather aiming at
refining it upon the example of his brother, and painting with a degree of
accuracy and study that he did not find recommended by the taste of his
times. His martyrdom of S. Giustina, which he produced for S. Maria in
Pedone, forms a specimen of this refinement, while it is moreover exempt
from that cold and languid tone which diminishes the value of his other
works. One of those artists most attached to Morazzone's style, and who
nearest approaches him in the boldness of his pencil, is the Cav. Isidoro
Bianchi, otherwise called Isidoro da Campione, a better fresco than oil
painter, from what we gather at the church of S. Ambrosio at Milan, and in
others at Como. He was selected by the Duke of Savoy, to complete a large
hall at Rivoli, left imperfect by the decease of Pier Francesco. There he
was declared painter to the ducal court in 1631.
About the same period flourished at Como, besides the Bustini,[61] the two
brothers Gio. Paolo and Gio. Batista Recchi, whose chief merit was in
painting frescos, disciples likewise of Morazzone. These artists decorated
S. Giovanni, and other churches of their native place, two chapels at
Varese, with others in the same vicinity. The second of them also became
eminent beyond the state, particularly at S. Carlo in Turin, where he is
placed near his master. His style is solid and strong, his colouring
forcible, and in the skill of his foreshortening on ceilings, he yields to
very few of his day. Pasta in his Guide for Bergamo has deservedly praised
him on this score, when speaking of a Santa Grata, seen rising into heaven,
a work, he observes, that is admirably delightful. In some of the chambers
of the Veneria, at Turin, he was assisted by one Gio. Antonio his nephew.
The Milanese Guide mentions several other artists, apparently, judging from
their style, instructed by the preceding, such as Paolo Caccianiga, Tommaso
Formenti, and Giambatista Pozzi.
Footnote 61: Benedetto Crespi, who possessed, according to
Orlandi, a manner at once strong and elegant, with Antonio
Maria, his son and pupil, and Pietro Bianchi, to whom he
left his designs, all three called Bustini.
Whilst the Milanese School was thus hastening to its close, and no longer
afforded masters of equal promise, either to the first or second of its
series, its youth were compelled to have recourse to richer and more
genuine sources, and at this period began to disperse in search of new
styles. I omit the family of the Cittadini, which established itself at
Bologna, or to say truth, I reserve it to its own school. Stefano Legnani,
called Il Legnanino, in order to distinguish him from his father
Cristoforo, a portrait-painter, became one of the most celebrated artists
in Lombardy towards the beginning of this century, having studied the
schools of Cignani at Bologna, and Maratta at Rome. In either of these
cities he would have been esteemed one of the best disciples of these two
masters, had he left there any of his productions; although in course of
time he fell into a degree of mannerism. He is tasteful, sober, and
judicious in his compositions, with a certain strength and clearness of
colouring, not common among the disciples of Maratta. He became famous for
his fresco histories, which are seen at S. Marco and at S. Angiolo, where
there is also one of his battles, which is won by the protection of St.
James the Apostle, which shews a pictoric fire equal to handling the most
difficult themes. He left too a variety of works in Genoa, Turin, and
Piedmont, besides his painting of the cupola at Novara, in the church of S.
Gaudenzio, than which he produced nothing more truly beautiful.
Andrea Lanzani, after receiving the instructions of Scaramuccia, pupil to
Guido, who remained for some period at Milan, passed into the school of
Maratta at Rome. But his genius finally decided him to adopt a less placid
style, and he began to imitate Lanfranco. His best productions, as it has
been observed of others, are those which on his first return from Rome he
executed in his native place, while still fresh from the Roman maxims and
the Roman models. A proof of this is seen in his S. Carlo Beatified, which
on certain days is exhibited along with other pictures in the capital. He
painted also a fine piece for the Ambrosian library, representing the
actions of Cardinal Federigo, in which there is a rich display of
imagination, of drapery, and good effect of chiaroscuro. He is for the most
part praised on account of his facility, and the boldness of his hand. He
died in Germany, after being honoured with the title of Cavalier, and left
no better pupil behind him in Italy than Ottavio Parodi, who resided for a
long period at Rome, and is mentioned with commendation by Orlandi. From
Rome also, and from the school of Ciro Ferri, Ambrogio Besozzi returned to
Milan, in order to study the Cortona manner as a counterpoise to that of
Maratta. But he chiefly employed himself in ornamental, rather than
historic painting, though very able in the last, as far as we may judge
from his S. Sebastian, at S. Ambrogio. He studied Pagani at Venice, and
likewise taught there, boasting the celebrated Pellegrini as one of his
disciples. Zanetti remarks that he introduced into the academies of that
city a new taste of design for the naked figure, somewhat overstrained,
indeed, but of good effect. He left there a few pieces in public, and
returned to close his days in Lombardy. The churches and collections of
Milan abound with his pictures, and there are others in the Dresden
gallery.
Pietro Gilardi passed from his native school into that of Bologna, and
there, under Franceschini and Giangioseffo del Sole, greatly improved
himself. His style is clear, easy, harmonious, and adapted to adorn
cupolas, ceilings, and magnificent walls, as appears in the refectory of S.
Vittore, at Milan, where his works do him credit. At Varese he completed
the chapel of the Assumption, after the cartoons of Legnanino, who died
before it was finished; and a few of his own works left imperfect by death
were, in their turn, continued and finished by the Cav. Gio. Batista Sassi.
The style of this artist, who had assiduously employed himself under
Solimene in Naples, is tolerable in regard to design. Though he painted for
several churches in Pavia, and at Milan, he acquired most reputation from
his small pictures, intended for private ornament. I am not certain whether
he introduced into these parts those greenish tints in colouring, which,
from Naples, spread through different schools, or whether it came by way of
Turin, where one Corrado Giaquinto was employed in drawing figures, and in
painting. Such method, however, did not here displease. Gioseffo Petrini da
Carono, pupil to Prete of Genoa, has carried it to its highest point, while
Piero Magatti of Varese is not wholly free from it, who flourished very
recently: both were reputed good artists according to their time. Nor could
so great a city be in want of some Venetian disciples, who have
distinguished themselves in our own times; we behold some imitations of
Piazzetta, and some of Tiepolo, in a few of the churches, it being usual
with young artists to follow living masters in lucrative practice, in
preference to the deceased whose emoluments are past. We ought here to
insert the name of an eminent Milanese, who reflected honour on his native
state in foreign parts. This was Francesco Caccianiga, well known at Rome,
though little among his own countrymen. Having treated of him, however, in
the Roman School, I shall merely recall his memory and merits to my
readers. Neither must I omit his contemporary, Antonio Cucchi, who remained
at Milan, not as his equal, but because he became eminent in the footsteps
of the Romans, for the diligence, if not for the spirit of his pencil. Nor
shall I pass over Ferdinando Porta, distinguished for a number of pictures,
conducted in imitation of Coreggio; an artist, however, too inconstant and
unequal to himself. These names will suffice for the present epoch, which
produced, indeed, others of some note, but not known beyond the confines of
their own state. Such works as the _Pitture d' Italia_, and the _Nuova
Guida di Milano_, will furnish the curious with information respecting
them, until some further accounts of them be presented to the public.
From the period when the capital began to encourage the foreign schools
preferably to her own, the cities of the state followed the example, in
particular that of Pavia, which, during this last century, has had to boast
more professors than any other state. Yet none of these moderns are much
known beyond the precincts of their native place. Carlo Soriani,[62]
however, deserved to be better known, an artist who painted for the
cathedral his picture of the Rosario, accompanied by fifteen mysteries, an
elegant production in the taste of Soiaro. The series of the artists
alluded to begins with Carlo Sacchi, who is said by Orlandi to have been
taught by Rosso of Pavia, but most probably by Carlantonio Rossi, a
Milanese, who painted for the cathedral of Pavia his S. Siro, and two
lateral pieces in the best Procaccini taste, and is described in the
_Abbeccederio_ as an eccentric man, though well versed in his art. Sacchi
continued his studies at Rome and Venice, and when he wished to imitate
Paul Veronese, as in his Miracle of the Dead resuscitated by S. Jacopo,
which is placed at the Osservanti, he succeeded admirably, shewing himself
a good colourist, splendid in ornament, spirited in attitude, except that
in these he is somewhat extravagant and affected. He supplied different
collections, and I saw an Adam and Eve by him in possession of the Cav.
Brambilla at Pavia, entitled to a place in that fine collection. It is
doubtful whether Gio. Batista Tassinari ought to be ranked among his fellow
disciples, if we only regard the period in which he flourished. But we may
with more certainty, upon Orlandi's authority, pronounce Carlo Bersotti to
have been his pupil, an excellent artist in inferior branches, to which he
confined himself. Tommaso Gatti, together with Bernardino Ciceri, were,
however, his best pupils, the first of whom pursued his studies at Venice,
the second at Rome, and both succeeded at least as practical artists. Gatti
instructed Marcantonio Pellini, and then consigned him to the schools of
Venice and Bologna, which did not carry him beyond the sphere of his
master. Ciceri was succeeded by his disciple Gioseffo Crastona, who, embued
with Roman erudition, became a painter of figures and of landscapes in that
city, of which a number may be seen at Pavia. Among the latest are
Pierantonio Barbieri, pupil to Bastiano Ricci, and Carlantonio Bianchi, a
disciple of the Roman manner. The artists whom I have described almost in a
series, have filled all the churches of Pavia, though many, with their
respective paintings and their frescos, conferring additional novelty
perhaps, but little additional splendor upon their native state; and no one
visits Pavia altogether on their account.
Footnote 62: He is thus called by Bartoli.
Others also belonging to the state and its vicinity, about the time of
Sacchi, quitted their native place, and became celebrated in other
quarters; as Mola, of the state of Como, of whom we have treated; and
Pietro de' Pietri, who, born in the Novarese, studied and died at Rome,
where he has been commended by us in the school of Maratta. Antonio Sacchi,
also a native of Como, acquired his knowledge at Rome, whence returning
into Lombardy, he undertook to paint a cupola for his native place, but
fixing on too high a point of perspective, he made his figures so gigantic
that he broke his heart and died. From Como likewise sprung one Fra
Emanuele, of the order of the Minori Riformati, whose name is incorrectly
inserted by Orlandi in the _Abbeccedario_, as a self-taught painter. The
fact is, that on being sent to reside at Messina, he became a pupil to
Silla, and improving the feeble manner he had acquired in his native town,
he decorated a number of places belonging to his order, both in Rome and
Sicily, in a better taste. There are two of his pictures at Como, at the
Riformati; a Supper in the refectory, feebly executed in the style of the
declining school of Milan, and a Pieta in the church, with different
saints, in a better manner; such is the advantage of practice, reflection,
and good guidance even at a mature age.
This epoch produced a fine perspective painter, of whom mention is made
under the Roman School, in which he studied and left some works. This is
Gio. Chisolfi, a pupil of Salvator Rosa, who, on his return to Milan,
besides his architectural pieces, which were esteemed among the very first,
devoted himself to large histories and altar-pieces, and executed frescos
in a good taste for the Certosa of Pavia, and the Santuario of Varese. He
was followed with success by one of his nephews, Bernardo Racchetti, whose
perspectives, no less than those of Clemente Spera, are frequently met with
in collections. Torre makes mention also of a native of Lucca, who
succeeded in perspective and in figures, named Paolo Pini. I have seen only
of his a history of Rahab, at S. Maria di Campagna, at Piacenza, of which
the architecture is very fine, the figures light and touched with a
spirited hand. In extensive works of ornamental fresco, Pier Francesco
Prina is commended by Orlandi, with the two Mariani, Domenico and his son
Gioseffo. The father remained stationary at Milan, and educated, among
other pupils, Castellino da Monza; but the son visited Bologna, and there
succeeded in improving his paternal manner so as to distinguish himself
throughout Italy and Germany. These names will suffice to give a view of a
period, not remarkable for the best taste in this species of painting.
Fabio Ceruti was a landscape painter of some repute in the style of
Agricola his master. His pictures are pretty numerous, both throughout the
city and the state. Mention is also made of one Perugini, recorded by the
Cav. Ratti, in his life of Alessandro Magnasco of Genoa, called Lisandrino.
The latter, educated in the school of Abbiati, and a long time resident in
Milan, added to the pictures of Perugini, of Spera, and other artists,
small figures of such merit as will be entitled to a particular description
in his native school.
In compositions of a minor branch, wholly executed by himself, Magnasco may
be pronounced an able artist, especially in those diminutive pieces on the
Flemish scale, consisting of childish scenes and representations of a
popular cast, with which he decorated many collections. He also opened
school at Milan, and was imitated by Coppa and other artists, though
Bastiano Ricci approached him the nearest of any, possessing a wonderful
versatility of genius in respect to imitation. In a similar taste Martino
Cignaroli painted at Milan, who had acquired at Verona and at the school of
Carpioni, singular skill in conducting pictures for private cabinets. He
established himself together with Pietro his brother and his family, in
this his new abode, where he had a son named Scipione, who became a good
landscape painter at Rome, and subsequently flourished at Milan and at
Turin.
About the year 1700 Lorenzo Comendich established himself in the former of
these cities, an artist already recorded in this work among the disciples
of Monti. In the residence of the Baron Martini, his patron, he produced a
variety of works, the most commended among which was his Battle of Luzzara,
won by Louis XIV., who is said to have beheld it, as represented by this
artist, with singular pleasure.
In pictures of herds of animals of every kind, more perhaps than for his
human figures, Carlo Cane rose into some repute. Orlandi likewise greatly
commends Angiolmaria Crivelli in the same branch, though I have seen
nothing from his hand entitling him to so much eulogy. At Milan this artist
is known by the name of Crivellone, in distinction to his son Jacopo, whose
principal merit lay in his drawings of birds and fishes. He was much
employed by the court of Parma, and died in 1760. Still nearer us in point
of time is Londonio, an artist also of some repute for his herds of cattle:
his rural and pastoral views are in possession of the Counts Greppi, and
other noble houses. At Como flourished one Maderno, whose skill consisted
in drawing all kind of kitchen furniture, in the taste of the Bassani, with
whom less experienced judges are apt to confound him. I have seen several
small pictures by him in possession of the Counts Giovio, that display
great beauty. He was also a fine flower-painter, though he was here
surpassed by Mario de' Crespini, one of his pupils, whose productions are
interspersed throughout his own and the adjacent cities. Of some other
artists of inferior note I have given accounts in different places.
It remains for me to mention a third academy which was founded at Milan in
1775, by that distinguished princess, Maria Teresa, and which was
afterwards invariably encouraged by new benefactions from her two sons, the
emperors Joseph and Leopold, and by their successor to the Empire, Francis
II. who, amidst all the distractions of war, is not unmindful of the
prosperity of the fine arts. The complete institutions of which this
academy had to boast, even in its outset, are described in a compendious
manner by its accomplished secretary, in his work entitled the New Guide,
already frequently cited. In this we find an account of the number, the
variety, and the merit of the different professors; the collections of
models, of designs, of prints, and of books, which are there provided for
the use of the students; to which he adds the methods of education there
inculcated, to the great benefit of the nation, which has already, for some
time past, been embued with a more refined taste, and displayed a more
extended cultivation.
END OF VOL. IV.
J. M'Creery, Tooks Court,
Chancery-lane, London.
Transcriber's Notes
Punctuation, use of hyphens, and accent marks were standardized. Obsolete
and alternative spellings were left unchanged. For example, the author
consistently uses 'Bonarruoti' rather than the usual 'Buonarroti,'
'accessaries' for 'accessories,' and 'canvass' for 'canvas.'
Footnotes were indented and moved to follow the paragraph in which the
anchor occurs.
The following changes were made for consistency within the text:
'Michel Angiolo' to 'Michelangiolo'
'rilievo' to 'relievo'
'intitled' to 'entitled'
Additional changes:
'106' to '206' in the Table of Contents, School of Milan, Epoch I
'Wmser' to 'Wumser'
'Batista' to 'Battista'
'imtator' to 'imitator'
'musaicists' to 'mosaicists'
'developement' to 'development'
'recal' to 'recall'
'Coregio' to 'Coreggio'
'begun' to 'began' ... when the Cortona manner began to lose ground ...
'Boccaccini' to 'Boccaccino'
added 'to' ... nor yet has he referred to him as a pupil ...
'pourtrayed' to 'portrayed'
'Monistero' to 'Monastero'
'Andai' to 'andai'
'Brenghel' to 'Breughel'
End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The History of Painting in Italy, Vol.
IV (of 6), by Luigi Antonio Lanzi
***
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<?php namespace GeneaLabs\LaravelCasts;
class Number extends Input
{
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| 6,713
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'use strict';
angular.module('ttip.services').
factory('transformService', function(_) {
var extractNodes = function (nodes) {
var mapNodes = function (ls, key) {
return _.map(ls, function (l) {
return _.extend(l, { 'type': key });
});
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return _.union(_.flatten(_.map(nodes, mapNodes)));
};
var extractLinks = function (memberships) {
return _.map(memberships, function (m) {
return { 'source_id': m.person_id,
'target_id': m.organization_id,
'role': m.role,
'id': m.id
};
});
};
var linker = function (nodes, links) {
var getNodeId = function (id) {
return _.findIndex(nodes, function (n) {
return n.id === id;
});
};
return _.each(links, function (l) {
l.source = getNodeId(l.source_id);
l.target = getNodeId(l.target_id);
});
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function transform( data ){
var nodes = extractNodes(data);
var memberships = _.union(_.flatten(_.map(data.persons,
function (p) { return _.values(_.pick( p, 'memberships')); }
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var links = linker (nodes, extractLinks(_.union(memberships)));
console.log(extractLinks(_.union(memberships)))
var transformed = {'nodes': nodes, 'links': links};
return transformed;
}
return({
transformFromPopolo: transform,
// for testing only
linker: linker,
extractLinks: extractLinks,
extractNodes: extractNodes
});
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|
\section{Introduction}\label{intro}
A.~Ya.~Khintchine introduced the class $\CL$ of limit distributions of certain
independent triangular arrays. It plays an important role in
statistics and mathematical finance, mainly as a consequence of the following
characterization established by P.~L\'evy in 1937: A (Borel-)
probability measure $\mu$ belongs to $\CL$,
if and only if there exists, for any constant $c$ in $(0,1)$,
a probability measure $\mu_c$ on ${\mathbb R}$, such that
\begin{equation}\label{SDa}
\mu=D_c\mu*\mu_c.
\end{equation}
Here $D_c\mu$ is the push-forward of $\mu$ by the map $x\mapsto c x$ and $*$ denotes (classical) convolution of probability measures. To distinguish from the corresponding class $\CL(\boxplus)$ in free probability
(described below) we shall
henceforth write $\CL(*)$ instead of just $\CL$. As a result of
L\'evy's characterization the measures in $\CL(*)$ are called
\emph{selfdecomposable}.
The class $\CL(*)$ contains in particular the
class ${\mathcal S}(*)$ of stable probability measures on ${\mathbb R}$ as a proper
subclass (see e.g.\ \cite{Sa}).
A probability measure $\mu$ on ${\mathbb R}$ is called {\it unimodal}, if, for
some $a$ in ${\mathbb R}$, it has the form
\begin{equation}\label{UMa}
\mu({\rm d} t)=\mu(\{a\})\delta_a({\rm d} t)+f(t)\6t,
\end{equation}
where $f\colon{\mathbb R}\to{\mathbb R}$ is increasing (meaning that $x \leq y$ implies $f(x) \leq f(y)$) on $(-\infty,a)$ and decreasing (meaning that $x \leq y$ implies $f(x) \geq f(y)$) on
$(a,\infty)$, and where $\delta_a$ denotes the Dirac measure at $a$.
The problem of unimodality of the measures in $\CL(*)$ emerged
in the 1940's. Already in the original 1949 Russian
edition of the fundamental book \cite{GnKo} by B.V.~Gnedenko and
A.N.~Kolmogorov it was claimed that all
selfdecomposable distributions are unimodal. However, as explained in
the English translation
\cite{GnKo} (by K.~L.~Chung) there was an error in the proof, and it
took almost 30
years before a correct proof was obtained by M.~Yamazato in
1978 (see \cite{Ya}). In the appendix to the paper \cite{bp2} from
1999 it was proved by P.~Biane that all measures in the class
${\mathcal S}(\boxplus)$ of stable measures with respect to free additive
convolution $\boxplus$ (see Section~\ref{background}) are unimodal.
In the present paper we
extend this result to the class $\CL(\boxplus)$ of all selfdecomposable
distributions with respect to $\boxplus$; thus establishing a full
free probability analog of Yamazato's result.
In the paper \cite{ht7} it
was proved by U.~Haagerup and the second named author
that the free analogs of the Gamma distributions (which are
contained in $\CL(\boxplus)\setminus{\mathcal S}(\boxplus)$) are unimodal, and
the present paper is based in part on techniques from that paper. Let
us also point out that several results from Section~\ref{compact_case}
in the present paper
(most notably Lemma~\ref{P_is_homeomorphism}) may be extracted from
the more general and somewhat differently oriented theory developed
in the papers \cite{Hu1}-\cite{Hu2} by H.-W.~Huang. We prefer in the
present paper to give a completely self-contained and elementary
exposition in the specialized setup considered here. In particular our
approach does not depend upon the rather deep complex analysis
considered in Huang's papers and originating in the work of S.T.~Belinschi
and H.~Bercovici (see e.g.\ \cite{BB05}).
The remainder of the paper is organized as follows: In
Section~\ref{background} we provide background material on $\boxplus$-infinite
divisibility, the Bercovici-Pata bijection, selfdecomposability and
unimodality. In
Section~\ref{compact_case} we establish unimodality for probability
measures in $\CL(\boxplus)$ satisfying in particular that the
corresponding L\'evy
measure has a strictly positive $C^2$-density on ${\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}$. In
Section~\ref{general_case}
we extend the unimodality result from such measures to general measures in
$\CL(\boxplus)$, using that unimodality is preserved under weak
limits.
\section{Background}\label{background}
\subsection{Free and classical infinite divisibility}
A (Borel-) probability measure $\mu$ on
${\mathbb R}$ is called infinitely divisible, if there exists, for each
positive integer $n$, a probability measure $\mu^{1/n}$ on ${\mathbb R}$, such that
\begin{equation}
\mu=\underbrace{\mu^{1/n}*\mu^{1/n}*\cdots*\mu^{1/n}}_{n \ \textrm{terms}},
\label{eqPL.1}
\end{equation}
where $*$ denotes the usual convolution of probability measures (based
on classical independence). We denote by $\mathcal{ID}(*)$ the class of all
such measures on ${\mathbb R}$. We recall that a probability measure $\mu$ on
${\mathbb R}$ is infinitely divisible, if and only if its
characteristic function (or Fourier transform)
$\hat{\mu}$ has the L\'evy-Khintchine representation:
\begin{equation}
\hat{\mu}(u)=\exp\Big[{\rm i}\eta u - {\textstyle\frac{1}{2}}au^2 +
\int_{{\mathbb R}}\big({\rm e}^{{\rm i}ut}-1-{\rm i}ut 1_{[-1,1]}(t)\big) \
\rho({\rm d}t)\Big], \qquad (u\in{\mathbb R}),
\label{e0.10b}
\end{equation}
where $\eta$ is a real constant, $a$ is a non-negative constant and
$\rho$ is a L\'evy measure on ${\mathbb R}$, meaning that
\[
\rho(\{0\})=0, \quad \textrm{and} \quad \int_{{\mathbb R}}\min\{1,t^2\} \
\rho({\rm d}t)<\infty.
\]
The parameters $a$, $\rho$ and $\eta$
are uniquely determined by $\mu$ and the triplet $(a,\rho,\eta)$ is called the
{\it characteristic triplet} for $\mu$. Alternatively the
L\'evy-Khintchine representation may be written in the form:
\begin{equation}
\hat{\mu}(u)=\exp\Big[{\rm i}\gamma u +
\int_{{\mathbb R}}\Big({\rm e}^{{\rm i}ut}-1-\frac{{\rm
i}ut}{1+t^2}\Big)\frac{1+t^2}{t^2} \ \sigma({\rm d}t)\Big],
\quad (u\in{\mathbb R}),
\label{e0.10a}
\end{equation}
where $\gamma$ is a real constant, $\sigma$ is a finite measure on
${\mathbb R}$ and $(\gamma,\sigma)$ is called the \emph{generating
pair} for $\mu$.
The relationship between the representations \eqref{e0.10a} and
\eqref{e0.10b} is as follows:
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
a&=\sigma(\{0\}), \\[.2cm]
\rho({\rm d}t)&=\frac{1+t^2}{t^2}\cdot 1_{{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}}(t) \
\sigma({\rm d}t), \\[.2cm]
\eta&=\gamma+\int_{{\mathbb R}}t\Big(1_{[-1,1]}(t)-\frac{1}{1+t^2}\Big) \
\rho({\rm d}t).
\end{split}
\label{ligning3}
\end{equation}
For two probability measures $\mu$ and $\nu$ on ${\mathbb R}$, the free
convolution $\mu\boxplus\nu$ is defined as the spectral distribution
of $x+y$,
where $x$ and $y$ are \emph{freely independent} (possibly unbounded)
selfadjoint operators on a Hilbert space with spectral distributions
$\mu$ and $\nu$, respectively (see \cite{BV} for further details).
The class $\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$ of infinitely divisible probability measures
with respect to free convolution $\boxplus$ is defined by replacing
classical convolution $*$ by free convolution $\boxplus$ in
\eqref{eqPL.1}.
For a (Borel-) probability measure $\mu$ on ${\mathbb R}$ with support
${\sf supp}(\mu)$, the Cauchy (or Stieltjes) transform is the mapping
$G_\mu\colon{\mathbb C}\setminus{\sf supp}(\mu)\to{\mathbb C}$ defined by:
\begin{equation}
G_\mu(z)=\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{1}{z-t}\,\mu({\rm d} t),
\qquad(z\in{\mathbb C}\setminus{\sf supp}(\mu)).
\label{eqPL.6}
\end{equation}
The \emph{free cumulant transform} ${\mathcal C}_\mu$ of $\mu$ is then given by
\begin{equation}
{\mathcal C}_\mu(z)=zG_\mu^{\langle -1\rangle}(z)-1
\label{eqPL.6a}
\end{equation}
for all $z$ in a certain region $R$ of ${\mathbb C}^-$ (the lower half complex
plane), where the (right) inverse
$G_\mu^{\langle -1\rangle}$ of $G_\mu$ is well-defined. Specifically $R$ may be
chosen in the form:
\[
R=\{z\in{\mathbb C}^-\mid \tfrac{1}{z}\in\Delta_{\eta,M}\}, \quad\text{where}\quad
\Delta_{\eta,M}=\{z\in{\mathbb C}^+\mid |{\sf Re}(z)|<\eta{\sf Im}(z), \ {\sf Im}(z)>M\}
\]
for suitable positive numbers $\eta$ and $M$, where ${\mathbb C}^+$ denotes the
upper half complex plane.
It was proved in \cite{BV} (see also
\cite{ma} and \cite{vo2}) that
${\mathcal C}_\mu$ constitutes the free analog of $\log\hat{\mu}$ in the sense
that it linearizes free convolution:
\[
{\mathcal C}_{\mu\boxplus\nu}(z)={\mathcal C}_\mu(z)+{\mathcal C}_{\nu}(z)
\]
for all probability measures $\mu$ and $\nu$ on ${\mathbb R}$ and all $z$ in a
region where all three transforms are defined.
The results in \cite{BV} are presented in terms of a variant,
$\varphi_\mu$, of ${\mathcal C}_\mu$, which is often referred to as the Voiculescu
transform, and which is again a variant of the $R$-transform ${\mathcal R}_\mu$
introduced in \cite{vo2}. The relationship is the following:
\begin{equation}
\varphi_{\mu}(z)={\mathcal R}_\mu(\tfrac{1}{z})=z{\mathcal C}_{\mu}(\tfrac{1}{z})
\label{eqPL.6b}
\end{equation}
for all $z$ in a region $\Delta_{\eta,M}$ as above.
In \cite{BV} it was
proved additionally that $\mu\in\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$, if and only if
$\varphi_\mu$ extends analytically to a map from ${\mathbb C}^+$ into ${\mathbb C}^- \cup
{\mathbb R}$, in which case
there exists a real constant $\gamma$ and a finite measure $\sigma$ on
${\mathbb R}$, such that $\varphi_\mu$ has the
\emph{free L\'evy-Khintchine representation}:
\begin{equation}
\label{e1.1a}
\varphi_{\mu}(z)=\gamma+\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{1+tz}{z-t}\, \sigma({\rm
d}t),
\qquad (z\in{\mathbb C}^+).
\end{equation}
The pair $(\gamma,\sigma)$ is uniquely determined and is called the
\emph{free generating pair} for $\mu$.
In terms of the free cumulant transform ${\mathcal C}_\mu$ the free
L\'evy-Khintchine representation may be written as
\begin{equation}
\mathcal{C}_{\mu}(z) = \eta z+ az^2 +
\int_{{\mathbb R}}\Big(\frac{1}{1-tz}-1-tz1_{[-1,1]}(t)\Big)
\ \rho({\rm d}t),
\label{eqPL.2}
\end{equation}
where the relationship between the \emph{free characteristic triplet}
$(a,\rho,\eta)$ and the free generating pair $(\gamma,\sigma)$
is again given by \eqref{ligning3}.
In \cite{bp2} Bercovici and Pata introduced a bijection
$\Lambda$ between the two classes $\mathcal{ID}(*)$ and $\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$, which
may formally be defined as the mapping sending a measure $\mu$ from
$\mathcal{ID}(*)$ with generating pair $(\gamma,\sigma)$ onto the measure
$\Lambda(\mu)$ in $\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$ with \emph{free} generating pair
$(\gamma,\sigma)$. It is then obvious that $\Lambda$ is a bijection, and
it turns out that $\Lambda$ further enjoys the following properties (see
\cite{bp2} and \cite{B-NT02}):
\begin{enumerate}[a]
\item If $\mu_1,\mu_2\in{\mathcal{ID}}(*)$, then
$\Lambda(\mu_1*\mu_2)=\Lambda(\mu_1)\boxplus\Lambda(\mu_2)$.
\item If $\mu\in{\mathcal{ID}}(*)$ and $c\in{\mathbb R}$, then
$\Lambda(D_c\mu)=D_c\Lambda(\mu)$.
\item For any constant $c$ in ${\mathbb R}$ we have that
$\Lambda(\delta_c)=\delta_c$, where $\delta_c$ denotes the Dirac
measure at $c$.
\item $\Lambda$ is a homeomorphism with respect to weak convergence.
\end{enumerate}
The property (d) is equivalent to the free version of Gnedenko's
Theorem: Suppose $\mu,\mu_1,\mu_2,\mu_3,\ldots$ is a sequence of measures
from $\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$ with \emph{free} generating pairs:
$(\gamma,\sigma),(\gamma_1,\sigma_1),(\gamma_2,\sigma_2),(\gamma_3,\sigma_3),
\ldots$, respectively. Then
\begin{equation}
\mu_n\overset{\rm w}{\longrightarrow}\mu \iff
\gamma_n\longrightarrow\gamma \ \text{and} \ \sigma_n\overset{\rm
w}{\longrightarrow}\sigma.
\label{free_Gnedenko_thm}
\end{equation}
(cf.\ Theorem~3.8 in \cite{B-NT02})
\subsection{Selfdecomposability and Unimodality}
The selfdecomposablity defined in \eqref{SDa} has an equivalent characterization: a probability measure $\mu$ is in $\CL(*)$ if and only if $\mu$ is in $\mathcal{ID}(*)$ and the L\'evy measure (cf.\ \eqref{e0.10b})
has the form
\begin{equation}\label{spectral}
\rho({\rm d} t)=\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t,
\end{equation}
where $k\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ is increasing on $(-\infty,0)$ and decreasing on $(0,\infty)$ (see \cite{Sa}).
In analogy with the class $\CL(*)$,
a probability measure $\mu$ on ${\mathbb R}$ is called
$\boxplus$-\emph{selfdecomposable}, if there exists, for any $c$ in
$(0,1)$, a probability measure $\mu_c$ on ${\mathbb R}$, such that
\begin{equation}
\mu=D_c\mu\boxplus\mu_c.
\end{equation}
Denoting by $\CL(\boxplus)$ the class of
such measures, it follows from the properties of $\Lambda$ that
\begin{equation}
\Lambda(\CL(*))=\CL(\boxplus)
\label{eq9}
\end{equation}
(see \cite{B-NT02}). By the definition of $\Lambda$ and \eqref{eq9}, if we let the
term ``L\'evy measure'' refer to the free L\'evy-Khintchine
representation \eqref{eqPL.2} rather than the classical one
\eqref{e0.10b},
then we have exactly the same characterization of the measures in $\CL(\boxplus)$: a probability measure $\mu$ is in $\CL(\boxplus)$ if and only if its L\'evy measure in \eqref{eqPL.2} is of the form \eqref{spectral}.
The definition of a unimodal probability measure $\mu$ given in
Section~\ref{intro} is equivalent to the existence of a real number
$a$, such that the distribution function $t\mapsto\mu((-\infty,t])$ is
convex (i.e.\ $\mu((-\infty, p s+ q t]) \leq p \mu((-\infty,s])+q\mu((-\infty,t])$ for all $s,t$ and all $ p,q\geq 0, p+q=1$) on $(-\infty,a)$ and concave on $(a,\infty)$. From this
characterization it follows that for any sequence
$\mu,\mu_1,\mu_2,\mu_3,\ldots$ of
probability measures on ${\mathbb R}$ we have the implication:
\begin{equation}
\text{$\mu_n$ is unimodal for all $n$ and $\mu_n\overset{\rm
w}{\longrightarrow}\mu$} \ \Longrightarrow \
\text{$\mu$ is unimodal}
\label{unimodal_vs_weak_conv}
\end{equation}
(see e.g.\ \cite[\S32, Theorem~4]{GnKo}).
\subsection{Lindel\"of's Theorem}
In this subsection we present a variant (Lemma~\ref{Lindeloef} below)
of Lindel\"of's Theorem (see \cite{Li} or \cite[Theorem~2.2]{CoLo}),
which plays a crucial role in
Section~\ref{compact_case} in combination with Stieltjes inversion.
Before stating the lemma we introduce some notation:
For any number $\delta$ in $(0,\pi)$ we put
\[
\bigtriangledown_\delta=\big\{r{\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta}\bigm|
\delta<\theta<\pi-\delta, \ r>0\big\}.
\]
\begin{lemma}\label{Lindeloef}
Let $G\colon{\mathbb C}^+\to{\mathbb C}^-$ be an analytic function, and assume that
there exists a curve $(z_t)_{t\in[0,1)}$ in ${\mathbb C}^+$, such that
$\lim_{t\to1}z_t=0$, and such that $\alpha:=\lim_{t\to1}G(z_t)$ exists in ${\mathbb C}$.
Then for any number $\delta$ in $(0,\pi)$ we also have that
$
\lim_{z\to0, z\in\bigtriangledown_\delta}G(z)=\alpha,
$
i.e., $G$ has non-tangential limit $\alpha$ at $0$.
\end{lemma}
Lemma~\ref{Lindeloef} may e.g.\ be derived from
Theorem~2.2 in \cite{CoLo}, which provides a similar result
for (in particular) \emph{bounded} analytic functions
$f\colon\{x+{\rm i} y\mid x>0, \ y\in{\mathbb R}\}\to{\mathbb C}$. Recalling that the
mapping $\zeta\mapsto\frac{\zeta-1}{\zeta+1}$ is a conformal bijection
of $\{x+{\rm i} y\mid x>0, \ y\in{\mathbb R}\}$ onto the open unit disc in ${\mathbb C}$,
Lemma~2.1 then follows by applying \cite[Theorem~2.2]{CoLo} to
the bounded function
\[
f(z)=\frac{{\rm i} G({\rm e}^{{\rm i}\frac{\pi}{2}}z)-1}{{\rm i}
G({\rm e}^{{\rm i}\frac{\pi}{2}}z)+1}, \qquad
(z\in\{x+{\rm i} y\mid x>0, \ y\in{\mathbb R}\}).
\]
\section{The case of L\'evy measures with positive density on
${\mathbb R}$}\label{compact_case}
In this section we prove unimodality for measures in $\CL(\boxplus)$
with L\'evy measures in the form $\frac{k(t)}{|t|}$, where $k$
satisfies the conditions (a)-(c) listed below. In a previous version
of the manuscript we considered the case where $k$ is
compactly supported, but in that setting some proofs become more
delicate and complicated than the ones to follow.
Throughout the remaining part of this section we consider a function
$k\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ such that
\begin{enumerate}[\rm a]
\item $k$ is $C^2$ and $(1+t^2)^m k^{(n)}(t)$ are bounded for $m, n\in\{0,1,2\}$,
\item $k$ is increasing on $(-\infty,0)$, decreasing on $(0,\infty)$,
\item $k$ is strictly positive on ${\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}$.
\end{enumerate}
Next we define
\begin{equation*}
\begin{split}
\tilde{k}(t)&={\rm sign}(t)k(t), \qquad(t\in{\mathbb R}),
\\[.2cm]
\tilde{G}_k(z)&=\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{\tilde{k}(t)}{z-t}\6t,
\qquad(z\in{\mathbb C}^+),
\\[.2cm]
H_k(z)&=z+z\tilde{G}_k(z), \qquad(z\in{\mathbb C}^+).
\end{split}
\end{equation*}
We note for later use that
\begin{equation}
H_k(z)=z+z\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{\tilde{k}(t)}{z-t}\6t
=z+\int_{\mathbb R}\Big(1+\frac{t}{z-t}\Big)\tilde{k}(t)\6t
=z+\gamma_k+\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{z-t}\6t,
\label{eq5}
\end{equation}
where we have introduced $\gamma_k=\int_{\mathbb R}\tilde{k}(t)\6t$.
In the following we shall consider additionally the auxiliary function
$F_k\colon{\mathbb C}^+\to(0,\infty)$ given by
\begin{equation}
F_k(x+{\rm i} y)=\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t, \qquad(x+{\rm i} y\in{\mathbb C}^+),
\label{eq2}
\end{equation}
which satisfies $F_k(z) {\sf Im}(z) = {\sf Im}(z- H_k(z))$.
\begin{lemma}\label{intro_v}
\begin{enumerate}
\item[\rm (i)]
For all $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ there exists a unique number $y=v_k(x)$ in
$(0,\infty)$ such that
\begin{equation}
F_k(x+{\rm i} v_k(x))=\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+v_k(x)^2}\6t=1.
\label{eq3}
\end{equation}
\item[\rm (ii)] We have that
\[
{\mathcal G}:=\{z\in{\mathbb C}^+\mid H_k(z)\in{\mathbb R}\}=\{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)\mid x\in{\mathbb R}\}.
\]
\item[\rm (iii)]
We have that
\[
{\mathcal G}^+:=\{z\in{\mathbb C}^+\mid H_k(z)\in{\mathbb C}^+\}=\{x+{\rm i} y\mid x\in{\mathbb R}, \ y>v_k(x)\}.
\]
\item[\rm (iv)] The function $v_k\colon{\mathbb R}\to(0,\infty)$ is analytic on ${\mathbb R}$.
\item[\rm(v)] We have that
$$
\lim_{|x|\to\infty}v_k(x)=0.
$$
\end{enumerate}
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
(i) \ For any $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ the function
\[
y\mapsto\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t, \qquad(y\in(0,\infty))
\]
takes values in $(0,\infty)$ and is continuous (by dominated
convergence) and strictly decreasing in $y$. Since $k$ is strictly
positive and continuous we find additionally that
\[
\lim_{y\searrow0}\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t
=\infty, {\quad\mbox{and}\quad} \lim_{y\nearrow\infty}\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t=0
\]
by monotone and dominated convergence. Hence there is a
unique $y=v_k(x)$ in $(0,\infty)$ such that
$\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t=1$.
(ii) \ For any $x,y$ in ${\mathbb R}$, such that $y>0$, we note that
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
{\sf Im}\big(H_k(x+{\rm i} y)\big)
&=y+{\sf Im}\Big(\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{x+{\rm i} y}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\tilde{k}(t)\6t\Big)
=y+\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{y(x-t)-yx}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\tilde{k}(t)\6t
\\[.2cm]
&=y\Big(1-\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{t\tilde{k}(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t\Big)
=y\Big(1-\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t\Big).
\end{split}
\label{eq0}
\end{equation}
Hence it follows that
\begin{equation}
{\sf Im}\big(H_k(x+{\rm i} y)\big)=0
\iff \int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t=1.
\label{eq1}
\end{equation}
The right hand side of \eqref{eq1} holds, if and
only if $y=v_k(x)$.
(iii) \ It is apparent that
$\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}\6t<1$ for any $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ and
all $y$ in $(v_k(x),\infty)$. In combination with \eqref{eq0} this shows that
${\mathcal G}^+=\{x+{\rm i} y\mid x\in{\mathbb R}, \ y>v_k(x)\}$ as desired.
(iv) \ Consider the function
$\tilde{F}_k\colon{\mathbb R}\times(0,\infty)\to{\mathbb R}$ given by
\begin{equation*}
\tilde{F}_k(x,y)=F_k(x+{\rm i} y)=\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{|t|k(t)}{(x-t)^2+y^2}
=1-y^{-1}{\sf Im}\big(H_k(x+{\rm i} y)), \quad((x,y)\in{\mathbb R}\times(0,\infty)).
\end{equation*}
Since $H_k$ is analytic on ${\mathbb C}^+$ it follows that $\tilde{F}_k$ is
analytic on ${\mathbb R}\times(0,\infty)$. By differentiation under the
integral sign we note in particular that
\[
\frac{\partial}{\partial y}\tilde{F}_k(x,y)
=-2y\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{((x-t)^2+y^2)^2}\6t<0
\]
for all $(x,y)$ in ${\mathbb R}\times(0,\infty)$. Since $v_k(x)>0$ and
$\tilde{F}_k(x+{\rm i} v_k(x))=1$ for all $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ it follows then from
the Implicit Function Theorem (for analytic functions; see
\cite[Theorem~7.6]{FG}) that $v_k$ is analytic on ${\mathbb R}$.
(v) \ By dominated convergence $\lim_{|x|\to\infty} F_k(x+{\rm i} y)=0$
for any fixed $y$ in $(0,\infty)$. Hence (v) follows from \eqref{eq3}
and the fact that $y \mapsto F_k(x+{\rm i} y)$ is decreasing (for fixed $x$).
\end{proof}
\begin{lemma}\label{formel_for_Cauchytransform}
Let $\nu_k$ be the measure in $\mathcal{ID}(\boxplus)$ with free characteristic
triplet $(0,\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t,\int_{-1}^1\tilde{k}(t)\6t)$.
Then the Cauchy transform $G_{\nu_k}$ of $\nu_k$ satisfies the identity:
\[
G_{\nu_k}(H_k(z))=\frac{1}{z}
\]
for all $z$ in ${\mathbb C}^+$ such that $H_k(z)\in{\mathbb C}^+$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
Let ${\mathcal C}_{\nu_k}$ denote the free cumulant transform of $\nu_k$
(extended to all of ${\mathbb C}^-$).
For any $w$ in ${\mathbb C}^-$ we then find (cf.\ formula \eqref{eqPL.2}) that
\begin{equation*}
\begin{split}
{\mathcal C}_{\nu_k}(w)&=w\int_{-1}^1\tilde{k}(t)\6t
+\int_{\mathbb R}\Big(\frac{1}{1-wt}-1-wt1_{[-1,1]}(t)\Big)\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t
\\[.2cm]
&=\int_{\mathbb R}\Big(\frac{1}{1-wt}-1\Big)\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t
\\[.2cm]
&=w\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{t}{1-wt}\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t
=w\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{\tilde{k}(t)}{1-wt}\6t.
\end{split}
\end{equation*}
Setting $w=\frac{1}{z}$ it follows for any $z$ in ${\mathbb C}^+$ that
\[
{\mathcal C}_{\nu_k}\big(\tfrac{1}{z}\big)=\frac{1}{z}
\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{\tilde{k}(t)}{1-\frac{t}{z}}\6t
=\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{\tilde{k}(t)}{z-t}\6t
=\tilde{G}_k(z).
\]
By definition of the free cumulant transform it therefore follows that
\[
\frac{1}{z}G_{\nu_k}^{\langle -1\rangle}(\tfrac{1}{z})-1={\mathcal C}_{\nu_k}(\tfrac{1}{z})
=\tilde{G}_k(z),
\]
and hence that
\[
G_{\nu_k}^{\langle -1\rangle}(\tfrac{1}{z})=z\tilde{G}_k(z)+z=H_k(z)
\]
for all $z$ in a suitable region $\Delta_{\eta,M}$,
where $\eta,M>0$. We may thus conclude that
\begin{equation}
\frac{1}{z}=G_{\nu_k}(H_k(z))
\label{eq1f}
\end{equation}
for all $z$ in $\Delta_{\eta,M}$, but since $\{z\in{\mathbb C}^+\mid
H_k(z)\in{\mathbb C}^+\}$ is a connected region of ${\mathbb C}^+$ (cf.\
Lemma~\ref{intro_v}(iii)), the identity \eqref{eq1f} extends to all
$z$ in this region by analytic continuation.
\end{proof}
In the following we consider the function $P_k\colon{\mathbb R}\to{\mathbb R}$ defined by
\begin{equation}
P_k(x)=H_k(x+{\rm i} v_k(x)), \qquad(x\in{\mathbb R}).
\label{defP}
\end{equation}
\begin{proposition}\label{non-tangential_limit}
For any $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ we have that
\[
G_{\nu_k}(z)\longrightarrow \frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)} \qquad\text{as $z\to
P_k(x)$ non-tangentially from ${\mathbb C}^+$.}
\]
\end{proposition}
\begin{proof} For any $s$
in $[0,1]$ we put $w_s=x+{\rm i}(v_k(x)+s)$, so that $w_s\in{\mathcal G}^+$ for all
$s$ in $(0,1]$ according to Lemma~\ref{intro_v}(iii). Moreover, since
$H_k$ is analytic on ${\mathbb C}^+$, and
$w_s\in{\mathbb C}^+$ for all $s$ in $[0,1]$, it follows that
\[
H_k(w_s)\longrightarrow H_k(w_0)=H_k(x+{\rm i} v_k(x))=P_k(x)\in{\mathbb R} \qquad\text{as
$s\searrow0$}.
\]
In addition it follows from Lemma~\ref{formel_for_Cauchytransform}
that
\[
G_{\nu_k}(H_k(w_s))=\frac{1}{w_s}=\frac{1}{x+{\rm i}(v_k(x)+s)}
\longrightarrow\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)} \qquad\text{as $s\searrow0$}.
\]
Thus $G_{\nu_k}(z)$ has the limit $\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)}$ as $z\to P_k(x)$
along the curve $s\mapsto H_k(w_s)$. It follows then from
Lemma~\ref{Lindeloef} that in
fact $G_{\nu_k}(z)\to\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)}$ as $z\to P_k(x)$ non-tangentially
from ${\mathbb C}^+$, as desired.
\end{proof}
\begin{lemma}\label{P_is_homeomorphism}
The function $P_k$ is a strictly increasing homeomorphism of ${\mathbb R}$ onto ${\mathbb R}$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof} We show first that $P_k(x)\to\pm\infty$ as
$x\to\pm\infty$. From Lemma~\ref{intro_v}(v), formula~\eqref{defP}
and formula~\eqref{eq5} this will follow, if we show that
\begin{equation}\label{eqB}
\sup_{y \in (0,1/2)}\Big|\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t\Big|\longrightarrow0
\text{~as~} |x|\to \infty.
\end{equation}
Consider in the following $x$ in ${\mathbb R}\setminus[-2,2]$ and $y,\delta$ in
$(0,\frac{1}{2})$.
We then divide the integral as follows:
\begin{align}\label{eqA}
\int_{\mathbb R}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t
&= \int_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t +
\int_{{\mathbb R}\setminus[x-\delta,x+\delta]}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t.
\end{align}
To estimate the first term on the right hand side of \eqref{eqA}, we
perform integration by parts:
\begin{align*}
\int_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t
&= \Big[-\log(x-t+{\rm i} y)|t|k(t)\Big]_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}
+\int_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\log(x-t+{\rm i} y)\frac{{\rm d}}{{\rm d} t}\big(|t|k(t)\big)\6t,
\end{align*}
where $\log$ is the principal branch, i.e.,
\[
\log(x-t+{\rm i} y)=\tfrac{1}{2}\log((x-t)^2+y^2)+{\rm i}{\rm Arg}(x-t+{\rm i} y),
\]
where ${\rm Arg}$ is the principal argument. Given any positive number
$\epsilon$, we choose next $\delta$ in $(0,1/2)$ such that
\[
\int_{-\delta}^{\delta}
\sqrt{\pi^2+(\log|t|)^2}\6t \leq \epsilon\Big(\sup_{|t| \geq
1}\Big|\frac{{\rm d}}{{\rm d} t}\big(|t| k(t)\big)\Big|\Big)^{-1}.
\]
Since $t\mapsto|\log(t)|$ is decreasing on $(0,1)$, it follows then that
\begin{align*}
\Big|\int_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\log(x-t+{\rm i}
y)\frac{{\rm d}}{{\rm d} t}\big(|t|k(t)\big)\6t\Big|
&\leq\int_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\sqrt{\pi^2+(\log|x-t|)^2}
\Big|\frac{\, {\rm d}}{\6t}\big(|t|k(t)\big)\Big|\6t \\
&\leq \sup_{|t| \geq 1} \Big|\frac{{\rm d}}{{\rm d} t}\big(|t| k(t)\big)\Big|
\int_{-\delta}^{\delta}\sqrt{\pi^2+(\log|t|)^2}\6t \leq \epsilon.
\end{align*}
Since $|t|k(t)\to0$ as
$|t|\to\infty$ (cf.\ condition (a) above), we note further that
$$
\Big|\Big[-\log(x-t+{\rm i} y)|t|k(t)\Big]_{x-\delta}^{x+\delta}\Big|
\leq 2\cdot \sqrt{\pi^2+(\log \delta)^2} \cdot
\max\big\{|x-\delta|k(x-\delta),|x+\delta|k(x+\delta)\big\}
\leq \epsilon,
$$
for any $y$ in $(0,1/2)$ and all $x$ with $|x|$ sufficiently large. Thus the
first term of \eqref{eqA} is
bounded by $2\epsilon$ whenever $|x|$ is large enough, uniformly in $y
\in(0,1/2)$.
Regarding the second term on the right hand side of \eqref{eqA} we
note first that
$\lim_{|x|\to\infty}\int_{{\mathbb R}\setminus[x-\delta,x+\delta]}\frac{|t|k(t)}{|x-t|}\6t=0$
by dominated convergence. Therefore
\begin{align*}
\sup_{y\in{\mathbb R}}
\Big|\int_{{\mathbb R}\setminus[x-\delta,x+\delta]}\frac{|t|k(t)}{x+{\rm i} y-t}\6t\Big|
\leq\int_{{\mathbb R}\setminus[x-\delta,x+\delta]}\frac{|t|k(t)}{|x-t|}\6t
\leq \epsilon,
\end{align*}
whenever $|x|$ is sufficiently large. Thus we have established
\eqref{eqB}.
It remains now to show that $P_k$ is injective and continuous on
${\mathbb R}$, since these properties are then automatically transferred to the
inverse $P_k^{\langle -1\rangle}$. The continuity is obvious from the continuity of
$v_k$ (cf.\ formula~\ref{defP}).
To see that $P_k$ is injective on ${\mathbb R}$, assume that
$x,x'\in{\mathbb R}$ such that $P_k(x)=P_k(x')$. Then
Proposition~\ref{non-tangential_limit} shows that
\[
\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)}=\lim_{z\overset{\sphericalangle}{\to}P_k(x)}G_{\nu_k}(z)
=\lim_{z\overset{\sphericalangle}{\to}P_k(x')}G_{\nu_k}(z)=\frac{1}{x'+{\rm i} v_k(x')},
\]
where ``$\overset{\sphericalangle}{\to}$'' denotes non-tangential
limits. Clearly the above identities imply that $x=x'$.
\end{proof}
\begin{corollary}\label{density}
The measure $\nu_k$ is absolutely continuous with respect to Lebesgue
measure with a continuous density $f_{\nu_k}$ given by
\[
f_{\nu_k}(P_k(x))=\frac{v_k(x)}{\pi(x^2+v_k(x)^2)}, \qquad(x\in{\mathbb R}).
\]
\end{corollary}
In particular, the support of $\nu_k$ is ${\mathbb R}$.
\begin{proof}
This follows by Stieltjes-Inversion and
Proposition~\ref{non-tangential_limit}. Indeed, for any $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ we
have that
\[
\lim_{y\searrow0}G_{\nu_k}(P_k(x)+{\rm i} y)=\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)}.
\]
Recalling (see e.g.\ Chapter~XIII in \cite{RS}) that the singular part
of $\nu_k$ is concentrated on the set
\[
\big\{\xi\in{\mathbb R}\bigm|
\textstyle{\lim_{y\searrow0}|G_{\nu_k}(\xi+{\rm i} y)|=\infty}\big\},
\]
it follows in particular that
$\nu_k$ has no singular part. For any $x$ in ${\mathbb R}$ we
find furthermore by the Stieltjes Inversion Formula that
\[
f_{\nu_k}(P_k(x))=\frac{-1}{\pi}\lim_{y\searrow0}{\sf Im}(G_{\nu_k}(P_k(x)+{\rm i} y))
=\frac{-1}{\pi}{\sf Im}\Big(\frac{1}{x+{\rm i} v_k(x)}\Big)
=\frac{v_k(x)}{\pi(x^2+v_k(x)^2)}.
\]
In particular we see that $f_{\nu_k}(\xi)>0$ for any $\xi$ in ${\mathbb R}$. Denoting by $P_k^{\langle -1\rangle}$ the inverse of $P_k$,
we note finally that
\[
f_{\nu_k}(\xi)
=\frac{v_k(P_k^{\langle -1\rangle}(\xi))}{\pi(P_k^{{\langle -1\rangle}}(\xi)^2+v_k(P_k^{\langle -1\rangle}(\xi))^2)}
\qquad(\xi\in{\mathbb R}),
\]
which via the continuity of $P_k^{\langle -1\rangle}$ and $v_k$ shows that
$f_{\nu_k}$ is continuous too.
\end{proof}
\begin{remark}
Corollary \ref{density} is a special case of Huang's density formula
for freely infinitely divisible distributions \cite[Theorem
3.10]{Hu2}, which does not impose any assumptions on the L\'evy
measure. Our approach is similar to that of Biane in \cite{B97}. For
example his function $\psi_t$ resembles our function $P_k$.
\end{remark}
The next lemma is key to the main result on unimodality.
\begin{lemma}\label{key-lemma}
Consider the function $F_k$ defined by \eqref{eq2}.
Then for any $r$ in $(0,\infty)$ there exists a number $\theta_r$ in
$(0,\pi)$ such that the function
$$
\theta\mapsto
F_k(r\sin(\theta){\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta})
$$
is strictly decreasing on $(0,\theta_r]$ and
strictly increasing on $[\theta_r,\pi)$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
We introduce a new variable $u$ by setting $t=(r\sin\theta)u$. Then
$$
F_k(r\sin(\theta){\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta})= \int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{|u| k(ru \sin\theta)}{1-2u\cos\theta +u^2}\6u,\qquad (\theta\in(0,\pi)).
$$
Now consider any decreasing function $h\colon(0,\infty)\to(0,\infty)$ from
$C^2((0,\infty))$ satisfying that the functions $(1+t^2)^m h^{(n)}(t)$
are bounded for any
$m,n$ in $\{0,1,2\}$. These assumptions ensure in particular that we may
define $\psi_h\colon(-1,1)\to{\mathbb R}$ by
$$
\psi_h(x):=\int_0^\infty \frac{u}{1-2xu+u^2}h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u,\qquad
(x\in(-1,1)).
$$
Note then that if we define $k_r^\pm(u):=k(\pm ru)$ for $u$ in $(0,\infty)$, and
\begin{equation}
\Psi_r(x)=\psi_{k_r^+}(x)+\psi_{k_r^-}(-x), \qquad(x\in(-1,1)),
\label{eq_def_Phi}
\end{equation}
then it holds that
\begin{equation}\label{eq+-}
F_k(r\sin(\theta){\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta})=\Psi_r(\cos\theta), \qquad(\theta\in(0,\pi)).
\end{equation}
We show in the following that
\begin{enumerate}[1]
\item\label{1} $\psi_h'(x)>0$ for $x$ in $(0,1)$
\item\label{2} $\psi_h'(x)<0$ for $x$ in $(-1,-\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2}]$,
\item\label{3} $\psi_h''(x)>0$ for $x$ in
$[-\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2},\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2}]$.
\end{enumerate}
Before establishing these conditions we remark that the assumptions on
$h$ ensure, that we may perform differentiation under the integral sign
and integration by parts as needed in the following, and we shall do
so without further notice.
For any $x$ in $(-1,1)$ we note first by differentiation under the
integral sign that
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
\psi_h'(x)
&= \int_0^\infty \frac{2u^2}{(1-2ux+u^2)^2}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~-\int_0^\infty \frac{u^2}{1-2ux+u^2}\cdot\frac{x}{\sqrt{1-x^2}}\,
h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u,
\end{split}
\end{equation}
which shows that \ref{1} holds. Moreover, integration by parts yields that
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
\psi_h'(x)
&= \int_0^\infty \frac{2u^2}{(1-2ux+u^2)^2}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u
\\
&~~~+\int_0^\infty \frac{\partial}{\partial u}
\left(\frac{u^2}{1-2ux+u^2}\right)\cdot\frac{x}{1-x^2}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u
\\
&=\int_0^\infty\frac{2u((1-2x^2)u+x)}{(1-2xu+u^2)^2(1-x^2)}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u,
\end{split}
\end{equation}
which verifies \ref{2}.
Finally, we proceed to compute $\psi_h''(x)$. Using Leibniz' formula we
find that
\begin{equation}
\begin{split}
\psi_h''(x)
&= \int_0^\infty \frac{8u^3}{(1-2ux+u^2)^3}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~~-\int_0^\infty \frac{4u^3}{(1-2ux+u^2)^2}\cdot\frac{x}{\sqrt{1-x^2}}\,h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~~ -\int_0^\infty \frac{u^2}{1-2ux+u^2}\left(\frac{1}{\sqrt{1-x^2}} +\frac{x^2}{(1-x^2)^{3/2}}\right)\,h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u\\
&~~~~ + \int_0^\infty \frac{u^3}{1-2ux+u^2}\cdot\frac{x^2}{1-x^2}\,h''(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&= \int_0^\infty \frac{8u^3}{(1-2ux+u^2)^3}\,h(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~~-\int_0^\infty \frac{u^2(1+2ux+u^2)}{(1-2ux+u^2)^2\sqrt{1-x^2}}\,h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~~ -\int_0^\infty \frac{u^2}{1-2ux+u^2}\cdot\frac{x^2}{(1-x^2)^{3/2}}\,h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u\\
&~~~~ + \int_0^\infty \frac{u^3}{1-2ux+u^2}\cdot\frac{x^2}{1-x^2}\,h''(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u.
\end{split}
\end{equation}
In the resulting expression above the first three integrals are
positive for any $x$ in $(-1,1)$, since $-h',h\ge0$ and $u^2+2ux+1 = (u+x)^2+1-x^2 \geq 0$.
By integration by parts, the last integral can be re-written as follows:
\begin{equation}\label{parts}
\begin{split}
& \int_0^\infty \frac{u^3}{1-2ux+u^2}
\cdot\frac{x^2}{1-x^2}\,h''(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u \\
&~~~~=-\frac{x^2}{(1-x^2)^{3/2}}\int_0^\infty\frac{\partial}{\partial
u}\left( \frac{u^3}{1-2xu+u^2}\right) \cdot h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u\\
&~~~~= -\frac{x^2}{(1-x^2)^{3/2}}\int_0^\infty
\frac{u^2}{(1-2xu+u^2)^2}
\left((u-2x)^2+3-4x^2\right) h'(u\sqrt{1-x^2})\6u.
\end{split}
\end{equation}
Hence this integral is positive as well for any $x$ in
$[-\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2},\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2}]$, and altogether the property
\ref{3} is established.
Recalling now formula \eqref{eq_def_Phi}, note that
it follows from conditions
\ref{1}-\ref{3} that
$\Psi_r'(x) = \psi_{k_r^+}'(x)-\psi_{k_r^-}'(-x) >0$, if $x\geq
\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2}$, $\Psi_r'(x) <0$, if $x\leq- \frac{\sqrt{2}}{2}$,
and $\Psi_r''(x) = \psi_{k_r^+}''(x)+\psi_{k_r^-}''(-x) >0$, if $|x|\leq
\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2}$.
Hence, $\Psi_r '$ is strictly increasing on
$(-\frac{\sqrt{3}}{2}, \frac{\sqrt{3}}{2})$ and there exists a unique
zero of $\Psi_r'$ at some $x_r$ in $(-\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2},
\frac{\sqrt{2}}{2})$. Therefore $\Psi_r$ is strictly decreasing on
$(-1,x_r]$ and strictly increasing on $[x_r,1)$, and the lemma now
follows readily from formula \eqref{eq+-}.
\end{proof}
\begin{proposition}\label{unimodality_I}
Consider a function $k\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ which
satisfies conditions (a)-(c) listed in the beginning of this section.
Then the associated measure $\nu_k$ (described
in Lemma~\ref{formel_for_Cauchytransform}) is unimodal.
In fact there exists a number $\omega$ in ${\mathbb R}$,
such that the density $f_{\nu_k}$ (cf.\ Corollary~\ref{density})
is strictly increasing on $(-\infty,\omega]$ and
strictly decreasing on $[\omega,\infty)$.
\end{proposition}
\begin{proof} We show first for any number $\rho$ in $(0,\infty)$
that the equality $f_{\nu_k}(\xi)=\rho$ has at most two solutions in
$\xi$. Since $P_k$ is a bijection of ${\mathbb R}$ onto itself, this is
equivalent to showing that the equality
\[
\rho=f_{\nu_k}(P_k(x))=\frac{v_k(x)}{\pi(x^2+v_k(x)^2)}
\]
has at most two solutions in $x$. For this we note first that
\[
\big\{x+{\rm i} y\in{\mathbb C}^+\bigm| \tfrac{y}{\pi(x^2+y^2)}=\rho\big\}
=C_\rho\setminus\{0\},
\]
where $C_\rho$ is the circle in ${\mathbb C}$ with center
$\frac{{\rm i}}{2\pi\rho}$ and radius
$\frac{1}{2\pi\rho}$. Writing $x+{\rm i} y$ as
$r{\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta}$ ($r>0$, $\theta\in(-\pi,\pi]$) we find that $C_\rho$ is given by
\[
C_\rho=\big\{\tfrac{1}{\pi\rho}\sin(\theta){\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta}\bigm|
\theta\in(0,\pi]\big\}
\]
in polar coordinates. We need to show that $C_\rho$ intersects the
graph ${\mathcal G}$ of $v_k$ in
at most two points. By the defining property \eqref{eq3} of $v_k$, this
is equivalent to showing that the equality
\[
F_k\big(\tfrac{1}{\pi\rho}\sin(\theta){\rm e}^{{\rm i}\theta}\big)=1
\]
has at most two solutions for $\theta$ in $(0,\pi)$. But this follows
immediately from Lemma~\ref{key-lemma}.
It is now elementary to check that $\nu_k$ is unimodal. Since
$f_{\nu_k}$ is continuous and strictly positive on ${\mathbb R}$, and since
$f_{\nu_k}(x)\to0$ as $x\to\pm\infty$ (cf.\ Corollary~\ref{density}),
$f_{\nu_k}$ attains a strictly positive global maximum at
some point $\omega$ in ${\mathbb R}$. If $f_{\nu_k}$ was not
increasing on $(-\infty,\omega]$, then we could choose $\xi_1,\xi_2$ in
$(-\infty,\omega)$ such that $\xi_1<\xi_2$, and
$f_{\nu_k}(\xi_1)>f_{\nu_k}(\xi_2)>0$. Choosing any number $\rho$ in
$(f(\xi_2),f(\xi_1))$, it follows then from the continuity of
$f_{\nu_k}$, that each of the intervals $(-\infty,\xi_1)$, $(\xi_1,\xi_2)$
and $(\xi_2,\omega)$ must contain a solution to the equation
$f_{\nu_k}(\xi)=\rho$, which contradicts what we established above.
Subsequently the argumentation given above also implies
that $f_{\nu_k}$ is in fact \emph{strictly} increasing on
$(-\infty,\omega]$. Similarly it follows that $f_{\nu_k}$ must be
strictly decreasing on $[\omega,\infty)$, and this completes the proof.
\end{proof}
\section{The general case}\label{general_case}
In this section we extend Proposition~\ref{unimodality_I} to general
measures $\nu$ from $\CL(\boxplus)$. The key step is the following
approximation result.
\begin{lemma}\label{approximation_lemma}
Let $k\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ be a
function as in \eqref{spectral} such that $\frac{k(t)}{|t|}1_{{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}}(t)\6t$ is a L\'evy
measure. Let further $a$ be a non-negative number.
Then there exists a sequence $(k_n)$ of functions
$k_n\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$,
satisfying the conditions (a)-(c) in Section \ref{compact_case}, such that
\[
\frac{|t|k_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t\overset{\rm w}{\longrightarrow}
a\delta_0+\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
\]
as $n\to\infty$.
\end{lemma}
\begin{proof}
For each $n$ in ${\mathbb N}$ we introduce first the function
$k_n^0\colon{\mathbb R}\to[0,\infty)$ defined by
\[
k_n^0(t)=
\begin{cases}
0,& \text{if~}t\in(-\infty,0],\\
k(\tfrac{1}{n}), &\text{if $t\in(0,\frac{1}{n})$,}\\
k(t), &\text{if $t\in[\frac{1}{n},n]$,}\\
0, &\text{if $t\in(n,\infty)$},
\end{cases}
\]
and we note that $k_n^0\le k_{n+1}^0$ for all $n$.
Next we choose a non-negative function $\varphi$ from $C^{\infty}_c({\mathbb R})$, such that
${\sf supp}(\varphi)\subseteq[-1,0]$, and
$\int_{-1}^0\varphi(t)\6t=1$. We then define the function
$\tilde{R}_n\colon {\mathbb R} \to[0,\infty)$ as the convolution
\begin{equation}
\tilde{R}_n(t)=n\int_{-1/n}^0k_n^0(t-s)\varphi(ns)\6s
=\int_0^1k_n^0(t+\tfrac{u}{n})\varphi(-u)\6u, \qquad(t\in{\mathbb R}),
\label{eq8}
\end{equation}
and we let $R_n$ be the restriction of $\tilde{R}_n$ to $(0,\infty)$.
Note also that
\[
\tilde{R}_n(t)=n\int_{{\mathbb R}}\varphi(n(t-s))k_n^0(s)\6s, \qquad(t\in{\mathbb R}).
\]
Since $k_n^0$ as well as the derivatives of $\varphi$ and $\varphi$ itself
are all bounded
functions, it follows then by differentiation under the integral sign that
$\tilde{R}_n$ is a \emph{bounded} $C^{\infty}$-function on ${\mathbb R}$ with
\emph{bounded} derivatives, and so its restriction $R_n$ to
$(0,\infty)$ has bounded derivatives too.
Since $k_n^0$ is decreasing on $(0,\infty)$, it follows
immediately from \eqref{eq8} that so is $R_n$.
Moreover, ${\sf supp}(R_n)\subseteq(0,n]$ by the
definition of $k_n^0$.
For any $t$ in $(0,\infty)$ and $n$ in ${\mathbb N}$ note next that
\[
R_n(t)\le\int_0^1k_{n+1}^0(t+\tfrac{u}{n})\varphi(-u)\6u
\le\int_0^1k_{n+1}^0(t+\tfrac{u}{n+1})\varphi(-u)\6u
=R_{n+1}(t).
\]
Moreover, the monotonicity assumptions imply that $k$ is continuous at
almost all $t$ in $(0,\infty)$ (with respect to Lebesgue measure). For
such a $t$ we may further consider $n$ so
large that $t+\frac{u}{n}\in[\frac{1}{n},n]$ for all $u$ in
$[0,1]$. For such $n$ it follows then that
\[
R_n(t)=\int_0^1k(t+\tfrac{u}{n})\varphi(-u)\6u
\underset{n\to\infty}{\longrightarrow}
\int_0^1k(t)\varphi(-u)\6u=k(t)
\]
by monotone convergence. We conclude that $R_n(t)\nearrow k(t)$ as
$n\to\infty$ for almost all $t$ in $(0,\infty)$.
Applying the considerations above to the function
$\kappa\colon(0,\infty)\to[0,\infty)$ given by $\kappa(t)=k(-t)$, it
follows that we may construct a sequence
$(L_n)_{n\in{\mathbb N}}$ of non-negative functions defined on $(-\infty,0)$
and with the following properties:
\begin{itemize}
\item For all $n$ in ${\mathbb N}$ the function $L_n$ has bounded support.
\item For all $n$ in ${\mathbb N}$ we have that $L_n\in C^{\infty}((-\infty,0))$,
and $L_n^{(p)}$ is bounded for all $p$ in ${\mathbb N}\cup\{0\}$.
\item For all $n$ in ${\mathbb N}$ the function $L_n$ is increasing on
$(-\infty,0)$.
\item $L_n(t)\nearrow k(t)$ as $n\to\infty$ for almost all $t$ in
$(-\infty,0)$ (with respect to Lebesgue measure).
\end{itemize}
Next let $\psi(t)={\rm e}^{- t^2}$, and
note that $\int_{{\mathbb R}}|t|\psi(t)\6t=1$.
We are then ready to define $k_n\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ by
\[
k_n(t)=
\begin{cases}
a n^2\psi(nt)+R_n(t), &\text{if $t>0$,}\\
a n^2\psi(nt)+L_n(t), &\text{if $t<0$.}
\end{cases}
\]
It is apparent from the argumentation above that $k_n$ satisfies
the conditions (a)-(c) in Section~\ref{compact_case}, and it remains to
show that $\frac{|t|k_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t\overset{\rm w}{\to}
a\delta_0+\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t$ as $n\to\infty$. For any
bounded continuous function $g\colon{\mathbb R}\to{\mathbb R}$ we find that
\begin{equation*}
\begin{split}
\int_{{\mathbb R}}g(t)\frac{|t|k_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
&=an^2\int_{{\mathbb R}}g(t)\frac{|t|\psi(nt)}{1+t^2}\6t
+\int_{-\infty}^0g(t)\frac{|t|L_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
+\int_0^{\infty}g(t)\frac{tR_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
\\[.2cm]
&=a\int_{{\mathbb R}}g(\tfrac{u}{n})\frac{|u|\psi(u)}{1+(\frac{u}{n})^2}\6u
+\int_{-\infty}^0g(t)\frac{|t|L_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
+\int_0^{\infty}g(t)\frac{tR_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
\\[.2cm]
&\underset{n\to\infty}{\longrightarrow}
a\int_{{\mathbb R}}g(0)|u|\psi(u)\6u
+\int_{-\infty}^0g(t)\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
+\int_0^{\infty}g(t)\frac{tk(t)}{1+t^2}\6t
\\[.2cm]
&=ag(0)+\int_{{\mathbb R}}g(t)\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t,
\end{split}
\end{equation*}
where, when letting $n\to\infty$, we used dominated convergence on
each of the three integrals; note in particular that
$\frac{|t|L_n(t)}{1+t^2}$ and $\frac{tR_n(t)}{1+t^2}$ are dominated
almost everywhere by $\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}$ on the relevant
intervals, and here $\int_{{\mathbb R}}\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t<\infty$, since
$\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t$ is a L\'evy measure. This completes the proof.
\end{proof}
\begin{theorem}\label{main-res}
Any measure $\nu$ in $\CL(\boxplus)$ is unimodal.
\end{theorem}
\begin{proof} We note first that for any probability measure $\mu$ on
${\mathbb R}$ and any constant $a$ in ${\mathbb R}$, the free convolution
$\mu\boxplus\delta_a$ is the translation of $\mu$ by the constant
$a$, and hence $\mu$ is unimodal, if and only if
$\mu\boxplus\delta_a$ is unimodal for some (and hence all) $a$ in
${\mathbb R}$. For $\boxplus$-infinitely divisible measures this means that
the measure with free generating pair $(\gamma,\sigma)$ (cf.\
\eqref{e1.1a}) is unimodal, if and only if the measure with free
generating pair $(\gamma+a,\sigma)$ is unimodal for some (and
hence all) $a$ in ${\mathbb R}$. In other words, unimodality depends only
on the measure $\sigma$ appearing in the free generating pair.
Now let $\nu$ be a measure from $\CL(\boxplus)$ with free
characteristic triplet $(a,\frac{k(t)}{|t|}\6t,\eta)$, where
$a\ge0$, $\eta\in{\mathbb R}$ and $k\colon{\mathbb R}\setminus\{0\}\to[0,\infty)$ is a function as in \eqref{spectral}. According
to the discussion above, it suffices then to show that the measure $\nu^0$
with free generating pair $(0,a\delta_0+\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t)$ is
unimodal (cf.\ \eqref{ligning3}). By application of
Lemma~\ref{approximation_lemma} we may
choose a sequence $(k_n)$ of positive functions, satisfying (a)-(c)
in Section~\ref{compact_case}, such that
\begin{equation}
\frac{|t|k_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t\overset{\rm w}{\longrightarrow}
a\delta_0+\frac{|t|k(t)}{1+t^2}\6t \quad\text{as $n\to\infty$.}
\label{eq7}
\end{equation}
For such $n$ it follows then from Proposition~\ref{unimodality_I} and
\eqref{ligning3} that the measure $\nu_n^0$ with free generating pair
$(0,\frac{|t|k_n(t)}{1+t^2}\6t)$ is unimodal. From \eqref{eq7} and the free
version of Gnedenko's Theorem (cf.\ \eqref{free_Gnedenko_thm})
it follows that $\nu_n^0\overset{\rm w}{\to}\nu^0$ as
$n\to\infty$, and hence \eqref{unimodal_vs_weak_conv} implies that
$\nu^0$ is unimodal, as desired.
\end{proof}
\begin{remark}
A non-degenerate classically selfdecomposable probability
measure is absolutely continuous with respect to Lebesgue measure
(see \cite[Theorem~27.13]{Sa}). In the free case it was proved by
N.~Sakuma (see \cite{S11}) that non-degenerate freely
selfdecomposable measures
have no atoms. By definition (see formula~\ref{UMa}), a unimodal measure
does not have a continuous singular part, and via
Theorem~\ref{main-res} we may thus conclude that
also freely selfdecomposable measures are
absolutely continuous with respect to the Lebesgue measure, unless
they are degenerate. Moreover, from Huang's density formula
\cite[Theorem 3.10 (6)] {Hu2}, which is a strengthened version of our
Corollary \ref{density}, one can show that the density
function of a freely selfdecomposable measure is continuous on $\mathbb{R}$.
By contrast, the density of a classical selfdecomposable measure may have a
single point of discontinuity (see \cite[Theorem~28.4]{Sa}).
\end{remark}
\subsection*{Acknowledgements}
This paper was initiated during the ``Workshop on Analytic, Stochastic,
and Operator Algebraic Aspects of Noncommutative Distributions and
Free Probability'' at the Fields Institute in July 2013. The authors
would like to express their sincere gratitude for the generous
support and the stimulating environment provided by the Fields
Institute. The authors would also like to thank an anonymous referee
for comments, which have improved the paper, and in particular for pointing out
connections between our paper and Biane's paper \cite{B97}.
TH was supported by Marie Curie Actions -- International Incoming
Fellowships Project 328112 ICNCP.
ST was partially supported by The Thiele Centre for Applied
Mathematics in Natural Science at The University of Aarhus.
{\small
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Q: How to to generate Hermite interpolating polynomials? How is it possible to generate Hermite interpolating polynomial (spline) with an arbitrary degree which interpolates between $x_0$ and $x_1$ and also between the their first $((k-1)/2)$-th derivatives $m_{i,0}$ and $m_{i,1}$?
Let
*
*$k$ is odd and it denotes the degree of the polynomial
*$t \in [0,1]$ is the interpolation parameter
Then:
*
*$k=1$ is a simple linear spline
$tx_1 + (1-t)x_0$
*$k=3$ is a cubic Hermite spline
$t^3 (m_0+m_1+2 x_0-2 x_1) - t^2 (2 m_0 + m_1 + 3x_0 - 3x_1) + t m_0 + x_0$
*$k=5$ is a quintic Hermite spline
$-\frac{ 1 }{2} t ^ 5 (6 m_0 + 6 m_1 + n_0 - n_1 + 12 x_0 - 12 x_1) + \frac{ 1 }{2} t ^ 4 (16 m_0 + 14 m_1 + 3 n_0 - 2 n_1 + 30 x_0 - 30 x_1) - \frac{ 1 }{2} t ^ 3 (12 m_0 + 8 m_1 + 3 n_0 - n_1 + 20 x_0 - 20 x_1) + m_0 t + \frac{ n_0 t ^ 2 }{2}+x_0$
*and so on...
A: There is a well-known algorithm for just polynomial interpolation, that generates polynomials in the Newton form. It goes like this. Given a function $f$ and distinct points $x_0,x_1,\dots,x_n$ we define the divided difference $f[x_i,x_{i+1},\dots,x_j]$ recursively as $\frac{f[x_{i+1},\dots,x_j]-f[x_i,\dots,x_{j-1}]}{x_j-x_i}$, with the base case $f[x_i]=f(x_i)$. Then the polynomial interpolant is
$$f[x_0]+f[x_0,x_1](x-x_0)+\dots+f[x_0,x_1,\dots,x_n] \prod_{i=0}^{n-1} (x-x_i).$$
In hand calculations this can be conveniently evaluated using a triangular array: we make a column of $x$ values and another of $y$ values, then a column of first differences, then second differences, etc. Each column after the first two is one row shorter until we get to the last column which is of length $1$. The coefficients are then the first row of the array.
For Hermite interpolation, we duplicate an $x$ value where we want to enforce $k$ derivatives $k+1$ times in the aforementioned array. Consequently we will be asked for a divided difference that requires a division by zero. In these cases we interpret it as a limit as one $x$ value approaches another, so we substitute the given derivative value there and then continue. So for example $f[x_0,x_0]=f'(x_0)$. For another example, $f[x_0,x_0,x_1]=\frac{f[x_0,x_1]-f'(x_0)}{x_1-x_0}=\frac{f(x_1)-f(x_0)-f'(x_0)(x_1-x_0)}{(x_1-x_0)^2}$.
Note that in this framework it is not possible to solve a problem such as $p(0)=1,p''(0)=2,p(1)=3$. To handle that in this framework you would need to introduce $p'(0)$ as a free parameter and obtain a one-parameter family of cubic polynomials satisfying the desired equations. One could then choose $p'(0)$ at the end as desired (for example, to obtain a quadratic solution).
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{"url":"https:\/\/ftp.aimsciences.org\/article\/doi\/10.3934\/jimo.2012.8.591","text":"# American Institute of Mathematical Sciences\n\nJuly\u00a0 2012,\u00a08(3):\u00a0591-609. doi:\u00a010.3934\/jimo.2012.8.591\n\n## A neighboring extremal solution for an optimal switched impulsive control problem\n\n 1 Center for Control Theory and Guidance Technology, Harbin Institute of Technology, Harbin 150001, China, China 2 Department of Mathematics and Statistics, Curtin University, Perth, W.A. 6845, Australia 3 Department of Mathematics and Statistics, Curtin University, Perth 6845\n\nReceived\u00a0 May 2011 Revised\u00a0 November 2011 Published\u00a0 June 2012\n\nThis paper presents a neighboring extremal solution for a class of optimal switched impulsive control problems with perturbations in the initial state, terminal condition and system's parameters. The sequence of mode's switching is pre-specified, and the decision variables, i.e. the switching times and parameters of the system involved, have inequality constraints. It is assumed that the active status of these constraints is unchanged with the perturbations. We derive this solution by expanding the necessary conditions for optimality to first-order and then solving the resulting multiple-point boundary-value problem by the backward sweep technique. Numerical simulations are presented to illustrate this solution method.\nCitation: Canghua Jiang, Kok Lay Teo, Ryan Loxton, Guang-Ren Duan. A neighboring extremal solution for an optimal switched impulsive control problem. Journal of Industrial & Management Optimization, 2012, 8 (3) : 591-609. doi: 10.3934\/jimo.2012.8.591\n##### References:\n\nshow all references\n\n##### References:\n [1] Alberto Bressan, Ke Han, Franco Rampazzo. On the control of non holonomic systems by active constraints. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2013, 33 (8) : 3329-3353. doi: 10.3934\/dcds.2013.33.3329 [2] Guirong Jiang, Qishao Lu. The dynamics of a Prey-Predator model with impulsive state feedback control. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - B, 2006, 6 (6) : 1301-1320. doi: 10.3934\/dcdsb.2006.6.1301 [3] Peter Benner, Jens Saak, M. Monir Uddin. Balancing based model reduction for structured index-2 unstable descriptor systems with application to flow control. Numerical Algebra, Control & Optimization, 2016, 6 (1) : 1-20. doi: 10.3934\/naco.2016.6.1 [4] Diana Keller. Optimal control of a linear stochastic Schr\u00f6dinger equation. Conference Publications, 2013, 2013 (special) : 437-446. doi: 10.3934\/proc.2013.2013.437 [5] Paula A. Gonz\u00e1lez-Parra, Sunmi Lee, Leticia Vel\u00e1zquez, Carlos Castillo-Chavez. A note on the use of optimal control on a discrete time model of influenza dynamics. Mathematical Biosciences & Engineering, 2011, 8 (1) : 183-197. doi: 10.3934\/mbe.2011.8.183 [6] Luke Finlay, Vladimir Gaitsgory, Ivan Lebedev. Linear programming solutions of periodic optimization problems: approximation of the optimal control. Journal of Industrial & Management Optimization, 2007, 3 (2) : 399-413. doi: 10.3934\/jimo.2007.3.399 [7] Shanjian Tang, Fu Zhang. Path-dependent optimal stochastic control and viscosity solution of associated Bellman equations. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2015, 35 (11) : 5521-5553. doi: 10.3934\/dcds.2015.35.5521 [8] Yves Dumont, Frederic Chiroleu. Vector control for the Chikungunya disease. Mathematical Biosciences & Engineering, 2010, 7 (2) : 313-345. doi: 10.3934\/mbe.2010.7.313 [9] Wenmin Gong, Guangcun Lu. On coupled Dirac systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2017, 37 (8) : 4329-4346. doi: 10.3934\/dcds.2017185 [10] J. Fr\u00e9d\u00e9ric Bonnans, Justina Gianatti, Francisco J. Silva. On the convergence of the Sakawa-Shindo algorithm in stochastic control. Mathematical Control & Related Fields, 2016, 6 (3) : 391-406. doi: 10.3934\/mcrf.2016008 [11] A. K. Misra, Anupama Sharma, Jia Li. A mathematical model for control of vector borne diseases through media campaigns. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - B, 2013, 18 (7) : 1909-1927. doi: 10.3934\/dcdsb.2013.18.1909 [12] Haiyan Wang. Existence and nonexistence of positive radial solutions for quasilinear systems. Conference Publications, 2009, 2009 (Special) : 810-817. doi: 10.3934\/proc.2009.2009.810 [13] Tuvi Etzion, Alexander Vardy. On $q$-analogs of Steiner systems and covering designs. Advances in Mathematics of Communications, 2011, 5 (2) : 161-176. doi: 10.3934\/amc.2011.5.161 [14] Lekbir Afraites, Abdelghafour Atlas, Fahd Karami, Driss Meskine. Some class of parabolic systems applied to image processing. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - B, 2016, 21 (6) : 1671-1687. doi: 10.3934\/dcdsb.2016017 [15] Graziano Crasta, Philippe G. LeFloch. Existence result for a class of nonconservative and nonstrictly hyperbolic systems. Communications on Pure & Applied Analysis, 2002, 1 (4) : 513-530. doi: 10.3934\/cpaa.2002.1.513 [16] F.J. Herranz, J. de Lucas, C. Sard\u00f3n. Jacobi--Lie systems: Fundamentals and low-dimensional classification. Conference Publications, 2015, 2015 (special) : 605-614. doi: 10.3934\/proc.2015.0605 [17] Valery Y. Glizer. Novel Conditions of Euclidean space controllability for singularly perturbed systems with input delay. Numerical Algebra, Control & Optimization, 2020\u00a0 doi: 10.3934\/naco.2020027 [18] Marcelo Messias. Periodic perturbation of quadratic systems with two infinite heteroclinic cycles. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2012, 32 (5) : 1881-1899. doi: 10.3934\/dcds.2012.32.1881 [19] Francisco Braun, Jaume Llibre, Ana Cristina Mereu. Isochronicity for trivial quintic and septic planar polynomial Hamiltonian systems. Discrete & Continuous Dynamical Systems - A, 2016, 36 (10) : 5245-5255. doi: 10.3934\/dcds.2016029 [20] Xinyuan Liao, Caidi Zhao, Shengfan Zhou. Compact uniform attractors for dissipative non-autonomous lattice dynamical systems. Communications on Pure & Applied Analysis, 2007, 6 (4) : 1087-1111. doi: 10.3934\/cpaa.2007.6.1087\n\n2019\u00a0Impact Factor:\u00a01.366","date":"2021-02-27 07:01:39","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.47962987422943115, \"perplexity\": 7771.617229650233}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-10\/segments\/1614178358203.43\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210227054852-20210227084852-00145.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
{"url":"https:\/\/math.stackexchange.com\/questions\/2155366\/expectation-of-an-injective-function-of-a-geometric-random-variable","text":"# Expectation of a(n injective) function of a geometric random variable\n\nThe setup of this problem is the following.\n\nTom is playing a game online. He keeps playing until he wins one game. Winning in the $n$th game will give a payout of $\\frac{$100}{n}$. Each game is won independently with probability$p$. I'm trying to find the expected winnings. The number of games played before winning one follows a geometric distribution with parameter$p$. So Tom will play$\\frac{1}{p}$games, on average, before winning one. I intuitively imagine the winnings then to be$\\$100 \\times p$. Why exactly is this though?\n\nIf we let $X$ be the geometrically distributed random variable representing the number of games played when the first is won, then we can define the variable $Y = f \\circ X$ where $f(n) = \\frac{$100}{n}$to represent the winnings. Directly trying to find the expectation of$Y$gives $$\\operatorname{E}(Y) = \\sum_{n=1}^\\infty \\frac{100}{n} (1-p)^{n-1} p$$ which I am not sure how to evaluate. How should I proceed to find the expectation, formally? I noticed that the function$f$is injective. Does this have a particular significance when trying to find expected values? Is there a more general theorem that relates the expectation of a function$f$of a random variable$X$to the expectation of$X$itself? \u2022 hint:$\\sum_{k=1}^{\\infty} \\frac{x^k}{k} = \\log \\frac{1}{1-x}\u2013 Alex Feb 21 '17 at 22:39 ## 2 Answers Hint: Use the Taylor expansion of the logarithm \\begin{align} \\log(1-x) = -\\sum_{n=1}^{\\infty}\\frac{x^n}{n} &&|x|<1. \\end{align} Advanced hint: \\begin{align} 100p\\sum_{n=1}^{\\infty}\\frac{(1-p)^{n-1}}{n} = \\frac{100p}{1-p}\\sum_{n=1}^{\\infty}\\frac{(1-p)^{n}}{n}. \\end{align} \u2022 I don't see how I'm supposed to reconcile the fact that exponentn-1$in my situation is different from the denominator$n$. \u2013 Jacob Errington Feb 22 '17 at 0:21 Others have already told you how to calculate the expectation, but regarding your injectivity and expectation of$f$questions, the only significance of lack of injectivity is that its possible that$f(X)=a$for more than one value of$a$, so that$\\mathbb{P}[f(X)=a]=\\sum_{x:f(x)=a}\\mathbb{P}[X=x]$rather than just$\\mathbb{P}[X=f^{-1}(a)]$. This never complicates the maths though, as you will always write$\\mathbb{E}[f(X)]=\\sum_{x}f(x)\\mathbb{P}[X=x]$, and injectivity or lack thereof of$f$rarely factors into evaluating this sum. \u2022 Don't you mean to say that the only significance of injectivity is that given$a$,$f(x) = a$holds for exactly one$x\\$? \u2013\u00a0Jacob Errington Feb 22 '17 at 0:32\n\u2022 Ah, what I meant to say was \"lack of injectivity\". Thank you, will edit now. \u2013\u00a0Pepe Silvia Feb 22 '17 at 1:03","date":"2021-03-09 07:20:46","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 2, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.8493847846984863, \"perplexity\": 910.6151762344756}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-10\/segments\/1614178389472.95\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210309061538-20210309091538-00136.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
{"url":"https:\/\/www.aimsciences.org\/article\/doi\/10.3934\/jmd.2015.9.25","text":"Article Contents\nArticle Contents\n\n# On the rigidity of Weyl chamber flows and Schur multipliers as topological groups\n\n\u2022 We effectively conclude the local rigidity program for generic restrictions of partially hyperbolic Weyl chamber flows. Our methods replace and extend previous ones by circumventing computations made in Schur multipliers. Instead, we construct a natural topology on $H_2(G,\\mathbb{Z})$, and rely on classical Lie structure theory for central extensions.\nMathematics Subject Classification: Primary: 37C85; Secondary: 19C09.\n\n Citation:\n\n\u2022 [1] D. Damjanovi\u0107, Central extensions of simple Lie groups and rigidity of some abelian partially hyperbolic algebraic actions, J. Mod. Dyn., 1 (2007), 665-688.doi:\u00a010.3934\/jmd.2007.1.665. [2] D. Damjanovi\u0107 and A. Katok, Periodic cycle functionals and cocycle rigidity for certain partially hyperbolic $\\mathbbR^k$ actions, Discrete Contin. Dyn. Syst., 13 (2005), 985-1005.doi:\u00a010.3934\/dcds.2005.13.985. [3] D. Damjanovi\u0107 and A. Katok, Local rigidity of partially hyperbolic actions I. KAM method and $\\mathbbZ^k$ actions on the torus, Ann. of Math. (2), 172 (2010), 1805-1858.doi:\u00a010.4007\/annals.2010.172.1805. [4] D. Damjanovi\u0107 and A. Katok, Local rigidity of partially hyperbolic actions. II: The geometric method and restrictions of Weyl chamber flows on $SL$$(n,\\mathbbR)$$\/$$\\Gamma$, Int. Math. Res. Not. IMRN, (2011), 4405-4430.doi:\u00a010.1093\/imrn\/rnq252. [5] V. V. Deodhar, On central extensions of rational points of algebraic groups, Amer. J. Math., 100 (1978), 303-386.doi:\u00a010.2307\/2373853. [6] J. L. Dupont, W. Parry and C.-H. Sah, Homology of classical Lie groups made discrete. II. $H_2,H_3,$ and relations with scissors congruences, J. Algebra, 113 (1988), 215-260.doi:\u00a010.1016\/0021-8693(88)90191-3. [7] A. M. Gleason and R. S. Palais, On a class of transformation groups, Amer. J. Math., 79 (1957), 631-648.doi:\u00a010.2307\/2372567. [8] M. Grayson, C. Pugh and M. Shub, Stably ergodic diffeomorphisms, Ann. of Math. (2), 140 (1994), 295-329.doi:\u00a010.2307\/2118602. [9] R. Hartshorne, ed., Algebraic Geometry, Corrected reprint of the 1975 original, Proceedings of Symposia in Pure Mathematics, Vol. 29, American Mathematical Society, Providence, R.I., 1979. [10] A. Katok and R. J. Spatzier, Differential rigidity of Anosov actions of higher rank abelian groups and algebraic lattice actions, Tr. Mat. Inst. Steklova, 216 (1997), Din. Sist. i Smezhnye Vopr., 292-319. [11] A. Katok, V. Ni\u0163ic\u0103 and A. T\u00f6r\u00f6k, Non-abelian cohomology of abelian Anosov actions, Ergodic Theory Dynam. Systems, 20 (2000), 259-288.doi:\u00a010.1017\/S0143385700000122. [12] G. A. Margulis, Discrete Subgroups of Semisimple Lie Groups, Ergebnisse der Mathematik und ihrer Grenzgebiete (3) [Results in Mathematics and Related Areas (3)], 17, Springer-Verlag, Berlin, 1991. [13] J. Milnor, Introduction to Algebraic $K$-Theory, Annals of Mathematics Studies, No. 72, Princeton University Press, Princeton, N.J.; University of Tokyo Press, Tokyo, 1971. [14] S. A. Morris, Free products of topological groups, Bull. Austral. Math. Soc., 4 (1971), 17-29.doi:\u00a010.1017\/S0004972700046219. [15] E. T. Ordman, Free products of topological groups which are $k_{\\omega }$-spaces, Trans. Amer. Math. Soc., 191 (1974), 61-73. [16] C. Pugh and M. Shub, Stably ergodic dynamical systems and partial hyperbolicity, J. Complexity, 13 (1997), 125-179.doi:\u00a010.1006\/jcom.1997.0437. [17] C. Pugh, M. Shub and A. Wilkinson, H\u00f6lder foliations, revisited, J. Mod. Dyn., 6 (2012), 79-120.doi:\u00a010.3934\/jmd.2012.6.79. [18] C. H. Sah and J. B. Wagoner, Second homology of Lie groups made discrete, Comm. Algebra, 5 (1977), 611-642.doi:\u00a010.1080\/00927877708822184. [19] Z. Wang,\u00a0Local rigidity of partially hyperbolic actions: Twisted symmetric space examples, preprint. [20] Z. J. Wang, Local rigidity of partially hyperbolic actions, J. Mod. Dyn., 4 (2010), 271-327.doi:\u00a010.3934\/jmd.2010.4.271. [21] Z. J. Wang, New cases of differentiable rigidity for partially hyperbolic actions: Symplectic groups and resonance directions, J. Mod. Dyn., 4 (2010), 585-608.doi:\u00a010.3934\/jmd.2010.4.585.","date":"2023-03-28 08:34:11","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 1, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.8130789399147034, \"perplexity\": 3080.5724809316102}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2023-14\/segments\/1679296948817.15\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20230328073515-20230328103515-00104.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Sweat poured down my face as I pushed and pulled at the cold flesh, the body not budging while I tried to listen to Toni's calls barely breaking through the low moans vibrating through my chest. I struggled on, cursing my weak frame, but with one last yank against the limp arm, I looked up and watched the first dead soldier trip over the doorstep. With defeat resting heavy, I turned and ran, climbing the stairs two at a time, chancing a glance over my shoulder just as I turned back to the bedroom. The first of the horde had already fallen, tripping over the unmovable body, but another crossed behind, stamping along its former colleague's spine, their milky white eyes fixed in my direction.
Slamming the door at my back, Toni looked on, her eyes almost as wide as the kid's tear streamed face, her arms across his chest. My head shook as I swatted my brow on the back of my hand, dabbing my eyes along the sleeve.
"I couldn't move him, couldn't shut them out," I said, trying to hold back the exhaustion. It was Mary who was first to react, sitting on the silk sheets next to her husband, swapping wide eyed looks between each of us as if in a daze.
"Andy," she said with surprise. "What are you doing here?" she added, lowering her brow. The boy looked at me and then up to Toni. "Come here," she said opening her eyes wide. I saw the recognition as he pulled away from Toni's grasp and ran into Mary's wide arms while I leant heavy with my back to the door, my hand straining to keep the handle upright.
"What are we going to do?" I said looking only at Toni. She shook her head, turning back to the window.
"We need to get out, we've got to get back before nightfall," she said twisting back the concern obvious in her eyes. I avoided her stare, looking over her shoulder at the sun hovering over the horizon.
"We might need to think again," I said raising my eyebrows. "In a minute those things," I said exaggerating the last word. "Will be here and this door won't hold for long," I said, raising my eyebrows, not able to stop myself glancing to the child still buried in Mary's arms. Before Toni could speak, I lifted my hand, raising my index finger to my mouth and turned my ear to the door. "The window?" I said, pointing my eyes outside when I was satisfied.
Toni turned as I finished, peering over the cill, shaking her head.
"Toni," I said, my voice sharp and she turned, watching with a lowered brow as I gestured to the kid. She dismissed my concern with a shake of her head, pulling the clip from the gun. I watched the couple's wide eyes, staring on as Toni turned the clip lengthwise and counted the bullets.
"Fifteen rounds. It's not enough," she said shaking her head. She still had a lot to learn about being around others.
I looked towards the ground, straining my ears to noises somewhere beyond the door, when the squeak of the little boy's voice cut through the air as he shuffled out of Mary's embrace.
"Can they climb stairs?" he said and we both turned in his direction, the couple looking on with bemused expressions. I swapped glances with Toni, but I was the first to speak.
"What do you know about these," I said slowing to a pause. "Things?" I added, not able to find a better word.
I couldn't help but look back at Toni for a second time, watching as she took a pace towards me, pulling up the gun and aiming towards the door as I rested my fingers on the handle. I felt a gurgle in my stomach, the sound radiating out into the air. Toni's expression hardened as she gave turned away from my belly and back to the door before giving a shallow nod, watching as I pushed down the handle.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 8,137
|
El Conjunto de música ligera de Wangjaesan (Hangul: 왕 재산 경음악단; MR: Wangjaesan Kyŏngŭmaktan) es un grupo de música ligera (gyeongeumak) de Corea del Norte. Es uno de los dos grupos de música popular (con Conjunto Electrónico de Pochonbo) que fueron establecidos por Corea del Norte en la década de 1980, ambos con el nombre de lugares donde Kim Il-sung luchó contra los japoneses en la década de 1930. Toma su nombre del monte Wangjae en Onsong-gun, provincia de Hamgyong del Norte, en la frontera con China, donde se dice que Kim Il-sung celebró una reunión para actividades antijaponesas en 1933.
La banda fue establecida por el líder norcoreano Kim Jong-il el 22 de julio de 1983. Su música se transmitía a menudo a través de canales de la estación central de radiodifusión coreana, como Radio Pyongyang. La Compañía de Danza Wangjaesan es parte del grupo.
Presuntas ejecuciones y disolución
El 29 de agosto de 2013, el diario surcoreano The Chosun Ilbo informó que miembros clave del Conjunto de música ligera de Wangjaesan fueron obligados a presenciar el fusilamiento de otros músicos y bailarines de su banda, así como miembros de la Orquesta Unhasu y la cantante Hyon Song-wol, por orden de Kim Jong-un. Posteriormente se disolvió la banda. Sin embargo, algunos expertos dudaron de esta afirmación, como Barbara Demick, autora de Nothing to Envy. Demick le dijo a Business Insider «...es difícil confiar en estas cosas. Hay mucha desinformación deliberada». Chad O'Carroll de NK News, un sitio web de analistas de Corea del Norte, declaró: «Debes recordar que muchas veces la fuente es surcoreana y les interesa distorsionar o quizás tejer la verdad de vez en cuando». John Delury, de la Universidad Yonsei en Seúl, dijo a The Guardian: «Estas cosas ocurren regularmente en los medios de comunicación y luego se vuelven virales rápidamente. Hay un apetito global por cualquier historia de Corea del Norte y cuanto más lascivas, mejor. Algunas de ellas probablemente sean ciertas, pero muchas probablemente no lo sean». Delury también agregó: «Los estándares normales del periodismo se tiran por la ventana porque la actitud es: "Es Corea del Norte, nadie sabe lo que está pasando allí"». Más tarde se demostró que Hyon Song-wol estaba viva.
Los informes surcoreanos llegaron aproximadamente un mes después de que el Comité Central del Partido de los Trabajadores de Corea emitiera un mensaje de felicitación de aniversario a la compañía.
Reaparición
En octubre de 2015, la banda se reunió para la serie de conciertos «Songs Full of Memories» (febrero-marzo) y la actuación conjunta con «Great Party, Rosy Korea».
Miembros
Ryom Cheong: Ha interpretado canciones como «Chung Il-bong's Thunder», «Reported Soul», «Live with the Future», «General's Frontline», «Pyongyang News».
Kim Hwa-suk: Conocido por «El seno de nuestro país».
Hwang Suk-kyong: «El socialismo es nuestro».
Oh Jong-yun: Conocido por «El follaje es rojo», canción popular «Moranbong».
Véase también
Música de Corea del Norte
Moranbong Band
Pochonbo Electronic Ensemble
Referencias
Música de Corea del Norte
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
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| 8,947
|
Veliká Ves är en ort i Tjeckien. Den ligger i regionen Ústí nad Labem, i den västra delen av landet, km väster om huvudstaden Prag. Veliká Ves ligger meter över havet och antalet invånare är .
Terrängen runt Veliká Ves är platt åt nordost, men åt sydväst är den kuperad. Den högsta punkten i närheten är Hradiště, meter över havet, km väster om Veliká Ves. Runt Veliká Ves är det ganska tätbefolkat, med invånare per kvadratkilometer. Närmaste större samhälle är Žatec, km nordost om Veliká Ves. Trakten runt Veliká Ves består till största delen av jordbruksmark.
Trakten ingår i den boreala klimatzonen. Årsmedeltemperaturen i trakten är °C. Den varmaste månaden är juli, då medeltemperaturen är °C, och den kallaste är januari, med °C.
Kommentarer
Källor
Externa länkar
Orter i Ústí nad Labem (region)
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 9,747
|
A flavoprotein containing both FMN and FAD. This enzyme catalyses the transfer of electrons from NADPH, an obligatory two-electron donor, to microsomal P-450 monooxygenases (e.g. EC 1.14.14.1, unspecific monooxygenase) by stabilizing the one-electron reduced form of the flavin cofactors FAD and FMN. It also reduces cytochrome b5 and cytochrome c. The number n in the equation is 1 if the hemoprotein undergoes a 2-electron reduction, and is 2 if it undergoes a 1-electron reduction.
NADP+ + nitrite + ?
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
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| 2,344
|
package butterflynet;
import org.apache.http.Header;
import org.apache.http.client.methods.CloseableHttpResponse;
import org.apache.http.client.methods.HttpGet;
import org.apache.http.impl.client.CloseableHttpClient;
import org.apache.http.protocol.HTTP;
import org.archive.format.warc.WARCConstants;
import org.archive.io.RecordingInputStream;
import org.archive.io.RecordingOutputStream;
import org.archive.io.warc.*;
import org.archive.uid.UUIDGenerator;
import org.archive.util.ArchiveUtils;
import org.archive.util.Recorder;
import org.archive.util.anvl.ANVLRecord;
import org.slf4j.Logger;
import org.slf4j.LoggerFactory;
import java.io.File;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.io.InputStream;
import java.lang.management.ManagementFactory;
import java.lang.reflect.Field;
import java.net.InetAddress;
import java.net.URI;
import java.net.UnknownHostException;
import java.util.Arrays;
import java.util.Collection;
import java.util.Collections;
import java.util.Date;
import static org.apache.http.HttpVersion.HTTP_1_0;
import static org.archive.format.warc.WARCConstants.*;
public class HttpArchiver implements AutoCloseable {
final Logger log = LoggerFactory.getLogger(HttpArchiver.class);
final static UUIDGenerator uuid = new UUIDGenerator();
final int MAX_ACTIVE_WARCS = 2;
final int MAX_WAIT_MS = 1000;
final WARCWriterPool warcPool;
public HttpArchiver(String warcPrefix, File outputDir) {
WARCWriterPoolSettings warcSettings = new WARCWriterPoolSettingsData(
warcPrefix,
"${prefix}-${timestamp17}-${serialno}-" + getPid() + "~" + getHostName() + "~0",
WARCConstants.DEFAULT_MAX_WARC_FILE_SIZE,
true, // compress
Arrays.asList(outputDir),
Collections.emptyList(), // metadata
new UUIDGenerator());
warcPool = new WARCWriterPool(warcSettings, MAX_ACTIVE_WARCS, MAX_WAIT_MS);
}
/**
* Hack to get our PID until the new process API is available in Java 9.
*/
static String getPid() {
return ManagementFactory.getRuntimeMXBean().getName().split("@", 2)[0];
}
static String getHostName() {
try {
return InetAddress.getLocalHost().getCanonicalHostName();
} catch (UnknownHostException e) {
return "localhost";
}
}
public void close() {
warcPool.close();
}
static class Result {
Date timestamp;
int status;
String reason;
long size;
}
interface ProgressTracker {
void register(Progress progress);
}
interface Progress {
long length();
long position();
}
Result archive(String url, ProgressTracker tracker, Collection<String> allowedMediaTypes) throws IOException, InterruptedException {
Result result = new Result();
/*
* Use HTTP 1.0 and also add a "Connection: close" header to try to avoid chunked encoding. We aren't
* going to benefit much from keepalive and it's likely some simple WARC tools would be confused by it.
*/
HttpGet request = new HttpGet(url);
request.setProtocolVersion(HTTP_1_0);
request.addHeader(HTTP.CONN_DIRECTIVE, HTTP.CONN_CLOSE);
Recorder recorder = new Recorder(new File(System.getProperty("java.io.tmpdir")), "butterflynet-http-");
Date date = new Date();
String timestamp = ArchiveUtils.getLog14Date(date);
try (CloseableHttpClient client = RecordingHttpClient.create(recorder);
CloseableHttpResponse response = client.execute(request)) {
long contentLength = parseContentLength(response);
if (tracker != null) {
progressHack(tracker, contentLength, recorder.getRecordedInput());
}
String contentType = parseContentType(response);
if (!allowedMediaTypes.contains(contentType)) {
throw new RuntimeException("File format '" + contentType + "' is not on the allowed list. Make sure the URL you're archiving is a PDF or Office document. If you need to archive a full web page or a new file format please contact Web Archiving for assistance.");
}
recorder.getRecordedInput().readToEndOfContent(contentLength);
recorder.close();
recorder.closeRecorders();
result.timestamp = date;
result.status = response.getStatusLine().getStatusCode();
result.reason = response.getStatusLine().getReasonPhrase();
result.size = recorder.getResponseContentLength();
}
WARCWriter warc = (WARCWriter) warcPool.borrowFile();
try {
warc.checkSize();
URI responseId = writeResponse(warc, url, timestamp, recorder);
writeRequest(warc, url, timestamp, recorder, responseId);
} finally {
warcPool.returnFile(warc);
warcPool.flush(); // reduce chance of a half-written record existing on disk at any given time
}
return result;
}
/**
* Unfortunately RecordingInputStream doesn't expose progress details. For now lets hack around it by accessing
* its private fields using reflection.
*/
private void progressHack(ProgressTracker tracker, final long contentLength, final RecordingInputStream ris) {
try {
Field rosField = RecordingInputStream.class.getDeclaredField("recordingOutputStream");
rosField.setAccessible(true);
RecordingOutputStream ros = (RecordingOutputStream) rosField.get(ris);
Field positionField = RecordingOutputStream.class.getDeclaredField("position");
positionField.setAccessible(true);
tracker.register(new Progress() {
@Override
public long length() {
return contentLength;
}
@Override
public long position() {
try {
return positionField.getLong(ros) - ris.getContentBegin();
} catch (IllegalAccessException e) {
return 0; // give up
}
}
});
} catch (IllegalAccessException | NoSuchFieldException e) {
log.warn("Unable to access download progress", e);
}
}
static URI writeRequest(WARCWriter warc, String url, String timestamp, Recorder recorder, URI responseId) throws IOException {
try (InputStream stream = recorder.getRecordedOutput().getReplayInputStream()) {
URI recordId = uuid.getRecordID();
WARCRecordInfo record = new WARCRecordInfo();
record.setType(WARCConstants.WARCRecordType.request);
record.setUrl(url);
record.setCreate14DigitDate(timestamp);
record.setMimetype(HTTP_REQUEST_MIMETYPE);
record.setContentLength(recorder.getRecordedOutput().getSize());
record.setEnforceLength(true);
record.setRecordId(recordId);
record.setContentStream(stream);
ANVLRecord extraHeaders = new ANVLRecord();
extraHeaders.addLabelValue(HEADER_KEY_CONCURRENT_TO, "<" + responseId + ">");
record.setExtraHeaders(extraHeaders);
warc.writeRecord(record);
return recordId;
}
}
static URI writeResponse(WARCWriter warc, String url, String timestamp, Recorder recorder) throws IOException {
try (InputStream stream = recorder.getRecordedInput().getReplayInputStream()) {
URI recordId = uuid.getRecordID();
WARCRecordInfo record = new WARCRecordInfo();
record.setType(WARCConstants.WARCRecordType.response);
record.setUrl(url);
record.setCreate14DigitDate(timestamp);
record.setMimetype(HTTP_RESPONSE_MIMETYPE);
record.setContentLength(recorder.getRecordedInput().getSize());
record.setEnforceLength(true);
record.setRecordId(recordId);
record.setContentStream(stream);
warc.writeRecord(record);
return recordId;
}
}
private static long parseContentLength(CloseableHttpResponse response) {
Header h = response.getLastHeader("content-length");
if (h != null) {
String s = h.getValue().trim();
if (!s.isEmpty()) {
return Long.parseLong(s);
}
}
return -1;
}
private String parseContentType(CloseableHttpResponse response) {
Header header = response.getLastHeader("content-type");
if (header != null) {
return header.getValue().split(";", 2)[0].trim();
}
return "application/octet-stream";
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 6,369
|
De marianenpatrijsduif (Pampusana xanthonura) is een vogel uit de familie van de duiven van het geslacht Pampusana (eerder ook wel: Alopecoenas).
Verspreiding en leefgebied
Deze soort komt voor op Yap (Carolinen) en de Marianen, eilanden van Micronesië.
Externe link
Avibase
Duiven en tortelduiven
IUCN-status gevoelig
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 7,499
|
{"url":"https:\/\/www.physicsforums.com\/threads\/calculate-mass-loss-in-fission-of-uranium-235.688410\/","text":"# Calculate mass loss in fission of Uranium-235\n\n1. Apr 27, 2013\n\n### xatu\n\nProblem:\n\nThe fission of $^{235}_{92}U$ releases approximately 200 MeV. What percentages of the orginal mass of $^{235}_{92}U$ + n disappears?\n\nSolution:\n\nUsing E=mc^2 we can estimate the amount of mass m converted into energy E. Solving for m we get,\n\nm=E\/c^2=[(2 x 10^8 eV)(1.60 x 10^-19 J\/eV)]\/[3 x 10^8 m\/s]^2=3.56 x 10-28 kg\n\nCertainly a small amount. However, the answer in my text is 0.1%. How can this mass be converted into a percentage when the initial quantity was never given?\n\n2. Apr 27, 2013\n\n### TSny\n\nYou'll need to calculate the approximate mass of the U-235 nucleus.\n\n3. Apr 27, 2013\n\n### xatu\n\nThat makes sense. I got the right answer, too.\n\nTotal mass is \u2248 (1.67 x 10^-27 kg)*235 = 3.92 x 10^-25 kg. So the fraction of mass converted into energy is (3.56 x 10^-28 kg)\/(3.92 x 10^-25)*100% \u2248 0.1%.\n\nThanks.","date":"2017-08-18 10:17:13","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.579060435295105, \"perplexity\": 3098.4134671619395}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2017-34\/segments\/1502886104631.25\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20170818082911-20170818102911-00644.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
A platform for viewing `markdown` document.
## Description
Here is a platform for viewing documents which is written in markdown format. You can just put documents under the document root path or its sub path, others can view it in this site.
Use Remarkable for parsing markdownfile: [https://github.com/jonschlinkert/remarkable.git](https://github.com/jonschlinkert/remarkable.git)
## Host
### Install
```
npm install
```
### Run
You can run like this easily, the document root path is default to `example` and the port is default to 3000, if you need a special image folder, you can config it in config.json:
```
node app.js
```
you can change your document root path and the port you want to monitor by changing configuration in config.json
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 1,446
|
{"url":"http:\/\/fweb.wallawalla.edu\/class-wiki\/index.php\/Laplace_transforms:_Simple_Electrical_Network","text":"# Laplace transforms: Simple Electrical Network\n\n## Contents\n\n### Problem Statement\n\nUsing the formulas\n\n$E(t)=L\\dfrac{di_R}{dt}+Ri_C$\n$RC\\dfrac{di_R}{dt}+i_R-i_C=0$\n\n\nSolve the system when V0 = 50 V, L = 4 h, R = 20 \u03a9, C = 10-4 f, and the currents are initially zero.\n\n## Solution\n\nSolve the system when V0 = 50 V, L = 4 h, R = 20 \u03a9, C = 10-4 f, and the currents are initially zero.\n\n$4\\frac{di_1}{dt}+20i_2=50$\n\n$20(10^{-4})\\frac{di_2}{dt}+i_2-i_1=0$\n\nApplying the Laplace transform to each equation gives\n\n$4(s\\mathcal{L}\\left\\{i_1\\right\\}-i_1(0))+20\\mathcal{L}\\left\\{i_2\\right\\}=50$\n\n$\\Rightarrow4sI_1(s)+20I_2(s)=\\frac{50}{s}$\n\n$0.005(s\\mathcal{L}{i_2}-i_2(0))+\\mathcal{L}\\left\\{i_2\\right\\}-\\mathcal{L}\\left\\{i_1\\right\\}=0$\n\n$\\Rightarrow-500I_1(s)+[s+500]I_2(s)=0$\n\nSolving for $I_2(s)$\n\n$I_2(s)= \\frac{6250}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}$\n\nWe find the partial decomposition\n\nLet $I_2(s)= \\frac{6250}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=\\frac{A}{s}+\\frac{Bs+C}{s^2+500s+2500}$\n\n$\\Rightarrow6250=A(s^2+500s+2500)+(Bs+C)s$\n\n$\\Rightarrow62500=As^2+500As+2500A+Bs^2+Cs$\n\nComparing the coefficients we get\n\n$A=\\frac{5}{2},B=-5,C=-1250$\n\nThus $I_2(s)=\\frac{5}{2s}-\\frac{5s+1250}{s^2+500s+2500}$\n\nNow we do the same for $I_1$ where we solve the function in terms of $I_1$ and decomposing the partial fraction resulting in\n\n$I_1(s)= \\frac{25s+12500}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=\\frac{5}{s}-\\frac{5s+2475}{s^2+500s+2500}$\n\nIn order to make it nicer on us we need to complete the square as follows\n\n$s^2+500s+2500=0$\n\n$\\Rightarrow s^2+500s=-2500$\n\n$\\Rightarrow s^2+500s+\\left(\\frac{500}{2}\\right)^2=-2500+\\left(\\frac{500}{2}\\right)^2$\n\n$\\Rightarrow s^2+500s+62500=6000$\n\n$\\Rightarrow (s+250)^2-(100\\sqrt{6})^2=0$\n\nThus\n\n$I_2(s)=\\frac{5}{2s}-5\\frac{s+250}{(s+250)^2-(100\\sqrt{6})^2}-\\frac{5\\sqrt{6}}{12}\\frac{100\\sqrt{6}}{(s+250)^2-(100\\sqrt{6})^2}$\n\nTaking the Inverse Laplace transform gives\n\n$\\mathcal{L}^{-1}\\left\\{I_2(s)\\right\\}= i_2(t) =\\frac{5}{2}-5e^{-250t}cosh100\\sqrt{6}t-\\frac{5\\sqrt{6}}{12}5e^{-250t}sinh100\\sqrt{6}t$\n\n## Initial Value Theorem\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to \\infty}sI(s)=f(0^+)$\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to \\infty} s\\frac{25s+12500}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=i(0)$\n\n$\\Rightarrow i(0)=0$\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to \\infty}s\\frac{6250}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=i(0)$\n\n$\\Rightarrow i(0)=0$\n\n## Final Value Theorem\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to 0}sI(s)=f(\\infty)$\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to \\infty} s\\frac{25s+12500}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=i(\\infty)$\n\n$\\Rightarrow i(\\infty)=0$\n\n$\\lim_{s \\to 0}s\\frac{6250}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}=i(\\infty)$\n\n$\\Rightarrow i(\\infty)=0$\n\n## Bode Plots\n\nThe following are bode plots for the transfer functions\n\n$H(s)_1=\\frac{25s+12500}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}$\n\n$H(s)_2=\\frac{6250}{s(s^2+500s+2500)}$","date":"2014-10-24 10:15:27","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 37, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.7776815295219421, \"perplexity\": 1790.0824854819814}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2014-42\/segments\/1414119645845.57\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20141024030045-00126-ip-10-16-133-185.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
In the wake of 2011 Vale deaths, Ontario launches full mine safety review – by Henry Lazenby (MiningWeekly.com – December 19, 2013)
December 19, 2013 in Canadian Media Resource Articles, Mining Labour Issues and History – Sudbury and Global, Mining Tragedies, Ontario Mining, Vale
http://www.miningweekly.com/page/americas-home
TORONTO (miningweekly.com) – The Ontario provincial government of Wednesday launched a comprehensive mining safety review to improve the health and well-being of workers in the sector, heeding calls for reform after two miners died at Brazilian diversified mining group Vale's Sudbury operations in 2011.
Starting early in the New Year, the province's chief prevention officer would lead an advisory group of industry, labour, health and safety representatives to begin a sweeping review on a wide range of areas within the sector.
The review followed months of intense persuasion by several unions, families and friends of the two men – Jason Chenier (35) and Jordan Fram (26) – killed in a June 8, 2011 accident at Vale's Stobie underground mine, near Sudbury.
Toronto-based Vale Canada, which owns and operates the operation, was in September fined a record C$1.05-million for the death of the men after Vale Canada pleaded guilty to three charges in a plea bargain, which some had billed as a betrayal of workers and their families by the provincial government.
"We are counting on this review to produce timely and meaningful action to significantly improve health and safety in our industry," United Steelworkers Local 6500 president Rick Bertrand said.
Wendy Fram, chairperson of the MINES Committee, a committee established by volunteers with the mission of protecting mining industry workers, added that the announcement was a "huge leap forward towards ensuring the safety of the men and women working in this industry".
The review would look at, among other things, technological advances such as new bolting and reinforcement techniques to prevent collapse and rock bursts; examining the education and training of employers, supervisers, and workers on injury prevention to identify skills shortages and gaps in qualified health- and safety-related expertise; ensuring appropriate ground stability and water management practices methods were being used; confirming proper use of barricades and warning systems, particularly with respect to open holes.
For the rest of this article, click here: http://www.miningweekly.com/print-version/in-the-wake-of-2011-vale-deaths-ontario-launches-full-mine-safety-review-2013-12-19
End of boom? Not for Australia's iron ore miners – by James Regan (Reuters U.K. – December 18, 2013)
Go short gold, long nickel – Barclays – by Geoff Candy (Mineweb.com – December 19, 2013)
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 8,168
|
Q: Regex: Put comma in its place after replacing the content of one html tag with the content of another html tag I have these 2 html tags:
<title>The Secret Is Elsewhere</title>
<meta name="keywords" content="love, find, car, diamond"/>
With the regex below I can replace the content of the <title></title> tag with the content of <meta name=..> tag
. matches newline:
Search: (<title>(.*?)<\/title>.*?)(<meta name="keywords" content=").*?("\/>)
REPLACE BY: \1\3\2\4
BUT, I need to put a comma between words, after replace, on the ` tag
So, the output should be:
<meta name="keywords" content="the, secret, is, elsewhere"/>
Can anyone help me?
A: *
*Ctrl+H
*Find what: (<title>(\S+)(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?(\s+\S+)?</title>[\s\S]+?<meta name="keywords" content=")[^"]+
*Replace with: $1(?2$2)(?3,$3)(?4,$4)(?5,$5)(?6,$6)(?7,$7)(?8,$8)(?9,$9)(?10,$10)(?11,$11)(?12,$12(?13,$13)(?14,$14)
*UNCHECK Match case
*CHECK Wrap around
*CHECK Regular expression
*UNCHECK . matches newline
*Replace all
Explanation:
( # start group 1
<title> # literally, open tag
(\S+) # group 2, 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 3, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 4, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 5, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 6, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 7, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 8, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 9, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 10, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 11, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 12, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 13, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
(\s+\S+)? # group 14, 1 or more space followed by 1 or more non-space
</title> # end tag
[\s\S]+? # 1 or more any character, including newline
<meta name="keywords" content=" # literally
) # end group 1
[^"]+ # 1 or more any character that is not a quote
Note: This is working for up to 13 words, you can add as many groups as needed if you have more than 13 words
Replacement:
$1 # content of group 1
(?2$2) # if group 2 exists, insert it
(?3,$3) # if group 3 exists, insert a comma then content of group 3
(?4,$4) # idem for group 4
(?5,$5) # idem for group 5
(?6,$6) # idem for group 6
(?7,$7) # idem for group 7
(?8,$8) # idem for group 8
(?9,$9) # idem for group 9
(?10,$10) # idem for group 10
(?11,$11) # idem for group 11
(?12,$12) # idem for group 12
etc.
Note: Add other groups if needed.
Screenshot (before):
Screenshot (after):
A: you can find another great answer here:
https://community.notepad-plus-plus.org/topic/19806/regex-put-a-comma-on-replace-html-tags
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 850
|
Frederick was born to a Jewish family in the Austrian capital of Vienna. His father died when he was a baby, and he and his mother moved into an apartment with Frederick's widowed grandfather. As a young boy, Frederick attended a Viennese public school.
1933-39: Frederick was a rambunctious child. Once, when his grandfather was baby-sitting, Frederick used a silk lampshade as a "parachute," and jumped from the top of the wardrobe closet. That was the last time Frederick's grandfather would baby-sit. Frederick was 13 when Germany took over Austria. Fearing the Nazis, Frederick's mother, together with his aunt's family, arranged for them to be smuggled to Belgium via the Netherlands.
1940-42: As illegal refugees in Brussels, the Dermers were sheltered by the Jewish community. To help support his mother, Frederick worked illegally in a leather shop, tooling items such as wallets and belts. The Germans occupied Belgium in 1940. In 1942 Frederick received a summons from the German authorities to report for "labor" duty.
Frederick was deported immediately after appearing for his summons. He perished at age 17.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 9,021
|
{"url":"http:\/\/mathoverflow.net\/questions\/44164\/truthful-multi-unit-auctions-that-guarantee-selling-all-items","text":"# Truthful multi-unit auctions that guarantee selling all items\n\nSuppose an auctioneer has $k$ units for sale. There are $n$ bidders, each of whom are interested in a single good, and have value $v_i$ for it. If bidder $i$ has to pay $p_i$ and gets the good, he obtains utility $u_i = v_i - p_i$. A truthful mechanism is an allocation rule together with a payment rule that maps bids to winning bidders and payments. A mechanism is truthful if every bidder $i$. maximizes his utility by bidding his true valuation $v_i$.\n\nSuppose that we sort the values so that $v_1 > v_2 > \\ldots > v_n$. The standard VCG mechanism sells the $k$ goods to the $k$ highest bidders $1, 2, \\ldots, k$, and charges them each the $k+1$st highest bid $v_{k+1}$ -- i.e. it obtains revenue $k\\cdot v_{k+1}$.\n\nDepending on the particular values, the auctioneer may be able to make more money by not selling every item: i.e. he could sell only a single item to the highest bidder and charge him $v_2$. This would be an improvement if $v_2 \\geq k\\cdot v_{k+1}$. But what if we add the constraint that the auctioneer must allocate all $k$ items?\n\nQuestion: Must it be the case that any truthful mechanism which always allocates all $k$ items and guarantees revenue at least $k \\cdot v_{k+1}$ for any collection of bidder valuations must always allocate the items to the $k$ highest bidders?\n\n-\nWhat do you mean see what happens? The question is whether some mechanism is optimal. Are you suggesting attempting a search over all possible truthful mechanisms? \u2013\u00a0 Jack Oct 29 '10 at 19:59\nFor the curious readers: VCG=Vickrey\u2013Clarke\u2013Groves auction. en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/\u2026 \u2013\u00a0 Thierry Zell Oct 29 '10 at 23:15\nHmm... If you don't allocate the items to the k highest bidders, who gets them? If the items don't go to the highest bidders, where is the incentive to bid high? Could this be turned into a proof? \u2013\u00a0 Thierry Zell Oct 29 '10 at 23:21\n\nThe answer is No. There exists a truthful auction for $k=2$ items and 3 players meeting the standard assumptions (non-negative payments, and payments must not exceed bids) which always has revenue at least two times the minimum bid, but where the winners do not correspond to the top two bids.\n\nFor clarity in contrast to the subscripts in the question, I'll denote indices for players using superscripts.\n\nHere is the auction.\n\n1. If $b^1=b^2$, then players 1 and 2 win.\n2. Otherwise, the two players with the top two bids win, breaking ties arbitrarily.\n3. Charge both winners $\\mathrm{min}\\{b^1, b^2, b^3\\}$.\n\nClearly, the payments are non-negative, the prices never exceed the bids, and for a bid $b^1=b^2=x, b^3=y$ with $x < y$ we have that player 3 loses, despite having the unique highest bid.\n\nTo show it is truthful, we need to show that for each player $i$, and each pair of bids $b^{-i}$ by her opponents, the set $\\{b^i \\mid i \\textrm{ wins for bids } (b^i, b^{-i})\\}$ is up-closed.\n\n\u2022 $i=3$ and in $b^{-3}$, $b^1=b^2$: there are no $b^i$ for which $i$ wins in $(b^i, b^{-i})$\n\u2022 $i=3$ and in $b^{-3}$, $b^1\\neq b^2$: $i$ wins in $(b^i, b^{-i})$ when $b^i > \\min(b^{-i})$ and loses when $b^i < \\min(b^{-i})$\n\u2022 $i=1$ and in $b^{-1}$, $b^2 > b^3$: $i$ wins in $(b^i, b^{-i})$ when $b^i > b^3$, and loses when $b^i < b^3$\n\u2022 $i=1$ and in $b^{-1}$, $b^2 = b^3$: $i$ wins in $(b^i, b^{-i})$ when $b^i \\ge b^2$, and loses when $b^i < b^2$\n\u2022 $i=1$ and in $b^{-1}$, $b^2 < b^3$: $i$ wins in $(b^i, b^{-i})$ when $b^i \\ge b^2$, and loses when $b^i < b^2$\n\u2022 The case $i=2$ is symmetric to $i=1$. So, we are done.\n\nNote that it seems some sort of \"weird tie-breaking\" is necessary: I think one can show that in every profile with distinct bids, the top two bids necessarily win.\n\n-\n\nYes. There are only k+1 bidders willing to pay that much, so you have to sell to them (I'm assuming you are talking about mechanism satisfying the participation constraint). If the k bidders getting the goods get charged different prices, the mechanism wouldn't be truthful anymore. The only price for which you can sell all k goods and that satisfy your revenue constraint lie between $v_k$ and $v_{k+1}$. If your price is above $v_{k+1}$, bidder k could force the price to be lower by announcing a smaller valuation. Your constraint forces you then to lower the price. So the price must be $v_{k+1}$.\n\n-\nIts not true that truthful mechanisms must charge all winners the same price. For example, I could split the bidders into two groups and sell k\/2 units in each group using the same auction, resulting in 2 different sale prices. This isn't a better mechanism, but in arguing that the original mechanism is optimal, you have to keep mechanisms like this in mind. \u2013\u00a0 Jack Oct 29 '10 at 19:30\nYeah, that's too simple. I guess a formal proof would have the following steps: You show that such a mechanism must allocate the good to the k bidders with the highest valuation. Then the auction is pareto optimal and truthful and therefore a VCG-mechanism. Then you show that the Vickrey auction is the only one generating enough revenue for sure. \u2013\u00a0 Michael Greinecker Oct 29 '10 at 19:46\nYour first step is exactly the question being asked... \u2013\u00a0 Jack Oct 29 '10 at 20:16","date":"2015-04-25 18:43:36","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.6377445459365845, \"perplexity\": 980.9343919014674}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2015-18\/segments\/1429246650671.76\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20150417045730-00248-ip-10-235-10-82.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Papa Roach announce 11th album Ego Trip, release new song Cut The Line
Listen to Papa Roach's new single Cut The Line, taken from their upcoming 11th album Ego Trip…
Darren Craig
Papa Roach have announced that they'll be releasing their new, 11th album, Ego Trip, next month.
The LP will arrive in full on April 8 via New Noize Records, with frontman Jacoby Shaddix sharing in a statement that, "Now isn't the time for comfort or conformity, but to be inspired and build something new. Something better, in order to channel something more."
To coincide with the news, P-Roach have also shared another new track, Cut The Line:
Last year, Jacoby teased of the new record that, "We're sitting on something special, man. This album is going to blow rock fans' minds. We are doing our best to project rock into the future but still maintain the guts and the purity of the genre and who we are as Papa Roach. So fans can expect to be taken on a wild ride on this one.
"And it's all things Papa Roach, dude. It's not like some self-indulgent, like, we got experimental and now we're making Radiohead OK Computer – which is a great record, by the way. For us, we really wanted to hone in on what we felt were the strongest elements of our band and then evolving those."
Read this: How Infest made Papa Roach superstars
Don Broco drop new single Fingernails, announce arena shows with Papa Roach and Dance Gavin Dance
Listen to Don Broco's new single Fingernails, and catch the band with Papa Roach and Dance Gavin Dance on the Amazing Things tour next year…
Album review: Papa Roach – Ego Trip
Nu-metal renegades Papa Roach come charging out of lockdown with a new set of toys – and a brilliant comeback album…
My Chemical Romance, Slipknot, Foo Fighters and more for Aftershock 2022
Aftershock has announced its massive 2022 line-up, with Foo Fighters, My Chemical Romance, Slipknot and KISS all headlining, plus the likes of Bring Me The Horizon and Evanescence also playing.
Inkcarceration 2022 line-up announced with Evanescence, Korn, Lamb Of God and more
The line-up for this year's Inkcarceration Music & Tattoo Festival has just been revealed, with the likes of Korn, Disturbed, Breaking Benjamin and Evanescence headlining.
Watch Oli Sykes and Jacoby Shaddix sing along to Last Resort at Emo Nite LA
Bring Me The Horizon's Oli Sykes and Papa Roach's Jacoby Shaddix have a lovely ol' sing-along to the nu-metal classic…
Guns N' Roses, Foo Fighters, KISS, Korn and many more for Welcome To Rockville 2022
Danny Wimmer Presents' 2022 festival season will kick off with Welcome To Rockville in May – and they've delivered on their promise of 'biggest line-up yet'…
Papa Roach drop hopeful new single, Dying To Believe
Listen to Papa Roach's anthemic new single Dying To Believe, which Jacoby Shaddix wrote to combat the division in the world today…
The story of nu-metal in 14 songs
From great beginnings to glorious success, your 14-point map of how nu-metal changed the world…
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 7,923
|
package de.saly.es.example.audit.plugin;
import java.util.Collection;
import org.elasticsearch.common.collect.ImmutableList;
import org.elasticsearch.common.component.LifecycleComponent;
import org.elasticsearch.common.inject.Module;
import org.elasticsearch.common.settings.Settings;
import org.elasticsearch.plugins.AbstractPlugin;
import de.saly.es.example.audit.service.AuditService;
public class AuditPlugin extends AbstractPlugin {
private final Settings settings;
private final boolean clientMode;
public AuditPlugin(final Settings settings) {
this.settings = settings;
this.clientMode = clientMode(settings);
}
public static boolean clientMode(final Settings settings) {
return !"node".equals(settings.get("client.type"));
}
@Override
public String name() {
return "AuditPlugin";
}
@Override
public String description() {
return "This is the description for the AuditPlugin";
}
@Override
public Collection<Class<? extends Module>> modules() {
return ImmutableList.<Class<? extends Module>> of(AuditModule.class);
}
@Override
public Collection<Class<? extends LifecycleComponent>> services() {
if (!clientMode) {
return ImmutableList.<Class<? extends LifecycleComponent>> of(AuditService.class);
}
return ImmutableList.<Class<? extends LifecycleComponent>> of();
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,371
|
The Citizens' Rights Directive 2004/38/EC (also sometimes called the "Free Movement Directive") sets out the conditions for the exercise of the right of free movement for citizens of the European Economic Area (EEA), which includes the member states of the European Union (EU) and the three European Free Trade Association (EFTA) members Iceland, Norway and Liechtenstein. Switzerland, which is a member of EFTA but not of the EEA, is not bound by the Directive but rather has a separate multilateral sectoral agreement on free movement with the EU and its member states.
It consolidated older regulations and directives, and extended the rights of unmarried couples. It gives EEA citizens the right of free movement and residence across the European Economic Area, as long as they are not an undue burden on the country of residence and have comprehensive health insurance. This right also extends to close family members that are not EEA citizens.
Contents
The Directive contains the following chapters:
Chapter I (articles 1–3): General provisions (subject, definitions and beneficiaries)
Chapter II (articles 4–5): Right of exit and entry
Chapter III (articles 6–15): Right of residence
Chapter IV: Right of permanent residence
Section I (articles 16–18): Eligibility
Section II (articles 19–21): Administrative formalities
Chapter V (articles 22–26): Provisions common to the right of residence and the right of permanent residence
Chapter VI (articles 27–33): Restrictions on the right of entry and the right of residence on grounds of public policy, public security or public health
Chapter VII (articles 34–42): Final provisions
Scope
Pursuant to articles 4 and 5 of the directive, any EEA citizen can leave their own country and enter another EEA state without a visa by presenting a valid passport or national identity card. If an EEA citizen is unable to present a valid passport or national identity card at the border, they must nonetheless be afforded every reasonable opportunity to obtain the necessary documents within a reasonable period of time or corroborate or prove by other means that they are covered by the right of free movement.
The directive applies to any EEA citizen who is moving to and living in an EEA state other than their own (the exclusion is based on the principle of non-interference with purely national issues). However, it also applies when a European citizen is moving back to their home country after staying in another EEA state, as defined in the case of Surinder Singh. For dual citizens with two EEA nationalities, the directive can apply in any EEA state. Temporary limitations are in place for the new member states of the EU.
To be fully covered by the European right of free movement, the EEA citizen needs to exercise one of the four treaty rights:
working as an employee (this includes looking for work for a reasonable amount of time),
working as a self-employed person,
studying,
being self-sufficient or retired.
These rights are named after the Treaty of Rome, which defines the freedom of movement for workers. They have been extended over time, and are mainly of historical significance by now, since being self-sufficient has been added to the list. As long as a citizen has sufficient money or income not to rely on public funds and holds comprehensive health insurance, they exercise one or more treaty rights. If no treaty right is exercised, the right of free movement is limited to three months.
Family members are also covered by the right of free movement, but only as a dependent of the EEA citizen. The right is limited to the EEA state in which the EEA citizen is exercising treaty rights. In certain cases (e.g. divorce after at least 3 years of marriage where 1 year must have been spent in the host member state), the family member can retain the right of residence. A family member is defined as:
the spouse,
the registered partner,
a child under the age of 21, or
a dependent child or parent (of the EEA citizen or partner).
There is a second category of extended family members, which can be included at the discretion of national legislation. It covers dependent relatives (especially siblings), dependent household members and unmarried/unregistered partners in a "durable relationship".
Status
The right of free movement is granted automatically when the requirements are fulfilled, and it is not subject to an administrative act. However, member states may require the EEA citizen and family members to register with the relevant authorities. The relevant documentations are:
an entry visa for non-EEA family members if they are Annex I nationals and do not hold a residence card of a family member of a Union citizen issued by another member state,
a residence certificate (for EEA citizens) or a residence card (for non-EEA family members), which may be valid for up to 5 years and confirms the right of residence,
a permanent residence certificate or a permanent residence card, which certifies the right of permanent residence.
Permanent residence is acquired automatically after exercising treaty rights for 5 years, with absences of normally less than 6 months a year, a single absence less than 12 months in certain circumstances (birth, severe sickness, etc.), or longer for military services. Permanent residence removes any restrictions that are in place concerning access to public funds (such as unemployment benefits, a state pension etc.), although some of these restrictions are already lifted after a period of 3 months. Permanent residence is only lost after an absence of 2 years.
All applications covered by the directive are free, or require at most a moderate fee similar to comparable national documents.
Implementation
Austria
In Austria, the directive is transposed into national law mainly via the Niederlassungs- und Aufenthaltsgesetz (regarding residence) and the Fremdenpolizeigesetz (regarding entrance). The applications are handled locally at the Magistrat or Bezirkshauptmannschaft (except in Styria where the Landeshauptmann takes direct responsibility). A credit card sized plastic card (costing about €57 in 2010) is issued to document one's right.
Germany
In Germany, the directive is transposed into national law via the , which could be translated as "Freedom of Movement Law/EU". Not all mandatory sections of the Directive are included in the Freizügigkeitsgesetz/EU. The applications are handled locally, together with the mandatory registration of residence.
Iceland, Liechtenstein and Norway
The EEA countries have had to implement this directive in full. In Norway this was implemented by changing the Alien Law (Norwegian: ), which entered into force on 1. Jan 2010.
Italy
In Italy the directive has been implemented into Italian legislation with Legislative Decree n. 30 February 6, 2007
The applications are handled by the "Comune" of the city where the applicant takes his or her residence.
Ireland
In Ireland, the Directive is transposed into the European Communities (Free Movement of Persons) (No. 2) Regulations 2006 amended by SI 310 of 2008 in reaction to the Metock case and amended by SI 146 of 2011 allowing visa free entrance with a residence card issued by another EEA member state.
The non-EEA family members of Irish citizens resident in Ireland are not normally issued EU Family Residency Cards (called Stamp 4 EU FAM) unless the Irish citizen and family members previously lived together in another EU state.
The Netherlands
Applications are submitted locally at the municipality ( in Dutch) together with the mandatory registration of residence, but they are processed centrally at the Immigration and Naturalisation Service (, IND). There is a charge (€53 in 2015) associated with the application.
The family members of Dutch citizens who are and have always been resident in the Netherlands are not permitted to hold EU Family Residency Cards, because EU nationals who have always lived in the country of their nationality are not exercising EU treaty rights and are therefore not considered EU citizens under Dutch law for the purposes of the Directive.
Sweden
In Sweden the directive has been implemented through changes in several laws, like the Alien Act (SFS 2005:716), and the Aliens Decree (SFS 2006:97). Until 2015 Sweden did not follow the directive fully, as the national identity card was not accepted when a Swedish citizen left Sweden for a non-Schengen EU member state, like the UK. The passport act (SFS 1978:302) required a passport.
Switzerland
Switzerland is not part of the EU or EEA, but has bilateral agreements with the EU in several fields, including free movement of people. There is an agreement, which contains the same principles as the directive. This includes:
the right to personal and geographical mobility;
the right of residence for members of the family and their right to pursue an economic activity, irrespective of their nationality;
the right to acquire immovable property, specifically in order to establish a main or secondary residence in the host State; and
the right to return to the host State after the end of an economic activity or period of residence there
for citizens of EU and Switzerland in all these countries.
The freedom of movement between Switzerland and the EFTA countries is afforded by the EFTA convention.
Switzerland has had to adopt amendments when the directive was updated or new member countries were added.
See also
Free Movement of Workers Regulation 2011
Freedom of movement for workers
Internal market
Ireland's Stamp 4
UK's European Economic Area Family Permit
Visa policy in the European Union
Saenz v. Roe,
Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618 (1969), the Court struck down a durational residency requirement for eligibility for welfare benefits
Notes
References
P Craig and G de Burca, European Union Law (4th edn OUP 2008)
External links
Text of the Directive
freedom of movement in the EU a collection of pages free movement, Directive 2004/38/EC, and how it is being implemented in each member state
The Romani People and the Free Movement Directive
Enforcement of intellectual property rights
2004 in law
2004 in the European Union
European Economic Area
Freedom of movement
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 2,997
|
Latest Travel Trends of Affluent Singaporean Travellers
Home Search Send to Friend Latest Travel News Asia Tuesday, 7 January 2014
According to Visa's latest Global Travel Intentions Survey (GTI) Singapore's affluent travellers want access to internet banking while on holiday.
According to Visa, the term "affluent travellers" as concerns the Visa Global Travel Intentions Study 2013, are travellers with monthly household incomes of Sin$ 11,000 or higher.
The survey shows Singapore's affluent travellers require constant contact with others with 82% accessing their emails and 61% accessing instant messaging platforms during their travels.
At the same time, activities like sharing photos and surfing the web for leisure are less important among Singapore's affluent when they travel – these activities have dropped to 37% and 35% respectively.
Predictably, this group also loves their devices, carrying lifestyle devices such as tablets (53%) and e-book readers (14%) as well as higher-end gadgets such as DSLR cameras (43%) when they travel.
Singaporeans are well connected geographically and travel frequently. Affluent Singaporeans have averaged seven annual trips in the last two years, compared to the global average of three trips every two years.
While most Singaporean travellers visit destinations relatively close to home such as Malaysia and Hong Kong, affluent travellers also have plans to venture further abroad to destinations such as Australia and the United States.
Affluent travellers around the world enjoy independent holidays and are more willing to pay extra for someone to help arrange a customized holiday. This is also true of Singaporeans.
"The definition of luxury has evolved, and today it is more about new experiences and personalized service," Ooi Huey Tyng, Visa Country Manager for Singapore and Brunei, said. "While exclusivity and high quality service remain essential in reaching out to the affluent, the new tide of affluent travellers, who are bolder in their choices, demand a sense of adventure and personalized experiences to meet their individual interests. Singapore's affluent travellers want to discover new places, cultures, and experiences unknown to others."
Good weather (35%), rich culture (31%) and good attractions (31%) rate as the global affluent traveller's three most important reasons for destination choice, while Singapore's affluent travellers choose destinations that offer good food (45%) and are known for good shopping (37%).
With high expenditure destinations such as Hong Kong and Australia increasingly popular, affluent Singaporeans are expected to spend double what they have spent in the past with an average spend of US$5,501, much higher than the regional and global average of US$ 2,501.
Like most groups, affluent Singaporeans spend heavily on retail (28%), dining (26%) and activities (19%).
Singapore's affluent spend significantly higher than the global average at medium and large retailers, high-end restaurants and on entertainment and nightlife. Some 43% use credit cards to make these purchases – well above the global average of 28%.
Most Singaporeans like to holiday with their families with 71% travelling with relatives, compared to the global average of 69%. However, affluent Singaporeans are twice as likely (16%) to travel alone than other Singaporeans (8%). They are also more likely to travel further and stay longer than other travellers, with 24% (compared to the Singapore average of 13%) flying more than 9 hours for holidays and 37% staying seven nights or more.
See other recent news regarding: Interviews, Pictures, Videos, Singapore, Visa
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 6,309
|
A bachelor degree in criminal justice is the ideal way to get started in the profession. You get to see things at higher analytical level than someone with a lesser degree. You also stand to make more money.
We did check the state of Kansas to see if they have the schools you can attend to get your bachelors degree in criminal justice. We found very good schools. Our research uncovered 16 of such schools. The schools offer all kinds of programs in the field of criminal justice.
As an example, we found a school offering bachelor's of science in forensic science. As another example, we found a school that offers a bachelor of science and bachelor of arts in crime and delinquency studies. Our point is that there are enough schools in Kansas where you can get your bachelor degree in criminal justice if you want to study in the state or online.
As before, we always bring you some of the most popular schools on the internet. Some of the schools may or may not be in Kansas, but they are worth checking out. A lot of people do. We think you should also.
Return from Bachelors Degree Criminal Justice Kansas to Criminal Justice Schools and Degrees.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 3,288
|
Q: What are the formulas for finding the arcs, range and penetration capabilities of custom parameter WWII guns? I am considering making a pre-missile-era naval game that includes a team battle with ships with guns (that can be customized) that release multi-hundred mm shells. The problem is that I don't know what kind of arcs (for angle) or penetration I need to find the damage the enemy ship will take but the problem I am having is that I can't find and/or understand the formulas to find the designated arcs, range, and penetration characteristics for custom parameter guns. I asked this question if I could get some help with what kind of formulas and units are used for those formulas that I need to find the arcs, and range. It would also be helpful if a formula for finding the speed of a projectile given weight, propellant, and its quantity was given. This might prove helpful but I couldn't understand how to use it.
Thanks
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 6,708
|
{"url":"https:\/\/www.gamedev.net\/forums\/topic\/503292-mass-spring-system-weird-integrator\/","text":"# Mass spring system weird integrator\n\nThis topic is 3781 days old which is more than the 365 day threshold we allow for new replies. Please post a new topic.\n\n## Recommended Posts\n\nGreetings, I stumbled upon a code segment that implements an integrator for a mass spring system. The code works perfectly and it produces stable results. However I would like to know what is the theory behind this code. Here\u2019s the general algorithm:\n\/\/ A system is a set of atoms connected by links...\nSystem::Update()\nBegin\nFor (i=0 to rigidity)\nl->Update();\n\nFor each atom a\na->Snap();\nEnd For\n\nFor each atom a\na->Update();\nEnd\n\nAtom::Snap()\nbegin\nForce *= 1\/Mass;\nPosition += Force;\nOldPosition += Force * MotionConstant;\nForce = Vector();\t\t\/\/ Zeros\nend\n\nAtom::Update()\nbegin\nVector newPos = 2 * Position - OldPosition;\nnewPos.Y += Gravity;\n\nOldPosition = Position;\nPosition = newPos;\nend\n\nbegin\n\/\/ Nothing special, just add some computed values\n\/\/ to the atoms connected by this link\nend\n\n\nI\u2019m particularly puzzled by this MotionConstant. Also I would like to find out how to make the computations dependent on time. This is a snippet from the source code of Physical. http:\/\/www.alecrivers.com\/physical\/index.htm I studied and understood the whole code, I'm just missing this point :hoping: Edit: I think I made a mistake, snap is called only once after calling links updates. Also forgot to mention the source link :p Thanks Abdo Haji-Ali Programmer In|Framez [modified by grhodes_at_work to make code listing more readable] [Edited by - Abdo Haji-Ali on August 4, 2008 5:00:33 AM]\n\n##### Share on other sites\nQuote:\n Original post by Abdo Haji-Ali...I would like to know what is the theory behind this code......I\u2019m particularly puzzled by this MotionConstant......Also I would like to find out how to make the computations dependent on time...\n\nI definitely second that! Very interesting integration setup. Could you perhaps post a more fleshed out \/ detailed version?\n\nCheers,\nMichael\n\n[Edited by - h4tt3n on August 1, 2008 11:11:06 AM]\n\n##### Share on other sites\nQuote:\n Original post by h4tt3nI definitely second that! Very interesting integration setup. Could you perhaps post a more fleshed out \/ detailed version?\n\nIsn't it? :p I'm really amazed by it's results and simple diagram.\nI don't think there're any other details relating to the main integrator. However, I just included the link which I took the algorithm from in my original post. The above code is taken from the two main files: System.cpp and atom.cpp\nThere are other details concerning collision detection (called repluse fields in this engine) and some sample objects. However, I think this is the main core.\n\nAbdo Haji-Ali\nProgrammer\nIn|Framez\n\nPS: I already tried to contact the developer of Physical (Alec Rivers: arr33@cornell.edu). However, I received a message from the mailer-deamon saying that this account is inactive. Sadly enough, Alec doen't mention another way to contact him on his site.\n\n[Edited by - Abdo Haji-Ali on August 2, 2008 4:13:41 AM]\n\n##### Share on other sites\nDon't mind the fleshing out :-)\n\nI've found a very similar setup, which supposedly is an avanced version of the verlet integration algo. The one I stumbled across includes an explicit timestep, which I think you were looking for? I wouldn't min posting an example.\n\nbtw, shouldn't it be:\n\nSystem::Update()\nBegin\nFor (i=0 to rigidity)\nl->Update();\n\nFor each atom a\na->Snap(); <---- change\nEnd For\n\nFor each atom a\na->Update();\nEnd\n\ncheers,\nMichael\n\n##### Share on other sites\nQuote:\n Original post by h4tt3nDon't mind the fleshing out :-)I've found a very similar setup, which supposedly is an avanced version of the verlet integration algo. The one I stumbled across includes an explicit timestep, which I think you were looking for? I wouldn't min posting an example.\n\nInterseting. So you're saying that this algorithm is an advanced version of Verlet integration? That would make sense. Would you please post a link or an example?\n\nQuote:\n Original post by h4tt3nbtw, shouldn't it be:System::Update()Begin For (i=0 to rigidity) For each link l l->Update(); For each atom a a->Snap(); <---- change End For For each atom a a->Update();End\n\nYep! That's right. This is one of the pitfalls of Ctrl+C\/V\n\nAbdo Haji-Ali\nProgrammer\nIn|Framez\n\n[Edited by - Abdo Haji-Ali on August 4, 2008 5:59:49 AM]\n\n1. 1\n2. 2\n3. 3\nRutin\n15\n4. 4\nkhawk\n14\n5. 5\nfrob\n12\n\n\u2022 9\n\u2022 11\n\u2022 11\n\u2022 23\n\u2022 12\n\u2022 ### Forum Statistics\n\n\u2022 Total Topics\n633662\n\u2022 Total Posts\n3013231\n\u00d7\n\n## Important Information\n\nGameDev.net is\u00a0your game development community. Create an account for your GameDev Portfolio and participate in the largest developer community in the games industry.\n\nSign me up!","date":"2018-12-11 09:01:15","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.28179579973220825, \"perplexity\": 3387.12449046209}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 5, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2018-51\/segments\/1544376823614.22\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20181211083052-20181211104552-00610.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
(Hershey, Pa. – April 23, 2018) — Janet Jackson: State of the World Tour will be coming to the Hersheypark Stadium, the tour's only appearance in the area, on Friday, July 20th at 8:00 PM.
Tickets prices start at $35.05 (processing fees apply). Tickets for this show will be available at Giant Center Box Office. They can be charged by phone at 717-534- 3911 or 800-745- 3000, and online at www.HersheyEntertainment.com or www.TicketMaster.com.
For more information, please visit janetjackson.com.
The wristband policy will be in effect for this concert. Fans are permitted on the Hersheypark Entertainment Complex property beginning at 7 a.m. on Friday, April 27th. Two hours prior to the on-sale, fans will be directed in front of Giant Center Box Office, where they will be issued a numbered wristband. Wristbands are available for one hour, and at the conclusion of that hour, a selected fan will randomly choose a wristband that will determine the line order. Once the line is in place, fans arriving after the wristbands were issued will be escorted to the end of the numbered line.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 3,235
|
layout: docs
title: 'WhereClause.anyOfIgnoreCase()'
---
*Since v1.3.0*
### Syntax
```javascript
table.where(indexOrPrimKey).anyOfIgnoreCase(array) or
table.where(indexOrPrimKey).anyOfIgnoreCase(key1, key2, keyN, ...)
```
### Parameters
<table>
<tr><td>indexOrPrimKey: String</td><td>Name of an index or primary key registered in <a href="/docs/Version/Version.stores()">Version.stores()</a></td></tr>
<tr><td>array: string[]</td><td>Array of strings to look for</td></tr>
<tr><td>key1, key2, keyN</td><td>Keys to look for</td></tr>
</table>
### Return Value
[Collection](/docs/Collection/Collection)
### Remarks
Search an index for keys that matches any of given strings, ignoring case differences of the english letters a-z, A-Z.
### Implementation Details
This method is an extension to the standard indexedDB API and is implemented using an algorithm invented by [David Fahlander](https://github.com/dfahlander/). For more details, please read [this article](http://www.codeproject.com/Articles/744986/How-to-do-some-magic-with-indexedDB)
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 8
|
Monday | November 13, 2006 7:00 pm
Directed by William Wyler.
With Fredric March, Dana Andrews, Harold Russell, Myrna Loy, Teresa Wright.
US, 1946, 35mm, black & white, 165 min.
Perhaps one of the finest male melodramas ever put on screen, William Wyler's ambitious slice-of-life about returning veterans after WWII is stark and devastating. Three ex-servicemen return to their beloved Boone City after their stints overseas only to meet with heartache, unemployment, and disability. Much like the noir films which would soon sweep B-Hollywood, this intimate tale offers a less-than-sunny appraisal of American masculinity after the war. Unlike the noir cycle, however, the film's high profile cast and production values brought these realistic problems into the mainstream of the American public consciousness. Cinematographer Gregg Toland (Citizen Kane) employs his trademark deep-focus photography throughout, allowing both the spatial and human relationships to gain dimension and complexity.
Melodrama Mondays
All That Heaven Allows
Directed by Douglas Sirk, 1955
Far From Heaven
Directed by Todd Haynes, 2002
D.W. Griffith
Live Musical AccompanimentScreening on Film
Monday02October
The Jazz Singer
Directed by Alan Crosland, 1927
Directed by G. W. Pabst, 1931
Directed by Henry King, 1925
Directed by King Vidor, 1937
Street of Shame
Directed by Kenji Mizoguchi, 1956
Donald Ritchie in PersonScreening on Film
A Ball at the Anjo House
Directed by Kozaburo Yoshimura, 1947
Directed by George Cukor, 1936
Directed by Irving Rapper, 1942
Directed by Victor Fleming, 1939
Directed by William Wyler, 1946
Directed by Mehboob Khan, 1957
Directed by David Lean, 1962
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 8,791
|
{"url":"https:\/\/math.stackexchange.com\/questions\/3302534\/generator-of-power-of-ideal","text":"# Generator of Power of Ideal\n\nConsider the $$5$$ variables polynomial ring over the complex field, $$\\mathbb{C}[x,y,u,v,w]$$ and $$J$$ the ideal generated by the set $$\\{vxy, vwy, uwy, uwx, uvx\\}$$. Then, how could we define the powers of the ideal $$J^n$$?\n\nTypically, is the ideal $$J^2$$ equal to the ideal generated by the pairwise products of any two generators of $$J$$? Does a similar reasoning apply for any power of the ideal? What if we want $$J^d$$ for $$d\\ge 6$$? Note that the symbolic power given in Wikipedia article is not the definition I am looking for, as it assumes the power of an ideal beforehand.\n\nLet $$R$$ be a commutative ring. The notation $$J^n$$ (where $$J$$ is an ideal of $$R$$ and $$n$$ is a nonnegative integer) stands for the $$n$$-th power of $$J$$ in the monoid of ideals of the ring.\n\nWhat is this monoid? Well, here is the definition: If $$U$$ and $$V$$ are two ideals of $$R$$, then we define their product $$UV$$ to be the ideal of $$R$$ generated by elements of the form $$uv$$ with $$u \\in U$$ and $$v \\in V$$. Thus, explicitly, $$UV$$ is the set of all $$R$$-linear combinations $$r_1 u_1 v_1 + r_2 u_2 v_2 + \\cdots + r_k u_k v_k$$ with $$k \\in \\mathbb{N}$$ and $$r_1, r_2, \\ldots, r_k \\in R$$ and $$u_1, u_2, \\ldots, u_k \\in U$$ and $$v_1, v_2, \\ldots, v_k \\in V$$. It is easy to see that $$UV$$ is also the set of all sums $$u_1 v_1 + u_2 v_2 + \\cdots + u_k v_k$$ with $$k \\in \\mathbb{N}$$ and $$u_1, u_2, \\ldots, u_k \\in U$$ and $$v_1, v_2, \\ldots, v_k \\in V$$ (because if $$r_i \\in R$$ and $$u_i \\in U$$, then $$r_i u_i \\in U$$).\n\nSo now we have defined a product operation on the set of all ideals of $$R$$ (sending a pair $$\\left(U,V\\right)$$ of ideals to the ideal $$UV$$). This product operation has a neutral element, namely the ideal $$R$$ (check this). Furthermore, this operation is associative: i.e., if $$U$$, $$V$$ and $$W$$ are three ideals of $$R$$, then $$\\left(UV\\right) W = U \\left(VW\\right)$$ (and moreover, this ideal $$\\left(UV\\right) W = U \\left(VW\\right)$$ is the ideal generated by all elements of the form $$uvw$$ with $$u \\in U$$, $$v \\in V$$ and $$w \\in W$$).\n\nThus, equipping the set of ideals of $$R$$ with this product operation, we obtain a monoid, which is called the monoid of ideals of $$R$$.\n\nIt is not hard to show that if $$U_1, U_2, \\ldots, U_n$$ are $$n$$ ideals of $$R$$, then their product $$U_1 U_2 \\cdots U_n$$ (in this monoid) is the ideal of $$R$$ generated by all elements of the form $$u_1 u_2 \\cdots u_n$$ with $$u_1 \\in U_1$$, $$u_2 \\in U_2$$, $$\\ldots$$, $$u_n \\in U_n$$. Moreover, if $$n > 0$$, then these latter elements not only generate $$U_1 U_2 \\cdots U_n$$ as an ideal, but even generate it as an additive group (so each element of $$U_1 U_2 \\cdots U_n$$ is not only an $$R$$-linear combination of products of the form $$u_1 u_2 \\cdots u_n$$, but actually a sum of such problems). Somewhat distractingly, this is false for $$n = 0$$.\n\nWhen you have an ideal $$J$$ of $$R$$ and a nonnegative integer $$n$$, you can take the $$n$$-th power of $$J$$ in the monoid of ideals of $$R$$ (since $$n$$-th powers are defined in any monoid); this is the ideal called $$J^n$$. This should answer your question.\n\nFor a simple example, you can check how principal ideals behave under products and powers. For example, if $$a$$ and $$b$$ be two elements of $$R$$, then $$\\left(aR\\right) \\left(bR\\right) = \\left(ab\\right)R$$. If $$a$$ is an element of $$R$$ and $$n$$ is a nonnegative integer, then $$\\left(aR\\right)^n = a^n R$$. Another illustrative example is the case when $$R$$ is a polynomial ring $$k\\left[x_1, x_2, \\ldots, x_t\\right]$$ over a commutative ring $$k$$, and when $$\\mathfrak{m}$$ is the ideal of $$R$$ generated by all $$t$$ indeterminates $$x_1, x_2, \\ldots, x_t$$. In this case, the $$n$$-th power of $$\\mathfrak{m}$$ (for any given $$n \\geq 0$$) is the ideal of $$R$$ generated by all monomials of degree $$n$$, so it consists of all polynomials that contain no monomials of degree $$< n$$. (Such polynomials are said to have a \"singular point of multiplicity $$\\geq t$$ at $$0$$\".)\n\nLet me return to the general case. While you haven't asked, let me mention a few more properties of the set of ideals of $$R$$.\n\nFirst of all, the monoid of ideals of $$R$$ is commutative, i.e., any two ideals $$U$$ and $$V$$ of $$R$$ satisfy $$UV = VU$$.\n\nSecond, there is not only a product operation on the set of ideals, but also a sum operation. It is defined as follows: If $$U$$ and $$V$$ are two ideals of $$R$$, then we define their sum $$U + V$$ to be the ideal of $$R$$ consisting of all elements of the form $$u + v$$ with $$u \\in U$$ and $$v \\in V$$. Yes, this is an ideal, as you can easily check. In order to make this definition more similar to the definition of the product $$UV$$, we could replace the words \"consisting of all elements\" by \"generated by all elements\", but this would just needlessly complicate it: We would get the same ideal, because the set of all elements $$u + v$$ with $$u \\in U$$ and $$v \\in V$$ is already an ideal of $$R$$.\n\nWe have thus defined a sum operation on the set of ideals of $$R$$. This operation, too, makes this set into a monoid (whose neutral element is the zero ideal $$0R = 0$$). Again, this monoid is commutative. Better yet: The sum operation and the product operation satisfy the distributivity laws $$\\left(U+V\\right) W = UW + VW$$ and $$U\\left(V+W\\right) = UV + UW$$ for any three ideals $$U$$, $$V$$ and $$W$$ of $$R$$; thus, the set of ideals of $$R$$ (equipped with these two operations) becomes a semiring. This is well-known and often used tacitly when computing with ideals. One consequence of this fact is that, e.g., the binomial formula holds for ideals of $$R$$ (since it holds in any semiring). That is, if $$I$$ and $$J$$ are two ideals of $$R$$, and if $$n$$ is a nonnegative integer, then \\begin{align} \\left(I+J\\right)^n = \\sum_{k=0}^n \\dbinom{n}{k} I^k J^{n-k} \\label{darij1.eq.binf1} \\tag{1} \\end{align} (where the expression \"$$\\dbinom{n}{k} I^k$$\" means the sum $$I^k + I^k + \\cdots + I^k$$ with $$\\dbinom{n}{k}$$ addends, as in any semiring; this is not the same as $$\\left\\{ \\dbinom{n}{k} i \\mid i \\in I^k \\right\\}$$). Note that the sum operation on the ideals of $$R$$ is idempotent: i.e., any ideal $$U$$ of $$R$$ satisfies $$U + U = U$$ and therefore $$mU = U$$ for every positive integer $$m$$. Thus, the $$\\dbinom{n}{k} I^k$$ on the right hand side of \\eqref{darij1.eq.binf1} simplifies to $$I^k$$. Hence, \\eqref{darij1.eq.binf1} rewrites as follows: \\begin{align} \\left(I+J\\right)^n = \\sum_{k=0}^n I^k J^{n-k} . \\label{darij1.eq.binf2} \\tag{2} \\end{align}\n\nLet me finally remark that all of this can be generalized. If $$A$$ is an $$R$$-algebra, then we can replace ideals of $$R$$ by $$R$$-submodules of $$A$$. These form a monoid with respect to product (with neutral element $$R \\cdot 1_A$$) and a commutative monoid with respect to sum, where products and sums are defined as above. The product operation will be commutative when $$A$$ is commutative (and sometimes even when it isn't); the distributivity laws also hold.\n\n\u2022 so then, the definition I stated for the power, that is , product of any $d$ monomials in the generating set of the ideal is right, as the degree of the product of $d$ monomials is equal to $d$ times the degree of individual monomials, right? Jul 24, 2019 at 12:02\n\u2022 Yes, assuming that the original monomials all have the same degree. Note that you have to include products that contain equal factors (and for $d \\geq 6$, all your products will contain at least some equal factors). Jul 24, 2019 at 12:25","date":"2022-07-07 17:26:40","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 156, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 2, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.9801566004753113, \"perplexity\": 84.23859310681296}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2022-27\/segments\/1656104495692.77\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20220707154329-20220707184329-00223.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Q: How can I get URL of JS file in same JS file?
Possible Duplicate:
What is my script src URL?
I have situation:
<script
type="text/javascript"
src="http://server/some.js">
</script>
In file some.js I need to know full path of same file some.js, eq. "http://server/some.js". How can I do this?
I can't change HTML code (clients are including JS file).
A: try that one
sc = document.getElementsByTagName("script");
for(idx = 0; idx < sc.length; idx++)
{
s = sc.item(idx);
if(s.src && s.src.match(/some\.js$/))
{ return s.src; }
}
A: The simplest way is just to look for the last script to be added to the document:
var scripts= document.getElementsByTagName('script');
var mysrc= scripts[scripts.length-1].src;
This has to be done in the main body of the script, not in code called later. Preferably do it at the start of the script and remember the variable so it can be used in later function calls if necessary, and so it's not affected by code later in the script inserting any new <script> nodes into the document.
A: Not sure it works in all browsers, by try this:
function getScriptFileName() {
return (new Error).fileName;
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 6,730
|
Anyone have a copy of the latest Democratic Debate Bingo card? I might just watch to see if anyone challenges Bernie on this staffer and/or his supposed comments to Warren that a woman can't win the race. He may have said it. It may have been taken out of context. He may have meant something like he didn't know any woman currently (2018) who could win the presidency. Which would make sense since in 2018 Warren was saying she wasn't running. Here would be my shocked face if Warren "twisted" his words. Cause we know she always tells the WHOLE truth.
HorizontalHunter
I'm only watching if they give the candidates swords.
Reactions: jpk, xjma99, Len-2A Training and 1 other person
Heard some creditable "reportage" that the little dust-up between Bernie and Granny is just a stage-show to draw viewers to the debate tonight. It certainly deflected all attention away from the Project Veritas thing, as if that would have interested the media anyway. I'm more interested in how Bernie got kicked out of his college commune for refusing to do chores, as Mark Steyn reported today...
Nothing would surprise me at this point... however, Bernie's recent threat to the front runners makes it credible he'll be the one in the crosshairs tonight, and we know that Warren has a penchant for, shall we say, embellishing the truth when it increases her victim status. The time for the claws to come out for real is certainly approaching.
What an act....Granny refused to shake Bernie's hand after the debate and pretended to be pissy at him. Makes one want to vomit.
Reactions: Spanz
Denied!!!
Breaking with long tradition, the debate moderators did not let their feelings and leanings known during the debate:
Phillips: You're saying that you never told Senator Warren that a woman couldn't win the election?
Bernie: Correct.
Phillips: Warren, what did you think when Sanders said a woman couldn't win the election?
Warren: I disagreed. Bernie is my friend, and I am not here to try to fight with Bernie
Reactions: xjma99 and Super99Z
Holliston, MA
Reactions: Brewer, xjma99, 10thSFFD and 6 others
GM-GUY
North Central Mass
I guess Warren said she is going to wipe out $1.6Trillion in student loans on day one, without congress. I'm wondering if the GOP would impeach on that? Nah, what am I thinking - first woman and all, just as much cover as 0bama (magically declaring 'dreamers' and Trump doesn't have the power to undo without congress)
Reactions: xjma99, 10thSFFD, jpk and 1 other person
oldgunner
It's like 3rd grade, isn't it?
Pretty underwhelmed, overall. I was hoping for at least one bloody eyeball, but nothing.
edmorseiii
Navy Veteran
You dudes are actually watching this clownshow?
Juvenile, childish, hypocritical, all that yes; but my response is not vomiting, but hysterical giggling and laughter because I see the whole Democrat primary and debates more like this:
Reactions: 10thSFFD and cmcgraw2
oldgunner said:
More like pre-k.....
allen-1
GA; (CT escapee)
jpk said:
And these are the leading democrat candidates for POTUS.
I still don't really like Trump very much - but these people are useless.
Reactions: jpk
edmorseiii said:
I watched a little of it. I was pretty surprised how unpopular Warren has become.
Also watching Tom Steyer creepily speak to the camera was pretty entertaining.
allen-1 said:
I suspect the majority of us dont particularly care for trumps personality or the way he runs his mouth/twitter feed
On the other hand I very much like his persistence/willingness to fight....something that he seems to have reinstilled in the GOP politicians......and his positions on the overwhelming majority of issues is leaps and bounds better than what we've seen for many many decades from the GOP
Trump imho is the best we could hope for at the moment and so far better than most of us expected in 2016.......that said there's a lot of room for improvement and he needs to continue to follow thru on promises.......
I dont think there was a candidate in the 2016 GOP field that could have stood up to the fake news media and dem party except for trump.
Cruz may very well get his shot someday and may do well but.....he was not right for 2016 imho....Rep Gaetz shows promise imho as does a number of others that have stepped up recemtly
Reactions: Brewer, xjma99, Len-2A Training and 2 others
This is a good point. Other candidates may have been better from a policy standpoint, but they would have been creamed by the media (MSM and social) and the left while in office, even if they somehow survived the election. Trump's sheer bullheadedness and apparent invulnerability to shame have made him almost impervious to those attacks, by and large. The impeachment is meaningless and hardly rates a scratch in his thick hide.
I do wish he'd chill out on the Twitter stuff, though. I know he gets off on working his opposition into a frenzy, but come on.
Reactions: Len-2A Training and jpk
Dench said:
@[B]TomSteyer[/B]
Thanks for noticing my favorite belt! I bought it on a trip to Kenya from female artisans. I wear it as a reminder not to be so formal, and also as a symbol that the world is a better place when we educate women and girls.
I'm not a global warming or climate change or whatever the f*** we're calling it now denier. Do I think humans have changed the Earths temperature? For sure. How much? I have no f***ing idea. No one knows for sure. And no one has any clue what even mid term projections look like.
All that said this has somehow become one of the pillars of 2020 (D) politics and I have no idea why they are doing this. Every single partisan (D) is on board with that message already. Are there friggen undecided voters who are waiting on candidates f***ing climate policy to decide on who to vote for? Sure, like 2 people in the entire country. Several times last night they brought up strategic defense policy along side climate policy. When you look at it technically the US's domestic climate policy is a de facto part of the defense policy. And the reason is simple: if the US undergoes austerity in the name of lowering emissions we will cripple our economy while China and India laugh and take advantage of cheap and dirty energy and production. I mean shit, f***ing India is still using old school asbestos in new manufacturing and I believe their government is still saying that mesothelioma has nothing to do with it .
When Dench runs for president my "climate" policy is going to be real simple: don't shit where you eat. In other words, don't do what we did in the past like dump heavy metals into water ways, use leaded fuel and make everyone in NYC crazy violent people via lead micro dosing, don't ruin the air quality, etc. Dench isnt going to say "let's build clean energy" and close the local nuclear plant down only to open a new dam that just completely obliterated the up and down stream ecology of the water way it rests on.
The (D)'s are unbelievably bad at getting centrist votes in my opinion. The (R)'s aren't rock stars either, though. I'm pretty much convinced if guns became a non issue the (R)'s would lose a shit ton of centrist votes.
Well said.........Anyway...........What belt are you wearing today?
Reactions: mibro
Elizabeth Warren: 'Bernie Is My Friend,' but He's a Sexist
the gloves are coming off!
And you're not?!?!? Bwahahahahaha
xtry51
NH (CT Escapee)
The Twitter trending isn't looking good for Dems today. Lol.
Reactions: edmorseiii
Dennis in MA
It's getting interesting now. Less than a month til NH, yes??? Goody goody. Gloves come off. They call each other ignorant sluts and such. Either whither and die on the sidelines and let Joltin Joe walk away with it or put on the gloves, throw some punches, TAKE SOME PUNCHES and then have soundbites from the Right for the next 8 months from your "peers."
It's a beautiful day in the neighborhood. Best is when they get someone to defend a rare GOOD decision they made and the explanation makes the good decision look bad. Joltin Joe is walking into several of these.
She is practicing Pope's Move for the next showdown.
Dennis in MA said:
[B]Elizabeth Warren[/B]
I just stepped off the #DemDebate stage feeling energized by our fight for big, structural change. And I just heard from my team: We're close to meeting our mid-month fundraising goal. Will you chip in $3 before midnight?
Reactions: Choctaw
You mean the slap down ?
AFVet
Northeast Mass
Hey Guys, this post might be a little of your current track, but i was wondering ??? When a Demtard like Biden, Warren. etc.. goes to the Freestate to campaign are they stupid enough to bring up gun control or do they change their tune as needed ? I have never seen any of these asshats in person and probably wouldn't trust myself if one did walk up to me to shake hands.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaCommonCrawl"
}
| 3,914
|
Here's a tasty drink idea for your weekend. The ice cream in this drink makes it a perfect after dinner drink for a relaxing summer evening.
1. Decorate glasses with chocolate syrup however you'd like. It doesn't need to be perfect. Any design weaving back and forth across the glass will look great and taste delicious!
2. Spoon ice cream into blender. Add milk and Kahlua and blend until smooth. Pour into glasses decorated with chocolate. Top with a squirt of Reddi-Wip and sprinkle with mini chocolate chips.
3. Make it preggo or kid friendly: Increase milk to ¼ cup and add ¼ cup malted milk powder.
This drink/dessert idea is the perfect way to cap off a delicious meal.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 1,402
|
package uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.io;
import java.io.BufferedReader;
import java.io.FileReader;
import java.io.IOException;
import java.util.ArrayList;
import java.util.HashMap;
import java.util.Iterator;
import java.util.List;
import java.util.Map;
import java.util.TreeMap;
import uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.models.AnnotationSpan;
import uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.models.AnnotationType;
import uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.models.ITweetReader;
import uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.models.Tweet;
import edu.stanford.nlp.util.Pair;
public class SemEvalTaskAReader implements ITweetReader {
private String path;
public SemEvalTaskAReader(String pathToFile) {
this.path = pathToFile;
}
private Map<Pair<Long, Integer>, Tweet> readFromFile() throws Exception {
String line;
Map<Pair<Long, Integer>, Tweet> ret = new TreeMap<Pair<Long, Integer>, Tweet>();
BufferedReader br = new BufferedReader(new FileReader(this.path));
while ((line = br.readLine()) != null) {
String[] fields = line.split("\t");
long identifier1 = Long.parseLong(fields[0]);
int identifier2 = Integer.parseInt(fields[1]);
int start = Integer.parseInt(fields[2]);
int end = Integer.parseInt(fields[3]);
String polarity = fields[4];
String tweet = fields[5];
if (tweet.equals("Not Available")) continue;
Tweet obj;
Pair<Long, Integer> identity = new Pair<Long, Integer>(identifier1, identifier2);
if(ret.containsKey(identity)) {
obj = ret.get(identity);
}
else {
obj = new Tweet(tweet, identifier1, identifier2);
ret.put(identity, obj);
}
int approximateWords = tweet.split(" ").length;
if (end > approximateWords) {
System.err.printf(
"Warning: truncating annotation for "
+ "'%s' (%d, %d) to %d (maximum length)\n",
tweet, identifier1, identifier2,
approximateWords
);
end = approximateWords;
}
if (start > approximateWords) {
System.err.printf(
"Warning: truncating annotation for "
+ "'%s' (%d, %d) to %d (maximum start)\n",
tweet, identifier1, identifier2,
approximateWords
);
start = approximateWords;
}
AnnotationType spanPolarity = AnnotationType.fromSemEvalString(polarity);
AnnotationSpan span = new AnnotationSpan(spanPolarity.getKind(), start, end);
obj.addAnnotation(span);
}
br.close();
return ret;
}
/* (non-Javadoc)
* @see uk.ac.warwick.dcs.SemEval.ITweetReader#readTweets()
*/
@Override
public List<Tweet> readTweets() throws Exception {
List<Tweet> ret = new ArrayList<Tweet>();
for (Map.Entry<Pair<Long, Integer>, Tweet> e: this.readFromFile().entrySet()) {
ret.add(e.getValue());
}
return ret;
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 5,215
|
\section{Introduction}\label{intro}
In order to investigate analytically the gradual thermalization occuring in the
course of particle production at the highest available energies
in heavy-ion collisions, we propose nonequilibrium-statistical
methods. The
approach is tailored to identify the fraction of produced particles in local
thermal equilibrium from their distribution functions in pseudorapidity.
It yields indirect evidence for the extent and
system-size dependence of a locally equilibrated parton plasma.
Recently pseudorapidity
distributions of primary charged particles have become available
\cite{bbb05} as functions of centrality in ${d}$ + Au collisions at
a nucleon-nucleon center-of-mass energy of 200 GeV. They are investigated
within a nonequilibrium-statistical framework that is based on
analytical solutions of a Relativistic Diffusion Model (RDM), and the
results for this very asymmetric system are compared to
Au + Au at the same nucleon-nucleon center-of-mass energy, where
the formation of a locally equilibrated subsystem appears
to be more likely.
\section{Relativistic Diffusion Model}\label{rdm}
Our analytical investigation is based on a linear
Fokker-Planck equation (FPE)
for three components $R_{k}(y,t)$ of the distribution function
in rapidity space
\cite{wol99,biy02,wol03,biy04,wbs05}
\begin{equation}
\frac{\partial}{\partial t}R_{k}(y,t)=
\frac{1}{\tau_{y}}\frac{\partial}
{\partial y}\Bigl[(y-y_{eq})\cdot R_{k}(y,t)\Bigr]
+\frac{\partial^2}{\partial^{2} y}\Bigl[D_{y}^{k}
\cdot R_{k}(y,t)\Bigr]
\label{fpe}
\end{equation}\\
with the rapidity $y=0.5\cdot ln((E+p)/(E-p))$.
The diagonal components $D_{y}^{k}$ of the diffusion tensor
contain the microscopic
physics in the respective Au-like (k=1), ${d}$-like (k=2)
and central (k=3) regions. They
account for the broadening of the distribution
functions through interactions and particle creations.
In the present investigation the off-diagonal terms of the
diffusion tensor are assumed to be zero.
The rapidity relaxation time $\tau_{y}$ determines
the speed of the statistical equilibration in y-space.
As time goes to infinity, the mean values of the
solutions of Eqs. (\ref{fpe}) approach the equilibrium value $y_{eq}$.
We determine it
from energy- and momentum conservation \cite{bha53,nag84}
in the system of Au- and ${d}$-participants and hence, it
depends on impact parameter. This dependence is decisive
for a detailed description of the measured charged-particle
distributions in asymmetric systems:
\begin{equation}
y_{eq}(b)=1/2\cdot ln\frac{<m_{1}^{T}(b)>exp(y_{max})+<m_{2}^{T}(b)>
exp(-y_{max})}
{<m_{2}^{T}(b)>exp(y_{max})+<m_{1}^{T}(b)>exp(-y_{max})}
\label{yeq}
\end{equation}\\
with the beam rapidities y$_{b} = \pm y_{max}$ and the mean transverse
masses $<m_{1,2}^{T}(b)>$
that depend on the impact parameter $b$. The average
numbers of participants $N_{1,2}(b)$
in the incident gold and deuteron nuclei are calculated from the
geometrical overlap. The results are consistent with the Glauber
calculations reported in \cite{bbb05} which we use in the further
analysis. The corresponding equilibrium values of the rapidity
vary from y$_{eq}=$ - 0.169 for peripheral (80-100$\%$) to
y$_{eq}=$ - 0.944 for central (0-20$\%$) collisions.
They are negative due to the net longitudinal momentum of the
participants in the laboratory frame, and their absolute
magnitudes decrease with impact parameter since the number of
participants decreases for more peripheral collisions.
The FPE can be solved analytically in the linear case
with constant $D_{y}^{k}$.
The initial conditions for produced hadrons are taken as
$\delta$-functions at the beam
rapidities, supplemented by a source centered at the equilibrium value
y$_{eq}$. This value is equal to zero
for symmetric systems, but for the asymmetric ${d}$ + Au case its
deviation from zero according to Eq.(\ref{yeq}) is decisive
in the description of particle production.
With $\delta-$function initial conditions for the Au-like source (1),
the ${d}$-like source (2), and the equilibrium source (eq), we obtain
exact analytical diffusion-model solutions as incoherent
superpositions of the distribution functions $R_{k}(y,t)$ because the
differential equation is linear. The total number of charged particles
in each centrality bin
$N_{ch}^{tot}$ is determined from the data. The average number
of charged particles in the equilibrium source $N_{ch}^{eq}$ is a
free parameter that is optimized together with the variances
and $\tau_{int}/\tau_{y}$ in a $\chi^{2}$-fit of the data
using the CERN minuit-code.
\section{Comparison with RHIC-data}\label{dat}
For central collisions (0-20\%) of ${d}$ + Au, the charged-particle yield is
dominated by hadrons produced from the Au-like source, but there
is a sizeable equilibrium source that is more important
than the ${d}$-like contribution. This thermalized source is moving since
y$_{eq}$ has a finite negative value for ${d}$ + Au, whereas it is at
rest for symmetric systems.
The total yield is
compared to PHOBOS data \cite{bbb05} which refer to the
pseudorapidity $\eta=-ln[tan(\theta / 2)]$ since particle
identification was not available.
As a consequence, there is a small difference to the model result
in $y$-space ($y\approx \eta$) which is most pronounced in the
midrapidity region. It is removed when
the theoretical result is converted to $\eta$-space
through the Jacobian
\begin{equation}
J(\eta,\langle m\rangle/\langle p_{T}\rangle)
= \cosh({\eta})\cdot [1+(\langle m\rangle/\langle p_{T}\rangle)^{2}
+\sinh^{2}(\eta)]^{-1/2}.
\label{jac}
\end{equation}
Here we approximate the average mass $<m>$ of produced charged hadrons in the
central region by the pion mass $m_{\pi}$, and use a
mean transverse momentum $<p_{T}>$ = 0.4 GeV/c.
\begin{figure}[htb]
\vspace*{-.4cm}
\insertplot{bfig2.eps}
\vspace*{-2.0cm}
\caption[]{Charged-hadron pseudorapidity spectra in the 3-sources
Relativistic Diffusion
Model (RDM), solid curves \cite{wbs05}, compared to $d$ + Au PHOBOS data.}
\label{fig1}
\end{figure}
The model calculations are converted to $\eta$-space and
compared with PHOBOS data for
five centrality cuts \cite{bbb05} and minimum bias \cite{bbb04}
in Figure 1. The minimization procedure yields precise results
so that reliable values for the relative importance of the
three sources for particle production, and for
$\tau_{int}/\tau_{y} (\simeq 0.4$ in central collisions)
can be determined \cite{wbs05}.
The observed shift of the distributions towards
the Au-like region in more central collisions, and the steeper slope
in the deuteron direction as compared to the gold direction
appear in the Relativistic Diffusion Model as a
consequence of the gradual approach to equilibrium.
The magnitude of the equilibrium source in central ${d}$ + Au
collisions at the highest
RHIC energy is about 19\% of the total yield. Comparing this
with a previous result \cite{biy04} for Au + Au in the
three-sources-RDM \cite{wol03,biy04}, we note that the
equilibrium source for
particle production tends to be larger in the heavy
system. However, it turns out that
the determination of the number of particles in the midrapidity
source is not unique for symmetric systems.
\section{Conclusion}\label{con}
We have investigated
charged-particle production in ${d}$ + Au collisions at
$\sqrt{s_{NN}}$= 200 GeV as function of centrality
within the framework of an analytically soluble three-sources
mode. Excellent agreement with
recent PHOBOS pseudorapidity
distributions has been obtained.
Only the midrapidity part (19\% in central collisions) of the
distribution function reaches equilibrium.
Although this fraction increases
towards more peripheral collisions, the formation of a thermalized
parton plasma prior to hadronization can probably only be expected
for central collisions.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaArXiv"
}
| 267
|
{"url":"https:\/\/pure.royalholloway.ac.uk\/portal\/en\/publications\/pir-schemes-with-small-download-complexity-and-low-storage-requirements(a054cce0-5802-4109-b4ce-3b8f20a62241).html","text":"PIR schemes with small download complexity and low storage requirements. \/ Blackburn, Simon; Etzion, T.; Paterson, Maura.\n\nIn: IEEE Transactions on Information Theory, Vol. 66, No. 1, 19.09.2019, p. 557-571.\n\nResearch output: Contribution to journalArticle\n\nPublished\n\n### Abstract\n\nIn the classical model for (information theoretically secure) Private Information Retrieval (PIR) due to Chor, Goldreich, Kushilevitz and Sudan, a user wishes to retrieve one bit of a database that is stored on a set of $n$ servers, in such a way that no individual server gains information about which bit the user is interested in. The aim is to design schemes that minimise the total communication between the user and the servers. More recently, there have been moves to consider more realistic models where the total storage of the set of servers, or the per server storage, should be minimised (possibly using techniques from distributed storage), and where the database is divided into $R$-bit records with $R>1$, and the user wishes to retrieve one record rather than one bit. When $R$ is large, downloads from the servers to the user dominate the communication complexity and so the aim is to minimise the total number of downloaded bits. Work of Shah, Rashmi and Ramchandran shows that at least $R+1$ bits must be downloaded from servers in the worst case, and provides PIR schemes meeting this bound. Sun and Jafar have considered the download cost of a scheme, defined as the ratio of the message length $R$ and the total number of bits downloaded. They determine the best asymptotic download cost of a PIR scheme (as $R\\rightarrow\\infty$) when a database of $k$ messages is stored by $n$ servers.This paper provides various bounds on the download complexity of a PIR scheme, generalising those of Shah et al.\\ to the case when the number $n$ of servers is bounded, and providing links with classical techniques due to Chor et al. The paper also provides a range of constructions for PIR schemes that are either simpler or perform better than previously known schemes. These constructions include explicit schemes that achieve the best asymptotic download complexity of Sun and Jafar with significantly lower upload complexity, and general techniques for constructing a scheme with good worst case download complexity from a scheme with good download complexity on average.\nOriginal language English 557-571 15 IEEE Transactions on Information Theory 66 1 https:\/\/doi.org\/10.1109\/TIT.2019.2942311 Published - 19 Sep 2019\nThis open access research output is licenced under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License.\n\nID: 34469750","date":"2020-10-20 04:04:44","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.3764578104019165, \"perplexity\": 714.3335223997587}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2020-45\/segments\/1603107869785.9\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20201020021700-20201020051700-00184.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Q: Call a method after a delay of 2 sec I have a some items in list view. I keep changing focus on items in a list view When i keep a focus on any of the item for 2 seconds in list view call a method. How to do it ?
thanks
A: Use Handler
final Handler handler = new Handler();
handler.postDelayed(new Runnable() {
@Override
public void run() {
// Call your method OR place your logic here
}
}, 2000);
call method inside run() for delay.
A: You can use rxjava2 as it has got a bunch of more cool operators
In dependencies of gradle add :-
implementation 'io.reactivex.rxjava2:rxandroid:2.0.1'
implementation 'io.reactivex.rxjava2:rxjava:2.1.7'
and in your code :-
new CompositeDisposable.add(Completable.fromAction(this::YourMethod)
.delay(2,TimeUnits.SECONDS)
.subscribeWith(yourDisposableCompletableObserver));
A: Try this ..
new Handler().postDelayed(new Runnable() {
@Override
public void run() {
// perform your operation.
}
},2000);
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 6,584
|
The fifth edition of our annual intensive week for learning and exploring Design Thinking applied to real company challenges, working in interdisciplinary, multicultural teams, 4 masterclasses and a team of certified facilitators and co-facilitators will guide you through the multiple discoveries of this innovation process.
We will work on 7 real company challenges related to different industries. a specialized jury and participants will select the best solutions of the week.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 3,207
|
Q: Better Player Starts again and again when ever i go scroll down I'm using the better player plugin to show videos it' works fine but the problem is whenever I try to scroll down the screen and then back the video starts again and I don't know what causes that is there any help THANKS :)
my code
@override
Widget build(BuildContext context) {
return Center(
child: _betterPlayerController == null
? CircularProgressIndicator(
color: widget.loaderColor,
backgroundColor: widget.loaderBackgroundColor,
)
: AspectRatio(
aspectRatio: 16 / 9,
child: BetterPlayer(
controller: _betterPlayerController as BetterPlayerController,
),
),
);
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 1,741
|
{"url":"https:\/\/me.gateoverflow.in\/36\/gate-me-2013-question-35","text":"# GATE ME 2013 | Question: 35\n\nIn a $CAD$ package, mirror image of a $2D$ point $P(5,10)$ is to be obtained about a line which passes through the origin and makes an angle of $45^{\\circ}$\u00a0counterclockwise with the $X$-axis. The coordinates of the transformed point will be\n\n1. $(7.5, 5)$\n2. $(10, 5)$\n3. $(7.5, -5)$\n4. $(10, -5)$\n\nrecategorized\n\n## Related questions\n\nA steel bar $200$ $mm$ in diameter is turned at a feed of $0.25$ $mm$\/$rev$ with a depth of cut of $4$ $mm$. The rotational speed of the workpiece is $160$ $rpm$. The material removal rate in $mm^3$\/$s$ is $160$ $167.6$ $1600$ $1675.5$\nIn a CNC milling operation, the tool has to machine the circular arc from point $(20, 20)$ to $(10, 10)$ at sequence number $5$ of the CNC part program. If the center of the arc is at $(20, 10)$ and the machine has incremental mode of defining position coordinates, the correct tool path command is N $05$ G$90$ ... $10$ R$10$ N $05$ G$90$ G$03$ X$20$ Y$20$ R$10$ N $05$ G$91$ G$02$ X$20$ Y$20$ R$10$\nIn orthogonal turning of a bar of $100$ $mm$ diameter with a feed of $0.25$ $mm$\/$rev$, depth of cut of $4$ $mm$ and cutting velocity of $90$ $m$\/$min$, it is observed that the main (tangential) cutting force is perpendicular to the friction force acting at the ... (tangential) cutting force is $1500$ $N$. The normal force acting at the chip-tool interface in $N$ is $1000$ $1500$ $2000$ $2500$\nIn orthogonal turning of a bar of $100$ $mm$ diameter with a feed of $0.25$ $mm$\/$rev$, depth of cut of $4$ $mm$ and cutting velocity of $90$ $m$\/$min$, it is observed that the main (tangential) cutting force is perpendicular to the friction force acting at the chip ... main (tangential) cutting force is $1500$ $N$. The orthogonal rake angle of the cutting tool in degree is zero $3.58$ $5$ $7.16$\nDuring the electrochemical machining $(ECM)$ of iron (atomic weight $= 56$, valency $= 2$) at current of $1000$ $A$ with $90\\%$ current efficiency, the material removal rate was observed to be $0.26 gm\/s$. If Titanium (atomic weight $= 48$, valency $= 3$) is machined by the ... $90\\%$ current efficiency, the expected material removal rate in $gm\/s$ will be $0.11$ $0.23$ $0.30$ $0.52$","date":"2021-09-22 20:42:15","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.5730043053627014, \"perplexity\": 855.7170853578359}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": false, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-39\/segments\/1631780057388.12\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210922193630-20210922223630-00684.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
{"url":"http:\/\/astronomy.stackexchange.com\/questions?page=21&sort=newest","text":"# All Questions\n\n58 views\n\n### How bright can white dwarf stars glow as they accrue matter?\n\nI realize this is kind of general as it would depend on the size of the white dwarf and the rate of accrual. The general idea I got thinking about is what would happen if a white dwarf star - lets ...\n251 views\n\n### How do we know that our galaxy is a spiral galaxy?\n\nI know that our galaxy is spiral in shape, but I'm wondering how the scientists found out that our galaxy has a spiral shape. I don't think we can see the entire galaxy from telescopes on Earth, ...\n97 views\n\n### Are objects in the universe moving away from each other at the same acceleration?\n\nThis is a follow up question to Does the universe expand at the same rate everywhere in the universe?. If the universe is expanding, then it would seem necessary for each object (ie galaxy) to be ...\n51 views\n\n### What is the share of stars in total radiation input of Earth?\n\nEarth gets its radiation input primarily from Sun, then from reflected sunlight from Moon, and stars. Among these, what is the share of stars (or sources outside solar system) to this total radiation ...\n85 views\n\n### How can the observable universe be so small if there are so many stars in it?\n\nThe observable universe has a radius of about 46.5 billion light years. That\u2019s big but I just wonder how that can be big enough to fit in everything we know exists in the universe. There are hundreds ...\n89 views\n\n### Is there a photo that shows a iron meteor or asteroid in space in raw form having no layers of fusion crust?\n\nA raw iron meteor or asteroid in outer space should be in its raw form having no signs of fusion crust from the friction of atmospheric entry and should therefore show distinctive signs like the ...\n161 views\n\n### Why is the Color scheme of natural satellites in our solar system based of light shades of grey?\n\nWhat is the explanation of the color similarity that the majority of natural satellites obtain?\n53 views\n\n### What would be the maximum theoretically possible angular resolution?\n\nI have studied some basic astronomy, but I have difficulty conceptualizing the physics of luminosity and optics. We use electromagnetic spectra to detect existence and properties of distant planets, ...\n287 views\n\n### Can we compress any object to create black Holes?\n\nIn general, when a star runs out of nuclear fuel, gravity gets the upper hand and the material in the core is compressed even further and creates black holes. I am clear till here. Now the question ...\n69 views\n\n### could dark energy be a force coming from the hyperspace outside the universe?\n\nIt seems to me that the expansion of the universe is only being looked at one way. a repelling force, basically being the opposite of gravity. After pondering this for many nights, I began to wonder ...\n100 views\n\n### Estimates of exoplanets distribution consistent with current data\n\nI am interested in current estimate of distribution of planets of various radii in various distances from their parent star. There is many sources, where one can find database of presently known ...\n132 views\n\n### Does all of time exist and if so where is it?\n\nI've recently learned about the theory of relativity and time. I'm trying to understand it more. My (basic) understanding is that there is no distinction between past present and future and that ...\n27 views\n\n### Does all of time already exist if so why can't we see it? [duplicate]\n\nI've recently become fascinated with the theory of relativity and time. If all of time already exists, and there is no difference between past, present and future then what is preventing us from being ...\n60 views\n\n### TIME TRAVEL-Can it be really done? [closed]\n\nIs it posssible for us to time travel? Is light essential factor or the dark matter and dark energy?\n43 views\n\n### What exactly is a stellar association?\n\nWhat exactly is a \"stellar association\" in the strict kinematic sense?\n116 views\n\n### Gravitational red hift vs Doppler redshift: Is the universe really expanding?\n\nIs it possible that the redshift observed by Edwin Hubble is really from a gravitational redshift and the universe isn't expanding as he has predicted? What I think I know thus far is this: ...\n45 views\n\n### Do sungrazing comets leave a field of meteoroids near the Sun?\n\nA large fraction (a third?) of all comets found (with observational bias thanks to SOHO) have been sungrazers, breaking up with perihelion of a few of Sun's radius. Is there reason to believe that ...\n118 views\n\n### What is the color of Venus if it has no atmosphere?\n\nMars looks reddish and Mercury looks gray because they lack thick atmospheres and we can see their \"real color\" easily, how about Venus? Is the surface of Venus really yellowish in color?\n190 views\n\n### Why does a mirror bent 'like a potato chip' allow space telescopes to be smaller and have a wider field of view?\n\nI was browsing NASA featured items and came across this - Out With the Old, In With the New: Telescope Mirrors Get New Shape Called freeform optics, this emerging mirror technology, brought about ...\n72 views\n\n### Could the Earth use gravitational lensing \/ bending of light to see it's own bottom?\n\nSpecifically, I have often wondered whether gravitational lensing might be able to (theoretically) be used in order to see light reflecting off the Earth that has zoomed off into space and been bent ...\n55 views\n\n### Astronomical telescope making\n\nI am thinking about making a telescope. I have a 100cm focal length lens which I can use as objective lens in my telescope. So which is the best focal length I can use as eyepiece in my astronomical ...\n215 views\n\n### Why does gravity increase in star formation?\n\nWhen a star ignites ( ie. fusion starts ), the star maintains its form by balancing gravity's inward pressure, and radiation's outward pressure. I get that the fusion of hydrogen atoms releases ...\n354 views\n\n### Is a black hole a perfect sphere?\n\nI know all about how black holes form and why their gravity is so strong. However, is the gravity equally powerful in all directions? Will the event horizon appear as a perfect sphere?\n50 views\n\n### How to use spectral profiles to determine luminosity class?\n\nI know the luminosity classes are: Ia-0 ( Hypergiants ), Ia ( bright supergiants ), ... , VII ( white dwarf ). I also have learned that you can use the presence of absorption lines ( ie. use spectral ...\n33 views\n\n### What parameters determine whether galaxies colliding will result in a merger or a hit and run?\n\nColliding galaxies sometimes merge and sometimes pass through each other. Either way, there are huge changes as a result. What are the parameters that matter in determining whether a collision will ...\n92 views\n\n### Gravitation - Pulling or Pushing force?\n\nAccording to Newton, gravity is the pulling - or in fact the attracting - force of any heavenly body towards any object to its center. But, to the contrary, Einstein once said that the four dimensions ...\n182 views\n\n### Does the Moon capture radiation pressure from the sun causing momentum from photon propulsion? [closed]\n\nCould a planet's main use for natural satellites be that of a photon sail?\n89 views\n\n### What are the stars\/constellations a beginner\/enthusiast can easily identify?\n\nI was just wondering what are some of the stars, constellations or any other things that one can just identify by looking up at the night sky. For example, when ever i look up, I immediately see ...\n264 views\n\n### Does time slow down because the universe is expanding at an accelerating rate?\n\nIf the universe is expanding at an accelerating rate, such that the galaxies' moving away from each other is accelerated, then time should also slow down. And when universe will accelerate to the ...\n84 views\n\n### Are hot stars like O-type stars entirely composed of helium?\n\nHot stars like O-type stars show no hydrogen in their spectra. Does this mean they are made entirely of helium? Any explanation would be really helpful.\n52 views\n\n### Math for calculating the terrestrial longitude directly under the sun with time\n\nI'm trying to calculate the longitude on the earth where it's noon at some time. (That is, the longitude which is coplanar with the plane defined by the sun and the earth's axis.) Here is my python ...\n20 views\n\n### What are the implications if the Sun was formed in a warm nebula?\n\nMolecular oxygen O2 has been found on comet 67P\/C-G in a ratio of 3.8% to water, which is much higher than expected. An explanation proposed is that the Solar System formed from a molecular cloud ...\n257 views\n\n### Is extraterrestrial mining more difficult or impractical for bodies without plate tectonics?\n\nThis article talks about the possibility of mining Uranium on the moon. Since the Moon lacks the geological forces that have created veins of concentrated minerals on Earth, would extraterrestrial ...\n47 views\n\n### Are there equal number of planets, stars, galaxies etc in observable universe spinning in both directions?\n\nJust because we observed that our milky way galaxy is spinning in a certain direction therefore we assume it is applicable to all other galaxies, I am curious to find out if hypothetically most of the ...\n365 views\n\n### What happens to oxygen produced on the Sun (or other stars)?\n\nThrough nuclear fusion, the Sun can (or at the very least, someday will) produce atoms of all elements up to and including oxygen. And in terrestrial chemistry at least, when you combine oxygen, ...\n63 views\n\n### Linear extent of an accretion disk\n\nI have a homework assignment question on accretions discs (essentially an estimation of the number of electron scatterings, but this is just for background). There are a few parameters, one of them ...\n114 views\n\n### Was that actually a shooting star during the supermoon eclipse on September 27th 2015?\n\nDuring the super-moon total lunar eclipse on September 27th a meteor-like streak passed very close within view of the event. It appeared to happen at the very middle, the maximum eclipse. [...\n105 views\n\n### Conversion between Astronomical Frames, ex. IRCF, FK5, FK4, etc\u2026\n\nI'm a little bit confused about reference frames, and I was wondering if someone could help clarify a few things? So let's say I have equatorial coordinates that refer to the mean equator and equinox ...\n123 views\n\n### Where are we in an approximate timeline of the possibly habitable universe?\n\nOur universe is supposedly 13+ billion years old and our Sun is a third generation star. It seems to me that we are now in a relatively young stage of the universe. How many generations of stars will ...\n158 views\n\n### How do scientists name space objects?\n\nI am curious that there are lots of celestial objects (planets, comets, stars, galaxies, etc.) in space. How do we name them?\n480 views\n\n### Is there a ninth planet?\n\nAfter Pluto's demotion as a planet, we have currently eight planets in our solar system. But Sun's gravitational pull can be felt well beyond Pluto, so is it possible to have a ninth planet beyond ...\n105 views\n\n### Is this a wet moon?\n\nTonight around 12:20 AM I realized that the top part (instead of the side) of the moon was missing. I live at a country in the tropics. I took this picture with my phone so it isn't very good. ...\n50 views\n\n### Where can I look up the 3D positions of the closest stars? [duplicate]\n\nThe problem: I want to simulate a travel from Earth to the closest 15-25 stars. Which is the fastest way to accomplish this? What i have: I currently have the distance between Earth and the nearby ...\n46 views\n\n### I can't find Rigel on Tycho 2 catalogue\n\nI'm trying to develop a planetarium using Tycho 2 catalogue. To read it I use the WCSTools. But I have a problem. On Wikipedia I have found that Rigel star has RA: 05h 14min 32,3s and Dec: -08\u00ba 12\u2019 ...\n38 views\n\n### Astrophysical \u201cunitised\u201d version of the Gravitational constant\n\nThis question relates formalising the gravitational constant, $G$, (which in S.I. units is usually quoted as $\\sim6.67\\times10^{-11}\\,\\mathrm{m}^{3}\\,\\mathrm{kg}^{-1}\\,\\mathrm{s}^{-2}$) in units which ...\n1k views\n\n### What is a dead comet?\n\nHow is a Dead Comet different from the normal comet? How are they formed? And why is the Halloween asteroid 2015 TB145 called a dead comet?.\n55 views\n\n### Gravitational Propulsion [closed]\n\nI am not a physicist, in fact I am just a family doctor, so I beg of you to excuse me of anything I say that you may find outrageous :) But I came to this forum to see if anyone would be able to ...\n34 views\n\n### What does oxygen on comet 67P\/Churyumov-Gerasimenko mean?\n\nRecently, the Rosetta mission found oxygen on the comet 67P\/Churyumov-Gerasimenko. According to theories, oxygen should not be in the state in which it is on the comet. What are the previous theories ...","date":"2016-06-27 05:47:45","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 1, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 0, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.7980775833129883, \"perplexity\": 1280.5268017816986}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.3, \"absolute_threshold\": 10, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2016-26\/segments\/1466783395621.98\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20160624154955-00134-ip-10-164-35-72.ec2.internal.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
<component name="libraryTable">
<library name="Generated files" type="javaScript">
<CLASSES>
<root url="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/both/collections/offers-compiled.js" />
<root url="file://$PROJECT_DIR$/both/collections/offers-compiled.js" />
</CLASSES>
<SOURCES />
</library>
</component>
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 683
|
Q: import mathjax throws error @types/mathjax/index.d.ts is not a module I'm trying to import MathJax in a TypeScript file.
You can repro with the following steps:
tsc --init
npm init -y
npm i mathjax @types/mathjax
echo "import { MathJax } from 'mathjax';" > index.ts
I've tried all of the following important syntaxes:
import { MathJax } from 'mathjax';
import mathjax from "mathjax";
import * as mathjax from "mathjax"
import { * as MathJax } from "mathjax";
But all return the following error:
'../node_modules/@types/mathjax/index.d.ts' is not a module.
I've also tried adding mathjax to types in my tsconfig.app.json like this (but that hasn't helped either)
"types": [
"mathjax"
]
Related Problems
*
*StackOverflow
*
*MathJax is not defined angular 4
*Using MathJax inside Typescript/Angular2 component
*TypeScript typings give me "index.d.ts is not a module"
*Github Issues
*
*Simple Example with Typescript #2310
*How to use MathJax in TypeScript project? #2385
A: This answer is written with the use of MathJax in a web project in mind. If this is not the case for you, much of it still applies since it relates to Typescript, which you clearly use.
1. MathJax is meant to be downloaded in the browser
No matter the situation today, MathJax is historically downloaded in the browser and should not be imported into a project targeting the web like other npm packages. Under Installation and use at https://www.npmjs.com/package/mathjax you can see that you're only supposed to use MathJax in a project like this if you're making a backend Node application, otherwise MathJax should be imported in the frontend with a script. You can host your own MathJax copy as a static file resource on your web server and load it from there in a script tag from the frontend (much like any CDN), but you shouldn't build it into the frontend like you do with regular npm packages by importing it into the source files. Why does this matter ? Because it affects how MathJax is organized, both historically and today, which in turn affects how it is treated in a Typescript project.
2. MathJax packages
MathJax has two versions, MathJax 2 and 3. 2 is very different from version 3 internally and syntactically but is still used even though version 3 is recommended. The package mathjax from npmjs.org is the MathJax 3 package. If you go to the MathJax Github repo, you can download older packages but I don't think they're available as npm packages. On the official MathJax page under Server integration you can read about how to download MathJax in the backend. You also see there that there are two npm packages: mathjax and mathjax-full of which the latter contains the "full source code". MathJax is written with Typescript support so we can expect that there are types. If you visit the npmjs.org entries for these packages (https://www.npmjs.com/package/mathjax and https://www.npmjs.com/package/mathjax-full), you see that mathjax-full contains types which mathjax does not. This can also be seen by expecting the downloaded packages in node_modules.
So what is the package @types/mathjax? Well, upon inspection, we can see that it is connected to MathJax version 2, because its type declarations involve the use of MathJax.Hub which is only used in version 2. Also its index.d.ts, the entrypoint for types when nothing more specific is indicated than
import mathjax from "mathjax"
or
import * as mathjax from "mathjax"
declares a namespace with exports inside of it
declare namespace MathJax {
export ...
export ...
}
Namespaces are used in Javascript to organize code into different disjoint components, a sort of earlier alternative to modules, which do the same things without namespaces. In the Typescript documentation (https://www.typescriptlang.org/docs/handbook/modules.html) it literally says that In TypeScript, just as in ECMAScript 2015, any file containing a top-level import or export is considered a module. The package @types/mathjax doesn't have that, which results in it not being a module which also your compiler reports.
So except for the fact that @types/mathjax is not connected to the npm package mathjax (which is bad organization I know) due to different versions, it also doesn't support modern module syntax. I would say that it's old too but it had a release quite recently so to be frank, I don't know what it's about, perhaps it has something to do with how MathJax is usually imported or it's supposed to work in some other very particular situation. All I know is that according to the Typescript documentation, this types package is not considered a module (as indicated by your compiler) and its types do not align with MathJax version 3, e.g. I definitely don't think that there is an official affiliation between this package and the package which it is supposed to support.
So given mathjax-full we have types, right? Yes, that is true, but the file organization in mathjax-full is not adapted to your use-case. First of all, it lacks an index, so there is no reasonable entrypoint to use for the kind of import statements earlier described (as said, when no specific resource is targeted, the natural entrypoint is the index file). The package.json included does not contain neither package information nor information about types (you can check this for yourself in node_modules). Even when I try to use it without Typescript, it doesn't work due to errors about require not being defined. All in all, this package is not meant to be used like the average npm package that you use; it should be used for those who wish to work with the source code of MathJax and definitely not in the "average-user-building-a-web-application" use-case. For those, MathJax should be used as a separate black box project that is accessed via a script import (again, due to historical reasons.. this was the way things were 15 years ago or so).
3. How to make it work in your use-case
To make it work in your use-case, and by that I mean to make your compiler accept your import (nothing else), there are a few things you can do. I say this because I sense an interest in how Typescript works here as well.
In the case of the @types/mathjax package, you can go into its index.d.ts in node_modules and add export default MathJax at the bottom (top-level). Now the file has a global export and therefore, import statements like
import * as mathjax from "mathjax"
import mathjax from "mathjax"
will not result in the complaints you saw earlier. It would still not work though because of the require errors I briefly described earlier.
In the case of mathjax-full, by inspecting the code in node_modules you can see that there are indeed Typescript files along the source code in the js sub directory. But since no index is present (also a clear hint that the package should not be used in web projects by means of imports), default imports won't work (compiler will complain about types). If you however target a particular asset, for example
import { mathjax } from "mathjax-full/js/mathjax"
it will find the corresponding types and you will not get an error. You actually get some sort of MathJax object then but I don't know if it would work all the way (try it if you want to). Besides, I suspect you would get quite a lot of extra unneeded files in your bundle (or have to spend a lot of time on customizing tree-shaking) since MathJax is used to determine what files it needs upon usage and it might be hard for the bundler to determine this at build time.
4. So how should you REALLY fix this?
The best way is to use a React package for MathJax. Here I will recommend my own package better-react-mathjax (https://www.npmjs.com/package/better-react-mathjax) but there are others as well. Such packages have tried to bridge the gap between MathJax and React, like the one you are experiencing now.
If you want to do it the more complicated way, you use the source code in the MathJax packages and include them as part of your static files resources, and you then inject a script tag in React that fetches the file with the MathJax start script from your static backend. You could also do it this way and fetch the same file from a CDN if you don't want to host your own copy.
If you really need to use MathJax in the backend, I would investigate the mathjax-full package and try to convert the instructions about using it in Node in the official MathJax docs earlier pointed to, to your usecase, working with explicit imports instead of default ones to get type support.
Recommendations
I detect a certain interest in code organization and modules (perhaps mistakenly) on your behalf which is a complicated subject. Try writing your own package and distribute it via npm to get an understanding of the roles played by npm, Node, Typescript, ecmascript modules, commonjs modules and so on. Understanding the different module formats and how they are allowed to interact in Typescript projects using features like esModuleInterop and allowSyntheticDefaultImports are also important topics and by distributing your own package, you will really get an idea about the differences of source code in a project, and source code in packages.
A: Simply import the typings library:
import "mathjax";
use the "types": ["mathjax"] compiler option.
link: reference link
Hope this will work for you!!
A: This works: import * as MathJax from 'mathjax';
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 5,931
|
package objects
import (
"fmt"
)
// TestRunObject is a specific implementation of BaseObject. It represents the "testrun" object in ToDD, which
// is a set of parameters under which a test should be run
type TestRunObject struct {
BaseObject `yaml:",inline"` // the ",inline" tag is necessary for the go-yaml package to properly see the outer struct fields
Spec struct {
TargetType string `json:"targettype" yaml:"targettype"`
Source map[string]string `json:"source" yaml:"source"`
Target interface{} `json:"target" yaml:"target"` // This is an empty interface because targettype of "group" uses this as a map, targettype of "uncontrolled" uses this as a slice.
//App string `json:"app" yaml:"app"` //TODO(mierdin): temporarily commenting out because App is defined in Source and Target now.
} `json:"spec" yaml:"spec"`
}
// GetSpec is a simple function to return the "Spec" attribute of a TestRunObject
func (t TestRunObject) GetSpec() string {
return fmt.Sprint(t.Spec)
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 2,232
|
Q: Sandboxing a function to make it safe? I'm trying to sandbox a function in a way to prevent it from doing anything that is considered malicious. Simple example:
const fn = (window, setTimeout) => {
console.log(`window: ${typeof window}`);
console.log(`setTimeout: ${typeof setTimeout}`);
};
fn (undefined, undefined);
// console output:
// window: undefined
// setTimeout: undefined
The function fn does not have any access to the window or setTimeout functions, because they're hidden by the arguments of the same name.
To make this more useful, I'd like to write a higher-order function to do the sandboxing:
const sandbox = (fn) => (...args) => {
return ((window, setTimeout) => {
return fn.call(args);
})();
};
const maliciousFn = (a, b) => {
console.log(`a: ${a}`);
console.log(`b: ${b}`);
console.log(`window: ${typeof window}`);
console.log(`setTimeout: ${typeof setTimeout}`);
return 42;
};
const safeFn = sandbox(maliciousFn);
console.log (`maliciousFn returns: ${maliciousFn(13, 27)}`);
console.log (`safeFn returns: ${safeFn(13, 27)}`);
This doesn't work as the maliciousFn has already captured the references of window
and setTimeout, and the additional wrapper can't change that.
Is it possible to do this properly?
Background: The reason behind this is that I'd like to write a sandboxed eval function
that could evaluate any given script safely without the risk of doing anything malicious.
Of course, I'd have to hide all globals, not just window and setTimeout. But once it
works for window and setTimeout, I can easily add all the other globals as well.
const safeEval = sandbox(eval);
const result = safeEval(someScriptComingFromAnUnsafeSource);
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaStackExchange"
}
| 80
|
One of the graves is that of Rev. George Duffield, Jr. Come with us to Detroit, and learn about the author of the hymn, Stand Up , Stand Up for Jesus!
Here's Stand Up, Stand Up for Jesus, as sung by the congregation of Cleveland Baptist Church.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 4,771
|
{"url":"http:\/\/blog.konpat.me\/dev\/2016\/09\/03\/remotedocker-a-fresh-approach-to-run-on-remote-host-without-hassle-2.html","text":"I have a fast-computer at home which I don\u2019t use it as often as my laptop. I intentionally bought it for computation-intensive tasks. But running an arbitrary script on a remote host is always a hassle, never was smooth.\n\nNow, this is an attempt to acquire the smoothness we all deserve!\n\nhttps:\/\/github.com\/phizaz\/remote-docker\n\nI will just copy and paste the readme here (it also provides an example so you will have a better idea of how this will help improve your daily life):\n\n### RemoteDocker\n\nRun a docker command, tracking progress, sync results and manage, all of these in one simple cli.\n\n#### Installation\n\n##### Requirements\n1. Unix based OS (I suspect that some portion of the code is not os independent)\n2. rsync, which should be ubiquitous among that kind of OSes.\n3. Python 3, I just didn\u2019t test on Python 2 and even it works it\u2019s not gonna be without a glitch.\n\nIf you\u2019re quilified \u2026\n\npip install remote-docker\n\n\n#### Usage\n\nIt\u2019s easier to give a realistic use case, let\u2019s say we have arranged our project (python) as follows:\n\nproject_root\n- src\n- __init__.py\n- __main__.py\n- lib\n- ...\n- Dockerfile\n\n1. Declare the running environment in a Dockerfile (in the same directory at which the cli will be run, basically, the same as your source directory).\n\ne.g. Dockerfile -> FROM python:3\n\n2. Run using run command in the form rdocker run --tag=<jobname> --host=<[email\u00a0protected]> --path=<host_path> <command> <args...>. In this very case, we will use rdocker run --tag=test [email\u00a0protected] --path=\/tmp\/myproject python -u -m src. What it really does is:\n1. Sync (using rsync) the source code to the remote host, in this case, whole directory of project_root will be copied to the directory \/tmp\/myproject of the host, well there is some exceptions though you can define it using .remotedignore, which automatically initiated during the invocation of rdocker.\n2. Build, the Dockerfile will be built under docker build -t <jobname>. By the way, you can have a docker executable of your choice! e.g. nvidia-docker all you need do is to state --docker=nvidia-docker in the run command.\n3. Run, the designated command will be run inside a newly hatched container under the detach mode i.e. you don\u2019t have to be there and wait the process to finish.\n4. Log, all the output from that container will be live fed to your console, closing now won\u2019t budge the running container a bit.\n5. Sync Back, after the process in done, all the changes on the remote dirtory will be synced back to your computer\u2019s project_root, don\u2019t fear it will destroy your new changes, it will only make change to old files. (rsync -u)\n3. Close your laptop and go to sleep, next day morning run rdocker run or rdocker run --tag=test you will see the progress, and if it\u2019s done you will get your results right back to your laptop.\n\nNote: please see --help for the deeper use of the cli.","date":"2021-06-24 13:25:15","metadata":"{\"extraction_info\": {\"found_math\": true, \"script_math_tex\": 0, \"script_math_asciimath\": 0, \"math_annotations\": 0, \"math_alttext\": 0, \"mathml\": 0, \"mathjax_tag\": 0, \"mathjax_inline_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_display_tex\": 0, \"mathjax_asciimath\": 1, \"img_math\": 0, \"codecogs_latex\": 0, \"wp_latex\": 0, \"mimetex.cgi\": 0, \"\/images\/math\/codecogs\": 0, \"mathtex.cgi\": 0, \"katex\": 0, \"math-container\": 0, \"wp-katex-eq\": 0, \"align\": 0, \"equation\": 0, \"x-ck12\": 0, \"texerror\": 0, \"math_score\": 0.18698620796203613, \"perplexity\": 4116.13880299348}, \"config\": {\"markdown_headings\": true, \"markdown_code\": true, \"boilerplate_config\": {\"ratio_threshold\": 0.18, \"absolute_threshold\": 20, \"end_threshold\": 15, \"enable\": true}, \"remove_buttons\": true, \"remove_image_figures\": true, \"remove_link_clusters\": true, \"table_config\": {\"min_rows\": 2, \"min_cols\": 3, \"format\": \"plain\"}, \"remove_chinese\": true, \"remove_edit_buttons\": true, \"extract_latex\": true}, \"warc_path\": \"s3:\/\/commoncrawl\/crawl-data\/CC-MAIN-2021-25\/segments\/1623488553635.87\/warc\/CC-MAIN-20210624110458-20210624140458-00439.warc.gz\"}"}
| null | null |
Oreocnide obovata är en nässelväxtart som först beskrevs av Charles Henry Wright, och fick sitt nu gällande namn av Elmer Drew Merrill. Oreocnide obovata ingår i släktet Oreocnide och familjen nässelväxter. Utöver nominatformen finns också underarten O. o. paradoxa.
Källor
Nässelväxter
obovata
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaWikipedia"
}
| 7,630
|
using System;
using FluorineFx.Net;
namespace Lollipop.Session
{
public interface IRtmpConnection
{
event NetStatusHandler NetStatus;
event ConnectHandler OnConnect;
event DisconnectHandler OnDisconnect;
object Client { get; set; }
string ClientId { get; }
bool Connected { get; }
void AddHeader(string operation, bool mustUnderstand, object param);
void Connect(string command, params object[] arguments);
void Close();
void Call<T>(string command, Responder<T> responder, params object[] arguments);
void Call<T>(string endpoint, string destination, string source, string operation, Responder<T> responder,
params object[] arguments);
}
public class NetConnectionWrapper : IRtmpConnection
{
private readonly NetConnection _connection;
public NetConnectionWrapper(NetConnection connection)
{
if (connection == null) throw new ArgumentNullException("connection");
_connection = connection;
}
public event NetStatusHandler NetStatus
{
add { _connection.NetStatus += value; }
remove { _connection.NetStatus -= value; }
}
public event ConnectHandler OnConnect
{
add { _connection.OnConnect += value; }
remove { _connection.OnConnect -= value; }
}
public event DisconnectHandler OnDisconnect
{
add { _connection.OnDisconnect += value; }
remove { _connection.OnDisconnect -= value; }
}
public object Client
{
get { return _connection.Client; }
set { _connection.Client = value; }
}
public string ClientId
{
get { return _connection.ClientId; }
}
public bool Connected
{
get { return _connection.Connected; }
}
public void AddHeader(string operation, bool mustUnderstand, object param)
{
_connection.AddHeader(operation, mustUnderstand, param);
}
public void Connect(string command, params object[] arguments)
{
_connection.Connect(command, arguments);
}
public void Close()
{
_connection.Close();
}
public void Call<T>(string command, Responder<T> responder, params object[] arguments)
{
_connection.Call(command, responder, arguments);
}
public void Call<T>(string endpoint, string destination, string source, string operation, Responder<T> responder,
params object[] arguments)
{
_connection.Call(endpoint, destination, source, operation, responder, arguments);
}
}
}
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaGithub"
}
| 3,202
|
Van Shabu & Bar: Asian fusion and hot pot on the menu at new Dot Ave. eatery.Looking to satisfy your Asian cuisine cravings, get your fruit cocktail fix and watch the game? As of January, there's only one place on Dorchester Ave. to do all three.
Van Shabu and Bar on Dorchester Avenue near Savin Hill has become the local destination for Asian fusion fare and will soon be one of the few spots in the neighborhood to offer sushi. Karen Diep and her husband own the restaurant and sports bar, which opened in January to a very positive response.
The newly remodeled establishment has a sleek and modern design, including granite tabletops and contemporary lighting. A full-service bar is one side, and booth and tables face opposite. Some of the tables have a heated surface for the main attraction, shabu-shabu, or Japanese hot-pot.
Diep says that locals have been receptive to the full-service bar and unique menu, which has something for everyone. From kid-friendly dishes to an Asian take on American appetizers, the menu has a diverse offering.
Lunch time is busy, but the restaurant is still trying to draw a larger dinner crowd, she says. That's why they've come up with a few more affordable options. The restaurant is holding more lunch and week night all-you-can-eat specials on hot-pot, sushi and oysters.
"I wanted to create a fun menu with something for everyone to have, even kids," she said.
The drink menu was designed in the same vein. Standard mojitos, martinis and coolers are not what you can expect—the $9 cocktails are served with berries, sake and lychee fruit. The non-alcoholic selection contains a number of Asian-inspired beverages and smoothies.
Even conventional sushi comes with a twist. The new sushi bar is slated to open next week and will feature rolls topped with mango, pineapple salsa and plum chili sauce, among several other specially crafted plates.
Diep is no stranger to the restaurant business. Growing up in Boston, she worked in her parents' restaurant across the street. The wide range of dishes comes from her background growing up with food from various Asian cultures, she says. Diep was born in Vietnam to Chinese parents.
"I grew up around a lot of different Asian flavors. I'm a foodie," she says.
It is open Monday – Sunday from 11:30 a.m. to 11 p.m.
|
{
"redpajama_set_name": "RedPajamaC4"
}
| 4,568
|
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