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formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | The following communications were laid before the Senate, together with accompanying papers, reports, and documents, and were referred as indicated: EC-6107. A communication from the Counsel for Regulations and Legislation, Office of Housing, Department of Housing and Urban Development, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Housing Counseling Program: Revision of the Certification Timeline'' (RIN2502-ZA34) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6108. A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, a six-month periodic report on the national emergency with respect to the International Criminal Court that was declared in Executive Order 13928 of June 11, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6109. A communication from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, a six-month periodic report on the national emergency with respect to Belarus that was declared in Executive Order 13405 of June 16, 2006; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6110. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Changes to Certain Alcohol-Related Regulations Governing Bond Requirements and Tax Return Filing Periods'' (RIN1513-AC30) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Finance. EC-6111. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; Federal Acquisition Circular 2021-02, Technical Amendments'' (FAC 2021-02) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6112. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; Federal Acquisition Circular 2021-02, Small Entity Compliance Guide'' (FAC 2021- 02) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6113. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation: FAR Case 2019-002, Recreational Services on Federal Lands'' (RIN9000-AN85) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6114. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2018-023, Taxes- Foreign Contracts in Afghanistan'' (RIN9000-AN81) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6115. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2020-006, Documentation of Market Research'' (RIN9000-AO09) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6116. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2018-021, Reserve Officer Training Corps and Military Recruiting on Campus'' (RIN9000-AN79) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6117. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2019-019, Update to Excess Personal Property Procedures'' (RIN9000-AO02) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6118. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2020-002, Removal of Obsolete Definitions'' (RIN9000-AO05) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6119. A communication from the Director, Office of Acquisition Policy, General Services Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Federal Acquisition Regulation; FAR Case 2020-003, Removal of FAR Appendix'' (RIN9000-AO06) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6120. A communication from the Senior Counsel, Office of the Attorney General, Department of Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Civil Monetary Penalties Inflation Adjustment'' (Docket No. OAG 168) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on the Judiciary. EC-6121. A communication from the Agency Representative, Patent and Trademark Office, Department of Commerce, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``PTAB Rules of Practice for Instituting on All Challenged Patent Claims and All Grounds and Eliminating the Presumption at Institution Favoring Petitioner as to Testimonial Evidence'' (RIN0651-AD40) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on the Judiciary. EC-6122. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Establishment of the Tehachapi Mountains Viticultural Area'' (RIN1513-AC69) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6123. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Establishment of the Candy Mountain Viticultural Area'' (RIN1513-AC42) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6124. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Establishment of the Royal Slop Viticultural Area'' (RIN1513-AC52) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6125. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Establishment of the Tualatin Hills and Laurelwood District Viticultural Area'' (RIN1513-AC52) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6126. A communication from the Chief of Staff, Media Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Television Broadcasting Services; Mesa, Arizona'' (MB Docket No. 20-331) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6127. A communication from the Chief of Staff, Media Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Television Broadcasting Services; Portland, Oregon'' (MB Docket No. 20- 334) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6128. A communication from the Chief of Staff, Media Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Television Broadcasting Services; Minneapolis, Minnesota'' (MB Docket No. 20-340) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6129. A communication from the Program Analyst, Consumer and Governmental Affairs Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Protecting Consumers from One- Ring Scams, Report and Order'' ((CG Docket No. 20-93) (FCC 20-171)) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-15-pt1-PgS7500-2 | null | 1,900 |
formal | Baltimore | null | racist | Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I rise today to honor a tenacious entrepreneur, visionary radio personality, and powerful advocate for the African-American community, Cathy Hughes. This year, her pioneering radio company, Urban One, celebrated 40 years on the air. Cathy Hughes has left an indelible mark on the State of Maryland and inspired millions of listeners across the country. This titan of the airwaves began her extraordinary career in Omaha, NE, where she worked for a local radio station, KOWH. But it was when she moved to Washington, DC, in 1971 to pursue a job at the Howard University School of Communications that her career took off. While working at Howard, she got involved in the university's radio program as a station manager. In her first year on the job, she increased the station's revenue twelvefold. Cathy Hughes has always aimed high, and when she learned that the local DC radio station WOL was up for sale, she seized the opportunity. After being denied a loan 32 times, she finally received the bank financing she needed. So she purchased WOL, founded her own media company, Radio One, and quickly soared to new heights. Cathy Hughes revolutionized radio by rebuilding WOL from the ground up, literally, and brought on grassroots volunteers from the neighborhood to develop her station's headquarters on H Street and 4th Northeast, just a short walk from the U.S. Capitol. Her innovative broadcasts captured the attention of the African-American community and attracted a wide audience of devoted listeners. Although she got her start in Washington, DC, Cathy Hughes has become a champion for Maryland. When her company first expanded out of Washington, its first stop was Baltimore. And her flagship venture, which was renamed Urban One in 2017, is now headquartered in Silver Spring. She has cultivated strong roots in Anne Arundel County and has been living in Pasadena for 20 years. Today, Urban One's broadcasts reach households across Maryland and provide a platform for honest conversation on the issues that matter to our State. Cathy Hughes has given back time and time again to the communities that raised her up by hiring locally and employing countless Marylanders. That tradition of uplifting others has remained a hallmark of her career. Her company, which now houses two new multimedia ventures, CLEO TV and TV One, both stationed in Maryland, has created 1,500 jobs. In the 40 years since purchasing WOL, Cathy Hughes has never stopped overcoming barriers. In 1999, she became the first African-American woman to chair the board of a publicly held corporation. She headed the first African-American-run company to succeed in multiple radio markets simultaneously. Cathy Hughes made history again as the first woman to own a radio station ranked No. 1. Her trailblazing multimedia enterprise now reaches 82 percent of the African-American community and has cultivated a devoted weekly following of 15 million listeners. Speaking of Cathy Hughes' inspiring career, Reverend Al Sharpton said, ``She took the `mute' button off of Black America.'' Her legacy has been defined by a commitment to speaking up for those who have long been silent in the radio arena. While she has already lived a storied life and achieved enormous success, Cathy Hughes hasn't slowed down. Her recent efforts to highlight local Black businesses struggling to weather the storm of this pandemic speaks to the depth of her lifelong passion for shining the spotlight on others. While her name has already been inscribed on the aptly renamed Cathy Hughes School for Communications at Howard University where she once worked, her story is still being written. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. VAN HOLLEN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-15-pt1-PgS7500 | null | 1,901 |
formal | XX | null | transphobic | The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the Chair will postpone further proceedings today on motions to suspend the rules on which the yeas and nays are ordered. The House will resume proceedings on postponed questions at a later time. | 2020-01-06 | The SPEAKER pro tempore | House | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgH7169-3 | null | 1,902 |
formal | XX | null | transphobic | The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the unfinished business is the vote on the motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 2216) to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes, on which the yeas and nays were ordered. | 2020-01-06 | The SPEAKER pro tempore | House | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgH7224 | null | 1,903 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | The SPEAKER pro tempore laid before the House the following message from the President of the United States; which was read and, together with the accompanying papers, referred to the Committee on Foreign Affairs and ordered to be printed:To the Congress of the United States: Section 202(d) of the National Emergencies Act (50 U.S.C. 1622(d)) provides for the automatic termination of a national emergency unless, within 90 days before the anniversary date of its declaration, the President publishes in the Federal Register and transmits to the Congress a notice stating that the emergency is to continue in effect beyond the anniversary date. In accordance with this provision, I have sent to the Federal Register for publication the enclosed notice stating that the national emergency declared in Executive Order 13818 of December 20, 2017, is to continue in effect beyond December 20, 2020. The prevalence and severity of human rights abuse and corruption that have their source, in whole or in substantial part, outside the United States, continue to threaten the stability of international political and economic systems. Human rights abuse and corruption undermine the values that form an essential foundation of stable, secure, and functioning societies; have devastating impacts on individuals; weaken democratic institutions; degrade the rule of law; perpetuate violent conflicts; facilitate the activities of dangerous persons; undermine economic markets; and continue to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security, foreign policy, and economy of the United States. Therefore, I have determined that it is necessary to continue the national emergency declared in Executive Order 13818 with respect to serious human rights abuse and corruption. Donald J. Trump. The White House, December 16, 2020. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgH7226-5 | null | 1,904 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Coronavirus Mr. President, speaking of working hard to solve problems, my hope is that we are closing in on our ability to pass the next COVID-19 relief bill. As the Presiding Officer knows, we have been at this for a while. It has been since March that we passed the CARES Act, and we have tried a number of times to try to pass additional relief for our small businesses and individuals, provide more resources to our frontline healthcare workers--make sure that they have the PPE, the testing and that the vaccine that is now here can be deployed in a way that as many Americans who can get the vaccine as possible will do so. Again, we know that the intervening election has been a problem because some people saw benefits to not solving the problem, and that would somehow gain them advantage at the ballot box. And still, today, there are still disagreements over a handful of controversial provisions, but as we enter the final days of the 116th Congress, it is now time to break that stalemate. There is no doubt in my mind that every Member of this body has a little different vision about what the next relief package should look like, but as the old saying goes, we shouldn't let the perfect be the enemy of the good. The search for compromise--which is really part of our job description here--on some of the most controversial measures has left us emptyhanded, and it is time to set aside those pieces that we can't agree on and make progress on the ones we can. First and foremost is funding for vaccine distribution that I alluded to a moment ago. Last week, the FDA approved the first COVID-19 vaccine, and the process of vaccinating our frontline healthcare workers is already underway. And there is a good chance that by this time next week, millions of doses of a second approved vaccine will be en route to hospitals across the country. There is no question that the race to develop an effective COVID vaccine has been a success. It has really been nothing short of a miracle. Now it is critical we take additional actions to ensure the race to distribute the vaccine is successful as well. We have been waiting and planning for a vaccine all year, but the funding Congress provided in the CARES Act to help execute the nationwide distribution project has run dry. While the cost of the vaccine itself is already covered, there are a host of other expenses that come with vaccinating tens of millions--maybe hundreds of millions--of people. States are dipping into their other sources of funding to ensure they have the capabilities to carry out this widespread effort, but it takes specialized equipment from ultralow temperature freezers to store the vaccine, to masks and gloves and other PPE to protect those administering it, and it is easy to see that the costs add up quickly. So the time for politicking and campaigning is over. Now is the time for us to solve this problem and ensure that this vaccine distribution program goes off without a hitch. This is the silver bullet we have been praying for and hoping for, and it would be shameful if our partisan dysfunction in Congress stood in the way of the success of Operation Warp Speed. Second, we must support the men and women whose livelihoods have been upended by the pandemic. We all know that. We have done a lot, but we need to do more. We didn't know in March how long this virus would last, how many lockdowns would ensue. In April, as businesses closed doors to stop the spread of the virus, our nationwide unemployment rate skyrocketed to 14.7 percent. Tens of millions of Americans simply had no way to earn a paycheck, cover their bills, or even put food on their table. Many relied on the bolstered unemployment insurance benefits provided through the CARES Act, which helped cover bills and expenses until they were able to resume their jobs. Fortunately, our economic engine did not remain stalled for long. That is not only due to what we have done here but what the Federal Reserve has done. And over the past several months, the unemployment rate has gradually ticked down and reached 6.7 percent in November. I have no doubt that we will continue to rebuild our economy and put more people back to work who are eager to get back to work. But the reality is, it is going to take a while. There are still workers with no way to earn a paycheck, and unless we take action, they are sure to face an even more dire economic strain in the days ahead. The day after Christmas--the day after Christmas--two key programs from the CARES Act expire, which will leave millions of Americans without the jobless benefits that they and their families need to survive. It would be a shame, it would be embarrassing and, frankly, just flat negligent on our part if we did not intervene to make sure that we establish a continuum of support for these folks who, through no fault of their own, find themselves without work. These are the same people who, again, through no fault of their own, had the rug pulled out from under them earlier this year, and we can't leave them hanging. We have to help. Third, we need to continue supporting our small businesses. Congressinvested $670 billion in the Paycheck Protection Program. Every time I say a number like that--or $3 trillion--I still have to pinch myself that we are spending the money. We need to spend this money in order to meet this pandemic, but the Paycheck Protection Program, in particular, has been a lifeline for America's small business owners, especially in my State. Texas received more than $41 billion through more than 417,000 individual PPP loans. This has given our businesses the resources they need to stay afloat and stay connected to their employees until things can return to whatever the next normal is. But we know the process is happening much faster for some businesses than others. It is interesting: A number of businesses, I would say, are flourishing during the pandemic--it is really, really interesting--while others are just flat on their backs or nonexistent. Many small businesses that have already received PPP loans are still operating at a significant loss. They are unable to bring in enough revenue to keep their businesses and employees above water, and they need more assistance. Again, that is because of a lack of demand or because of restrictions governments have placed on people in the interest of public health--some of them seemingly pretty arbitrary. I won't go down that path here. But these folks need help. Currently, those businesses aren't eligible for a second draw of the PPP, and unless we want Main Streets across the country to turn into ghost towns, that needs to change. We need to reopen the PPP with additional funding for the hardest hit businesses to receive a second loan. This is the most effective way of keeping Americans connected with their employers and more small businesses on track for a strong postpandemic recovery. There are a number of other businesses--small businesses--that didn't qualify for the PPP which need our assistance, too. Things like small, independent music venues are the best example of a critical Main Street industry that is dying under the current COVID restrictions. That is why I worked with our friend from Minnesota, Senator Klobuchar, to introduce the Save Our Stages Act, which will keep independent venues across America from closing their doors for good. This wouldn't just apply to live music venues in Austin, TX. This would apply to symphonies and, potentially, Broadway. This would apply across the board. I am proud to say that 56 of our colleagues have cosponsored the Save Our Stages Act, making it one of the most widely supported stimulus proposals before the Senate. Again, I know the Presiding Officer has had his shoulder to the grindstone on this topic for a long time now. We still have a lot of work to do, but we don't have much time. Beyond these three goals, there is a lot more I would like to see in the relief bill, and I guarantee all 535 Members of Congress would like to see more for other things in the relief bill. But the fact of the matter is, we have been unable to reach an agreement on a bill that includes the most controversial priorities, and it is time to take action where we can act and where we do have consensus and come back next year and try to do more and try to do better. Each of these areas I just mentioned--support for vaccines, our workers, and small businesses--have that sort of strong bipartisan support. So I think all 100 of us--whether Republicans, Independents, or Democrats--should be able to line up behind a bill that supports these goals. Over the last several days, we have seen more bipartisan communication and cooperation than we saw in months--in the months leading up to this point, certainly since March. And I hope we are able to reach an agreement and pass another relief bill before gaveling out. As a matter of fact, I heard the majority leader say we are not leaving until we do, and I agree with that. The American people have repeatedly called on Congress to provide support for those hit hardest by this pandemic, and we simply cannot and will not let them down. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7520 | null | 1,905 |
formal | welfare | null | racist | Tribute to Doug Jones Madam President, let me turn now to my dear friend Doug Jones. I have had the privilege to serve alongside Doug Jones both on the Armed Services Committee and the Banking Committee during his time in the Senate. Doug has had a long and successful career helping those who need it most and doing what is right even if the price is. Yet I was still struck, time and again, by his dedication to the welfare of our servicemembers and veterans and their families--something I witnessed firsthand when we traveled together to visit servicemembers in Iraq and Afghanistan last year, and nowhere was Doug's commitment to these Americans more apparent than in last year's National Defense Authorization Act. Doug was greatly troubled that thousands of Gold Star families were being unfairly shortchanged by certain laws related to survivor benefits. So, Doug, like he has throughout his professional life, went to work to right an injustice. He introduced the bipartisan Military Widow's Tax Elimination Act and was the Democratic lead on the Gold Star Family Tax Relief Act. I was proud to help Doug enact these bills, which allow military widows and widowers and their children to receive the full survivor benefits they are entitled to, as part of the fiscal year 2020 National Defense Authorization Act. Doug's work on these issues has directly improved the lives of tens of thousands of Gold Star families who have given so much to our country. Naturally, Doug worked hard again this year to shape the fiscal year 2021 National Defense Authorization Act, and he shaped it for the better. The legislation includes a provision written by Doug requiring a GAO audit of continuing efforts to ensure that racial and gender disparities in the military justice system are properly addressed and eliminated. He was also instrumental during the markup of the fiscal year 2021 NDAA when the committee voted to remove the names of confederate soldiers from our military installations, and in the wake of the deadly shooting at Naval Air Station Pensacola, Doug met with the family of a slain Navy ensign, Kaleb Watson, and subsequently fought for two specific provisions in the fiscal year 2021 NDAA to require military installations to plan or conduct live emergency response training events to help prevent such tragic shootings in the future. Doug also continued his career-long fight for civil rights while in the Senate. He enacted the Civil Rights Cold Case Records Collection Act, which requires the review and release of unsolved civil rights case records to help deliver justice for the victims' families, and he has been a passionate defender of voting rights for all Americans. Doug has never been afraid to take a difficult vote or to speak out for what is right. We will miss Doug's persistence and conscientiousness in the Senate. I salute him and wish him well in his future endeavors. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7528 | null | 1,906 |
formal | extremism | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,907 |
formal | extremist | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,908 |
formal | extremists | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,909 |
formal | Islamist | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,910 |
formal | radical Islamist | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,911 |
formal | radical Islam | null | Islamophobic | Mr. MENENDEZ. Mr. President, I rise to call attention to the rapidly burgeoning Islamist insurgency in northern Mozambique, which is dragging that country into ever-increasing violence and chaos. In the past decade, Mozambique has taken steps to resolve a decades-long civil war and while peace remains elusive, with longstanding support from the United States, there has been progress. This progress, when coupled with the 2010 discovery of enormous natural gas reserves in the remote northern province of Cabo Delgado, could have changed the development course of the country. But a new conflict has emerged in Mozambique that threatens all of the potential gains for the citizens of the province and the entire country. The origins of this extremist insurgency share traits with many others globally: a marginalized community's grievance against corrupt and distant rulers, fueled and brutally exploited by radical Islamist ideologues, has allowed extremism to take root and gain traction, while the innocent majority of the local population bears the cost. The extremists have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS and have rapidly developed increasingly sophisticated military capabilities; Mozambique's poorly trained security forces have proven unable to vanquish the group. It is an insurgency on the advance. It has seized seizing entire towns and now controls considerable territory. The insurgents, who have attracted foreign fighters and recently launched attacks into neighboring Tanzania, have used horrific acts of terror--including systematic use of arson, murder, often including beheadings, and kidnapping--to force compliance with their aims. Their acts have effectively displaced more than 500,000 people in Cabo Delgado, creating a severe humanitarian crises. In 1 week in November alone, more than 10,000 people fled to the port city of Pemba, many in rickety, unsafe boats. A significant of these internally displaced persons now languish in crowded, unsanitary conditions. What can be done to solve this crisis? And what should be the role of the United States, which today appears to be retreating from Africa? This year has perhaps taught us more than any in recent memory that stability and security around the world can directly impact the stability and security of the United States. We have a sustained interest in helping to support innocent, suffering people and promoting stability. The security aspect of the threat requires a security solution. However, the Mozambican security forces have demonstrated that they cannot effectively respond to this threat without assistance. It is clear that they lack proper training and equipment, and a substantial body of reporting has established that elements of these forces have frequently committed serious human rights abuses, as well as engaged in petty corruption targeting the local impoverished population. The Mozambican Government must take steps to ensure that state security forces are not only effective, but that they also engage in such a manner that earns the trust of the population they are charged with protecting The good news is that the international community has begun to respond. The U.S.'s counterterrorism coordinator recently visited Maputo to offer our assistance to the government. European countries have also pledged to assist with building Mozambique's security capacities. Any such counterterrorism support must include rigorous human rights training, as well as improvements in civil-military relations and effective intelligence-gathering. The government should also be pressed to reduce its reliance on local militias, who have even less training and accountability than government troops. The humanitarian crisis also demands immediate action. Of the half million people who have been displaced, 41 percent are children. The provinces of northern Mozambique that host most of these newly displaced people are among the poorest in one of the world's least-developed countries and have little capacity to assist those affected by the crisis. In total, more than 1.3 million people in northern Mozambique are in urgent need of humanitarian assistance and protection, according to the U.N. The international community must step up and fully fundthe modest request of the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which has said that it requires $254 million to provide humanitarian assistance through 2021. Counterterrorism training and humanitarian assistance alone, however, are not enough to defeat ISIS in Mozambique. They are only tools to respond to the immediate crisis. To effectively address the root causes of the conflict--the social and economic inequalities that have allowed extremism to take hold and flourish--the Mozambican Government and international partners must assist in reaching the country's increasingly-alienated northern communities. The government must engage with its northern citizens and deliver what the majority of the population wants and expects: better governance and critical social services. The international community can help by collaborating and coordinating their engagement with the government on a package of development aid that helps to address poor governance, increases transparency and fights corruption, effectively delivers health and education services, and fosters job opportunities and local entrepreneurship. Mozambique and its international partners also must scale up programs aimed at countering extremist ideology and promoting defections from the insurgency. Donors must also hold the government's feet to the fire on its obligation to invest it its own citizenry, including by insisting that the government develop its natural resources--notably the gas reserves in Cabo Delgado--in an equitable, transparent, manner that results in that a significant portion of prospective natural gas revenues being invested in the provinces that host Mozambique's gas resources. As the conflict grows in scope and intensity, the United States will need to further develop a coordinated, interagency strategy, one which uses all the levers of American power--diplomatic, development, and defense--to address Cabo Delgado's military, humanitarian, and development crisis and to work with regional partners on to both inform and implement such a strategy. The situation in Mozambique is dire, and unfortunately it has not attracted an appropriate level of attention from policymakers. It is tragic to see a country that seemed to be on the cusp of transformation dragged back into conflict. The situation is not hopeless. The United States and its partners can together effectively help Mozambique defeat this insurgency and support the Mozambican people's aspirations for a more hopeful future, but the situation is urgent. We must act now. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MENENDEZ | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7534-3 | null | 1,912 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, I rise today to honor an American hero and one of West Virginia's native sons who was larger than life and an inspiration for generations of Americans--General Charles Elwood ``Chuck'' Yeager. Chuck bravely served our Nation as a pilot for more than 30 years in the U.S. Air Force during World War II and Vietnam. When he became the first pilot to break the sound barrier he challenged each of us to test the limits of what is possible. I am grateful to have known this legendary West Virginian and to call him my dear friend. Chuck truly embodied what it means to be from the Mountain State. Born in 1923 in rural Lincoln County, Chuck grew up the way many of us do in West Virginia--hunting and fishing and learning early to be respectful of nature and our fellow man. Like his father, A. Hal Yeager, who was a gaswell driller, Chuck showed an aptitude for mechanics, and by the time he was a teenager, he was able to assemble a car engine on his own. His work ethic and natural talent would serve him well throughout the rest of his remarkable life. In 1941, Chuck enlisted in the Army Air Forces right out of high school and trained as a mechanic before heading to flight school. In 1944, he experienced a harrowing encounter when his plane was shot down over German-occupied France. He and another American travelled on foot through mountainous terrain and snow toward neutral Spain. As they stopped to rest, the Nazis opened fire, wounding the man traveling with Chuck. Chuck carried him into Spain, where they met British forces. Despite the treacherous journey he had just endured, to everyone's astonishment, Chuck was determined to fly again. He climbed his way through the ranks, pursuing a return to combat duty, which was eventually granted. For his service, Chuck received the Silver Star, the Distinguished Flying Cross, the Bronze Star Medal, the Purple Heart, and the Air Medal. He also received the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the Nation's highest civilian award, from President Ronald Reagan in 1985. There are so few Veterans left from the World War II era, and it is our responsibility and our privilege to recognize the service of these noble heroes. In 1957, Chuck became an air squadron commander and then commander of the Aerospace Research Pilot School at Edwards in 1961. He also commanded a fighter wing and flew combat missions during the Vietnam war. He retired as an Air Force brigadier general in 1975, and in an honorary gesture, he was promoted to the rank of major general in 2005. We all of course know the story of the day Chuck became the first pilot to break the sound barrier. On October 14, 1947, Chuck flew an orange Bell X-1 aircraft at nearly 700 mph and made history. Flying F-15 planes, he broke the sound barrier again on the 50th and 55th anniversaries of his pioneering flight, and he was a passenger on an F-15 plane in another breaking of the sound barrier to commemorate the 65th anniversary. I knew Chuck very well and he was a dear friend to me and Gayle. As Governor, I was fortunate to host Chuck at least once a year for the One Shot Deer Hunt, which gives proceeds to helping the hungry. He told me so many incredible stories of his service, including all the intricate details of his legendary flight. I recall him telling me that the only reason he got to fly the Bell X-1 that day was because the previous pilot they asked wanted too much money. They offered Chuck an extra 60 dollars a month, and he jumped at the chance. Not only is the story true about Chuck pushing through with a broken rib, but he wasn't even supposed to break the sound barrier that day. He thought if he didn't go for it that first day, he wouldn't get another chance. Chuck truly had nerves of steel. Long after his record-breaking flight, Chuck remained in our hearts as a symbol of patriotism and bravery. His life is full of tales of his bravery, his stoicism in the face of danger, and his determination to perform his duty no matter the cost. The legacy Chuck leaves is such an important part of our heritage as West Virginians. Our little State has mined the coal that forged the steel that built the tanks and ships that keep our country the strongest in the world. It is an honor to remember Chuck as part of our military service heritage and our way of life that sinks deep into the roots of West Virginia's rich culture. I encourage all Americans to learn what they can about this legendary West Virginian. Gayle and I are praying for Chuck's wife Victoria, daughters, Susan and Sharon, son, Don, and all who loved and admired him. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MANCHIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7536 | null | 1,913 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. MANCHIN. Mr. President, it is an honor to rise today to recognize the legacy of MG James A. Hoyer of the West Virginia National Guard, a man whom I have worked with for decades and a man whom I am fortunate to call my friend. General Hoyer assumed the duties as The Adjutant General, West Virginia Joint Forces Headquarters-West Virginia in 2011, providing command guidance and vision to the West Virginia Army and Air National Guard of more than 6,500 Citizen Soldiers and Airmen. Upon obtaining his undergraduate degree from the University of Charleston, he was commissioned in 1983 through a joint Reserve Officer Training Corps program with West Virginia State University. General Hoyer's military career began in the West Virginia National Guard as a Cavalry Officer. He attended the Special Forces Officer Qualification course and spent more than 14 years with the 2nd Battalion, 19th Special Forces Group. General Hoyer led the development of the West Virginia National Guard Counterdrug Task Force and the Joint Interagency Training and Education Center and its Center for National Response--a national level operational and training capability for critical infrastructure protection and consequence response. General Hoyer's most recent assignment was Director, Joint Staff, of the West Virginia Joint Force Headquarters. General Hoyer continued his education throughout his career, including West Virginia Graduate College in 1987, United States Army War College in 2004, and obtained his Federal/Department of Defense Identify Management Certificate from the Naval Post Graduate School in 2009. Among his many awards, decorations and achievements, General Hoyer has earned the Legion of Merit, Meritorious Service Medal (with 1 Bronze Oak Leaf Cluster), Army Commendation Medal (with 1 Bronze Oak Leaf Cluster), Army Achievement Medal (with 2 Bronze Oak Leaf Clusters), Army Reserve Component Achievement Medal (with 1 Silver Oak Leaf Cluster), National Defense Service Medal (with 1 Bronze Service Star), Iraq Campaign Medal, Global War on Terrorism Service Medal, Armed Forces Reserve Medal (with Silver Hourglass and M Device), Army Service Ribbon, Overseas Service Ribbon, Army Reserve Component Overseas Training Ribbon, West Virginia Commendation Medal, West Virginia Emergency Service Ribbon, West Virginia State Service Ribbon, West Virginia Service Ribbon, West Virginia Counterdrug Ribbon, West Virginia Distinguished Unit Award, Special Forces Tab, Master Parachutist Badge, Air Assault Badge, and the Thailand Parachute Badge. I have seen firsthand how the Guard protects the citizens of West Virginia when we are in our most desperate hour of need and how the Guard protects our country when called upon to serve at the command and control of the President of the United States. As Governor, my most honored title was that of Commander-in-Chief of the Guard. I worked closely with Jim Hoyer and the Guard and did everything I could to increase capabilities for personnel, equipment, and facilities. As U.S. Senator, I have the honor of serving on the Senate Armed Services Committee, as well as the Appropriations Committee, the Veterans' Affairs Committee, and as ranking member on the Senate Energy Committee. I continue to work hand-in-hand with Jim Hoyer to promote good policy for the Guard, the Department of Defense, and all of our Nation's heroes. Throughout my time as Governor and as Senator, I have relied on the National Guard not only to do their mission but to provide solid advice so that I could form the best policies. I have truly counted on Jim Hoyer's sound guidance and military expertise every step of the way. Whether it was forming the Congressional Veterans Jobs Caucus, writing amendments on the Defense bill, preventing war in Syria, providing death gratuity benefits for families of the fallen during a government shutdown, or bringing more military assets like the C-130J to West Virginia, Jim Hoyer has been with me every step of the way. The West Virginia National Guard fulfills its mission of ``Delivering Freedom with Courage'' every single day. I am so very proud of the Guard for serving our State and our Nation so courageously in times of need, and I am grateful for their unwavering service and selfless efforts to protect our homeland. This success is due in large part to the Guard's outstanding leadership, and I am grateful to General Hoyer for serving as a part of this legacy of excellence. When visitors come to West Virginia, I jump at the chance to tell them we have fought in more wars, shed more blood, and lost more lives for the cause of freedom than most any State. We have always done the heavy lifting and never complained. We have mined the coal and forged the steel that built the guns, ships, and factories that have protected and continue to protect our country to this day. I am so deeply proud of what West Virginians have accomplished and what they will continue to accomplish to protect the freedoms we hold dear. While General Hoyer is retiring and everyone is sure to miss his strong leadership, his dedication and commitment to excellence will leave a lasting legacy with the countless lives he has touched. Again, I congratulate General Hoyer for his remarkable years of service and his outstanding dedication to protecting our great Nation. I am honored to wish good health and much happiness to him, his wife Amy, his sons Jacob and Drew, and his wonderful extended family in the days and years ahead. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MANCHIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7540 | null | 1,914 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | The following communications were laid before the Senate, together with accompanying papers, reports, and documents, and were referred as indicated: EC-6130. A communication from the Associate General Counsel for Regulations and Legislation, Office of Fair Housing and Equal Opportunity, Department of Housing and Urban Development, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Fair Housing Act Design and Construction Requirements; Adoption of Additional Safe Harbors'' (RIN2529- AA99) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6131. A communication from the Director of the Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Civil Monetary Penalty Inflation Adjustment'' (FRL No. 10018-13-OECA) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 16, 2020; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6132. A communication from the Director of the Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Hazardous and Solid Waste Management System: Disposal of CCR; A Holistic Approach to Closure Part B: Alternate Demonstration for Unlined Surface Impoundments; Correction'' (FRL No. 10017-88-OLEM) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 16, 2020; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6133. A communication from the Director of the Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Review of the National Ambient Air Quality Standards for Particulate Matter'' (FRL No. 10018-11-OAR) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 16, 2020; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6134. A communication from the Director of the Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Withdrawal of Certain Federal Water Quality Criteria Applicable to Maine'' (FRL No. 10017-97-OW) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 16, 2020; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6135. A communication from the Director of the Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Implementation of the Revoked 1997 8-Hour Ozone National Ambient Air Quality Standards; Updates to 40 CFR Part 52 for Areas that Attained by the Attainment Date; Withdrawal of Direct Final Rule'' (FRL No. 10017-82-OAR) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 16, 2020; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6136. A communication from the Secretary of Commerce, transmitting, pursuant to law, the annual report on the activities of the U.S. Economic Development Administration (EDA) for fiscal year 2019; to the Committee on Environment and Public Works. EC-6137. A communication from the Regulations Coordinator, Office of the Inspector General, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Medicare and State Health Care Programs; Fraud and Abuse; Revision to Safe Harbors Under the Anti- Kickback Statute, and Civil Monetary Penalty Rules Regarding Beneficiary Inducements'' (RIN0936-AA10) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Finance. EC-6138. A communication from the Regulations Writer, Office of Regulations and Reports Clearance, Social Security Administration, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Revised Medical Criteria for Evaluating Musculoskeletal Disorders'' (RIN0960-AG38) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Finance. EC-6139. A communication from the Regulations Coordinator, Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Medicare Program: Hospital Outpatient Prospective Payment and Ambulatory Surgical Center Payment Systems and Quality Reporting Programs; New Categories for Hospital Outpatient Department Prior Authorization Process; Clinical Laboratory Fee Schedule: Laboratory Date of Service Policy; Overall Hospital Quality Star Rating Methodology; Physician-owned Hospitals; Notice of Closure of Two Teaching Hospitals and Opportunity to Apply for Available Slots, Radiation Oncology Model; and Reporting Requirements for Hospitals and Critical Access Hospitals (CAHs) to Report COVID-19 Therapeutic Inventory and Usage to Report Acute Respiratory Illness During the Public Health Emergency (PHE) for Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19)'' (RIN0938-AU12) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Finance. EC-6140. A communication from the Regulations Coordinator, Office of the Inspector General, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Fraud and Abuse; Removal of Safe Harbor Protection for Rebates Involving Prescription Pharmaceuticals and Creation of New Safe Harbor Protection for Certain Point- of-Sale Reductions in Price on Prescription Pharmaceuticals and Certain Pharmacy Benefit Manager Service Fees'' (RIN0936- AA08) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 11, 2020; to the Committee on Finance. EC-6141. A communication from the Director, Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs, Department of Labor, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Implementing Legal Requirements Regarding the Equal Opportunity Clause's Religious Exemption'' (RIN1250-AA09) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 10, 2020; to the Committee on Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions. EC-6142. A joint communication from the Secretary of Labor and the Director of the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, transmitting, pursuant to law, the Corporation's Annual Report for fiscal year 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6143. A communication from the Chairman of the National Transportation Safety Board, transmitting, pursuant to law, the Board's Performance and Accountability report for fiscal year 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6144. A communication from the Director of Financial Management, Department of Transportation, transmitting, pursuant to law, the Department's Agency Financial Report for fiscal year 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6145. A communication from the Treasurer, National Gallery of Art, transmitting, pursuant to law, the Gallery's Performance and Accountability Report for the year ended September 30, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6146. A communication from the Deputy Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legislative Affairs, Department of Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law, the semi-annual reports of the Attorney General relative to enforcement actions taken by the Department of Justice under the Lobbying Disclosure Act for the two semiannual reporting periods from 2017 through 2019, and the first semiannual reporting period of 2020, from January 1, 2020, through June 30, 2020; to the Committees on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs; and the Judiciary. EC-6147. A communication from the Chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the Commission's Semiannual Report of the Inspector General and a Management Report for the period from April 1, 2020 through September 30, 2020; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6148. A communication from the Chief Financial Officer, National Labor Relations Board, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report entitled ``Performance and Accountability Report for Fiscal Year 2020''; to the Committee on Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs. EC-6149. A communication from the Assistant Attorney General, Office of Legislative Affairs, Department of Justice, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report entitled ``Annual Report to Congress on Investigation, Enforcement, and Implementation of the Sex Offender Registration and Notification Act Requirements''; to the Committee on the Judiciary. EC-6150. A communication from the Attorney, Office of the General Counsel, Consumer Product Safety Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Virginia Graeme Baker Pool and Spa Safety Act Drain Cover Standard'' (16 CFR Part 1450) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 14, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6151. A communication from the Secretary of Commerce, transmitting, pursuant to law, a report entitled ``Section 201(a) of the Modernizing Recreational Fisheries Management Act of 2018''; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6152. A communication from the Attorney Adviser, Federal Railroad Administration, Department of Transportation, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Miscellaneous Amendments to Brake System Safety Standards and Codification of Waivers'' (RIN2130-AC67) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6153. A communication from the Chief of Staff, Media Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Amendment of Parts 15, 73, and 74 of the Commission's Rules to Provide for the Preservation of One Vacant Channel in the UHF Television Band for Use by White Space Devices and Wireless Microphones'' ((MB Docket No. 15-146, and 12-268) (FCC 20- 175)) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6154. A communication from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Establishment of the Alisos Canyon Viticultural Area'' (RIN1513-AC51) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 14, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6155. A communication from the Program Analyst, Media Bureau, Federal Communications Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Amendment of Part 74 of the Commission's Rules Regarding FM Translator Interference'' ((MB Docket No. 18-119) (FCC 20-141)) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation. EC-6156. A communication from the Secretary of the Securities and Exchange Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Market Data Infrastructure'' (RIN3235-AM61) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6157. A communication from the Secretary of the Securities and Exchange Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Use of Derivatives by Registered Investment Companies and Business Development Companies'' (RIN3235-AL60) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs. EC-6158. A communication from the Secretary of the Securities and Exchange Commission, transmitting, pursuant to law, the report of a rule entitled ``Good Faith Determinations of Fair Value'' (RIN3235-AM71) received in the Office of the President of the Senate on December 15, 2020; to the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7541 | null | 1,915 |
formal | Cleveland | null | racist | The Chair announces, on behalf of the Majority Leader, pursuant to the provisions of Public Law 106-398, as amended by Public Law 108-7, and in consultation with the Chairmen of the Senate Committee on Armed Services and the Senate Committee on Finance, the re-appointment of the following individual to serve as a member of the United States-China Economic and Security Review Commission: Robin Cleveland, of Virginia for a term expiring December 31, 2022. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7555-2 | null | 1,916 |
formal | early life | null | antisemitic | Mr. MORAN. Mr. President, I ask that the Chair lay before the Senate the message to accompany S. 1130. The Presiding Officer laid before the Senate the following message from the House of Representatives: Resolved, That the bill from the Senate (S. 1130) entitled ``An Act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life.'', do pass with an amendment. Motion to Concur | 2020-01-06 | Mr. MORAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-16-pt1-PgS7555-3 | null | 1,917 |
formal | XX | null | transphobic | The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the Chair will postpone further proceedings today on motions to suspend the rules on which the yeas and nays are ordered. The House will resume proceedings on postponed questions at a later time. | 2020-01-06 | The SPEAKER pro tempore | House | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgH7243-6 | null | 1,918 |
formal | XX | null | transphobic | The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the unfinished business is the vote on the motion to suspend the rules and pass the bill (H.R. 3250) to require the Secretary of the Interior to conduct a special resource study of the sites associated with the life and legacy of the noted American philanthropist and business executive Julius Rosenwald, with a special focus on the Rosenwald Schools, and for other purposes, as amended, on which the yeas and nays were ordered. | 2020-01-06 | The SPEAKER pro tempore | House | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgH7252-3 | null | 1,919 |
formal | urban | null | racist | Pursuant to the Statutory Pay-As-You-Go Act of 2010 (PAYGO), Mr. Yarmuth hereby submits, prior to the vote on passage, the attached estimate of the costs of H.R. 6535, a bill to deem an urban Indian organization and employees thereof to be a part of the Public Health Service for the purposes of certain claims for personal injury, and for other purposes, as amended, for printing in the Congressional Record. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgH7257-2 | null | 1,920 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Under clause 2 of rule XIII, reports of committees were delivered to the Clerk for printing and reference to the proper calendar, as follows: Mr. NEAL: Committee on Ways and Means. H.R. 5821. A bill to amend title XVIII of the Social Security Act to establish hospice program survey and enforcement procedures under the Medicare program, and for other purposes, with an amendment (Rept. 116-660 Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. DeFAZIO: Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. H.R. 5120. A bill to amend title 49, United States Code, to provide enhanced safety and environmental protection in pipeline transportation, and for other purposes, with an amendment (Rept. 116-661 Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. DeFAZIO: Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. H.R. 4347. A bill to enhance the Federal Government's planning and preparation for extreme weather and the Federal Government's dissemination of best practices to respond to extreme weather, thereby increasing resilience, improving regional coordination, and mitigating the financial risk to the Federal Government from such extreme weather, and for other purposes (Rept. 116-662 Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Ms. WATERS: Committee on Financial Services. H.R. 123. A bill to authorize a pilot program under section 258 of the National Housing Act to establish an automated process for providing additional credit rating information for mortgagors and prospective mortgagors under certain mortgages, with an amendment (Rept. 116-663). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Ms. WATERS: Committee on Financial Services. H.R. 149. A bill to authorize funds to prevent housing discrimination through the use of nationwide testing, to increase funds for the Fair Housing Initiatives Program, and for other purposes, with an amendment (Rept. 116-664). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgH7257-3 | null | 1,921 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Under clause 2 of rule XII, bills and reports were delivered to the Clerk for printing, and bills referred as follows: Mr. DeFAZIO: Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. H.R. 4347. A bill to enhance the Federal Government's planning and preparation for extreme weather and the Federal Government's dissemination of best practices to respond to extreme weather, thereby increasing resilience, improving regional coordination, and mitigating the financial risk to the Federal Government from such extreme weather, and for other purposes (Rept. 116-662, Pt. 1); referred to the Committee on Science, Space, and Technology for a period not later than December 17, 2020, for consideration of such provisions of the bill as fall within the jurisdiction of that committee pursuant to clause 1(p) of rule X. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgH7258 | null | 1,922 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, we are getting, perhaps, close to a new Presidency. So there is a lot of talk about how the Senate might handle new Cabinet people. Democrats are always lecturing Republican Senators about approving future Biden Cabinet nominees, even if we don't agree with them. Now, that is pretty darn rich. In other words, they are saying something like this: Don't follow our example from the past four years. Or another way to put that is: Don't treat Biden nominees to the Cabinet like we treated Trump nominees to the Cabinet. So they seem to want two sets of rules for Republican and Democratic Cabinet nominees, just like they want with judicial nominees. President Obama had six Cabinet Secretaries approved by the Senate on his Inauguration Day, without even needing a rollcall vote, so that President Obama could hit the ground running. President Trump had none by voice vote, and only two were approved by rollcall votes before the President took over. Trump Cabinet and sub-Cabinet nominees, even ones who had been easily confirmed in previous Republican administrations, faced obstruction and partisan ``nay'' votes. Many Democrat Senators who aspired to be President voted against virtually every single Trump nominee, no matter how well qualified. My position has always been that a President should have the ability to choose his own Cabinet people whom he gets along with and whom he gets along with on policy, provided, of course, that they are qualified and will follow the law. That is the way it should be. It is how I have approached nominees to date. But can Senate Republicans be sure that if we employ that standard, Democrats will play fair with the next Republican President? I don't want retaliation for its own sake, but the threat of holding Democratic Senators to their own standards has been our only means of deterrence of obstruction. I want to hear from Democrats why we should not now adopt their standards and vote down nominees based on politics. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. GRASSLEY | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7563-4 | null | 1,923 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. GRASSLEY. Madam President, we are getting, perhaps, close to a new Presidency. So there is a lot of talk about how the Senate might handle new Cabinet people. Democrats are always lecturing Republican Senators about approving future Biden Cabinet nominees, even if we don't agree with them. Now, that is pretty darn rich. In other words, they are saying something like this: Don't follow our example from the past four years. Or another way to put that is: Don't treat Biden nominees to the Cabinet like we treated Trump nominees to the Cabinet. So they seem to want two sets of rules for Republican and Democratic Cabinet nominees, just like they want with judicial nominees. President Obama had six Cabinet Secretaries approved by the Senate on his Inauguration Day, without even needing a rollcall vote, so that President Obama could hit the ground running. President Trump had none by voice vote, and only two were approved by rollcall votes before the President took over. Trump Cabinet and sub-Cabinet nominees, even ones who had been easily confirmed in previous Republican administrations, faced obstruction and partisan ``nay'' votes. Many Democrat Senators who aspired to be President voted against virtually every single Trump nominee, no matter how well qualified. My position has always been that a President should have the ability to choose his own Cabinet people whom he gets along with and whom he gets along with on policy, provided, of course, that they are qualified and will follow the law. That is the way it should be. It is how I have approached nominees to date. But can Senate Republicans be sure that if we employ that standard, Democrats will play fair with the next Republican President? I don't want retaliation for its own sake, but the threat of holding Democratic Senators to their own standards has been our only means of deterrence of obstruction. I want to hear from Democrats why we should not now adopt their standards and vote down nominees based on politics. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. GRASSLEY | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7563-4 | null | 1,924 |
formal | government spending | null | racist | Coronavirus Madam President, we need to pass a COVID relief bill. I was happy to join a group of 10 Senators--5 Democrats and 5 Republicans--3 weeks ago. We met for dinner one night--safe social distancing--in one of the Member's houses and spent several hours talking about our frustration that we hadn't passed a COVID relief bill since March, when we passed the CARES Act. And we know that things have gotten worse in this country, not only with the pandemic but also with the state of the economy. For some reason, we just couldn't reach an agreement--the two parties. Well, this mixed group of Senators of both political parties had a bold idea: Let's try to do it ourselves. So we sat down, and in the course of 3 weeks, I cannot tell you how many hours we spent on the phone--zoom calls, other conference calls, and calls were even taking place on Thanksgiving Day--talking about what a COVID relief bill might look like. Some of the items we debated long and hard. Most of them we agreed on. This last Tuesday, this week, we reported our bill to the U.S. Senate, to the floor of the Senate, and to the leaders. And we didn't just give them a memo with concepts. We gave them an actual bill that could be introduced today. The bill itself is significant in that it has $748 billion in spending. The areas of spending are fairly predictable: extending unemployment insurance benefits with a $300-a-week Federal supplement; $300 billion for business loans for those that are struggling to survive; an additional $13 billion for the food stamp program, now known as SNAP, so that people who are relying on that, perhaps in the midst of unemployment, will have enough to eat; $13 billion for our farmers; $25 billion for emergency rental assistance to avoid evictions; $34 billion to hospitals and clinics for help as well, with a portion of that set aside for rural hospitals; $16 billion for testing and tracing and the logistics of delivering the vaccine across America; $12 billion for a CDFI project for minority businesses. There is $5 billion for additional help with mental health counseling, and we know that this pandemic and the economy have taken their toll on the mental health of America. There is $82 billion for education, $20 billion of that for higher education, school districts and schools--universities too. They have to spend a lot of money because of COVID-19, and we want to help them get back on their feet. There is $10 billion for childcare, a critical element for many families. If they can't find childcare, many people can't go back to work. We want to give them help. There is $10 billion for broadband. Expanding broadband became critically important when kids relied on it to continue their education on remote learning. There is $45 billion for transportation, everything from the airline industry to Amtrak, to transit, to buses. They have all been hit hard, and we need them to come back with our economy. There is $10 billion for our Postal Service, and, boy, have they worked hard during this pandemic to keep up with the demands. And there are extensions of opportunities to use CARES money into the next fiscal year--the next calendar year, I should say. There were more. We reached agreement on all of these and came up with a bill that we presented to the leadership of both the House and the Senate, both parties. The good news is they didn't ignore it; they embraced it and started their own negotiations at the very highest levels of leadership in the Congress. Fingers crossed, we may come up with a bill today, a COVID relief bill. So from the time of our press conference on Tuesday to the delivery of a product as soon as today is an amazing accomplishment when you consider all the time that we have spent waiting in hopes that we could find that solution. We have made significant progress. Funding the government is basic to our work in Congress, and this COVID relief bill is essential as well. Now, I am disappointed in our work product. There is pride and disappointment. The disappointment is the fact that we didn't reach an agreement on State and local government assistance. I favor that strongly, and I hope we turn to that issue as soon as we return in January. Also, there was a question of liability and lawsuits during the time of COVID-19. We offered several alternatives. The Republicans countered with theirs. We never had a meeting of the minds on that issue. I hope that we do return to it at some point soon. We need to put government spending on a course that makes sense for the next year that we are going to be tackling as soon as January. From the military and the FBI, public housing and transportation, to medical research and cybersecurity, in any way that we approach it, governing by CR is the worst possible way to do business. Continuing resolutions impede our government's ability to operate efficiently and, frankly, waste money. Taxpayers deserve better. The continuing resolution would leave us operating under funding levels before we faced this national emergency, which affects every part of America today. It would restrict agencies from shifting dollars around to meet the challenges, and it would hurt their ability to plan ahead, hire and train new employees, start new projects. Continuing resolutions cause delays in contracts and grants when we need them the most. There are many examples of these, such as funding for medical research. I don't think there is an American alive today who doesn't value medical research today more than they did a year ago. The Warp Speed project appears to be a dramatic success. I pray that it will be. Although I have been a frequent critic of this administration, I want to give them credit for organizing this effectively and delivering a vaccine in a timely way--an almost amazing timely way--in this pandemic that we face. I thank all who were involved in it, especially the scientists and researchers who didn't give up until they found these vaccines. We know that FEMA would be prohibited from awarding Homeland Security grants to State and local governments unless we do our business of passing a budget. Safety and efficiency improvements in our transportation programs, such as bridge repairs, need to be timely and implemented. States and cities would not receive their community development block grants, which they desperately need. The list goes on and on. Our constituents elected us to do a job, and part of that job is to create a budget for this government. Months of bipartisan committee work and weeks of bipartisan negotiations should not be cast aside. I am hopeful that we will finalize a deal today and vote on it as early as today or tomorrow at the latest. We can't expect people to wait with any patience. We have waited too long ourselves. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7564-2 | null | 1,925 |
formal | food stamp | null | racist | Coronavirus Madam President, we need to pass a COVID relief bill. I was happy to join a group of 10 Senators--5 Democrats and 5 Republicans--3 weeks ago. We met for dinner one night--safe social distancing--in one of the Member's houses and spent several hours talking about our frustration that we hadn't passed a COVID relief bill since March, when we passed the CARES Act. And we know that things have gotten worse in this country, not only with the pandemic but also with the state of the economy. For some reason, we just couldn't reach an agreement--the two parties. Well, this mixed group of Senators of both political parties had a bold idea: Let's try to do it ourselves. So we sat down, and in the course of 3 weeks, I cannot tell you how many hours we spent on the phone--zoom calls, other conference calls, and calls were even taking place on Thanksgiving Day--talking about what a COVID relief bill might look like. Some of the items we debated long and hard. Most of them we agreed on. This last Tuesday, this week, we reported our bill to the U.S. Senate, to the floor of the Senate, and to the leaders. And we didn't just give them a memo with concepts. We gave them an actual bill that could be introduced today. The bill itself is significant in that it has $748 billion in spending. The areas of spending are fairly predictable: extending unemployment insurance benefits with a $300-a-week Federal supplement; $300 billion for business loans for those that are struggling to survive; an additional $13 billion for the food stamp program, now known as SNAP, so that people who are relying on that, perhaps in the midst of unemployment, will have enough to eat; $13 billion for our farmers; $25 billion for emergency rental assistance to avoid evictions; $34 billion to hospitals and clinics for help as well, with a portion of that set aside for rural hospitals; $16 billion for testing and tracing and the logistics of delivering the vaccine across America; $12 billion for a CDFI project for minority businesses. There is $5 billion for additional help with mental health counseling, and we know that this pandemic and the economy have taken their toll on the mental health of America. There is $82 billion for education, $20 billion of that for higher education, school districts and schools--universities too. They have to spend a lot of money because of COVID-19, and we want to help them get back on their feet. There is $10 billion for childcare, a critical element for many families. If they can't find childcare, many people can't go back to work. We want to give them help. There is $10 billion for broadband. Expanding broadband became critically important when kids relied on it to continue their education on remote learning. There is $45 billion for transportation, everything from the airline industry to Amtrak, to transit, to buses. They have all been hit hard, and we need them to come back with our economy. There is $10 billion for our Postal Service, and, boy, have they worked hard during this pandemic to keep up with the demands. And there are extensions of opportunities to use CARES money into the next fiscal year--the next calendar year, I should say. There were more. We reached agreement on all of these and came up with a bill that we presented to the leadership of both the House and the Senate, both parties. The good news is they didn't ignore it; they embraced it and started their own negotiations at the very highest levels of leadership in the Congress. Fingers crossed, we may come up with a bill today, a COVID relief bill. So from the time of our press conference on Tuesday to the delivery of a product as soon as today is an amazing accomplishment when you consider all the time that we have spent waiting in hopes that we could find that solution. We have made significant progress. Funding the government is basic to our work in Congress, and this COVID relief bill is essential as well. Now, I am disappointed in our work product. There is pride and disappointment. The disappointment is the fact that we didn't reach an agreement on State and local government assistance. I favor that strongly, and I hope we turn to that issue as soon as we return in January. Also, there was a question of liability and lawsuits during the time of COVID-19. We offered several alternatives. The Republicans countered with theirs. We never had a meeting of the minds on that issue. I hope that we do return to it at some point soon. We need to put government spending on a course that makes sense for the next year that we are going to be tackling as soon as January. From the military and the FBI, public housing and transportation, to medical research and cybersecurity, in any way that we approach it, governing by CR is the worst possible way to do business. Continuing resolutions impede our government's ability to operate efficiently and, frankly, waste money. Taxpayers deserve better. The continuing resolution would leave us operating under funding levels before we faced this national emergency, which affects every part of America today. It would restrict agencies from shifting dollars around to meet the challenges, and it would hurt their ability to plan ahead, hire and train new employees, start new projects. Continuing resolutions cause delays in contracts and grants when we need them the most. There are many examples of these, such as funding for medical research. I don't think there is an American alive today who doesn't value medical research today more than they did a year ago. The Warp Speed project appears to be a dramatic success. I pray that it will be. Although I have been a frequent critic of this administration, I want to give them credit for organizing this effectively and delivering a vaccine in a timely way--an almost amazing timely way--in this pandemic that we face. I thank all who were involved in it, especially the scientists and researchers who didn't give up until they found these vaccines. We know that FEMA would be prohibited from awarding Homeland Security grants to State and local governments unless we do our business of passing a budget. Safety and efficiency improvements in our transportation programs, such as bridge repairs, need to be timely and implemented. States and cities would not receive their community development block grants, which they desperately need. The list goes on and on. Our constituents elected us to do a job, and part of that job is to create a budget for this government. Months of bipartisan committee work and weeks of bipartisan negotiations should not be cast aside. I am hopeful that we will finalize a deal today and vote on it as early as today or tomorrow at the latest. We can't expect people to wait with any patience. We have waited too long ourselves. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7564-2 | null | 1,926 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. PORTMAN. Mr. President, I am here on the floor today to talk again about the need for us to pass a legislative package, which I would call an emergency package, to deal with our COVID-19 crisis we have in this country. As we talk today on the floor of the Senate, there are negotiators working busily in a room nearby to try to come up with that package, and that is a good thing. I know they have run into some roadblocks, at least so I have been told. We need to work through those roadblocks. They are relatively small compared to the importance of the overall mission of helping the people we represent, helping those small businesses, helping those hospitals, helping those families who find themselves without a paycheck through no fault of their own. And my hope is that we can get there. The legislation that is being looked at today, which may be part of a larger package that we will vote on either tomorrow or the next day, is, as I understand it, informed by work that a bipartisan group of us did over the past several weeks. I appreciate my colleagues so much. I see Senator Murkowski is here on the floor today. She was one of those people. Senator Manchin was one of the people to help organize it. In fact, I think the first meeting was because Lisa Murkowski invited people to have pizza at her place. And that resulted in a very positive interaction between Democrats and Republicans on a lot of detail, a lot of specific issues, to be able to put together a package that will help our country right now to work through this crisis. I wish I could say that things are better. But when I look at my own home State of Ohio, I see just the opposite. In fact, over the past few weeks, we have had weekly cases that have increased, not decreased. Our number of daily new cases is averaging around 10,000 a day now every day. That is double what it was just a month ago. At least in my State, the coronavirus crisis has increased, not decreased. By the same token, the economic crisis that is a result of the COVID-19 crisis has continued to grow. We have seen people who have lost their jobs because their restaurant doesn't have any business, not because there is a government edict; although, there are in some States. Some States have said you have to shut down. Some States have gone so far as to say you have to shut down outdoor dining, not just indoor dining. Of course, those people have lost their jobs. In many cases, it is just because the virus is so prevalent, people aren'tgoing out; they aren't going shopping; they aren't going to the movie theater; they aren't going to the bowling alley; they aren't going to the restaurant; and they aren't going to the hotels. Folks are losing their jobs. Again, not because of something they did or something they could control. It is almost like a natural disaster, and, therefore, they need some help and need it now. We really have kind of a K-shaped recovery here. People talk about a V-shaped recovery, where you have a recession and you come right back out the same way you went in. I wish that were the case here. Instead, it is kind of K-shaped. We do have some industries that are doing quite well, actually. In some areas of the country, they are doing OK. That is the top of the K. But the bottom of the K is those who are not. If you are in the hospitality business, the travel business, if you are someone who has a job that is no longer there because of this crisis, then you are in trouble. You are in trouble. I am told that I have now given 20 floor speeches on the need for us to do something. I think it ought to be targeted. I think it ought to be focused. What I have said is that we have this wonderful new vaccine coming out. Moderna is about to be approved, I believe. Pfizer was just approved. I am in a trial for the Janssen, J&J--Johnson & Johnson--vaccine, actually. I think that is coming along well. We will probably have AstraZeneca coming soon. This is something that is very positive about this crisis. We actually finally have something that can help us turn the corner. I think it is important that we wear our masks. I think it is important that we social distance. I think it is important that we use the hand sanitizer--all of that. We need to keep doing it. But the difference between that and the vaccine is that the vaccine gives you the immunity we are all seeking. People talk about herd immunity and that that could come--early on people said--by so many people getting infected. We can't have that happen. Why? Because that will lead to a lot of pain, a lot more deaths. Three hundred thousand people have already died in this country from this crisis. We don't want to bring herd immunity in that way. We want to bring herd immunity from the vaccine. By the way, these vaccines are safe. They are effective. I mean, if you look at the numbers, 95 percent efficacy--unbelievable. Do your own research and look at it and make your own decision, but this is not a situation where, as with the flu, actually--when you take the flu shot, I am told, only about one-third of the time does it work and about two-thirds of the time it doesn't. That has happened to my family members, probably to you or your family members, where you take a flu shot, and it doesn't really help. But here, 90, 95 percent, 98 percent--the numbers are amazing. Take a look at them--``efficacy,'' meaning that is how effective they are. Again, in the trial that I am in, the initial numbers are quite positive. Also, it was done in a way that I think makes a lot of sense for the future in terms of public-private partnership. The government basically said to these companies that we will provide a market for you if you get busy producing this lifesaving vaccine. By the way, you can go ahead and start producing the vaccine, even before it is approved so we don't have to wait 4, 5 months after an approval to then get the production up and going. If you don't get the approval, we are going to throw away the vaccine. It was worth doing. It was probably the best expenditure of Federal money we had here in the last package, the CARES package, because it ensured that we not only would get these vaccines quickly, but we would get them distributed quickly. As an example, even while the vaccines were being approved recently--and these were the Pfizer vaccines--those vaccines were already on their way to my home State of Ohio. They were pre-positioned there. And when the approval came, we could move quickly. People are being vaccinated today in my State and in your State--primarily, people who are on the frontlines as healthcare providers. Next, we are helping with the nursing homes, people who come in and out of the nursing homes, which is where, obviously, most of this disease happens, and then the people in the nursing homes, then our EMS and other first responders, people who have health problems, preconditions that make them more vulnerable to the virus, seniors. This is really exciting. This is the answer. This is what is going to help us turn the tide, but that is going to be a ways off until that is widely available. What I think, in terms of this package, again--I think of it as a bridge. It is an emergency package to get us from where we are now to this period probably in the March, April, May time period, when the vaccine will be widely available, and we will be able to have that kind of herd immunity we talked about earlier. We don't want community spread. We want community immunity. And that is the idea. The package that the bipartisan group put together was $908 billion. Six of the ten of us voted for that. All of us voted for a smaller package, which was $748 billion. It is important to note that of that $908 billion, or $748 billion, we also repurposed a lot of money that has already been spent. So, roughly, $600 billion was pulled back from the PPP program that had not been spent yet and also from a Trump program that the Treasury and the Fed had to provide loans that were not being used. That is the 13(3) Program you might have heard about. That program, fortunately, was not tapped into because the commercial bank stepped in and provided a lot of that lending that was necessary. Rates are at historic lows right now for mortgages, as an example, and other loans, so they didn't need to step in. That money is being repurposed. So, instead of $748 billion, it is more like $148 billion; instead of $908 billion, if you went for the whole thing, it is more like $300 billion--not that that is not a lot of money. It is. But compare that to what was being talked about only a couple of weeks ago and for the previous 9 months, by the way, which was a package in the House of Representatives, called the Heroes Act, which was trillions of dollars--$3.5 trillion, initially, and then they agreed, maybe, $2.4 trillion. I think the last offer that was on the table that they didn't take was $1.8 trillion. We are not talking about those kind of numbers now. We are talking about a bridge, on an emergency basis. It is targeted and focused. I will give you an example of that. In this package--the bipartisan package, which I hope is picked up, and I think it will be by the package that the final negotiators are working on. That would be Secretary Mnuchin, who has been very eager to get an agreement that helps the American people, working for the President, but also the leadership here--the Democratic leader, the Republican leader, and in the House, the Democratic leader, the Speaker, and the Republican leader. That is the group right now. What they are saying is, we want to get a package done. I think, as an example, with the PPP program, they will end up picking up what this bipartisan group agreed to, which is to have a more narrow Paycheck Protection Program, PPP, to help small businesses but to particularly focus on those businesses that are small businesses, instead of under 500 as an example, maybe 300 people, and those that are really hurting; in other words, those that are losing money relative to where they were last year. When you do a quarter-to-quarter comparison--fourth quarter this year, fourth quarter back in 2019--if you have a loss, let's say, of 25 percent or 30 percent, that is significant. With the funding that we have, isn't it better to target that funding toward those small businesses that are really hurting? That, I think, will be in the final package. Again, I commend my bipartisan colleagues for coming up with some of these ideas and working out some of this stuff because there are some differences. By the way, no one of the 10 of us involved in this thing, agreed with every part of this package, trust me. I would have written a different package, as any of my colleagues would have, but it was necessary to get to yes, to get to a result. We have done that and, I think, again, it will inform where we end up in terms of the package coming to the floor. The Paycheck Protection Program is a good example of that. We also provided in that program loan forgiveness for small loans--$150,000 or less--in avery simplified manner, so you wouldn't have to go through all the bureaucracy and the costs and the loops and the hoops, which small businesses just can't afford to do. So I am proud of our work there as well. We also provided help to some of the hardest hit industries, including the airline industry. We want to keep a viable airline industry in this country. We don't want them to go bankrupt and planes to stop flying. We actually want, over this bridge period--between now and, as I mentioned, March, April, May--to be sure that the economy can get back on its feet as quickly as possible. That is why we don't want these small businesses to go out of business and their employees to be put on the unemployment lines. That is why we want to be sure our airlines can continue. They are having a tough time. But 90,000 jobs alone in this industry will be lost, we are told, unless we do something along the lines we did in the bipartisan package--90,000 additional jobs lost. We don't want that. We want to be sure we are positioned for growth. By the way, in my view--for whatever it is worth--I think this economy is incredibly resilient. I know it is not going great right now. We still have 10 million people out of work who were working as of February of this year. We have 10 million people who haven't found their way back to work yet. We still have relatively high unemployment compared to where we were. In my State, it is about double where it was. But we have been resilient, given what we have been hit with. I believe that if we can get to this period of time where we have the vaccine readily available, we are poised for a takeoff. I think there is pent-up demand. Among my constituents, they are going to be happy to get out and shop again--to go to the restaurants and go to the hotels, to travel, to go to the movie theaters and go to the stages, the places where there is a performance that has to be canceled now and where people are struggling to keep these venues open. Those will not just be reopened. People, I think, will flock there. We have to get through to that period. In my view, it is worth helping to ensure that in the interim period, we don't have even more pain and more loss in jobs and are prepared to move forward. On unemployment insurance, again, if you lost your job, not because of what you did but because of what I said earlier--almost like a natural disaster of the virus--we should provide additional help. We do that in the legislation. The day after Christmas, the current relief ends in terms of the Federal help and unemployment insurance. That is not something that any of us should want to see. If you are self-employed, if you are a so-called gig economy worker, then, you are able to get unemployment insurance right now if you don't have a job. If you can't work because of this virus, you can get unemployment insurance. That is not typical in my State, and it is not typical in most States. But because of the Federal law we passed, the CARES Act--again, 9 months ago--that is permitted, but it ends the day after Christmas. I have people self-employed coming up to me back home saying: I have to know. I don't know if I can pay the rent. I don't know if I can make a car payment. I need to know. I don't know if I can make my mortgage. We are going to tell them, I hope, in this legislation that passes that, indeed, they are going to get the coverage. And the 13 weeks of the Federal extension on the State unemployment will also be extended so that the day after Christmas, again, people aren't falling off the cliff. Again, the Federal supplement per week originally was $600 per week, as you know. That $600 per week, I thought, was relatively high, meaning that many people were getting more on unemployment than they were in their jobs. That was a problem for many employers, typically small employers that had a tough time getting people to come back to work. As the economy started to improve after the March, April, May time period, when things started to pick up a little bit, it was tough. This compromise, I think, will be $300. Maybe it will be $200. I don't know what exactly they are working out. Our proposal was $300, which is a bipartisan compromise. Many Democrats would like to go back to the $600. Some Republicans think it should be less than $300. But this is a compromise, and it is a way for us to ensure that during this time period--and this is for 16 weeks only, so between now and the end of March--on this bridge that we talked about, if people are unemployed through no fault of their own, they should be able to get a little bit to be able to put food on the table, make the car payment, make the rent. That is in this package, too. There is also funding in here for rental assistance. As you know, some people have been hanging on wondering if they are going to be evicted or not. Evictions make no sense right now for the tenants or the landlords or the economy. We don't want people out on the street. Landlords don't want to go through the pain of having to go through an eviction and trying to find somebody else. They can get some help just to hold on during this period. There is funding in rental assistance to help keep people in their homes with a roof over their head as we go through this period. The final one I want to talk about--and there are a lot of other provisions here that I don't have time to go into. What I want to talk about is one that is a heartbreaker for me. For many years now, we have been challenged with this drug addiction issue, particularly opioids. It is prescription drugs and heroin and fentanyl, the deadly synthetic opioid--to the point that only 4 years ago, we had the highest rates of overdose deaths in the history of our country. Seventy-two thousand people were dying a year. A lot of us focused on that year. For the past 4 or 5 years, this Congress spent money and changed policies to help people get treatment and get into longer term recovery. More money went into prevention activities to keep people from getting into the funnel of addiction, in the first place. This was at epidemic levels. In 2018 and 2019, we started to see a reversal of that for the first time in really 3 decades. Every year--for something like 30 years--in my home State of Ohio, we would see more overdose deaths every year--every year. In 2018, we had a 20-plus percent reduction in overdose deaths. It was about a 22-percent reduction in Ohio--a 22-percent reduction of deaths. That is because we all focused at the Federal level, State level, and local level, and we made a difference. We began to change this dynamic of young people and middle-aged people and across the spectrum. Regardless of the ZIP Code you lived in, you were being affected by this. We changed it so that people were actually getting the help they needed, getting out from under their addiction, getting back to work and back to their families. It was good news. The heartbreaking part of this for me is that, having made that progress, finally, we now see, during this coronavirus pandemic, an epidemic underneath it. It is the epidemic of drug addiction. There are new numbers out today that I saw that don't surprise me as much as they discourage me, which is that, this year, instead of 72,000 people dying of overdose deaths in America from drug abuse--this is not just opioids but all drugs, including psychostimulants, like methamphetamine; crystal meth from Mexico that is cheap, powerful, deadly--this year, it is expected that our overdose death rate will be the highest ever. We are getting back to where we were. Plus-83,000 is the number I saw today. Remember, I mentioned 72,000 people dying only 4 years ago. Now we are back to 83,000. This is a crisis within a pandemic, and we need to deal with it. There are lots of different opinions out there as to why this is happening. I believe strongly a lot of this is just from the isolation that comes from this pandemic. People haven't been able to go and meet with and talk to their recovery coaches, which is one of the ways that we were changing this dynamic. People were able to meet with people who were recovering addicts themselves to help them get through it. It was working for a lot of people. Yet at some of these longer term recovery places where people can be--say a home, a sober home--they had issues with the pandemic and have not beenable to have the group homes provide that care. Also, people have not been able just to go see their doctors or their treatment providers. Telemedicine has helped. That is one reason in our package that we put more funding into telemedicine, because that is a way you can get to people. Both in regard to behavioral health, mental health issues, and with regard to addiction, it hasn't filled the gap. Also, a lot of people are feeling a great deal of stress and even despair and joblessness. And, obviously, if you go to the food banks in Ohio, you see people who are in their cars waiting for 3, 4, 5, 6 hours at times. There is something going on here, folks. These are people who are feeling desperation. To wait in line for 6 hours to get a box of food means that you have a real problem in your family. By the way, some of these people--because I talked to people who have gone to these food banks--have never been in a food bank in their lives. They found themselves in a tough situation. Again, it is not everybody. Remember the K-shaped recovery? For some people, it has been fine. If you are a white collar worker and you can telework from home virtually--maybe you are in the finance industry or maybe you are in the tech industry--you might be doing great. But your neighbor who has a job at that restaurant or perhaps in another business like the travel business or the motorcoach business, they don't have the opportunities to get that job. They are the ones in the food bank line. By the way, putting more funding into the food banks, as well as into helping people to be able to afford food, is, obviously, a big issue right now. The notion here is that, with this legislation, we are going to provide more help for people who are suffering from addiction, with the thought of trying all we can to try to reverse this trend. Ultimately, again, the best way to reverse it is to have this coronavirus pandemic behind us so that people can socialize again and gather again and aren't feeling the despair, aren't isolated. And that is coming. But the bridge to there is important so we save as many lives as we can. There is $5 billion in our legislation--the bipartisan bill--to do just that. My hope is, again, that that will be in the final package, and I believe it will be. I believe that what the negotiators are working on is very similar to what is in the legislation that we came together with as a bipartisan group. My only disappointment in the group is that we couldn't end up with this combination of State and local funding--targeted toward need, by the way, not the way it was done last time, per capita, but targeted for need--and liability protection for these small businesses, for these private nursing homes, for these EMS personnel, for emergency medical people who are concerned. They are concerned about it. What we tried to put together was a package that said: OK, if you are a bad actor, if you didn't follow the rules--and the rules were pretty clear--you aren't protected. You are accountable. But if you followed the rules, and you were trying your best to deal with ever-changing standards--and, let's face it; they have been quite different. Remember back in March and April, people were saying: Don't wear a mask. Now, of course, we know that was a mistake. At the time, we didn't. The notion is to protect people from frivolous lawsuits who were doing their best. By the way, there was a survey done of people saying: Do you think there should be protection for people who are doing their best, whereas people who are grossly negligent--that was the word used, ``gross negligence''--would not be protected; they would be accountable? And 79 percent of the American people agreed with that. There has also been polling out there with regard to small businesses, from the NFIB, saying that 70 percent of small businesses are very concerned and worried about this. Again, think of the business. Revenue has crashed. Profits have crashed. They are hanging on. The PPP is going to help them because we are getting more PPP. The Paycheck Protection Program, which we talked about earlier, will help to get them through this. If they are facing a lawsuit--whether they win it or not, whether they can prove that they were doing the right thing--just the cost of that lawsuit could well be the difference of that small business continuing operations or not. Nonprofits. The nonprofits in Ohio are very interested in the liability reforms, as are the education community--the higher ed people, the school teachers--as are people in the healthcare industry across the board--nursing homes and hospitals. My hope is that we can get back to work on that. Perhaps after this legislation has passed, as we look at what we do next, let's be sure that we are providing that protection in combination with providing that help to our State and local governments that need it, where they can demonstrate they need it. I don't think it will be in this package, but it should be in the next package. I will say, this legislation on COVID is needed and we ought to move it now. We cannot go home for the holidays without passing COVID-19 rescue legislation. Again, to me, it is a rescue package. It is not a stimulus package as much as it is getting us through this period, providing that bridge between now and when the vaccine is readily available. This legislation is likely to be part of a broader bill that will include a number of things, including spending for the year so we don't have a government shutdown. It is a good thing not to have a government shutdown. It is also likely that it will include some tax provisions which are so-called tax extenders. I would say one thing, that I hope it includes is the permanent extension of tax relief for our craft beverage industry. This would be craft breweries, craft vintners, craft distillers. We passed legislation a few years ago that was very important to them, that allowed them to have a reduction in the excise tax they pay on certain volumes--relatively low volumes of their product. As a result, many of these businesses have been able to expand, hire people, and now they have the possibility of this expiring at the end of the year and having a big bill due that they cannot afford. We are proud in Ohio to be the home of an industry, the craft beer production industry. It is now No. 6 in the country. It supports 81,000 jobs. It is a business that has been hurt for two reasons: One, if you think about it, the restaurants aren't doing the business they used to do, so if you are providing your product to a restaurant, you are hurt. But also, a lot of these craft distillers or craft brewers or craft vintners have their own tasting rooms or their own brew pubs, and those, in some cases, have been shut down altogether. In other cases, their revenues have crashed, so it would not be the time for them to be facing a big tax bill, and that is what the excise tax would be. Income tax you pay later in the year; excise tax you would have to pay right away. So my hope is that that will be extended permanently. More than half the Members of this body joined me and Senator Wyden on a letter to our leadership about this, urging that this extender, which has worked so well to increase jobs and opportunity in America, can continue on a permanent basis going forward. My hope is that that is part of the package as well. That will help in terms of the economic stimulus part of this, which is also important. I thank you for what you are doing if you are one of those people out there who is promoting the vaccines and talking about the importance of our getting the vaccines. If you are not, I hope you will look at the research. I hope you will look at the fact that we should be encouraging everyone to get vaccinated unless someone has a health problem that makes it difficult for them. The polling data is not encouraging on this. The last Gallup poll shows that only 58 percent of Americans are comfortable being vaccinated. That needs to change. I have heard some people say: Well, when you look at the polling, it shows that Democrats are concerned because this happened in the Trump administration, this vaccine development. This is not political. Take the politics out of it. These are scientists. They have been working around the clock over the past9 months, 10 months, to get us to this point. These are scientists who are now working around the clock to look carefully at these vaccines to determine whether they are approved or not. These are the scientists who are making decisions, not the politicians. It is the people in the white coats. We need to trust them, for the sake of our country, because we need to reverse this terrible virus and the pandemic that is causing all of the issues that we talked about earlier today, to our communities, to our families. So the way to do that is to ensure that we do, in fact, not just have this vaccine available but that people take advantage of it and are willing to be vaccinated. I hope, if you are listening this evening, that you will pass that word along and that you, again, will do your own research. Look at it. But my hope is that the conclusion will be to get to the period we want to get, which is to have people feel like they can reengage in the economy and feel like they can be back with their loved ones and congregate and feel like they can go back to church or their other place of worship; they feel like they can send their kids back to school; they feel like they can get back to a more normal life. That will happen through the accessibility and the ability to actually get that vaccine. So my hope is that those listening tonight will do that and do their part in spreading that message instead of spreading the virus. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. PORTMAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7572-3 | null | 1,927 |
formal | property rights | null | racist | Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, the first name I want to mention is Mac Thornberry. Mac is the dean of the Texas delegation. His district is the second largest in Texas, and comprises parts of 41 different counties. It stretches from the suburbs of Dallas, across Wichita Falls, Amarillo, and most of the Texas Panhandle. The folks throughout Texas 13 couldn't have asked for a stronger advocate over these last 26 years than Mac. His background as a rancher, a former Capitol Hill staffer, and a State Department official under the Reagan administration, then brought him to Congress with a well-rounded view of the problems facing our country. He possessed the leadership characteristics needed to address each of those. He spent his time here consistently fighting to rein in government spending--something that, as the Presiding Officer knows, sometimes seems like a futile task but necessary. He has consistently fought to protect our freedoms and liberties and ensure that all Texans have a shot at the American dream. We have worked together many times over the years on everything from protecting the property rights of folks along the Red River to renaming the Amarillo courthouse after a trailblazing Texan, Mary Lou Robinson. There is no question that some of his greatest accomplishments are related to our national defense. Mac has served on the House Armed Services Committee throughout his time in Congress, and he became the first Texan of either party to chair that committee. He has used this important and powerful post to ensure that our servicemembers have what they need to defend our freedoms abroad and the training and the equipment to make it home safely. He has done a lot--more than most--to improve military readiness, including through needed improvements at our Texas military installations. I remember visiting Sheppard Air Force Base in Mac's district with him a couple of years ago and being taken aback by the look of admiration and appreciation on the faces of those airmen we encountered who knew of Mac's incredible advocacy on their behalf. It is appropriate that the National Defense Authorization Act that just passed both Chambers of Congress carries his name--the Mac Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act. There could not be a more fitting tribute to the countless ways our friend from Clarendon has improved our great country. I want to thank Mac for his incredible leadership, as well as his service and his friendship over the years. The halls of Congress won't be the same without him, but I know he is eager to spend more time with his wonderful wife Sally and the rest of their extended family. Mac has done what we all aspire to do, and that is to leave Congress better than he found it, and I thank him on behalf of all Texans for the true patriot that he is. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CORNYN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7581-2 | null | 1,928 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. CORNYN. Mr. President, the first name I want to mention is Mac Thornberry. Mac is the dean of the Texas delegation. His district is the second largest in Texas, and comprises parts of 41 different counties. It stretches from the suburbs of Dallas, across Wichita Falls, Amarillo, and most of the Texas Panhandle. The folks throughout Texas 13 couldn't have asked for a stronger advocate over these last 26 years than Mac. His background as a rancher, a former Capitol Hill staffer, and a State Department official under the Reagan administration, then brought him to Congress with a well-rounded view of the problems facing our country. He possessed the leadership characteristics needed to address each of those. He spent his time here consistently fighting to rein in government spending--something that, as the Presiding Officer knows, sometimes seems like a futile task but necessary. He has consistently fought to protect our freedoms and liberties and ensure that all Texans have a shot at the American dream. We have worked together many times over the years on everything from protecting the property rights of folks along the Red River to renaming the Amarillo courthouse after a trailblazing Texan, Mary Lou Robinson. There is no question that some of his greatest accomplishments are related to our national defense. Mac has served on the House Armed Services Committee throughout his time in Congress, and he became the first Texan of either party to chair that committee. He has used this important and powerful post to ensure that our servicemembers have what they need to defend our freedoms abroad and the training and the equipment to make it home safely. He has done a lot--more than most--to improve military readiness, including through needed improvements at our Texas military installations. I remember visiting Sheppard Air Force Base in Mac's district with him a couple of years ago and being taken aback by the look of admiration and appreciation on the faces of those airmen we encountered who knew of Mac's incredible advocacy on their behalf. It is appropriate that the National Defense Authorization Act that just passed both Chambers of Congress carries his name--the Mac Thornberry National Defense Authorization Act. There could not be a more fitting tribute to the countless ways our friend from Clarendon has improved our great country. I want to thank Mac for his incredible leadership, as well as his service and his friendship over the years. The halls of Congress won't be the same without him, but I know he is eager to spend more time with his wonderful wife Sally and the rest of their extended family. Mac has done what we all aspire to do, and that is to leave Congress better than he found it, and I thank him on behalf of all Texans for the true patriot that he is. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CORNYN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7581-2 | null | 1,929 |
formal | COIN | null | transphobic | 1921 SILVER DOLLAR COIN ANNIVERSARY ACT | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7643-2 | null | 1,930 |
formal | Chicago | null | racist | A bill (H.R. 5983) to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building'' was ordered to a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7644-8 | null | 1,931 |
formal | Detroit | null | racist | A bill (H.R. 3976) to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building'' was ordered to a third reading, was read the third time, and passed. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-17-pt1-PgS7644 | null | 1,932 |
formal | XX | null | transphobic | The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 8 of rule XX, the Chair will postpone further proceedings today on motions to suspend the rules on which the yeas and nays are ordered. The House will resume proceedings on postponed questions at a later time. | 2020-01-06 | The SPEAKER pro tempore | House | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgH7264-5 | null | 1,933 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Ms. NORTON. Madam Speaker, I move to suspend the rules and pass the bill (S. 3418) to amend the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act to allow the Administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide capitalization grants to States to establish revolving funds to provide hazard mitigation assistance to reduce risks from disasters and natural hazards, and other related environmental harm. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. NORTON | House | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgH7264-6 | null | 1,934 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. McCONNELL. Now, on a completely different matter, Mr. President,I jump at any opportunity to praise my incredible staff. I am just sorry that one natural occasion is when great people head toward the exits. Phil Maxson of Lexington, KY, has mastered one of the toughest jobs on Capitol Hill. As chief of staff for my personal office, he oversees the operation that delivers for Kentucky families and Kentucky priorities. Here is what that role means in our tight-knit organization. It is like being the player-coach on an old baseball team who is also a utility player at the same time. Phil wears about 10 hats each day, orchestrating a seamless operation. He has mastered policy, political strategy, messaging, and constituent services. He has budgeted and managed the office itself, and Phil is also a liaison and colleague to my leadership office here in the Capitol. He is the linkage between the two sides of my operation, the single person most responsible for helping me harmonize home-State priorities with my national duties and keep the Commonwealth at the center of all I do. It is a tall order. It takes the best of the best, someone who is so capable that every important issue will involve them, but so humble that situations never become about them. Enter Phil Maxson--a kind, cheerful, and unbelievably confident servant leader whom I am convinced nobody in this planet dislikes. Phil climbed the Capitol Hill ladder the old-fashioned way. He joined my team as an intern a decade ago. Actually, I think Phil may have snuck a late application into a last-minute opening. If I am right about that, then his good fortune was ours as well. He has done every job: legislative correspondent, legislative assistant, legislative director, and then the top spot. As one of his old bosses reminded me recently, ``every time a gap in the office appeared, Phil was the natural choice'' to fill it. It is not like he elbowed his way up. It is that circumstances and our needs kept pulling him up. He is that good. For the past decade, Phil has walked into every meeting, every markup, every normal day at the office, and every grueling far-flung codel with total preparation, complete professionalism, and the score of the latest UK game. Another former supervisor of his put it this way: ``I don't think I ever asked Phil a single question he didn't already know the answer to, or didn't find the answer within about 10 minutes.'' That is high praise when your portfolio ranges from U.S.-Burma relations to the BUILD grants that improve our roads and everything in between. It helps that Phil is a Kentucky thoroughbred through and through. The man really is ``dyed in the bluegrass.'' As a young man in Lexington, he found part-time work giving tours at Henry Clay's Ashland estate. He also graduated from Henry Clay High School. You could say the Senate was a natural destination. Here, he met UK Coach Calipari, President Netanyahu, and families from Kentucky's smallest towns. And they all got exactly the same attention, enthusiasm, and warmth from Phil Maxson. He clicks with everyone. He is as affable as he is intelligent. In a town full of big egos and sharp elbows, he stands out because he doesn't try to stand out. For the better part of a decade, virtually every significant win we have notched for our Commonwealth has had Phil at its nucleus. But if you drop by the staff meeting the day after, what you would hear is Phil explaining why everyone else deserves more credit than he does, why it really all came down to my leadership or his peers' efforts or the hard work of the junior folks beneath him--in other words, everyone else but him. You would have to go to everyone else to learn that Phil was the human glue that, in fact, held it all together. It would take me all day to list every win Phil helped quarterback for our home State: a state-of-the-art chemical weapons destruction facility in Madison County, the transfer of the Rochester Dam to local ownership, a new wildlife refuge in Henderson County, environmental cleanup and health benefits for nuclear workers in Paducah, the planned construction of a new VA hospital in Louisville, Freedom to Fish and the raising of Lake Cumberland, and many, many more. But, alas, his dedication to Kentucky is so all-encompassing that he and his wife Sarah Beth have decided they don't want to raise their young family anywhere else. So ``Bee and Phil on Capitol Hill''--as friends have called them--plus their two boys, Barbour and Theodore, are homeward bound. I made the same decision myself as a young man, trading in the life of a Senate staffer for a move back home. So I can't exactly fault his decision. Phil needs to spend fewer breakfasts and dinners with me and more with his own burgeoning clan. I get it, but I am sure sorry to see him go. Phil is the kind of Senate all-star who deserves a full-dress curtain call. He deserves toasts and a dinner and a big farewell party. I regret that in these bizarre pandemic times, a floor speech will have to suffice, at least right now. So, Phil, thank you for your years of dedication to the State we both love. We will miss your brain. We will miss your heart. You are leaving behind one heck of a fan club all throughout the U.S. Senate. We wish you all the best in the chapters ahead. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7648-7 | null | 1,935 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Coronavirus Mr. President, there is not much activity on the floor of the Senate today. I hope there will be before the end of the day. The leaders in the Senate and House--Democrat and Republican--as well as the White House, with Treasury Secretary Mnuchin, are fast at work, we are told, establishing a COVID-19 relief bill. I was part of an effort, which the Presiding Officer also shared in. It was a volunteer activity that involved about 3 weeks of endless telephone conferences and Zoom calls. Staff supported us all the way or we couldn't have done it. But it started off with eight of us eating dinner one night and deciding to come together as a group to see if we could break the logjam. The whole notion of COVID-19 relief was dead in the water for some reason--no action, no activity. We remember back in March when Congress--particularly, I remember the Senate, by a vote of 96 to 0, passed, on a bipartisan basis, the largest relief bill in the history of the United States. It was over $3 trillion in the CARESAct, which was for addressing and fighting the pandemic as its first priority, but, secondly, trying to rescue our floundering economy. Thank goodness we did that, and we came together. We hoped that it would be a short-lived requirement, but it turned out to be much longer. Many of us anticipated that by the middle of this year things would have come under control. We know, sadly, that is not the case. There has been a call ever since to step back into this theater of confrontation with this pandemic and the weakening economy. But for some reason--and I won't point fingers--we have been unable to reach any bipartisan agreement. Well, eight of us willful Senators--four Democrats and four Republicans--set out to try and get the conversation started and see what we could agree on. It was a great experience. Even though there were parts of it where we could not agree, and there was a lot of frustration, there was also a lot that was constructive and encouraging. At the end of the day, we produced two documents. One of these documents was a $748 billion consensus document, which spelled out the things that we thought were essential as part of any COVID relief package--extending unemployment benefits for 16 weeks, including for about 160,000 people in my State who claim the pandemic unemployment assistance and 248,000 who claim pandemic emergency unemployment compensation. Millions of Americans--12 million Americans will lose their unemployment compensation on the day after Christmas. Imagine that. We also, in this bill, provided assistance for small businesses, including the second round of Paycheck Protection Program loans for the hardest hit businesses; extended the eviction moratorium through January 31, 2021, providing emergency rental assistance to help families stay in their homes; provided funding for hospitals and clinics for testing and to quickly and fairly distribute vaccines, including $500 million to Illinois for testing and vaccine distribution and $1.5 billion for Illinois hospitals and healthcare providers. We provided $82 billion nationwide for education--$54 billion for K-12, $20 billion for higher ed. We extended the Federal student loan forbearance from its current expiration, January 31, 2021, through April 30, 2021. We provided $10 billion nationwide of much needed support for the struggling childcare sector. We addressed hunger by increasing SNAP benefits for nearly 2 million individuals in my State and millions more across the United States and by providing funding for food banks and senior nutrition programs, serving more than 1.5 million people in Illinois. We provided billions for transit, including hundreds of millions of dollars for Illinois transit agencies and help for Amtrak as well. We provided billions for airports, including millions of dollars for Illinois airports and airline relief as well. We provided more than $1 billion in funding for Amtrak to prevent further furloughs, provided millions in payroll support to protect jobs of thousands of Illinois airline workers, and provided funding to help struggling Illinois bus companies keep their workers on the job. That is not the end of the list, by any means. Part of the money we put in here was for the logistics of the vaccinations which are now taking place across the United States. We provided some. I think the negotiators are adding to the amount, and I applaud them for that. What we left out of this, I think, was significant too. We did not provide any direct assistance to State and local governments. This morning, I got on the telephone with a group that has been kind enough to volunteer for many years to consider the applications of individuals in Illinois who want to attend our service academies. Some of these people have been doing this for 20 years. I really respect them and thank them for doing it. I tried to take myself out of that consideration so no one can ever claim political consideration was taken in any way. One of the persons who did part of the meeting this morning was Skip Lee. Skip is the mayor of Sterling, IL. He said to me: Senator, can you provide any help for COVID relief for towns like Sterling, IL? I said: Skip, there will be some help, I think, but it won't be the kind of help that I wanted. I do believe we should help State and local governments. I have been reminded by the Presiding Officer and others that every State is not the same, every locality is not the same. Some have suffered real losses in revenue directly related to COVID-19 and some have prospered. It just depends on your circumstances. In my circumstance, the State of Illinois has paid a heavy price as a State and in the localities as well. We do not include the direct relief for State and local governments, which I hoped would be part of this agreement. I hope we can return to that issue soon, very quickly--after the first of the year, perhaps, with the new President--and find a way to provide this relief. The alternative is awful. I know what is going to happen to a lot of the local budgets. Police officers are going to be furloughed--firefighters, teachers, healthcare workers--just at a moment in time when we need them the most. Many of these communities will be unable to continue providing those very fundamental services to keep us safe. I hope we can get back to that as quickly as possible. Finally, let me say that we are all anxious to fund this government at midnight tonight when the continuing resolution, which we passed several months, ago expires. It would be a real tragedy if we saw this government come to a close for any reason at any time. And certainly, at this moment, when our economy is so tenuous and our worries are so large over the healthcare of our Nation, we shouldn't allow this to occur. I pray that the negotiators will be able to spend good time today and report to us soon that they have reached an agreement. It is time for us to get our work done. And like Senator Inhofe, who is going home for his 61st anniversary, many of us are anxious to return to our homes and families. We won't have the expansive Christmas this year that we have had in the past. We won't be reuniting with children and grandchildren who really make the holiday, but we are looking at the long run. The long run is we want to be around for next Christmas. Instead of one tree, we are going to have two to make up for this year. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7650-2 | null | 1,936 |
formal | shut it down | null | antisemitic | Government Funding The other thing that is going on tonight--I will say, I guess it is obvious--is that we are about to hit the government shutdown time period again. I mean, we are only about 6\1/2\ half hours from another government shutdown. That is totally unacceptable. We should never have these shutdowns. They don't make any sense. By the way, to my Republican friends who think these shutdowns are good because you shut down a lot of government, and it seems like you would save money--we never save money. The taxpayers always pay more. You go back and provide backpay even for services that aren't provided. I think we have to figure out a way, when we can't get our work done here--and that is why this is happening. We have not gotten our spending bills, appropriations done here. Therefore, we are facing a government shutdown again. At midnight, we turn into pumpkins. It means the government starts to get shut down. By the way, it creates confusion and uncertainty for Federal workers, of course, who are wondering, are they going to have their job and are they going to get paid, but also confusion and uncertainty for a lot of citizens who are depending on the services that would otherwise be provided. It is so inefficient. If you believe in the efficiency of government and you believe in, you know, not wasting money, you shouldn't want these government shutdowns. My hope is that we do pass a continuing resolution at least to kick us into the next couple of days so that we don't have a shutdown tonight. That would be such a disaster for so many people. And it could last a long time, by the way, as these shutdowns did over the last couple of years. It doesn't just mean it is a few days. Let's just not go into shutdown at all. I have introduced legislation called End Government Shutdowns for 10 years now. I have introduced it in five different Congresses. We have 33 cosponsors. I think it has more cosponsors than any other bill like it, but there are other ideas out there, and I am open to them--just some way to get away from these shutdowns. Our bill says you just can't shut it down. When you are going for a shutdown, instead, you just do a continuing funding from the previous year. And then, by the way, over time, you reduce that by 1 percent every 90 days and every 60 days to get the attention of the appropriators to get them back to work. Other people have other ideas. Our bill has been bipartisan in the past. I don't believe it is today, but it does have 33 cosponsors. My hope is that we can figure out a way to end these government shutdowns with simple legislation that says: Let's just not do it. I don't think it provides healthy leverage. I think it provides, again, uncertainty and confusion. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7700-2 | null | 1,937 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Cyber Security Madam President, 2020 has been a tough year, let's face it. And, unfortunately, it looks like the challenges haven't ended. I came to the floor tonight, primarily, to talk about some shocking and disturbing news we just heard over the last few days, and that is that there has been a massive, highly sophisticated, and ongoing cyber attack that has compromised the networks of multiple Federal agencies and the private sector. According to reports, for months now--months--hackers--our intelligence experts think they are most likely connected with the Russian Government in some way. That is what they tell us. But these hackers have engaged in an espionage effort to access information in some of our biggest Federal agencies that hold some of our most sensitive data and our most sensitive and important national security secrets. Also, again, many U.S. private companies were hacked, as well. These hackers are smart. They targeted some of these agencies that do handle things like national security--the State Department, for instance, the Department of Homeland Security, the Department of Energy and its Nuclear Security Administration. This is scary stuff. Others, like the National Institutes of Health, were hacked. Of course, they are closely involved with our work to respond to the COVID-19 pandemic, so also a lot of important, sensitive information could have been hacked. They are a treasure trove of information. These are agencies that protect our homeland, promote our freedom abroad, and are on the frontlines battling this pandemic. But what we know today may be just the tip of the iceberg, we are told. Experts expect the number of agencies as well as a number of private companies victimized by this attack will only continue to grow. The main IT monitoring platform believed to have been hacked was used across the government and by 33,000 private companies. Shockingly, we also know that FireEye, the preeminent cyber incident response firm, was also breached. So think about this. FireEye, which is a company that people call when they are hacked, was hacked. We are still learning the details about this attack, but what we know is chilling. Federal investigators from the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency, CISA, under the Department of Homeland Security, the FBI, and also the Office of National Intelligence, the ODNI, are all working to determine how this happened, what the extent of it is. But it looks like the main vulnerability was through a SolarWinds' platform, which is an IT monitoring platform widely, again, widely used by the government and the private sector to oversee the operation of other computer networks. The hackers disguised their entry into these Federal agencies and company systems in a troubling and clever way. They exploited a vulnerability in a security patch sent out by SolarWinds to update its software. I want to emphasize that--the security patches that we all advocate to be installed as soon as possible to protectour networks as basic good cyber hygiene was actually a security breach. This technique and the breadth of this hack are both unprecedented, and it shows that the Federal Government is still far from where we need to be to handle the cyber security challenges of the 21st century. As the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations said in its investigation and report, these alarms that we have been raising over time are ones that we should have paid attention to. In 2019, last summer, Senator Carper and I issued a shocking report that detailed the unacceptable cyber security vulnerabilities in the Federal Government--vulnerabilities that may very well have played a role in the extent of this breach. Our report looked back at how well Federal agencies complied with basic cyber security standards over the past decade. Every agency we reviewed failed. And we know that four of those agencies--the Department of Homeland Security, the State Department, the Department of Agriculture, the Department of Health and Human Services--are among those that have been breached in this current cyber attack. That report from the Permanent Subcommittee on Investigations made clear that Federal agencies were a target for cyber criminals and other nation-state adversaries. In 2017 alone, Federal agencies reported 35,277 cyber incidents. It is the most recent data we have--in 1 year. The number of cyber incidents in 2019 was a little bit less, 28,581. But 2020 will bring what is likely the biggest, most comprehensive breach across the Federal Government in our history. We also found we are not equipped to handle this threat. Many of the agencies we reviewed didn't even know what applications and platforms were operating on its systems. That begs the question: How can you protect something if you don't even know what you need to protect? If Federal agencies fail at meeting basic cyber standards, there is no way they are equipped to thwart the kind of sophisticated attack that apparently happened over the past several months. Here, the attackers were meticulous and had a detailed understanding of how to evade intrusion detection practices and technologies. And because the Federal agencies involved were unprepared, the attackers had ample time to cover their tracks, which means evaluating the extent of the damage and kicking them off our networks is going to be incredibly difficult and time-consuming. Given how widespread this attack is and how much wider it is expected to become, it certainly seems like the Federal Government's current cyber resources are going to be spread incredibly thin. Congress and the executive branch have failed to prioritize cyber security, and now we find ourselves vulnerable and exposed. We have to do better than this. This breach has to be a wake-up call for all of us. Over the years, I have worked across the aisle with Senator Peters, Senator Cornyn, Senator Hassan, and others on legislation to beef up our Federal Government cyber capacities, including the Risk-Informed Spending for Cybersecurity Act, the Federal System Incident Response Act, and the DHS Cyber Hunt and Incident Response Team Act, and others. We are proud of this legislation. Let's be honest. It wasn't enough. We need to do more. We need to not only defend our networks but go on the offense to defer a nation-state, like Russia, and nonstate actors from even considering a future attack like this. That means there needs to be consequences for cyber attacks significant enough to prevent them from happening again and a willingness to act preemptively when warranted. Congress has to take a hard look at the cyber security capabilities of our Federal agencies. In the next Congress, I will be the top Republican on the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, which means I will either serve as its chairman or ranking member, depending on the outcome of a couple of races in Georgia. Senator Peters will be the chair if the Democrats take the majority. I will tell you here tonight, whether I am chairman in January or him, we intend to hold indepth hearings on cyber security. With what has happened, we will also, of course, focus on the origin, scope, and severity of this breach. Actually, 3 weeks ago, even before this attack was revealed, we met and decided to hold these cyber security hearings, and we are already working on comprehensive legislation to improve our cyber defenses in the Federal Government going forward. We must now move with a renewed sense of purpose and urgency to learn from this massive attack. We have to remove these hackers from these systems and put in place protections to prevent it from happening again. As this cyber attack has made clear, we have to redouble our efforts to shore up our defenses. We are two decades into the 21st century, but most of the Federal Government legacy computer systems are from the 20th century. Federal agencies are simply behind the times when it comes to defending themselves against these threats posed in cyber space. The government is trying to respond to sophisticated, 21st century attacks with 20th century defenses. This attack has shown us the consequences of that and should be the catalyst for real bipartisan action here in the next Congress to better defend networks that contain sensitive, personal information, and other information critical to our economy, our healthcare, and the safety and security of all Americans. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7700-3 | null | 1,938 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Cyber Security Mr. President, in the last few days we have learned that the United States was subject to one of the most brazen cyber hacks in history. Based on press reports alone, the hackers appear to have breached the Department of State, the Department of Commerce, the Department of Energy, the Department of the Treasury, the National Nuclear Security Agency, and the Department of Homeland Security--including the agency responsible for our cyber security. On top of that, the hackers also managed to breach major American companies like Microsoft and compromised several State governments and other foreign governments all at the same time in this process. While we are learning more about these breaches, the level of resources and sophistication bears all the hallmarks of Russia. Reports suggest that the hackers have been in the system since the spring and perhaps much longer. According to public reports, they may still be in our system tonight. We have heard literally not a word from the White House about this, not a single word from the President about this. I suppose this should come as no surprise. After all, this is the same President who, to this day, refuses to acknowledge that the Russians interfered in our 2016 election even though our intelligence agencies unanimously agree that Russia meddled. This is the same President who went to Helsinki and, on foreign soil, sided with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a former KGB officer, over the CIA, the FBI, the NSA, and all of our other intelligence organizations. The same President who spends the lion's share of almost every day criticizing everyone from the National Football League to Greta Thunberg, who is 17 years old, to the Secretary of State in Georgia for upholding the rule of law can't bring himself to utter one word of criticism for Vladimir Putin--the same President who, instead of challenging Putin, proposed creating a joint cyber unit between the United States and Russia. That would be like asking a burglar to design the locks on the front door of your house. The Trump administration is not known for its consistency, but here is the one place they have been resolute and consistently weak, coddling dictators and abandoning our democratic allies. As a member of the Intelligence Committee, I can't say for sure today whether this weakness emboldened or enabled our adversaries. We are going to have to study the facts. But the administration's abject fecklessness certainly hasn't helped. To understand how weak the Trump administration has left us, it is important to appreciate the wreckage of their total war on the Federal Government. They came into office with a promise to dismantle ``the administrative state,'' but what they ended up doing was dismantling our national defenses. Over the past 4 years, the administration drove thousands of qualified public servants to the exit, including cyber security experts in agency after agency critical to our national security. Back in March, I asked the Department of Homeland Security to detail its plans to shore up our cyber security. They responded by telling me that they still had hundreds of vacancies for cyber security. President Trump eliminated the top coordinator for cyber security at the National Security Council. There is no one, therefore, coordinating our cyber defenses across the Federal Government or engaging the private sector to make sure we are working together to shore up those vulnerabilities. If you put it all together, we have been left with a gutted bureaucracy without the necessary leadership to respond to cyber threats and espionage in a coherent way. And a few weeks ago, the President fired Chris Krebs, just to make matters worse, our top Department of Homeland Security official for domestic cyber security--the very person who would be leading our response to the hacks right now. But he is gone. He is gone not because he did a bad job but because he refused to repeat the President's baseless claims about fraud in the election, claims the President is still making as we meet here tonight more than 6 weeks after the election and 4 days after the electoral college confirmed Joe Biden's election. In the last few days alone, the President has tweeted at least 25 times about fraud in the 2020 election, something he has completely invented in his mind, but he hasn't said one word about the most far-reaching breach of cyber security in our history by a foreign adversary. As we meet here again tonight in the land of flickering lights, uncertain whether we will pass a budget to keep the lights on in our exercise of self-government for the weekend, all across the globe there are public servants, the men and women of our intelligence services, who are working to repair the damage that has been done and to keep us safe. They deserve and the American people deserve a President who makes clear that we won't tolerate intrusions like this, a President who rallies our allies to our common cause. If we have learned anything this year, it is that our government has proven itself woefully unprepared to deal with emerging threats, not only a cyber attack but also a global pandemic. This year has also taught us that the cost of ignoring these threats is much, much greater than the cost of addressing them head-on. But to do that we need a President who doesn't bury his head in the sand or his face in Twitter, a democracy that can think beyond the next commercial break on cable news, that can put aside festering partisanship and forge an enduring national security policy for the 21st century. And Russia is not our only concern. I can assure you that China is not chasing the latest controversy on Twitter or cable news. They are building roads and bridges and airports across the globe. They are laying fiber-optic cables beneath the ocean. They are competing with us in space. They are forging new alliances and pioneering new technologies every month. They are making considered choices to shape the 21st century while we are struggling here to keep the lights on. This lack of concern from the White House about this breach is a dark moment, but soon we will have the chance to take another approach. I hope everyone in this Chamber will seize the opportunity to work with one another to secure the promise of our great country for the next generation and America's role in the world. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7701-2 | null | 1,939 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Cyber Security Mr. President, in the last few days we have learned that the United States was subject to one of the most brazen cyber hacks in history. Based on press reports alone, the hackers appear to have breached the Department of State, the Department of Commerce, the Department of Energy, the Department of the Treasury, the National Nuclear Security Agency, and the Department of Homeland Security--including the agency responsible for our cyber security. On top of that, the hackers also managed to breach major American companies like Microsoft and compromised several State governments and other foreign governments all at the same time in this process. While we are learning more about these breaches, the level of resources and sophistication bears all the hallmarks of Russia. Reports suggest that the hackers have been in the system since the spring and perhaps much longer. According to public reports, they may still be in our system tonight. We have heard literally not a word from the White House about this, not a single word from the President about this. I suppose this should come as no surprise. After all, this is the same President who, to this day, refuses to acknowledge that the Russians interfered in our 2016 election even though our intelligence agencies unanimously agree that Russia meddled. This is the same President who went to Helsinki and, on foreign soil, sided with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a former KGB officer, over the CIA, the FBI, the NSA, and all of our other intelligence organizations. The same President who spends the lion's share of almost every day criticizing everyone from the National Football League to Greta Thunberg, who is 17 years old, to the Secretary of State in Georgia for upholding the rule of law can't bring himself to utter one word of criticism for Vladimir Putin--the same President who, instead of challenging Putin, proposed creating a joint cyber unit between the United States and Russia. That would be like asking a burglar to design the locks on the front door of your house. The Trump administration is not known for its consistency, but here is the one place they have been resolute and consistently weak, coddling dictators and abandoning our democratic allies. As a member of the Intelligence Committee, I can't say for sure today whether this weakness emboldened or enabled our adversaries. We are going to have to study the facts. But the administration's abject fecklessness certainly hasn't helped. To understand how weak the Trump administration has left us, it is important to appreciate the wreckage of their total war on the Federal Government. They came into office with a promise to dismantle ``the administrative state,'' but what they ended up doing was dismantling our national defenses. Over the past 4 years, the administration drove thousands of qualified public servants to the exit, including cyber security experts in agency after agency critical to our national security. Back in March, I asked the Department of Homeland Security to detail its plans to shore up our cyber security. They responded by telling me that they still had hundreds of vacancies for cyber security. President Trump eliminated the top coordinator for cyber security at the National Security Council. There is no one, therefore, coordinating our cyber defenses across the Federal Government or engaging the private sector to make sure we are working together to shore up those vulnerabilities. If you put it all together, we have been left with a gutted bureaucracy without the necessary leadership to respond to cyber threats and espionage in a coherent way. And a few weeks ago, the President fired Chris Krebs, just to make matters worse, our top Department of Homeland Security official for domestic cyber security--the very person who would be leading our response to the hacks right now. But he is gone. He is gone not because he did a bad job but because he refused to repeat the President's baseless claims about fraud in the election, claims the President is still making as we meet here tonight more than 6 weeks after the election and 4 days after the electoral college confirmed Joe Biden's election. In the last few days alone, the President has tweeted at least 25 times about fraud in the 2020 election, something he has completely invented in his mind, but he hasn't said one word about the most far-reaching breach of cyber security in our history by a foreign adversary. As we meet here again tonight in the land of flickering lights, uncertain whether we will pass a budget to keep the lights on in our exercise of self-government for the weekend, all across the globe there are public servants, the men and women of our intelligence services, who are working to repair the damage that has been done and to keep us safe. They deserve and the American people deserve a President who makes clear that we won't tolerate intrusions like this, a President who rallies our allies to our common cause. If we have learned anything this year, it is that our government has proven itself woefully unprepared to deal with emerging threats, not only a cyber attack but also a global pandemic. This year has also taught us that the cost of ignoring these threats is much, much greater than the cost of addressing them head-on. But to do that we need a President who doesn't bury his head in the sand or his face in Twitter, a democracy that can think beyond the next commercial break on cable news, that can put aside festering partisanship and forge an enduring national security policy for the 21st century. And Russia is not our only concern. I can assure you that China is not chasing the latest controversy on Twitter or cable news. They are building roads and bridges and airports across the globe. They are laying fiber-optic cables beneath the ocean. They are competing with us in space. They are forging new alliances and pioneering new technologies every month. They are making considered choices to shape the 21st century while we are struggling here to keep the lights on. This lack of concern from the White House about this breach is a dark moment, but soon we will have the chance to take another approach. I hope everyone in this Chamber will seize the opportunity to work with one another to secure the promise of our great country for the next generation and America's role in the world. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7701-2 | null | 1,940 |
formal | blue | null | antisemitic | Ms. STABENOW. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to someone who is more than just a colleague. He is more than just a friend. In fact, he has been a true partner here in the Senate, and that has paid huge dividends for farmers, families, and communities across our country. Pat Roberts has been here in the Senate for a long time. Some might even call him an institution. At a recent Ag Committee event, I joked that, as a young man, he advised George Washington on farm policy. That might be a bit of an exaggeration, but his legacy can hardly be overstated. He has left a lasting imprint on farm and food policy in this country. He is the only person to have written a farm bill as both the chair of the House and Senate Agriculture Committees. Those of us who have had the honor of serving alongside Pat on the Senate Agriculture Committee know there is no other place quite like it. It is a place where we leave politics at the door and focus on the ways we can improve people's lives and livelihoods in rural America. We do that because we know agriculture isn't a red issue or a blue issue. Agriculture and food policy affect everyone. And nobody knows that better than Pat. Senator Roberts and I never gave up on passing the 2018 farm bill even when it got tough. At the beginning of negotiations, we made a commitment to work together. We visited each other's home States--twice, in fact. I arrived in ``The Little Apple'' of Manhattan, KS, wearing K-State purple. A few weeks later, Pat came to Frankenmuth, MI and wore a MSU green tie. Around this time, we also made a commitment to each other to write a bipartisan farm bill. Throughout the entire process, I never doubted that Pat had my back--even when negotiations got tough. Thanks to this partnership, we achieved the most bipartisan bill in history. We first passed our Senate bill by 86 votes, but that wasn't enough. We decided to beat that record and passed the final farm bill by 87 votes, the most yes votes ever. We were able to do that because we have a unique partnership built on trust and mutual respect. And the outcome was a strong, bipartisan bill that provided certainty for all farmers, from wheat farmers in Kansas to cherry growers in Michigan. Part of that certainty is Federal crop insurance--and nobody deserves more credit for the foundation of that important safety net program than Senator Roberts. Pat is also a champion for food security, agricultural exports, and agricultural research, which is why he and I worked together to establish the Foundation for Food and Agriculture in the 2014 Farm Bill. He also understands the importance of protecting food assistance for children and families. I was honored to share the Food Research and Action Center's Distinguished Service Award with Senator Roberts last year for our teamwork. Above all, it has been an honor working with Pat because he is truly one of a kind. From the moment I met him, it became abundantly clear that he wasn't your run-of-the-mill politician. Some say it is his unflappable nature. Others say it is his unique sense of humor. But to me, Pat Roberts is defined by his loyalty, integrity, and dedication to the people of Kansas. He started his career as a first lieutenant in the Marine Corps. And it is clear he has carried that courage and conviction with him throughout his life. He was also a newspaper reporter, which makes sense when you consider his dogged determination, and, for better or worse, his ability to be exceptionally quotable. As a public servant, he is so beloved in his home State of Kansas that he never lost an election, a record of 24-0. If only his K-State Wildcats could be so lucky. Senator Pat Roberts, it has been such an honor to be your partner--and an even bigger honor to be your friend. So while your retirement is well earned, you will be deeply missed on the Agriculture Committee and here in the Senate. Thank you for all you have done for farmers, families, and the American people. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. STABENOW | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7705 | null | 1,941 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, the Federal Government brought in $3.3 trillion in revenue last year and spent $6.6 trillion for a record-setting $3.3 trillion deficit. If you are looking for more COVID bailout money, we don't have any. The coffers are bare. We have no rainy day fund. We have no savings account. Congress has spent all of the money. Congress spent all of the money a long time ago. The economic damage from the pandemic is not the reason for this runaway spending. This has gone on for decades. Today's money is gone, so Congress is spending tomorrow's money. When you look at a graph of our projected spending, you see a big spike this year. The spike is a mountain of money doled out to pay for the economic ruin of the government mandates. When we talk about spending tomorrow's money, this is not just money we will need next month; this is money we will need in a decade--money we will need in one, two, and three generations from now. For national defense. For infrastructure. This is money that your children and grandchildren will pay back with interest, and it is going up by more than a trillion dollars every year. Instead of enjoying the same wealth and opportunity that we have enjoyed in this country, our children will be stuck paying our bills--with interest. Every taxpaying American already owes $136,754 today, and they are staring at a red-ink projection into the future. We are $27 trillion in total debt today. How do we expect a child to have economic opportunity when crushing debt is their inheritance from Congress? The numbers are mind-boggling. It is hard to conceive of a billion dollars, much less a trillion dollars. How big is a billion? Well, a billion seconds ago was 1988 and Reagan was still President. A billion minutes ago, Jesus walked the shore of the Sea of Galilee. A billion hours ago, man still lived in caves. But a billion dollars ago--as spent by the Federal Government--that was just 80 minutes ago. That is right, the Federal Government spends a billion dollars every 80 minutes. All of this should be setting off alarm bells, but the only alarm bells in Congress are sounding the alarm for more spending, more debt. No cuts. No offsets. No pay-fors. No prioritization. Just debt. Spend all the money and leave the future to figure itself out. Our budget deficit for 2020 was $3.3 trillion, and we are projected to have a deficit of nearly $2 trillion in 2021. And that was before any additional spending on another round of coronavirus bailout money. By refusing to acknowledge the debt crisis, we are only hastening the day of economic reckoning. Total debt was 55 percent of GDP 20 years ago; today it is 128 percent. The World Bank estimates there is a tipping point of debt to GDP at about 77 percent. Every percentage point after that costs about one-tenth of 1 percent of economic growth. We are at 128 percent, which means Congress's continued borrowing is costing the U.S. economy about 8 percent growth each year. We are borrowing and worsening this debt crisis, in part, because too many Governors and mayors have imposed heavyhanded restrictions that crush businesses. The pandemic itself was disruptive, but Congress is being asked to help perpetuate lockdowns and shutdowns through bailouts and debt. Every bailout dollar printed and passed out to Governors only allows these tin pot dictators to perpetuate the lockdowns. Their rules are arbitrary, and Governors and mayors across the country are picking winners and losers. Businesses, some that have been in families for generations, are being wiped out because they are not not allowed to offer their services. Restaurants have to close for indoor dining, but then they are told they can stay open at limited capacity, but then they are told they have to close again, but then they are told that they can reopen but bars have to close. Confusing doesn't explain the half of it. Bars are told they can only serve alcohol if people are sitting and not standing and only if they have heavy foods on their menus. Restaurants are told they can serve outdoors, then have that permission revoked after they have sunk time and money converting their restaurant to outdoor service. But a caterer can still serve outdoors. Businesses are told they have to close at an arbitrary time determined by government officials, as though the virus only comes out late at night. A business in one Zip Code can be open but one in the adjoining Zip Code has to close, as if the virus can't cross an imaginary line. Airlines are allowed to fly but hotels have to limit their occupancy, so you may not have anywhere to stay when you get there. Mom-and-pop stores and specialty stores are forced to close, but big box competitors are allowed to stay open because they have a grocery aisle. But then other States roped off random sections of stores. How is any business expected to survive that kind of regulation? Meanwhile, many schools remain closed despite overwhelming evidence showing kids can safely learn in-person with basic precautions, which means parents can't go to work, which has forced many parents to leave their jobs to take care of home-bound kids. Now they have no income because the government forced them to leave their jobs to take care of their kids, and many kids are struggling with an improvised virtual school. The need for help is real. I hear it every day from Kentuckians and across the country. But it is clear that government has worsened the economic damage and acted as the biggest obstacle to economic recovery. There is no free money to get us out of this situation. In fact, there is no more money at all. The answer is not printing up and distributing ``free money'' to everyone. The answer is immediately opening the economy. We can choose to let our economies open, with guidance and precautions but not obstruction. Let people rebuild their livelihoods. Reopen our schools so kids can learn and parents can go back to working and earning a living. Congress should do away with automatic spending increases and scrutinize where in our budget we can find savings to pay for the pressing needs arising from the pandemic. This is what I prefer and what I have proposed. Or Congress can follow the status quo: Congress can continue to borrow from our kids--the same ones whom we have locked out of schools. Congress can keep enabling the shutting down of business by force, spend all of today's money and all of tomorrow's money. Then good luck figuring out how to pay for all of this massive debt. It doesn't have to be this way. This debt crisis is a preventable crisis. It is not too late to change our course. Cut unnecessary spending, eliminate waste, stop fighting a $50 billion per year forever war in Afghanistan. Make the hard decisions now. We can't keep pretending that more debt is a sustainable policy course. Leadership is not passing on the problem to someone who can't protest, leadership is making thehard choices now. That is what we have to do. I will oppose this new debt, and I will continue to sound the alarm until we change our course here in Congress. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. PAUL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7710 | null | 1,942 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, the Federal Government brought in $3.3 trillion in revenue last year and spent $6.6 trillion for a record-setting $3.3 trillion deficit. If you are looking for more COVID bailout money, we don't have any. The coffers are bare. We have no rainy day fund. We have no savings account. Congress has spent all of the money. Congress spent all of the money a long time ago. The economic damage from the pandemic is not the reason for this runaway spending. This has gone on for decades. Today's money is gone, so Congress is spending tomorrow's money. When you look at a graph of our projected spending, you see a big spike this year. The spike is a mountain of money doled out to pay for the economic ruin of the government mandates. When we talk about spending tomorrow's money, this is not just money we will need next month; this is money we will need in a decade--money we will need in one, two, and three generations from now. For national defense. For infrastructure. This is money that your children and grandchildren will pay back with interest, and it is going up by more than a trillion dollars every year. Instead of enjoying the same wealth and opportunity that we have enjoyed in this country, our children will be stuck paying our bills--with interest. Every taxpaying American already owes $136,754 today, and they are staring at a red-ink projection into the future. We are $27 trillion in total debt today. How do we expect a child to have economic opportunity when crushing debt is their inheritance from Congress? The numbers are mind-boggling. It is hard to conceive of a billion dollars, much less a trillion dollars. How big is a billion? Well, a billion seconds ago was 1988 and Reagan was still President. A billion minutes ago, Jesus walked the shore of the Sea of Galilee. A billion hours ago, man still lived in caves. But a billion dollars ago--as spent by the Federal Government--that was just 80 minutes ago. That is right, the Federal Government spends a billion dollars every 80 minutes. All of this should be setting off alarm bells, but the only alarm bells in Congress are sounding the alarm for more spending, more debt. No cuts. No offsets. No pay-fors. No prioritization. Just debt. Spend all the money and leave the future to figure itself out. Our budget deficit for 2020 was $3.3 trillion, and we are projected to have a deficit of nearly $2 trillion in 2021. And that was before any additional spending on another round of coronavirus bailout money. By refusing to acknowledge the debt crisis, we are only hastening the day of economic reckoning. Total debt was 55 percent of GDP 20 years ago; today it is 128 percent. The World Bank estimates there is a tipping point of debt to GDP at about 77 percent. Every percentage point after that costs about one-tenth of 1 percent of economic growth. We are at 128 percent, which means Congress's continued borrowing is costing the U.S. economy about 8 percent growth each year. We are borrowing and worsening this debt crisis, in part, because too many Governors and mayors have imposed heavyhanded restrictions that crush businesses. The pandemic itself was disruptive, but Congress is being asked to help perpetuate lockdowns and shutdowns through bailouts and debt. Every bailout dollar printed and passed out to Governors only allows these tin pot dictators to perpetuate the lockdowns. Their rules are arbitrary, and Governors and mayors across the country are picking winners and losers. Businesses, some that have been in families for generations, are being wiped out because they are not not allowed to offer their services. Restaurants have to close for indoor dining, but then they are told they can stay open at limited capacity, but then they are told they have to close again, but then they are told that they can reopen but bars have to close. Confusing doesn't explain the half of it. Bars are told they can only serve alcohol if people are sitting and not standing and only if they have heavy foods on their menus. Restaurants are told they can serve outdoors, then have that permission revoked after they have sunk time and money converting their restaurant to outdoor service. But a caterer can still serve outdoors. Businesses are told they have to close at an arbitrary time determined by government officials, as though the virus only comes out late at night. A business in one Zip Code can be open but one in the adjoining Zip Code has to close, as if the virus can't cross an imaginary line. Airlines are allowed to fly but hotels have to limit their occupancy, so you may not have anywhere to stay when you get there. Mom-and-pop stores and specialty stores are forced to close, but big box competitors are allowed to stay open because they have a grocery aisle. But then other States roped off random sections of stores. How is any business expected to survive that kind of regulation? Meanwhile, many schools remain closed despite overwhelming evidence showing kids can safely learn in-person with basic precautions, which means parents can't go to work, which has forced many parents to leave their jobs to take care of home-bound kids. Now they have no income because the government forced them to leave their jobs to take care of their kids, and many kids are struggling with an improvised virtual school. The need for help is real. I hear it every day from Kentuckians and across the country. But it is clear that government has worsened the economic damage and acted as the biggest obstacle to economic recovery. There is no free money to get us out of this situation. In fact, there is no more money at all. The answer is not printing up and distributing ``free money'' to everyone. The answer is immediately opening the economy. We can choose to let our economies open, with guidance and precautions but not obstruction. Let people rebuild their livelihoods. Reopen our schools so kids can learn and parents can go back to working and earning a living. Congress should do away with automatic spending increases and scrutinize where in our budget we can find savings to pay for the pressing needs arising from the pandemic. This is what I prefer and what I have proposed. Or Congress can follow the status quo: Congress can continue to borrow from our kids--the same ones whom we have locked out of schools. Congress can keep enabling the shutting down of business by force, spend all of today's money and all of tomorrow's money. Then good luck figuring out how to pay for all of this massive debt. It doesn't have to be this way. This debt crisis is a preventable crisis. It is not too late to change our course. Cut unnecessary spending, eliminate waste, stop fighting a $50 billion per year forever war in Afghanistan. Make the hard decisions now. We can't keep pretending that more debt is a sustainable policy course. Leadership is not passing on the problem to someone who can't protest, leadership is making thehard choices now. That is what we have to do. I will oppose this new debt, and I will continue to sound the alarm until we change our course here in Congress. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. PAUL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7710 | null | 1,943 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I rise to recognize an extraordinary member of my staff who retired from the Senate earlier this year, Karen Robb. For 15 years, Karen Robb served as a critical senior member of my staff, first in my House office and then in the Senate. Karen is a trusted adviser, skilled leader, and wonderful friend. Over the years she has been a key partner in many of our successful legislative initiatives and was a tireless advocate for the people of Maryland. A humble and committed public servant, Karen is driven by her deep-rooted values and a strong commitment to public service and the institution of the Congress. Karen was already a seasoned pro on Capitol Hill when she joined my team as chief of staff in the House of Representatives office 15 years ago. She had previously served as Deputy Assistant to President Clinton in the Office of Legislative Affairs, chief of staff to Senator John Edwards, democratic staff director for the Senate Judiciary Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, and chief counsel to Senator Dennis DeConcini. Her extensive experience in both the legislative and executive branches helped us achieve significant victories for Maryland and pass priorities important to the American people. An attorney, Karen has always identified first as a policy wonk with particularly deep knowledge of the judiciary, and I drafted her into becoming an expert on campaign finance reform and election issues. She worked with Fred Wertheimer of Democracy 21 and other reformers to change the political finance system through legislation and the courts. Karen worked tirelessly to help draft the Lobbying Transparency Act, legislation I introduced to shine a light on lobbyist bundling of political contributions that ultimately became law as part of an ethics reform package. Many Members of Congress opposed the effort, but it was the right thing to do, and with the support of Speaker Pelosi, it passed in the House, while Senators Obama and Feingold pushed it through in the Senate. After the Supreme Court's notorious decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, we worked formonths to write and pass the DISCLOSE Act in the House of Representatives. The DISCLOSE Act is based on the idea that voters have a right to know what individuals and interests are financing the political advertisements trying to influence their votes. It was vigorously opposed by deep-pocketed special interests that prefer to operate in the dark and hide behind front organizations, but Karen kept at it. She spent countless hours negotiating every comma and definition. With perseverance, we succeeded in eking out a victory of 219 to 206 in the House. The Senate version failed by one vote, and we have been trying to pass it here ever since. Karen helped us pass legislation protecting whistleblowers who put their careers at risk to expose wrongdoing--an issue that has become even more important in recent years. She recognized that the success of our democracy depends on people's willingness to speak truth to power, and it is our job to advance the truth for the public good. During my time in the House, Karen served in a number of key roles, including as policy director of my Assistant to the Speaker's Office, where she accompanied me to all the House leadership meetings as well as the House-Senate bicameral leadership meetings. She always had good insights and was respected by all. Karen also served as counsel on the House Budget Committee during the time I was the ranking member on the committee and played an important role during my participation in the bipartisan budget negotiations headed by then-Vice President Biden. During our tenure on the House Budget Committee, House Democrats proposed budgets to expand economic opportunity for all, strengthen Medicare and Social Security, put our country on a path for strong jobs and wage growth, and much more. She was at the center of these efforts and understood that budgets are more than just lists of programs and tabulations of dollars and cents--they represent the priorities and values of the American people. Upon arriving in the Senate, Karen's deep roots in the Upper Chamber got us off to a quick start. She set up our office and had an insider's knowledge of how to navigate many of the Senate's byzantine traditions and processes. With her wise guidance, we were able to achieve much for Marylanders in a short time. Karen's love for the twists and turns of lawmaking and politics is surpassed only by her love of children and animals--her first stop after leaving our office was the Nyumbani AIDS orphanage in Kenya, where she has served as a guardian angel for many years. She has helped to raise funds for supplies for the orphanage while taking a direct personal interest in the children who live there, sharing photos and stories and delighting in their growth and progress. Karen's charitable efforts have never been abstract--she has personally hauled supplies on her trips to Nyumbani, and, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, she jumped in her car and drove to New Orleans to help rescue and rehome animals. While a loss to the Senate, Karen's retirement gives her more time to spend on the many causes close to her heart, including to her continued service on the Nyumbani board of directors. Karen Robb was not a bystander to any project she embarked on. She was hands-on, all in, and whatever it takes. From the smallest detail to the biggest obstacle, she threw herself into her work and our lives. She is a compassionate person who always puts others first. My family and I will be forever grateful for Karen's friendship, many talents, and loyal service. Our entire team will miss her and the wisdom she brought to the often-hectic world of congressional offices. I wish her the very best as she embarks on her new adventures. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. VAN HOLLEN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7711-3 | null | 1,944 |
formal | right to know | null | anti-GMO | Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I rise to recognize an extraordinary member of my staff who retired from the Senate earlier this year, Karen Robb. For 15 years, Karen Robb served as a critical senior member of my staff, first in my House office and then in the Senate. Karen is a trusted adviser, skilled leader, and wonderful friend. Over the years she has been a key partner in many of our successful legislative initiatives and was a tireless advocate for the people of Maryland. A humble and committed public servant, Karen is driven by her deep-rooted values and a strong commitment to public service and the institution of the Congress. Karen was already a seasoned pro on Capitol Hill when she joined my team as chief of staff in the House of Representatives office 15 years ago. She had previously served as Deputy Assistant to President Clinton in the Office of Legislative Affairs, chief of staff to Senator John Edwards, democratic staff director for the Senate Judiciary Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, and chief counsel to Senator Dennis DeConcini. Her extensive experience in both the legislative and executive branches helped us achieve significant victories for Maryland and pass priorities important to the American people. An attorney, Karen has always identified first as a policy wonk with particularly deep knowledge of the judiciary, and I drafted her into becoming an expert on campaign finance reform and election issues. She worked with Fred Wertheimer of Democracy 21 and other reformers to change the political finance system through legislation and the courts. Karen worked tirelessly to help draft the Lobbying Transparency Act, legislation I introduced to shine a light on lobbyist bundling of political contributions that ultimately became law as part of an ethics reform package. Many Members of Congress opposed the effort, but it was the right thing to do, and with the support of Speaker Pelosi, it passed in the House, while Senators Obama and Feingold pushed it through in the Senate. After the Supreme Court's notorious decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, we worked formonths to write and pass the DISCLOSE Act in the House of Representatives. The DISCLOSE Act is based on the idea that voters have a right to know what individuals and interests are financing the political advertisements trying to influence their votes. It was vigorously opposed by deep-pocketed special interests that prefer to operate in the dark and hide behind front organizations, but Karen kept at it. She spent countless hours negotiating every comma and definition. With perseverance, we succeeded in eking out a victory of 219 to 206 in the House. The Senate version failed by one vote, and we have been trying to pass it here ever since. Karen helped us pass legislation protecting whistleblowers who put their careers at risk to expose wrongdoing--an issue that has become even more important in recent years. She recognized that the success of our democracy depends on people's willingness to speak truth to power, and it is our job to advance the truth for the public good. During my time in the House, Karen served in a number of key roles, including as policy director of my Assistant to the Speaker's Office, where she accompanied me to all the House leadership meetings as well as the House-Senate bicameral leadership meetings. She always had good insights and was respected by all. Karen also served as counsel on the House Budget Committee during the time I was the ranking member on the committee and played an important role during my participation in the bipartisan budget negotiations headed by then-Vice President Biden. During our tenure on the House Budget Committee, House Democrats proposed budgets to expand economic opportunity for all, strengthen Medicare and Social Security, put our country on a path for strong jobs and wage growth, and much more. She was at the center of these efforts and understood that budgets are more than just lists of programs and tabulations of dollars and cents--they represent the priorities and values of the American people. Upon arriving in the Senate, Karen's deep roots in the Upper Chamber got us off to a quick start. She set up our office and had an insider's knowledge of how to navigate many of the Senate's byzantine traditions and processes. With her wise guidance, we were able to achieve much for Marylanders in a short time. Karen's love for the twists and turns of lawmaking and politics is surpassed only by her love of children and animals--her first stop after leaving our office was the Nyumbani AIDS orphanage in Kenya, where she has served as a guardian angel for many years. She has helped to raise funds for supplies for the orphanage while taking a direct personal interest in the children who live there, sharing photos and stories and delighting in their growth and progress. Karen's charitable efforts have never been abstract--she has personally hauled supplies on her trips to Nyumbani, and, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, she jumped in her car and drove to New Orleans to help rescue and rehome animals. While a loss to the Senate, Karen's retirement gives her more time to spend on the many causes close to her heart, including to her continued service on the Nyumbani board of directors. Karen Robb was not a bystander to any project she embarked on. She was hands-on, all in, and whatever it takes. From the smallest detail to the biggest obstacle, she threw herself into her work and our lives. She is a compassionate person who always puts others first. My family and I will be forever grateful for Karen's friendship, many talents, and loyal service. Our entire team will miss her and the wisdom she brought to the often-hectic world of congressional offices. I wish her the very best as she embarks on her new adventures. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. VAN HOLLEN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7711-3 | null | 1,945 |
formal | special interest | null | antisemitic | Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I rise to recognize an extraordinary member of my staff who retired from the Senate earlier this year, Karen Robb. For 15 years, Karen Robb served as a critical senior member of my staff, first in my House office and then in the Senate. Karen is a trusted adviser, skilled leader, and wonderful friend. Over the years she has been a key partner in many of our successful legislative initiatives and was a tireless advocate for the people of Maryland. A humble and committed public servant, Karen is driven by her deep-rooted values and a strong commitment to public service and the institution of the Congress. Karen was already a seasoned pro on Capitol Hill when she joined my team as chief of staff in the House of Representatives office 15 years ago. She had previously served as Deputy Assistant to President Clinton in the Office of Legislative Affairs, chief of staff to Senator John Edwards, democratic staff director for the Senate Judiciary Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, and chief counsel to Senator Dennis DeConcini. Her extensive experience in both the legislative and executive branches helped us achieve significant victories for Maryland and pass priorities important to the American people. An attorney, Karen has always identified first as a policy wonk with particularly deep knowledge of the judiciary, and I drafted her into becoming an expert on campaign finance reform and election issues. She worked with Fred Wertheimer of Democracy 21 and other reformers to change the political finance system through legislation and the courts. Karen worked tirelessly to help draft the Lobbying Transparency Act, legislation I introduced to shine a light on lobbyist bundling of political contributions that ultimately became law as part of an ethics reform package. Many Members of Congress opposed the effort, but it was the right thing to do, and with the support of Speaker Pelosi, it passed in the House, while Senators Obama and Feingold pushed it through in the Senate. After the Supreme Court's notorious decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, we worked formonths to write and pass the DISCLOSE Act in the House of Representatives. The DISCLOSE Act is based on the idea that voters have a right to know what individuals and interests are financing the political advertisements trying to influence their votes. It was vigorously opposed by deep-pocketed special interests that prefer to operate in the dark and hide behind front organizations, but Karen kept at it. She spent countless hours negotiating every comma and definition. With perseverance, we succeeded in eking out a victory of 219 to 206 in the House. The Senate version failed by one vote, and we have been trying to pass it here ever since. Karen helped us pass legislation protecting whistleblowers who put their careers at risk to expose wrongdoing--an issue that has become even more important in recent years. She recognized that the success of our democracy depends on people's willingness to speak truth to power, and it is our job to advance the truth for the public good. During my time in the House, Karen served in a number of key roles, including as policy director of my Assistant to the Speaker's Office, where she accompanied me to all the House leadership meetings as well as the House-Senate bicameral leadership meetings. She always had good insights and was respected by all. Karen also served as counsel on the House Budget Committee during the time I was the ranking member on the committee and played an important role during my participation in the bipartisan budget negotiations headed by then-Vice President Biden. During our tenure on the House Budget Committee, House Democrats proposed budgets to expand economic opportunity for all, strengthen Medicare and Social Security, put our country on a path for strong jobs and wage growth, and much more. She was at the center of these efforts and understood that budgets are more than just lists of programs and tabulations of dollars and cents--they represent the priorities and values of the American people. Upon arriving in the Senate, Karen's deep roots in the Upper Chamber got us off to a quick start. She set up our office and had an insider's knowledge of how to navigate many of the Senate's byzantine traditions and processes. With her wise guidance, we were able to achieve much for Marylanders in a short time. Karen's love for the twists and turns of lawmaking and politics is surpassed only by her love of children and animals--her first stop after leaving our office was the Nyumbani AIDS orphanage in Kenya, where she has served as a guardian angel for many years. She has helped to raise funds for supplies for the orphanage while taking a direct personal interest in the children who live there, sharing photos and stories and delighting in their growth and progress. Karen's charitable efforts have never been abstract--she has personally hauled supplies on her trips to Nyumbani, and, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, she jumped in her car and drove to New Orleans to help rescue and rehome animals. While a loss to the Senate, Karen's retirement gives her more time to spend on the many causes close to her heart, including to her continued service on the Nyumbani board of directors. Karen Robb was not a bystander to any project she embarked on. She was hands-on, all in, and whatever it takes. From the smallest detail to the biggest obstacle, she threw herself into her work and our lives. She is a compassionate person who always puts others first. My family and I will be forever grateful for Karen's friendship, many talents, and loyal service. Our entire team will miss her and the wisdom she brought to the often-hectic world of congressional offices. I wish her the very best as she embarks on her new adventures. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. VAN HOLLEN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7711-3 | null | 1,946 |
formal | special interests | null | antisemitic | Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Mr. President, I rise to recognize an extraordinary member of my staff who retired from the Senate earlier this year, Karen Robb. For 15 years, Karen Robb served as a critical senior member of my staff, first in my House office and then in the Senate. Karen is a trusted adviser, skilled leader, and wonderful friend. Over the years she has been a key partner in many of our successful legislative initiatives and was a tireless advocate for the people of Maryland. A humble and committed public servant, Karen is driven by her deep-rooted values and a strong commitment to public service and the institution of the Congress. Karen was already a seasoned pro on Capitol Hill when she joined my team as chief of staff in the House of Representatives office 15 years ago. She had previously served as Deputy Assistant to President Clinton in the Office of Legislative Affairs, chief of staff to Senator John Edwards, democratic staff director for the Senate Judiciary Committee under then-Senator Joe Biden, and chief counsel to Senator Dennis DeConcini. Her extensive experience in both the legislative and executive branches helped us achieve significant victories for Maryland and pass priorities important to the American people. An attorney, Karen has always identified first as a policy wonk with particularly deep knowledge of the judiciary, and I drafted her into becoming an expert on campaign finance reform and election issues. She worked with Fred Wertheimer of Democracy 21 and other reformers to change the political finance system through legislation and the courts. Karen worked tirelessly to help draft the Lobbying Transparency Act, legislation I introduced to shine a light on lobbyist bundling of political contributions that ultimately became law as part of an ethics reform package. Many Members of Congress opposed the effort, but it was the right thing to do, and with the support of Speaker Pelosi, it passed in the House, while Senators Obama and Feingold pushed it through in the Senate. After the Supreme Court's notorious decision in Citizens United v. Federal Election Commission, we worked formonths to write and pass the DISCLOSE Act in the House of Representatives. The DISCLOSE Act is based on the idea that voters have a right to know what individuals and interests are financing the political advertisements trying to influence their votes. It was vigorously opposed by deep-pocketed special interests that prefer to operate in the dark and hide behind front organizations, but Karen kept at it. She spent countless hours negotiating every comma and definition. With perseverance, we succeeded in eking out a victory of 219 to 206 in the House. The Senate version failed by one vote, and we have been trying to pass it here ever since. Karen helped us pass legislation protecting whistleblowers who put their careers at risk to expose wrongdoing--an issue that has become even more important in recent years. She recognized that the success of our democracy depends on people's willingness to speak truth to power, and it is our job to advance the truth for the public good. During my time in the House, Karen served in a number of key roles, including as policy director of my Assistant to the Speaker's Office, where she accompanied me to all the House leadership meetings as well as the House-Senate bicameral leadership meetings. She always had good insights and was respected by all. Karen also served as counsel on the House Budget Committee during the time I was the ranking member on the committee and played an important role during my participation in the bipartisan budget negotiations headed by then-Vice President Biden. During our tenure on the House Budget Committee, House Democrats proposed budgets to expand economic opportunity for all, strengthen Medicare and Social Security, put our country on a path for strong jobs and wage growth, and much more. She was at the center of these efforts and understood that budgets are more than just lists of programs and tabulations of dollars and cents--they represent the priorities and values of the American people. Upon arriving in the Senate, Karen's deep roots in the Upper Chamber got us off to a quick start. She set up our office and had an insider's knowledge of how to navigate many of the Senate's byzantine traditions and processes. With her wise guidance, we were able to achieve much for Marylanders in a short time. Karen's love for the twists and turns of lawmaking and politics is surpassed only by her love of children and animals--her first stop after leaving our office was the Nyumbani AIDS orphanage in Kenya, where she has served as a guardian angel for many years. She has helped to raise funds for supplies for the orphanage while taking a direct personal interest in the children who live there, sharing photos and stories and delighting in their growth and progress. Karen's charitable efforts have never been abstract--she has personally hauled supplies on her trips to Nyumbani, and, in the wake of Hurricane Katrina, she jumped in her car and drove to New Orleans to help rescue and rehome animals. While a loss to the Senate, Karen's retirement gives her more time to spend on the many causes close to her heart, including to her continued service on the Nyumbani board of directors. Karen Robb was not a bystander to any project she embarked on. She was hands-on, all in, and whatever it takes. From the smallest detail to the biggest obstacle, she threw herself into her work and our lives. She is a compassionate person who always puts others first. My family and I will be forever grateful for Karen's friendship, many talents, and loyal service. Our entire team will miss her and the wisdom she brought to the often-hectic world of congressional offices. I wish her the very best as she embarks on her new adventures. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. VAN HOLLEN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7711-3 | null | 1,947 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. YOUNG. Mr. President, I rise to recognize Shepherd Community Center's 35 years of service to individuals and families on the near eastside of Indianapolis, IN. Since 1985, this faith-based, inner-city ministry has operated with the mission to ``break the cycle of poverty on the near Eastside of Indianapolis by engaging and empowering the community to cultivate healthy children, strong families, and vibrant neighborhoods through a Christ-centered approach that meets the physical, emotional, spiritual, and academic needs of our neighbors.'' Shepherd Community Center serves the near Eastside of Indianapolis, where poverty rates in the area reach as high as 38.6 percent and 8 of 10 children rely on school as their primary source of food during the week. Shepherd provides hope and support to its neighbors through a unique and holistic approach Shepherd calls its Continuum of Care. The Continuum of Care is a full set of programs that allows Shepherd to be continuously engaged in the lives of neighborhood children, teens, and their parents. It is designed to help area families overcome the challenges they may be facing in all areas: physical, emotional, spiritual, and academic. Shepherd's approach has consistently yielded positive results, and families in its programs have become stronger physically, emotionally, spiritually, and financially. Shepherd's students also attain higher academic achievement. In an area where only 33 percent of entering freshmen graduate high school and only 75 percent of those who graduate go on to college, nearly 90 percent of Shepherd's seniors graduate and go on to college, job training, or the military. Shepherd's history dates to the fall of 1984, when the Westside Church of the Nazarene sent a group of volunteers to Central Nazarene Church to serve a Thanksgiving meal. In February 1985, that simple meal blossomed into an organization: Central Nazarene Mission. A few years later, the name was changed to Shepherd Community Center. Reverend Dean Cowles was the founding director and served in that role for Shepherd's first 4 years. Reverend John Hay, Jr. served for the next few years. Following Hay's departure, Cowles returned and served yet another 4 years. After a few years of transition, Reverend Jay Height was named executive director in 1998 and continues to serve today. And my friend Reverend Height has been a tireless champion for families on the near Eastside every day since then. In a 35th anniversary year when the COVID-19 pandemic compounded the challenges facing families in the area, Reverend Height and the Shepherd Community team met those challenges head on, and arm-in-arm with their neighbors. In a recent article in the Indianapolis Star, Reverend Height said, ``Hope is a precious commodity. When it's lost, the consequences for human life are devastating.'' I agree, Reverend Height. And I know the countless families of Indianapolis that Shepherd has served in its first 35 years are eternally grateful that Shepherd has been a custodian of hope for our capital city. On behalf of those families and the State of Indiana, I congratulate you on the 35th anniversary of Shepherd Community Center, I thank everyone who has worked and sacrificed in order to bless their neighborhoods through the work of Shepherd and wish the Shepherd Community Center all the best as it carries on that good and crucial work. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. YOUNG | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7711 | null | 1,948 |
formal | urban | null | racist | At 10:41 a.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mrs. Cole, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, with an amendment, in which it requests the concurrence of the Senate: S. 3989. An act to amend the United States Semiquincentennial Commission Act of 2016 to modify certain membership and other requirements of the United States Semiquincentennial Commission, and for other purposes. The message also announced that the House has passed the following bills, in which it requests the concurrence of the Senate. H.R. 3250. An act to require the Secretary of the Interior to conduct a special resource study of the sites associated with the life and legacy of the noted American philanthropist and business executive Julius Rosenwald, with a special focus on the Rosenwald Schools, and for other purposes. H.R. 5472. An act to redesignate the Jimmy Carter National Historic Site as the ``Jimmy Carter National Historical Park''. H.R. 5852. An act to redesignate the Weir Farm National Historic Site in the State of Connecticut as the ``Weir Farm National Historical Park''. H.R. 6535. An act to deem an urban Indian organization and employees thereof to be a part of the Public Health Service for the purposes of certain claims for personal injury, and for other purposes. H.R. 7460. An act to extend the authority for the establishment by the Peace Corps Commemorative Foundation of a commemorative work to commemorate the mission of the Peace Corps and the ideals on which the Peace Corps was founded, and for other purposes. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7712 | null | 1,949 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Executive nomination confirmed by the Senate December 18, 2020: Farm Credit Administration Charles A. Stones, of Kansas, to be a Member of the Board of Directors of the Federal Agricultural Mortgage Corporation. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-18-pt1-PgS7830-3 | null | 1,950 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, our Nation stands at a crossroads in our months-long battle with the new coronavirus. Tracking recent developments lately has felt like watching a split-screen television. On the one hand, Operation Warp Speed has fostered a modern medical miracle. The genius of science has brought forward safe and effective vaccines at a pace which, just months ago, many claimed would be impossible. For about 9 months now, our Nation has been treading water altogether. Now the road to victory is in sight. But at the same time, even as we see this hopeful sunrise on the horizon, in the here and now, we are still facing an ongoing five-alarm national crisis. The virus is surging across our country. Two days ago, my home State of Kentucky set another bleak new record--the most Kentuckians lost in a single day of this pandemic so far. Nationwide, since the start of December, we have lost around 3,000 of our fellow Americans to this disease every single day. Meanwhile, although the American people have built our economic recovery with more speed and resilience than anyone had anticipated, we have known all along that recovering prosperity would come hand-in-hand with defeating the virus. Thus, millions of working families across the Nation are still under terrible strain. Last week, economists thought we would see a slight downward tick in new unemployment claims. Instead, the numbers shot up, logging 885,000 new claims in just 1 week--almost900,000 newly laid-off Americans in 1 week alone. Senators on both sides know what we need to do. In the springtime, when the country needed a bridge, we passed the largest rescue package in American history on a unanimous, bipartisan basis. Now what Americans need is another bridge. Fortunately, this time we do not need a bridge over an unknown and frightening future but a bridge through the next several months, while the lifesaving vaccines can flow throughout our country. Frontline healthcare workers are receiving the vaccine as we speak. Yesterday, Vice President Pence, Speaker Pelosi, and I all received first doses of vaccines pursuant to preexisting plans for the continuity of our government. These vaccines are safe. They are effective. They are our Nation's path out of this hellish chapter. So the first lines of the cavalry are already arriving. We just need to help American families hold on while reinforcements continue to pour in: more paycheck protection loans for the hardest hit businesses, more additional Federal unemployment aid, more direct assistance for families, a lot more funding for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get our kids' educations back on track, and, perhaps most important of all, a huge amount of funding for vaccine distribution so that we aren't just helping Americans endure this battle, but we are helping them win the battle as fast as possible | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7831-8 | null | 1,951 |
formal | working families | null | racist | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, our Nation stands at a crossroads in our months-long battle with the new coronavirus. Tracking recent developments lately has felt like watching a split-screen television. On the one hand, Operation Warp Speed has fostered a modern medical miracle. The genius of science has brought forward safe and effective vaccines at a pace which, just months ago, many claimed would be impossible. For about 9 months now, our Nation has been treading water altogether. Now the road to victory is in sight. But at the same time, even as we see this hopeful sunrise on the horizon, in the here and now, we are still facing an ongoing five-alarm national crisis. The virus is surging across our country. Two days ago, my home State of Kentucky set another bleak new record--the most Kentuckians lost in a single day of this pandemic so far. Nationwide, since the start of December, we have lost around 3,000 of our fellow Americans to this disease every single day. Meanwhile, although the American people have built our economic recovery with more speed and resilience than anyone had anticipated, we have known all along that recovering prosperity would come hand-in-hand with defeating the virus. Thus, millions of working families across the Nation are still under terrible strain. Last week, economists thought we would see a slight downward tick in new unemployment claims. Instead, the numbers shot up, logging 885,000 new claims in just 1 week--almost900,000 newly laid-off Americans in 1 week alone. Senators on both sides know what we need to do. In the springtime, when the country needed a bridge, we passed the largest rescue package in American history on a unanimous, bipartisan basis. Now what Americans need is another bridge. Fortunately, this time we do not need a bridge over an unknown and frightening future but a bridge through the next several months, while the lifesaving vaccines can flow throughout our country. Frontline healthcare workers are receiving the vaccine as we speak. Yesterday, Vice President Pence, Speaker Pelosi, and I all received first doses of vaccines pursuant to preexisting plans for the continuity of our government. These vaccines are safe. They are effective. They are our Nation's path out of this hellish chapter. So the first lines of the cavalry are already arriving. We just need to help American families hold on while reinforcements continue to pour in: more paycheck protection loans for the hardest hit businesses, more additional Federal unemployment aid, more direct assistance for families, a lot more funding for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get our kids' educations back on track, and, perhaps most important of all, a huge amount of funding for vaccine distribution so that we aren't just helping Americans endure this battle, but we are helping them win the battle as fast as possible | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7831-8 | null | 1,952 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Department of Justice Now, Madam President, the hour of 1 o'clock has arrived. I will claim my time, and I am going to speak about the Department of Justice and the Office of the Attorney General. William Barr's second tenure as Attorney General is coming to an end. At this time, it is important for the Senate to reflect upon his legacy and upon the challenges now facing the Department of Justice. As we all know, the Office of Attorney General fills a unique role within our system of government. It was created by the Judiciary Act of 1789, and in its creation, it was obvious the Attorney General is not a traditional member of the President's Cabinet. Supreme Court Justice James Iredell observed in 1792 that the position ``is not called the Attorney General of the President, but Attorney General of the United States.'' This is because an Attorney General's client is not the President; the Attorney General's client is the American people--all of us, all of us. An Attorney General's duty is not to defend the President but to uphold the rule of law and do so with integrity and independence. Now, we know that President Trump has a very different view. He views the Office of Attorney General as an extension of his political power to be wielded like a weapon to further his agenda. He believes it exists to benefit him personally, to target his opponents, and to protect him and his friends. His view stands in stark contrast to everything the Attorney General is supposed to represent. It came as no surprise, then, that during his nomination hearing, Mr. Barr was questioned about which type of Attorney General he would be--the President's lawyer or an impartial pursuer of justice. Mr. Barr was adamant in that hearing that while he may sympathize with the President's policy choices, his role as a policy advisor would be distinct from that of the Nation's chief law enforcement officer. If confirmed, he assured all of us, his job would not be to protect the President. Thirty years ago, I voted for Mr. Barr to serve as Attorney General to then-President George H. W. Bush. I had my disagreements with him at that time--in fact, several. But I voted for him. When I heard in late 2018 that President Trump intended to nominate him for a second tenure as Attorney General, frankly, I was hopeful. After the short, yet disastrous, tenure of a totally unqualified Acting Attorney General who eagerly bent to the will of President Trump, I was hopeful that Mr. Barr would restore some independence to the office. But after careful consideration and listening to his testimony at his nomination hearing, I voted no on his confirmation. Mr. Barr has long-held, expansive views of Executive power. And prior to his nomination--this is prior to his nomination--he shared those views with the President in a bizarre, 19-page memorandum, making the case that a President can obstruct a criminal investigation with near impunity. It was clear to me that Mr. Barr's views would be weaponized by President Trump--a man who derides any limits on his authority. The President, I said at that time, needs a much tighter leash. By any measure, the last 2 years have been worse than I feared. Time and again, Attorney General Barr has acted in the best interests of Donald Trump, not in the best interests of the country. He has intervened and he has overruled career prosecutors only in cases to benefit the President and his friends. He has departed from Department norms. He has misrepresented the Department's work. He has eroded public trust in the Department as a result. I will speak to just a handful of examples. In late 2019, a jury, with overwhelming evidence, convicted former Trump campaign adviser Roger Stone for obstructing a bipartisan congressional investigation and lying under oath and witness tampering. The evidence was overwhelming. The jury convicted him. So, consistent with sentencing guidelines that apply to everybody, prosecutors recommended a 7- to 9-year sentence. President Trump immediately took to Twitter to criticize the prosecution, and just hours later--after he had tweeted his objections--Attorney General Barr intervened. He overruled the prosecutors. He disregarded the sentencing guidelines that are supposed to apply to anybody. What happened next reminded me of something Judge Michael Mukasey said when he testified in support of Mr. Barr at his confirmation hearing. Judge Mukasey said if Mr. Barr ever failed to serve with independence, he would ``find a mound of resignations on his desk.'' Well, in this instance, all four career prosecutors withdrew from the case. In fact, two resigned from the Justice Department altogether. And at sentencing, Judge Amy Berman Jackson took the rare step of defending both the career prosecutors and their sentencing recommendation. She stated that it was ``true to the record'' and ``in accordance with law and [Department of Justice] policy.'' Attorney General Barr's intervention left me with just one question: Could anyone, other than the President's close friend--a man who, according to Judge Jackson, broke the law and ``was prosecuted for covering up for the President''--receive such leniency from the Attorney General? I think the answer is pretty obvious. If you are afriend of the President, the Attorney General is going to try to cover for you. Then there is former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn. The Attorney General's intervention in the Flynn case went a step further. Despite the fact that Flynn had twice pled guilty--pled guilty--to lying to the FBI, Mr. Barr's Justice Department moved to dismiss the case altogether, prompting the lead prosecutors to withdraw. The sentencing judge, Emmet Sullivan, ordered a review of the motion to drop the charges. He appointed a former Federal judge, John Gleeson, to serve as an amicus curiae. Well, Judge Gleeson didn't mince words. He advised the court that Mr. Barr's grounds for seeking dismissal were ``conclusively disproven'' and amounted to an ``unconvincing effort to disguise as legitimate a decision to dismiss that is based solely on the fact that Flynn is a political ally of President Trump.'' Not long afterward, President Trump fully pardoned Mr. Flynn from his conviction of the crime of lying. Now, many of Attorney General Barr's departures from Department norms originated with his now-infamous handling of the special counsel's report on Russian interference. The Mueller report amounted to a 448-page presentment of misconduct that reached the highest levels of the Trump campaign and administration. But the Attorney General's summary of the report--in fact, the only information he allowed the public to seek for weeks--left Americans with the opposite impression: The report effectively exonerated the President, even though it did not. Special Counsel Mueller wrote to the Attorney General at the time, concerned that the Attorney General failed to capture his conclusion and created confusion that undermined public confidence in the investigation. Indeed, that appears to have been the Attorney General's intent, and many others agreed. Federal Judge Reggie Walton wrote that the inconsistencies between his statements and the report ``cause the Court to seriously question whether Attorney General Barr made a calculated attempt to influence public discourse about the Mueller Report in favor of President Trump despite certain findings in the redacted version of the Mueller Report to the contrary.'' This remarkable statement from a sitting Federal judge about a sitting Attorney General is about as damning as it gets. Soon after, the Attorney General began falsely claiming that the investigation was started ``without any basis'' and was politically motivated. That is despite the fact that an exhaustive inspector general's report refuted both of his claims. The Attorney General was not content with simply mischaracterizing the Russia investigation. He launched counterinvestigations into the Justice Department's own investigators. He personally traveled to Italy in a desperate attempt to dig up exculpatory evidence. Ignoring Department policies, he regularly commented on the ongoing investigation led by U.S. Attorney John Durham. And documents from the Durham investigation were even shared with the White House, according to the President's Chief of Staff. Then Durham's top aide abruptly resigned, reportedly due to pressure to release their findings before the election. In other words, they just broke all procedures because they wanted to help Donald Trump. On top of that, the Attorney General did all this while he was ignoring a subpoena from the House of Representatives to obtain an unredacted copy of the Mueller report. In fact, Attorney General Barr has evaded transparency. He has impeded once-standard congressional oversight, no matter the topic. He refused to testify before the House. He was held in contempt for refusing to respond to House subpoenas related to the administration's pretextual justification for adding a citizenship question to the census. He supported efforts to cover up President Trump's Ukraine scandal, for which the President was impeached. He supported the unprecedented purging of multiple independent inspectors general, and he rebuffed congressional oversight at every turn. Now, this may not bother some of my friends on the other side of the aisle now, but the political winds have already shifted, and it harms all of us when congressional prerogatives are so blatantly disregarded. While Attorney General Barr has defended President Trump at seemingly every turn, he went a step further in September by attempting to literally defend the President's personal interests. The Attorney General moved to intervene and dismiss a civil defamation case that alleged that President Trump lied about a decades-old sexual assault. A Federal court flatly rejected the attempt. Attorney General Barr's interventions on behalf of the President extended beyond legal issues to PR issues as well. At the height of a national reckoning on issues of racial injustice, the White House stated it was the Attorney General who ordered the clearing of peaceful protesters in Lafayette Square. Barr denied he gave the order, but he did not deny that he encouraged it. Peaceful protesters were cleared with rubber bullets and tear gas so that the President could stage a photo op in front of St. John's Church. It was a grotesque display of unnecessary force. Most recently, the Attorney General's obedience to the President resulted in him falsely claiming that mail-in ballots, which have been used since the Civil War and relied upon by millions of Americans during this pandemic, ``opened the floodgates'' to widespread fraud. Voting experts described his claims as farcical. In echoing the President's conspiracy theories, the Attorney General revealed how little he knew about basic election laws and the safeguards in place. His apparent intent was not to inform the public but to sow doubt among the public in the integrity of their vote. Attorney General Barr then rewrote the Department's policy on election-related investigations, prompting the head of the Department's election crimes branch to resign his post in protest. For each of these actions, Attorney General Barr was publicly badgered by President Trump to act--publicly badgered by President Trump to act. Now, it may be that Attorney General Barr believes he withstood the pressure. There may be some lines he declined to cross, such as fabricating evidence of widespread voter fraud, but we can never excuse all the lines he did cross. Critically, when a President pressures an Attorney General to serve their personal interests, it is all the more incumbent on the Nation's top law enforcement officer to avoid any appearance of impropriety and refuse the request--not to meet him halfway. Now, it brings me no joy to say this. I have known Attorney General Barr for a long time, but he has failed in his duty to impartially and equally uphold the rule of law. The Attorney General represents the United States and all of its 330 million Americans. Too often, the Attorney General felt he was going to only represent the interests of just one person. By serving as a yes-man when the law and the country and the Department needed him to say no, Attorney General Barr has damaged the hallowed office that he has temporarily occupied. Now the hard work to repair the damage has to begin. In November, the country voted, the American people voted, to take the country in a different direction. I served alongside President-Elect Biden for decades in the Senate and on the Judiciary Committee. He understands the unique role of the Justice Department. I am convinced that President-Elect Biden would never rely on the Justice Department to do his personal bidding the way President Trump has. No matter whom the President-elect chooses as the next Attorney General, I have no doubt that he or she will operate with the utmost integrity, guided by the law and the facts. So as we begin to close the book on this dark chapter in our Nation's history, with a pandemic that has left more than 310,000 Americans dead, with the outgoing President's relentless attacks on the foundations of our democracy, I am hopeful that brighter days are ahead. I am confident we will again have government leaders focused on following the evidence and adhering to the rule of law, pursuing equal justice, and acting in the best interests of the Nation--all of us, not just of one person. The thousands of hard-working, dedicated men and women of the Justice Department deserve at least this much, as do all Americans. Indeed, the founding principles and traditions of the 230-year-old Office of the Attorney General demand nothing less. If there is nobody else seeking the floor right at the moment, let me just mention a personal observation. As a young law student at Georgetown, I was invited, along with three or four other law students from different leading law schools, to meet with the then-Attorney General. We were probably diverse in our opinions, but we were asked to be there because of our academic standing in our classes. I remember sitting there with the Attorney General like it was yesterday. He talked about the meaning of the Department of Justice and how we have to represent the whole country, how it has to stand for the law. One of us--and it may have been the young law student from Vermont--asked the question: What if you had somebody who had broken the law but they were close to the President? What would you do? He said: If they had broken the law, we would prosecute them. He said: I might not be welcome at family gatherings for a while thereafter. He said that because that Attorney General was Robert Kennedy. His brother was the President. And actually that happened--a man very close and important to his brother's election as President. The matter was brought to Attorney General Kennedy, recommending his prosecution, and of course he was prosecuted. That is what an Attorney General should be. I declined his offer to join the Department of Justice because my wife, myself, and I wanted to go back home to Vermont, and I thought probably I would never be involved with law enforcement after that. A few years later, I was with the State's attorney of a county that had about a quarter of our population, and I was quickly faced with prosecuting leading Democrats and leading Republicans in our State. I remembered what Attorney General Kennedy said. A prosecutor has to represent everybody. A prosecutor has to uphold the law. And I prosecuted those people. I have never regretted that. I have always been supportive of Attorneys General who uphold the law--uphold the law because they are there to represent all Americans. As long as I am in the Senate, I will always speak out when an Attorney General does not do the job they are supposed to do and when the Attorney General does not apply the law equally and fairly to all people--applying the law, not politics. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7835 | null | 1,953 |
formal | voter fraud | null | racist | Department of Justice Now, Madam President, the hour of 1 o'clock has arrived. I will claim my time, and I am going to speak about the Department of Justice and the Office of the Attorney General. William Barr's second tenure as Attorney General is coming to an end. At this time, it is important for the Senate to reflect upon his legacy and upon the challenges now facing the Department of Justice. As we all know, the Office of Attorney General fills a unique role within our system of government. It was created by the Judiciary Act of 1789, and in its creation, it was obvious the Attorney General is not a traditional member of the President's Cabinet. Supreme Court Justice James Iredell observed in 1792 that the position ``is not called the Attorney General of the President, but Attorney General of the United States.'' This is because an Attorney General's client is not the President; the Attorney General's client is the American people--all of us, all of us. An Attorney General's duty is not to defend the President but to uphold the rule of law and do so with integrity and independence. Now, we know that President Trump has a very different view. He views the Office of Attorney General as an extension of his political power to be wielded like a weapon to further his agenda. He believes it exists to benefit him personally, to target his opponents, and to protect him and his friends. His view stands in stark contrast to everything the Attorney General is supposed to represent. It came as no surprise, then, that during his nomination hearing, Mr. Barr was questioned about which type of Attorney General he would be--the President's lawyer or an impartial pursuer of justice. Mr. Barr was adamant in that hearing that while he may sympathize with the President's policy choices, his role as a policy advisor would be distinct from that of the Nation's chief law enforcement officer. If confirmed, he assured all of us, his job would not be to protect the President. Thirty years ago, I voted for Mr. Barr to serve as Attorney General to then-President George H. W. Bush. I had my disagreements with him at that time--in fact, several. But I voted for him. When I heard in late 2018 that President Trump intended to nominate him for a second tenure as Attorney General, frankly, I was hopeful. After the short, yet disastrous, tenure of a totally unqualified Acting Attorney General who eagerly bent to the will of President Trump, I was hopeful that Mr. Barr would restore some independence to the office. But after careful consideration and listening to his testimony at his nomination hearing, I voted no on his confirmation. Mr. Barr has long-held, expansive views of Executive power. And prior to his nomination--this is prior to his nomination--he shared those views with the President in a bizarre, 19-page memorandum, making the case that a President can obstruct a criminal investigation with near impunity. It was clear to me that Mr. Barr's views would be weaponized by President Trump--a man who derides any limits on his authority. The President, I said at that time, needs a much tighter leash. By any measure, the last 2 years have been worse than I feared. Time and again, Attorney General Barr has acted in the best interests of Donald Trump, not in the best interests of the country. He has intervened and he has overruled career prosecutors only in cases to benefit the President and his friends. He has departed from Department norms. He has misrepresented the Department's work. He has eroded public trust in the Department as a result. I will speak to just a handful of examples. In late 2019, a jury, with overwhelming evidence, convicted former Trump campaign adviser Roger Stone for obstructing a bipartisan congressional investigation and lying under oath and witness tampering. The evidence was overwhelming. The jury convicted him. So, consistent with sentencing guidelines that apply to everybody, prosecutors recommended a 7- to 9-year sentence. President Trump immediately took to Twitter to criticize the prosecution, and just hours later--after he had tweeted his objections--Attorney General Barr intervened. He overruled the prosecutors. He disregarded the sentencing guidelines that are supposed to apply to anybody. What happened next reminded me of something Judge Michael Mukasey said when he testified in support of Mr. Barr at his confirmation hearing. Judge Mukasey said if Mr. Barr ever failed to serve with independence, he would ``find a mound of resignations on his desk.'' Well, in this instance, all four career prosecutors withdrew from the case. In fact, two resigned from the Justice Department altogether. And at sentencing, Judge Amy Berman Jackson took the rare step of defending both the career prosecutors and their sentencing recommendation. She stated that it was ``true to the record'' and ``in accordance with law and [Department of Justice] policy.'' Attorney General Barr's intervention left me with just one question: Could anyone, other than the President's close friend--a man who, according to Judge Jackson, broke the law and ``was prosecuted for covering up for the President''--receive such leniency from the Attorney General? I think the answer is pretty obvious. If you are afriend of the President, the Attorney General is going to try to cover for you. Then there is former National Security Advisor Michael Flynn. The Attorney General's intervention in the Flynn case went a step further. Despite the fact that Flynn had twice pled guilty--pled guilty--to lying to the FBI, Mr. Barr's Justice Department moved to dismiss the case altogether, prompting the lead prosecutors to withdraw. The sentencing judge, Emmet Sullivan, ordered a review of the motion to drop the charges. He appointed a former Federal judge, John Gleeson, to serve as an amicus curiae. Well, Judge Gleeson didn't mince words. He advised the court that Mr. Barr's grounds for seeking dismissal were ``conclusively disproven'' and amounted to an ``unconvincing effort to disguise as legitimate a decision to dismiss that is based solely on the fact that Flynn is a political ally of President Trump.'' Not long afterward, President Trump fully pardoned Mr. Flynn from his conviction of the crime of lying. Now, many of Attorney General Barr's departures from Department norms originated with his now-infamous handling of the special counsel's report on Russian interference. The Mueller report amounted to a 448-page presentment of misconduct that reached the highest levels of the Trump campaign and administration. But the Attorney General's summary of the report--in fact, the only information he allowed the public to seek for weeks--left Americans with the opposite impression: The report effectively exonerated the President, even though it did not. Special Counsel Mueller wrote to the Attorney General at the time, concerned that the Attorney General failed to capture his conclusion and created confusion that undermined public confidence in the investigation. Indeed, that appears to have been the Attorney General's intent, and many others agreed. Federal Judge Reggie Walton wrote that the inconsistencies between his statements and the report ``cause the Court to seriously question whether Attorney General Barr made a calculated attempt to influence public discourse about the Mueller Report in favor of President Trump despite certain findings in the redacted version of the Mueller Report to the contrary.'' This remarkable statement from a sitting Federal judge about a sitting Attorney General is about as damning as it gets. Soon after, the Attorney General began falsely claiming that the investigation was started ``without any basis'' and was politically motivated. That is despite the fact that an exhaustive inspector general's report refuted both of his claims. The Attorney General was not content with simply mischaracterizing the Russia investigation. He launched counterinvestigations into the Justice Department's own investigators. He personally traveled to Italy in a desperate attempt to dig up exculpatory evidence. Ignoring Department policies, he regularly commented on the ongoing investigation led by U.S. Attorney John Durham. And documents from the Durham investigation were even shared with the White House, according to the President's Chief of Staff. Then Durham's top aide abruptly resigned, reportedly due to pressure to release their findings before the election. In other words, they just broke all procedures because they wanted to help Donald Trump. On top of that, the Attorney General did all this while he was ignoring a subpoena from the House of Representatives to obtain an unredacted copy of the Mueller report. In fact, Attorney General Barr has evaded transparency. He has impeded once-standard congressional oversight, no matter the topic. He refused to testify before the House. He was held in contempt for refusing to respond to House subpoenas related to the administration's pretextual justification for adding a citizenship question to the census. He supported efforts to cover up President Trump's Ukraine scandal, for which the President was impeached. He supported the unprecedented purging of multiple independent inspectors general, and he rebuffed congressional oversight at every turn. Now, this may not bother some of my friends on the other side of the aisle now, but the political winds have already shifted, and it harms all of us when congressional prerogatives are so blatantly disregarded. While Attorney General Barr has defended President Trump at seemingly every turn, he went a step further in September by attempting to literally defend the President's personal interests. The Attorney General moved to intervene and dismiss a civil defamation case that alleged that President Trump lied about a decades-old sexual assault. A Federal court flatly rejected the attempt. Attorney General Barr's interventions on behalf of the President extended beyond legal issues to PR issues as well. At the height of a national reckoning on issues of racial injustice, the White House stated it was the Attorney General who ordered the clearing of peaceful protesters in Lafayette Square. Barr denied he gave the order, but he did not deny that he encouraged it. Peaceful protesters were cleared with rubber bullets and tear gas so that the President could stage a photo op in front of St. John's Church. It was a grotesque display of unnecessary force. Most recently, the Attorney General's obedience to the President resulted in him falsely claiming that mail-in ballots, which have been used since the Civil War and relied upon by millions of Americans during this pandemic, ``opened the floodgates'' to widespread fraud. Voting experts described his claims as farcical. In echoing the President's conspiracy theories, the Attorney General revealed how little he knew about basic election laws and the safeguards in place. His apparent intent was not to inform the public but to sow doubt among the public in the integrity of their vote. Attorney General Barr then rewrote the Department's policy on election-related investigations, prompting the head of the Department's election crimes branch to resign his post in protest. For each of these actions, Attorney General Barr was publicly badgered by President Trump to act--publicly badgered by President Trump to act. Now, it may be that Attorney General Barr believes he withstood the pressure. There may be some lines he declined to cross, such as fabricating evidence of widespread voter fraud, but we can never excuse all the lines he did cross. Critically, when a President pressures an Attorney General to serve their personal interests, it is all the more incumbent on the Nation's top law enforcement officer to avoid any appearance of impropriety and refuse the request--not to meet him halfway. Now, it brings me no joy to say this. I have known Attorney General Barr for a long time, but he has failed in his duty to impartially and equally uphold the rule of law. The Attorney General represents the United States and all of its 330 million Americans. Too often, the Attorney General felt he was going to only represent the interests of just one person. By serving as a yes-man when the law and the country and the Department needed him to say no, Attorney General Barr has damaged the hallowed office that he has temporarily occupied. Now the hard work to repair the damage has to begin. In November, the country voted, the American people voted, to take the country in a different direction. I served alongside President-Elect Biden for decades in the Senate and on the Judiciary Committee. He understands the unique role of the Justice Department. I am convinced that President-Elect Biden would never rely on the Justice Department to do his personal bidding the way President Trump has. No matter whom the President-elect chooses as the next Attorney General, I have no doubt that he or she will operate with the utmost integrity, guided by the law and the facts. So as we begin to close the book on this dark chapter in our Nation's history, with a pandemic that has left more than 310,000 Americans dead, with the outgoing President's relentless attacks on the foundations of our democracy, I am hopeful that brighter days are ahead. I am confident we will again have government leaders focused on following the evidence and adhering to the rule of law, pursuing equal justice, and acting in the best interests of the Nation--all of us, not just of one person. The thousands of hard-working, dedicated men and women of the Justice Department deserve at least this much, as do all Americans. Indeed, the founding principles and traditions of the 230-year-old Office of the Attorney General demand nothing less. If there is nobody else seeking the floor right at the moment, let me just mention a personal observation. As a young law student at Georgetown, I was invited, along with three or four other law students from different leading law schools, to meet with the then-Attorney General. We were probably diverse in our opinions, but we were asked to be there because of our academic standing in our classes. I remember sitting there with the Attorney General like it was yesterday. He talked about the meaning of the Department of Justice and how we have to represent the whole country, how it has to stand for the law. One of us--and it may have been the young law student from Vermont--asked the question: What if you had somebody who had broken the law but they were close to the President? What would you do? He said: If they had broken the law, we would prosecute them. He said: I might not be welcome at family gatherings for a while thereafter. He said that because that Attorney General was Robert Kennedy. His brother was the President. And actually that happened--a man very close and important to his brother's election as President. The matter was brought to Attorney General Kennedy, recommending his prosecution, and of course he was prosecuted. That is what an Attorney General should be. I declined his offer to join the Department of Justice because my wife, myself, and I wanted to go back home to Vermont, and I thought probably I would never be involved with law enforcement after that. A few years later, I was with the State's attorney of a county that had about a quarter of our population, and I was quickly faced with prosecuting leading Democrats and leading Republicans in our State. I remembered what Attorney General Kennedy said. A prosecutor has to represent everybody. A prosecutor has to uphold the law. And I prosecuted those people. I have never regretted that. I have always been supportive of Attorneys General who uphold the law--uphold the law because they are there to represent all Americans. As long as I am in the Senate, I will always speak out when an Attorney General does not do the job they are supposed to do and when the Attorney General does not apply the law equally and fairly to all people--applying the law, not politics. I yield the floor. I suggest the absence of a quorum. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7835 | null | 1,954 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. REED. Mr. President, today I pay tribute to the life and contributions of a prominent Rhode Islander, Sergei Khruschev. You may recognize his last name. His father, Nikita Khruschev, came to power after the death of Joseph Stalin and led the Soviet Union during some of the darkest days of the Cold War. Sergei Khruschev's life is necessarily intertwined with that of his father. Yet Sergei was his own man and achieved much in his own right. Sergei Khruschev was born in Moscow in July 1935. Naturally gifted and with a keen mind, he received a doctorate from Moscow Technical University. He would become an accomplished rocket and computer scientist, working on guidance systems for missiles and in the Soviet space program. In 1964, his father was removed from power and relegated to obscurity. During this time, Sergei helped his father write his memoirs. At the end of the Cold War, Sergei came to America with his wife Valentina and joined Brown University as a visiting scholar. He became a senior fellow at the Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs and taught there until his retirement in 2012. Sergei used his considerable talents to benefit students, colleagues, and fellow Rhode Islanders. He gave generously of his time, taught at other institutions, and gave lectures across the country. Sergei sought to increase knowledge and understanding, particularly between Americans and Russians. In 1991, he was quoted in The Providence Journal stating, ``I think it is important for everyone to understand that many of the mistakes made during the Cold War that led to dangerous conflicts were based on misconceptions and misunderstandings . . . '' Fully embracing their new life in America, Sergei and Valentina received their green cards in 1993 and became citizens in 1999. Sergei was proud to become a citizen. Sergei and Valentina were proud members of their Cranston community. Sergei owned a large Buick for years as it reminded him of the cars he saw when he first visited America as a young man with his father. After his death, one of his colleagues described Sergei as `` . . . very passionate about the subjects he taught'' who ``managed to infect the students with his genuine enthusiasm and curiosity.'' The colleague also said that even years after leaving Sergei's class, students `` . . . recall [his] amazing combination of open-mindedness, thorough knowledge of the subjects . . . and unassuming manner of discussion and debate.'' It is clear that Sergei lived an impactful life, a life that broke down walls and built bridges. I offer my heartfelt condolences to Sergei's wife Valentina, their family, and Sergei's many friends, neighbors, colleagues, and students. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. REED | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7846-3 | null | 1,955 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | SA 2719. Mr. GARDNER (for Mr. Lankford) proposed an amendment to the resolution S. Res. 458, calling for the global repeal of blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy laws; as follows: Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the following: ``That the Senate-- (1) recognizes that blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy laws inappropriately position governments as arbiters of religious truth and empower officials to impose religious dogma on individuals or minorities through the power of the government or through violence sanctioned by the government; (2) calls on the President and the Secretary of State to encourage the repeal of blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy in bilateral discussions between the United States and all countries that have such laws, through direct interventions in bilateral and multilateral fora; (3) encourages the President and the Secretary of State to oppose-- (A) any efforts, by the United Nations or by other international or multilateral fora, to create an international anti-blasphemy norm, such as the ``defamation of religions'' resolutions introduced in the United Nations between 1999 and 2010; and (B) any attempts to expand the international norm on incitement to include blasphemy or defamation of religions; (4) supports efforts by the United Nations to combat intolerance, discrimination, or violence against persons based on religion or belief without restricting expression, including United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution 16/ 18 (2011) and the Istanbul Process meetings pursuant to such resolution, that are consistent with the First Amendment to the Constitution; (5) calls on the President and the Secretary of State to designate countries that enforce blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy laws as ``countries of particular concern for religious freedom'' under section 402(b)(1)(A)(ii) of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 6442(b)(1)(A)(ii)) for engaging in or tolerating severe violations of religious freedom, as a result of the abuses flowing from the enforcement of such laws and from unpunished vigilante violence often generated by blasphemy allegations; (6) urges the governments of countries that enforce blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy laws to allow for freedom of religion and expression and amend or repeal such laws, as they provide pretext and impunity for vigilante violence against religious minorities; and (7) urges the governments of countries that have prosecuted, imprisoned, and persecuted people on charges of blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy to release such people unconditionally and, once released, to ensure their safety and that of their families. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7849-4 | null | 1,956 |
formal | religious freedom | null | homophobic | SA 2719. Mr. GARDNER (for Mr. Lankford) proposed an amendment to the resolution S. Res. 458, calling for the global repeal of blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy laws; as follows: Strike all after the resolving clause and insert the following: ``That the Senate-- (1) recognizes that blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy laws inappropriately position governments as arbiters of religious truth and empower officials to impose religious dogma on individuals or minorities through the power of the government or through violence sanctioned by the government; (2) calls on the President and the Secretary of State to encourage the repeal of blasphemy, heresy, and apostasy in bilateral discussions between the United States and all countries that have such laws, through direct interventions in bilateral and multilateral fora; (3) encourages the President and the Secretary of State to oppose-- (A) any efforts, by the United Nations or by other international or multilateral fora, to create an international anti-blasphemy norm, such as the ``defamation of religions'' resolutions introduced in the United Nations between 1999 and 2010; and (B) any attempts to expand the international norm on incitement to include blasphemy or defamation of religions; (4) supports efforts by the United Nations to combat intolerance, discrimination, or violence against persons based on religion or belief without restricting expression, including United Nations Human Rights Council Resolution 16/ 18 (2011) and the Istanbul Process meetings pursuant to such resolution, that are consistent with the First Amendment to the Constitution; (5) calls on the President and the Secretary of State to designate countries that enforce blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy laws as ``countries of particular concern for religious freedom'' under section 402(b)(1)(A)(ii) of the International Religious Freedom Act of 1998 (22 U.S.C. 6442(b)(1)(A)(ii)) for engaging in or tolerating severe violations of religious freedom, as a result of the abuses flowing from the enforcement of such laws and from unpunished vigilante violence often generated by blasphemy allegations; (6) urges the governments of countries that enforce blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy laws to allow for freedom of religion and expression and amend or repeal such laws, as they provide pretext and impunity for vigilante violence against religious minorities; and (7) urges the governments of countries that have prosecuted, imprisoned, and persecuted people on charges of blasphemy, heresy, or apostasy to release such people unconditionally and, once released, to ensure their safety and that of their families. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-19-pt1-PgS7849-4 | null | 1,957 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | The Speaker announced her signature to enrolled bills of the Senate of the following titles: S. 212.--An act to amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian commmunities. S. 461.--An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900.--An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906.--An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914.--An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130.--An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342.--An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869.--An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216.--An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver prgram, and for other purposes. S. 2472.--An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257.--An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar `Sarge' H. Ingman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461.--An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S 3462.--An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126.--An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684--An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office.'' | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgH7284 | null | 1,958 |
formal | Federal Reserve | null | antisemitic | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, our bipartisan, bicameral discussions on another major pandemic rescue package continued all night and this morning. We are winnowing down the remaining differences. I believe I can speak for all sides when I say I hope and expect to have a final agreement nailed down in a matter of hours. Yesterday evening, our Democratic colleagues agreed to important language authored by Senator Toomey. Back in March, in the CARES Act, Congress funded several new emergency lending facilities to be operated by the Federal Reserve. Their purpose was simple: to backstop the basic foundations of our economy and prevent any kind of sweeping financial paralysis. Our actions worked. The other historic relief that Congress passed, combined with the existence of these lending facilities staved off systemic collapse. American workers and families still need much more help, but a total financial meltdown never materialized. These new emergency lending facilities were always intended to sunset at the end of this year. Senator Toomey and our Democratic colleagues have landed on compromise language that ensures this will, in fact, happen. It also redirects the dormant money in these accounts toward the urgent needs of working Americans and ensures that these expired programs cannot be simply restarted or cloned without another authorization from Congress, all while preserving both the independence of the Federal Reserve and the proper authority of Congress. It is yet another example of good-faith bipartisan collaboration that has defined our discussions all week. At this point, we are down to the last few differences that stand between struggling Americans and the major rescue package they need and deserve. These days and nights of negotiations have been encouraging, but our citizens need this waiting game to be over. Yesterday alone, another 3,388 of my fellow Kentuckians tested positive for the coronavirus. The virus continues to spread throughout our country. Thousands of Americans are being robbed of their lives on a daily basis. And while the resilience of the American people have brought along our economic recovery faster than expected, it will remain both insufficientand tenuous until the vaccines that will end this fight have been distributed all across the Nation. For months--literally months--Senate Republicans have been calling for another targeted package to reopen the job-saving Paycheck Protection Program, extend Federal unemployment benefits, fund K-12 schools, fund vaccine distribution, and get a lot more help onto the frontlines as fast as possible. I am relieved that we appear to be just hours away from legislation that will finally do that. When we get this done, Congress will not deserve any special praise, not with this relief having waited until late December and not with some of our Democratic colleagues openly saying the reason they finally changed their tuned was that they finally got a President-elect of their own party. When we finalize this measure and pass it, Congress will only have done our job. We will have finally done our duty in getting more relief to those who need it most. Let's make today the day we join together, put differences aside, and finally get it done. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7855-6 | null | 1,959 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, our bipartisan, bicameral discussions on another major pandemic rescue package continued all night and this morning. We are winnowing down the remaining differences. I believe I can speak for all sides when I say I hope and expect to have a final agreement nailed down in a matter of hours. Yesterday evening, our Democratic colleagues agreed to important language authored by Senator Toomey. Back in March, in the CARES Act, Congress funded several new emergency lending facilities to be operated by the Federal Reserve. Their purpose was simple: to backstop the basic foundations of our economy and prevent any kind of sweeping financial paralysis. Our actions worked. The other historic relief that Congress passed, combined with the existence of these lending facilities staved off systemic collapse. American workers and families still need much more help, but a total financial meltdown never materialized. These new emergency lending facilities were always intended to sunset at the end of this year. Senator Toomey and our Democratic colleagues have landed on compromise language that ensures this will, in fact, happen. It also redirects the dormant money in these accounts toward the urgent needs of working Americans and ensures that these expired programs cannot be simply restarted or cloned without another authorization from Congress, all while preserving both the independence of the Federal Reserve and the proper authority of Congress. It is yet another example of good-faith bipartisan collaboration that has defined our discussions all week. At this point, we are down to the last few differences that stand between struggling Americans and the major rescue package they need and deserve. These days and nights of negotiations have been encouraging, but our citizens need this waiting game to be over. Yesterday alone, another 3,388 of my fellow Kentuckians tested positive for the coronavirus. The virus continues to spread throughout our country. Thousands of Americans are being robbed of their lives on a daily basis. And while the resilience of the American people have brought along our economic recovery faster than expected, it will remain both insufficientand tenuous until the vaccines that will end this fight have been distributed all across the Nation. For months--literally months--Senate Republicans have been calling for another targeted package to reopen the job-saving Paycheck Protection Program, extend Federal unemployment benefits, fund K-12 schools, fund vaccine distribution, and get a lot more help onto the frontlines as fast as possible. I am relieved that we appear to be just hours away from legislation that will finally do that. When we get this done, Congress will not deserve any special praise, not with this relief having waited until late December and not with some of our Democratic colleagues openly saying the reason they finally changed their tuned was that they finally got a President-elect of their own party. When we finalize this measure and pass it, Congress will only have done our job. We will have finally done our duty in getting more relief to those who need it most. Let's make today the day we join together, put differences aside, and finally get it done. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7855-6 | null | 1,960 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Coronavirus Mr. President, our country is racing to distribute two now successful vaccines to bring an end to this pandemic that we have been living through that has claimed the lives of more than 315,000 Americans. Millions of workers have lost their jobs. They have no income. They lost those jobs either weeks or several months ago and have been struggling to support themselves and their families. Sometimes I wonder, as we delay in responding and providing additional relief, whether those who receive paychecks have sufficient empathy for those who are receiving no paychecks. Time is of the essence. Small businesses are crunching the numbers, trying to determine how much longer they can hang on and keep their employees on the payrolls, if they have been able to at all. Of course, teachers are doing the best they can to teach our children virtually or in hybrid situations, with some children going back to the classroom. This has been a tragic circumstance, I believe, particularly for many low-income children for whom virtual learning is simply not an option or is simply failing them because many of them have no access to broadband. They may not have sufficient supervision at home to help them through their studies. To me, it is incredible that we expect to put children who are in elementary school in front of computer screens for 8 hours a day and expect them to get what they need in terms of their education. Of course, none of this is news. We have known about not only the need but the urgency of each of these priorities for months now. Unfortunately, the partisan dysfunction leading up to the election prevented us from making more progress since the CARES Act was passed last March. Yet, with the election in November, we finally saw some interest on the part of congressional leaders on both sides of the aisle, on both sides of the Capitol, in negotiating a compromise. There are many of our colleagues--some of whom are sitting here in the Chamber today--who have dedicated a lot of time and effort to trying to help the leadership build a consensus and get to yes, which I hope we will get to very soon. We know there have been a lot of negotiations and a lot of loose ends, but vaccines, workers, small businesses, and schools should be our priority. According to the Democratic leader and the majority leader, we apparently are just hours away from finalizing a bipartisan deal, but none of us have actually seen the text yet of what this looks like. The only responsible thing is for us to be able to study it and understand exactly what is happening. The House Committee on Rules, presumably, will meet and pass a rule, and then it will go to the House floor. I know some people are saying we can get this done today. To me, that seems unlikely, but I guess we can all hope. I hope we do this responsibly and not just quickly. We do know that the American people are suffering and that this is not the time for politics or delay for delay's sake. This is a time to come together to compromise and make good on the commitment we have made to support the American people. I am sort of expecting smoke signals from some quarters, but I hope the signs that we are all trying to read, the tea leaves and the like, become a lot clearer today so that we can chart a clear path forward to both government funding and coronavirus relief. While the size and shape of this legislation is still coming together, I hope it will include legislation I introduced earlier this year to help some of our hardest hit small businesses. Over the last few months, we have heard much about the incredible success of the Paycheck Protection Program, which deserves all of the accolades it has received because it has provided a vital lifeline to America's small businesses and their employees. These loans helped employees make payroll and cover business expenses during the most difficult parts of thepandemic, and by any measure, the program has been an incredible success. But not all small businesses have been eligible for the Paycheck Protection Program, and some of the most heavily impacted are our small, independent venues. These businesses were the first to close when COVID-19 hit, and they are likely to be the last to open when it is behind us. Live, cultural, musical, theatrical events are not only critical cultural institutions, but they are huge drivers of local economies. A single event can provide paychecks not only to the artists and performers but to lighting and sound technicians, bartenders, ticket takers, concessions, and merchandise salesmen, as well as security guards, cleaning staff, and the list goes on and on. Unlike restaurants, which have been able to offer at least carryout or outdoor dining, or retailers, which switched to curbside pickup, there is no virtual substitution for these live events. That is why, working with the Senator from Minnesota, Senator Klobuchar, I introduced the Save Our Stages Act so that these venues can be kept afloat so that when we are able to put the virus behind us, our favorite, small, independent venues will be able to open their doors once again. This is a stressful and scary moment for the Texans who work at and frequent our favorite venues, and the Save Our Stages Act can provide some hope for these cultural institutions. I am proud to say that 58 of our colleagues have cosponsored Save Our Stages, making it one of the most widely supported bipartisan proposals before the Senate. These final hours of negotiations are not the time to try to change the basic contours of that proposal to benefit well-endowed institutions or institutions that don't, frankly, need the money, while these other venues are dying unless they get the money. Save Our Stages will benefit beloved, small, independent music venues and other theaters and the like across the country and ensure those marquees will shine bright once again. So as we all know, time is running out. The Congress needs to take action and take action soon. We cannot add the stress of another government shutdown to a raging pandemic. It is time for us to come together and get this done for the American people. I yield the floor. (Mr. HOEVEN assumed the chair.) (Mr. DAINES assumed the chair.) | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7857-2 | null | 1,961 |
formal | urban | null | racist | Ms. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, I rise today to address equitable treatment in Native healthcare. When the Senate Committee on Indian Affairs considered S. 3650, the companion bill to H.R. 6535, I noted the strong history of Alaska Natives and Native Hawaiians working together to ensure that there is parity in Federal policy for all Native peoples. Enactment of H.R. 6535 will address the lack of parity in Federal urban Indian health programs, and by sending this bill to the President, the Senate is making a necessary correction that will support delivery of healthcare to Native communities across the country. But, as we pass this measure, we must not forget that a lack of parity continues to persist for the Native Hawaiian healthcare Systems funded through the Native Hawaiian Health Care Improvement Act. I am therefore committed to standing with Senator Schatz to ensure that Native Hawaiian healthcare systems are not left behind and will work with him to address the inequitable access to Federal Tort Claims Act coverage among Native health systems in the next Congress. Together, we will continue to fight for the trust and treaty rights and access to benefits for all of our country's Native peoples. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. MURKOWSKI | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7873-3 | null | 1,962 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, the end of a Congress is a bittersweet time. We reflect with pride on our accomplishments but have a sense of wistfulness with respect to the things we have been unable to do. We look forward to the holidays, spending more time with our families, and having a bit of a respite. But we have to say good-bye to several colleagues. I would like to take a few moments to pay tribute to Senators who will not be returning when the 117th Congress convenes. They are my friends as well as my colleagues and I will miss them and the unique attributes, skill, and devotion to public service they have brought to the Senate. Senator Cory Gardner is a fifth generation Coloradan firmly rooted in the State's Eastern Plains whose family has been in the farm implement business for over one century. He received his undergraduate degree from Colorado State University, where he graduated summa cum laude, and his Juris Doctor from the University of Colorado at Boulder. While Senator Gardner has only been in the Senate since 2015, the expression ``got it in one'' certainly applies to him. Perhaps that is because he previously worked in the Senate for then-Senator Wayne Allard, quickly rising to become Senator Allard's legislative director. He served for 6 years in the Colorado House of Representatives and another 4 years in the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected to the Senate in 2014. Here in the Senate, Senator Gardner has been a serious legislator but with a cheerful and affable and civil manner. He has worked to bridge partisan divides, particularly on energy policy, where he has been one of the Republicans' leading advocates of renewable energy. This year, the esteemed Lugar Center ranked Senator Gardner as the third most bipartisan Senator. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Gardner on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as he led the effort to impose sanctions against North Korea in his role as chairman of the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy. Through the committee, we also worked together to introduce legislation to enhance American maritime capacity and leadership and increase support to our allies in the Asia-Pacific region, the Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative Act of 2016. I was also pleased to work with Senator Gardner in 2019 to introduce the Wildlife Refuge System Protection Act, bipartisan legislation to provide legal authority for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service--USFWS--to seek damages for injury or harm on National Wildlife Refuges, National Fish Hatcheries, and other USFWS lands and waters. My wife Myrna and I have traveled with Senator Gardner and his wife Jaime to promote human rights abroad. His commitment to global human rights was crystal clear to Myrna and me. I will miss Senator Gardner and his pleasant demeanor, but he is still a young man so I am confident he will find new ways to continue serving all Americans, but especially the Coloradans he has represented with distinction for the past 16 years. I wish him, Jaime, and their children Alyson, Thatcher, and Caitlyn all the best. Senator Martha McSally has only been in the Senate for 2 years, but it is impossible not to be in awe of her truegrit and determination, perhaps stemming from being the youngest of five children. Her father died when she was just 12, leaving her mother to raise and support her family. Perhaps it was the example her mother set--Senator McSally was determined to let nothing stand in her way. She was the valedictorian of her high school and earned an appointment to the United States Air Force Academy, where she received a bachelor's of science in biology. I am privileged to represent the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD. I have served on the board of visitors, and my staff and I interview the hundreds of young applicants across Maryland who aspire to enroll in one of our service academies each year. I am not sure most Americans are aware of how intensely competitive these positions are and what a tremendous honor earning an appointment is. Meeting these applicants, reviewing their extraordinary accomplishments at such a young age, and seeing their commitment to service--willing to put their lives on the line, if necessary--restores one's faith in the boundless future of our Nation. Senator McSally certainly put her life on the line for us and shattered gender barriers along the way. She became the first woman in American history to fly a fighter jet in combat and the first woman to command a fighter squadron in combat. She deployed six times to the Middle East. She helped lead and execute the initial air campaign in Afghanistan after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and she supervised combat search and rescue operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In total, she flew 325 combat hours and earned a Bronze Star and six air medals. She served in the U.S. Air Force for 26 years, retiring as a full colonel. Senator McSally has never been one to rest on her laurels. She earned masters' degrees from Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and the U.S. Air War College, graduating first in her class of 261 senior military officers. She ran for the House of Representatives, first unsuccessfully by a narrow margin in 2012 but then successfully--again by a narrow margin--in 2014, becoming the first Republican woman to represent Arizona in Congress. She was reelected in 2016. She lost a tough race to Senator Sinema in 2018, but Arizona Governor Doug Ducey appointed her to finish the unexpired term of another war hero, our late friend Senator John McCain. Unfortunately, I had little opportunity to work with Senator McSally during her 2 years here in the Senate, although I did travel with her to Normandy for the 75th anniversary of D-Day, and I saw firsthand her commitment to America's service men and women--especially military sexual assault survivors--to veterans, and to military families. Senator McSally is an inspiration to all of us, but especially to women and girls, for her devotion to duty and the incredible odds she has overcome and the barriers she has broken in her life. Senator McSally has said, ``There's always more that unites us than divides us.'' I agree wholeheartedly with that sentiment. She is a fighter who will continue to fight for our county, and I am grateful for that. Senator Doug Jones is a native Alabaman, a steelworker's son, who grew up during the great struggle for civil rights and desegregation in the South. He has been involved in that struggle all of his life, active in campus affairs at the University of Alabama, where he earned his bachelor's degree in 1976, and in trying to modernize Alabama's court system. Senator Jones has the distinction of working, being confirmed by, and being elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. After he graduated from Cumberland Law School at Samford University in 1979, he worked as a staff counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee for then-Senator Howell Heflin. Senator Jones served as an Assistant U.S. Attorney from 1980 to 1984. After he worked in private practice for several years, President Clinton nominated him to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, and the Senate confirmed his nomination in 1997. While Senator Jones was the U.S. Attorney, he successfully prosecuted two of the four men who were responsible for the heinous bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963, an attack that killed four young Black girls between the ages of 11 and 14 and shocked the conscience of our Nation. He prosecuted other domestic terrorists, including the Ku Klux Klan and Eric Rudolph. He won a hard-fought special election to the Senate in December 2017 and has served with honor, distinction, and a commitment to finding bipartisan solutions to our Nation's most-pressing problems. Senator Jones has fought to protect healthcare and to create equal opportunities for all Americans. He led the passage of the bipartisan FUTURE Act into law last year, legislation that I strongly supported to provide permanent funding for historically Black colleges and universities and minority-serving institutions. He has also championed minority-serving financial institutions and minority-owned banks, supporting the efforts to add additional funds for these institutions through the Paycheck Protection Program. I was proud to work with Senator Jones on the successful passage of our legislation to extend the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act this year, which extends until 2030 duty-free access for certain textile goods from 23 Caribbean countries that are made with U.S. yarns, fabrics, and threads until 2030. Senator Jones is equally committed to civility and civil rights. As the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., so famously said, ``The arc or the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.'' Thanks to Senator Jones' abiding faith and ceaseless efforts, that arc is bending faster. I wish him, his wife Louise, their children Carson, Christopher, and Courtney, and their two grandchildren all the best moving forward. I know he will continue to serve our country, and I am hopeful it will be as a member of the incoming administration of President-Elect Joe Biden. Senator Tom Udall comes from an illustrious extended family with a long history of distinguished public service, including his father Stewart, who served as Secretary of the Interior under President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson from 1961 to 1969. His uncle Morris ``Mo'' K. Udall was one of the most accomplished and beloved Congressmen in U.S. history, representing Arizona's Second District for 30 years. While Senator Udall was born in Tucson, he has deep roots in New Mexico, starting with his grandmother Luna, who was born in New Mexico Territory. Senator Udall earned his undergraduate degree from Prescott College, a bachelor of laws degree from Cambridge, and J.D. from the University of New Mexico in 1977. And then joining the family tradition, he began his public service by clerking for the Honorable Oliver Seth, chief justice of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. Later, he became a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's criminal division and chief counsel to the New Mexico Department of Health and Environment. Senator Udall was elected New Mexico Attorney General in 1990 and reelected in 1994. He made his mark in several areas, but especially in government transparency and ethics, a quest he would continue in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served five highly productive terms, even though he was in the minority for four of them, passing legislation to establish a national renewable energy standard. Here in the Senate, Senator Udall has continued his distinguished service for two terms in his low-key, quiet, understated, and effective manner. Just this year, he led the passage of the Great American Outdoors Act to fund our national parks and Federal land agencies. He has championed environmental justice and has devoted himself to rectifying the injustices our Nation has perpetrated against Indian Nations and Tribes. Senator Udall has remained steadfast in his commitment to good and transparent government as the lead Senate sponsor of the For the People Act. I have been privileged to work closely with Senator Udall on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, and on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We have focused on strengthening our relationships with our allies, which President Trump has put to the test, promoting American values around the world, andfostering human rights and international development and conservation efforts. I will greatly miss Senator Udall here in the Senate but feel fortunate to have served with him these last 12 years in the Senate and for 8 years together in the House of Representatives before that. New Mexicans and all Americans have benefited greatly from his 30 years in elected office and lifetime of public service. He has honorably and effectively continued his family's noble tradition of stewardship in all regards. My wife Myrna and Senator Udall's wife Jill, a tireless advocate on behalf of the Smithsonian's National Museum of the American Indian, have become good friends, and Myrna and I will miss both of them. I wish them and their daughter Amanda all the best. Senator Mike Enzi was born in Bremerton, WA, where his father was working in the naval shipyard during World War II. He grew up in Thermopolis, WY. He came to Washington, DC, for college, earning his bachelor's degree in accounting from George Washington University in 1966. He began his public service in the Wyoming Air National Guard from 1967 to 1973. Later, he worked in the U.S. Department of the Interior, earned a master's degree from the University of Denver, ran his father's show business, and became mayor of Gillette, WY, when he was just 30. Senator Enzi served in the Wyoming House of Representatives for 4 years and in the Wyoming Senate for 6 years before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 1996 with 54 percent of the vote. That was the closest election he has had; he garnered over 70 percent of the vote each time he sought reelection. Senator Enzi is one of the most conservative members of the Senate but that has not prevented him from reaching across the aisle. He is quiet but his accomplishments speak volumes. While he chaired the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, it reported 37 bills, 23 of which the Senate passed. As he likes to say, ``People can agree on 80 percent of the issues 80 percent of the time, and if they leave the other 20 percent out they can get a lot done.'' He has authored more than 100 bills that Presidents of both parties have signed into law. Senator Enzi and I have served on the Senate Finance Committee together since the 112th Congress, and on the Subcommittee on Health Care, where we have worked together to find bipartisan solutions to expand access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also worked together to ensure the stability and health of pension funds, including recent efforts related to the multiemployer union pension crisis, and to bolster financial literacy. I have also been pleased to work with Senator Enzi on legislation to ensure prompt payments to small businesses working as Federal contractors across the Department of Defense, and on our Collegiate Housing and Infrastructure Act, to help student groups with collegiate housing costs. Senator Enzi's grandfatherly mien and calm disposition have helped steer the Senate through rocky times, and I will miss his steady hand on our rudder. My wife Myrna will miss his wife of 51 years, Diana, an active member of the Senate Spouses Club, who also works to provide specially trained dogs and handlers to countries infested with landmines. Senator Enzi is an avid hunter and fly fisherman, and I know he will enjoy the opportunity to spend more time with Diana; their children Amy, Emily, and Brad; and their four grandchildren. Senator Pat Roberts is a native Kansan from Topeka and a quintessential plainspoken Midwesterner and ex-marine. He is a fourth generation Kansan, whose great-grandfather, J.W. Roberts, founded the ``Oskaloosa Independent,'' the State's second oldest newspaper. Senator Roberts has journalism and public service coursing though his blood. He earned his bachelor's degree in journalism from Kansas State University and then served in the U.S. Marine Corps for 4 years before working as a reporter and then editor of several newspapers in Arizona. In 1967, Senator Roberts worked for then-U.S. Senator Frank Carlson. In 1969, he became administrative assistant to then-U.S. Representative Keith Sibelius, who represented the First District. Senator Roberts went on to represent the First District himself for 16 years before being elected to the Senate in 1996, where he has continued to serve with distinction for four terms. Senator Roberts has a well-earned reputation as a national leader on agriculture, defense, and healthcare issues. He has the distinction of being the first person in history to have chaired both the House and Senate Committees on Agriculture and to author and pass bipartisan farm bills in both Chambers. He led the passage of the overwhelmingly bipartisan 2018 farm bill, which benefited farmers in my home State of Maryland and around the Nation. As cochairman of the Senate Rural Health Caucus, Senator Roberts has sought to address the challenges that rural communities face in terms of access to high-quality healthcare. While Senator Roberts chaired the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, he conducted one of the most thorough reviews of U.S. intelligence gathering and analysis in the wake of the faulty intelligence leading to the war in Iraq. The committee unanimously issued the bipartisan report, which frankly and forthrightly revealed systemic failures and provided numerous recommendations included in the 9/11 Intelligence Reform Act of 2004. Senator Roberts has played a pivotal role in the creation of two wonderful monuments, one here in Washington, DC, and the other in his beloved Kansas. He served as Chairman of the Dwight David Eisenhower Memorial Commission--and that fine memorial on Independence Avenue to Kansas's favorite son was dedicated earlier this year--a fitting capstone to Senator Roberts' 40 years as an elected official. Back in Kansas, he helped to establish the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve, one of the most beautiful and majestic places in America. Tallgrass prairie once stretched from Canada to Mexico, covering more than 170 million acres. Today, less than 4 percent of it remains intact, mostly in the Kansas Flint Hills, largely thanks to the efforts of Senator Roberts. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Roberts on agricultural and healthcare issues, and legislation to encourage retirement savings by fostering the growth of S corporations owned by Employee Stock Ownership Plans--``S-ESOPS''. I will miss working with him and his Semper Fi, ``can-do'' approach to problem-solving, but I know he is looking forward to spending more time with his wife Franki; their three children, David, Ashleigh, and Anne-Wesley; and their seven grandchildren. Senator Lamar Alexander has had a career in public service as long, varied, and distinguished as just about any other American, working or serving in all three branches of the Federal Government. He is a seventh generation east Tennessean whose father was an elementary school principal and mother was a pre-school teacher--thus began Senator Alexander's lifelong interest in education. He graduated from Vanderbilt University with a B.A. in 1962 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He earned his J.D. from New York University in 1965, was editor of the law review, and a Root-Tilden Scholar. Senator Alexander began his public service as a clerk for the Honorable John Minor Wisdom on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He worked on the staff of then-U.S. Senator Howard Baker and as staff assistant to then-President Richard Nixon. In 1978, he walked 1,022 miles across Tennessee, spent the night with 73 different families, and won election as Governor. As Governor, he helped to bring the auto industry to the State. He was reelected in 1982 and served as chair of the National Governors' Association from 1985 to 1986. He was president of the University of Tennessee from 1988 to 1991, then-President George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Education from 1991 to 1993, and a Professor of Practice in Public Service at Harvard the Kennedy School of Government from 2001 to 2003. Somehow, he has also found the time to cofound a law firm and two successful businesses, be a classical and country pianist who has performed on the Grand Old Opry and with symphony orchestras, and author seven books. While Senator Alexander chaired the HELP Committee, it reported 45bills that became law, most of which he authored. He sponsored the America Competes Act of 2007; the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, greatly benefitting students in my home State of Maryland and nationwide; the 21st Century Cures Act of 2016; and the Opioid Crisis Response Act of 2018. He also authored legislation to modernize how songwriters are compensated for their works. The list goes on and on. Senator Alexander has been a champion of higher education reform, seeking to simplify the process of applying for financial aid and to increase access for all students. I have been proud to work with him to support and strengthen historically Black colleges and universities and minority serving institutions. On the environmental front, I had the opportunity to work with Senator Alexander on legislation to end the dumping of mining waste into streams, the Appalachia Restoration Act of 2009. Senator Alexander is always courteous, an ``eloquent listener,'' and always eager to forge bipartisan solutions to our Nation's problems. Just a few days ago, I know Senators and staff were delighted to listen to him play Christmas carols and hymns on the piano in the Hart atrium. We will greatly miss his calm and dignified presence in the Senate, but he has certainly earned the opportunity to spend more time with his beloved wife of 51 years, Honey; their children Leslee, Kathryn, Andrew, and William; and their nine grandchildren. Senators Enzi, Roberts, and Alexander have served in this institution for 66 years combined. Senator Udall has served 12 years, and Senator Gardner has served 6 years. Senators Jones and McSally did not have an opportunity to serve a full term, but all told, we are losing close to 90 years of dedicated service to the institution, our colleagues, their constituents, and all Americans. There is a tradition for departing Senators to give a farewell address, and most use the opportunity to bemoan the fact that the Senate has become less collegial and more partisan. I share that discontent and sadness. I think the best way we can pay appropriate tribute to the fine Members who are leaving at the end of this Congress is by rededicating ourselves to preserving and expanding on their legacy of bipartisanship. I want to express my deep admiration of and appreciation to Senators Alexander, Enzi, Gardner, Jones, McSally, Roberts, and Udall. I am grateful for the opportunity to serve with and learn from them, and I cherish our friendships | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CARDIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7873-4 | null | 1,963 |
formal | terrorist | null | Islamophobic | Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, the end of a Congress is a bittersweet time. We reflect with pride on our accomplishments but have a sense of wistfulness with respect to the things we have been unable to do. We look forward to the holidays, spending more time with our families, and having a bit of a respite. But we have to say good-bye to several colleagues. I would like to take a few moments to pay tribute to Senators who will not be returning when the 117th Congress convenes. They are my friends as well as my colleagues and I will miss them and the unique attributes, skill, and devotion to public service they have brought to the Senate. Senator Cory Gardner is a fifth generation Coloradan firmly rooted in the State's Eastern Plains whose family has been in the farm implement business for over one century. He received his undergraduate degree from Colorado State University, where he graduated summa cum laude, and his Juris Doctor from the University of Colorado at Boulder. While Senator Gardner has only been in the Senate since 2015, the expression ``got it in one'' certainly applies to him. Perhaps that is because he previously worked in the Senate for then-Senator Wayne Allard, quickly rising to become Senator Allard's legislative director. He served for 6 years in the Colorado House of Representatives and another 4 years in the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected to the Senate in 2014. Here in the Senate, Senator Gardner has been a serious legislator but with a cheerful and affable and civil manner. He has worked to bridge partisan divides, particularly on energy policy, where he has been one of the Republicans' leading advocates of renewable energy. This year, the esteemed Lugar Center ranked Senator Gardner as the third most bipartisan Senator. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Gardner on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as he led the effort to impose sanctions against North Korea in his role as chairman of the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy. Through the committee, we also worked together to introduce legislation to enhance American maritime capacity and leadership and increase support to our allies in the Asia-Pacific region, the Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative Act of 2016. I was also pleased to work with Senator Gardner in 2019 to introduce the Wildlife Refuge System Protection Act, bipartisan legislation to provide legal authority for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service--USFWS--to seek damages for injury or harm on National Wildlife Refuges, National Fish Hatcheries, and other USFWS lands and waters. My wife Myrna and I have traveled with Senator Gardner and his wife Jaime to promote human rights abroad. His commitment to global human rights was crystal clear to Myrna and me. I will miss Senator Gardner and his pleasant demeanor, but he is still a young man so I am confident he will find new ways to continue serving all Americans, but especially the Coloradans he has represented with distinction for the past 16 years. I wish him, Jaime, and their children Alyson, Thatcher, and Caitlyn all the best. Senator Martha McSally has only been in the Senate for 2 years, but it is impossible not to be in awe of her truegrit and determination, perhaps stemming from being the youngest of five children. Her father died when she was just 12, leaving her mother to raise and support her family. Perhaps it was the example her mother set--Senator McSally was determined to let nothing stand in her way. She was the valedictorian of her high school and earned an appointment to the United States Air Force Academy, where she received a bachelor's of science in biology. I am privileged to represent the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD. I have served on the board of visitors, and my staff and I interview the hundreds of young applicants across Maryland who aspire to enroll in one of our service academies each year. I am not sure most Americans are aware of how intensely competitive these positions are and what a tremendous honor earning an appointment is. Meeting these applicants, reviewing their extraordinary accomplishments at such a young age, and seeing their commitment to service--willing to put their lives on the line, if necessary--restores one's faith in the boundless future of our Nation. Senator McSally certainly put her life on the line for us and shattered gender barriers along the way. She became the first woman in American history to fly a fighter jet in combat and the first woman to command a fighter squadron in combat. She deployed six times to the Middle East. She helped lead and execute the initial air campaign in Afghanistan after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and she supervised combat search and rescue operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In total, she flew 325 combat hours and earned a Bronze Star and six air medals. She served in the U.S. Air Force for 26 years, retiring as a full colonel. Senator McSally has never been one to rest on her laurels. She earned masters' degrees from Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and the U.S. Air War College, graduating first in her class of 261 senior military officers. She ran for the House of Representatives, first unsuccessfully by a narrow margin in 2012 but then successfully--again by a narrow margin--in 2014, becoming the first Republican woman to represent Arizona in Congress. She was reelected in 2016. She lost a tough race to Senator Sinema in 2018, but Arizona Governor Doug Ducey appointed her to finish the unexpired term of another war hero, our late friend Senator John McCain. Unfortunately, I had little opportunity to work with Senator McSally during her 2 years here in the Senate, although I did travel with her to Normandy for the 75th anniversary of D-Day, and I saw firsthand her commitment to America's service men and women--especially military sexual assault survivors--to veterans, and to military families. Senator McSally is an inspiration to all of us, but especially to women and girls, for her devotion to duty and the incredible odds she has overcome and the barriers she has broken in her life. Senator McSally has said, ``There's always more that unites us than divides us.'' I agree wholeheartedly with that sentiment. She is a fighter who will continue to fight for our county, and I am grateful for that. Senator Doug Jones is a native Alabaman, a steelworker's son, who grew up during the great struggle for civil rights and desegregation in the South. He has been involved in that struggle all of his life, active in campus affairs at the University of Alabama, where he earned his bachelor's degree in 1976, and in trying to modernize Alabama's court system. Senator Jones has the distinction of working, being confirmed by, and being elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. After he graduated from Cumberland Law School at Samford University in 1979, he worked as a staff counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee for then-Senator Howell Heflin. Senator Jones served as an Assistant U.S. Attorney from 1980 to 1984. After he worked in private practice for several years, President Clinton nominated him to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, and the Senate confirmed his nomination in 1997. While Senator Jones was the U.S. Attorney, he successfully prosecuted two of the four men who were responsible for the heinous bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963, an attack that killed four young Black girls between the ages of 11 and 14 and shocked the conscience of our Nation. He prosecuted other domestic terrorists, including the Ku Klux Klan and Eric Rudolph. He won a hard-fought special election to the Senate in December 2017 and has served with honor, distinction, and a commitment to finding bipartisan solutions to our Nation's most-pressing problems. Senator Jones has fought to protect healthcare and to create equal opportunities for all Americans. He led the passage of the bipartisan FUTURE Act into law last year, legislation that I strongly supported to provide permanent funding for historically Black colleges and universities and minority-serving institutions. He has also championed minority-serving financial institutions and minority-owned banks, supporting the efforts to add additional funds for these institutions through the Paycheck Protection Program. I was proud to work with Senator Jones on the successful passage of our legislation to extend the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act this year, which extends until 2030 duty-free access for certain textile goods from 23 Caribbean countries that are made with U.S. yarns, fabrics, and threads until 2030. Senator Jones is equally committed to civility and civil rights. As the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., so famously said, ``The arc or the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.'' Thanks to Senator Jones' abiding faith and ceaseless efforts, that arc is bending faster. I wish him, his wife Louise, their children Carson, Christopher, and Courtney, and their two grandchildren all the best moving forward. I know he will continue to serve our country, and I am hopeful it will be as a member of the incoming administration of President-Elect Joe Biden. Senator Tom Udall comes from an illustrious extended family with a long history of distinguished public service, including his father Stewart, who served as Secretary of the Interior under President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson from 1961 to 1969. His uncle Morris ``Mo'' K. Udall was one of the most accomplished and beloved Congressmen in U.S. history, representing Arizona's Second District for 30 years. While Senator Udall was born in Tucson, he has deep roots in New Mexico, starting with his grandmother Luna, who was born in New Mexico Territory. Senator Udall earned his undergraduate degree from Prescott College, a bachelor of laws degree from Cambridge, and J.D. from the University of New Mexico in 1977. And then joining the family tradition, he began his public service by clerking for the Honorable Oliver Seth, chief justice of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. Later, he became a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's criminal division and chief counsel to the New Mexico Department of Health and Environment. Senator Udall was elected New Mexico Attorney General in 1990 and reelected in 1994. He made his mark in several areas, but especially in government transparency and ethics, a quest he would continue in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served five highly productive terms, even though he was in the minority for four of them, passing legislation to establish a national renewable energy standard. Here in the Senate, Senator Udall has continued his distinguished service for two terms in his low-key, quiet, understated, and effective manner. Just this year, he led the passage of the Great American Outdoors Act to fund our national parks and Federal land agencies. He has championed environmental justice and has devoted himself to rectifying the injustices our Nation has perpetrated against Indian Nations and Tribes. Senator Udall has remained steadfast in his commitment to good and transparent government as the lead Senate sponsor of the For the People Act. I have been privileged to work closely with Senator Udall on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, and on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We have focused on strengthening our relationships with our allies, which President Trump has put to the test, promoting American values around the world, andfostering human rights and international development and conservation efforts. I will greatly miss Senator Udall here in the Senate but feel fortunate to have served with him these last 12 years in the Senate and for 8 years together in the House of Representatives before that. New Mexicans and all Americans have benefited greatly from his 30 years in elected office and lifetime of public service. He has honorably and effectively continued his family's noble tradition of stewardship in all regards. My wife Myrna and Senator Udall's wife Jill, a tireless advocate on behalf of the Smithsonian's National Museum of the American Indian, have become good friends, and Myrna and I will miss both of them. I wish them and their daughter Amanda all the best. Senator Mike Enzi was born in Bremerton, WA, where his father was working in the naval shipyard during World War II. He grew up in Thermopolis, WY. He came to Washington, DC, for college, earning his bachelor's degree in accounting from George Washington University in 1966. He began his public service in the Wyoming Air National Guard from 1967 to 1973. Later, he worked in the U.S. Department of the Interior, earned a master's degree from the University of Denver, ran his father's show business, and became mayor of Gillette, WY, when he was just 30. Senator Enzi served in the Wyoming House of Representatives for 4 years and in the Wyoming Senate for 6 years before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 1996 with 54 percent of the vote. That was the closest election he has had; he garnered over 70 percent of the vote each time he sought reelection. Senator Enzi is one of the most conservative members of the Senate but that has not prevented him from reaching across the aisle. He is quiet but his accomplishments speak volumes. While he chaired the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, it reported 37 bills, 23 of which the Senate passed. As he likes to say, ``People can agree on 80 percent of the issues 80 percent of the time, and if they leave the other 20 percent out they can get a lot done.'' He has authored more than 100 bills that Presidents of both parties have signed into law. Senator Enzi and I have served on the Senate Finance Committee together since the 112th Congress, and on the Subcommittee on Health Care, where we have worked together to find bipartisan solutions to expand access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also worked together to ensure the stability and health of pension funds, including recent efforts related to the multiemployer union pension crisis, and to bolster financial literacy. I have also been pleased to work with Senator Enzi on legislation to ensure prompt payments to small businesses working as Federal contractors across the Department of Defense, and on our Collegiate Housing and Infrastructure Act, to help student groups with collegiate housing costs. Senator Enzi's grandfatherly mien and calm disposition have helped steer the Senate through rocky times, and I will miss his steady hand on our rudder. My wife Myrna will miss his wife of 51 years, Diana, an active member of the Senate Spouses Club, who also works to provide specially trained dogs and handlers to countries infested with landmines. Senator Enzi is an avid hunter and fly fisherman, and I know he will enjoy the opportunity to spend more time with Diana; their children Amy, Emily, and Brad; and their four grandchildren. Senator Pat Roberts is a native Kansan from Topeka and a quintessential plainspoken Midwesterner and ex-marine. He is a fourth generation Kansan, whose great-grandfather, J.W. Roberts, founded the ``Oskaloosa Independent,'' the State's second oldest newspaper. Senator Roberts has journalism and public service coursing though his blood. He earned his bachelor's degree in journalism from Kansas State University and then served in the U.S. Marine Corps for 4 years before working as a reporter and then editor of several newspapers in Arizona. In 1967, Senator Roberts worked for then-U.S. Senator Frank Carlson. In 1969, he became administrative assistant to then-U.S. Representative Keith Sibelius, who represented the First District. Senator Roberts went on to represent the First District himself for 16 years before being elected to the Senate in 1996, where he has continued to serve with distinction for four terms. Senator Roberts has a well-earned reputation as a national leader on agriculture, defense, and healthcare issues. He has the distinction of being the first person in history to have chaired both the House and Senate Committees on Agriculture and to author and pass bipartisan farm bills in both Chambers. He led the passage of the overwhelmingly bipartisan 2018 farm bill, which benefited farmers in my home State of Maryland and around the Nation. As cochairman of the Senate Rural Health Caucus, Senator Roberts has sought to address the challenges that rural communities face in terms of access to high-quality healthcare. While Senator Roberts chaired the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, he conducted one of the most thorough reviews of U.S. intelligence gathering and analysis in the wake of the faulty intelligence leading to the war in Iraq. The committee unanimously issued the bipartisan report, which frankly and forthrightly revealed systemic failures and provided numerous recommendations included in the 9/11 Intelligence Reform Act of 2004. Senator Roberts has played a pivotal role in the creation of two wonderful monuments, one here in Washington, DC, and the other in his beloved Kansas. He served as Chairman of the Dwight David Eisenhower Memorial Commission--and that fine memorial on Independence Avenue to Kansas's favorite son was dedicated earlier this year--a fitting capstone to Senator Roberts' 40 years as an elected official. Back in Kansas, he helped to establish the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve, one of the most beautiful and majestic places in America. Tallgrass prairie once stretched from Canada to Mexico, covering more than 170 million acres. Today, less than 4 percent of it remains intact, mostly in the Kansas Flint Hills, largely thanks to the efforts of Senator Roberts. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Roberts on agricultural and healthcare issues, and legislation to encourage retirement savings by fostering the growth of S corporations owned by Employee Stock Ownership Plans--``S-ESOPS''. I will miss working with him and his Semper Fi, ``can-do'' approach to problem-solving, but I know he is looking forward to spending more time with his wife Franki; their three children, David, Ashleigh, and Anne-Wesley; and their seven grandchildren. Senator Lamar Alexander has had a career in public service as long, varied, and distinguished as just about any other American, working or serving in all three branches of the Federal Government. He is a seventh generation east Tennessean whose father was an elementary school principal and mother was a pre-school teacher--thus began Senator Alexander's lifelong interest in education. He graduated from Vanderbilt University with a B.A. in 1962 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He earned his J.D. from New York University in 1965, was editor of the law review, and a Root-Tilden Scholar. Senator Alexander began his public service as a clerk for the Honorable John Minor Wisdom on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He worked on the staff of then-U.S. Senator Howard Baker and as staff assistant to then-President Richard Nixon. In 1978, he walked 1,022 miles across Tennessee, spent the night with 73 different families, and won election as Governor. As Governor, he helped to bring the auto industry to the State. He was reelected in 1982 and served as chair of the National Governors' Association from 1985 to 1986. He was president of the University of Tennessee from 1988 to 1991, then-President George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Education from 1991 to 1993, and a Professor of Practice in Public Service at Harvard the Kennedy School of Government from 2001 to 2003. Somehow, he has also found the time to cofound a law firm and two successful businesses, be a classical and country pianist who has performed on the Grand Old Opry and with symphony orchestras, and author seven books. While Senator Alexander chaired the HELP Committee, it reported 45bills that became law, most of which he authored. He sponsored the America Competes Act of 2007; the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, greatly benefitting students in my home State of Maryland and nationwide; the 21st Century Cures Act of 2016; and the Opioid Crisis Response Act of 2018. He also authored legislation to modernize how songwriters are compensated for their works. The list goes on and on. Senator Alexander has been a champion of higher education reform, seeking to simplify the process of applying for financial aid and to increase access for all students. I have been proud to work with him to support and strengthen historically Black colleges and universities and minority serving institutions. On the environmental front, I had the opportunity to work with Senator Alexander on legislation to end the dumping of mining waste into streams, the Appalachia Restoration Act of 2009. Senator Alexander is always courteous, an ``eloquent listener,'' and always eager to forge bipartisan solutions to our Nation's problems. Just a few days ago, I know Senators and staff were delighted to listen to him play Christmas carols and hymns on the piano in the Hart atrium. We will greatly miss his calm and dignified presence in the Senate, but he has certainly earned the opportunity to spend more time with his beloved wife of 51 years, Honey; their children Leslee, Kathryn, Andrew, and William; and their nine grandchildren. Senators Enzi, Roberts, and Alexander have served in this institution for 66 years combined. Senator Udall has served 12 years, and Senator Gardner has served 6 years. Senators Jones and McSally did not have an opportunity to serve a full term, but all told, we are losing close to 90 years of dedicated service to the institution, our colleagues, their constituents, and all Americans. There is a tradition for departing Senators to give a farewell address, and most use the opportunity to bemoan the fact that the Senate has become less collegial and more partisan. I share that discontent and sadness. I think the best way we can pay appropriate tribute to the fine Members who are leaving at the end of this Congress is by rededicating ourselves to preserving and expanding on their legacy of bipartisanship. I want to express my deep admiration of and appreciation to Senators Alexander, Enzi, Gardner, Jones, McSally, Roberts, and Udall. I am grateful for the opportunity to serve with and learn from them, and I cherish our friendships | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CARDIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7873-4 | null | 1,964 |
formal | terrorists | null | Islamophobic | Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, the end of a Congress is a bittersweet time. We reflect with pride on our accomplishments but have a sense of wistfulness with respect to the things we have been unable to do. We look forward to the holidays, spending more time with our families, and having a bit of a respite. But we have to say good-bye to several colleagues. I would like to take a few moments to pay tribute to Senators who will not be returning when the 117th Congress convenes. They are my friends as well as my colleagues and I will miss them and the unique attributes, skill, and devotion to public service they have brought to the Senate. Senator Cory Gardner is a fifth generation Coloradan firmly rooted in the State's Eastern Plains whose family has been in the farm implement business for over one century. He received his undergraduate degree from Colorado State University, where he graduated summa cum laude, and his Juris Doctor from the University of Colorado at Boulder. While Senator Gardner has only been in the Senate since 2015, the expression ``got it in one'' certainly applies to him. Perhaps that is because he previously worked in the Senate for then-Senator Wayne Allard, quickly rising to become Senator Allard's legislative director. He served for 6 years in the Colorado House of Representatives and another 4 years in the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected to the Senate in 2014. Here in the Senate, Senator Gardner has been a serious legislator but with a cheerful and affable and civil manner. He has worked to bridge partisan divides, particularly on energy policy, where he has been one of the Republicans' leading advocates of renewable energy. This year, the esteemed Lugar Center ranked Senator Gardner as the third most bipartisan Senator. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Gardner on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as he led the effort to impose sanctions against North Korea in his role as chairman of the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy. Through the committee, we also worked together to introduce legislation to enhance American maritime capacity and leadership and increase support to our allies in the Asia-Pacific region, the Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative Act of 2016. I was also pleased to work with Senator Gardner in 2019 to introduce the Wildlife Refuge System Protection Act, bipartisan legislation to provide legal authority for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service--USFWS--to seek damages for injury or harm on National Wildlife Refuges, National Fish Hatcheries, and other USFWS lands and waters. My wife Myrna and I have traveled with Senator Gardner and his wife Jaime to promote human rights abroad. His commitment to global human rights was crystal clear to Myrna and me. I will miss Senator Gardner and his pleasant demeanor, but he is still a young man so I am confident he will find new ways to continue serving all Americans, but especially the Coloradans he has represented with distinction for the past 16 years. I wish him, Jaime, and their children Alyson, Thatcher, and Caitlyn all the best. Senator Martha McSally has only been in the Senate for 2 years, but it is impossible not to be in awe of her truegrit and determination, perhaps stemming from being the youngest of five children. Her father died when she was just 12, leaving her mother to raise and support her family. Perhaps it was the example her mother set--Senator McSally was determined to let nothing stand in her way. She was the valedictorian of her high school and earned an appointment to the United States Air Force Academy, where she received a bachelor's of science in biology. I am privileged to represent the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD. I have served on the board of visitors, and my staff and I interview the hundreds of young applicants across Maryland who aspire to enroll in one of our service academies each year. I am not sure most Americans are aware of how intensely competitive these positions are and what a tremendous honor earning an appointment is. Meeting these applicants, reviewing their extraordinary accomplishments at such a young age, and seeing their commitment to service--willing to put their lives on the line, if necessary--restores one's faith in the boundless future of our Nation. Senator McSally certainly put her life on the line for us and shattered gender barriers along the way. She became the first woman in American history to fly a fighter jet in combat and the first woman to command a fighter squadron in combat. She deployed six times to the Middle East. She helped lead and execute the initial air campaign in Afghanistan after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and she supervised combat search and rescue operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In total, she flew 325 combat hours and earned a Bronze Star and six air medals. She served in the U.S. Air Force for 26 years, retiring as a full colonel. Senator McSally has never been one to rest on her laurels. She earned masters' degrees from Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and the U.S. Air War College, graduating first in her class of 261 senior military officers. She ran for the House of Representatives, first unsuccessfully by a narrow margin in 2012 but then successfully--again by a narrow margin--in 2014, becoming the first Republican woman to represent Arizona in Congress. She was reelected in 2016. She lost a tough race to Senator Sinema in 2018, but Arizona Governor Doug Ducey appointed her to finish the unexpired term of another war hero, our late friend Senator John McCain. Unfortunately, I had little opportunity to work with Senator McSally during her 2 years here in the Senate, although I did travel with her to Normandy for the 75th anniversary of D-Day, and I saw firsthand her commitment to America's service men and women--especially military sexual assault survivors--to veterans, and to military families. Senator McSally is an inspiration to all of us, but especially to women and girls, for her devotion to duty and the incredible odds she has overcome and the barriers she has broken in her life. Senator McSally has said, ``There's always more that unites us than divides us.'' I agree wholeheartedly with that sentiment. She is a fighter who will continue to fight for our county, and I am grateful for that. Senator Doug Jones is a native Alabaman, a steelworker's son, who grew up during the great struggle for civil rights and desegregation in the South. He has been involved in that struggle all of his life, active in campus affairs at the University of Alabama, where he earned his bachelor's degree in 1976, and in trying to modernize Alabama's court system. Senator Jones has the distinction of working, being confirmed by, and being elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. After he graduated from Cumberland Law School at Samford University in 1979, he worked as a staff counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee for then-Senator Howell Heflin. Senator Jones served as an Assistant U.S. Attorney from 1980 to 1984. After he worked in private practice for several years, President Clinton nominated him to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, and the Senate confirmed his nomination in 1997. While Senator Jones was the U.S. Attorney, he successfully prosecuted two of the four men who were responsible for the heinous bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963, an attack that killed four young Black girls between the ages of 11 and 14 and shocked the conscience of our Nation. He prosecuted other domestic terrorists, including the Ku Klux Klan and Eric Rudolph. He won a hard-fought special election to the Senate in December 2017 and has served with honor, distinction, and a commitment to finding bipartisan solutions to our Nation's most-pressing problems. Senator Jones has fought to protect healthcare and to create equal opportunities for all Americans. He led the passage of the bipartisan FUTURE Act into law last year, legislation that I strongly supported to provide permanent funding for historically Black colleges and universities and minority-serving institutions. He has also championed minority-serving financial institutions and minority-owned banks, supporting the efforts to add additional funds for these institutions through the Paycheck Protection Program. I was proud to work with Senator Jones on the successful passage of our legislation to extend the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act this year, which extends until 2030 duty-free access for certain textile goods from 23 Caribbean countries that are made with U.S. yarns, fabrics, and threads until 2030. Senator Jones is equally committed to civility and civil rights. As the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., so famously said, ``The arc or the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.'' Thanks to Senator Jones' abiding faith and ceaseless efforts, that arc is bending faster. I wish him, his wife Louise, their children Carson, Christopher, and Courtney, and their two grandchildren all the best moving forward. I know he will continue to serve our country, and I am hopeful it will be as a member of the incoming administration of President-Elect Joe Biden. Senator Tom Udall comes from an illustrious extended family with a long history of distinguished public service, including his father Stewart, who served as Secretary of the Interior under President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson from 1961 to 1969. His uncle Morris ``Mo'' K. Udall was one of the most accomplished and beloved Congressmen in U.S. history, representing Arizona's Second District for 30 years. While Senator Udall was born in Tucson, he has deep roots in New Mexico, starting with his grandmother Luna, who was born in New Mexico Territory. Senator Udall earned his undergraduate degree from Prescott College, a bachelor of laws degree from Cambridge, and J.D. from the University of New Mexico in 1977. And then joining the family tradition, he began his public service by clerking for the Honorable Oliver Seth, chief justice of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. Later, he became a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's criminal division and chief counsel to the New Mexico Department of Health and Environment. Senator Udall was elected New Mexico Attorney General in 1990 and reelected in 1994. He made his mark in several areas, but especially in government transparency and ethics, a quest he would continue in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served five highly productive terms, even though he was in the minority for four of them, passing legislation to establish a national renewable energy standard. Here in the Senate, Senator Udall has continued his distinguished service for two terms in his low-key, quiet, understated, and effective manner. Just this year, he led the passage of the Great American Outdoors Act to fund our national parks and Federal land agencies. He has championed environmental justice and has devoted himself to rectifying the injustices our Nation has perpetrated against Indian Nations and Tribes. Senator Udall has remained steadfast in his commitment to good and transparent government as the lead Senate sponsor of the For the People Act. I have been privileged to work closely with Senator Udall on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, and on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We have focused on strengthening our relationships with our allies, which President Trump has put to the test, promoting American values around the world, andfostering human rights and international development and conservation efforts. I will greatly miss Senator Udall here in the Senate but feel fortunate to have served with him these last 12 years in the Senate and for 8 years together in the House of Representatives before that. New Mexicans and all Americans have benefited greatly from his 30 years in elected office and lifetime of public service. He has honorably and effectively continued his family's noble tradition of stewardship in all regards. My wife Myrna and Senator Udall's wife Jill, a tireless advocate on behalf of the Smithsonian's National Museum of the American Indian, have become good friends, and Myrna and I will miss both of them. I wish them and their daughter Amanda all the best. Senator Mike Enzi was born in Bremerton, WA, where his father was working in the naval shipyard during World War II. He grew up in Thermopolis, WY. He came to Washington, DC, for college, earning his bachelor's degree in accounting from George Washington University in 1966. He began his public service in the Wyoming Air National Guard from 1967 to 1973. Later, he worked in the U.S. Department of the Interior, earned a master's degree from the University of Denver, ran his father's show business, and became mayor of Gillette, WY, when he was just 30. Senator Enzi served in the Wyoming House of Representatives for 4 years and in the Wyoming Senate for 6 years before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 1996 with 54 percent of the vote. That was the closest election he has had; he garnered over 70 percent of the vote each time he sought reelection. Senator Enzi is one of the most conservative members of the Senate but that has not prevented him from reaching across the aisle. He is quiet but his accomplishments speak volumes. While he chaired the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, it reported 37 bills, 23 of which the Senate passed. As he likes to say, ``People can agree on 80 percent of the issues 80 percent of the time, and if they leave the other 20 percent out they can get a lot done.'' He has authored more than 100 bills that Presidents of both parties have signed into law. Senator Enzi and I have served on the Senate Finance Committee together since the 112th Congress, and on the Subcommittee on Health Care, where we have worked together to find bipartisan solutions to expand access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also worked together to ensure the stability and health of pension funds, including recent efforts related to the multiemployer union pension crisis, and to bolster financial literacy. I have also been pleased to work with Senator Enzi on legislation to ensure prompt payments to small businesses working as Federal contractors across the Department of Defense, and on our Collegiate Housing and Infrastructure Act, to help student groups with collegiate housing costs. Senator Enzi's grandfatherly mien and calm disposition have helped steer the Senate through rocky times, and I will miss his steady hand on our rudder. My wife Myrna will miss his wife of 51 years, Diana, an active member of the Senate Spouses Club, who also works to provide specially trained dogs and handlers to countries infested with landmines. Senator Enzi is an avid hunter and fly fisherman, and I know he will enjoy the opportunity to spend more time with Diana; their children Amy, Emily, and Brad; and their four grandchildren. Senator Pat Roberts is a native Kansan from Topeka and a quintessential plainspoken Midwesterner and ex-marine. He is a fourth generation Kansan, whose great-grandfather, J.W. Roberts, founded the ``Oskaloosa Independent,'' the State's second oldest newspaper. Senator Roberts has journalism and public service coursing though his blood. He earned his bachelor's degree in journalism from Kansas State University and then served in the U.S. Marine Corps for 4 years before working as a reporter and then editor of several newspapers in Arizona. In 1967, Senator Roberts worked for then-U.S. Senator Frank Carlson. In 1969, he became administrative assistant to then-U.S. Representative Keith Sibelius, who represented the First District. Senator Roberts went on to represent the First District himself for 16 years before being elected to the Senate in 1996, where he has continued to serve with distinction for four terms. Senator Roberts has a well-earned reputation as a national leader on agriculture, defense, and healthcare issues. He has the distinction of being the first person in history to have chaired both the House and Senate Committees on Agriculture and to author and pass bipartisan farm bills in both Chambers. He led the passage of the overwhelmingly bipartisan 2018 farm bill, which benefited farmers in my home State of Maryland and around the Nation. As cochairman of the Senate Rural Health Caucus, Senator Roberts has sought to address the challenges that rural communities face in terms of access to high-quality healthcare. While Senator Roberts chaired the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, he conducted one of the most thorough reviews of U.S. intelligence gathering and analysis in the wake of the faulty intelligence leading to the war in Iraq. The committee unanimously issued the bipartisan report, which frankly and forthrightly revealed systemic failures and provided numerous recommendations included in the 9/11 Intelligence Reform Act of 2004. Senator Roberts has played a pivotal role in the creation of two wonderful monuments, one here in Washington, DC, and the other in his beloved Kansas. He served as Chairman of the Dwight David Eisenhower Memorial Commission--and that fine memorial on Independence Avenue to Kansas's favorite son was dedicated earlier this year--a fitting capstone to Senator Roberts' 40 years as an elected official. Back in Kansas, he helped to establish the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve, one of the most beautiful and majestic places in America. Tallgrass prairie once stretched from Canada to Mexico, covering more than 170 million acres. Today, less than 4 percent of it remains intact, mostly in the Kansas Flint Hills, largely thanks to the efforts of Senator Roberts. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Roberts on agricultural and healthcare issues, and legislation to encourage retirement savings by fostering the growth of S corporations owned by Employee Stock Ownership Plans--``S-ESOPS''. I will miss working with him and his Semper Fi, ``can-do'' approach to problem-solving, but I know he is looking forward to spending more time with his wife Franki; their three children, David, Ashleigh, and Anne-Wesley; and their seven grandchildren. Senator Lamar Alexander has had a career in public service as long, varied, and distinguished as just about any other American, working or serving in all three branches of the Federal Government. He is a seventh generation east Tennessean whose father was an elementary school principal and mother was a pre-school teacher--thus began Senator Alexander's lifelong interest in education. He graduated from Vanderbilt University with a B.A. in 1962 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He earned his J.D. from New York University in 1965, was editor of the law review, and a Root-Tilden Scholar. Senator Alexander began his public service as a clerk for the Honorable John Minor Wisdom on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He worked on the staff of then-U.S. Senator Howard Baker and as staff assistant to then-President Richard Nixon. In 1978, he walked 1,022 miles across Tennessee, spent the night with 73 different families, and won election as Governor. As Governor, he helped to bring the auto industry to the State. He was reelected in 1982 and served as chair of the National Governors' Association from 1985 to 1986. He was president of the University of Tennessee from 1988 to 1991, then-President George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Education from 1991 to 1993, and a Professor of Practice in Public Service at Harvard the Kennedy School of Government from 2001 to 2003. Somehow, he has also found the time to cofound a law firm and two successful businesses, be a classical and country pianist who has performed on the Grand Old Opry and with symphony orchestras, and author seven books. While Senator Alexander chaired the HELP Committee, it reported 45bills that became law, most of which he authored. He sponsored the America Competes Act of 2007; the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, greatly benefitting students in my home State of Maryland and nationwide; the 21st Century Cures Act of 2016; and the Opioid Crisis Response Act of 2018. He also authored legislation to modernize how songwriters are compensated for their works. The list goes on and on. Senator Alexander has been a champion of higher education reform, seeking to simplify the process of applying for financial aid and to increase access for all students. I have been proud to work with him to support and strengthen historically Black colleges and universities and minority serving institutions. On the environmental front, I had the opportunity to work with Senator Alexander on legislation to end the dumping of mining waste into streams, the Appalachia Restoration Act of 2009. Senator Alexander is always courteous, an ``eloquent listener,'' and always eager to forge bipartisan solutions to our Nation's problems. Just a few days ago, I know Senators and staff were delighted to listen to him play Christmas carols and hymns on the piano in the Hart atrium. We will greatly miss his calm and dignified presence in the Senate, but he has certainly earned the opportunity to spend more time with his beloved wife of 51 years, Honey; their children Leslee, Kathryn, Andrew, and William; and their nine grandchildren. Senators Enzi, Roberts, and Alexander have served in this institution for 66 years combined. Senator Udall has served 12 years, and Senator Gardner has served 6 years. Senators Jones and McSally did not have an opportunity to serve a full term, but all told, we are losing close to 90 years of dedicated service to the institution, our colleagues, their constituents, and all Americans. There is a tradition for departing Senators to give a farewell address, and most use the opportunity to bemoan the fact that the Senate has become less collegial and more partisan. I share that discontent and sadness. I think the best way we can pay appropriate tribute to the fine Members who are leaving at the end of this Congress is by rededicating ourselves to preserving and expanding on their legacy of bipartisanship. I want to express my deep admiration of and appreciation to Senators Alexander, Enzi, Gardner, Jones, McSally, Roberts, and Udall. I am grateful for the opportunity to serve with and learn from them, and I cherish our friendships | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CARDIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7873-4 | null | 1,965 |
formal | education reform | null | racist | Mr. CARDIN. Mr. President, the end of a Congress is a bittersweet time. We reflect with pride on our accomplishments but have a sense of wistfulness with respect to the things we have been unable to do. We look forward to the holidays, spending more time with our families, and having a bit of a respite. But we have to say good-bye to several colleagues. I would like to take a few moments to pay tribute to Senators who will not be returning when the 117th Congress convenes. They are my friends as well as my colleagues and I will miss them and the unique attributes, skill, and devotion to public service they have brought to the Senate. Senator Cory Gardner is a fifth generation Coloradan firmly rooted in the State's Eastern Plains whose family has been in the farm implement business for over one century. He received his undergraduate degree from Colorado State University, where he graduated summa cum laude, and his Juris Doctor from the University of Colorado at Boulder. While Senator Gardner has only been in the Senate since 2015, the expression ``got it in one'' certainly applies to him. Perhaps that is because he previously worked in the Senate for then-Senator Wayne Allard, quickly rising to become Senator Allard's legislative director. He served for 6 years in the Colorado House of Representatives and another 4 years in the U.S. House of Representatives before being elected to the Senate in 2014. Here in the Senate, Senator Gardner has been a serious legislator but with a cheerful and affable and civil manner. He has worked to bridge partisan divides, particularly on energy policy, where he has been one of the Republicans' leading advocates of renewable energy. This year, the esteemed Lugar Center ranked Senator Gardner as the third most bipartisan Senator. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Gardner on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee as he led the effort to impose sanctions against North Korea in his role as chairman of the Foreign Relations Subcommittee on East Asia, the Pacific, and International Cybersecurity Policy. Through the committee, we also worked together to introduce legislation to enhance American maritime capacity and leadership and increase support to our allies in the Asia-Pacific region, the Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Initiative Act of 2016. I was also pleased to work with Senator Gardner in 2019 to introduce the Wildlife Refuge System Protection Act, bipartisan legislation to provide legal authority for the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service--USFWS--to seek damages for injury or harm on National Wildlife Refuges, National Fish Hatcheries, and other USFWS lands and waters. My wife Myrna and I have traveled with Senator Gardner and his wife Jaime to promote human rights abroad. His commitment to global human rights was crystal clear to Myrna and me. I will miss Senator Gardner and his pleasant demeanor, but he is still a young man so I am confident he will find new ways to continue serving all Americans, but especially the Coloradans he has represented with distinction for the past 16 years. I wish him, Jaime, and their children Alyson, Thatcher, and Caitlyn all the best. Senator Martha McSally has only been in the Senate for 2 years, but it is impossible not to be in awe of her truegrit and determination, perhaps stemming from being the youngest of five children. Her father died when she was just 12, leaving her mother to raise and support her family. Perhaps it was the example her mother set--Senator McSally was determined to let nothing stand in her way. She was the valedictorian of her high school and earned an appointment to the United States Air Force Academy, where she received a bachelor's of science in biology. I am privileged to represent the U.S. Naval Academy in Annapolis, MD. I have served on the board of visitors, and my staff and I interview the hundreds of young applicants across Maryland who aspire to enroll in one of our service academies each year. I am not sure most Americans are aware of how intensely competitive these positions are and what a tremendous honor earning an appointment is. Meeting these applicants, reviewing their extraordinary accomplishments at such a young age, and seeing their commitment to service--willing to put their lives on the line, if necessary--restores one's faith in the boundless future of our Nation. Senator McSally certainly put her life on the line for us and shattered gender barriers along the way. She became the first woman in American history to fly a fighter jet in combat and the first woman to command a fighter squadron in combat. She deployed six times to the Middle East. She helped lead and execute the initial air campaign in Afghanistan after the 9/11 terrorist attacks and she supervised combat search and rescue operations in Afghanistan and Iraq. In total, she flew 325 combat hours and earned a Bronze Star and six air medals. She served in the U.S. Air Force for 26 years, retiring as a full colonel. Senator McSally has never been one to rest on her laurels. She earned masters' degrees from Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government and the U.S. Air War College, graduating first in her class of 261 senior military officers. She ran for the House of Representatives, first unsuccessfully by a narrow margin in 2012 but then successfully--again by a narrow margin--in 2014, becoming the first Republican woman to represent Arizona in Congress. She was reelected in 2016. She lost a tough race to Senator Sinema in 2018, but Arizona Governor Doug Ducey appointed her to finish the unexpired term of another war hero, our late friend Senator John McCain. Unfortunately, I had little opportunity to work with Senator McSally during her 2 years here in the Senate, although I did travel with her to Normandy for the 75th anniversary of D-Day, and I saw firsthand her commitment to America's service men and women--especially military sexual assault survivors--to veterans, and to military families. Senator McSally is an inspiration to all of us, but especially to women and girls, for her devotion to duty and the incredible odds she has overcome and the barriers she has broken in her life. Senator McSally has said, ``There's always more that unites us than divides us.'' I agree wholeheartedly with that sentiment. She is a fighter who will continue to fight for our county, and I am grateful for that. Senator Doug Jones is a native Alabaman, a steelworker's son, who grew up during the great struggle for civil rights and desegregation in the South. He has been involved in that struggle all of his life, active in campus affairs at the University of Alabama, where he earned his bachelor's degree in 1976, and in trying to modernize Alabama's court system. Senator Jones has the distinction of working, being confirmed by, and being elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. After he graduated from Cumberland Law School at Samford University in 1979, he worked as a staff counsel on the Senate Judiciary Committee for then-Senator Howell Heflin. Senator Jones served as an Assistant U.S. Attorney from 1980 to 1984. After he worked in private practice for several years, President Clinton nominated him to serve as the U.S. Attorney for the Northern District of Alabama, and the Senate confirmed his nomination in 1997. While Senator Jones was the U.S. Attorney, he successfully prosecuted two of the four men who were responsible for the heinous bombing of the 16th Street Baptist Church in 1963, an attack that killed four young Black girls between the ages of 11 and 14 and shocked the conscience of our Nation. He prosecuted other domestic terrorists, including the Ku Klux Klan and Eric Rudolph. He won a hard-fought special election to the Senate in December 2017 and has served with honor, distinction, and a commitment to finding bipartisan solutions to our Nation's most-pressing problems. Senator Jones has fought to protect healthcare and to create equal opportunities for all Americans. He led the passage of the bipartisan FUTURE Act into law last year, legislation that I strongly supported to provide permanent funding for historically Black colleges and universities and minority-serving institutions. He has also championed minority-serving financial institutions and minority-owned banks, supporting the efforts to add additional funds for these institutions through the Paycheck Protection Program. I was proud to work with Senator Jones on the successful passage of our legislation to extend the Caribbean Basin Economic Recovery Act this year, which extends until 2030 duty-free access for certain textile goods from 23 Caribbean countries that are made with U.S. yarns, fabrics, and threads until 2030. Senator Jones is equally committed to civility and civil rights. As the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., so famously said, ``The arc or the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.'' Thanks to Senator Jones' abiding faith and ceaseless efforts, that arc is bending faster. I wish him, his wife Louise, their children Carson, Christopher, and Courtney, and their two grandchildren all the best moving forward. I know he will continue to serve our country, and I am hopeful it will be as a member of the incoming administration of President-Elect Joe Biden. Senator Tom Udall comes from an illustrious extended family with a long history of distinguished public service, including his father Stewart, who served as Secretary of the Interior under President John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Baines Johnson from 1961 to 1969. His uncle Morris ``Mo'' K. Udall was one of the most accomplished and beloved Congressmen in U.S. history, representing Arizona's Second District for 30 years. While Senator Udall was born in Tucson, he has deep roots in New Mexico, starting with his grandmother Luna, who was born in New Mexico Territory. Senator Udall earned his undergraduate degree from Prescott College, a bachelor of laws degree from Cambridge, and J.D. from the University of New Mexico in 1977. And then joining the family tradition, he began his public service by clerking for the Honorable Oliver Seth, chief justice of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit. Later, he became a Federal prosecutor in the U.S. Attorney's criminal division and chief counsel to the New Mexico Department of Health and Environment. Senator Udall was elected New Mexico Attorney General in 1990 and reelected in 1994. He made his mark in several areas, but especially in government transparency and ethics, a quest he would continue in the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served five highly productive terms, even though he was in the minority for four of them, passing legislation to establish a national renewable energy standard. Here in the Senate, Senator Udall has continued his distinguished service for two terms in his low-key, quiet, understated, and effective manner. Just this year, he led the passage of the Great American Outdoors Act to fund our national parks and Federal land agencies. He has championed environmental justice and has devoted himself to rectifying the injustices our Nation has perpetrated against Indian Nations and Tribes. Senator Udall has remained steadfast in his commitment to good and transparent government as the lead Senate sponsor of the For the People Act. I have been privileged to work closely with Senator Udall on the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe, also known as the U.S. Helsinki Commission, and on the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. We have focused on strengthening our relationships with our allies, which President Trump has put to the test, promoting American values around the world, andfostering human rights and international development and conservation efforts. I will greatly miss Senator Udall here in the Senate but feel fortunate to have served with him these last 12 years in the Senate and for 8 years together in the House of Representatives before that. New Mexicans and all Americans have benefited greatly from his 30 years in elected office and lifetime of public service. He has honorably and effectively continued his family's noble tradition of stewardship in all regards. My wife Myrna and Senator Udall's wife Jill, a tireless advocate on behalf of the Smithsonian's National Museum of the American Indian, have become good friends, and Myrna and I will miss both of them. I wish them and their daughter Amanda all the best. Senator Mike Enzi was born in Bremerton, WA, where his father was working in the naval shipyard during World War II. He grew up in Thermopolis, WY. He came to Washington, DC, for college, earning his bachelor's degree in accounting from George Washington University in 1966. He began his public service in the Wyoming Air National Guard from 1967 to 1973. Later, he worked in the U.S. Department of the Interior, earned a master's degree from the University of Denver, ran his father's show business, and became mayor of Gillette, WY, when he was just 30. Senator Enzi served in the Wyoming House of Representatives for 4 years and in the Wyoming Senate for 6 years before being elected to the U.S. Senate in 1996 with 54 percent of the vote. That was the closest election he has had; he garnered over 70 percent of the vote each time he sought reelection. Senator Enzi is one of the most conservative members of the Senate but that has not prevented him from reaching across the aisle. He is quiet but his accomplishments speak volumes. While he chaired the Senate Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions Committee, it reported 37 bills, 23 of which the Senate passed. As he likes to say, ``People can agree on 80 percent of the issues 80 percent of the time, and if they leave the other 20 percent out they can get a lot done.'' He has authored more than 100 bills that Presidents of both parties have signed into law. Senator Enzi and I have served on the Senate Finance Committee together since the 112th Congress, and on the Subcommittee on Health Care, where we have worked together to find bipartisan solutions to expand access to affordable, quality healthcare. We have also worked together to ensure the stability and health of pension funds, including recent efforts related to the multiemployer union pension crisis, and to bolster financial literacy. I have also been pleased to work with Senator Enzi on legislation to ensure prompt payments to small businesses working as Federal contractors across the Department of Defense, and on our Collegiate Housing and Infrastructure Act, to help student groups with collegiate housing costs. Senator Enzi's grandfatherly mien and calm disposition have helped steer the Senate through rocky times, and I will miss his steady hand on our rudder. My wife Myrna will miss his wife of 51 years, Diana, an active member of the Senate Spouses Club, who also works to provide specially trained dogs and handlers to countries infested with landmines. Senator Enzi is an avid hunter and fly fisherman, and I know he will enjoy the opportunity to spend more time with Diana; their children Amy, Emily, and Brad; and their four grandchildren. Senator Pat Roberts is a native Kansan from Topeka and a quintessential plainspoken Midwesterner and ex-marine. He is a fourth generation Kansan, whose great-grandfather, J.W. Roberts, founded the ``Oskaloosa Independent,'' the State's second oldest newspaper. Senator Roberts has journalism and public service coursing though his blood. He earned his bachelor's degree in journalism from Kansas State University and then served in the U.S. Marine Corps for 4 years before working as a reporter and then editor of several newspapers in Arizona. In 1967, Senator Roberts worked for then-U.S. Senator Frank Carlson. In 1969, he became administrative assistant to then-U.S. Representative Keith Sibelius, who represented the First District. Senator Roberts went on to represent the First District himself for 16 years before being elected to the Senate in 1996, where he has continued to serve with distinction for four terms. Senator Roberts has a well-earned reputation as a national leader on agriculture, defense, and healthcare issues. He has the distinction of being the first person in history to have chaired both the House and Senate Committees on Agriculture and to author and pass bipartisan farm bills in both Chambers. He led the passage of the overwhelmingly bipartisan 2018 farm bill, which benefited farmers in my home State of Maryland and around the Nation. As cochairman of the Senate Rural Health Caucus, Senator Roberts has sought to address the challenges that rural communities face in terms of access to high-quality healthcare. While Senator Roberts chaired the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, he conducted one of the most thorough reviews of U.S. intelligence gathering and analysis in the wake of the faulty intelligence leading to the war in Iraq. The committee unanimously issued the bipartisan report, which frankly and forthrightly revealed systemic failures and provided numerous recommendations included in the 9/11 Intelligence Reform Act of 2004. Senator Roberts has played a pivotal role in the creation of two wonderful monuments, one here in Washington, DC, and the other in his beloved Kansas. He served as Chairman of the Dwight David Eisenhower Memorial Commission--and that fine memorial on Independence Avenue to Kansas's favorite son was dedicated earlier this year--a fitting capstone to Senator Roberts' 40 years as an elected official. Back in Kansas, he helped to establish the Tallgrass Prairie Preserve, one of the most beautiful and majestic places in America. Tallgrass prairie once stretched from Canada to Mexico, covering more than 170 million acres. Today, less than 4 percent of it remains intact, mostly in the Kansas Flint Hills, largely thanks to the efforts of Senator Roberts. I have had the opportunity to work with Senator Roberts on agricultural and healthcare issues, and legislation to encourage retirement savings by fostering the growth of S corporations owned by Employee Stock Ownership Plans--``S-ESOPS''. I will miss working with him and his Semper Fi, ``can-do'' approach to problem-solving, but I know he is looking forward to spending more time with his wife Franki; their three children, David, Ashleigh, and Anne-Wesley; and their seven grandchildren. Senator Lamar Alexander has had a career in public service as long, varied, and distinguished as just about any other American, working or serving in all three branches of the Federal Government. He is a seventh generation east Tennessean whose father was an elementary school principal and mother was a pre-school teacher--thus began Senator Alexander's lifelong interest in education. He graduated from Vanderbilt University with a B.A. in 1962 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. He earned his J.D. from New York University in 1965, was editor of the law review, and a Root-Tilden Scholar. Senator Alexander began his public service as a clerk for the Honorable John Minor Wisdom on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit. He worked on the staff of then-U.S. Senator Howard Baker and as staff assistant to then-President Richard Nixon. In 1978, he walked 1,022 miles across Tennessee, spent the night with 73 different families, and won election as Governor. As Governor, he helped to bring the auto industry to the State. He was reelected in 1982 and served as chair of the National Governors' Association from 1985 to 1986. He was president of the University of Tennessee from 1988 to 1991, then-President George H.W. Bush's Secretary of Education from 1991 to 1993, and a Professor of Practice in Public Service at Harvard the Kennedy School of Government from 2001 to 2003. Somehow, he has also found the time to cofound a law firm and two successful businesses, be a classical and country pianist who has performed on the Grand Old Opry and with symphony orchestras, and author seven books. While Senator Alexander chaired the HELP Committee, it reported 45bills that became law, most of which he authored. He sponsored the America Competes Act of 2007; the Every Student Succeeds Act of 2015, greatly benefitting students in my home State of Maryland and nationwide; the 21st Century Cures Act of 2016; and the Opioid Crisis Response Act of 2018. He also authored legislation to modernize how songwriters are compensated for their works. The list goes on and on. Senator Alexander has been a champion of higher education reform, seeking to simplify the process of applying for financial aid and to increase access for all students. I have been proud to work with him to support and strengthen historically Black colleges and universities and minority serving institutions. On the environmental front, I had the opportunity to work with Senator Alexander on legislation to end the dumping of mining waste into streams, the Appalachia Restoration Act of 2009. Senator Alexander is always courteous, an ``eloquent listener,'' and always eager to forge bipartisan solutions to our Nation's problems. Just a few days ago, I know Senators and staff were delighted to listen to him play Christmas carols and hymns on the piano in the Hart atrium. We will greatly miss his calm and dignified presence in the Senate, but he has certainly earned the opportunity to spend more time with his beloved wife of 51 years, Honey; their children Leslee, Kathryn, Andrew, and William; and their nine grandchildren. Senators Enzi, Roberts, and Alexander have served in this institution for 66 years combined. Senator Udall has served 12 years, and Senator Gardner has served 6 years. Senators Jones and McSally did not have an opportunity to serve a full term, but all told, we are losing close to 90 years of dedicated service to the institution, our colleagues, their constituents, and all Americans. There is a tradition for departing Senators to give a farewell address, and most use the opportunity to bemoan the fact that the Senate has become less collegial and more partisan. I share that discontent and sadness. I think the best way we can pay appropriate tribute to the fine Members who are leaving at the end of this Congress is by rededicating ourselves to preserving and expanding on their legacy of bipartisanship. I want to express my deep admiration of and appreciation to Senators Alexander, Enzi, Gardner, Jones, McSally, Roberts, and Udall. I am grateful for the opportunity to serve with and learn from them, and I cherish our friendships | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CARDIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7873-4 | null | 1,966 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,967 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,968 |
formal | public school | null | racist | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,969 |
formal | public schools | null | racist | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,970 |
formal | Chicago | null | racist | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,971 |
formal | Detroit | null | racist | At 1:16 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mr. Novotny, one of its reading clerks, announced that the House has passed the following bill, without amendment: S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. Enrolled Bills Signed The message further announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 212. An act amend the Native American Business Development, Trade Promotion, and Tourism Act of 2000, the Buy Indian Act, and the Native American Programs Act of 1974 to provide industry and economic development opportunities to Indian communities. S. 461. An act to strengthen the capacity and competitiveness of historically Black colleges and universities through robust public-sector, private-sector, and community partnerships and engagement, and for other purposes. S. 900. An act to designate the community-based outpatient clinic of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Bozeman, Montana, as the Travis W. Atkins Department of Veterans Affairs Clinic. S. 906. An act to improve the management of driftnet fishing. S. 914. An act to reauthorize the Integrated Coastal and Ocean Observation System Act of 2009, to clarify the authority of the Administrator of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration with respect to post-storm assessments, and to require the establishment of a National Water Center, and for other purposes. S. 1130. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to improve the health of children and help better understand and enhance awareness about unexpected sudden death in early life. S. 1342. An act to require the Under Secretary for Oceans and Atmosphere to update periodically the environmental sensitivity index products of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration for each coastal area of the Great Lakes, and for other purposes. S. 1869. An act to require the disclosure of ownership of high-security space leased to accommodate a Federal agency, and for other purposes. S. 2216. An act to require the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to formally recognize caregivers of veterans, notify veterans and caregivers of clinical determinations relating to eligibility for the family caregiver program, and temporarily extend benefits for veterans who are determined ineligible for the family caregiver program, and for other purposes. S. 2472. An act to redesignate the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at Plum Brook Station, Ohio, as the NASA John H. Glenn Research Center at the Neil A. Armstrong Test Facility. S. 3257. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 311 West Wisconsin Avenue in Tomahawk, Wisconsin, as the ``Einar 'Sarge' H. lngman, Jr. Post Office Building''. S. 3461. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 2600 Wesley Street in Greenville, Texas, as the ``Audie Murphy Post Office Building''. S. 3462. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 909 West Holiday Drive in Fate, Texas, as the ``Ralph Hall Post Office''. S. 4126. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 104 East Main Street in Port Washington, Wisconsin, as the ``Joseph G. Demler Post Office''. S. 4684. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 440 Arapahoe Street in Thermopolis, Wyoming, as the ``Robert L. Brown Post Office''. H.R. 1503. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act regarding the list under section 505(j}(7} of the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act, and for other purposes. H.R. 2468. An act to amend the Public Health Service Act to increase the preference given, in awarding certain allergies and asthma-related grants, to States that require certain public schools to have allergies and asthma management programs, and for other purposes. H.R. 3976. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 12711 East Jefferson Avenue in Detroit, Michigan, as the ``Aretha Franklin Post Office Building''. H.R. 4356. An act to amend the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act to allow certain individuals to terminate contracts for telephone, multichannel video programming, or internet access service, and for other purposes. H.R. 4983. An act to designate the Department of Veterans Affairs communitybased outpatient clinic in Gilbert, Arizona, as the ``Staff Sergeant Alexander W. Conrad Veterans Affairs Health Care Clinic''. H.R. 4988. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14 Walnut Street in Bordentown, New Jersey, as the ``Clara Barton Post Office Building''. H.R. 5123. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 476 East Main Street in Galesburg, Illinois, as the ``Senior Airman Daniel Miller Post Office Building''. H.R. 5273. An act to require the Secretary of Homeland Security to develop a plan to increase to 100 percent the rates of scanning of commercial and passenger vehicles and freight rail entering the United States at land ports of entry along the border using large-scale, non-intrusive inspection systems to enhance border security, and for other purposes. H.R. 5451. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 599 East Genesse Street in Fayetteville, New York, as the ``George H. Bacel Post Office Building''. H.R. 5597. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 305 Northwest 5th Street in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, as the ``Clara Luper Post Office Building''. H.R. 5663. An act to amend the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act to give authority to the Secretary of Health and Human Services, acting through the Commissioner of Food and Drugs, to destroy counterfeit devices. H.R. 5972. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 500 Delaware Avenue, Suite 1, in Wilmington, Delaware, as the ``Mary Ann Shadd Cary Post Office''. H.R. 5983. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4150 Chicago Avenue in Riverside, California, as the ``Woodie Rucker-Hughes Post Office Building''. H.R. 6016. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 14955 West Bell Road in Surprise, Arizona, as the ``Marc Lee Memorial Post Office Building''. H.R. 6100. An act to amend title 18, United States Code, to clarify the criminalization of female genital mutilation, and for other purposes. H.R. 6161. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 1585 Yanceyville Street, Greensboro, North Carolina, as the ``J. Howard Coble Post Office Building''. H.R. 6192. An act to require the Secretary of the Treasury to honor the 100th anniversary of completion of coinage of the ``Morgan Dollar'' and the 100th anniversary of commencement of coinage of the ``Peace Dollar'', and for other purposes. H.R. 6418. An act to designate the facility of the Unites States Postal Service located at 509 Fairhope Avenue in Fairhope, Alabama, as the ``William `Jack' Jackson Edwards III Post Office Building''. H.R. 6435. An act to direct the Federal Trade Commission to develop and disseminate information to the public about scams related to COVID-19, and for other purposes. H.R. 7088. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 111 James Street in Reidsville, Georgia, as the ``Senator Jack Hill Post Office Building''. H.R. 7105. An act to provide flexibility for the Secretary of Veterans Affairs in caring for homeless veterans during a covered public health emergency, to direct the Secretary of Veterans Affairs to carry out a retraining assistance program for unemployed veterans, and for other purposes. H.R. 7259. An act to allow acceleration certificates awarded under the Patents for Humanity Program to be transferable. H.R. 7347. An act to designate the medical center of the Department of Veterans Affairs in Ann Arbor, Michigan, as the ``Lieutenant Colonel Charles S. Kettles Department of Veterans Affairs Medical Center''. H.R. 7502. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 101 South 16th Street in Clarinda, Iowa, as the ``Jessie Field Shambaugh Post Office Building''. H.R. 7810. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 3519 East Walnut Street in Pearland, Texas, as the ``Tom Reid Post Office Building''. H.R. 8354. An act to establish the Servicemembers and Veterans Initiative within the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice, and for other purposes. H.R. 8611. An act to designate the facility of the United States Postal Service located at 4755 Southeast Dixie Highway in Port Salerno, Florida, as the ``Joseph Bullock Post Office Building''. H.R. 8810. An act to establish a national program to identify and reduce losses from landslide hazards, to establish a national 3D Elevation Program, and for other purposes. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-20-pt1-PgS7876 | null | 1,972 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Gloria J. Lett, Deputy Clerk of the House, reported and found truly enrolled a joint resolution of the House of the following title, which was thereupon signed by the Speaker on Sunday, December 20, 2020: H.J. Res. 110. Joint resolution making further continuing appropriations for fiscal year 2021, and for other purposes. Cheryl L. Johnson, Clerk of the House, further reported and found truly enrolled bills of the House of the following titles, which were thereupon signed by the Speaker: H.R. 1966. An act to direct the Comptroller General of the United States to complete a study on barriers to participation in federally funded cancer clinical trials by populations that have been traditionally underrepresented in such trials. H.R. 5023. An act to name the Department of Veterans Affairs community based outpatient clinic in Youngstown, Ohio, as the ``Carl Nunziato VA Clinic''. H.R. 5459. An act to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to correct a land ownership error within the boundary of Rocky Mountain National Park, and for other purposes. H.R. 6237. An act to amend the Indian Health Care Improvement Act to clarify the requirement of the Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense to reimburse the Indian Health Service for certain health care services. H.R. 7898. An act to amend the Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health Act to require the Secretary of Health and Human Services to consider certain recognized security practices of covered entities and business associates when making certain determinations, and for other purposes. H.R. 8906. to amend title XXIX of the Public Health Service Act to reauthorize the program under such title relating to lifespan respite care. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgH7320-2 | null | 1,973 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | The Speaker announced her signature to enrolled bills of the Senate of the following titles: S. 979.--An act to amend the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of 2006 to incorporate the recommendations made by the Government Accountability Office relating to advance contracts, and for other purposes. S. 1694.--An act to require the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to add recommendations and inform other relevant agencies of information relating to the principle of due regard and the limitation of harmful interference with Apollo landing site artifacts, and for other purposes. S. 2174.--An act to the extent provided in advance in appropriations Act, the Attorney General is authorized-to use funds appropriated for the operationalization, maintenance, and expansion of the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs) for the purpose of carrying out this Act. S. 2683.--An act to establish a task force to assist States in implementing hiring requirements for child care staff members to improve child safety. S. 2730.--An act to establish and ensure an inclusive and transparent Drone Advisory Committee. S. 3312.--An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. S. 3418.--An act to amend the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act to allow the Administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide capitalization grants to States to establish revolving funds to provide hazard mitigation assistance to reduce risks from disasters and natural hazards, and other related environmental harm. S. 3989.--An act to amend the United States Semiquincentennial Commission Act of 2016 to modify certain membership and other requirements of the United States Semiquincentennial Commission, and for other purposes. S. 5036.--An act to amend the Overtime Pay for Protective Service Act of 2016 to extend the Secret Service overtime pay exception through 2023, and for other purposes. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgH7320-3 | null | 1,974 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Under clause 2 of rule XIV, executive communications were taken from the Speaker's table and referred as follows: EC-5982. A letter from the Program Specialist, Chief Counsel's Office, Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Licensing Amendments [Docket ID: OCC-2019-0024] (RIN: 1557-AE71) received December 14, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Financial Services. EC-5983. A letter from the Director, Office of Federal Contract Compliance Programs, Department of Labor, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Implementing Legal Requirements Regarding the Equal Opportunity Clause's Religious Exemption (RIN: 1250-AA09) received December 14, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Education and Labor. EC-5984. A letter from the Section Chief, Diversion Control Division, DEA, Department of Justice, transmitting the Department's interim final rule -- Schedules of Controlled Substances: Placement of Oliceridine in Schedule II [Docket No.: DEA-715] received December 14, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5985. A letter from the Regulations Coordinator, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Administration, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Regulatory Clean Up Initiative [Docket Number: HHS-OS-2020-0015] (RIN: 0991-AC19) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5986. A letter from the Regulations Coordinator, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Amendments to the HHS-Operated Risk Adjustment Data Validation (HHS-RADV) under the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act's HHS-Operated Risk Adjustment Program [CMS-9913-F] (RIN: 0938-AU23) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5987. A letter from the Director, Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting the Agency's final rule -- Air Plan Partial Approval and Partial Disapproval; California; San Diego [EPA-R09-OAR-2020-0136; FRL-10016-79-Region 9] received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5988. A letter from the Director, Regulatory Management Division, Environmental Protection Agency, transmitting the Agency's final rule -- Test Methods and Performance Specifications for Air Emission Sources; Correction [EPA-HQ- OAR-2018-0815; FRL-10016-14-OAR] (RIN: 2060-AU39) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5989. A letter from the Regulations Coordinator, Office of the National Coordinator for Health Information Technology, Department of Health and Human Services, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Information Blocking and the ONC Health IT Certification Program: Extension of Compliance Dates and Timeframes in Response to the COVID-19 Public Health Emergency; Correction (RIN: 0955- AA02) received December 17, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Energy and Commerce. EC-5990. A letter from the Attorney Advisor, Executive Office for Immigration Review, Department of Justice, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Procedures for Asylum and Withholding of Removal; Credible Fear and Reasonable Fear Review [EOIR Docket No.: 18-0102; A.G. Order No. 4922-2020] (RIN: 1125-AA94) received December 16, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on the Judiciary. EC-5991. A letter from the Associate Administrator for Policy, Federal Motor Carrier Safety Administration, Department of Transportation, transmitting the Department's interim final rule -- Hours of Service of Drivers; Definition of Agricultural Commodity [Docket No.: FMCSA-2018-0348] (RIN: 2126-AC24) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. EC-5992. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Establishment of the Alisos Canyon Viticultural Area [Docket No.: TTB-2019-0007; T.D. TTB-161; Ref: Notice No.: 185] (RIN: 1513-AC51) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5993. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Establishment of the Tualatin Hills and Laurelwood District Viticultural Areas [Docket No.: TTB-2019-0003; T.D. TTB-160; Ref: Notice No.: 181] (RIN: 1513-AC52) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5994. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Changes to Certain Alcohol-Related Regulations Governing Bond Requirements and Tax Return Filing Periods [Docket No.: TTB- 2016-0013; T.D. TTB-159; Re: T.D. TTB-146; Notice No.: 167] (RIN: 1513-AC30) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5995. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Establishment of the Royal Slope Viticultural Area [Docket No.: TTB-2019-0008; T.D. TTB-162; Ref: Notice No. 186] (RIN: 1513-AC53) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5996. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Establishment of the Candy Mountain Viticultural Area and Modification of the Yakima Valley Viticultural Area [Docket No.: TTB-2019-0006; T.D. TTB-163; Ref: Notice No. 184] (RIN: 1513-AC42) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5997. A letter from the Federal Register Liaison Officer, Alcohol and Tobacco Tax and Trade Bureau, Department of the Treasury, transmitting the Department's final rule -- Establishment of the Tehachapi Mountains Viticultural Area [Docket No.: TTB-2020-0006; T.D. TTB-164; Ref: Notice No. 191] (RIN: 1513-AC69) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5998. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Services final rule -- Unrelated Business Taxable Income Separately Computed for Each Trade or Business [TD 9933] (RIN: 1545- BO79) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-5999. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's final regulations -- Coordination of Extraordinary Disposition and Disqualified Basis Rules [TD 9934] (RIN: 1545-BP57) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-6000. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's IRB only rule -- Revenue Ruling: 2020 Base Period T-Bill Rate (Rev. Rul. 2020-25) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-6001. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's final regulations -- Guidance Clarifying Premium Tax Credit Unaffected by Suspension of Personal Exemption Deduction [TD 9912] (RIN: 1545-BP76) receive December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-6002. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's IRB only rule -- 2020 Required Amendments List for Qualified Retirement Plans and Sec. 403(b) Retirement Plans [Notice 2020-83] received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-6003. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's final rule -- Withholding of Tax and Information Reporting with Respect to Interests in Partnerships Engaged in a U.S. Trade or Business [TD 9926] (RIN: 1545-BO60) received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. EC-6004. A letter from the Director, Legal Processing Division, Internal Revenue Service, transmitting the Service's IRB only rule -- Implementation of the CARES Act Extended January 1, 2021 Due Date for Contributions to Defined Benefit Plans [Notice 2020-82] received December 9, 2020, pursuant to 5 U.S.C. 801(a)(1)(A); Public Law 104-121, Sec. 251; (110 Stat. 868); to the Committee on Ways and Means. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgH7320-5 | null | 1,975 |
formal | public school | null | racist | Under clause 2 of rule XIII, reports of committees were delivered to the Clerk for printing and reference to the proper calendar, as follows: Ms. SHALALA: Committee on Rules. House Resolution 1271. Resolution providing for consideration of the Senate amendment to the bill (H.R. 133) to promote economic partnership and cooperation between the United States and Mexico; providing for disposition of the Senate amendment to the bill (H.R. 1520) to amend the Public Health Service Act to provide for the publication of a list of licensed biological projects and for other purposes; and for other purposes (Rept. 116-679). Referred to the House Calendar. Mr. GRIJALVA: Committee on Natural Resources. H.R. 2245. A bill to amend the Endangered Species Act of 1973 to prohibit import and export of any species listed or proposed to be listed under such Act as a threatened species or endangered species, and for other purposes; with amendments (Rept. 116- 680, Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. DeFAZIO: Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure. H.R. 1108. A bill to provide for funding from the Airport and Airway Trust Fund for all Federal Aviation Administration activities in the event of a Government shutdown, and for other purposes; with an amendment (Rept. 116-681, Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Ms. WATERS: Committee on Financial Services. H.R. 4545. A bill to provide for the discharge of a private education loan in the case of death or total and permanent disability of a student obligor, and for other purposes; with an amendment (Rept. 116-682, Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi: Committee on Homeland Security. H.R. 4782. A bill to establish a national commission on online platforms and homeland security, and for other purposes; with an amendment (Rept. 116-683, Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Mr. SCOTT of Virginia: Committee of Education and Labor. H.R. 865. A bill to provide for the long-term improvement of public school facilities, and for other purposes; with amendments (Rept. 116-684, Pt. 1). Referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Discharge of Committee Pursuant to clause 2 of rule XIII, the Committee on Ways and Means discharged from further consideration. H.R. 865 referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Pursuant to clause 2 of rule XIII, the Committee on Ways and Means discharged from further consideration. H.R. 1108 referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Pursuant to clause 2 of rule XIII, the Committees on Foreign Affairs and Ways and Means discharged from further consideration. H.R. 2245 referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Pursuant to clause 2 of rule XIII, the Committee on Ways and Means discharged from further consideration. H.R. 4545 referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. Pursuant to clause 2 of rule XIII, the Committee on Energy and Commerce discharged from further consideration. H.R. 4782 referred to the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | House | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgH7321 | null | 1,976 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday leaders in the Senate and the House and the Secretary of the Treasury reached a major agreement that struggling Americans have needed for months. We are going to pass another historic rescue package to help American families through this pandemic. We are going to pass full-year government funding so the Armed Forces and all Federal Departments have the resources and the certainty they need. And we are going to do both of these things as soon as possible. Senate Republicans have been trying since July--July--to get more targeted, bipartisan relief into the hands of the American people. Back in July, we proposed to send about $1 trillion to priorities including a second round of the Paycheck Protection Program, direct checks for households, and funding for healthcare providers, testing, and K-12 schools--back in July. Democrats said no. They said they would block anything short of their multitrillion-dollar leftwing wish list. Here was one headline that particularly underscores their view: ``$2 trillion or bust: Democrats draw red line in coronavirus spending battle.'' So, in July and in August, when Republican Senators tried to extend expiring Federal unemployment benefits, Democrats blocked us. Laid-off workers lost their benefits. In September and again in October, as people kept hurting, the virus kept spreading, and schools tried to find footing, every Republican voted for a multihundred-billion-dollar package. Both times Democrats blocked the relief. Their view was all or nothing. But a few days ago, with a new President-elect of their own party, everything changed. Democrats suddenly came around to our position that we should find consensus, make a law where we agree, and get urgent help out the door. In a few days of hard work, we have assembled another historic bipartisan rescue package: just under $900 billion of relief targeted toward our fellow Americans who need help the most. I will begin where this pandemic will end: vaccinations. Thanks to the genius of science and the leadership of President Trump, Operation Warp Speed has produced safe and effective vaccines. Now, we need to distribute them nationwide. This rescue package provides many billions more dollars to expand vaccine purchasing and vaccine distribution. Until we have won, we need to keep wearing masks and taking precautions. Even so, more Americans will fall ill, so this legislation continues to fund health providers and COVID testing. The pandemic has fallen especially hard on children and parents. Our legislation includes major funding--more than $80 billion--for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get kids' educations back on track. There are billions more for childcare providers to reopen safely as well, and new investments in rural broadband will improve both education and telehealth down the road. Then there are Americans' personal finances, the impossible kitchen table questions that millions of working families have faced this year through no fault of their own. Back in March, thanks to Chairman Rubio, Senator Collins, and Senator Cardin, we created a Paycheck Protection Program. It saved small businesses and helped millions of American workers keep receiving paychecks rather than pink slips. It would be insanity for us to have saved these jobs all this time only to drop the ball with the end in sight, so this bill will send more than $280 billion to reopen the PPP for a targeted second round, and we made sure churches and faith-based organizations will continue to be eligible. Of course, millions have already been laid off, so months after Republicans tried to stop benefits from expiring in the first place, this package will resume a temporary Federal supplement to unemployment insurance, and it extends other programs for the self-employed and gig workers that would have expired. Thanks to the particular leadership and direction of President Trump and Secretary Mnuchin, households will receive a second round of direct relief checks--$600 per adult and per child. This is just some of the aid that will be heading Americans' way in a matter of hours. No sprawling leftwing wish list, no unconstrained bailouts for State and local government with no connection to COVID needs--just smart, targeted, bipartisan policies, what Senate Republicans have been recommending since the summer. I cited a figure of $900 billion, but listen to this. The net new cost--new cost--is less than roughly $350 billion. We are recovering more than half a trillion dollars in unspent money that Congress had already set aside and channeling it to these urgent needs. Thanks to our colleague Senator Toomey, this legislation winds down some of the temporary emergency powers we lent the Federal Reserve to make sure our financial system survived last spring. A lot of talented leaders helped make this happen. Leader McCarthy has been an invaluable partner. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has been central. Colleagues such as Senators Collins, Murkowski, Romney, Cassidy, and Portman helped prod the Senate toward consensus with their bipartisan work. And I just mentioned Senator Toomey. I want to give particular thanks to the Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary Mnuchin. Before the pandemic, Steven was already a crucial partner for the Republican majorities in Congress. We enacted the most consequential tax reform in a generation. We helped create the conditions for explosive job growth, wage growth, and record-low unemployment. Our country had the strongest possible starting point to weather this storm This year, the Secretary has been even more essential. He helped Congress develop and pass the historic CARES Act in record time. It prevented a complete economic collapse at the hands of the virus. From drafting CARES to implementing it, to the intervening months, to this latest package, Secretary Mnuchin has been an extremely capable and patient partner. He helped guide our Nation through this dark period toward the daybreak that lies ahead. On behalf of the Senate and the country, I thank the Secretary for his countless hours of work and his incredible effectiveness in extraordinary times. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7887-6 | null | 1,977 |
formal | Federal Reserve | null | antisemitic | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday leaders in the Senate and the House and the Secretary of the Treasury reached a major agreement that struggling Americans have needed for months. We are going to pass another historic rescue package to help American families through this pandemic. We are going to pass full-year government funding so the Armed Forces and all Federal Departments have the resources and the certainty they need. And we are going to do both of these things as soon as possible. Senate Republicans have been trying since July--July--to get more targeted, bipartisan relief into the hands of the American people. Back in July, we proposed to send about $1 trillion to priorities including a second round of the Paycheck Protection Program, direct checks for households, and funding for healthcare providers, testing, and K-12 schools--back in July. Democrats said no. They said they would block anything short of their multitrillion-dollar leftwing wish list. Here was one headline that particularly underscores their view: ``$2 trillion or bust: Democrats draw red line in coronavirus spending battle.'' So, in July and in August, when Republican Senators tried to extend expiring Federal unemployment benefits, Democrats blocked us. Laid-off workers lost their benefits. In September and again in October, as people kept hurting, the virus kept spreading, and schools tried to find footing, every Republican voted for a multihundred-billion-dollar package. Both times Democrats blocked the relief. Their view was all or nothing. But a few days ago, with a new President-elect of their own party, everything changed. Democrats suddenly came around to our position that we should find consensus, make a law where we agree, and get urgent help out the door. In a few days of hard work, we have assembled another historic bipartisan rescue package: just under $900 billion of relief targeted toward our fellow Americans who need help the most. I will begin where this pandemic will end: vaccinations. Thanks to the genius of science and the leadership of President Trump, Operation Warp Speed has produced safe and effective vaccines. Now, we need to distribute them nationwide. This rescue package provides many billions more dollars to expand vaccine purchasing and vaccine distribution. Until we have won, we need to keep wearing masks and taking precautions. Even so, more Americans will fall ill, so this legislation continues to fund health providers and COVID testing. The pandemic has fallen especially hard on children and parents. Our legislation includes major funding--more than $80 billion--for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get kids' educations back on track. There are billions more for childcare providers to reopen safely as well, and new investments in rural broadband will improve both education and telehealth down the road. Then there are Americans' personal finances, the impossible kitchen table questions that millions of working families have faced this year through no fault of their own. Back in March, thanks to Chairman Rubio, Senator Collins, and Senator Cardin, we created a Paycheck Protection Program. It saved small businesses and helped millions of American workers keep receiving paychecks rather than pink slips. It would be insanity for us to have saved these jobs all this time only to drop the ball with the end in sight, so this bill will send more than $280 billion to reopen the PPP for a targeted second round, and we made sure churches and faith-based organizations will continue to be eligible. Of course, millions have already been laid off, so months after Republicans tried to stop benefits from expiring in the first place, this package will resume a temporary Federal supplement to unemployment insurance, and it extends other programs for the self-employed and gig workers that would have expired. Thanks to the particular leadership and direction of President Trump and Secretary Mnuchin, households will receive a second round of direct relief checks--$600 per adult and per child. This is just some of the aid that will be heading Americans' way in a matter of hours. No sprawling leftwing wish list, no unconstrained bailouts for State and local government with no connection to COVID needs--just smart, targeted, bipartisan policies, what Senate Republicans have been recommending since the summer. I cited a figure of $900 billion, but listen to this. The net new cost--new cost--is less than roughly $350 billion. We are recovering more than half a trillion dollars in unspent money that Congress had already set aside and channeling it to these urgent needs. Thanks to our colleague Senator Toomey, this legislation winds down some of the temporary emergency powers we lent the Federal Reserve to make sure our financial system survived last spring. A lot of talented leaders helped make this happen. Leader McCarthy has been an invaluable partner. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has been central. Colleagues such as Senators Collins, Murkowski, Romney, Cassidy, and Portman helped prod the Senate toward consensus with their bipartisan work. And I just mentioned Senator Toomey. I want to give particular thanks to the Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary Mnuchin. Before the pandemic, Steven was already a crucial partner for the Republican majorities in Congress. We enacted the most consequential tax reform in a generation. We helped create the conditions for explosive job growth, wage growth, and record-low unemployment. Our country had the strongest possible starting point to weather this storm This year, the Secretary has been even more essential. He helped Congress develop and pass the historic CARES Act in record time. It prevented a complete economic collapse at the hands of the virus. From drafting CARES to implementing it, to the intervening months, to this latest package, Secretary Mnuchin has been an extremely capable and patient partner. He helped guide our Nation through this dark period toward the daybreak that lies ahead. On behalf of the Senate and the country, I thank the Secretary for his countless hours of work and his incredible effectiveness in extraordinary times. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7887-6 | null | 1,978 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday leaders in the Senate and the House and the Secretary of the Treasury reached a major agreement that struggling Americans have needed for months. We are going to pass another historic rescue package to help American families through this pandemic. We are going to pass full-year government funding so the Armed Forces and all Federal Departments have the resources and the certainty they need. And we are going to do both of these things as soon as possible. Senate Republicans have been trying since July--July--to get more targeted, bipartisan relief into the hands of the American people. Back in July, we proposed to send about $1 trillion to priorities including a second round of the Paycheck Protection Program, direct checks for households, and funding for healthcare providers, testing, and K-12 schools--back in July. Democrats said no. They said they would block anything short of their multitrillion-dollar leftwing wish list. Here was one headline that particularly underscores their view: ``$2 trillion or bust: Democrats draw red line in coronavirus spending battle.'' So, in July and in August, when Republican Senators tried to extend expiring Federal unemployment benefits, Democrats blocked us. Laid-off workers lost their benefits. In September and again in October, as people kept hurting, the virus kept spreading, and schools tried to find footing, every Republican voted for a multihundred-billion-dollar package. Both times Democrats blocked the relief. Their view was all or nothing. But a few days ago, with a new President-elect of their own party, everything changed. Democrats suddenly came around to our position that we should find consensus, make a law where we agree, and get urgent help out the door. In a few days of hard work, we have assembled another historic bipartisan rescue package: just under $900 billion of relief targeted toward our fellow Americans who need help the most. I will begin where this pandemic will end: vaccinations. Thanks to the genius of science and the leadership of President Trump, Operation Warp Speed has produced safe and effective vaccines. Now, we need to distribute them nationwide. This rescue package provides many billions more dollars to expand vaccine purchasing and vaccine distribution. Until we have won, we need to keep wearing masks and taking precautions. Even so, more Americans will fall ill, so this legislation continues to fund health providers and COVID testing. The pandemic has fallen especially hard on children and parents. Our legislation includes major funding--more than $80 billion--for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get kids' educations back on track. There are billions more for childcare providers to reopen safely as well, and new investments in rural broadband will improve both education and telehealth down the road. Then there are Americans' personal finances, the impossible kitchen table questions that millions of working families have faced this year through no fault of their own. Back in March, thanks to Chairman Rubio, Senator Collins, and Senator Cardin, we created a Paycheck Protection Program. It saved small businesses and helped millions of American workers keep receiving paychecks rather than pink slips. It would be insanity for us to have saved these jobs all this time only to drop the ball with the end in sight, so this bill will send more than $280 billion to reopen the PPP for a targeted second round, and we made sure churches and faith-based organizations will continue to be eligible. Of course, millions have already been laid off, so months after Republicans tried to stop benefits from expiring in the first place, this package will resume a temporary Federal supplement to unemployment insurance, and it extends other programs for the self-employed and gig workers that would have expired. Thanks to the particular leadership and direction of President Trump and Secretary Mnuchin, households will receive a second round of direct relief checks--$600 per adult and per child. This is just some of the aid that will be heading Americans' way in a matter of hours. No sprawling leftwing wish list, no unconstrained bailouts for State and local government with no connection to COVID needs--just smart, targeted, bipartisan policies, what Senate Republicans have been recommending since the summer. I cited a figure of $900 billion, but listen to this. The net new cost--new cost--is less than roughly $350 billion. We are recovering more than half a trillion dollars in unspent money that Congress had already set aside and channeling it to these urgent needs. Thanks to our colleague Senator Toomey, this legislation winds down some of the temporary emergency powers we lent the Federal Reserve to make sure our financial system survived last spring. A lot of talented leaders helped make this happen. Leader McCarthy has been an invaluable partner. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has been central. Colleagues such as Senators Collins, Murkowski, Romney, Cassidy, and Portman helped prod the Senate toward consensus with their bipartisan work. And I just mentioned Senator Toomey. I want to give particular thanks to the Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary Mnuchin. Before the pandemic, Steven was already a crucial partner for the Republican majorities in Congress. We enacted the most consequential tax reform in a generation. We helped create the conditions for explosive job growth, wage growth, and record-low unemployment. Our country had the strongest possible starting point to weather this storm This year, the Secretary has been even more essential. He helped Congress develop and pass the historic CARES Act in record time. It prevented a complete economic collapse at the hands of the virus. From drafting CARES to implementing it, to the intervening months, to this latest package, Secretary Mnuchin has been an extremely capable and patient partner. He helped guide our Nation through this dark period toward the daybreak that lies ahead. On behalf of the Senate and the country, I thank the Secretary for his countless hours of work and his incredible effectiveness in extraordinary times. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7887-6 | null | 1,979 |
formal | working families | null | racist | Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, yesterday leaders in the Senate and the House and the Secretary of the Treasury reached a major agreement that struggling Americans have needed for months. We are going to pass another historic rescue package to help American families through this pandemic. We are going to pass full-year government funding so the Armed Forces and all Federal Departments have the resources and the certainty they need. And we are going to do both of these things as soon as possible. Senate Republicans have been trying since July--July--to get more targeted, bipartisan relief into the hands of the American people. Back in July, we proposed to send about $1 trillion to priorities including a second round of the Paycheck Protection Program, direct checks for households, and funding for healthcare providers, testing, and K-12 schools--back in July. Democrats said no. They said they would block anything short of their multitrillion-dollar leftwing wish list. Here was one headline that particularly underscores their view: ``$2 trillion or bust: Democrats draw red line in coronavirus spending battle.'' So, in July and in August, when Republican Senators tried to extend expiring Federal unemployment benefits, Democrats blocked us. Laid-off workers lost their benefits. In September and again in October, as people kept hurting, the virus kept spreading, and schools tried to find footing, every Republican voted for a multihundred-billion-dollar package. Both times Democrats blocked the relief. Their view was all or nothing. But a few days ago, with a new President-elect of their own party, everything changed. Democrats suddenly came around to our position that we should find consensus, make a law where we agree, and get urgent help out the door. In a few days of hard work, we have assembled another historic bipartisan rescue package: just under $900 billion of relief targeted toward our fellow Americans who need help the most. I will begin where this pandemic will end: vaccinations. Thanks to the genius of science and the leadership of President Trump, Operation Warp Speed has produced safe and effective vaccines. Now, we need to distribute them nationwide. This rescue package provides many billions more dollars to expand vaccine purchasing and vaccine distribution. Until we have won, we need to keep wearing masks and taking precautions. Even so, more Americans will fall ill, so this legislation continues to fund health providers and COVID testing. The pandemic has fallen especially hard on children and parents. Our legislation includes major funding--more than $80 billion--for K-12 schools to reopen safely and get kids' educations back on track. There are billions more for childcare providers to reopen safely as well, and new investments in rural broadband will improve both education and telehealth down the road. Then there are Americans' personal finances, the impossible kitchen table questions that millions of working families have faced this year through no fault of their own. Back in March, thanks to Chairman Rubio, Senator Collins, and Senator Cardin, we created a Paycheck Protection Program. It saved small businesses and helped millions of American workers keep receiving paychecks rather than pink slips. It would be insanity for us to have saved these jobs all this time only to drop the ball with the end in sight, so this bill will send more than $280 billion to reopen the PPP for a targeted second round, and we made sure churches and faith-based organizations will continue to be eligible. Of course, millions have already been laid off, so months after Republicans tried to stop benefits from expiring in the first place, this package will resume a temporary Federal supplement to unemployment insurance, and it extends other programs for the self-employed and gig workers that would have expired. Thanks to the particular leadership and direction of President Trump and Secretary Mnuchin, households will receive a second round of direct relief checks--$600 per adult and per child. This is just some of the aid that will be heading Americans' way in a matter of hours. No sprawling leftwing wish list, no unconstrained bailouts for State and local government with no connection to COVID needs--just smart, targeted, bipartisan policies, what Senate Republicans have been recommending since the summer. I cited a figure of $900 billion, but listen to this. The net new cost--new cost--is less than roughly $350 billion. We are recovering more than half a trillion dollars in unspent money that Congress had already set aside and channeling it to these urgent needs. Thanks to our colleague Senator Toomey, this legislation winds down some of the temporary emergency powers we lent the Federal Reserve to make sure our financial system survived last spring. A lot of talented leaders helped make this happen. Leader McCarthy has been an invaluable partner. White House Chief of Staff Mark Meadows has been central. Colleagues such as Senators Collins, Murkowski, Romney, Cassidy, and Portman helped prod the Senate toward consensus with their bipartisan work. And I just mentioned Senator Toomey. I want to give particular thanks to the Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary Mnuchin. Before the pandemic, Steven was already a crucial partner for the Republican majorities in Congress. We enacted the most consequential tax reform in a generation. We helped create the conditions for explosive job growth, wage growth, and record-low unemployment. Our country had the strongest possible starting point to weather this storm This year, the Secretary has been even more essential. He helped Congress develop and pass the historic CARES Act in record time. It prevented a complete economic collapse at the hands of the virus. From drafting CARES to implementing it, to the intervening months, to this latest package, Secretary Mnuchin has been an extremely capable and patient partner. He helped guide our Nation through this dark period toward the daybreak that lies ahead. On behalf of the Senate and the country, I thank the Secretary for his countless hours of work and his incredible effectiveness in extraordinary times. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. McCONNELL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7887-6 | null | 1,980 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. DURBIN. Mr. President, 9 months ago, in March, we created the relief known as the CARES Act, and it passed the Senate by a vote of 96 to 0. It was a measure intended to address the pandemic and the resultant economic downturn in America. I have heard various estimates of the total cost, but it is somewhere in the range of $2 trillion to $3 trillion. It was the largest single investment in our Nation in our history. It was a massive national response to a massive national health crisis, and it worked, at least on the economic front. I believe that it created demand in our economy that otherwise would not have been there, and it gave some businesses a chance to survive. Sadly, all did not, and many are still suffering. But it was necessary. It was done on a bipartisan basis. It was massive, and I believe it achieved its goal. It started us on the course of dealing with the COVID-19 coronavirus, and one has to look back and say it only had limited success in that regard. As of today, we have lost more than 317,000 American lives, and millions have been infected. Our hospitals are still overrun with patients. But we did the right thing, and we quickly realized what we did could make a difference. The unemployment compensation, which we provided for millions of Americans, was not only the humane thing to do but, as economists would tell you, it was the best single thing you could do to fight a recession. Aperson who is unemployed, without a paycheck, will spend virtually every penny they are given into the economy, not bank it away for another day. That spending created consumer demand and gave some businesses a fighting chance. The Paycheck Protection Program, through the Small Business Administration, was the work product of many, but I want to single out Senators Ben Cardin and Marco Rubio for their bipartisan effort. I later saw Senator Collins and Senator Shaheen working to give it another day. But here was a program which extended a lifeline to American businesses--forgivable loans if the money were spent on the necessities: utilities and rent and mortgage and payroll. I will quickly add that we have a responsibility to taxpayers to make an honest assessment of how that program was implemented. I am sorry to say that I have already heard anecdotal evidence that some of the loans were not carefully made. That is to be expected in something of this magnitude. But, by and large, this program was essential. Money that we put into healthcare made a difference. The CARES Act also protected those who were renting from eviction, delayed the payment of student loans, and a litany of other measures that made a difference. That bill--the CARES Act of March of 2020--was really written with a notion that this was a short- to medium-term challenge. Many thought that, by the middle of this year, we would be turning the corner. Sadly, that was not the case. As of July, it was apparent that the worst was yet to come. Speaker Pelosi, of the U.S. House of Representatives, introduced a measure known as the Heroes Act in an attempt to have a follow-on relief bill after the CARES Act. It was passed but was not considered in this Chamber. The Republican leader, who spoke earlier today, said at the time that there were two things he wanted to make clear. First, he wanted to measure whether it was a needed follow-on bill. Second, he was drawing a redline that said unless we provided immunity from liability for corporations and businesses, he wouldn't consider another relief act. And the matter stalled. The Speaker went on to pass another bill, a smaller one in size, but nothing happened. She went into conversations with Mr. Mnuchin and Senator Schumer on the Democratic side here, but little was produced from that exchange. We were stuck, stalled. As of the election day of November 3, it wasn't clear that there would ever be another relief bill this year. I want to say a word about what happened next because I know more detail about that than some. It was about 4 weeks ago when a Republican Senator and a Democratic Senator invited six of their colleagues for dinner. It was a bipartisan group. When Senator McConnell mentioned the participants earlier, he only mentioned Republicans. I want to let you know who was in on it on both sides, Democrats and Republicans. Yes, it was Senator Collins, Senator Murkowski, Senator Cassidy, and Senator Romney at the initial meeting; on the Democratic side, Senator Manchin, Senator Warner, myself, and Senator Shaheen. Our ranks changed over the several weeks when we were debating to include Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, Angus King of Maine, and Rob Portman of Ohio. For 3 or 4 weeks, we tried to write a relief bill. We did it by phone, by Zoom, and through staff work that was endless. Finally, Tuesday of last week, we were able to announce it. Let me get this number right, a $748 billion consensus bill for relief. We were unable to reach a final agreement when it came to State and local funding, as well as the question of liability. We set those aside, but we produced this $748 billion bill, much of which is included in this relief package we are going to consider today. I want to thank my colleagues, Democrats and Republicans, for their patience and determination to reach that point. I really believe that we ended up opening the conversation. The leaders, thank goodness, moved in to follow on and make it a reality. Today, we are going to seriously consider a measure to keep America's economy moving and give us a fighting chance against the coronavirus. I think this bipartisan effort, this grassroots bipartisan effort by the 8 of us--soon to be 10 or 11 before it was all over--will make a significant difference in this Nation. We are going to come through with dramatic offers of relief across the board. It is in the range of $900 billion, is the total. I don't know the exact amount. It is going to provide several more weeks of unemployment compensation. The final agreement, I am told, reduced the number of weeks that we proposed, and I am sorry for that, but it did include a cash payment, which, under the right circumstances--I don't know all the details--could be a godsend for many families across the United States who are desperately trying to survive in troubling and difficult times. It also extends the PPP program I mentioned earlier for small businesses to give them a chance for the kinds of loans and forgivable loans that might give them an opportunity to see another day. Money is there especially for coronavirus vaccine distribution and logistics--testing, tracing, and the vaccine. I would say this. In fairness, I agree with the Republican leader, who gave credit to the Trump administration for the Warp Speed program. That has been a dramatic success. To think that we have come up with not just one but two vaccines that work against this COVID-19 is an amazing achievement, and I am glad that it received the high priority it deserved under this administration and particularly glad that the researchers and scientists who spent countless hours exploring opportunities for this vaccine were ultimately successful. America owes them a great, great debt of gratitude. What is going to happen next? There are some parts of this measure which, as we study it, we will realize are inadequate. Merely extending unemployment benefits for 10 or 11 weeks may not be long enough. We may have to return to take a look at it. Whether we have enough money for logistical support for vaccines remains to be seen. Whether the businesses of Americans need another helping hand, we also have to consider that as well. Let us hope that in the new year and the new President's administration, that we will have a more positive, bipartisan approach. This experience this year was disappointing in some respects, but it ended well with the bill we are going to consider this afternoon. I want to thank all the colleagues, Senators, who joined me in this bipartisan effort, who started the conversation on Capitol Hill last week. We have more work to be done. We are not out of the woods. We have to consider measures that will address the reality of the economy in the future. We want to make sure that Americans have a chance to get back to work and businesses have a chance to survive in this time of COVID-19. By the middle of next year, it has been estimated--this is not for certain, but I hope it is right--by the middle of next year, all Americans who are seeking a vaccination will be able to receive one, and that will be a day when we can finally hope that we will have reached that magic number of herd immunity and turn the corner on this terrible pandemic. I want to thank Senator Schumer for coming to the floor and asking me to say a word or two more. I want to say this about the Members of the Senate, both Democrats and Republicans. There has been more activity on the floor of the Senate in the last several days than I have ever seen. And it isn't just rollcalls; it is Members standing on the floor to discuss the details of this agreement. There were parts we were never going to agree on, that is for sure, but so many times, I would step into a conversation on the floor where they would be hammering out the final details of an agreement. It was heartening. There has been so little of that activity on the floor in the past year or two. It is perilously close to legislating to have Members of the Senate of both political parties working toward agreeable language that can solve America's problems. Let's hope we have more of that. Unfortunately, the Senate has drifted away from its traditional role of deliberation and legislation. This year, forexample, we have only considered 29 amendments in the entire year in the Senate, absent the impeachment proceeding. Twenty-nine amendments. The year before, 2019, there were 22 amendments. That is a waste of talent. The men and women of the Senate should come together, hopefully on a bipartisan basis, but regardless, should come together to debate the issues and offer their best ideas and, having offered them, be given the chance to vote up or down. I think that appetite is strong on both sides of the aisle. On the Democratic side, Senator Merkley of Oregon has been a leader in discussing changes in the Senate rules, and we reached out to Republicans as well to engage in that conversation. I think we are a better Senate for it if we do it and a better Nation for it if the debate becomes relevant to the issues of the day from people across America who are watching closely to see if we understand what they are struggling with economically and politically I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. DURBIN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7888-5 | null | 1,981 |
formal | blue | null | antisemitic | Ms. KLOBUCHAR. Mr. President, I rise today to thank all of my colleagues who worked so hard on the bill that is coming to the floor today, the pandemic relief package. We know all the top priorities in there--the vaccine distribution--and I want to thank Senator Schumer and leaders and those on both sides of the aisle who put more funding into that. I want to thank the group who has worked so hard on this agreement and this negotiation in the Senate for their work, including Senator Manchin and Senator Romney and Senator Warner and Senator Shaheen and Senator Hassan and Senator Durbin, as well as all of their Republican colleagues, Senator Collins and Senator Murkowski, Senator Cassidy, who worked so hard on this original agreement, with many others who joined in as well. This bill contains such important priorities, including unemployment and help for our hospitals and help for our rural areas--housing, rent, small businesses, unemployment, the direct checks. I think we all know that there is more work to be done, including next year, including for our cities and our States, but it is so important that we get this done by the end of the year. I wanted to focus on something that I have worked on for quite a while with Senator Cornyn from Texas. We have done this on a bipartisan basis from the beginning, and it is the Save Our Stages Act. When we first introduced it in July, we knew that it was going to be a long road, and we also knew that the only way we would get this done is by sticking together as a team and by working with other Members of Congress from red and blue States. And by the end--this bill is included in full in this package--we had 57 Senators who sponsored this bill out of 100, with many more supporting it. We had over 200 House Members. We worked so hard to make this about America and American music and American theater and American culture. We all know that you can't go stand in a mosh pit in the middle of a pandemic. These live entertainment venues were among the first businesses to close, and they will almost certainly be among the last to reopen. This was about, yes, Nashville and New York, but it was just as much about the Fargo Theater or a small, small country music venue in Texas. And while we see the light at the end of tunnel with the vaccines, we know that it will be quite a while before these businesses, which operate on such thin margins as it is, can keep going. I think we also know the importance of the arts and music, not only as a cultural icon in America but also as an economic driver. It is one of our No. 1 exports, when you combine all of it. And the fact that we were able to stick together with not only the nitty-gritty of this bill and this coalition and actually add partners as we went along is a tribute to all the musicians out there, all the venues, all the lighting operators, all the truckers--everyone who came together and said: We are going to get this done. I know when Senator Cornyn and I first introduced this, people kind of patted us on the head and said: Oh, this sounds nice. But I think when people started to hear the facts and how much this matters to economies and even small towns, it made a difference. In the end, to quote Minnesota's own Bob Dylan from ``The Times They Are a-Changin,'' he says: Come senators, congressmen Please heed the call Don't stand in the doorway Don't block the hall No one blocked the hall. I want to thank my colleagues, and I want to especially thank Senator Cornyn. We have led many bills together, and we had to go back and forth a lot. I want to thank Dayna Frank, who is the head of First Avenue in Minnesota, made famous, of course, by Prince. Prince wouldn't be Prince if not for First Avenue. Everyone in our State, when they think about First Avenue, they think about Prince. She is the head of the National Venue Association. She called me one night in the beginning of the pandemic and said: I just can't make it through this without some help. They already received PPP loans, but that is not enough for these venues because of the unique circumstance where they can't partially open. You can't go to a theater right now and sit elbow-to-elbow with your friends and family. I also want to thank my legislative director, Doug Calidas, who has worked on this from the beginning, including all the last month's late-night negotiations. He did a wonderful job. I want to thank Senators Schumer and McConnell and Representatives Speaker Pelosi and Leader McCarthy for getting this over the finish line--Senator McConnell for putting it in his original bill and Senator Schumer, who cares so much about this because of all of the great music and acts and everything coming out of New York State. It was certainly very, very helpful--and that would put it mildly--to have Senator Schumer in the room where it happened, where the last negotiations were made. I also want to thank Senators Shaheen and Collins, who worked on this in the original negotiation; Senators Cardin and Rubio with the Small Business Committee, who made this a priority; and finally, our House authors, our bipartisan House authors out there, Representatives Welch and Williams, for their work. So how this works--the Small Business Administration will create a new $15 billion grant program to help venues cover 6 months of expenses and make it through this pandemic. We are very hopeful that once the summer comes, we are going to see more and more openings because of the vaccine, because of what I hope will be, with a new administration, an increased emphasis on testing, and that we will see more and more venues able to open. The grants can be used to cover all the major costs the venues have to pay to stay in business, including rent and mortgage, utilities, employee wages, key benefits, maintenance costs, State and local taxes, payments to contractors, and purchases of protective equipment. Venues that are at the greatest risk of closing--sadly, we have already lost a number of our venues--will have priority access to the majority of the grant funding. All venues will be able to apply within 4 weeks of the program's launch with the Small Business Administration, but in the first 2 weeks, those venues that have suffered 90 percent revenue loss over the year before will be the first to be able to apply for these grants. So we in Congress don't want to let the music die, and we don't want that to happen to any of our other places of culture in America either. That is why over the last month or so, we have worked with the museums and with the zoos, and I want to especially thank Senator Schumer for his work on that, as well as Senator Blunt and many others who worked with us--as well as the movie theaters. We wanted to make sure that if we expanded our coalition, that we didn't hurt the originals, which were these small, small theaters and small music venues across the country. We did not do that, because this new program will be a lifeline for small entertainment venues across the country, such as First Avenue and the Bluestem Amphitheater in Moorehead, MN. It will also help the millions of Americans who work behind the scenes and who have been sidelined, from the engineers and truckdrivers to the ticket takers and the designers and the spot operators. It will help revive the local economies of neighborhoods and small towns across this Nation. It is not every day that a coalition sticks together from beginning to end, that they kept with their original purpose, haven't been picked off, haven't gotten into infighting, but this group did it. Maybe it is because so many Americans at home right now cherish music and entertainment and that part of America like they have never done because they are watching things alone. They are listening to concerts by themselves. They are listening to them with their iPhones, or they are listening to them on their computers, and it is not quite the same. We also know that all of these artists don't exactly get a big boost up by themselves with huge funding when they first start out. So many of them start out at these little venues--a country music band playing at the Bluestem Amphitheater; a little local theater troupe trying out a new play in Lanesboro, MN. They can't do it without these venues. So today we celebrate the fact that we held together. Not only are we passing this bill as a part of this package, we actually brought in friends, and we brought in partners, and we made it an even bigger deal than it was to begin with. So as I began by quoting the great Bob Dylan from Minnesota, I will end. He once said: Well, I sing by night, wander by day. I'm on the road and it looks like I'm here to stay. Finally, we are reaching out to this group of employees and these businesses and saying: We want you to be here to stay. So thank you to Save Our Stages and to all of our colleagues who worked so hard on this, and special thanks to my friend Senator Cornyn. Again, when we did this, we didn't know if we would be able to mount this grassroots effort, but it happened because artists and fans just wouldn't give up. So thank you very much. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. KLOBUCHAR | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7893-2 | null | 1,982 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, Republicans like to mock modern monetary theory--the idea that government can print money with impunity and that government can spend whatever it wants without the need to tax. Modern monetary theory is basically the Dick Cheney ``deficits don't matter'' crowd, trussed up with a new fancy title. Most Republicans rightly lampoon this quackery; that is, when they are not practicing the quackery themselves. Today, many of these same Republicans will vote for a bill that makes modern monetary theory look like child's play in comparison. The monster spending bill presented today is not just a ``deficits don't matter'' disaster, it is everything Republicans say they don't believe in. This bill is free money for everyone. Proponents don't care if you are fully employed or own your own house or own your own business. ``Free money for everyone,'' they cry. And yet, if free money were the answer and if money really grew on trees, why not give more free money? Why not give it out all the time? Why stop at $600 a person? Why not $1,000? Why not $2,000? Maybe these new free-money Republicans should join the ``everybody gets a guaranteed income'' caucus. Why not $20,000 a year for everybody? Why not $30,000? If we can print up money with impunity, why not do it? The Treasury could just keep printing the money; that is, until someone points out that the Emperor has no clothes and that the dollar no longer has value. To so-called conservatives who are quick to identify the socialism of Democrats, if you vote for this spending monstrosity, you are no better. When you vote to pass out free money, you lose your soul, and you abandon forever any semblance of moral or fiscal integrity. So the next time you see Republicans in high moral dudgeon, claiming and complaining about spending of Democrats and socialism, remind them--remind them if they supported this monstrous bill, that really the difference between the parties is less Adam Smith versus Marx and more Marx versus Engels. How bad is our fiscal situation? Well, the Federal Government brought in $3.3 trillion last year and spent $6.6 trillion. The deficit last year, a record-busting $3.3 trillion. If you are looking for more COVID bailout money, we don't have any. The coffers are bare. We have no rainy day fund. We have no savings account. Congress has spent all the money long ago. The economic damage from this pandemic is not the reason for this runaway spending. This spending has been going on for decades. Every year, even before we get to all the extra COVID-free money, we have been spending $1 trillion we don't have. Today's money is gone, so Congress is spending tomorrow's money. The spending chart is a red line of red ink that goes on forever. When we talk about spending tomorrow's money, it is not just the money that we need next month. It is the money we might need in a decade. It is the money we will need in one, two, three generations from now--for national defense and for infrastructure. This is the money that your children and your grandchildren will pay back with interest. The deficit doubling and tripling--under George Bush, it went from $5 trillion to $10 trillion. Under President Obama, it went from $10 trillion to $20 trillion. We are now at $27 trillion, but we are adding it at $1 trillion a year before we get to this COVID budget-busting bailout. Every tax-paying American already owes over $136,000, and they are staring at projections into the future that show no end. We are $27 trillion in debt today. How do we expect a child to have the economic opportunity when this crushing debt is their inheritance from Congress? The numbers are mind-boggling. It is hard to conceive of what $1 billion is, much less $1 trillion. How big is $1 billion? Well, a billion seconds ago was 1988 and Reagan was President. A billion minutes ago, Jesus walked the shore of the Sea of Galilee. A billion hours ago, man still lived in caves. But $1 billion ago, was just 80 minutes ago--$1 billion ago, at the rate Congress spends money, was just 80 minutes ago. All of this should be setting off alarm bells. But the only alarm bells in Congress are sounding the alarm for more spending and more debt. No cuts, no offsets, no pay-fors, and no prioritization. Just print it up. Print up more money and give it out to everybody because it is free money. Come and get yours while the getting is good. But it leads to a mountain of debt. Spend all this money and leave the future to figure itself out. John Maynard Keynes was once asked: What about the long run? He said: In the short run, you can make a stimulus. You can print money, and you can give it to everybody. And Maynard Keynes, his response was: In the long run, we will all be dead; no concern for the future, only for the immediate. Our budget deficit for 2020 was $3.3 trillion, but this new spending package will also give us another $2 trillion in the next fiscal year. By refusing to acknowledge the debt crisis, we are only hastening the day of economic reckoning. Total debt was 55 percent of GDP just 20 years ago. Today, it is 128 percent of GDP. So our annual or our total debt is more than our GDP--128 percent of our GDP. The World Bank estimates thereis a tipping point of debt to GDP at about 77 percent. Every percentage point costs another 10th or so of economic growth. So every year, we are giving out somewhere between 5 to 8 percent of growth every year because of this burden of debt. This is thousands of jobs, every year--tens of thousands of jobs that we lose because of this burden of debt. We are borrowing and worsening this debt crisis in part because too many Governors and mayors have imposed heavyhanded restrictions that crush business. It isn't the pandemic that is killing the economy; it is the government's overzealous response that is killing the economy. The pandemic itself was disruptive, but Congress is being asked to help to perpetuate these lockdowns. The more money we give to the States, the more they keep us in lockdown. Every bailout dollar printed and passed out to the Governors only allows these tin-pot dictators to perpetuate the lockdowns. Their rules are arbitrary and unscientific. Governors and mayors across the country are picking winners and losers. Businesses, some that have been in families for generations, are being wiped out because they are not allowed to open. Restaurants have to close their doors for indoor dining, but then they are told they can open at limited capacity, but then they are told they have to close again. Then they are told they can open outside, and then they are told they can't open outside. Confusing doesn't even explain the half of it. Bars are told they can only serve alcohol if people are sitting and not standing and only if they have heavy foods on their menus. Restaurants are told they can serve outdoors, and then they have their permission revoked after they have sunk time and money converting their restaurant to outdoor services, but a caterer is told they can still serve outside. Businesses are told they have to close at an arbitrary time determined by government officials, as though the virus only comes out late at night. A business in one ZIP Code can open, but one in an adjoining ZIP Code across the street has to close, as if the virus can't cross an imaginary line. Airlines are allowed to fly, but hotels have to limit their occupancy, so you may not have anywhere to stay when you get there. Mom-and-pop stores and specialty stores are forced to close, but big-box store competitors are allowed to stay open. How is any business expected to survive with this kind of arbitrary regulation that changes from day to day? Meanwhile, many schools remain closed--despite overwhelming evidence showing kids can learn safely in person--which means parents can't go to work, which forces parents to leave their jobs and take care of homebound kids. Now they have no income because the government forced them to leave their jobs to take care of their kids. And many kids are struggling with this improvised virtual school. The need for help is real. I hear it every day from Kentuckians and across the country. But it is clear that government has worsened the economic damage and acted as the biggest obstacle to economic recovery. There is no free money that can get us out of this situation. The only thing that can save us is to open the economy. If we give these tin-pot dictators--these Governors--more money, they are less likely to open the economy. The answer is not printing up and distributing ``free money''; it is opening the economy. We are not even debating the real answer to this. We are like, just print up the money and shovel it out the door, the deficit be damned, the threat of the destruction of our currency be damned. We can choose to let our economies open with guidance and precautions but not obstruction. Let people rebuild their livelihoods. Reopen our schools so our kids can return and parents can go back to work. Congress should do away with automatic spending increases and scrutinize where in the budget we can find savings to pay for the pressing needs arising from the pandemic, but we shouldn't simply print up money and pass it out to everyone. Or Congress can follow the status quo. Congress can continue to borrow from our kids--the same children we have locked out of our schools. Congress can keep enabling and shutting down businesses by force, spend all of today's money and all of tomorrow's money, and then good luck. Good luck figuring out how to pay for all of this massive debt. It doesn't have to be this way. There is another alternative that won't be debated, and that alternative is to open the economy. It is not too late to change our course. Cut unnecessary spending. Eliminate waste. Stop fighting a $50-billion-a-year war in Afghanistan that hasn't had a military mission in at least a decade. Make the hard decisions now. We can't keep pretending that more debt is a sustainable policy course. ``Leadership'' is not passing on the problem to someone who can't protest; ``leadership'' is making the hard choices now. This is what we have to do. I will oppose this new debt, and I will continue to sound the alarm until we change our course. Our country can be saved. We can survive this if we pull together. But adding more debt is a mistake. It is not the solution, and we should resist it. Thank you. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. PAUL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7895 | null | 1,983 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. PAUL. Mr. President, Republicans like to mock modern monetary theory--the idea that government can print money with impunity and that government can spend whatever it wants without the need to tax. Modern monetary theory is basically the Dick Cheney ``deficits don't matter'' crowd, trussed up with a new fancy title. Most Republicans rightly lampoon this quackery; that is, when they are not practicing the quackery themselves. Today, many of these same Republicans will vote for a bill that makes modern monetary theory look like child's play in comparison. The monster spending bill presented today is not just a ``deficits don't matter'' disaster, it is everything Republicans say they don't believe in. This bill is free money for everyone. Proponents don't care if you are fully employed or own your own house or own your own business. ``Free money for everyone,'' they cry. And yet, if free money were the answer and if money really grew on trees, why not give more free money? Why not give it out all the time? Why stop at $600 a person? Why not $1,000? Why not $2,000? Maybe these new free-money Republicans should join the ``everybody gets a guaranteed income'' caucus. Why not $20,000 a year for everybody? Why not $30,000? If we can print up money with impunity, why not do it? The Treasury could just keep printing the money; that is, until someone points out that the Emperor has no clothes and that the dollar no longer has value. To so-called conservatives who are quick to identify the socialism of Democrats, if you vote for this spending monstrosity, you are no better. When you vote to pass out free money, you lose your soul, and you abandon forever any semblance of moral or fiscal integrity. So the next time you see Republicans in high moral dudgeon, claiming and complaining about spending of Democrats and socialism, remind them--remind them if they supported this monstrous bill, that really the difference between the parties is less Adam Smith versus Marx and more Marx versus Engels. How bad is our fiscal situation? Well, the Federal Government brought in $3.3 trillion last year and spent $6.6 trillion. The deficit last year, a record-busting $3.3 trillion. If you are looking for more COVID bailout money, we don't have any. The coffers are bare. We have no rainy day fund. We have no savings account. Congress has spent all the money long ago. The economic damage from this pandemic is not the reason for this runaway spending. This spending has been going on for decades. Every year, even before we get to all the extra COVID-free money, we have been spending $1 trillion we don't have. Today's money is gone, so Congress is spending tomorrow's money. The spending chart is a red line of red ink that goes on forever. When we talk about spending tomorrow's money, it is not just the money that we need next month. It is the money we might need in a decade. It is the money we will need in one, two, three generations from now--for national defense and for infrastructure. This is the money that your children and your grandchildren will pay back with interest. The deficit doubling and tripling--under George Bush, it went from $5 trillion to $10 trillion. Under President Obama, it went from $10 trillion to $20 trillion. We are now at $27 trillion, but we are adding it at $1 trillion a year before we get to this COVID budget-busting bailout. Every tax-paying American already owes over $136,000, and they are staring at projections into the future that show no end. We are $27 trillion in debt today. How do we expect a child to have the economic opportunity when this crushing debt is their inheritance from Congress? The numbers are mind-boggling. It is hard to conceive of what $1 billion is, much less $1 trillion. How big is $1 billion? Well, a billion seconds ago was 1988 and Reagan was President. A billion minutes ago, Jesus walked the shore of the Sea of Galilee. A billion hours ago, man still lived in caves. But $1 billion ago, was just 80 minutes ago--$1 billion ago, at the rate Congress spends money, was just 80 minutes ago. All of this should be setting off alarm bells. But the only alarm bells in Congress are sounding the alarm for more spending and more debt. No cuts, no offsets, no pay-fors, and no prioritization. Just print it up. Print up more money and give it out to everybody because it is free money. Come and get yours while the getting is good. But it leads to a mountain of debt. Spend all this money and leave the future to figure itself out. John Maynard Keynes was once asked: What about the long run? He said: In the short run, you can make a stimulus. You can print money, and you can give it to everybody. And Maynard Keynes, his response was: In the long run, we will all be dead; no concern for the future, only for the immediate. Our budget deficit for 2020 was $3.3 trillion, but this new spending package will also give us another $2 trillion in the next fiscal year. By refusing to acknowledge the debt crisis, we are only hastening the day of economic reckoning. Total debt was 55 percent of GDP just 20 years ago. Today, it is 128 percent of GDP. So our annual or our total debt is more than our GDP--128 percent of our GDP. The World Bank estimates thereis a tipping point of debt to GDP at about 77 percent. Every percentage point costs another 10th or so of economic growth. So every year, we are giving out somewhere between 5 to 8 percent of growth every year because of this burden of debt. This is thousands of jobs, every year--tens of thousands of jobs that we lose because of this burden of debt. We are borrowing and worsening this debt crisis in part because too many Governors and mayors have imposed heavyhanded restrictions that crush business. It isn't the pandemic that is killing the economy; it is the government's overzealous response that is killing the economy. The pandemic itself was disruptive, but Congress is being asked to help to perpetuate these lockdowns. The more money we give to the States, the more they keep us in lockdown. Every bailout dollar printed and passed out to the Governors only allows these tin-pot dictators to perpetuate the lockdowns. Their rules are arbitrary and unscientific. Governors and mayors across the country are picking winners and losers. Businesses, some that have been in families for generations, are being wiped out because they are not allowed to open. Restaurants have to close their doors for indoor dining, but then they are told they can open at limited capacity, but then they are told they have to close again. Then they are told they can open outside, and then they are told they can't open outside. Confusing doesn't even explain the half of it. Bars are told they can only serve alcohol if people are sitting and not standing and only if they have heavy foods on their menus. Restaurants are told they can serve outdoors, and then they have their permission revoked after they have sunk time and money converting their restaurant to outdoor services, but a caterer is told they can still serve outside. Businesses are told they have to close at an arbitrary time determined by government officials, as though the virus only comes out late at night. A business in one ZIP Code can open, but one in an adjoining ZIP Code across the street has to close, as if the virus can't cross an imaginary line. Airlines are allowed to fly, but hotels have to limit their occupancy, so you may not have anywhere to stay when you get there. Mom-and-pop stores and specialty stores are forced to close, but big-box store competitors are allowed to stay open. How is any business expected to survive with this kind of arbitrary regulation that changes from day to day? Meanwhile, many schools remain closed--despite overwhelming evidence showing kids can learn safely in person--which means parents can't go to work, which forces parents to leave their jobs and take care of homebound kids. Now they have no income because the government forced them to leave their jobs to take care of their kids. And many kids are struggling with this improvised virtual school. The need for help is real. I hear it every day from Kentuckians and across the country. But it is clear that government has worsened the economic damage and acted as the biggest obstacle to economic recovery. There is no free money that can get us out of this situation. The only thing that can save us is to open the economy. If we give these tin-pot dictators--these Governors--more money, they are less likely to open the economy. The answer is not printing up and distributing ``free money''; it is opening the economy. We are not even debating the real answer to this. We are like, just print up the money and shovel it out the door, the deficit be damned, the threat of the destruction of our currency be damned. We can choose to let our economies open with guidance and precautions but not obstruction. Let people rebuild their livelihoods. Reopen our schools so our kids can return and parents can go back to work. Congress should do away with automatic spending increases and scrutinize where in the budget we can find savings to pay for the pressing needs arising from the pandemic, but we shouldn't simply print up money and pass it out to everyone. Or Congress can follow the status quo. Congress can continue to borrow from our kids--the same children we have locked out of our schools. Congress can keep enabling and shutting down businesses by force, spend all of today's money and all of tomorrow's money, and then good luck. Good luck figuring out how to pay for all of this massive debt. It doesn't have to be this way. There is another alternative that won't be debated, and that alternative is to open the economy. It is not too late to change our course. Cut unnecessary spending. Eliminate waste. Stop fighting a $50-billion-a-year war in Afghanistan that hasn't had a military mission in at least a decade. Make the hard decisions now. We can't keep pretending that more debt is a sustainable policy course. ``Leadership'' is not passing on the problem to someone who can't protest; ``leadership'' is making the hard choices now. This is what we have to do. I will oppose this new debt, and I will continue to sound the alarm until we change our course. Our country can be saved. We can survive this if we pull together. But adding more debt is a mistake. It is not the solution, and we should resist it. Thank you. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. PAUL | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7895 | null | 1,984 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, despite what you might be reading in the press, there are a lot of recent, important, bipartisan achievements happening right here in the Senate. We are going to vote soon on another major COVID relief bill, which is really important. That will be our fourth major COVID relief bill this year--much needed, of course, for the health of Americans and for our economy. I think that when the history of this very challenging year is written, that is what is going to be remembered--four major, bipartisan, important pieces of legislation, not the rancor in the Senate, which has been part of our history, part of the Republic since the founding of the Republic. A number of other major bipartisan accomplishments have also occurred just in the past few months--the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed with over 80 Senators; the Great American Outdoors Act, probably the biggest conservation act in over 50 years; and the Save Our Seas 2.0, a bill I was proud to author, the most comprehensive ocean cleanup legislation ever to come out of the Congress. This is just to name a few. Let me name another important bipartisan accomplishment that is starting to occur in the Congress, and that is dealing with China, the important issue of China and China policy. I know people might be saying: Wait, are you crazy? China? There is bipartisan agreement on what is happening with regard to this relationship, the United States and China? The answer is, yes, we have made significant progress on this issue, too, and it is important. I want to explain that a little bit because I think it is a topic that we need to be focusing on more and more in the U.S. Senate. Like the Presiding Officer, I am honored to be completing my first term as a U.S. Senator and honored, like the Presiding Officer, to have been reelected to continue my service. Six years ago when I started my time here in the U.S. Senate, I started a series of speeches that focused on the U.S.-China relationship and the importance of it. We all have been focused post-9/11 certainly on al-Qaida, ISIS, the big issue of violent extremist organizations, which has been the appropriate focus. But as I started my career here 6 years ago, I started to give a series of speeches where I said the biggest challenge that we face long term from a geostrategic standpoint for the United States for decades to come is going to be our relationship with the rising power of China. What I was saying 4 years ago, 5 years ago in this body is that nobody is talking about it. It is really important, and we are not focused on it. You can't say that anymore. Now everybody is talking about China. There has been an American awakening about China. And that is good. That is important. That is progress. And it has been bipartisan. I want to thank President Trump and his team because I think they deserve a lot of the credit. They laid out their national security strategy, their national defense strategy. These are very well-written strategies that, in essence, said that in the United States of America, post 9/11, it was appropriate to focus on al-Qaida, ISIS, violent extremist organizations, getting weapons of mass destruction. That was clearly the main focus of our national security. But what their strategies have been saying is that, yes, we need to continue to focus on that, but now we need to prioritize the great power competitionthat is upon us with China as the pacing threat. As you know, most Senators--Democrats and Republicans--particularly the ones who focus on national security and foreign policy issues, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee--they agree with us. They agree with this reorientation. Again, this is important. This is progress, bipartisan progress, on what is really going to be one of the most--what is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. What we need to start doing--and I say ``we,'' this body, the Congress, the executive branch--is we need to start putting details and principles into a long-term strategy, a bipartisan strategy that will be enduring to address this challenge, to address the challenge that is the challenge for the next decade--the rise of China and how we, as the United States of America, need to deal with it. As I mentioned, I believe this is going to be the defining national security issue for our Nation for the next 50 to 100 years. What I want to do today is lay out a couple of key principles on what I see are some of the ways in which we can bring a bipartisan approach to addressing this challenge. Last year, I was honored to be invited by the heritage center--the Heritage Foundation--as part of their lead lecture series on the Asia-Pacific to talk about this issue. I gave remarks, an address that I called ``Winning the New Cold War with China and How America Should Respond.'' Some of the principles that I laid out in that address from some of my experiences in the U.S. relationship with China over the last quarter century are what I would like to talk about. Those experiences for me have kind of run the gamut as a U.S. marine; as a National Security Council staffer and Assistant Secretary of State under the exceptional leader, Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State; as the State of Alaska cabinet official in charge of energy and natural resources--which are so important to my State but also to Asian markets--and as a U.S. Senator. First things first: I believe, as I mentioned, there has been an awakening about the challenge posed by China. As I mentioned, 6 years ago in this body, not a lot of Senators were talking about it. Now everybody is, and that is important. I also think that there is a recognition--whatever you want to call the tensions that have arisen--that the U.S. and China have entered into a much more strategic competition era--phase--with tensions that I have referred to as a ``new Cold War'' with each other. This state of relations has only been exacerbated by the pandemic, which, of course, started in China and was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party. When I talk about this issue of a new Cold War with China, I want to be clear on one thing. This is not a challenge--or tensions--of our choosing. It is the result of a conscious decision by the Communist Party leadership of China to overturn key elements of the U.S.-led, rules-based international order, despite that order enabling China to emerge prosperous and strong from its so-called century of humiliation. This new Cold War is not an inevitable consequence of China's rise or our status as an established power. Rather, I believe, it stems from China's rejection of becoming a ``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system that the United States has led since the end of World War II--a system from which China probably, more than any other country in the world, has benefited from. But recognizing that we have this new tension, that we have a new Cold War with China, does not mean that the nature of the global challenge is identical to that posed by the Soviet Union or that our response should be the same. However, it does mean that the United States and our allies need to recognize this challenge, address it, counter it in ways that avoid major conflict but in ways that also avoid compromising our core values and interests and principles in liberty. Let me talk a little bit about what I call America's awakening. Since President Nixon initiated the opening of relationships with China, many hoped that the country's political and economic system would open as the country developed and joined this broader, Western-led international system. Others believed that even if the Chinese Communist Party remained in control, its external behavior and relationship with the United States would not be affected. When the United States supported Chinese entry into the World Trade Organization, President Bill Clinton remarked that American workers and consumers would be the greatest beneficiaries--American workers. Ultimately, this has proven not to be true. Equally misguided was the hope that as China grew economically, it would liberalize politically. The expectation was that China would lower its trade barriers and follow WTO practices, respecting intellectual property rights, promoting basic safety standards for exports, curbing subsidies of its main industries, and not subjecting imports--our imports--to illegal, nontariff barriers. None of that has turned out to be true. China did not meet most of its commitments under the WTO and still hasn't. Rather, it has employed its new access to Western markets--American markets--to pursue large-scale theft of technology, exploiting the openness of the American economy without allowing American companies reciprocal access to its markets as it is required to do. Let me give one example of this that I have seen in my experience. In 2003, over 17 years ago, I was in an Oval Office meeting as a National Security Council staffer with President George W. Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and the Vice Premier of China, Madam Wu Yi, at the time. The President, President Bush, strongly believed in the protection of intellectual property rights, and he raised this issue with Madam Wu Yi right there in the office--very aggressively, leaning over in his chair. Madam Wu Yi looked at the President of the United States and said: Mr. President, I am in charge of this. We are going to fix this. We are working on it. You have my commitment, Mr. President. That was in the Oval Office, 17 years ago. Where are we on intellectual property theft from China? It is worse today than when Madam Wu Yi made that commitment in the Oval Office. As a matter of fact, the U.S. Trade Representative Office estimates that Chinese theft of American intellectual property costs the U.S. economy an estimated $600 billion annually, not to mention the thousands of jobs lost. President Obama also tried to stem these blatantly unfair, nonreciprocal practices, but Beijing did not honor the common understanding reached by President Obama and Xi Jinping in 2015, curbing cyber hacking of government and corporate data for economic gain. Such theft continues unabated today. These episodes raise an even bigger problem between the United States and China. It is the problem that I call ``promise fatigue'' with China. Think about it. Broken promises extend well beyond the economic sphere, like intellectual property. Here is another example. Standing next to President Obama in the Rose Garden in 2015, President Xi Jinping promised the President of the United States not to militarize the South China Sea. The commitment was broken within months, when China took a very aggressive policy of militarizing many of the islands and built up islands in the South China Sea to the consternation of every single country in the region. After enduring this promise fatigue with the Chinese for decades, we, the Congress, the executive branch of the U.S. Government, are finally getting wise. Everybody thinks trade should be a win-win, but Chinese leaders appear to view it much more as a zero-sum game. Ironically, this promise fatigue and China's predatory, nonreciprocal trade practices have brought about--and did bring about--the new, much tougher, and, in my view, much needed approach from the Trump administration that we had prior to the pandemic. We have this situation where we are not trusting our relationship with China with promises that have been made but have not been kept across a whole host of spheres, where the tensions in the South China Sea are growing. But this current state of affairs was not preordained. In 2005, then Deputy Secretary of State and future World Bank President Robert Zoellick encouraged China in a very well-regarded speech to become a``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system, which had done so much to enable China's rise in prosperity. Zoellick's speech challenged China to change its behavior, to support and promote and, certainly, not undermine the U.S.-led economic order that had brought peace and prosperity to China and so many other countries in the Indo-Pacific. For a time, it appeared that China's leadership was contemplating this American offer to be a responsible stakeholder in this global system--the one that we had set up after World War II. In my trips as an Assistant Secretary of State to China, I heard China's leadership in many meetings--including in meetings with Hu Jintao, the President, and other senior leaders--where they talked about being a responsible stakeholder, where this invitation on working through the system we had developed was clearly something they were contemplating. But over time, it has become increasingly clear that the Chinese Communist Party has rejected this concept, this idea to be a partner with us in bolstering the international order that has benefited China so significantly. In fact, the opposite has happened. China is now working to systemically build an illiberal sphere of influence that threatens to exclude America and erode our alliances in the region that have kept the peace in the region for decades. The challenge we face today is rooted in the attempt by the Communist Party of China to popularize its authoritarian model abroad to ensure China's rise as a great power under the Communist Party's leadership. President Xi made this clear at the 19th Party Congress, where he championed China's model as a new option for other countries and nations that want to speed up their development. We must always remember, the Chinese Communist Party's primary goal in domestic and foreign policy is to ensure the survival and preeminence of the party. The key driver of U.S.-China competition and tension today is China's ambition to project its authoritarian model abroad. China's development under a Leninist political model serves as an inspiration for many illiberal actors and aspiring autocrats around the world. It uses its economic influence as a means of exerting political pressure. Additionally, Chinese companies and state-owned and state-subsidized industries are not bound by the anti-corruption laws that American and Western companies must adhere to. Chinese indifference to establishing standards of transparency, which we have certainly seen now with the pandemic, and project implementation through its Belt and Road Initiative result in elite deals that concede corruption abroad, weaken prospects for long-term prosperity, and undermine the sovereignty of weaker nations. China is seeking to undermine democracy and human rights and the rule of law and international institutions--from pushing its norms for controlling cyber space to silencing critics of its human rights record, including critics in the United States, to pushing for the enforcement of the Belt and Road Initiative at the United Nations. China is using its growing voice on the global stage to legitimize an approach at home and abroad that undermines American interests. A recent Hoover Institution study argues that China is looking to gain influence in the United States to shape attitudes and, ultimately, American policy toward China. And although we have not experienced the same level of political interference as, say, some of our allies, like Australia, where politicians and donors linked to the Chinese Communist Party try to sway the country's policies on sensitive issues, China is clearly engaged in what the National Endowment for Democracy calls a significant, sharp-powered campaign to influence American policy here at home. This recent spy scandal with a Congressman from California is just a recent example of this. Fortunately, the Trump administration and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have awakened to the long-term challenge that China poses to America's national security and economic security interests. As I noted, the Trump administration's more realistic approach on China, laid out in its national security strategy and national defense strategy, offers a clear-eyed view of Chinese ambitions and our need to counter them. At a time when there is not enough bipartisan agreement--although, I think there is more than, certainly, we get credit for--there is broad, bipartisan focus and support within the U.S. Government and, I believe, in the U.S. Senate on the strategic challenges posed by China. So we have had an important American awakening and a good beginning with the recent U.S. national security and national defense strategies, and I believe it is strongly in America's interest for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to continue these strategies that have strong bipartisan support here. In fact, in my recent meeting with Secretary of Defense nominee GEN Lloyd Austin, I encouraged such an approach on national security issues, particularly as it related to China. Yet these strategic documents that we are talking about need more meat on the bones. What are more details and principles that we can add to the national security strategy of our Nation that can ensure bipartisan support for a longer term U.S.-China strategy? Let me recommend five core elements that, I think, should be key in moving forward with regard to our relationship with China. First, we need to demand reciprocity in all major spheres of the U.S.-China relationship. Second, we need to reinvigorate American competitiveness so we can outcompete and outinnovate China. Third, we need to continue to rebuild our military's strength and capability. Fourth, we need to deepen and expand our global network of alliances. Finally, we need to remember that employing our democratic values is a huge, critical, comparative advantage in countering China's global authoritarian influence around the world. So let me briefly touch on each of these. First, we need to demand reciprocity. The United States must insist that the relationship with China be defined by reciprocity and fairness. For too long, the United States has ignored the promise fatigue--that I have talked about--with China and accepted unfulfilled Chinese promises across so many spheres of the bilateral relationship. You have seen it. When you raise the issue of reciprocity with senior Chinese officials, whether that be in Beijing or with the Ambassador, and they finally acknowledge that, yes, the relationship isn't reciprocal, they say it is because ``China is still a developing country.'' I would respectfully tell senior Chinese officials: Don't use that argument anymore. It is an insult to the intelligence of American officials. We need a reciprocal relationship because every American understands and agrees with this--that it is about fairness, basic fairness. I posed an important question of reciprocity to former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a couple of years ago, and he acknowledged that, to have an important, sustainable, great-power relationship between two of the most important countries in the world, reciprocity was critical. The citizens of our country need to feel that the relationship is fair and that a general policy of reciprocity is important and critical in that regard, but we all know it hasn't been that way. The Trump administration has made significant progress on pressing for more reciprocal relationships in our trading relationships, which is very important, but we all know that the reciprocal relationship doesn't exist. Chinese companies and government-backed investment funds can come to the United States and buy companies, but we would have no opportunity to do the same. Yet it needs to go much further than economics. Let me give you an example. We need reciprocity in the free exchange of ideas. American journalists are not allowed to travel freely in China, and if they are not, then, why should Chinese journalists be allowed to travel freely in the United States? Similarly--and this body is focused on this--there are over 100 Confucius Institutes, established by the Chinese Communist Party, at American universities. When I was in Beijing a couple of years ago and met with senior Chinese officials, I mentioned this. I said: I was recently with the Ambassador, and he said that just to go on the campus of Beijing University you need to be accompanied by a Chineseofficial. So if there were real reciprocity in the relationship, if you can have Confucius Institutes at American universities, how about we get James Madison Institutes of freedom and liberty at Chinese universities? Of course, the Chinese wouldn't accept that. They said: Well, Senator, Confucius Institutes only teach culture and language, and a James Madison Institute of freedom and liberty and democracy in China would be teaching propaganda. That is what they said. This is just one of many examples wherein we must have a reciprocal relationship between the United States and China going forward. Second, we must reinvigorate American competitiveness. The United States is no stranger to global military and economic cooperation, as we have known throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Our comparative advantages globally remain significant, but we can and should do more to bolster other areas at home. We should bolster STEM education, double down on basic research, and support Federal agencies like the National Science Foundation. We need to be able to outcompete and outinnovate China, and, importantly, better understand China, its culture, its language, its history, and its strategy with the new generations of Americans who are focused on these issues, just as Russian and Soviet studies were emphasized during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Many of our most significant challenges--our national debt, infrastructure projects that take years to permit, an education system that leaves too many Americans behind, a dysfunctional immigration system--are all self-inflicted wounds. I believe that the real challenges posed by China, as they become more broadly apparent throughout our country, will start to spur the bipartisan motivation that will be needed to address these significant but solvable American challenges in order to make us stronger. Third, we must continue to rebuild our military. From 2010 to 2016, the Department of Defense's budget was slashed by 25 percent. Readiness plummeted, and at the same time, the Chinese undertook a massive building of its military and the modernization of its forces while it also made concrete moves to militarize the South China Sea. History shows, particularly with regard to America's authoritarian rival, that American military weakness encourages authoritarian provocations globally. We must make sure that, as we continue to engage China, a strong U.S. military provides a hedge against Beijing's contemplating risky and destabilizing military actions as its military strength and capabilities continue to grow. China has a long history of using its military to achieve strategic ends when countries are not ready, and we must be ready. As the Presiding Officer knows, I have mentioned that, gosh, almost 25 years ago, I was a young marine infantry officer who was deployed as part of an amphibious task force to the Taiwan Strait, which included two carrier battle groups as part of the U.S. response to Chinese provocations on the eve of the Presidential elections in Taiwan. It was a long time ago, but it was certainly an example of the American commitment and resolve of one of our allies during a period of heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait that we need to remember and be able to react to with a strong military. Fourth, we need to expand and deepen our alliances. The recalibration of our relationship with China should be done in partnership with our allies. The cultivation and nurturing of these relationships must be a foundational pillar of any American strategy as it deals with China. Our greatest strategic advantage in dealing with China is this: We are now a rich nation with longstanding historical ties that have been reinforced by decades of diplomatic, military, and economic cooperation based on shared values with our friends and allies in the region. By contrast, China is an ally-poor nation, with North Korea as its closest friend and ally. The unity of the West and our Asian allies is essential to maintaining high global standards and transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, a peaceful resolution of conflict, and the importance of international law, particularly in the global areas of sea, space, and cyber space. Finally, we must employ America's democratic values as a critical comparative advantage. We should never forget that our democratic values were critical in our successful victory over the Soviet Union during the last Cold War. In President Reagan's famous Westminster speech before the British Parliament in 1982, in which he launched the National Endowment for Democracy, he argued that America would win the Cold War not through hard power alone but through the power of our ideals. As he reminded our audience and our close allies in Britain, ``Any system is inherently unstable that has no peaceful means of legitimizing its leaders.'' China's unelected leaders, like all authoritarians, ultimately fear their own people. Our leaders do not. It is fear that has driven China to develop an Orwellian social credit score to rank its people, while detaining as many as 1 million Chinese workers in concentration camps. Why else does the Chinese Communist Party invest so heavily in facial and gait recognition technology to monitor their own citizens? Why comprehensively censor the internet to preclude even the most glancing criticism of the Communist Party and its leaders? Why do China's internal security services employ more people than the People's Liberation Army, the world's largest military? The answer lies in fear, and the goal, above all else, to make sure the Communist Party remains in power. President Reagan saw the power and promise of our democratic ideals as a potent critical instrument to challenge America's global rival, then the Soviet Union, because the aspiration of freedom is universal and remains the core commonality that underpins the strongest partnerships of the United States with other nations. The belief that liberty, democracy, and free markets reflect and strengthen the size of our alliance system is something that is fundamental to the United States and our allies during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and now during our challenges with China. Helping countries protect their sovereignty so they can be responsive to their citizens and effective partners of our Nation is imperative at a time when Chinese influence risks pulling nations into a new ``Sinosphere'' hostile to American interests and our democratic ideals. Let me conclude by predicting that the new challenges I describe with China are going to be with us for decades. We must face this fact with confidence and strategic resolve and bipartisan work in the U.S. Senate. America has extraordinary advantages relative to China: our global network of alliances, our military power and economic leadership, our innovative society, our abundant energy supplies--we are now the No. 1 producer of oil, natural gas, and renewables in the world--our world-class universities, the world's most productive workforce, and a democratic value system that makes countries far more comfortable as American partners than subservient members of a new ``Middle Kingdom'' led by China. As a result of the long twilight struggle with the Soviet Union, we also know what works--maintaining peace through strength, promoting free markets and free people at home, and having the confidence in George Kennan's insight that the Chinese Communist Party, like the Soviet Communist Party, likely bears within it the seeds of its own decay. While democracies are resilient, adaptive, and self-renewing, there are many vulnerabilities embedded in China's perceived strengths. One-man rule creates acute political risks. Historical grievance can breed violent nationalism. State-directed economic growth can produce massive overcapacity and mountains of debt. The gradual snuffing out of freedom in places like Hong Kong creates spontaneous protests of tens of thousands and huge global backlashes across the world. China's budding military power and historical view of itself as a nation and culture superior to others is beginning to alarm neighboring states, inspiring them to step up security cooperation with our Nation. Nearly half of all wealthy Chinese want to emigrate--and these are the winners from China's four decades of heady economic growth. As we have in the past, Americans can prevail in this geopolitical and ideological contest, but doing so will require a new level of strategic initiative, organization, and confidence in who we are and what we stand for. This also means that we must redouble our efforts in making this strategic case to others around the world, particularly our allies, and we must continue to work on bipartisan solutions that have enduring support in this body for decades to come as it relates to our challenges with China. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SULLIVAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7904-2 | null | 1,985 |
formal | extremist | null | Islamophobic | Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, despite what you might be reading in the press, there are a lot of recent, important, bipartisan achievements happening right here in the Senate. We are going to vote soon on another major COVID relief bill, which is really important. That will be our fourth major COVID relief bill this year--much needed, of course, for the health of Americans and for our economy. I think that when the history of this very challenging year is written, that is what is going to be remembered--four major, bipartisan, important pieces of legislation, not the rancor in the Senate, which has been part of our history, part of the Republic since the founding of the Republic. A number of other major bipartisan accomplishments have also occurred just in the past few months--the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed with over 80 Senators; the Great American Outdoors Act, probably the biggest conservation act in over 50 years; and the Save Our Seas 2.0, a bill I was proud to author, the most comprehensive ocean cleanup legislation ever to come out of the Congress. This is just to name a few. Let me name another important bipartisan accomplishment that is starting to occur in the Congress, and that is dealing with China, the important issue of China and China policy. I know people might be saying: Wait, are you crazy? China? There is bipartisan agreement on what is happening with regard to this relationship, the United States and China? The answer is, yes, we have made significant progress on this issue, too, and it is important. I want to explain that a little bit because I think it is a topic that we need to be focusing on more and more in the U.S. Senate. Like the Presiding Officer, I am honored to be completing my first term as a U.S. Senator and honored, like the Presiding Officer, to have been reelected to continue my service. Six years ago when I started my time here in the U.S. Senate, I started a series of speeches that focused on the U.S.-China relationship and the importance of it. We all have been focused post-9/11 certainly on al-Qaida, ISIS, the big issue of violent extremist organizations, which has been the appropriate focus. But as I started my career here 6 years ago, I started to give a series of speeches where I said the biggest challenge that we face long term from a geostrategic standpoint for the United States for decades to come is going to be our relationship with the rising power of China. What I was saying 4 years ago, 5 years ago in this body is that nobody is talking about it. It is really important, and we are not focused on it. You can't say that anymore. Now everybody is talking about China. There has been an American awakening about China. And that is good. That is important. That is progress. And it has been bipartisan. I want to thank President Trump and his team because I think they deserve a lot of the credit. They laid out their national security strategy, their national defense strategy. These are very well-written strategies that, in essence, said that in the United States of America, post 9/11, it was appropriate to focus on al-Qaida, ISIS, violent extremist organizations, getting weapons of mass destruction. That was clearly the main focus of our national security. But what their strategies have been saying is that, yes, we need to continue to focus on that, but now we need to prioritize the great power competitionthat is upon us with China as the pacing threat. As you know, most Senators--Democrats and Republicans--particularly the ones who focus on national security and foreign policy issues, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee--they agree with us. They agree with this reorientation. Again, this is important. This is progress, bipartisan progress, on what is really going to be one of the most--what is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. What we need to start doing--and I say ``we,'' this body, the Congress, the executive branch--is we need to start putting details and principles into a long-term strategy, a bipartisan strategy that will be enduring to address this challenge, to address the challenge that is the challenge for the next decade--the rise of China and how we, as the United States of America, need to deal with it. As I mentioned, I believe this is going to be the defining national security issue for our Nation for the next 50 to 100 years. What I want to do today is lay out a couple of key principles on what I see are some of the ways in which we can bring a bipartisan approach to addressing this challenge. Last year, I was honored to be invited by the heritage center--the Heritage Foundation--as part of their lead lecture series on the Asia-Pacific to talk about this issue. I gave remarks, an address that I called ``Winning the New Cold War with China and How America Should Respond.'' Some of the principles that I laid out in that address from some of my experiences in the U.S. relationship with China over the last quarter century are what I would like to talk about. Those experiences for me have kind of run the gamut as a U.S. marine; as a National Security Council staffer and Assistant Secretary of State under the exceptional leader, Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State; as the State of Alaska cabinet official in charge of energy and natural resources--which are so important to my State but also to Asian markets--and as a U.S. Senator. First things first: I believe, as I mentioned, there has been an awakening about the challenge posed by China. As I mentioned, 6 years ago in this body, not a lot of Senators were talking about it. Now everybody is, and that is important. I also think that there is a recognition--whatever you want to call the tensions that have arisen--that the U.S. and China have entered into a much more strategic competition era--phase--with tensions that I have referred to as a ``new Cold War'' with each other. This state of relations has only been exacerbated by the pandemic, which, of course, started in China and was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party. When I talk about this issue of a new Cold War with China, I want to be clear on one thing. This is not a challenge--or tensions--of our choosing. It is the result of a conscious decision by the Communist Party leadership of China to overturn key elements of the U.S.-led, rules-based international order, despite that order enabling China to emerge prosperous and strong from its so-called century of humiliation. This new Cold War is not an inevitable consequence of China's rise or our status as an established power. Rather, I believe, it stems from China's rejection of becoming a ``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system that the United States has led since the end of World War II--a system from which China probably, more than any other country in the world, has benefited from. But recognizing that we have this new tension, that we have a new Cold War with China, does not mean that the nature of the global challenge is identical to that posed by the Soviet Union or that our response should be the same. However, it does mean that the United States and our allies need to recognize this challenge, address it, counter it in ways that avoid major conflict but in ways that also avoid compromising our core values and interests and principles in liberty. Let me talk a little bit about what I call America's awakening. Since President Nixon initiated the opening of relationships with China, many hoped that the country's political and economic system would open as the country developed and joined this broader, Western-led international system. Others believed that even if the Chinese Communist Party remained in control, its external behavior and relationship with the United States would not be affected. When the United States supported Chinese entry into the World Trade Organization, President Bill Clinton remarked that American workers and consumers would be the greatest beneficiaries--American workers. Ultimately, this has proven not to be true. Equally misguided was the hope that as China grew economically, it would liberalize politically. The expectation was that China would lower its trade barriers and follow WTO practices, respecting intellectual property rights, promoting basic safety standards for exports, curbing subsidies of its main industries, and not subjecting imports--our imports--to illegal, nontariff barriers. None of that has turned out to be true. China did not meet most of its commitments under the WTO and still hasn't. Rather, it has employed its new access to Western markets--American markets--to pursue large-scale theft of technology, exploiting the openness of the American economy without allowing American companies reciprocal access to its markets as it is required to do. Let me give one example of this that I have seen in my experience. In 2003, over 17 years ago, I was in an Oval Office meeting as a National Security Council staffer with President George W. Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and the Vice Premier of China, Madam Wu Yi, at the time. The President, President Bush, strongly believed in the protection of intellectual property rights, and he raised this issue with Madam Wu Yi right there in the office--very aggressively, leaning over in his chair. Madam Wu Yi looked at the President of the United States and said: Mr. President, I am in charge of this. We are going to fix this. We are working on it. You have my commitment, Mr. President. That was in the Oval Office, 17 years ago. Where are we on intellectual property theft from China? It is worse today than when Madam Wu Yi made that commitment in the Oval Office. As a matter of fact, the U.S. Trade Representative Office estimates that Chinese theft of American intellectual property costs the U.S. economy an estimated $600 billion annually, not to mention the thousands of jobs lost. President Obama also tried to stem these blatantly unfair, nonreciprocal practices, but Beijing did not honor the common understanding reached by President Obama and Xi Jinping in 2015, curbing cyber hacking of government and corporate data for economic gain. Such theft continues unabated today. These episodes raise an even bigger problem between the United States and China. It is the problem that I call ``promise fatigue'' with China. Think about it. Broken promises extend well beyond the economic sphere, like intellectual property. Here is another example. Standing next to President Obama in the Rose Garden in 2015, President Xi Jinping promised the President of the United States not to militarize the South China Sea. The commitment was broken within months, when China took a very aggressive policy of militarizing many of the islands and built up islands in the South China Sea to the consternation of every single country in the region. After enduring this promise fatigue with the Chinese for decades, we, the Congress, the executive branch of the U.S. Government, are finally getting wise. Everybody thinks trade should be a win-win, but Chinese leaders appear to view it much more as a zero-sum game. Ironically, this promise fatigue and China's predatory, nonreciprocal trade practices have brought about--and did bring about--the new, much tougher, and, in my view, much needed approach from the Trump administration that we had prior to the pandemic. We have this situation where we are not trusting our relationship with China with promises that have been made but have not been kept across a whole host of spheres, where the tensions in the South China Sea are growing. But this current state of affairs was not preordained. In 2005, then Deputy Secretary of State and future World Bank President Robert Zoellick encouraged China in a very well-regarded speech to become a``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system, which had done so much to enable China's rise in prosperity. Zoellick's speech challenged China to change its behavior, to support and promote and, certainly, not undermine the U.S.-led economic order that had brought peace and prosperity to China and so many other countries in the Indo-Pacific. For a time, it appeared that China's leadership was contemplating this American offer to be a responsible stakeholder in this global system--the one that we had set up after World War II. In my trips as an Assistant Secretary of State to China, I heard China's leadership in many meetings--including in meetings with Hu Jintao, the President, and other senior leaders--where they talked about being a responsible stakeholder, where this invitation on working through the system we had developed was clearly something they were contemplating. But over time, it has become increasingly clear that the Chinese Communist Party has rejected this concept, this idea to be a partner with us in bolstering the international order that has benefited China so significantly. In fact, the opposite has happened. China is now working to systemically build an illiberal sphere of influence that threatens to exclude America and erode our alliances in the region that have kept the peace in the region for decades. The challenge we face today is rooted in the attempt by the Communist Party of China to popularize its authoritarian model abroad to ensure China's rise as a great power under the Communist Party's leadership. President Xi made this clear at the 19th Party Congress, where he championed China's model as a new option for other countries and nations that want to speed up their development. We must always remember, the Chinese Communist Party's primary goal in domestic and foreign policy is to ensure the survival and preeminence of the party. The key driver of U.S.-China competition and tension today is China's ambition to project its authoritarian model abroad. China's development under a Leninist political model serves as an inspiration for many illiberal actors and aspiring autocrats around the world. It uses its economic influence as a means of exerting political pressure. Additionally, Chinese companies and state-owned and state-subsidized industries are not bound by the anti-corruption laws that American and Western companies must adhere to. Chinese indifference to establishing standards of transparency, which we have certainly seen now with the pandemic, and project implementation through its Belt and Road Initiative result in elite deals that concede corruption abroad, weaken prospects for long-term prosperity, and undermine the sovereignty of weaker nations. China is seeking to undermine democracy and human rights and the rule of law and international institutions--from pushing its norms for controlling cyber space to silencing critics of its human rights record, including critics in the United States, to pushing for the enforcement of the Belt and Road Initiative at the United Nations. China is using its growing voice on the global stage to legitimize an approach at home and abroad that undermines American interests. A recent Hoover Institution study argues that China is looking to gain influence in the United States to shape attitudes and, ultimately, American policy toward China. And although we have not experienced the same level of political interference as, say, some of our allies, like Australia, where politicians and donors linked to the Chinese Communist Party try to sway the country's policies on sensitive issues, China is clearly engaged in what the National Endowment for Democracy calls a significant, sharp-powered campaign to influence American policy here at home. This recent spy scandal with a Congressman from California is just a recent example of this. Fortunately, the Trump administration and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have awakened to the long-term challenge that China poses to America's national security and economic security interests. As I noted, the Trump administration's more realistic approach on China, laid out in its national security strategy and national defense strategy, offers a clear-eyed view of Chinese ambitions and our need to counter them. At a time when there is not enough bipartisan agreement--although, I think there is more than, certainly, we get credit for--there is broad, bipartisan focus and support within the U.S. Government and, I believe, in the U.S. Senate on the strategic challenges posed by China. So we have had an important American awakening and a good beginning with the recent U.S. national security and national defense strategies, and I believe it is strongly in America's interest for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to continue these strategies that have strong bipartisan support here. In fact, in my recent meeting with Secretary of Defense nominee GEN Lloyd Austin, I encouraged such an approach on national security issues, particularly as it related to China. Yet these strategic documents that we are talking about need more meat on the bones. What are more details and principles that we can add to the national security strategy of our Nation that can ensure bipartisan support for a longer term U.S.-China strategy? Let me recommend five core elements that, I think, should be key in moving forward with regard to our relationship with China. First, we need to demand reciprocity in all major spheres of the U.S.-China relationship. Second, we need to reinvigorate American competitiveness so we can outcompete and outinnovate China. Third, we need to continue to rebuild our military's strength and capability. Fourth, we need to deepen and expand our global network of alliances. Finally, we need to remember that employing our democratic values is a huge, critical, comparative advantage in countering China's global authoritarian influence around the world. So let me briefly touch on each of these. First, we need to demand reciprocity. The United States must insist that the relationship with China be defined by reciprocity and fairness. For too long, the United States has ignored the promise fatigue--that I have talked about--with China and accepted unfulfilled Chinese promises across so many spheres of the bilateral relationship. You have seen it. When you raise the issue of reciprocity with senior Chinese officials, whether that be in Beijing or with the Ambassador, and they finally acknowledge that, yes, the relationship isn't reciprocal, they say it is because ``China is still a developing country.'' I would respectfully tell senior Chinese officials: Don't use that argument anymore. It is an insult to the intelligence of American officials. We need a reciprocal relationship because every American understands and agrees with this--that it is about fairness, basic fairness. I posed an important question of reciprocity to former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a couple of years ago, and he acknowledged that, to have an important, sustainable, great-power relationship between two of the most important countries in the world, reciprocity was critical. The citizens of our country need to feel that the relationship is fair and that a general policy of reciprocity is important and critical in that regard, but we all know it hasn't been that way. The Trump administration has made significant progress on pressing for more reciprocal relationships in our trading relationships, which is very important, but we all know that the reciprocal relationship doesn't exist. Chinese companies and government-backed investment funds can come to the United States and buy companies, but we would have no opportunity to do the same. Yet it needs to go much further than economics. Let me give you an example. We need reciprocity in the free exchange of ideas. American journalists are not allowed to travel freely in China, and if they are not, then, why should Chinese journalists be allowed to travel freely in the United States? Similarly--and this body is focused on this--there are over 100 Confucius Institutes, established by the Chinese Communist Party, at American universities. When I was in Beijing a couple of years ago and met with senior Chinese officials, I mentioned this. I said: I was recently with the Ambassador, and he said that just to go on the campus of Beijing University you need to be accompanied by a Chineseofficial. So if there were real reciprocity in the relationship, if you can have Confucius Institutes at American universities, how about we get James Madison Institutes of freedom and liberty at Chinese universities? Of course, the Chinese wouldn't accept that. They said: Well, Senator, Confucius Institutes only teach culture and language, and a James Madison Institute of freedom and liberty and democracy in China would be teaching propaganda. That is what they said. This is just one of many examples wherein we must have a reciprocal relationship between the United States and China going forward. Second, we must reinvigorate American competitiveness. The United States is no stranger to global military and economic cooperation, as we have known throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Our comparative advantages globally remain significant, but we can and should do more to bolster other areas at home. We should bolster STEM education, double down on basic research, and support Federal agencies like the National Science Foundation. We need to be able to outcompete and outinnovate China, and, importantly, better understand China, its culture, its language, its history, and its strategy with the new generations of Americans who are focused on these issues, just as Russian and Soviet studies were emphasized during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Many of our most significant challenges--our national debt, infrastructure projects that take years to permit, an education system that leaves too many Americans behind, a dysfunctional immigration system--are all self-inflicted wounds. I believe that the real challenges posed by China, as they become more broadly apparent throughout our country, will start to spur the bipartisan motivation that will be needed to address these significant but solvable American challenges in order to make us stronger. Third, we must continue to rebuild our military. From 2010 to 2016, the Department of Defense's budget was slashed by 25 percent. Readiness plummeted, and at the same time, the Chinese undertook a massive building of its military and the modernization of its forces while it also made concrete moves to militarize the South China Sea. History shows, particularly with regard to America's authoritarian rival, that American military weakness encourages authoritarian provocations globally. We must make sure that, as we continue to engage China, a strong U.S. military provides a hedge against Beijing's contemplating risky and destabilizing military actions as its military strength and capabilities continue to grow. China has a long history of using its military to achieve strategic ends when countries are not ready, and we must be ready. As the Presiding Officer knows, I have mentioned that, gosh, almost 25 years ago, I was a young marine infantry officer who was deployed as part of an amphibious task force to the Taiwan Strait, which included two carrier battle groups as part of the U.S. response to Chinese provocations on the eve of the Presidential elections in Taiwan. It was a long time ago, but it was certainly an example of the American commitment and resolve of one of our allies during a period of heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait that we need to remember and be able to react to with a strong military. Fourth, we need to expand and deepen our alliances. The recalibration of our relationship with China should be done in partnership with our allies. The cultivation and nurturing of these relationships must be a foundational pillar of any American strategy as it deals with China. Our greatest strategic advantage in dealing with China is this: We are now a rich nation with longstanding historical ties that have been reinforced by decades of diplomatic, military, and economic cooperation based on shared values with our friends and allies in the region. By contrast, China is an ally-poor nation, with North Korea as its closest friend and ally. The unity of the West and our Asian allies is essential to maintaining high global standards and transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, a peaceful resolution of conflict, and the importance of international law, particularly in the global areas of sea, space, and cyber space. Finally, we must employ America's democratic values as a critical comparative advantage. We should never forget that our democratic values were critical in our successful victory over the Soviet Union during the last Cold War. In President Reagan's famous Westminster speech before the British Parliament in 1982, in which he launched the National Endowment for Democracy, he argued that America would win the Cold War not through hard power alone but through the power of our ideals. As he reminded our audience and our close allies in Britain, ``Any system is inherently unstable that has no peaceful means of legitimizing its leaders.'' China's unelected leaders, like all authoritarians, ultimately fear their own people. Our leaders do not. It is fear that has driven China to develop an Orwellian social credit score to rank its people, while detaining as many as 1 million Chinese workers in concentration camps. Why else does the Chinese Communist Party invest so heavily in facial and gait recognition technology to monitor their own citizens? Why comprehensively censor the internet to preclude even the most glancing criticism of the Communist Party and its leaders? Why do China's internal security services employ more people than the People's Liberation Army, the world's largest military? The answer lies in fear, and the goal, above all else, to make sure the Communist Party remains in power. President Reagan saw the power and promise of our democratic ideals as a potent critical instrument to challenge America's global rival, then the Soviet Union, because the aspiration of freedom is universal and remains the core commonality that underpins the strongest partnerships of the United States with other nations. The belief that liberty, democracy, and free markets reflect and strengthen the size of our alliance system is something that is fundamental to the United States and our allies during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and now during our challenges with China. Helping countries protect their sovereignty so they can be responsive to their citizens and effective partners of our Nation is imperative at a time when Chinese influence risks pulling nations into a new ``Sinosphere'' hostile to American interests and our democratic ideals. Let me conclude by predicting that the new challenges I describe with China are going to be with us for decades. We must face this fact with confidence and strategic resolve and bipartisan work in the U.S. Senate. America has extraordinary advantages relative to China: our global network of alliances, our military power and economic leadership, our innovative society, our abundant energy supplies--we are now the No. 1 producer of oil, natural gas, and renewables in the world--our world-class universities, the world's most productive workforce, and a democratic value system that makes countries far more comfortable as American partners than subservient members of a new ``Middle Kingdom'' led by China. As a result of the long twilight struggle with the Soviet Union, we also know what works--maintaining peace through strength, promoting free markets and free people at home, and having the confidence in George Kennan's insight that the Chinese Communist Party, like the Soviet Communist Party, likely bears within it the seeds of its own decay. While democracies are resilient, adaptive, and self-renewing, there are many vulnerabilities embedded in China's perceived strengths. One-man rule creates acute political risks. Historical grievance can breed violent nationalism. State-directed economic growth can produce massive overcapacity and mountains of debt. The gradual snuffing out of freedom in places like Hong Kong creates spontaneous protests of tens of thousands and huge global backlashes across the world. China's budding military power and historical view of itself as a nation and culture superior to others is beginning to alarm neighboring states, inspiring them to step up security cooperation with our Nation. Nearly half of all wealthy Chinese want to emigrate--and these are the winners from China's four decades of heady economic growth. As we have in the past, Americans can prevail in this geopolitical and ideological contest, but doing so will require a new level of strategic initiative, organization, and confidence in who we are and what we stand for. This also means that we must redouble our efforts in making this strategic case to others around the world, particularly our allies, and we must continue to work on bipartisan solutions that have enduring support in this body for decades to come as it relates to our challenges with China. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SULLIVAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7904-2 | null | 1,986 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, despite what you might be reading in the press, there are a lot of recent, important, bipartisan achievements happening right here in the Senate. We are going to vote soon on another major COVID relief bill, which is really important. That will be our fourth major COVID relief bill this year--much needed, of course, for the health of Americans and for our economy. I think that when the history of this very challenging year is written, that is what is going to be remembered--four major, bipartisan, important pieces of legislation, not the rancor in the Senate, which has been part of our history, part of the Republic since the founding of the Republic. A number of other major bipartisan accomplishments have also occurred just in the past few months--the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed with over 80 Senators; the Great American Outdoors Act, probably the biggest conservation act in over 50 years; and the Save Our Seas 2.0, a bill I was proud to author, the most comprehensive ocean cleanup legislation ever to come out of the Congress. This is just to name a few. Let me name another important bipartisan accomplishment that is starting to occur in the Congress, and that is dealing with China, the important issue of China and China policy. I know people might be saying: Wait, are you crazy? China? There is bipartisan agreement on what is happening with regard to this relationship, the United States and China? The answer is, yes, we have made significant progress on this issue, too, and it is important. I want to explain that a little bit because I think it is a topic that we need to be focusing on more and more in the U.S. Senate. Like the Presiding Officer, I am honored to be completing my first term as a U.S. Senator and honored, like the Presiding Officer, to have been reelected to continue my service. Six years ago when I started my time here in the U.S. Senate, I started a series of speeches that focused on the U.S.-China relationship and the importance of it. We all have been focused post-9/11 certainly on al-Qaida, ISIS, the big issue of violent extremist organizations, which has been the appropriate focus. But as I started my career here 6 years ago, I started to give a series of speeches where I said the biggest challenge that we face long term from a geostrategic standpoint for the United States for decades to come is going to be our relationship with the rising power of China. What I was saying 4 years ago, 5 years ago in this body is that nobody is talking about it. It is really important, and we are not focused on it. You can't say that anymore. Now everybody is talking about China. There has been an American awakening about China. And that is good. That is important. That is progress. And it has been bipartisan. I want to thank President Trump and his team because I think they deserve a lot of the credit. They laid out their national security strategy, their national defense strategy. These are very well-written strategies that, in essence, said that in the United States of America, post 9/11, it was appropriate to focus on al-Qaida, ISIS, violent extremist organizations, getting weapons of mass destruction. That was clearly the main focus of our national security. But what their strategies have been saying is that, yes, we need to continue to focus on that, but now we need to prioritize the great power competitionthat is upon us with China as the pacing threat. As you know, most Senators--Democrats and Republicans--particularly the ones who focus on national security and foreign policy issues, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee--they agree with us. They agree with this reorientation. Again, this is important. This is progress, bipartisan progress, on what is really going to be one of the most--what is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. What we need to start doing--and I say ``we,'' this body, the Congress, the executive branch--is we need to start putting details and principles into a long-term strategy, a bipartisan strategy that will be enduring to address this challenge, to address the challenge that is the challenge for the next decade--the rise of China and how we, as the United States of America, need to deal with it. As I mentioned, I believe this is going to be the defining national security issue for our Nation for the next 50 to 100 years. What I want to do today is lay out a couple of key principles on what I see are some of the ways in which we can bring a bipartisan approach to addressing this challenge. Last year, I was honored to be invited by the heritage center--the Heritage Foundation--as part of their lead lecture series on the Asia-Pacific to talk about this issue. I gave remarks, an address that I called ``Winning the New Cold War with China and How America Should Respond.'' Some of the principles that I laid out in that address from some of my experiences in the U.S. relationship with China over the last quarter century are what I would like to talk about. Those experiences for me have kind of run the gamut as a U.S. marine; as a National Security Council staffer and Assistant Secretary of State under the exceptional leader, Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State; as the State of Alaska cabinet official in charge of energy and natural resources--which are so important to my State but also to Asian markets--and as a U.S. Senator. First things first: I believe, as I mentioned, there has been an awakening about the challenge posed by China. As I mentioned, 6 years ago in this body, not a lot of Senators were talking about it. Now everybody is, and that is important. I also think that there is a recognition--whatever you want to call the tensions that have arisen--that the U.S. and China have entered into a much more strategic competition era--phase--with tensions that I have referred to as a ``new Cold War'' with each other. This state of relations has only been exacerbated by the pandemic, which, of course, started in China and was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party. When I talk about this issue of a new Cold War with China, I want to be clear on one thing. This is not a challenge--or tensions--of our choosing. It is the result of a conscious decision by the Communist Party leadership of China to overturn key elements of the U.S.-led, rules-based international order, despite that order enabling China to emerge prosperous and strong from its so-called century of humiliation. This new Cold War is not an inevitable consequence of China's rise or our status as an established power. Rather, I believe, it stems from China's rejection of becoming a ``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system that the United States has led since the end of World War II--a system from which China probably, more than any other country in the world, has benefited from. But recognizing that we have this new tension, that we have a new Cold War with China, does not mean that the nature of the global challenge is identical to that posed by the Soviet Union or that our response should be the same. However, it does mean that the United States and our allies need to recognize this challenge, address it, counter it in ways that avoid major conflict but in ways that also avoid compromising our core values and interests and principles in liberty. Let me talk a little bit about what I call America's awakening. Since President Nixon initiated the opening of relationships with China, many hoped that the country's political and economic system would open as the country developed and joined this broader, Western-led international system. Others believed that even if the Chinese Communist Party remained in control, its external behavior and relationship with the United States would not be affected. When the United States supported Chinese entry into the World Trade Organization, President Bill Clinton remarked that American workers and consumers would be the greatest beneficiaries--American workers. Ultimately, this has proven not to be true. Equally misguided was the hope that as China grew economically, it would liberalize politically. The expectation was that China would lower its trade barriers and follow WTO practices, respecting intellectual property rights, promoting basic safety standards for exports, curbing subsidies of its main industries, and not subjecting imports--our imports--to illegal, nontariff barriers. None of that has turned out to be true. China did not meet most of its commitments under the WTO and still hasn't. Rather, it has employed its new access to Western markets--American markets--to pursue large-scale theft of technology, exploiting the openness of the American economy without allowing American companies reciprocal access to its markets as it is required to do. Let me give one example of this that I have seen in my experience. In 2003, over 17 years ago, I was in an Oval Office meeting as a National Security Council staffer with President George W. Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and the Vice Premier of China, Madam Wu Yi, at the time. The President, President Bush, strongly believed in the protection of intellectual property rights, and he raised this issue with Madam Wu Yi right there in the office--very aggressively, leaning over in his chair. Madam Wu Yi looked at the President of the United States and said: Mr. President, I am in charge of this. We are going to fix this. We are working on it. You have my commitment, Mr. President. That was in the Oval Office, 17 years ago. Where are we on intellectual property theft from China? It is worse today than when Madam Wu Yi made that commitment in the Oval Office. As a matter of fact, the U.S. Trade Representative Office estimates that Chinese theft of American intellectual property costs the U.S. economy an estimated $600 billion annually, not to mention the thousands of jobs lost. President Obama also tried to stem these blatantly unfair, nonreciprocal practices, but Beijing did not honor the common understanding reached by President Obama and Xi Jinping in 2015, curbing cyber hacking of government and corporate data for economic gain. Such theft continues unabated today. These episodes raise an even bigger problem between the United States and China. It is the problem that I call ``promise fatigue'' with China. Think about it. Broken promises extend well beyond the economic sphere, like intellectual property. Here is another example. Standing next to President Obama in the Rose Garden in 2015, President Xi Jinping promised the President of the United States not to militarize the South China Sea. The commitment was broken within months, when China took a very aggressive policy of militarizing many of the islands and built up islands in the South China Sea to the consternation of every single country in the region. After enduring this promise fatigue with the Chinese for decades, we, the Congress, the executive branch of the U.S. Government, are finally getting wise. Everybody thinks trade should be a win-win, but Chinese leaders appear to view it much more as a zero-sum game. Ironically, this promise fatigue and China's predatory, nonreciprocal trade practices have brought about--and did bring about--the new, much tougher, and, in my view, much needed approach from the Trump administration that we had prior to the pandemic. We have this situation where we are not trusting our relationship with China with promises that have been made but have not been kept across a whole host of spheres, where the tensions in the South China Sea are growing. But this current state of affairs was not preordained. In 2005, then Deputy Secretary of State and future World Bank President Robert Zoellick encouraged China in a very well-regarded speech to become a``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system, which had done so much to enable China's rise in prosperity. Zoellick's speech challenged China to change its behavior, to support and promote and, certainly, not undermine the U.S.-led economic order that had brought peace and prosperity to China and so many other countries in the Indo-Pacific. For a time, it appeared that China's leadership was contemplating this American offer to be a responsible stakeholder in this global system--the one that we had set up after World War II. In my trips as an Assistant Secretary of State to China, I heard China's leadership in many meetings--including in meetings with Hu Jintao, the President, and other senior leaders--where they talked about being a responsible stakeholder, where this invitation on working through the system we had developed was clearly something they were contemplating. But over time, it has become increasingly clear that the Chinese Communist Party has rejected this concept, this idea to be a partner with us in bolstering the international order that has benefited China so significantly. In fact, the opposite has happened. China is now working to systemically build an illiberal sphere of influence that threatens to exclude America and erode our alliances in the region that have kept the peace in the region for decades. The challenge we face today is rooted in the attempt by the Communist Party of China to popularize its authoritarian model abroad to ensure China's rise as a great power under the Communist Party's leadership. President Xi made this clear at the 19th Party Congress, where he championed China's model as a new option for other countries and nations that want to speed up their development. We must always remember, the Chinese Communist Party's primary goal in domestic and foreign policy is to ensure the survival and preeminence of the party. The key driver of U.S.-China competition and tension today is China's ambition to project its authoritarian model abroad. China's development under a Leninist political model serves as an inspiration for many illiberal actors and aspiring autocrats around the world. It uses its economic influence as a means of exerting political pressure. Additionally, Chinese companies and state-owned and state-subsidized industries are not bound by the anti-corruption laws that American and Western companies must adhere to. Chinese indifference to establishing standards of transparency, which we have certainly seen now with the pandemic, and project implementation through its Belt and Road Initiative result in elite deals that concede corruption abroad, weaken prospects for long-term prosperity, and undermine the sovereignty of weaker nations. China is seeking to undermine democracy and human rights and the rule of law and international institutions--from pushing its norms for controlling cyber space to silencing critics of its human rights record, including critics in the United States, to pushing for the enforcement of the Belt and Road Initiative at the United Nations. China is using its growing voice on the global stage to legitimize an approach at home and abroad that undermines American interests. A recent Hoover Institution study argues that China is looking to gain influence in the United States to shape attitudes and, ultimately, American policy toward China. And although we have not experienced the same level of political interference as, say, some of our allies, like Australia, where politicians and donors linked to the Chinese Communist Party try to sway the country's policies on sensitive issues, China is clearly engaged in what the National Endowment for Democracy calls a significant, sharp-powered campaign to influence American policy here at home. This recent spy scandal with a Congressman from California is just a recent example of this. Fortunately, the Trump administration and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have awakened to the long-term challenge that China poses to America's national security and economic security interests. As I noted, the Trump administration's more realistic approach on China, laid out in its national security strategy and national defense strategy, offers a clear-eyed view of Chinese ambitions and our need to counter them. At a time when there is not enough bipartisan agreement--although, I think there is more than, certainly, we get credit for--there is broad, bipartisan focus and support within the U.S. Government and, I believe, in the U.S. Senate on the strategic challenges posed by China. So we have had an important American awakening and a good beginning with the recent U.S. national security and national defense strategies, and I believe it is strongly in America's interest for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to continue these strategies that have strong bipartisan support here. In fact, in my recent meeting with Secretary of Defense nominee GEN Lloyd Austin, I encouraged such an approach on national security issues, particularly as it related to China. Yet these strategic documents that we are talking about need more meat on the bones. What are more details and principles that we can add to the national security strategy of our Nation that can ensure bipartisan support for a longer term U.S.-China strategy? Let me recommend five core elements that, I think, should be key in moving forward with regard to our relationship with China. First, we need to demand reciprocity in all major spheres of the U.S.-China relationship. Second, we need to reinvigorate American competitiveness so we can outcompete and outinnovate China. Third, we need to continue to rebuild our military's strength and capability. Fourth, we need to deepen and expand our global network of alliances. Finally, we need to remember that employing our democratic values is a huge, critical, comparative advantage in countering China's global authoritarian influence around the world. So let me briefly touch on each of these. First, we need to demand reciprocity. The United States must insist that the relationship with China be defined by reciprocity and fairness. For too long, the United States has ignored the promise fatigue--that I have talked about--with China and accepted unfulfilled Chinese promises across so many spheres of the bilateral relationship. You have seen it. When you raise the issue of reciprocity with senior Chinese officials, whether that be in Beijing or with the Ambassador, and they finally acknowledge that, yes, the relationship isn't reciprocal, they say it is because ``China is still a developing country.'' I would respectfully tell senior Chinese officials: Don't use that argument anymore. It is an insult to the intelligence of American officials. We need a reciprocal relationship because every American understands and agrees with this--that it is about fairness, basic fairness. I posed an important question of reciprocity to former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a couple of years ago, and he acknowledged that, to have an important, sustainable, great-power relationship between two of the most important countries in the world, reciprocity was critical. The citizens of our country need to feel that the relationship is fair and that a general policy of reciprocity is important and critical in that regard, but we all know it hasn't been that way. The Trump administration has made significant progress on pressing for more reciprocal relationships in our trading relationships, which is very important, but we all know that the reciprocal relationship doesn't exist. Chinese companies and government-backed investment funds can come to the United States and buy companies, but we would have no opportunity to do the same. Yet it needs to go much further than economics. Let me give you an example. We need reciprocity in the free exchange of ideas. American journalists are not allowed to travel freely in China, and if they are not, then, why should Chinese journalists be allowed to travel freely in the United States? Similarly--and this body is focused on this--there are over 100 Confucius Institutes, established by the Chinese Communist Party, at American universities. When I was in Beijing a couple of years ago and met with senior Chinese officials, I mentioned this. I said: I was recently with the Ambassador, and he said that just to go on the campus of Beijing University you need to be accompanied by a Chineseofficial. So if there were real reciprocity in the relationship, if you can have Confucius Institutes at American universities, how about we get James Madison Institutes of freedom and liberty at Chinese universities? Of course, the Chinese wouldn't accept that. They said: Well, Senator, Confucius Institutes only teach culture and language, and a James Madison Institute of freedom and liberty and democracy in China would be teaching propaganda. That is what they said. This is just one of many examples wherein we must have a reciprocal relationship between the United States and China going forward. Second, we must reinvigorate American competitiveness. The United States is no stranger to global military and economic cooperation, as we have known throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Our comparative advantages globally remain significant, but we can and should do more to bolster other areas at home. We should bolster STEM education, double down on basic research, and support Federal agencies like the National Science Foundation. We need to be able to outcompete and outinnovate China, and, importantly, better understand China, its culture, its language, its history, and its strategy with the new generations of Americans who are focused on these issues, just as Russian and Soviet studies were emphasized during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Many of our most significant challenges--our national debt, infrastructure projects that take years to permit, an education system that leaves too many Americans behind, a dysfunctional immigration system--are all self-inflicted wounds. I believe that the real challenges posed by China, as they become more broadly apparent throughout our country, will start to spur the bipartisan motivation that will be needed to address these significant but solvable American challenges in order to make us stronger. Third, we must continue to rebuild our military. From 2010 to 2016, the Department of Defense's budget was slashed by 25 percent. Readiness plummeted, and at the same time, the Chinese undertook a massive building of its military and the modernization of its forces while it also made concrete moves to militarize the South China Sea. History shows, particularly with regard to America's authoritarian rival, that American military weakness encourages authoritarian provocations globally. We must make sure that, as we continue to engage China, a strong U.S. military provides a hedge against Beijing's contemplating risky and destabilizing military actions as its military strength and capabilities continue to grow. China has a long history of using its military to achieve strategic ends when countries are not ready, and we must be ready. As the Presiding Officer knows, I have mentioned that, gosh, almost 25 years ago, I was a young marine infantry officer who was deployed as part of an amphibious task force to the Taiwan Strait, which included two carrier battle groups as part of the U.S. response to Chinese provocations on the eve of the Presidential elections in Taiwan. It was a long time ago, but it was certainly an example of the American commitment and resolve of one of our allies during a period of heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait that we need to remember and be able to react to with a strong military. Fourth, we need to expand and deepen our alliances. The recalibration of our relationship with China should be done in partnership with our allies. The cultivation and nurturing of these relationships must be a foundational pillar of any American strategy as it deals with China. Our greatest strategic advantage in dealing with China is this: We are now a rich nation with longstanding historical ties that have been reinforced by decades of diplomatic, military, and economic cooperation based on shared values with our friends and allies in the region. By contrast, China is an ally-poor nation, with North Korea as its closest friend and ally. The unity of the West and our Asian allies is essential to maintaining high global standards and transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, a peaceful resolution of conflict, and the importance of international law, particularly in the global areas of sea, space, and cyber space. Finally, we must employ America's democratic values as a critical comparative advantage. We should never forget that our democratic values were critical in our successful victory over the Soviet Union during the last Cold War. In President Reagan's famous Westminster speech before the British Parliament in 1982, in which he launched the National Endowment for Democracy, he argued that America would win the Cold War not through hard power alone but through the power of our ideals. As he reminded our audience and our close allies in Britain, ``Any system is inherently unstable that has no peaceful means of legitimizing its leaders.'' China's unelected leaders, like all authoritarians, ultimately fear their own people. Our leaders do not. It is fear that has driven China to develop an Orwellian social credit score to rank its people, while detaining as many as 1 million Chinese workers in concentration camps. Why else does the Chinese Communist Party invest so heavily in facial and gait recognition technology to monitor their own citizens? Why comprehensively censor the internet to preclude even the most glancing criticism of the Communist Party and its leaders? Why do China's internal security services employ more people than the People's Liberation Army, the world's largest military? The answer lies in fear, and the goal, above all else, to make sure the Communist Party remains in power. President Reagan saw the power and promise of our democratic ideals as a potent critical instrument to challenge America's global rival, then the Soviet Union, because the aspiration of freedom is universal and remains the core commonality that underpins the strongest partnerships of the United States with other nations. The belief that liberty, democracy, and free markets reflect and strengthen the size of our alliance system is something that is fundamental to the United States and our allies during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and now during our challenges with China. Helping countries protect their sovereignty so they can be responsive to their citizens and effective partners of our Nation is imperative at a time when Chinese influence risks pulling nations into a new ``Sinosphere'' hostile to American interests and our democratic ideals. Let me conclude by predicting that the new challenges I describe with China are going to be with us for decades. We must face this fact with confidence and strategic resolve and bipartisan work in the U.S. Senate. America has extraordinary advantages relative to China: our global network of alliances, our military power and economic leadership, our innovative society, our abundant energy supplies--we are now the No. 1 producer of oil, natural gas, and renewables in the world--our world-class universities, the world's most productive workforce, and a democratic value system that makes countries far more comfortable as American partners than subservient members of a new ``Middle Kingdom'' led by China. As a result of the long twilight struggle with the Soviet Union, we also know what works--maintaining peace through strength, promoting free markets and free people at home, and having the confidence in George Kennan's insight that the Chinese Communist Party, like the Soviet Communist Party, likely bears within it the seeds of its own decay. While democracies are resilient, adaptive, and self-renewing, there are many vulnerabilities embedded in China's perceived strengths. One-man rule creates acute political risks. Historical grievance can breed violent nationalism. State-directed economic growth can produce massive overcapacity and mountains of debt. The gradual snuffing out of freedom in places like Hong Kong creates spontaneous protests of tens of thousands and huge global backlashes across the world. China's budding military power and historical view of itself as a nation and culture superior to others is beginning to alarm neighboring states, inspiring them to step up security cooperation with our Nation. Nearly half of all wealthy Chinese want to emigrate--and these are the winners from China's four decades of heady economic growth. As we have in the past, Americans can prevail in this geopolitical and ideological contest, but doing so will require a new level of strategic initiative, organization, and confidence in who we are and what we stand for. This also means that we must redouble our efforts in making this strategic case to others around the world, particularly our allies, and we must continue to work on bipartisan solutions that have enduring support in this body for decades to come as it relates to our challenges with China. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SULLIVAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7904-2 | null | 1,987 |
formal | property rights | null | racist | Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, despite what you might be reading in the press, there are a lot of recent, important, bipartisan achievements happening right here in the Senate. We are going to vote soon on another major COVID relief bill, which is really important. That will be our fourth major COVID relief bill this year--much needed, of course, for the health of Americans and for our economy. I think that when the history of this very challenging year is written, that is what is going to be remembered--four major, bipartisan, important pieces of legislation, not the rancor in the Senate, which has been part of our history, part of the Republic since the founding of the Republic. A number of other major bipartisan accomplishments have also occurred just in the past few months--the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed with over 80 Senators; the Great American Outdoors Act, probably the biggest conservation act in over 50 years; and the Save Our Seas 2.0, a bill I was proud to author, the most comprehensive ocean cleanup legislation ever to come out of the Congress. This is just to name a few. Let me name another important bipartisan accomplishment that is starting to occur in the Congress, and that is dealing with China, the important issue of China and China policy. I know people might be saying: Wait, are you crazy? China? There is bipartisan agreement on what is happening with regard to this relationship, the United States and China? The answer is, yes, we have made significant progress on this issue, too, and it is important. I want to explain that a little bit because I think it is a topic that we need to be focusing on more and more in the U.S. Senate. Like the Presiding Officer, I am honored to be completing my first term as a U.S. Senator and honored, like the Presiding Officer, to have been reelected to continue my service. Six years ago when I started my time here in the U.S. Senate, I started a series of speeches that focused on the U.S.-China relationship and the importance of it. We all have been focused post-9/11 certainly on al-Qaida, ISIS, the big issue of violent extremist organizations, which has been the appropriate focus. But as I started my career here 6 years ago, I started to give a series of speeches where I said the biggest challenge that we face long term from a geostrategic standpoint for the United States for decades to come is going to be our relationship with the rising power of China. What I was saying 4 years ago, 5 years ago in this body is that nobody is talking about it. It is really important, and we are not focused on it. You can't say that anymore. Now everybody is talking about China. There has been an American awakening about China. And that is good. That is important. That is progress. And it has been bipartisan. I want to thank President Trump and his team because I think they deserve a lot of the credit. They laid out their national security strategy, their national defense strategy. These are very well-written strategies that, in essence, said that in the United States of America, post 9/11, it was appropriate to focus on al-Qaida, ISIS, violent extremist organizations, getting weapons of mass destruction. That was clearly the main focus of our national security. But what their strategies have been saying is that, yes, we need to continue to focus on that, but now we need to prioritize the great power competitionthat is upon us with China as the pacing threat. As you know, most Senators--Democrats and Republicans--particularly the ones who focus on national security and foreign policy issues, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee--they agree with us. They agree with this reorientation. Again, this is important. This is progress, bipartisan progress, on what is really going to be one of the most--what is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. What we need to start doing--and I say ``we,'' this body, the Congress, the executive branch--is we need to start putting details and principles into a long-term strategy, a bipartisan strategy that will be enduring to address this challenge, to address the challenge that is the challenge for the next decade--the rise of China and how we, as the United States of America, need to deal with it. As I mentioned, I believe this is going to be the defining national security issue for our Nation for the next 50 to 100 years. What I want to do today is lay out a couple of key principles on what I see are some of the ways in which we can bring a bipartisan approach to addressing this challenge. Last year, I was honored to be invited by the heritage center--the Heritage Foundation--as part of their lead lecture series on the Asia-Pacific to talk about this issue. I gave remarks, an address that I called ``Winning the New Cold War with China and How America Should Respond.'' Some of the principles that I laid out in that address from some of my experiences in the U.S. relationship with China over the last quarter century are what I would like to talk about. Those experiences for me have kind of run the gamut as a U.S. marine; as a National Security Council staffer and Assistant Secretary of State under the exceptional leader, Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State; as the State of Alaska cabinet official in charge of energy and natural resources--which are so important to my State but also to Asian markets--and as a U.S. Senator. First things first: I believe, as I mentioned, there has been an awakening about the challenge posed by China. As I mentioned, 6 years ago in this body, not a lot of Senators were talking about it. Now everybody is, and that is important. I also think that there is a recognition--whatever you want to call the tensions that have arisen--that the U.S. and China have entered into a much more strategic competition era--phase--with tensions that I have referred to as a ``new Cold War'' with each other. This state of relations has only been exacerbated by the pandemic, which, of course, started in China and was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party. When I talk about this issue of a new Cold War with China, I want to be clear on one thing. This is not a challenge--or tensions--of our choosing. It is the result of a conscious decision by the Communist Party leadership of China to overturn key elements of the U.S.-led, rules-based international order, despite that order enabling China to emerge prosperous and strong from its so-called century of humiliation. This new Cold War is not an inevitable consequence of China's rise or our status as an established power. Rather, I believe, it stems from China's rejection of becoming a ``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system that the United States has led since the end of World War II--a system from which China probably, more than any other country in the world, has benefited from. But recognizing that we have this new tension, that we have a new Cold War with China, does not mean that the nature of the global challenge is identical to that posed by the Soviet Union or that our response should be the same. However, it does mean that the United States and our allies need to recognize this challenge, address it, counter it in ways that avoid major conflict but in ways that also avoid compromising our core values and interests and principles in liberty. Let me talk a little bit about what I call America's awakening. Since President Nixon initiated the opening of relationships with China, many hoped that the country's political and economic system would open as the country developed and joined this broader, Western-led international system. Others believed that even if the Chinese Communist Party remained in control, its external behavior and relationship with the United States would not be affected. When the United States supported Chinese entry into the World Trade Organization, President Bill Clinton remarked that American workers and consumers would be the greatest beneficiaries--American workers. Ultimately, this has proven not to be true. Equally misguided was the hope that as China grew economically, it would liberalize politically. The expectation was that China would lower its trade barriers and follow WTO practices, respecting intellectual property rights, promoting basic safety standards for exports, curbing subsidies of its main industries, and not subjecting imports--our imports--to illegal, nontariff barriers. None of that has turned out to be true. China did not meet most of its commitments under the WTO and still hasn't. Rather, it has employed its new access to Western markets--American markets--to pursue large-scale theft of technology, exploiting the openness of the American economy without allowing American companies reciprocal access to its markets as it is required to do. Let me give one example of this that I have seen in my experience. In 2003, over 17 years ago, I was in an Oval Office meeting as a National Security Council staffer with President George W. Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and the Vice Premier of China, Madam Wu Yi, at the time. The President, President Bush, strongly believed in the protection of intellectual property rights, and he raised this issue with Madam Wu Yi right there in the office--very aggressively, leaning over in his chair. Madam Wu Yi looked at the President of the United States and said: Mr. President, I am in charge of this. We are going to fix this. We are working on it. You have my commitment, Mr. President. That was in the Oval Office, 17 years ago. Where are we on intellectual property theft from China? It is worse today than when Madam Wu Yi made that commitment in the Oval Office. As a matter of fact, the U.S. Trade Representative Office estimates that Chinese theft of American intellectual property costs the U.S. economy an estimated $600 billion annually, not to mention the thousands of jobs lost. President Obama also tried to stem these blatantly unfair, nonreciprocal practices, but Beijing did not honor the common understanding reached by President Obama and Xi Jinping in 2015, curbing cyber hacking of government and corporate data for economic gain. Such theft continues unabated today. These episodes raise an even bigger problem between the United States and China. It is the problem that I call ``promise fatigue'' with China. Think about it. Broken promises extend well beyond the economic sphere, like intellectual property. Here is another example. Standing next to President Obama in the Rose Garden in 2015, President Xi Jinping promised the President of the United States not to militarize the South China Sea. The commitment was broken within months, when China took a very aggressive policy of militarizing many of the islands and built up islands in the South China Sea to the consternation of every single country in the region. After enduring this promise fatigue with the Chinese for decades, we, the Congress, the executive branch of the U.S. Government, are finally getting wise. Everybody thinks trade should be a win-win, but Chinese leaders appear to view it much more as a zero-sum game. Ironically, this promise fatigue and China's predatory, nonreciprocal trade practices have brought about--and did bring about--the new, much tougher, and, in my view, much needed approach from the Trump administration that we had prior to the pandemic. We have this situation where we are not trusting our relationship with China with promises that have been made but have not been kept across a whole host of spheres, where the tensions in the South China Sea are growing. But this current state of affairs was not preordained. In 2005, then Deputy Secretary of State and future World Bank President Robert Zoellick encouraged China in a very well-regarded speech to become a``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system, which had done so much to enable China's rise in prosperity. Zoellick's speech challenged China to change its behavior, to support and promote and, certainly, not undermine the U.S.-led economic order that had brought peace and prosperity to China and so many other countries in the Indo-Pacific. For a time, it appeared that China's leadership was contemplating this American offer to be a responsible stakeholder in this global system--the one that we had set up after World War II. In my trips as an Assistant Secretary of State to China, I heard China's leadership in many meetings--including in meetings with Hu Jintao, the President, and other senior leaders--where they talked about being a responsible stakeholder, where this invitation on working through the system we had developed was clearly something they were contemplating. But over time, it has become increasingly clear that the Chinese Communist Party has rejected this concept, this idea to be a partner with us in bolstering the international order that has benefited China so significantly. In fact, the opposite has happened. China is now working to systemically build an illiberal sphere of influence that threatens to exclude America and erode our alliances in the region that have kept the peace in the region for decades. The challenge we face today is rooted in the attempt by the Communist Party of China to popularize its authoritarian model abroad to ensure China's rise as a great power under the Communist Party's leadership. President Xi made this clear at the 19th Party Congress, where he championed China's model as a new option for other countries and nations that want to speed up their development. We must always remember, the Chinese Communist Party's primary goal in domestic and foreign policy is to ensure the survival and preeminence of the party. The key driver of U.S.-China competition and tension today is China's ambition to project its authoritarian model abroad. China's development under a Leninist political model serves as an inspiration for many illiberal actors and aspiring autocrats around the world. It uses its economic influence as a means of exerting political pressure. Additionally, Chinese companies and state-owned and state-subsidized industries are not bound by the anti-corruption laws that American and Western companies must adhere to. Chinese indifference to establishing standards of transparency, which we have certainly seen now with the pandemic, and project implementation through its Belt and Road Initiative result in elite deals that concede corruption abroad, weaken prospects for long-term prosperity, and undermine the sovereignty of weaker nations. China is seeking to undermine democracy and human rights and the rule of law and international institutions--from pushing its norms for controlling cyber space to silencing critics of its human rights record, including critics in the United States, to pushing for the enforcement of the Belt and Road Initiative at the United Nations. China is using its growing voice on the global stage to legitimize an approach at home and abroad that undermines American interests. A recent Hoover Institution study argues that China is looking to gain influence in the United States to shape attitudes and, ultimately, American policy toward China. And although we have not experienced the same level of political interference as, say, some of our allies, like Australia, where politicians and donors linked to the Chinese Communist Party try to sway the country's policies on sensitive issues, China is clearly engaged in what the National Endowment for Democracy calls a significant, sharp-powered campaign to influence American policy here at home. This recent spy scandal with a Congressman from California is just a recent example of this. Fortunately, the Trump administration and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have awakened to the long-term challenge that China poses to America's national security and economic security interests. As I noted, the Trump administration's more realistic approach on China, laid out in its national security strategy and national defense strategy, offers a clear-eyed view of Chinese ambitions and our need to counter them. At a time when there is not enough bipartisan agreement--although, I think there is more than, certainly, we get credit for--there is broad, bipartisan focus and support within the U.S. Government and, I believe, in the U.S. Senate on the strategic challenges posed by China. So we have had an important American awakening and a good beginning with the recent U.S. national security and national defense strategies, and I believe it is strongly in America's interest for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to continue these strategies that have strong bipartisan support here. In fact, in my recent meeting with Secretary of Defense nominee GEN Lloyd Austin, I encouraged such an approach on national security issues, particularly as it related to China. Yet these strategic documents that we are talking about need more meat on the bones. What are more details and principles that we can add to the national security strategy of our Nation that can ensure bipartisan support for a longer term U.S.-China strategy? Let me recommend five core elements that, I think, should be key in moving forward with regard to our relationship with China. First, we need to demand reciprocity in all major spheres of the U.S.-China relationship. Second, we need to reinvigorate American competitiveness so we can outcompete and outinnovate China. Third, we need to continue to rebuild our military's strength and capability. Fourth, we need to deepen and expand our global network of alliances. Finally, we need to remember that employing our democratic values is a huge, critical, comparative advantage in countering China's global authoritarian influence around the world. So let me briefly touch on each of these. First, we need to demand reciprocity. The United States must insist that the relationship with China be defined by reciprocity and fairness. For too long, the United States has ignored the promise fatigue--that I have talked about--with China and accepted unfulfilled Chinese promises across so many spheres of the bilateral relationship. You have seen it. When you raise the issue of reciprocity with senior Chinese officials, whether that be in Beijing or with the Ambassador, and they finally acknowledge that, yes, the relationship isn't reciprocal, they say it is because ``China is still a developing country.'' I would respectfully tell senior Chinese officials: Don't use that argument anymore. It is an insult to the intelligence of American officials. We need a reciprocal relationship because every American understands and agrees with this--that it is about fairness, basic fairness. I posed an important question of reciprocity to former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a couple of years ago, and he acknowledged that, to have an important, sustainable, great-power relationship between two of the most important countries in the world, reciprocity was critical. The citizens of our country need to feel that the relationship is fair and that a general policy of reciprocity is important and critical in that regard, but we all know it hasn't been that way. The Trump administration has made significant progress on pressing for more reciprocal relationships in our trading relationships, which is very important, but we all know that the reciprocal relationship doesn't exist. Chinese companies and government-backed investment funds can come to the United States and buy companies, but we would have no opportunity to do the same. Yet it needs to go much further than economics. Let me give you an example. We need reciprocity in the free exchange of ideas. American journalists are not allowed to travel freely in China, and if they are not, then, why should Chinese journalists be allowed to travel freely in the United States? Similarly--and this body is focused on this--there are over 100 Confucius Institutes, established by the Chinese Communist Party, at American universities. When I was in Beijing a couple of years ago and met with senior Chinese officials, I mentioned this. I said: I was recently with the Ambassador, and he said that just to go on the campus of Beijing University you need to be accompanied by a Chineseofficial. So if there were real reciprocity in the relationship, if you can have Confucius Institutes at American universities, how about we get James Madison Institutes of freedom and liberty at Chinese universities? Of course, the Chinese wouldn't accept that. They said: Well, Senator, Confucius Institutes only teach culture and language, and a James Madison Institute of freedom and liberty and democracy in China would be teaching propaganda. That is what they said. This is just one of many examples wherein we must have a reciprocal relationship between the United States and China going forward. Second, we must reinvigorate American competitiveness. The United States is no stranger to global military and economic cooperation, as we have known throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Our comparative advantages globally remain significant, but we can and should do more to bolster other areas at home. We should bolster STEM education, double down on basic research, and support Federal agencies like the National Science Foundation. We need to be able to outcompete and outinnovate China, and, importantly, better understand China, its culture, its language, its history, and its strategy with the new generations of Americans who are focused on these issues, just as Russian and Soviet studies were emphasized during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Many of our most significant challenges--our national debt, infrastructure projects that take years to permit, an education system that leaves too many Americans behind, a dysfunctional immigration system--are all self-inflicted wounds. I believe that the real challenges posed by China, as they become more broadly apparent throughout our country, will start to spur the bipartisan motivation that will be needed to address these significant but solvable American challenges in order to make us stronger. Third, we must continue to rebuild our military. From 2010 to 2016, the Department of Defense's budget was slashed by 25 percent. Readiness plummeted, and at the same time, the Chinese undertook a massive building of its military and the modernization of its forces while it also made concrete moves to militarize the South China Sea. History shows, particularly with regard to America's authoritarian rival, that American military weakness encourages authoritarian provocations globally. We must make sure that, as we continue to engage China, a strong U.S. military provides a hedge against Beijing's contemplating risky and destabilizing military actions as its military strength and capabilities continue to grow. China has a long history of using its military to achieve strategic ends when countries are not ready, and we must be ready. As the Presiding Officer knows, I have mentioned that, gosh, almost 25 years ago, I was a young marine infantry officer who was deployed as part of an amphibious task force to the Taiwan Strait, which included two carrier battle groups as part of the U.S. response to Chinese provocations on the eve of the Presidential elections in Taiwan. It was a long time ago, but it was certainly an example of the American commitment and resolve of one of our allies during a period of heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait that we need to remember and be able to react to with a strong military. Fourth, we need to expand and deepen our alliances. The recalibration of our relationship with China should be done in partnership with our allies. The cultivation and nurturing of these relationships must be a foundational pillar of any American strategy as it deals with China. Our greatest strategic advantage in dealing with China is this: We are now a rich nation with longstanding historical ties that have been reinforced by decades of diplomatic, military, and economic cooperation based on shared values with our friends and allies in the region. By contrast, China is an ally-poor nation, with North Korea as its closest friend and ally. The unity of the West and our Asian allies is essential to maintaining high global standards and transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, a peaceful resolution of conflict, and the importance of international law, particularly in the global areas of sea, space, and cyber space. Finally, we must employ America's democratic values as a critical comparative advantage. We should never forget that our democratic values were critical in our successful victory over the Soviet Union during the last Cold War. In President Reagan's famous Westminster speech before the British Parliament in 1982, in which he launched the National Endowment for Democracy, he argued that America would win the Cold War not through hard power alone but through the power of our ideals. As he reminded our audience and our close allies in Britain, ``Any system is inherently unstable that has no peaceful means of legitimizing its leaders.'' China's unelected leaders, like all authoritarians, ultimately fear their own people. Our leaders do not. It is fear that has driven China to develop an Orwellian social credit score to rank its people, while detaining as many as 1 million Chinese workers in concentration camps. Why else does the Chinese Communist Party invest so heavily in facial and gait recognition technology to monitor their own citizens? Why comprehensively censor the internet to preclude even the most glancing criticism of the Communist Party and its leaders? Why do China's internal security services employ more people than the People's Liberation Army, the world's largest military? The answer lies in fear, and the goal, above all else, to make sure the Communist Party remains in power. President Reagan saw the power and promise of our democratic ideals as a potent critical instrument to challenge America's global rival, then the Soviet Union, because the aspiration of freedom is universal and remains the core commonality that underpins the strongest partnerships of the United States with other nations. The belief that liberty, democracy, and free markets reflect and strengthen the size of our alliance system is something that is fundamental to the United States and our allies during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and now during our challenges with China. Helping countries protect their sovereignty so they can be responsive to their citizens and effective partners of our Nation is imperative at a time when Chinese influence risks pulling nations into a new ``Sinosphere'' hostile to American interests and our democratic ideals. Let me conclude by predicting that the new challenges I describe with China are going to be with us for decades. We must face this fact with confidence and strategic resolve and bipartisan work in the U.S. Senate. America has extraordinary advantages relative to China: our global network of alliances, our military power and economic leadership, our innovative society, our abundant energy supplies--we are now the No. 1 producer of oil, natural gas, and renewables in the world--our world-class universities, the world's most productive workforce, and a democratic value system that makes countries far more comfortable as American partners than subservient members of a new ``Middle Kingdom'' led by China. As a result of the long twilight struggle with the Soviet Union, we also know what works--maintaining peace through strength, promoting free markets and free people at home, and having the confidence in George Kennan's insight that the Chinese Communist Party, like the Soviet Communist Party, likely bears within it the seeds of its own decay. While democracies are resilient, adaptive, and self-renewing, there are many vulnerabilities embedded in China's perceived strengths. One-man rule creates acute political risks. Historical grievance can breed violent nationalism. State-directed economic growth can produce massive overcapacity and mountains of debt. The gradual snuffing out of freedom in places like Hong Kong creates spontaneous protests of tens of thousands and huge global backlashes across the world. China's budding military power and historical view of itself as a nation and culture superior to others is beginning to alarm neighboring states, inspiring them to step up security cooperation with our Nation. Nearly half of all wealthy Chinese want to emigrate--and these are the winners from China's four decades of heady economic growth. As we have in the past, Americans can prevail in this geopolitical and ideological contest, but doing so will require a new level of strategic initiative, organization, and confidence in who we are and what we stand for. This also means that we must redouble our efforts in making this strategic case to others around the world, particularly our allies, and we must continue to work on bipartisan solutions that have enduring support in this body for decades to come as it relates to our challenges with China. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SULLIVAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7904-2 | null | 1,988 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. SULLIVAN. Madam President, despite what you might be reading in the press, there are a lot of recent, important, bipartisan achievements happening right here in the Senate. We are going to vote soon on another major COVID relief bill, which is really important. That will be our fourth major COVID relief bill this year--much needed, of course, for the health of Americans and for our economy. I think that when the history of this very challenging year is written, that is what is going to be remembered--four major, bipartisan, important pieces of legislation, not the rancor in the Senate, which has been part of our history, part of the Republic since the founding of the Republic. A number of other major bipartisan accomplishments have also occurred just in the past few months--the National Defense Authorization Act, which passed with over 80 Senators; the Great American Outdoors Act, probably the biggest conservation act in over 50 years; and the Save Our Seas 2.0, a bill I was proud to author, the most comprehensive ocean cleanup legislation ever to come out of the Congress. This is just to name a few. Let me name another important bipartisan accomplishment that is starting to occur in the Congress, and that is dealing with China, the important issue of China and China policy. I know people might be saying: Wait, are you crazy? China? There is bipartisan agreement on what is happening with regard to this relationship, the United States and China? The answer is, yes, we have made significant progress on this issue, too, and it is important. I want to explain that a little bit because I think it is a topic that we need to be focusing on more and more in the U.S. Senate. Like the Presiding Officer, I am honored to be completing my first term as a U.S. Senator and honored, like the Presiding Officer, to have been reelected to continue my service. Six years ago when I started my time here in the U.S. Senate, I started a series of speeches that focused on the U.S.-China relationship and the importance of it. We all have been focused post-9/11 certainly on al-Qaida, ISIS, the big issue of violent extremist organizations, which has been the appropriate focus. But as I started my career here 6 years ago, I started to give a series of speeches where I said the biggest challenge that we face long term from a geostrategic standpoint for the United States for decades to come is going to be our relationship with the rising power of China. What I was saying 4 years ago, 5 years ago in this body is that nobody is talking about it. It is really important, and we are not focused on it. You can't say that anymore. Now everybody is talking about China. There has been an American awakening about China. And that is good. That is important. That is progress. And it has been bipartisan. I want to thank President Trump and his team because I think they deserve a lot of the credit. They laid out their national security strategy, their national defense strategy. These are very well-written strategies that, in essence, said that in the United States of America, post 9/11, it was appropriate to focus on al-Qaida, ISIS, violent extremist organizations, getting weapons of mass destruction. That was clearly the main focus of our national security. But what their strategies have been saying is that, yes, we need to continue to focus on that, but now we need to prioritize the great power competitionthat is upon us with China as the pacing threat. As you know, most Senators--Democrats and Republicans--particularly the ones who focus on national security and foreign policy issues, particularly those on the Armed Services Committee--they agree with us. They agree with this reorientation. Again, this is important. This is progress, bipartisan progress, on what is really going to be one of the most--what is the most important bilateral relationship in the world. What we need to start doing--and I say ``we,'' this body, the Congress, the executive branch--is we need to start putting details and principles into a long-term strategy, a bipartisan strategy that will be enduring to address this challenge, to address the challenge that is the challenge for the next decade--the rise of China and how we, as the United States of America, need to deal with it. As I mentioned, I believe this is going to be the defining national security issue for our Nation for the next 50 to 100 years. What I want to do today is lay out a couple of key principles on what I see are some of the ways in which we can bring a bipartisan approach to addressing this challenge. Last year, I was honored to be invited by the heritage center--the Heritage Foundation--as part of their lead lecture series on the Asia-Pacific to talk about this issue. I gave remarks, an address that I called ``Winning the New Cold War with China and How America Should Respond.'' Some of the principles that I laid out in that address from some of my experiences in the U.S. relationship with China over the last quarter century are what I would like to talk about. Those experiences for me have kind of run the gamut as a U.S. marine; as a National Security Council staffer and Assistant Secretary of State under the exceptional leader, Condoleezza Rice, when she was National Security Advisor and then Secretary of State; as the State of Alaska cabinet official in charge of energy and natural resources--which are so important to my State but also to Asian markets--and as a U.S. Senator. First things first: I believe, as I mentioned, there has been an awakening about the challenge posed by China. As I mentioned, 6 years ago in this body, not a lot of Senators were talking about it. Now everybody is, and that is important. I also think that there is a recognition--whatever you want to call the tensions that have arisen--that the U.S. and China have entered into a much more strategic competition era--phase--with tensions that I have referred to as a ``new Cold War'' with each other. This state of relations has only been exacerbated by the pandemic, which, of course, started in China and was covered up by the Chinese Communist Party. When I talk about this issue of a new Cold War with China, I want to be clear on one thing. This is not a challenge--or tensions--of our choosing. It is the result of a conscious decision by the Communist Party leadership of China to overturn key elements of the U.S.-led, rules-based international order, despite that order enabling China to emerge prosperous and strong from its so-called century of humiliation. This new Cold War is not an inevitable consequence of China's rise or our status as an established power. Rather, I believe, it stems from China's rejection of becoming a ``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system that the United States has led since the end of World War II--a system from which China probably, more than any other country in the world, has benefited from. But recognizing that we have this new tension, that we have a new Cold War with China, does not mean that the nature of the global challenge is identical to that posed by the Soviet Union or that our response should be the same. However, it does mean that the United States and our allies need to recognize this challenge, address it, counter it in ways that avoid major conflict but in ways that also avoid compromising our core values and interests and principles in liberty. Let me talk a little bit about what I call America's awakening. Since President Nixon initiated the opening of relationships with China, many hoped that the country's political and economic system would open as the country developed and joined this broader, Western-led international system. Others believed that even if the Chinese Communist Party remained in control, its external behavior and relationship with the United States would not be affected. When the United States supported Chinese entry into the World Trade Organization, President Bill Clinton remarked that American workers and consumers would be the greatest beneficiaries--American workers. Ultimately, this has proven not to be true. Equally misguided was the hope that as China grew economically, it would liberalize politically. The expectation was that China would lower its trade barriers and follow WTO practices, respecting intellectual property rights, promoting basic safety standards for exports, curbing subsidies of its main industries, and not subjecting imports--our imports--to illegal, nontariff barriers. None of that has turned out to be true. China did not meet most of its commitments under the WTO and still hasn't. Rather, it has employed its new access to Western markets--American markets--to pursue large-scale theft of technology, exploiting the openness of the American economy without allowing American companies reciprocal access to its markets as it is required to do. Let me give one example of this that I have seen in my experience. In 2003, over 17 years ago, I was in an Oval Office meeting as a National Security Council staffer with President George W. Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and the Vice Premier of China, Madam Wu Yi, at the time. The President, President Bush, strongly believed in the protection of intellectual property rights, and he raised this issue with Madam Wu Yi right there in the office--very aggressively, leaning over in his chair. Madam Wu Yi looked at the President of the United States and said: Mr. President, I am in charge of this. We are going to fix this. We are working on it. You have my commitment, Mr. President. That was in the Oval Office, 17 years ago. Where are we on intellectual property theft from China? It is worse today than when Madam Wu Yi made that commitment in the Oval Office. As a matter of fact, the U.S. Trade Representative Office estimates that Chinese theft of American intellectual property costs the U.S. economy an estimated $600 billion annually, not to mention the thousands of jobs lost. President Obama also tried to stem these blatantly unfair, nonreciprocal practices, but Beijing did not honor the common understanding reached by President Obama and Xi Jinping in 2015, curbing cyber hacking of government and corporate data for economic gain. Such theft continues unabated today. These episodes raise an even bigger problem between the United States and China. It is the problem that I call ``promise fatigue'' with China. Think about it. Broken promises extend well beyond the economic sphere, like intellectual property. Here is another example. Standing next to President Obama in the Rose Garden in 2015, President Xi Jinping promised the President of the United States not to militarize the South China Sea. The commitment was broken within months, when China took a very aggressive policy of militarizing many of the islands and built up islands in the South China Sea to the consternation of every single country in the region. After enduring this promise fatigue with the Chinese for decades, we, the Congress, the executive branch of the U.S. Government, are finally getting wise. Everybody thinks trade should be a win-win, but Chinese leaders appear to view it much more as a zero-sum game. Ironically, this promise fatigue and China's predatory, nonreciprocal trade practices have brought about--and did bring about--the new, much tougher, and, in my view, much needed approach from the Trump administration that we had prior to the pandemic. We have this situation where we are not trusting our relationship with China with promises that have been made but have not been kept across a whole host of spheres, where the tensions in the South China Sea are growing. But this current state of affairs was not preordained. In 2005, then Deputy Secretary of State and future World Bank President Robert Zoellick encouraged China in a very well-regarded speech to become a``responsible stakeholder'' in the international system, which had done so much to enable China's rise in prosperity. Zoellick's speech challenged China to change its behavior, to support and promote and, certainly, not undermine the U.S.-led economic order that had brought peace and prosperity to China and so many other countries in the Indo-Pacific. For a time, it appeared that China's leadership was contemplating this American offer to be a responsible stakeholder in this global system--the one that we had set up after World War II. In my trips as an Assistant Secretary of State to China, I heard China's leadership in many meetings--including in meetings with Hu Jintao, the President, and other senior leaders--where they talked about being a responsible stakeholder, where this invitation on working through the system we had developed was clearly something they were contemplating. But over time, it has become increasingly clear that the Chinese Communist Party has rejected this concept, this idea to be a partner with us in bolstering the international order that has benefited China so significantly. In fact, the opposite has happened. China is now working to systemically build an illiberal sphere of influence that threatens to exclude America and erode our alliances in the region that have kept the peace in the region for decades. The challenge we face today is rooted in the attempt by the Communist Party of China to popularize its authoritarian model abroad to ensure China's rise as a great power under the Communist Party's leadership. President Xi made this clear at the 19th Party Congress, where he championed China's model as a new option for other countries and nations that want to speed up their development. We must always remember, the Chinese Communist Party's primary goal in domestic and foreign policy is to ensure the survival and preeminence of the party. The key driver of U.S.-China competition and tension today is China's ambition to project its authoritarian model abroad. China's development under a Leninist political model serves as an inspiration for many illiberal actors and aspiring autocrats around the world. It uses its economic influence as a means of exerting political pressure. Additionally, Chinese companies and state-owned and state-subsidized industries are not bound by the anti-corruption laws that American and Western companies must adhere to. Chinese indifference to establishing standards of transparency, which we have certainly seen now with the pandemic, and project implementation through its Belt and Road Initiative result in elite deals that concede corruption abroad, weaken prospects for long-term prosperity, and undermine the sovereignty of weaker nations. China is seeking to undermine democracy and human rights and the rule of law and international institutions--from pushing its norms for controlling cyber space to silencing critics of its human rights record, including critics in the United States, to pushing for the enforcement of the Belt and Road Initiative at the United Nations. China is using its growing voice on the global stage to legitimize an approach at home and abroad that undermines American interests. A recent Hoover Institution study argues that China is looking to gain influence in the United States to shape attitudes and, ultimately, American policy toward China. And although we have not experienced the same level of political interference as, say, some of our allies, like Australia, where politicians and donors linked to the Chinese Communist Party try to sway the country's policies on sensitive issues, China is clearly engaged in what the National Endowment for Democracy calls a significant, sharp-powered campaign to influence American policy here at home. This recent spy scandal with a Congressman from California is just a recent example of this. Fortunately, the Trump administration and Members of Congress on both sides of the aisle have awakened to the long-term challenge that China poses to America's national security and economic security interests. As I noted, the Trump administration's more realistic approach on China, laid out in its national security strategy and national defense strategy, offers a clear-eyed view of Chinese ambitions and our need to counter them. At a time when there is not enough bipartisan agreement--although, I think there is more than, certainly, we get credit for--there is broad, bipartisan focus and support within the U.S. Government and, I believe, in the U.S. Senate on the strategic challenges posed by China. So we have had an important American awakening and a good beginning with the recent U.S. national security and national defense strategies, and I believe it is strongly in America's interest for the incoming Biden-Harris administration to continue these strategies that have strong bipartisan support here. In fact, in my recent meeting with Secretary of Defense nominee GEN Lloyd Austin, I encouraged such an approach on national security issues, particularly as it related to China. Yet these strategic documents that we are talking about need more meat on the bones. What are more details and principles that we can add to the national security strategy of our Nation that can ensure bipartisan support for a longer term U.S.-China strategy? Let me recommend five core elements that, I think, should be key in moving forward with regard to our relationship with China. First, we need to demand reciprocity in all major spheres of the U.S.-China relationship. Second, we need to reinvigorate American competitiveness so we can outcompete and outinnovate China. Third, we need to continue to rebuild our military's strength and capability. Fourth, we need to deepen and expand our global network of alliances. Finally, we need to remember that employing our democratic values is a huge, critical, comparative advantage in countering China's global authoritarian influence around the world. So let me briefly touch on each of these. First, we need to demand reciprocity. The United States must insist that the relationship with China be defined by reciprocity and fairness. For too long, the United States has ignored the promise fatigue--that I have talked about--with China and accepted unfulfilled Chinese promises across so many spheres of the bilateral relationship. You have seen it. When you raise the issue of reciprocity with senior Chinese officials, whether that be in Beijing or with the Ambassador, and they finally acknowledge that, yes, the relationship isn't reciprocal, they say it is because ``China is still a developing country.'' I would respectfully tell senior Chinese officials: Don't use that argument anymore. It is an insult to the intelligence of American officials. We need a reciprocal relationship because every American understands and agrees with this--that it is about fairness, basic fairness. I posed an important question of reciprocity to former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger at a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing a couple of years ago, and he acknowledged that, to have an important, sustainable, great-power relationship between two of the most important countries in the world, reciprocity was critical. The citizens of our country need to feel that the relationship is fair and that a general policy of reciprocity is important and critical in that regard, but we all know it hasn't been that way. The Trump administration has made significant progress on pressing for more reciprocal relationships in our trading relationships, which is very important, but we all know that the reciprocal relationship doesn't exist. Chinese companies and government-backed investment funds can come to the United States and buy companies, but we would have no opportunity to do the same. Yet it needs to go much further than economics. Let me give you an example. We need reciprocity in the free exchange of ideas. American journalists are not allowed to travel freely in China, and if they are not, then, why should Chinese journalists be allowed to travel freely in the United States? Similarly--and this body is focused on this--there are over 100 Confucius Institutes, established by the Chinese Communist Party, at American universities. When I was in Beijing a couple of years ago and met with senior Chinese officials, I mentioned this. I said: I was recently with the Ambassador, and he said that just to go on the campus of Beijing University you need to be accompanied by a Chineseofficial. So if there were real reciprocity in the relationship, if you can have Confucius Institutes at American universities, how about we get James Madison Institutes of freedom and liberty at Chinese universities? Of course, the Chinese wouldn't accept that. They said: Well, Senator, Confucius Institutes only teach culture and language, and a James Madison Institute of freedom and liberty and democracy in China would be teaching propaganda. That is what they said. This is just one of many examples wherein we must have a reciprocal relationship between the United States and China going forward. Second, we must reinvigorate American competitiveness. The United States is no stranger to global military and economic cooperation, as we have known throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Our comparative advantages globally remain significant, but we can and should do more to bolster other areas at home. We should bolster STEM education, double down on basic research, and support Federal agencies like the National Science Foundation. We need to be able to outcompete and outinnovate China, and, importantly, better understand China, its culture, its language, its history, and its strategy with the new generations of Americans who are focused on these issues, just as Russian and Soviet studies were emphasized during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Many of our most significant challenges--our national debt, infrastructure projects that take years to permit, an education system that leaves too many Americans behind, a dysfunctional immigration system--are all self-inflicted wounds. I believe that the real challenges posed by China, as they become more broadly apparent throughout our country, will start to spur the bipartisan motivation that will be needed to address these significant but solvable American challenges in order to make us stronger. Third, we must continue to rebuild our military. From 2010 to 2016, the Department of Defense's budget was slashed by 25 percent. Readiness plummeted, and at the same time, the Chinese undertook a massive building of its military and the modernization of its forces while it also made concrete moves to militarize the South China Sea. History shows, particularly with regard to America's authoritarian rival, that American military weakness encourages authoritarian provocations globally. We must make sure that, as we continue to engage China, a strong U.S. military provides a hedge against Beijing's contemplating risky and destabilizing military actions as its military strength and capabilities continue to grow. China has a long history of using its military to achieve strategic ends when countries are not ready, and we must be ready. As the Presiding Officer knows, I have mentioned that, gosh, almost 25 years ago, I was a young marine infantry officer who was deployed as part of an amphibious task force to the Taiwan Strait, which included two carrier battle groups as part of the U.S. response to Chinese provocations on the eve of the Presidential elections in Taiwan. It was a long time ago, but it was certainly an example of the American commitment and resolve of one of our allies during a period of heightened tensions in the Taiwan Strait that we need to remember and be able to react to with a strong military. Fourth, we need to expand and deepen our alliances. The recalibration of our relationship with China should be done in partnership with our allies. The cultivation and nurturing of these relationships must be a foundational pillar of any American strategy as it deals with China. Our greatest strategic advantage in dealing with China is this: We are now a rich nation with longstanding historical ties that have been reinforced by decades of diplomatic, military, and economic cooperation based on shared values with our friends and allies in the region. By contrast, China is an ally-poor nation, with North Korea as its closest friend and ally. The unity of the West and our Asian allies is essential to maintaining high global standards and transparency, accountability, anti-corruption, a peaceful resolution of conflict, and the importance of international law, particularly in the global areas of sea, space, and cyber space. Finally, we must employ America's democratic values as a critical comparative advantage. We should never forget that our democratic values were critical in our successful victory over the Soviet Union during the last Cold War. In President Reagan's famous Westminster speech before the British Parliament in 1982, in which he launched the National Endowment for Democracy, he argued that America would win the Cold War not through hard power alone but through the power of our ideals. As he reminded our audience and our close allies in Britain, ``Any system is inherently unstable that has no peaceful means of legitimizing its leaders.'' China's unelected leaders, like all authoritarians, ultimately fear their own people. Our leaders do not. It is fear that has driven China to develop an Orwellian social credit score to rank its people, while detaining as many as 1 million Chinese workers in concentration camps. Why else does the Chinese Communist Party invest so heavily in facial and gait recognition technology to monitor their own citizens? Why comprehensively censor the internet to preclude even the most glancing criticism of the Communist Party and its leaders? Why do China's internal security services employ more people than the People's Liberation Army, the world's largest military? The answer lies in fear, and the goal, above all else, to make sure the Communist Party remains in power. President Reagan saw the power and promise of our democratic ideals as a potent critical instrument to challenge America's global rival, then the Soviet Union, because the aspiration of freedom is universal and remains the core commonality that underpins the strongest partnerships of the United States with other nations. The belief that liberty, democracy, and free markets reflect and strengthen the size of our alliance system is something that is fundamental to the United States and our allies during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and now during our challenges with China. Helping countries protect their sovereignty so they can be responsive to their citizens and effective partners of our Nation is imperative at a time when Chinese influence risks pulling nations into a new ``Sinosphere'' hostile to American interests and our democratic ideals. Let me conclude by predicting that the new challenges I describe with China are going to be with us for decades. We must face this fact with confidence and strategic resolve and bipartisan work in the U.S. Senate. America has extraordinary advantages relative to China: our global network of alliances, our military power and economic leadership, our innovative society, our abundant energy supplies--we are now the No. 1 producer of oil, natural gas, and renewables in the world--our world-class universities, the world's most productive workforce, and a democratic value system that makes countries far more comfortable as American partners than subservient members of a new ``Middle Kingdom'' led by China. As a result of the long twilight struggle with the Soviet Union, we also know what works--maintaining peace through strength, promoting free markets and free people at home, and having the confidence in George Kennan's insight that the Chinese Communist Party, like the Soviet Communist Party, likely bears within it the seeds of its own decay. While democracies are resilient, adaptive, and self-renewing, there are many vulnerabilities embedded in China's perceived strengths. One-man rule creates acute political risks. Historical grievance can breed violent nationalism. State-directed economic growth can produce massive overcapacity and mountains of debt. The gradual snuffing out of freedom in places like Hong Kong creates spontaneous protests of tens of thousands and huge global backlashes across the world. China's budding military power and historical view of itself as a nation and culture superior to others is beginning to alarm neighboring states, inspiring them to step up security cooperation with our Nation. Nearly half of all wealthy Chinese want to emigrate--and these are the winners from China's four decades of heady economic growth. As we have in the past, Americans can prevail in this geopolitical and ideological contest, but doing so will require a new level of strategic initiative, organization, and confidence in who we are and what we stand for. This also means that we must redouble our efforts in making this strategic case to others around the world, particularly our allies, and we must continue to work on bipartisan solutions that have enduring support in this body for decades to come as it relates to our challenges with China. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SULLIVAN | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7904-2 | null | 1,989 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Ms. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, this is the time of year when we all look forward to wrapping things up, as they say. Many around the country, when they think about wrapping things up, think about presents that they are going to put under the tree for their family. We think about it as closing up business for the balance of the year, and that is really where we are. Hopefully, in a couple hours here, the House will proceed in taking up the omnibus bill, along with the COVID relief package, along with a host of other matters that the Congress has been working to address in this past year. I would like to speak this evening for a few moments on the significance of where we are, but I want to start with just a story that I just now received from one of my staff people back in Alaska, and she got a video from the medical staff at the Sub-Regional Clinic there at St. Mary's. St. Mary's is a small community up on the Yukon River, and probably, I would say, 500 people, maybe more, in St. Mary's. But it is just a reminder to me that, regardless of where you are, hope is coming with the vaccine. The comment that she shared is this video, a pictorial of the health aides, the PA--the physician's assistant--and personnel getting their COVID shots. It was 13 degrees out. And the mobile office where the vaccine was administered was inside a chartered Cessna 208 Caravan sitting on the airport tarmac there in St. Mary's. After the shot, she and her staff hung out in their heated trucks for about a half an hour to see if they had any allergic reactions. When none showed signs, the Caravan took off to the next village airport. It is just an example that no matter where you are, how remote you may be, the logistics that may be required to provide for this hope that comes by way of the vaccine. People around the country are hopeful. Our job now, as we wrap up, is to make sure that we deliver this relief quickly. I mention the COVID relief. I have been fortunate to be teaming with a bipartisan, bicameral group of lawmakers for the past 5 or 6 weeks to see if we couldn't come up with a proposal that could kick-start the COVID talks. We have had an opportunity for many of us to come to the floor to speak to not only how that came to be but the ultimate result, which was a multihundred-page document, legislation, that totaled $908 billion. But it addressed everything from vaccine development and distribution to what we are going to do to assist our small businesses with additional rounds of PPP, to extensions to unemployment insurance, to what we can do with food assistance, nutrition assistance, and what more might be done to help with rental assistance. It was truly responsive to the need. Where we are today is having moved that conversation and that debate forward, I think, in a constructive, in a positive way. We are here with a proposal that looks different than what we had produced, but that is the nature of what happens in a body where you have to come together to sort out the issues. And what we will have is legislation that, again, like the CARES Act, is likely going to be proven imperfect, but we have to respond to the situation on the ground, whether it is in Alaska or whether it is in Arkansas, and we cannot do it too soon. So this is going to be key, and it is going to be critical. I am very pleased that legislation that I had introduced that would extend the coronavirus relief funding--the opportunity for States and localities and Tribal governments to be able to spend those funds down. Running up against the deadline here of the end of this year was a real concern for so many, and so that has been included as part of this bigger package, in addition to so much that is good. The carrier for all of this is the Omnibus appropriations bill. I have been really pleased to be a member of the Appropriations Committee. For some years now, I have been chairing the Appropriations Interior Subcommittee. This is significant, certainly, for our State, with oversight of our public lands, and also of Native affairs, including the EPA. It is a pretty broad portfolio. We have been working on this dutifully as a subcommittee all year--all year. I certainly wish that I had had the opportunity to be able to bring my bill--our bill--to the floor for full debate by all Members, and then we could move to the Ag bill, to the T-HUD bill, to the Defense bill--do them all separately. But for a host of different reasons--most of them all come back to politics--unfortunately, we have not been able to do that. That is something that I regret. That is something that I would hope that we, as Members of the Senate, can say: We can do better. We pledge to do it better every year. We put our colleagues in a heck of a spot. Not all of us are on the Appropriations Committee. Not all of us have the privilege to be a chairman or a ranking member and know the guts and the insides of each aspect of these bills. But we come here with a process like this at a late hour, and we say: This is one where you need to know that we have been working it hard. We have taken into account all the priorities and considerations on both sides. We worked it back and forth. We worked it with the House, and here we are. But this is not a good process. We can and we must do better with that. Now, having said that, I am very proud of the Interior bill that we have built. I am proud of my staff. We were a little bit leaner this year in terms of our staffing, but with good leadership, led by Emy Lesofski and Nona, as well as Lucas on the team, we were able to do the work that we needed to do and in a way that I am proud of and proud of their efforts. There is so much that is wrapped up in this bigger, broader bill, and I think it is going to almost be gaspworthy when you see the 5,000-some-odd pages I am told that we will have. It is not only the appropriations. It is the COVID bills. It is the water resources development bill, the WRDA bill--very, very significant. There are good bills from the Indian Affairs Committee that I have participated in, water bills that we have been working on. But the one that I want to speak to a little more in detail this evening--and I was hoping that my ranking member, Senator Manchin, might be here on the floor, but not yet--but I wanted to speak about title Z in the omnibus bill. Z, I just imagine that they put it at the end because they figured it was the best or maybe because they knew that the process that the Energy Act had gone through had probably been more rigorous and lengthy than just about anything out there. But Z we are at. I begin my comments with regard to this Energy Act that is contained in this bill by acknowledging that I am probably speaking on the floor for the last time as the chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee because I have hit my limit, if you will. I have had the honor and the privilege to be both the chairman and the ranking member on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee now for a total of 12 years, which is pretty good. It is pretty good to be in a position to be able to advance legislative policy. I have been very, very fortunate to work with great members. Senator Bingaman was the chairman when I was his ranking and, of course, I was with Senator Wyden as the ranking member when he was chairman. I have had the great privilege to work with Senator Cantwell when I was the chairman and now Senator Manchin. I think about these past 2 years and what we have been able to accomplish and just kind of the recap of where we have been and how productive we have been as a panel. We started this Congress with passage of the John D. Dingell, Jr., Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. This is a bipartisan package of more than 120 different measures focused on public lands, natural resources, and water. We had worked on a lands package throughout the last several months of 2018. I want to give former Ranking Member Cantwell a real big shout-out here because her leadership was very key in that process. We weren't able to get it across the finish line at the end of the last Congress, but we reintroduced it in January of 2019. We passed it through the Senate in February, and the President signed it into law in March. That was a pretty good start--120 bipartisan bills. These were bills, when you think about it, that related to national parks, to forests, to sportsmen's access. We delivered on the Federal Government's promises to Alaska Natives who served during the Vietnam war. We permanently reauthorized the Land and Water Conservation Fund, and we provided new authorities to help protect from natural hazards such as volcanic eruptions. I will note that the Kilauea just erupted on the Big Island of Hawaii. I believe it was yesterday or the day before. So it is important to be addressing our natural hazards. We did that at the beginning of the Congress. Then Senator Manchin and I set our sights on something that hadn't been done in a long time, and that was modernization of our Nation's energy policies to make real reforms and bring them in line with our current challenges and our opportunities. So we started with some very broad--very broad-based--hearings and then took a very specific and deep dive into some of the issues and the technologies. Then we started moving bills. We were negotiating and we were reporting dozens of bills as part of our regular order committee process. Knowing how things work around here, we knew we weren't going to be able to move them each individually as stand-alone bills, so we wrapped them up into a broader bill. We called it the American Energy Innovation Act. We brought that bill to the floor in February. We were going just great. We were working through, and it was kind of nice, again, to be the first bill on the floor when we began our legislative business. And we stalled out. We were interrupted. We were taken off the track by an unrelated dispute over a measure that is jurisdictional to another committee, and this was just at the start of the global coronavirus pandemic. But I said: We are not done. We are not stopping just because we hit a roadblock here. We are going to keep working. We kept working. We kept working, and we kept looking for a way to pass the first major Energy bill since 2007--and 2007 is a long time that we hadn't updated and reworked our energy policy, so it was worth working on. I kept saying: Don't count us out. Don't write us off. Over the past few months, we found that opening. We worked with really good partners over on the House side over at Energy and Commerce and the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, and we wrote what we have called simply the Energy Act of 2020--pretty simple, pretty beautiful, in my opinion. But our Energy Act is included now as division Z in the year-end omnibus. It provides for reforms and new authorities related to a range of emerging technologies, including advanced nuclear; carbon capture, utilization, and storage; carbon removal; renewables; and energy storage. It reauthorizes programs that many of us are supportive of and want to advance: Weatherization Assistance and ARPA-E. It features the bulk of my language related to critical minerals and materials to help us rebuild our domestic supply chains, which we know are so critical. It reflects our strong commitment to cleaner energy to help us address climate change without raising the cost of energy or imposing divisive mandates. So I would suggest to the Presiding Officer that this Energy bill is just the perfect bookend for this Congress. What started as a major lands package is now going to end with a major energy package. Again, as I mentioned, it has been since 2007. It is the first Energy bill--the energy side of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee--the first Energy bill in almost 13 years. It was President George W. Bush who signed the last one on December 19, 2007. So I want to thank Ranking Member Manchin for his leadership on the energy package, as well as all of the committee members who contributed to it. We had great help within our committee. We had great help within this body. At last count we were looking at input and contributions from some 70 different Members. I also want to acknowledge the extraordinary work of the staffs. I had the opportunity to give a tribute to my staff director, Brian Hughes, who is leaving after many years on the committee. He did a fabulous job of advancing this, as did Spencer Nelson, Pat McCormick, Annie Hoefler, Lucy Murfitt. There were so many others. That team was extraordinary. But they were joined by an extraordinary team that Senator Manchin had, led by his staff director, Renae Black, and other individuals there who really helped us advance this--Sam Fowler and so many. We can't thank them enough. I also want to really give sincere thanks to our House partners because they were this ``six corner'' working group here: Frank Pallone, the chairman at Energy and Commerce and the ranking member, Greg Walden; the Science chairwoman, Bernice Johnson, and the ranking member, Frank Lucas. We could not have reached an agreement without their leadership and their willingness to work together. I also want to acknowledge and thank Leader McConnell and Senator Schumer for agreeing to work with us and help us secure this opening and this commitment. I can't remember how many times Leader McConnell had said: You know, Lisa, you are probably going to figure out a way to pull a rabbit out of the hat here. And I don't know if this is a rabbit out of the hat, but I think persistence certainly has paid off. So I want to thank the teams who really helped to make this happen. In addition to a good energy bill, the year-end omnibus also includes the bipartisan water package featuring nine provisions that are important to Western States, such as Colorado, Montana, and Arizona. Lane Dickson on my Energy Committee staff was fabulous there. We added a few more lands bills into the final package. Lucy and Annie helped us on that. We really have worked to advance so much out of the committee. All of these accomplishments--our lands package, our energy package, our water package, the lands bills that we tried to add to everything that moved and occasionally passed by UC, and measures I haven't spoken to, including the Great American Outdoors Act--these are all the hallmarks of a highly productive Congress and the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee. I am pleased to have been able to shepherd these measures into law. But what I am proud of--more than any piece of legislation, more than anything out there in the time that I have been able to lead this committee, what I am most proud of is the bipartisan way in which this committee has operated. Our commitment to bipartisanship has produced continually good results for our country. What I found as ranking member and now as chairman is that there is simply no substitute for working together and across party lines to find agreement wherever it is possible. So I thank Senator Manchin for following that same approach, to our committee colleagues for their own bipartisanship and collegiality, to our House colleagues who have helped us with that. I see that my friend from the great State of Washington and Pacific Northwest is here, and I want Senator Cantwell to know that as I have spoken of the accomplishments of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, I am very thankful and appreciative of her leadership and what she has provided over the years. Working together with her team, we have accomplished good things for the right reasons. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. MURKOWSKI | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7908 | null | 1,990 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Ms. MURKOWSKI. Mr. President, this is the time of year when we all look forward to wrapping things up, as they say. Many around the country, when they think about wrapping things up, think about presents that they are going to put under the tree for their family. We think about it as closing up business for the balance of the year, and that is really where we are. Hopefully, in a couple hours here, the House will proceed in taking up the omnibus bill, along with the COVID relief package, along with a host of other matters that the Congress has been working to address in this past year. I would like to speak this evening for a few moments on the significance of where we are, but I want to start with just a story that I just now received from one of my staff people back in Alaska, and she got a video from the medical staff at the Sub-Regional Clinic there at St. Mary's. St. Mary's is a small community up on the Yukon River, and probably, I would say, 500 people, maybe more, in St. Mary's. But it is just a reminder to me that, regardless of where you are, hope is coming with the vaccine. The comment that she shared is this video, a pictorial of the health aides, the PA--the physician's assistant--and personnel getting their COVID shots. It was 13 degrees out. And the mobile office where the vaccine was administered was inside a chartered Cessna 208 Caravan sitting on the airport tarmac there in St. Mary's. After the shot, she and her staff hung out in their heated trucks for about a half an hour to see if they had any allergic reactions. When none showed signs, the Caravan took off to the next village airport. It is just an example that no matter where you are, how remote you may be, the logistics that may be required to provide for this hope that comes by way of the vaccine. People around the country are hopeful. Our job now, as we wrap up, is to make sure that we deliver this relief quickly. I mention the COVID relief. I have been fortunate to be teaming with a bipartisan, bicameral group of lawmakers for the past 5 or 6 weeks to see if we couldn't come up with a proposal that could kick-start the COVID talks. We have had an opportunity for many of us to come to the floor to speak to not only how that came to be but the ultimate result, which was a multihundred-page document, legislation, that totaled $908 billion. But it addressed everything from vaccine development and distribution to what we are going to do to assist our small businesses with additional rounds of PPP, to extensions to unemployment insurance, to what we can do with food assistance, nutrition assistance, and what more might be done to help with rental assistance. It was truly responsive to the need. Where we are today is having moved that conversation and that debate forward, I think, in a constructive, in a positive way. We are here with a proposal that looks different than what we had produced, but that is the nature of what happens in a body where you have to come together to sort out the issues. And what we will have is legislation that, again, like the CARES Act, is likely going to be proven imperfect, but we have to respond to the situation on the ground, whether it is in Alaska or whether it is in Arkansas, and we cannot do it too soon. So this is going to be key, and it is going to be critical. I am very pleased that legislation that I had introduced that would extend the coronavirus relief funding--the opportunity for States and localities and Tribal governments to be able to spend those funds down. Running up against the deadline here of the end of this year was a real concern for so many, and so that has been included as part of this bigger package, in addition to so much that is good. The carrier for all of this is the Omnibus appropriations bill. I have been really pleased to be a member of the Appropriations Committee. For some years now, I have been chairing the Appropriations Interior Subcommittee. This is significant, certainly, for our State, with oversight of our public lands, and also of Native affairs, including the EPA. It is a pretty broad portfolio. We have been working on this dutifully as a subcommittee all year--all year. I certainly wish that I had had the opportunity to be able to bring my bill--our bill--to the floor for full debate by all Members, and then we could move to the Ag bill, to the T-HUD bill, to the Defense bill--do them all separately. But for a host of different reasons--most of them all come back to politics--unfortunately, we have not been able to do that. That is something that I regret. That is something that I would hope that we, as Members of the Senate, can say: We can do better. We pledge to do it better every year. We put our colleagues in a heck of a spot. Not all of us are on the Appropriations Committee. Not all of us have the privilege to be a chairman or a ranking member and know the guts and the insides of each aspect of these bills. But we come here with a process like this at a late hour, and we say: This is one where you need to know that we have been working it hard. We have taken into account all the priorities and considerations on both sides. We worked it back and forth. We worked it with the House, and here we are. But this is not a good process. We can and we must do better with that. Now, having said that, I am very proud of the Interior bill that we have built. I am proud of my staff. We were a little bit leaner this year in terms of our staffing, but with good leadership, led by Emy Lesofski and Nona, as well as Lucas on the team, we were able to do the work that we needed to do and in a way that I am proud of and proud of their efforts. There is so much that is wrapped up in this bigger, broader bill, and I think it is going to almost be gaspworthy when you see the 5,000-some-odd pages I am told that we will have. It is not only the appropriations. It is the COVID bills. It is the water resources development bill, the WRDA bill--very, very significant. There are good bills from the Indian Affairs Committee that I have participated in, water bills that we have been working on. But the one that I want to speak to a little more in detail this evening--and I was hoping that my ranking member, Senator Manchin, might be here on the floor, but not yet--but I wanted to speak about title Z in the omnibus bill. Z, I just imagine that they put it at the end because they figured it was the best or maybe because they knew that the process that the Energy Act had gone through had probably been more rigorous and lengthy than just about anything out there. But Z we are at. I begin my comments with regard to this Energy Act that is contained in this bill by acknowledging that I am probably speaking on the floor for the last time as the chairman of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee because I have hit my limit, if you will. I have had the honor and the privilege to be both the chairman and the ranking member on the Energy and Natural Resources Committee now for a total of 12 years, which is pretty good. It is pretty good to be in a position to be able to advance legislative policy. I have been very, very fortunate to work with great members. Senator Bingaman was the chairman when I was his ranking and, of course, I was with Senator Wyden as the ranking member when he was chairman. I have had the great privilege to work with Senator Cantwell when I was the chairman and now Senator Manchin. I think about these past 2 years and what we have been able to accomplish and just kind of the recap of where we have been and how productive we have been as a panel. We started this Congress with passage of the John D. Dingell, Jr., Conservation, Management, and Recreation Act. This is a bipartisan package of more than 120 different measures focused on public lands, natural resources, and water. We had worked on a lands package throughout the last several months of 2018. I want to give former Ranking Member Cantwell a real big shout-out here because her leadership was very key in that process. We weren't able to get it across the finish line at the end of the last Congress, but we reintroduced it in January of 2019. We passed it through the Senate in February, and the President signed it into law in March. That was a pretty good start--120 bipartisan bills. These were bills, when you think about it, that related to national parks, to forests, to sportsmen's access. We delivered on the Federal Government's promises to Alaska Natives who served during the Vietnam war. We permanently reauthorized the Land and Water Conservation Fund, and we provided new authorities to help protect from natural hazards such as volcanic eruptions. I will note that the Kilauea just erupted on the Big Island of Hawaii. I believe it was yesterday or the day before. So it is important to be addressing our natural hazards. We did that at the beginning of the Congress. Then Senator Manchin and I set our sights on something that hadn't been done in a long time, and that was modernization of our Nation's energy policies to make real reforms and bring them in line with our current challenges and our opportunities. So we started with some very broad--very broad-based--hearings and then took a very specific and deep dive into some of the issues and the technologies. Then we started moving bills. We were negotiating and we were reporting dozens of bills as part of our regular order committee process. Knowing how things work around here, we knew we weren't going to be able to move them each individually as stand-alone bills, so we wrapped them up into a broader bill. We called it the American Energy Innovation Act. We brought that bill to the floor in February. We were going just great. We were working through, and it was kind of nice, again, to be the first bill on the floor when we began our legislative business. And we stalled out. We were interrupted. We were taken off the track by an unrelated dispute over a measure that is jurisdictional to another committee, and this was just at the start of the global coronavirus pandemic. But I said: We are not done. We are not stopping just because we hit a roadblock here. We are going to keep working. We kept working. We kept working, and we kept looking for a way to pass the first major Energy bill since 2007--and 2007 is a long time that we hadn't updated and reworked our energy policy, so it was worth working on. I kept saying: Don't count us out. Don't write us off. Over the past few months, we found that opening. We worked with really good partners over on the House side over at Energy and Commerce and the House Science, Space, and Technology Committee, and we wrote what we have called simply the Energy Act of 2020--pretty simple, pretty beautiful, in my opinion. But our Energy Act is included now as division Z in the year-end omnibus. It provides for reforms and new authorities related to a range of emerging technologies, including advanced nuclear; carbon capture, utilization, and storage; carbon removal; renewables; and energy storage. It reauthorizes programs that many of us are supportive of and want to advance: Weatherization Assistance and ARPA-E. It features the bulk of my language related to critical minerals and materials to help us rebuild our domestic supply chains, which we know are so critical. It reflects our strong commitment to cleaner energy to help us address climate change without raising the cost of energy or imposing divisive mandates. So I would suggest to the Presiding Officer that this Energy bill is just the perfect bookend for this Congress. What started as a major lands package is now going to end with a major energy package. Again, as I mentioned, it has been since 2007. It is the first Energy bill--the energy side of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee--the first Energy bill in almost 13 years. It was President George W. Bush who signed the last one on December 19, 2007. So I want to thank Ranking Member Manchin for his leadership on the energy package, as well as all of the committee members who contributed to it. We had great help within our committee. We had great help within this body. At last count we were looking at input and contributions from some 70 different Members. I also want to acknowledge the extraordinary work of the staffs. I had the opportunity to give a tribute to my staff director, Brian Hughes, who is leaving after many years on the committee. He did a fabulous job of advancing this, as did Spencer Nelson, Pat McCormick, Annie Hoefler, Lucy Murfitt. There were so many others. That team was extraordinary. But they were joined by an extraordinary team that Senator Manchin had, led by his staff director, Renae Black, and other individuals there who really helped us advance this--Sam Fowler and so many. We can't thank them enough. I also want to really give sincere thanks to our House partners because they were this ``six corner'' working group here: Frank Pallone, the chairman at Energy and Commerce and the ranking member, Greg Walden; the Science chairwoman, Bernice Johnson, and the ranking member, Frank Lucas. We could not have reached an agreement without their leadership and their willingness to work together. I also want to acknowledge and thank Leader McConnell and Senator Schumer for agreeing to work with us and help us secure this opening and this commitment. I can't remember how many times Leader McConnell had said: You know, Lisa, you are probably going to figure out a way to pull a rabbit out of the hat here. And I don't know if this is a rabbit out of the hat, but I think persistence certainly has paid off. So I want to thank the teams who really helped to make this happen. In addition to a good energy bill, the year-end omnibus also includes the bipartisan water package featuring nine provisions that are important to Western States, such as Colorado, Montana, and Arizona. Lane Dickson on my Energy Committee staff was fabulous there. We added a few more lands bills into the final package. Lucy and Annie helped us on that. We really have worked to advance so much out of the committee. All of these accomplishments--our lands package, our energy package, our water package, the lands bills that we tried to add to everything that moved and occasionally passed by UC, and measures I haven't spoken to, including the Great American Outdoors Act--these are all the hallmarks of a highly productive Congress and the Senate Energy and Natural Resources Committee. I am pleased to have been able to shepherd these measures into law. But what I am proud of--more than any piece of legislation, more than anything out there in the time that I have been able to lead this committee, what I am most proud of is the bipartisan way in which this committee has operated. Our commitment to bipartisanship has produced continually good results for our country. What I found as ranking member and now as chairman is that there is simply no substitute for working together and across party lines to find agreement wherever it is possible. So I thank Senator Manchin for following that same approach, to our committee colleagues for their own bipartisanship and collegiality, to our House colleagues who have helped us with that. I see that my friend from the great State of Washington and Pacific Northwest is here, and I want Senator Cantwell to know that as I have spoken of the accomplishments of the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, I am very thankful and appreciative of her leadership and what she has provided over the years. Working together with her team, we have accomplished good things for the right reasons. I yield the floor. | 2020-01-06 | Ms. MURKOWSKI | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7908 | null | 1,991 |
formal | middle class | null | racist | CASE Act Mr. KENNEDY, Mr. President, after many years of work to ensure small creators have a voice, I am glad to share the Copyright Alternatives in Small-Claims Enforcement Act, also known as CASE Act, passed the House and Senate and is awaiting the President's signature. This bipartisan and bicameral legislation is critical for protecting the creative middle class in Louisiana and across America who rely upon commercializing their creative works for their livelihood. Photographers, visual artists, independent movie directors, musicians, authors, and other creators who make up the creative middle class rely on copyright to protect their works from unauthorized reproduction. However, under current law, copyright owners with small infringement claims cannot obtain relief because district court litigation costs are higher than the damages sought. That is where CASE Act comes in. This legislation creates the Copyright Claims Board within the U.S. Copyright Office to provide a simple, quick, and less expensive forum for small copyright owners to enforce their rights. The creation of this bill began more than 7 years ago. In 2013, after a comprehensive study, the U.S. Copyright Office made several legislative recommendations to help independent creators in enforcing their constitutionally protected copyrights. Since then, Congress has worked in lock-step with the U.S. Copyright Office to create a framework to accomplish this goal. That framework culminated in CASE Act. In response to concerns raised by the library community, the bill now includes a blanket opt-out provision for libraries and archives. This opt-out is expressly limited to activities covered by section 108 of the Copyright Act. It does not apply to activities that fall outside that section, such as websites making and offering unlicensed copies of works. A library or archive must remain in full compliance with section 108 at all times to be eligible for the blanket opt-out privilege and would lose its eligibility for the blanket opt-out if, at any time, it is found to have violated any of the conditions throughout section 108. I want to extend my gratitude to the photographers, musicians, artists, authors, and many other creators who have helped make the passage of CASE Act a success. There are so many individuals who have been instrumental increating and passing this legislation that I cannot possibly name them all here, but a few groups that deserve special recognition are Copyright Alliance, Professional Photographers of America, Professional Photographers of Louisiana, American Bar Association, American Intellectual Property Law Association, American Society of Media Photographers, Association of American Publishers, Authors Guild, Graphic Artists Guild, Recording Academy, Songwriters Guild of America, and U.S. Chamber of Commerce. I also want to thank my staff, who worked tireless hours wading through copyright law to ensure we ended up with the best bill possible. And thank you to my colleagues in the House and Senate, particularly Senator Dick Durbin and our original cosponsors, for supporting this legislation and agreeing to its passage. | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7930-5 | null | 1,992 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Mr. TILLIS. Mr. President, today I want to say a word about the need to revise title 18 so that criminal commercial enterprises that stream pirated content to users are subject to the same felony penalties as criminal commercial enterprises that distribute to users or reproduce pirated content. The provisions of the Protecting Lawful Streaming Act target clearly criminal conduct committed with criminal intent. Lawful internet and streaming services, licensees, other mainstream businesses, and users engaged in ordinary activities do not risk prosecution. Most importantly, businesses engaged in those activities are clearly excluded by the requirements that a defendant be engaged in conduct that is primarily designed, intentionally marketed, or has no commercially significant purpose or use other than for use in illegal streaming. Nor do those engaged in noncommercial activities risk prosecution under this statute. Noncommercial activities are explicitly excluded by the terms of section 2319C(a). It is intended that none of these activities shall be subject to any risk of criminal prosecution under this bill. More generally, it is well established that criminal penalties are the exception rather than the rule in cases of copyright infringement. As the Department of Justice itself has noted, criminal sanctions are appropriate only with respect to certain types of infringement--generally when infringer knows the infringement is wrong, and when the infringement is particularly serious or the type of case renders civil enforcement by copyright owners especially difficult. As such, criminal prosecution has been and is appropriately reserved for serious forms of large-scale, commercial infringement, not as a means of targeting ordinary business disputes between legitimate companies or those which are otherwise adequately addressed through civil litigation. The new section 2319C, in particular, requires willfulness, which means that the statute does not apply in the absence of an intentional violation of a known legal duty. Consistent with this, a provider of broadband internet access service would not be subject to prosecution under this statute, for example, based merely on the attributes or features of its service, nor could prosecution be predicated on the misuse of its service by its customers or others in furtherance of an infringement scheme, where the service provider does not itself share the requisite criminal intent of the underlying substantive offense and act with specific intent to further it. In this regard, offering high-speed connections that allow its customers to access the internet, failing to block or disable access to particular online locations, or failing to take measures to restrict the use of or deny its customers access to such service would not be sufficient to demonstrate the requisite criminal intent under the bill. This conduct would also not otherwise meet the prerequisites under the aiding and abetting statute, regardless of whether the broadband internet access service provider might be civilly liable in such circumstances under the differing standards for contributory or vicarious liability. A person who willfully and for purposes of commercial advantage or private financial gain offers or provides to the public a digital transmission service violates the statute under section 2319C(a)(3) when that person intentionally promotes or directs the promotion of its use in publicly performing works protected under title 17 without the authority of the copyright owner or the law. The language of section 2319C makes clear that it is the offering of an illicit digital transmission service, as defined by section 2319C(a)(1)-(3), that is an offense, not the marketing activities done by or at the direction of a person offering an illicit digital transmission service, as referred to in section 2319C(a)(3). Thus, an entity that provides only commercial online marketing services and does not itself also provide an illicit digital transmission service would not be subject to prosecution under section 2319C(a). Further, it is not the intent of this legislation to create potential aiding and abetting liability for mainstream third party ad networks or marketers. An online marketing services provider could be liable for aiding and abetting an unrelated entity providing unlawful streaming services only where the online marketing services provider shared the same requisite criminal intent of each element of the underlying substantive offense and acted with specific intent to further it. Thus, an online marketing services provider which places an advertisement for an entity that is violating section 2319C(a) would face aiding and abetting liability only if the online marketing services provider was itself associated with the criminal venture of the illicit digital transmission service to such an extent that it shares the criminal intent of the person offering the service and acted with the requisite specific intent to commit or facilitate the underlying offense. Similarly, a service that streams content uploaded by users would not be subject to prosecution merely because some users might upload infringing content. The service would be subject to criminal liability only if it had the requisite criminal intent and acted with specific intent to further it. The provisions of this statute also do not apply to any person acting in good faith and with an objectively reasonable basis in law to believe that their conduct is lawful. Thus, a bona fide commercial dispute over the scope or existence of a contract or license governing such conduct or a good-faith dispute regarding whether a particular activity is authorized by the Copyright Act would not provide a basis for prosecution. For example, neither a cloud-based DVR service nor an application provided by a multichannel video programming distributor, MVPD, to enable such MVPD's customers to access its video service utilizing a mobile device, which were the subject of prior civil copyright infringement challenges based on good faith disagreements regarding the scope of rights under the Copyright Act, would be actionable under this provision if the provider offering such services met this standard. By contrast, a party that merely asserts an applicable contract, an exception, or a belief that the person's conduct was lawful, in a case where the assertion is not made in good-faith, is merely a pretense, or is otherwise not based on an objectively reasonable interpretation of the law, would not avoid prosecution on that basis. The statute provides for an enhanced penalty in section 2319C(b)(2) for someone who knowingly commits an offense in connection with 1 or more works being prepared for commercial public performance. The ``should have known'' standard in section 2319C(b)(2) applies only after a finder of fact determines beyond a reasonable doubt that the person committed an offense under subsection (a). The ``should have known'' standard should not be conflated with the standards of willfulness, not primarily designed, no commercially significant purpose, and intentionality set forth in section 2319C(a), all of which define the underlying offense and are intended to protect lawful internet and streaming services, content licensees, and noncommercial users. Finally, the statute in section 2319C(d)(3) defines a work being prepared for commercial public performance, based on the definition of ``work being prepared for commercial distribution'' in section 506(a)(3) of the Copyright Act, while updating that definition to account for the challenges of piracy in the modern streaming environment. Section 2319C reflects thefact that infringement threatens unique harm when it occurs prior to or in the earliest windows of commercial availability. The definition in 2319C(d)(3) recognizes that in the modem streaming environment, not all motion pictures are developed for theatrical distribution. The updated definition of a ``work being prepared for commercial public performance'' affords appropriately enhanced penalties for violations of the statute involving pre- and just-released film and television content, whether in a first theatrical window or immediately upon release to the public via a streaming or other platform. The legislation does not make corresponding changes to the definition of ``work made for commercial distribution'' in section 506(a)(3). Whether it is appropriate to harmonize the definitions is a question that is beyond the scope of this particular legislation, which does not otherwise make changes to title 17. Section 2319C(d)(1) defines ``motion picture'' as defined in the Copyright Act, which includes nontheatrical motion pictures, television shows, and broadcasts of live events. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. TILLIS | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7931 | null | 1,993 |
formal | Baltimore | null | racist | Mr. SHELBY. Mr. President, I rise today to pay tribute to my friend and former colleague, Senator Paul Sarbanes, who passed away December 6, 2020. I join the entire Nation in mourning his passing. Paul was born in Salisbury, MD, on February 3, 1933. His first job was busing tables and washing dishes at his parents' restaurant on Maryland's Eastern Shore. He attended Princeton University, where he received the Moses Taylor Pryne Honor Prize, Princeton's highest undergraduate honor. He was a Rhodes Scholar, which earned him admission to Balliol College of the University of Oxford in Oxford, England. Upon his return to the United States, Paul attended Harvard Law School. In the early 1960s, Paul Sarbanes clerked for Fourth Circuit Judge Morris A. Soper before entering private practice with two Baltimore law firms. In 1966, Paul ran for the Maryland House of Delegates in Baltimore City, where he served on both the Judiciary and the Ways and Means Committees. Four years later in 1970, Sarbanes was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, representing Maryland's Fourth and later Maryland's Third Congressional Districts from 1971 to 1977. Paul continued his public service when he was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1976. Senator Sarbanes served Maryland well. He sat on many committees but was chairman of the Senate Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs Committee prior to my years as chairman. After serving five terms in the U.S. Senate, Paul retired to Maryland in 2007. The same year, he earned the Foreign Language Advocacy Award from the Northeast Conference on the Teaching of Foreign Languages in recognition of his lifelong commitment to the ancient world's values and languages. Paul was admired by many and will be missed by his sons, John and Michael, his daughter, Janet, and his seven grandchildren. He was known for his intellect and tenacity and will be remembered for his devotion to Maryland and the Nation. I ask the entire Senate to join me in recognizing and honoring the life of Paul Sarbanes. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. SHELBY | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7935 | null | 1,994 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Mr. JONES. Mr. President, as I mentioned in my farewell speech last week, I also wanted to spend a few final moments here on the Senate floor honoring my incredible staff. As the first Democrat elected to the Senate from Alabama in two decades, I had no idea how many brilliant young folks would want to come work in my offices, but we were absolutely overwhelmed with the talent my election attracted--and not just from Alabama--we had applicants from all over the country. We of course tried to give priority to folks from Alabama, but we did have a few from other States who brought special expertise and who, after just a short time with us, became honorary Alabamians. Some of my staff came from other Senate or House offices where they had been biding their time, hoping 1 day to work for an Alabama Democratic Senator. Their experience was critical. Some staff members brought no legislative experience at all, but they were quick and eager learners and got up to speed unbelievably fast. What they allhad in common was a deep and sincere commitment to doing the right thing for the right reasons. There were very few shortcuts and very few easy decisions, but we all worked hard to understand the issues backwards and forwards and to do our best for the people of Alabama and for our country. Although each member of the staff was acutely aware that I would have to stand for reelection in just 3 short years, they were as committed as I was to not let political considerations enter into our deliberations. Instead we focused on the needs of our constituents, big and small, and doing all we could to make sure those needs were met. Over the past 3 years, we have become a family, and we have had some fun to boot. Equally important, we have gotten things done. We led or coled over 20 bipartisan bills that were signed into law. We mustered enough support to finally repeal the Widow's Tax. We secured permanent Federal funding for HBCUs and minority-serving institutions. We made things easier for folks applying for Federal student loans. We secured authorizations and appropriations for hundreds of millions of dollars in funding for defense-related projects in Alabama. We set up a process to collect and make available to the public the Federal records from unsolved civil rights crimes. We completed 2,094 requests for casework help and responded to hundreds of thousands of calls, letters, and emails from Alabama constituents. We submitted 624 letters in support of Alabamians' grant applications, resulting in $270,973,411 in awards for municipalities, nonprofits, colleges and universities, rural fire departments, health centers, and others. Out of the outstanding high school seniors who I nominated to our military service academies, 44 have received appointments, and that is in just our first 2 years alone; we won't know the results for 2020 until next spring. We did more than 1,000 interviews, speeches, townhalls, and events across the State of Alabama and in DC. None of these things, absolutely none of them, would have been possible without the hard work and unflagging dedication of my staff. My time in the U.S. Senate was enhanced immeasurably by the tangible and intangible contributions of my staff. As I said earlier, we knew we only had 3 years guaranteed, and we made the most of it. From our amazing record of legislative accomplishments, to our warm and welcoming office culture, to our emphasis on bipartisanship and collegiality, we made a positive difference, and I am immensely proud to have served with each of them. Although it is impossible to go through the contributions of each I do want to single out a few who really made the office click or were responsible in some way for a major accomplishment. First is my chief of staff Dana Gresham. Dana came to me by way of the House and then the Department of Transportation. He has always been a leader, and for me, I was so proud to have him as the first African-American chief of staff for a Democratic Senator. He was instrumental in building the staff and guiding the delicate nature of Beltway and Alabama politics. My legislative director Mark Libell brought a level of experience and direction to our legislative team that I think is unmatched in the Senate. He brought a level of skill to the legislative process that is largely responsible for the many successes we had. Katie Campbell doubled as the deputy legislative director and legislative assistant on our healthcare related matters. She brought a tremendous amount of knowledge and was thus a tremendous resource for our healthcare agenda, which was always one of my top priorities. On the Banking Committee, I was fortunate to have Mike Berman for a couple of years before he moved into the private sector. Mike began the painstaking process of revising the country's money laundering laws which his successor on the staff, Lauren Oppenheimer, picked up. Thanks to their combined efforts and working with colleagues and various stakeholders and regulators, Congress passed as part of the NDAA an update to our money laundering laws for the first time in decades. My friend of 20 years Cissy Jackson came to Washington after practicing law with me in Birmingham. She had no legislative experience but soon became a rockstar among the Senate staff on both sides of the aisle, first with the Homeland Security Committee and then as my MLA on the Armed Services Committee. So much of what we were able to secure for the people of Alabama in the NDAA is a direct result of Cissy's tireless and persistent efforts. Rebecca Howard handled education policy for me. Through her efforts, we secured additional and permanent funding for HBCUs, as well as the success in simplifying the FAFSA form, which will allow so many kids in Alabama to receive a college education. She also coordinated the annual HBCU symposiums that we conducted each year. The director of my State staff was Brantley Fry. Brantley made sure that I stayed incredibly busy when I was at home. We traveled from one end of the State to the other. We visited businesses, military installations, schools, and farms. She coordinated the townhalls and roundtables, all with an eye to the important issues facing the State. Heather Fluit was my communications director and she did tremendous work keeping the people of Alabama up to speed on all the good work that we were doing in Washington and around the State. This could be a difficult job at times on weedy issues like money laundering, but Heather excelled. I could not conclude these remarks, however, without once again noting what was one of my proudest moments in the Senate when we successfully eliminated the Military Widow's Tax. It took a tremendous amount of effort and persistence in making that legislation a reality, and so much of the credit goes to Sarah Kate Sullivan in my office. Like me and my colleague Senator Collins, Sarah Kate never gave up, and today, so many military families will benefit from her efforts. My wife Louise and I thank each of these individuals listed below from the bottom of our hearts. We love them all like family, and we wish them all the very best in their future careers: Katie Campbell, Deputy Legislative Director. Olivia Chartier, Deputy Scheduler. Sam Coleman, Press Secretary. Jordan Cozby, Staff Assistant. Gregory Early, Military Fellow. Elise Fink, Fellow. Mike Flint, Fellow. Heather Fluit, Communications Director. Jasmine Goodman, Staff Assistant. Dana Gresham, Chief of Staff. Rebecca Howard, Legislative Assistant. Cissy Jackson, Counsel and National Security Advisor. Roger Johnson, Staff Assistant. Darren Kinnaird, Systems Administrator. Smriti Krishnan, Heflin Fellow. Mark Libell, Deputy Chief of Staff / Legislative Director. Leila Mohaideen, Digital Director / Deputy Press Secretary. Becca Murdoch, Legislative Correspondent. Lacy Nelson, Digital Assistant / Deputy Press Secretary. Kobye Noel, Mailroom Director. Lauren Oppenheimer, Senior Economic Policy Advisor. Avery Phillip, Press Assistant. Judy Rainey, Administrative Director. Zoe Scott, Staff Assistant. Abby Selden, Counsel. Laura Sherrod, Legislative Aide. Jack Spalding, Research Director. Jessica Spence, Legislative Correspondent. Garrett Stephens, Legislative Correspondent. Caroline Stonecipher, Press Secretary. Brenda Strickland, Director of Scheduling. Sarah Kate Sullivan, Projects Director. Ted Trippi, Legislative Correspondent. Emma Turner, Scheduling Assistant. Calvin Wilborn, Special Assistant. Kern Williams, Legislative Correspondent. Michael Williams, Legislative Correspondent. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. JONES | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7936-2 | null | 1,995 |
formal | single | null | homophobic | Mr. JONES. Mr. President, as I mentioned in my farewell speech last week, I also wanted to spend a few final moments here on the Senate floor honoring my incredible staff. As the first Democrat elected to the Senate from Alabama in two decades, I had no idea how many brilliant young folks would want to come work in my offices, but we were absolutely overwhelmed with the talent my election attracted--and not just from Alabama--we had applicants from all over the country. We of course tried to give priority to folks from Alabama, but we did have a few from other States who brought special expertise and who, after just a short time with us, became honorary Alabamians. Some of my staff came from other Senate or House offices where they had been biding their time, hoping 1 day to work for an Alabama Democratic Senator. Their experience was critical. Some staff members brought no legislative experience at all, but they were quick and eager learners and got up to speed unbelievably fast. What they allhad in common was a deep and sincere commitment to doing the right thing for the right reasons. There were very few shortcuts and very few easy decisions, but we all worked hard to understand the issues backwards and forwards and to do our best for the people of Alabama and for our country. Although each member of the staff was acutely aware that I would have to stand for reelection in just 3 short years, they were as committed as I was to not let political considerations enter into our deliberations. Instead we focused on the needs of our constituents, big and small, and doing all we could to make sure those needs were met. Over the past 3 years, we have become a family, and we have had some fun to boot. Equally important, we have gotten things done. We led or coled over 20 bipartisan bills that were signed into law. We mustered enough support to finally repeal the Widow's Tax. We secured permanent Federal funding for HBCUs and minority-serving institutions. We made things easier for folks applying for Federal student loans. We secured authorizations and appropriations for hundreds of millions of dollars in funding for defense-related projects in Alabama. We set up a process to collect and make available to the public the Federal records from unsolved civil rights crimes. We completed 2,094 requests for casework help and responded to hundreds of thousands of calls, letters, and emails from Alabama constituents. We submitted 624 letters in support of Alabamians' grant applications, resulting in $270,973,411 in awards for municipalities, nonprofits, colleges and universities, rural fire departments, health centers, and others. Out of the outstanding high school seniors who I nominated to our military service academies, 44 have received appointments, and that is in just our first 2 years alone; we won't know the results for 2020 until next spring. We did more than 1,000 interviews, speeches, townhalls, and events across the State of Alabama and in DC. None of these things, absolutely none of them, would have been possible without the hard work and unflagging dedication of my staff. My time in the U.S. Senate was enhanced immeasurably by the tangible and intangible contributions of my staff. As I said earlier, we knew we only had 3 years guaranteed, and we made the most of it. From our amazing record of legislative accomplishments, to our warm and welcoming office culture, to our emphasis on bipartisanship and collegiality, we made a positive difference, and I am immensely proud to have served with each of them. Although it is impossible to go through the contributions of each I do want to single out a few who really made the office click or were responsible in some way for a major accomplishment. First is my chief of staff Dana Gresham. Dana came to me by way of the House and then the Department of Transportation. He has always been a leader, and for me, I was so proud to have him as the first African-American chief of staff for a Democratic Senator. He was instrumental in building the staff and guiding the delicate nature of Beltway and Alabama politics. My legislative director Mark Libell brought a level of experience and direction to our legislative team that I think is unmatched in the Senate. He brought a level of skill to the legislative process that is largely responsible for the many successes we had. Katie Campbell doubled as the deputy legislative director and legislative assistant on our healthcare related matters. She brought a tremendous amount of knowledge and was thus a tremendous resource for our healthcare agenda, which was always one of my top priorities. On the Banking Committee, I was fortunate to have Mike Berman for a couple of years before he moved into the private sector. Mike began the painstaking process of revising the country's money laundering laws which his successor on the staff, Lauren Oppenheimer, picked up. Thanks to their combined efforts and working with colleagues and various stakeholders and regulators, Congress passed as part of the NDAA an update to our money laundering laws for the first time in decades. My friend of 20 years Cissy Jackson came to Washington after practicing law with me in Birmingham. She had no legislative experience but soon became a rockstar among the Senate staff on both sides of the aisle, first with the Homeland Security Committee and then as my MLA on the Armed Services Committee. So much of what we were able to secure for the people of Alabama in the NDAA is a direct result of Cissy's tireless and persistent efforts. Rebecca Howard handled education policy for me. Through her efforts, we secured additional and permanent funding for HBCUs, as well as the success in simplifying the FAFSA form, which will allow so many kids in Alabama to receive a college education. She also coordinated the annual HBCU symposiums that we conducted each year. The director of my State staff was Brantley Fry. Brantley made sure that I stayed incredibly busy when I was at home. We traveled from one end of the State to the other. We visited businesses, military installations, schools, and farms. She coordinated the townhalls and roundtables, all with an eye to the important issues facing the State. Heather Fluit was my communications director and she did tremendous work keeping the people of Alabama up to speed on all the good work that we were doing in Washington and around the State. This could be a difficult job at times on weedy issues like money laundering, but Heather excelled. I could not conclude these remarks, however, without once again noting what was one of my proudest moments in the Senate when we successfully eliminated the Military Widow's Tax. It took a tremendous amount of effort and persistence in making that legislation a reality, and so much of the credit goes to Sarah Kate Sullivan in my office. Like me and my colleague Senator Collins, Sarah Kate never gave up, and today, so many military families will benefit from her efforts. My wife Louise and I thank each of these individuals listed below from the bottom of our hearts. We love them all like family, and we wish them all the very best in their future careers: Katie Campbell, Deputy Legislative Director. Olivia Chartier, Deputy Scheduler. Sam Coleman, Press Secretary. Jordan Cozby, Staff Assistant. Gregory Early, Military Fellow. Elise Fink, Fellow. Mike Flint, Fellow. Heather Fluit, Communications Director. Jasmine Goodman, Staff Assistant. Dana Gresham, Chief of Staff. Rebecca Howard, Legislative Assistant. Cissy Jackson, Counsel and National Security Advisor. Roger Johnson, Staff Assistant. Darren Kinnaird, Systems Administrator. Smriti Krishnan, Heflin Fellow. Mark Libell, Deputy Chief of Staff / Legislative Director. Leila Mohaideen, Digital Director / Deputy Press Secretary. Becca Murdoch, Legislative Correspondent. Lacy Nelson, Digital Assistant / Deputy Press Secretary. Kobye Noel, Mailroom Director. Lauren Oppenheimer, Senior Economic Policy Advisor. Avery Phillip, Press Assistant. Judy Rainey, Administrative Director. Zoe Scott, Staff Assistant. Abby Selden, Counsel. Laura Sherrod, Legislative Aide. Jack Spalding, Research Director. Jessica Spence, Legislative Correspondent. Garrett Stephens, Legislative Correspondent. Caroline Stonecipher, Press Secretary. Brenda Strickland, Director of Scheduling. Sarah Kate Sullivan, Projects Director. Ted Trippi, Legislative Correspondent. Emma Turner, Scheduling Assistant. Calvin Wilborn, Special Assistant. Kern Williams, Legislative Correspondent. Michael Williams, Legislative Correspondent. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. JONES | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7936-2 | null | 1,996 |
formal | Reagan | null | white supremacist | Mr. CASEY. Mr. President, as we approach the end of another year, I rise to remember all those American men and women who have given what President Lincoln called ``the last full measure of devotion'' in service to this great Nation. I often reflect on the Gettysburg Address when thinking about our servicemembers and veterans. We all know this short, somber speech has reverberated throughout our history with an influence that vastly exceeds the few minutes for which Lincoln actually spoke. In November 1863, President Lincoln stood on the battlefield in Gettysburg to bless those brave soldiers who had fallen in what was the bloodiest battle in U.S. history up to that point. The ``last full measure of devotion'' remark has always resonated with me, as it does with so many Americans, but Lincoln had another message in his address. He said, ``It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced.'' Even in moments of mourning, Lincoln charged those still standing to rededicate themselves to the hard work of preserving our Nation's integrity, protecting our fundamental freedoms, and building our families' security and prosperity. In a time of great division, this was no small task, and it today remains one of our urgent and most solemn tasks. The year after the Gettysburg Address, the women of Boalsburg, PA, began a tradition that would carry on for generations. They gathered together to decorate the gravestones of their loved ones who had gone to God. They wanted to reach beyond the pain to show their fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons that their memories endure in the hearts and minds of the living. Honoring the spirit and sacrifice of our military and veterans isn't just about isolated days of commemoration on Veterans Day and Memorial Day each year, it is about the work we do every day to be worthy of their valor, as my father used to say. As we discuss a potential U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, combat the resurgence of ISIS in the Middle East, exercise oversight over other U.S. military engagements overseas, and look to resolve increasingly complicated global crises, we must not forget those who have given the ultimate sacrifice in service to our country, particularly in the most recent wars. The numbers are important: 7034 Americans have lost their lives in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, with an additional 7 killed in African Command operations since 2001. This includes 300 servicemembers from Pennsylvania--the fifth highest toll of any State. Over 53,000 have been wounded, including more than 2,000 from Pennsylvania. Although this administration refuses to be transparent in its deployment tracking, press reports indicate that approximately 7,500 Americans are currently serving in Iraq and Afghanistan, with an additional 65,000 serving in the Persian Gulf and Saudi Arabia. This year, for the first time in nearly two decades, Pennsylvania did not lose any servicemembers abroad. While I am grateful Pennsylvania did not suffer losses this year, this milestone only serves as a reminder of the grim toll that the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq have taken on the Commonwealth and the Nation. As families of fallen servicemembers continue to mourn, we must reconsider the nature of our military commitments overseas and recommit to ensuring those who serve are taken care of. These fighting men and women were born into families, not into divisions and brigades. They are sons and daughters, husbands and wives, fathers and mothers. Their love for their families is matched only by their devotion to our country. But many more bear the scars of war. Some families have a loved one who served in Iraq or Afghanistan and returned home but was one of the 53,250 wounded. And we must not overlook the unusually high percentage of Iraq and Afghanistan veterans who have died since returning home, whether from drug overdose or suicide. Thousands of American families continue to pay a terrible price for the courage and dedication of their family members who gave life and limb for this country. As we look to a new year and a new Congress, I am reminded of the moments when policymakers reached across the aisle, putting partisan differences aside to implement ideas that best served the American people. We can think about the establishment of the first system of State veterans homes after the Civil War, enactment of the GI bill after World War II, creation of the modern, Cabinet-level Department of Veterans Affairs under President Reagan, all required foresight and courage to see come to fruition. The year ahead provides an opportunity for further bipartisan cooperation in service of our veterans and our men and women in uniform. Each of us, those who have served and those who haven't, must be a part of the effort toward healing. We can meet today's challenges with the spirit of the women in Boalsburg so many years ago, to remember our past and keep working towards our future. We can continue our work here in Washington, in Pennsylvania, and across the Nation, to ensure we are worthy of the valor of the men and women we commemorate today. I call on my colleagues in the Senate to reflect every day on the sacrifice of those who came before us. As another year comes to a close, we remember and honor those who have laid down their lives for this great Nation. God bless them. | 2020-01-06 | Mr. CASEY | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7936 | null | 1,997 |
formal | based | null | white supremacist | Enrolled Bills Signed At 5:07 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mrs. Cole, one of its reading clerks, announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 979. An act to amend the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of 2006 to incorporate the recommendations made by the Government Accountability Office relating to advance contracts, and for other purposes. S. 1694. An act to require the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to add recommendations and inform other relevant agencies of information relating to the principle of due regard and the limitation of harmful interference with Apollo landing site artifacts, and for other purposes. S. 2174. An act to the extent provided in advance in appropriations Act, the Attorney General is authorized to use funds appropriated for the operationalization, maintenance, and expansion of the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs) for the purpose of carrying out this Act. S. 2683. An act to establish a task force to assist States in implementing hiring requirements for child care staff members to improve child safety. S. 2730. An act to establish and ensure an inclusive and transparent Drone Advisory Committee. S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. S. 3418. An act to amend the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act to allow the Administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide capitalization grants to States to establish revolving funds to provide hazard mitigation assistance to reduce risks from disasters and natural hazards, and other related environmental harm. S. 3989. An act to amend the United States Semiquincentennial Commission Act of 2016 to modify certain membership and other requirements of the United States Semiquincentennial Commission, and for other purposes. S. 5036. An act to amend the Overtime Pay for Protective Services Act of 2016 to extend the Secret Service overtime pay exception through 2023, and for other purposes. H.R. 1966. An act to direct the Comptroller General of the United States to complete a study on barriers to participation in federally funded cancer clinical trials by populations that have been traditionally underrepresented in such trials. H.R. 5023. An act to name the Department of Veterans Affairs community-based outpatient clinic in Youngstown, Ohio, as the ``Carl Nunziato VA Clinic''. H.R. 5459. An act to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to correct a land ownership error within the boundary of Rocky Mountain National Park, and for other purposes. H.R. 6237. An act to amend the Indian Health Care Improvement Act to clarify the requirement of the Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense to reimburse the Indian Health Service for certain health care services. H.R. 7898. An act to amend the Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health Act to require the Secretary of Health and Human Services to consider certain recognized security practices of covered entities and business associates when making certain determinations, and for other purposes. H.R. 8906. An act to amend title XXIX of the Public Health Service Act to reauthorize the program under such title relating to lifespan respite care. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7938-4 | null | 1,998 |
formal | the Fed | null | antisemitic | Enrolled Bills Signed At 5:07 p.m., a message from the House of Representatives, delivered by Mrs. Cole, one of its reading clerks, announced that the Speaker has signed the following enrolled bills: S. 979. An act to amend the Post-Katrina Emergency Management Reform Act of 2006 to incorporate the recommendations made by the Government Accountability Office relating to advance contracts, and for other purposes. S. 1694. An act to require the National Aeronautics and Space Administration to add recommendations and inform other relevant agencies of information relating to the principle of due regard and the limitation of harmful interference with Apollo landing site artifacts, and for other purposes. S. 2174. An act to the extent provided in advance in appropriations Act, the Attorney General is authorized to use funds appropriated for the operationalization, maintenance, and expansion of the National Missing and Unidentified Persons System (NamUs) for the purpose of carrying out this Act. S. 2683. An act to establish a task force to assist States in implementing hiring requirements for child care staff members to improve child safety. S. 2730. An act to establish and ensure an inclusive and transparent Drone Advisory Committee. S. 3312. An act to establish a crisis stabilization and community reentry grant program, and for other purposes. S. 3418. An act to amend the Robert T. Stafford Disaster Relief and Emergency Assistance Act to allow the Administrator of the Federal Emergency Management Agency to provide capitalization grants to States to establish revolving funds to provide hazard mitigation assistance to reduce risks from disasters and natural hazards, and other related environmental harm. S. 3989. An act to amend the United States Semiquincentennial Commission Act of 2016 to modify certain membership and other requirements of the United States Semiquincentennial Commission, and for other purposes. S. 5036. An act to amend the Overtime Pay for Protective Services Act of 2016 to extend the Secret Service overtime pay exception through 2023, and for other purposes. H.R. 1966. An act to direct the Comptroller General of the United States to complete a study on barriers to participation in federally funded cancer clinical trials by populations that have been traditionally underrepresented in such trials. H.R. 5023. An act to name the Department of Veterans Affairs community-based outpatient clinic in Youngstown, Ohio, as the ``Carl Nunziato VA Clinic''. H.R. 5459. An act to authorize the Secretary of the Interior to correct a land ownership error within the boundary of Rocky Mountain National Park, and for other purposes. H.R. 6237. An act to amend the Indian Health Care Improvement Act to clarify the requirement of the Department of Veterans Affairs and the Department of Defense to reimburse the Indian Health Service for certain health care services. H.R. 7898. An act to amend the Health Information Technology for Economic and Clinical Health Act to require the Secretary of Health and Human Services to consider certain recognized security practices of covered entities and business associates when making certain determinations, and for other purposes. H.R. 8906. An act to amend title XXIX of the Public Health Service Act to reauthorize the program under such title relating to lifespan respite care. The enrolled bills were subsequently signed by the President pro tempore (Mr. Grassley). | 2020-01-06 | Unknown | Senate | CREC-2020-12-21-pt1-PgS7938-4 | null | 1,999 |
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