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projected-06899898-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony%20Casso | Anthony Casso | Incarcerated boss | Anthony Salvatore Casso (May 21, 1942 – December 15, 2020), nicknamed "Gaspipe", was an American mobster and underboss of the Lucchese crime family. During his career in organized crime, Casso was regarded as a "homicidal maniac" in the Italian-American Mafia. He is suspected of having committed dozens of murders, and had confessed to involvement in between 15 and 36 murders. Government witness Anthony Accetturo, the former caporegime of The Jersey Crew, once said of Casso, "all he wanted to do is kill, kill, get what you can, even if you didn't earn it". In interviews, and on the witness stand, Casso confessed involvement in the murders of Frank DeCicco, Roy DeMeo, and Vladimir Reznikov. Casso also admitted to several attempts to murder Gambino family boss John Gotti.
Following his arrest in 1993, Casso became one of the highest-ranking members of the Mafia to turn informant. After taking a plea agreement, he was placed in the witness protection program, however, in 1998, it was rescinded and Casso was dropped from the program after several infractions. Later that year, a federal judge sentenced him to 455 years in prison for racketeering, extortion, and murder.
Casso died in prison custody from complications related to COVID-19 on December 15, 2020. | Casso was held at New York's Metropolitan Correctional Center pending trial. Facing charges that would have all but assured he would die in prison, he continued ordering hits outside, but also began making escape plans. One plan almost succeeded when a bribed guard cleared him through security; Casso nearly walked out of jail, but was spotted by another guard and thwarted at the last minute. Afterwards, Casso began making plans for Lucchese members to find out what prison buses would be transporting him and arrange an ambush, as well as assassinating the presiding judge, Eugene Nickerson, to buy himself more time.
On February 2, 1993, the body of Frank Signorino, Peter Chiodo's uncle, was found frozen solid in the trunk of a car in East New York. Signorino had been slain by multiple gunshot wounds to the head, which was wrapped in a black plastic bag.
On February 12, 1993, the Lucchese family burned down the garage of Annette Signorino, Peter Chiodo's 95-year-old grandmother, in Gravesend, Brooklyn. Chiodo later told the FBI, that he, "couldn't believe someone would try to harm an old woman."
However, Casso's power came undone when Amuso not only stripped Casso of his title of underboss, but declared that all Lucchese mafiosi should consider him a pariah—in effect, banishing Casso from the family. Amuso had long been suspicious of Casso's failure to use his law enforcement contacts to find out who had betrayed him, and finally concluded Casso did it himself to take control of the family.
The two lead prosecutors on the case, Charles Rose and Gregory O'Connell, later told Jerry Capeci that they had hoped to use Sammy Gravano as a witness against Casso. Gravano, however, refused, as he reportedly feared that Casso would start killing members of his extended family.
Alphonse D'Arco, however, was reportedly very eager to testify against his former friend. According to FBI Agent Lucien Gandolfo, "He thought he was standing for what was right, but also for the old values that had been abandoned by the mob." | [] | [
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"People of Campanian descent",
"American people convicted of murder",
"American people who died in prison custody",
"Consiglieri",
"Criminals from Brooklyn",
... |
projected-06899898-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony%20Casso | Anthony Casso | Informant | Anthony Salvatore Casso (May 21, 1942 – December 15, 2020), nicknamed "Gaspipe", was an American mobster and underboss of the Lucchese crime family. During his career in organized crime, Casso was regarded as a "homicidal maniac" in the Italian-American Mafia. He is suspected of having committed dozens of murders, and had confessed to involvement in between 15 and 36 murders. Government witness Anthony Accetturo, the former caporegime of The Jersey Crew, once said of Casso, "all he wanted to do is kill, kill, get what you can, even if you didn't earn it". In interviews, and on the witness stand, Casso confessed involvement in the murders of Frank DeCicco, Roy DeMeo, and Vladimir Reznikov. Casso also admitted to several attempts to murder Gambino family boss John Gotti.
Following his arrest in 1993, Casso became one of the highest-ranking members of the Mafia to turn informant. After taking a plea agreement, he was placed in the witness protection program, however, in 1998, it was rescinded and Casso was dropped from the program after several infractions. Later that year, a federal judge sentenced him to 455 years in prison for racketeering, extortion, and murder.
Casso died in prison custody from complications related to COVID-19 on December 15, 2020. | Facing the prospect of a trial at which D'Arco, Acceturo, and Chiodo were due to be star witnesses against him, as well as spending the rest of his life in prison, Casso reached out to FBI Agent Richard Rudolph and offered to turn informant. Casso was immediately moved to the Federal Prison at La Tuna, near El Paso, Texas and housed in the famous "Valachi Suite" as he debriefed.
At the beginning of the first session, Casso joked, "Every time I stepped out of the house I committed a crime. You expect me to remember all of them?" The agents urged Casso to start by revealing his "crystal ball."
In response, Casso disclosed that decorated NYPD Detectives Stephen Caracappa and Louis Eppolito had been on his payroll and had committed eight murders under his orders. Casso further explained that Detectives Carracappa and Eppolito, who had also served on the Federal Organized Crime Strike Force, had also leaked the names of both Police and FBI informants, which had resulted in many other murders.
Federal Prosecutors Charles Rose and Gregory O'Connell flew from New York City to Texas as the debriefing continued. Casso named scores of other mobsters he had conspired with, including Genovese boss Vincent Gigante. Casso also confessed to having sent hitmen to Federal Prosecutor Charles Rose's home with the intention of having him murdered. Casso also admitted to having plotted the assassination of Federal Judge Nickerson in order to delay his own trial.
Casso initially confessed to twelve murders, but when pressed for details, he admitted to a further twenty-four. At the same time, though, Casso was found to have lied about how much money he possessed. He also denied all involvement in the murder of Peter Chiodo's uncle or in the arson at the home of Chiodo's elderly grandmother. Increasingly sceptical, the FBI Agents made Casso take a lie detector test, which he failed.
Gregory O'Connell later told Jerry Capeci that the decision not to use Casso as a witness was made in the Valachi Suite, while Casso, "with apparent delight", gleefully laughed as he described how he buried alive a young drug smuggling associate in the Florida Everglades.
As Casso spoke, Federal Prosecutors O'Connell and Rose, "read each other's thoughts. The story would probably not go over well with a jury." Both prosecutors flew back to New York City convinced that Casso's knowledge of Mafia secrets did not matter. O'Connell later told Capeci, "It gets to a point where somebody is just too evil to put on the stand."
Casso finalized a plea agreement at a hearing on March 1, 1994, where he pleaded guilty to 70 crimes, including racketeering, extortion and 15 murders. The two lead prosecutors on the case, Charles Rose and Gregory O'Connell, later said they'd feared Casso could be acquitted at trial, since they did not have any taped conversations as evidence. However, with Casso's guilty plea, O'Connell said they had Casso "tied up six ways to Sunday." While remaining in prison, Casso was placed in the witness protection program.
According to Carlo, when Casso revealed that he also had an FBI Agent on the payroll, prosecutors ordered him to keep quiet. Casso alleges that he further enraged the US government by accusing Gambino turncoat Sammy Gravano, who had denied ever having dealt in drugs, of buying large amounts of cocaine, heroin, and marijuana from Casso over two decades. However, Casso was vindicated to some extent when Gravano pleaded guilty in 2000 to operating a massive narcotics ring, which included selling ecstasy to adolescents. He was the second confessed underboss of a New York crime family to break his blood oath and turn informer, after Gambino underboss Gravano.
In 1998, Casso was removed from the witness protection program after prosecutors alleged numerous infractions, in 1997, including bribing guards, assaulting other inmates and making "false statements" about Gravano and D'Arco. Casso's attorney tried to get Judge Frederic Block to overrule federal prosecutors in July 1998, but Block refused to do so. Shortly afterward, Judge Block sentenced Casso to 455 years in prison without possibility of parole—the maximum sentence permitted under sentencing guidelines. Casso later told The New York Times organized-crime reporter Selwyn Raab that, before turning informer, he was seriously considering a deal that would have allowed him the possibility of parole after 22 years. "I help them and I get life without parole," he said. "This is really a fuckin' joke". Casso lost two subsequent appeals to get his sentence reduced.
In a 2006 letter to Carlo, Casso declared, I am truly regretful for my decision to cooperate with the Government. It was against all my beliefs and upbringing. I know for certain, had my father been alive, I would never have done so. I have disgraced my family heritage, lost the respect of my children and close friends, and most probably added to the sudden death of my wife and confidant for more than 35 years. I wish the clock could be turned back only to bring her back. I have never in my life informed on anyone. I have always hated rats and as strange as it may sound I still do. I surely hate myself, day after day. It would have definitely been different if the Government had honest witnesses from inception. I would have had a second chance to start a new life, and my wife Lillian would still be alive. It seems that the only people the Government awards freedom to are the ones who give prejudiced testimony to win convictions. "The truth will set you free", means nothing in the Federal courts. Even at this point in my life, I consider myself to be a better man than most of the people on the streets these days. | [] | [
"Informant"
] | [
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"2020 deaths",
"American drug traffickers",
"American Mafia cooperating witnesses",
"American gangsters of Italian descent",
"People of Campanian descent",
"American people convicted of murder",
"American people who died in prison custody",
"Consiglieri",
"Criminals from Brooklyn",
... |
projected-06899898-012 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anthony%20Casso | Anthony Casso | Incarceration and death | Anthony Salvatore Casso (May 21, 1942 – December 15, 2020), nicknamed "Gaspipe", was an American mobster and underboss of the Lucchese crime family. During his career in organized crime, Casso was regarded as a "homicidal maniac" in the Italian-American Mafia. He is suspected of having committed dozens of murders, and had confessed to involvement in between 15 and 36 murders. Government witness Anthony Accetturo, the former caporegime of The Jersey Crew, once said of Casso, "all he wanted to do is kill, kill, get what you can, even if you didn't earn it". In interviews, and on the witness stand, Casso confessed involvement in the murders of Frank DeCicco, Roy DeMeo, and Vladimir Reznikov. Casso also admitted to several attempts to murder Gambino family boss John Gotti.
Following his arrest in 1993, Casso became one of the highest-ranking members of the Mafia to turn informant. After taking a plea agreement, he was placed in the witness protection program, however, in 1998, it was rescinded and Casso was dropped from the program after several infractions. Later that year, a federal judge sentenced him to 455 years in prison for racketeering, extortion, and murder.
Casso died in prison custody from complications related to COVID-19 on December 15, 2020. | Casso began serving his sentence at the supermax prison ADX Florence in Florence, Colorado. According to the Federal Bureau of Prisons, Casso was transferred to the Federal Medical Center (FMC) at the Federal Correctional Complex in Butner, North Carolina, for the treatment of prostate cancer in March 2009. He was returned to ADX Florence in July 2009. By 2013, Casso had been transferred to the Federal Residential Reentry Management Office in Minneapolis, Minnesota. This is not a prison facility, but rather an administrative designation for inmates assigned to home confinement, "halfway houses", or state and county correctional facilities. As of May 2018, he had been transferred to the United States Medical Center for Federal Prisoners, an administrative security/medical prison in Springfield, Missouri. He was later transferred to USP Terre Haute. From March 25, 2020, he was serving his sentence at USP Tucson, a high security prison in Arizona. In his later years, Casso had developed complications related to prostate cancer, coronary artery disease, kidney disease, hypertension, bladder disease and lung issues from years of smoking.
On November 5, 2020, Casso tested positive for COVID-19, amid its pandemic in Arizona, while incarcerated; he was placed in medical isolation USP Tucson. On November 9, he was transported to a local hospital due to respiratory distress, and on November 17, 2020, was put on a ventilator. His lawyers requested compassionate release, but that motion was rejected on November 28. Casso died from complications related to COVID-19 on December 15, 2020, at the age of 78. | [] | [
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"Criminals from Brooklyn",
... |
projected-06899903-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The%20Secret%20of%20the%20Wooden%20Lady | The Secret of the Wooden Lady | Introduction | The Secret of the Wooden Lady is the twenty-seventh volume in the Nancy Drew Mystery Stories series. It was first published in 1950 under the pseudonym Carolyn Keene. The actual author was ghostwriter Margaret Scherf.
Adventure abounds on the Bonny Scot in Boston Harbor as Nancy Drew helps Captain Easterly uncover the mystery of his ghostly visitors. From the moment the clever young detective and her friends, Bess and George, take up residence on the old clipper ship they are confronted with fire, theft, and other dangerous situations. Nancy faces an additional challenge: to find a clue to the clipper’s missing figurehead. If she is successful, it will help her lawyer father to trace the history of the Bonny Scot and establish a clear title to the ship for Captain Easterly. But strangely there are no records of the Bonny Scot’s past. Why? And why has the prime suspect in the recent robbery at Bess Marvin’s home followed the three girls to Boston? | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Nancy Drew books",
"1950 American novels",
"1950 children's books",
"Novels set in Boston",
"Grosset & Dunlap books",
"Children's mystery novels"
] | |
projected-17327800-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wrestling%20at%20the%201992%20Summer%20Olympics%20%E2%80%93%20Men%27s%20freestyle%2052%20kg | Wrestling at the 1992 Summer Olympics – Men's freestyle 52 kg | Introduction | The men's freestyle 52 kilograms at the 1992 Summer Olympics as part of the wrestling program were held at the Institut Nacional d'Educació Física de Catalunya from August 3 to August 5. The wrestlers are divided into 2 groups. The winner of each group decided by a double-elimination system. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Wrestling at the 1992 Summer Olympics"
] | |
projected-17327800-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wrestling%20at%20the%201992%20Summer%20Olympics%20%E2%80%93%20Men%27s%20freestyle%2052%20kg | Wrestling at the 1992 Summer Olympics – Men's freestyle 52 kg | Results | The men's freestyle 52 kilograms at the 1992 Summer Olympics as part of the wrestling program were held at the Institut Nacional d'Educació Física de Catalunya from August 3 to August 5. The wrestlers are divided into 2 groups. The winner of each group decided by a double-elimination system. | Legend
WO — Won by walkover | [] | [
"Results"
] | [
"Wrestling at the 1992 Summer Olympics"
] |
projected-17327808-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2007%E2%80%9308%20LEN%20Euroleague | 2007–08 LEN Euroleague | Introduction | The 2007–08 LEN Euroleague was the 45th edition of LEN's premier competition for men's water polo clubs. It ran from 26 September 2007 to 10 May 2008, and was contested by 42 teams. The Final Four (semifinals, final, and third place game) took place on May 9 and May 10 in Barcelona. The winning team was Pro Recco from Italy. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"LEN Champions League seasons",
"2007–08 in LEN water polo",
"2007 in water polo",
"2008 in water polo"
] | |
projected-17327808-009 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2007%E2%80%9308%20LEN%20Euroleague | 2007–08 LEN Euroleague | Quarter-finals | The 2007–08 LEN Euroleague was the 45th edition of LEN's premier competition for men's water polo clubs. It ran from 26 September 2007 to 10 May 2008, and was contested by 42 teams. The Final Four (semifinals, final, and third place game) took place on May 9 and May 10 in Barcelona. The winning team was Pro Recco from Italy. | } | [] | [
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"Quarter-finals"
] | [
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"2007–08 in LEN water polo",
"2007 in water polo",
"2008 in water polo"
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projected-17327808-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2007%E2%80%9308%20LEN%20Euroleague | 2007–08 LEN Euroleague | Final Four (Barcelona) | The 2007–08 LEN Euroleague was the 45th edition of LEN's premier competition for men's water polo clubs. It ran from 26 September 2007 to 10 May 2008, and was contested by 42 teams. The Final Four (semifinals, final, and third place game) took place on May 9 and May 10 in Barcelona. The winning team was Pro Recco from Italy. | Piscina Municipal de Montjuïc, Barcelona, Spain | [] | [
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"Final Four (Barcelona)"
] | [
"LEN Champions League seasons",
"2007–08 in LEN water polo",
"2007 in water polo",
"2008 in water polo"
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projected-17327808-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2007%E2%80%9308%20LEN%20Euroleague | 2007–08 LEN Euroleague | Final standings | The 2007–08 LEN Euroleague was the 45th edition of LEN's premier competition for men's water polo clubs. It ran from 26 September 2007 to 10 May 2008, and was contested by 42 teams. The Final Four (semifinals, final, and third place game) took place on May 9 and May 10 in Barcelona. The winning team was Pro Recco from Italy. | Category:LEN Champions League seasons
Champions League
Category:2007 in water polo
Category:2008 in water polo | [
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"Silver_medal_europe.svg",
"Bronze_medal_europe.svg"
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"Knockout stage",
"Final Four (Barcelona)",
"Final standings"
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"LEN Champions League seasons",
"2007–08 in LEN water polo",
"2007 in water polo",
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] |
projected-06899907-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | Introduction | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Matrices"
] | |
projected-06899907-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | Quadratic character and Jacobsthal matrix | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | Let q be a power of an odd prime. In the finite field GF(q) the quadratic character χ(a) indicates whether the element a is zero, a non-zero perfect square, or a non-square:
For example, in GF(7) the non-zero squares are 1 = 12 = 62, 4 = 22 = 52, and 2 = 32 = 42. Hence χ(0) = 0, χ(1) = χ(2) = χ(4) = 1, and χ(3) = χ(5) = χ(6) = −1.
The Jacobsthal matrix Q for GF(q) is the q×q matrix with rows and columns indexed by finite field elements such that the entry in row a and column b is χ(a − b). For example, in GF(7), if the rows and columns of the Jacobsthal matrix are indexed by the field elements 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, then
The Jacobsthal matrix has the properties Q QT = q I − J and Q J = J Q = 0 where I is the q×q identity matrix and J is the q×q all 1 matrix. If q is congruent to 1 (mod 4) then −1 is a square in GF(q)
which implies that Q is a symmetric matrix. If q is congruent to 3 (mod 4) then −1 is not a square, and Q is a
skew-symmetric matrix. When q is a prime number and rows and columns are indexed by field elements in the usual 0, 1, 2, … order, Q is a circulant matrix. That is, each row is obtained from the row above by cyclic permutation. | [] | [
"Quadratic character and Jacobsthal matrix"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | Paley construction I | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | If q is congruent to 3 (mod 4) then
is a Hadamard matrix of size q + 1. Here j is the all-1 column vector of length q and I is the (q+1)×(q+1) identity matrix. The matrix H is a skew Hadamard matrix, which means it satisfies H+HT = 2I. | [] | [
"Paley construction I"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | Paley construction II | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | If q is congruent to 1 (mod 4) then the matrix obtained by replacing all 0 entries in
with the matrix
and all entries ±1 with the matrix
is a Hadamard matrix of size 2(q + 1). It is a symmetric Hadamard matrix. | [] | [
"Paley construction II"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | Examples | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | Applying Paley Construction I to the Jacobsthal matrix for GF(7), one produces the 8×8 Hadamard matrix,
11111111
-1--1-11
-11--1-1
-111--1-
--111--1
-1-111--
--1-111-
---1-111.
For an example of the Paley II construction when q is a prime power rather than a prime number, consider GF(9). This is an extension field of GF(3) obtained
by adjoining a root of an irreducible quadratic. Different irreducible quadratics produce equivalent fields. Choosing x2+x−1 and letting a be a root of this polynomial, the nine elements of GF(9) may be written 0, 1, −1, a, a+1, a−1, −a, −a+1, −a−1. The non-zero squares are 1 = (±1)2, −a+1 = (±a)2, a−1 = (±(a+1))2, and −1 = (±(a−1))2. The Jacobsthal matrix is
It is a symmetric matrix consisting of nine 3×3 circulant blocks. Paley Construction II produces the symmetric 20×20 Hadamard matrix,
1- 111111 111111 111111
-- 1-1-1- 1-1-1- 1-1-1-
11 1-1111 ----11 --11--
1- --1-1- -1-11- -11--1
11 111-11 11---- ----11
1- 1---1- 1--1-1 -1-11-
11 11111- --11-- 11----
1- 1-1--- -11--1 1--1-1
11 --11-- 1-1111 ----11
1- -11--1 --1-1- -1-11-
11 ----11 111-11 11----
1- -1-11- 1---1- 1--1-1
11 11---- 11111- --11--
1- 1--1-1 1-1--- -11--1
11 ----11 --11-- 1-1111
1- -1-11- -11--1 --1-1-
11 11---- ----11 111-11
1- 1--1-1 -1-11- 1---1-
11 --11-- 11---- 11111-
1- -11--1 1--1-1 1-1---. | [] | [
"Examples"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | The Hadamard conjecture | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | The size of a Hadamard matrix must be 1, 2, or a multiple of 4. The Kronecker product of two Hadamard matrices of sizes m and n is an Hadamard matrix of size mn. By forming Kronecker products of matrices from the Paley construction and the 2×2 matrix,
Hadamard matrices of every allowed size up to 100 except for 92 are produced. In his 1933 paper, Paley says “It seems probable that, whenever m is divisible by 4, it is possible to construct an orthogonal matrix of order m composed of ±1, but the general theorem has every appearance of difficulty.” This appears to be the first published statement of the Hadamard conjecture. A matrix of size 92 was eventually constructed by Baumert, Golomb, and Hall, using a construction due to Williamson combined with a computer search. Currently, Hadamard matrices have been shown to exist for all for m < 668. | [] | [
"The Hadamard conjecture"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | See also | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | Paley biplane
Paley graph | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899907-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Paley%20construction | Paley construction | References | In mathematics, the Paley construction is a method for constructing Hadamard matrices using finite fields. The construction was described in 1933 by the English mathematician Raymond Paley.
The Paley construction uses quadratic residues in a finite field GF(q) where q is a power of an odd prime number. There are two versions of the construction depending on whether q is congruent to 1 or 3 (mod 4). | Category:Matrices | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Matrices"
] |
projected-06899918-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central%20Yearly%20Meeting%20of%20Friends | Central Yearly Meeting of Friends | Introduction | Central Yearly Meeting of Friends is a yearly meeting of Friends churches located in Indiana, North Carolina, Arkansas and Ohio. Central Yearly Meeting of Friends is part of the Conservative Holiness Movement, and originated in the Gurneyite wing of the Orthodox branch of Quakerism. Meeting for worship is programmed and led by pastors. It is an independent yearly meeting of Quakers, not affiliated with any broader associations.
Central Yearly Meeting of Friends was founded in 1926 by several meetings in eastern Indiana which were concerned that other yearly meetings of the Religious Society of Friends were trending towards liberalism in theology and practice.
Central Friends is associated with Union Bible College. Missionary work is sponsored in Bolivia.
An annual camp meeting is held near Muncie, Indiana, every August.
Members of the Central Yearly Meeting of Friends practice the traditional Quaker teaching of plain dress, part of the Quaker testimony of simplicity. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Christian organizations established in 1926",
"Quakerism in the United States",
"Quakerism in Indiana",
"Quakerism in Ohio",
"Christianity in Arkansas",
"Quakerism in North Carolina",
"Quaker yearly meetings",
"1926 establishments in Indiana",
"Annual events in Indiana",
"Holiness denominations",... | |
projected-06899918-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Central%20Yearly%20Meeting%20of%20Friends | Central Yearly Meeting of Friends | See also | Central Yearly Meeting of Friends is a yearly meeting of Friends churches located in Indiana, North Carolina, Arkansas and Ohio. Central Yearly Meeting of Friends is part of the Conservative Holiness Movement, and originated in the Gurneyite wing of the Orthodox branch of Quakerism. Meeting for worship is programmed and led by pastors. It is an independent yearly meeting of Quakers, not affiliated with any broader associations.
Central Yearly Meeting of Friends was founded in 1926 by several meetings in eastern Indiana which were concerned that other yearly meetings of the Religious Society of Friends were trending towards liberalism in theology and practice.
Central Friends is associated with Union Bible College. Missionary work is sponsored in Bolivia.
An annual camp meeting is held near Muncie, Indiana, every August.
Members of the Central Yearly Meeting of Friends practice the traditional Quaker teaching of plain dress, part of the Quaker testimony of simplicity. | Conservative Friends | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Christian organizations established in 1926",
"Quakerism in the United States",
"Quakerism in Indiana",
"Quakerism in Ohio",
"Christianity in Arkansas",
"Quakerism in North Carolina",
"Quaker yearly meetings",
"1926 establishments in Indiana",
"Annual events in Indiana",
"Holiness denominations",... |
projected-06899927-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bleialf%20transmitter | Bleialf transmitter | Introduction | Bleialf transmitter is a facility of the Deutsche Telekom AG on the Black Man mountain at Bleialf, Germany for FM- and TV-broadcasting. It uses as antenna tower a 224 metre tall guyed steel-tube mast. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Radio masts and towers in Germany",
"Communication towers in Germany"
] | |
projected-17327832-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Introduction | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] | |
projected-17327832-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Early life | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | Donald Edward "Babe" Winkelman (nicknamed by his father after baseball giant Babe Ruth) grew up on a dairy farm near the small town of Duelm, Minnesota. He started fishing at age 6 on Stoney Brook, a stream that ran through the family farm. It was there that he started to understand how fish moved around through the seasons and there that his "Pattern Approach" to fishing got its roots. Pheasants were abundant on the farm as well and his hunting career started there with his first pheasant kill at age 8. Deer hunting started as a driver at age 10 and he shot his first buck at age 12.
Through endless hours of hunting and fishing, Babe polished his skills. During the 1960s, Babe spent a lot of time at the family cabin on Hay Lake near Longville, where he refined his "pattern" approach to fishing that he continues to teach others today. He started working construction after graduating eighth grade and continued learning carpentry throughout high school. He learned from his father, Don Winkelman Sr., who was a carpentry master. Less than two months after graduating high school, he became the youngest person in the history of Minnesota to get his journeyman's Union card. Babe spent his nights playing lead guitar and singing in bands.
In May 1969, he started Winkelman Building Corporation Inc., a construction company, along with his brother Dennis and father Don. In February 1970, Johnny Winter called him 3 times for him to go on a world tour as lead guitarist for his band. He decided he couldn't leave his dad and the construction business, and his music career became a hobby that he still practices to this day. By the time Babe was 25, the company had grown into 6 corporations with nearly 200 employees. Babe decided his interests were elsewhere, and he embarked on a full-time career in the outdoors. | [] | [
"Early life"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] |
projected-17327832-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Outdoor life | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | He started guiding fishermen in 1965 and started fishing tournaments in 1970. In 1973, he helped found the Minnesota State Bass Federation to get bass tournaments started and served as president for nearly 3 years. 1973 was also the year Babe started writing for outdoor publications and gave his first seminar to teach fishing. Babe started in the outdoors full-time in 1975, where he guided, fished tournaments, taught at seminars, and did promotional work for Lindy/Little Joe Fishing Tackle. He became a field editor for Fishing Facts magazine, writing for them and a host of other publications.
In the last four decades, Babe has written many articles and has guest hosted hundreds of radio shows and podcast episodes. In 1978, he was hired by S.C. Johnson to introduce a new product to America, "Deep Woods OFF." The commercial was Babe, "as a professional fisherman", needing a stronger insect repellent because of his outdoor endeavors. Babe's fishing television series, Good Fishing, first hit the airwaves in 1980. This prompted him to start Babe Winkelman Productions Inc. and set up his own studio. For nearly 40 years he has owned the trademark,"Teaching America to Fish." The show was educational and involved his whole family. The show kept growing in size and covered the U.S. and Canada. During the 1980s, Babe authored a series of "how to" books on fishing, was the only person to use audio tapes to teach fishing, was the first to develop videos that taught fishing starting in 1984, and went on to produce nearly 100 different titles in the next decade. | [] | [
"Outdoor life"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] |
projected-17327832-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Appearances | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | The Saturday Evening Post ran a feature on Babe in 1987. He was also featured in People Magazine in 1988, Midwest Living around 1990, and thousands of other newspaper and magazine articles, radio, and TV appearances. Excerpts of Good Fishing appeared three times on Married... with Children and about a dozen different movies. Babe was also a guest on Donny & Marie. 1988 was also the year Babe aired his second television series, Outdoor Secrets (hunting series), which was the first hunting show on the air since 1978. Winkelman spoke at a presidential rally for President George W. Bush in 2004. | [] | [
"Appearances"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] |
projected-17327832-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Awards | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | In 1988, Babe was inducted into the Fresh Water Fishing Hall of Fame. In 1992, he was inducted into the Sports Legends Hall of Fame alongside professional boxer Evander Holyfield, baseball player Pete Rose, and 30 other athletes from around the world. Babe is the only outdoorsman ever to be inducted into this hall of fame. In 2001, he was inducted into the Fishing Hall of Fame of Minnesota. In 2007, he was given the Excellence in Craft award by the Outdoor Writers Association of America (OWAA), their most prestigious award for his work with television. Babe Winkelman's production company has won a couple hundred awards for production excellence, including 87 in a two-year span. This included the New York Film Festival, the WorldFest-Houston International Film Festival (for a commercial), and production awards including the Teddy, Addy, and the Golden Moose Awards. In 2013, Babe and Kris were nominated by Otter Tail County as Conservationists of the Year for the state of Minnesota. The award recognized the work they have done at some land they bought for hunting with the whole family in 2002 and turned it into a wilderness paradise. In 2015, Babe was inducted into the Legends of the Outdoors National Hall of Fame. | [] | [
"Awards"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] |
projected-17327832-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Babe%20Winkelman | Babe Winkelman | Sources | Babe Winkelman (born April 24, 1949) is an American sportsman and television producer, known for television programs about hunting and fishing. His program Good Fishing was first syndicated internationally in the mid-1980s. As of 2017, Winkelman produces an additional program, Outdoor Secrets, which with Good Fishing, airs in the United States and internationally on channels such as CBS Sports, American Hero Channel, and Destination America. His programs are also available globally on 25,000 hyper-local websites across the U.S. and Roku, Apple TV, Opera TV, Amazon Fire, and Netflix. | Biography of Babe Winkelman
Interview with Babe Winkelman - Gundogmag.com
Karlee Winkelman participates in cancer benefit - mnbound.com | [] | [
"References",
"Sources"
] | [
"Living people",
"American fishers",
"Fishing television series",
"People from Benton County, Minnesota",
"People from Cass County, Minnesota",
"People from Crow Wing County, Minnesota",
"1949 births"
] |
projected-17327833-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regimental%20Aid%20Post | Regimental Aid Post | Introduction | In the British Army, Canadian Forces and other Commonwealth militaries, the Regimental Aid Post (RAP) is a front-line military medical establishment incorporated into an infantry battalion or armoured regiment for the immediate treatment and triage of battlefield casualties. In the US forces, the equivalent is the Battalion Aid Station.
The term has been used continuously since the First World War or earlier.
The RAP has traditionally been staffed by the unit's Medical Officer, a Medical NCO, and a small number of medical orderlies. Additionally, units have employed stretcher-bearers, and more recently trained medics, for the evacuation and immediate treatment of battlefield casualties.
The RAP has usually been the first stop in the evacuation chain for seriously injured personnel, who are then transported to casualty clearing stations and other larger medical units further to the rear. RAPs are not usually equipped to provide surgical treatment or long-term care. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Military medicine in the United Kingdom",
"Military medicine in Australia"
] | |
projected-17327833-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Regimental%20Aid%20Post | Regimental Aid Post | See also | In the British Army, Canadian Forces and other Commonwealth militaries, the Regimental Aid Post (RAP) is a front-line military medical establishment incorporated into an infantry battalion or armoured regiment for the immediate treatment and triage of battlefield casualties. In the US forces, the equivalent is the Battalion Aid Station.
The term has been used continuously since the First World War or earlier.
The RAP has traditionally been staffed by the unit's Medical Officer, a Medical NCO, and a small number of medical orderlies. Additionally, units have employed stretcher-bearers, and more recently trained medics, for the evacuation and immediate treatment of battlefield casualties.
The RAP has usually been the first stop in the evacuation chain for seriously injured personnel, who are then transported to casualty clearing stations and other larger medical units further to the rear. RAPs are not usually equipped to provide surgical treatment or long-term care. | Aid station
Category:Military medicine in the United Kingdom
Category:Military medicine in Australia | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Military medicine in the United Kingdom",
"Military medicine in Australia"
] |
projected-17327834-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chikgaw | Chikgaw | Introduction | Chikgaw is a village in Chipwi Township in Myitkyina District in the Kachin State of north-eastern Burma. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Populated places in Kachin State",
"Chipwi Township"
] | |
projected-17327834-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chikgaw | Chikgaw | References | Chikgaw is a village in Chipwi Township in Myitkyina District in the Kachin State of north-eastern Burma. | Category:Populated places in Kachin State
Category:Chipwi Township | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Populated places in Kachin State",
"Chipwi Township"
] |
projected-20464225-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Introduction | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] | |
projected-20464225-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Electoral system | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The Basque Parliament was the devolved, unicameral legislature of the autonomous community of the Basque Country, having legislative power in regional matters as defined by the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and the regional Statute of Autonomy, as well as the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a lehendakari.
Voting for the Parliament was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over 18 years of age, registered in the Basque Country and in full enjoyment of their political rights. The 75 members of the Basque Parliament were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with an electoral threshold of three percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Seats were allocated to constituencies, corresponding to the provinces of Álava, Biscay and Gipuzkoa, being allocated a fixed number of 25 seats each to provide for an equal representation of the three provinces in parliament as required under the regional statute of autonomy. This meant that Álava was allocated the same number of seats as Biscay and Gipuzkoa, despite their populations being, as of 1 January 2009: 315,280, 1,154,628 and 704,173, respectively.
The use of the D'Hondt method might result in a higher effective threshold, depending on the district magnitude. | [] | [
"Overview",
"Electoral system"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Election date | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The term of the Basque Parliament expired four years after the date of its previous election, unless it was dissolved earlier. The election decree was required to be issued no later than the twenty-fifth day prior to the date of expiry of parliament and published on the following day in the Official Gazette of the Basque Country (BOPV), with election day taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication. The previous election was held on 17 April 2005, which meant that the legislature's term would have expired on 17 April 2009. The election decree was required to be published in the BOPV no later than 24 March 2009, with the election taking place on the fifty-fourth day from publication, setting the latest possible election date for the Parliament on Sunday, 17 May 2009.
The lehendakari had the prerogative to dissolve the Basque Parliament at any given time and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process. In the event of an investiture process failing to elect a lehendakari within a sixty-day period from the Parliament re-assembly, the Parliament was to be dissolved and a fresh election called.
Lehendakari Ibarretxe had been scheduled to announce a snap election for autumn 2008 following his expected failure in holding a proposed referendum on the Basque Country's political status for 25 October 2008, to be averted by the Spanish government. The electoral defeat of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) in the 2008 Spanish general election in the region and internal opposition from the PNV leadership to an immediate election delayed the scheduled snap vote to early 2009. Finally on 3 January 2009, Ibarretxe took advantage of Galician president Emilio Pérez Touriño's previous announcement of a Galician election for 1 March to call the Basque election simultaneously, a move which was interpreted by the media and by political parties as intending to caught his political rivals by surprise (particularly, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) and the People's Party (PP), by forcing them to run two simultaneous election campaigns). | [] | [
"Overview",
"Election date"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Background | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The Ibarretxe Plan, a major proposal by Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe to reform the 1979 Basque Statute of Autonomy and turn the region into an associated state to Spain as a way to ending the ongoing conflict with the paramilitary ETA group, was brought to a standstill following its parliamentary defeat in a vote in the Congress of Deputies on 1 February 2005 and the subsequent electoral setback of Ibarretxe's coalition in the April 2005 regional election. On 22 March 2006, ETA declared a "permanent ceasefire" to allow for a peace process to ensue with the Spanish government under then-Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, but peace talks terminated as a result of the 2006 Madrid–Barajas Airport bombing on 30 December.
Later into the legislature on 28 September 2007, Ibarretxe attempted to revive his statute reform plan by announcing a new "right to decide roadmap" which provided for a referendum on the proposal being held by 25 October 2008, whether it was in agreement with the Spanish government or without it. The law establishing the legal framework allowing the Basque government to hold the vote was approved by the Basque Parliament in June 2008, but was subsequently suspended and overturned by the Constitutional Court, which ended up ruling that the law and the proposed referendum were unconstitutional.
On 31 August 2006, the leadership of Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) had voted for terminating their electoral alliance with the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) ahead of the 2007 foral and local elections, after seven years of collaboration; on 10 November 2008, the decision was made irreversible after EA announced its maintainment ahead of the incoming 2009 regional election. The 2007 elections had seen strong gains for the Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) and a decline for the parties supporting Ibarretxe's government, PNV, EA and Ezker Batua (EB), a situation confirmed one year later in the 2008 Spanish general election in the region as the PSE–EE emerged as the most voted party with 38.1% and 9 out of 18 Congress seats.
Concurrently, and in application of the 2002 Law of Political Parties—which allowed the outlawing of parties "whose activity violates democratic principles, particularly when it seeks to deteriorate or destroy the regime of freedoms or prevent or eliminate the democratic system by promoting, justifying or exculpating attacks on the life or integrity of people, legitimizing violence as a method to achieve political objectives or politically supporting the action of terrorist organizations to achieve their purposes of subverting the constitutional order"—the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court barred several parties from contesting elections because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party; namely, the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK), Basque Nationalist Action (ANV), several groupings created specifically to contest the 2007 local elections (such as Abertzale Sozialisten Batasuna and Abertzale Sozialistak) or the 2009 regional election (Demokrazia Hiru Milioi and Askatasuna). | [] | [
"Background"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Parliamentary composition | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The Basque Parliament was officially dissolved on 6 January 2009, after the publication of the dissolution decree in the Official Gazette of the Basque Country. The table below shows the composition of the parliamentary groups in the chamber at the time of dissolution. | [] | [
"Parliamentary composition"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Parties and candidates | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The electoral law allowed for parties and federations registered in the interior ministry, coalitions and groupings of electors to present lists of candidates. Parties and federations intending to form a coalition ahead of an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election call, whereas groupings of electors needed to secure the signature of at least one percent of the electorate in the constituencies for which they sought election, disallowing electors from signing for more than one list of candidates.
Below is a list of the main parties and electoral alliances which contested the election: | [
"Juan José Ibarretxe 2007 (cropped).jpg",
"Unai Ziarreta 2007 (cropped).jpg",
"Patxi López 2011 (cropped).jpg",
"Antonio Basagoiti 2011b (cropped).jpg",
"Javier Madrazo 2007 (cropped).jpg",
"Aintzane Ezenarro 2009 (cropped).jpg",
"Gorka Maneiro 2011 (cropped).jpg"
] | [
"Parties and candidates"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Opinion polls | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The table below lists voting intention estimates in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead. The highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour. If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a poll. When available, seat projections determined by the polling organisations are displayed below (or in place of) the percentages in a smaller font; 38 seats were required for an absolute majority in the Basque Parliament. | [
"Logotipo PSE-EE.svg",
"People's Party (Spain) Logo (2008-2015).svg",
"Logotipo del Partido Comunista de las Tierras Vascas.svg",
"D3M Kartela - euskaraz.jpg",
"Logo EB-Berdeak.jpg",
"Aralar logo.svg",
"Eusko Alkartasuna logo.svg",
"Logo de UPyD.png"
] | [
"Opinion polls"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-012 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Invalid votes | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | After Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom") were outlawed in February 2009, Basque separatists were asked to cast their vote for D3M, whose ballots would be counted as invalid. According to some sources, the pro-independence Basque left (that were formerly represented by Batasuna and later by EHAK) was surprised by the lower support of their void option. If the void votes are to be counted as the support of this option, it would have obtained the worst results in their history, having received 100,924 void votes, 50,000 less than in the previous regional election and less than half their historical top in the 1998 election.
Major electoral analysis has been performed on the results and the issue of the void votes by pro-Basque nationalist and non-Basque nationalist parties alike. It is a frequent misunderstanding that, had the votes for the illegal lists been counted as valid, they would have been entitled to seven seats. Actually, taking into account that the average of "normal" void votes (struck-out names, double-voting, etc.) in the last three Basque regional elections (1998, 2001 and 2005) was about 0.4%, and assuming that all the void votes that could not be accounted for by that statistic alone were cast for a hypothetical unitary abertzale list (instead of for two different lists, Askatasuna and D3M), those ~97,000 votes would have accounted for at most 6 seats. | [] | [
"Aftermath",
"Invalid votes"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-013 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | Government formation | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | The election results saw the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) of Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe securing a clear victory with 38.1% of the vote and 30 seats, but it came at the expense of Ibarretxe's erstwhile allies, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB). Together with Aralar, which had seen a remarkable rise of support in absence of electoral competition from other abertzale left parties—a result of their illegalization because of their ties with ETA and Batasuna—the parties in support of Ibarretxe could only muster 36 out of the 75 seats in the Basque Parliament, against 39 of the combined totals for the Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE), the People's Party (PP) and Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD), meaning that for the first time since 1979 the possibility existed for a non-PNV lehendakari to be appointed. Upon learning of the results, PP regional leader Antonio Basagoiti proclaimed his satisfaction and announced his support for Socialist Patxi López as new lehendakari, who had previously announced that he felt "legitimated to lead the change" and would be running for investiture.
As the PNV–EA–EB alliance—in government since 2001—was no longer workable, the PNV attempted to figure out a coalition agreement with the PSE to remain in power, mirroring the historical collaboration that the two parties had maintained from 1986 to 1998, and hinting at withdrawing PNV's support to Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government in the Cortes Generales if the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE) did not back their plan. The PSE rejected supporting a new PNV administration even if Ibarretxe was replaced with a different candidate, conditioning any agreement on Patxi López becoming lehendakari, which the PNV refused. Instead, the PSE proposed the formation of a minority cabinet led by López that could be supported by the PP, ruling out a full-fledged coalition. Concurrently, the PSOE's national leadership supported López's bid and defended the PSE's autonomy to agree on any pact that their local branch deemed fit, despite the PNV's threat of withdrawing their support nationally.
Seeking to provide the new government of parliamentary stability, the PSE and the PP—which had been and still were arch-rivals at the national level—reached an unprecedented confidence and supply agreement on 30 March that would see the Basque nationalists ousted from power after 30 years of uninterrupted government. The PNV, which had dubbed any such agreement as "legitimate" but as a "fraud to the electorate" and an "act of political aggression", announced a "harsh" opposition to López's government and vowed to put forth Ibarretxe as their candidate in the investiture session, citing their "right" to head the government as the top-voted party. As part of their agreement, the PSE would support PP's Arantza Quiroga as new president of the Basque Parliament and treat the PP as their "preferred" parliamentary partner, whereas the PP would refrain from moving or supporting any vote of no confidence on the new cabinet.
López was elected as new lehendakari on a 39–35 vote in the investiture session held on 5 May 2009, garnering the additional support of the sole legislator from Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD), and was sworn in two days later. Simultaneously, his political defeat led Ibarretxe to announce his farewell from politics altogether, a move which would allow his party to reorganize itself from opposition hands-free and, eventually, lead to the abandonment of Ibarretxe's sovereigntist plans and discourse. | [] | [
"Aftermath",
"Government formation"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464225-015 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Basque%20regional%20election | 2009 Basque regional election | References | The 2009 Basque regional election was held on Sunday, 1 March 2009, to elect the 9th Parliament of the Basque Autonomous Community. All 75 seats in the Parliament were up for election. The election was held simultaneously with a regional election in Galicia. It would be the first time that the elections for two of the Spanish "historical regions"—namely, those comprising Andalusia, Catalonia, Galicia and the Basque Country itself—were held simultaneously. This would evolve into an unwritten convention in subsequent years, with Basque and Galician elections being held concurrently in 2012, 2016 and 2020.
The 2009 Basque election was the first one to be held without any major electoral candidacy from the abertzale left, after their previous iterations—the Communist Party of the Basque Homelands (PCTV/EHAK) and Basque Nationalist Action (ANV)—had been outlawed in September 2008 because of their reported ties to ETA and the outlawed Batasuna party. In early February 2009, two political groupings formed by abertzale left members to contest the election, Demokrazia Hiru Milioi (D3M) and Askatasuna ("Freedom"), were barred from contesting the election by both the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. In response, the abertzale left asked their voters to cast invalid ballots, both in protest to the court rulings and seeking to prevent tactical voting in favour of either Lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe's Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) or Eusko Alkartasuna (EA).
The election resulted in an upset, as Basque nationalist parties lost their parliamentary majority for the first time in 30 years, paving the way for a non-PNV led government. The Socialist Party of the Basque Country–Basque Country Left (PSE–EE) under Patxi López gained seven seats to command a 25-strong caucus, the best historical showing of the party in a Basque regional election. The People's Party (PP), which had switched leaders less than a year before the election as former leader María San Gil quit over disagreements with the national leadership of Mariano Rajoy, had a net loss of two seats from 2005. The new Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) party, founded in 2007 by former PSOE member and regional minister Rosa Díez was able to achieve a breakthrough in Álava and have its regional candidate Gorka Maneiro elected. Meanwhile, PNV's previous coalition partners, Eusko Alkartasuna (EA) and Ezker Batua (EB), suffered a harsh electoral downturn with both their leaders losing their seats and resigning in the aftermath of the election.
The PSE formed a minority government with López as the first non-PNV lehendakari since 1979 through a confidence and supply agreement with the PP. While both parties had established an uneasy alliance in the Basque Country since the late 1990s despite their overall national rivalry, this would constitute the most relevant agreement reached between both parties at any level of administration. | Opinion poll sources
Other
Category:2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)
Basque Country
Category:Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)
Category:March 2009 events in Europe | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"2009 in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"2009 regional elections in Spain",
"Regional elections in the Basque Country (autonomous community)",
"March 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464229-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Go%20In%20and%20Out%20the%20Window | Go In and Out the Window | Introduction | "Go In and Out the Window" is a popular song composed by Hall of Fame songwriter Lew Pollack (1895–1946). The song remains popular
as a children's music standard.
The lyrics of the song were featured in Shirley Jackson's horror novel "The Haunting of Hill House."
Melody c. 1762; lyrics "Bear Went" c. 1939 (Linscott); Earliest Date for US version of Go in and Out the Window: 1911; certainly dates back to 19th century. English versions published 1898. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Children's songs",
"Songs written by Lew Pollack"
] | |
projected-20464233-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998%20Newsweek%20Champions%20Cup%20%E2%80%93%20Singles | 1998 Newsweek Champions Cup – Singles | Introduction | Marcelo Ríos defeated Greg Rusedski in the final, 6–3, 6–7(15–17), 7–6(7–4), 6–4 to win the men's singles tennis title at the 1998 Indian Wells Masters.
Michael Chang was the two-time reigning champion, but did not participate this year. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1998 ATP Tour"
] | |
projected-20464233-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998%20Newsweek%20Champions%20Cup%20%E2%80%93%20Singles | 1998 Newsweek Champions Cup – Singles | Seeds | Marcelo Ríos defeated Greg Rusedski in the final, 6–3, 6–7(15–17), 7–6(7–4), 6–4 to win the men's singles tennis title at the 1998 Indian Wells Masters.
Michael Chang was the two-time reigning champion, but did not participate this year. | The top eight seeds received a bye into the second round. | [] | [
"Seeds"
] | [
"1998 ATP Tour"
] |
projected-20464233-013 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998%20Newsweek%20Champions%20Cup%20%E2%80%93%20Singles | 1998 Newsweek Champions Cup – Singles | Lucky loser | Marcelo Ríos defeated Greg Rusedski in the final, 6–3, 6–7(15–17), 7–6(7–4), 6–4 to win the men's singles tennis title at the 1998 Indian Wells Masters.
Michael Chang was the two-time reigning champion, but did not participate this year. | Nicolás Lapentti | [] | [
"Qualifying",
"Lucky loser"
] | [
"1998 ATP Tour"
] |
projected-20464233-022 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1998%20Newsweek%20Champions%20Cup%20%E2%80%93%20Singles | 1998 Newsweek Champions Cup – Singles | References | Marcelo Ríos defeated Greg Rusedski in the final, 6–3, 6–7(15–17), 7–6(7–4), 6–4 to win the men's singles tennis title at the 1998 Indian Wells Masters.
Michael Chang was the two-time reigning champion, but did not participate this year. | Official results archive (ATP)
Official results archive (ITF)
Newsweek Champions Cup | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"1998 ATP Tour"
] |
projected-23572464-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Introduction | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"2009 Honduran constitutional crisis",
"Military coups in Honduras",
"2000s coups d'état and coup attempts",
"2009 in Honduras",
"Conflicts in 2009",
"Battles and conflicts without fatalities",
"June 2009 events in North America"
] | |
projected-23572464-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Background | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | President Zelaya was promoting a controversial nonbinding poll on whether to include a fourth ballot box in the November elections on convening a constitutional convention to rewrite the constitution to give the President more terms in office. He had ignored a restraining order in this regard. Some claim his goal in doing so was to extend his term. But as the scheduled balloting would have been simultaneous with the election of his successor, his term would have ended long before any possible constitutional changes. | [
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projected-23572464-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Executive decrees and their legal consequences | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | The ballot was scheduled for June 28, 2009. On May 27, 2009, the Administrative Litigation Court annulled the Executive decree PCM-05-2009 that enabled the ballot. In response the Executive accepted the ruling, but issued decree PCM-019-2009, identical to the previous decree, but substituting "consultation" with "public opinion survey". On May 30, the same Court clarified that the scope of the previous ruling covered any decree that attempted to conduct the proposed ballot - howsoever worded or published. This clarification annulled PCM-019-2009 as well.
Zelaya then issued a new executive decree PCM-020-2009 (La Gaceta article number 31945) to replace decrees PCM-05-2009 and PCM-019-2009. The new decree called for a "Public Opinion Survey Convening a Constitutional Assembly" and referred to it as "an official activity of the Government of the Republic of Honduras".
According to a legal analysis by former Supreme Court President Vilma Morales, Zelaya automatically ceased being President of Honduras with the publication of decree PCM-020-2009 and thus no coup d'état existed. However, PCM-027-2009 was never processed by the Honduran courts. This new decree published in La Gaceta 26 June 2009 explained further the purpose, form and objectives of the opinion poll, to be carried out by the National Institute of Statistics. But the courts had already made up their minds about every attempt that had to do with this issue. Zelaya's lawyers were also denied the possibility to participate in the process. PCM-027-2009 was sheltered in article 5 of the "Law of Citizen Participation" and articles 2 and 5 of the Honduran Constitution. Zelaya defined his actions as a non-binding opinion poll, but his political opponents presented his actions as a binding referendum oriented at reforming articles in the Honduran Constitution concerning forms of government and re-election. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Attorney General's office acts | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | On 27 May 2009, the Administrative Law Tribunal issued an injunction against holding the referendum at the request of the Honduran Attorney General Luis Alberto Rubi. On 16 June the Court of Appeals unanimously upheld the 27 May injunction. On 18 June, the Administrative Law Tribunal ordered Zelaya to comply with the ruling in writing within five days. The Attorney General's office filed a request for arrest and search warrants. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Supreme Court issues arrest and search warrants | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | On 26 June, the Honduran Supreme Court unanimously found that the Presidency had not complied with 16 June court order. It also found he was answerable to charges for crimes against the form of government, treason to the motherland, abuse of office and usurpation of functions that damaged the administration. It appointed Supreme Court Justice Tomás Arita Valle to try the case.
On 26 June, the Supreme Court issued a sealed (secret) arrest warrant for President Zelaya, signed by Justice Tomás Arita Valle. The interim government confirmed that the Supreme Court of Justice unanimously voted to appoint Tomás Arita Valle to hear the process in its preparatory and intermediate phases; and that he lawfully issued an arrest and raid warrant. The government also states that an investigation was conducted under the auspices of the Honduran Supreme Court that lasted for weeks.
Some Zelaya supporters have sought to cast doubt on the Supreme Court's documentation. Jari Dixon Herrera Hernández, a lawyer with the Attorney General's office, said the order to arrest Zelaya came a day after the coup. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Zelaya's detention and exile | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | Soldiers stormed the president's residence in Tegucigalpa early in the morning of 28 June, disarming the presidential guard, waking Zelaya and putting him on a plane to Costa Rica. Colonel Bayardo said, "It was a fast operation. It was over in minutes, and there were no injuries, no deaths. We said, 'Sir, we have a judicial order to detain you.' " In Costa Rica, Zelaya told the Latin American channel TeleSUR that he had been awakened by gunshots. Masked soldiers took his cell phone, shoved him into a van and took him to an air force base, where he was put on a plane. He said he did not know that he was being taken to Costa Rica until he landed at the airport in San José.
Within hours, Zelaya spoke to media in San José, calling the events "a coup" and "a kidnapping". He said that soldiers pulled him from his bed and assaulted his guards. Zelaya stated that he would not recognise anyone named as his successor, that he would be meeting with diplomats and that he wanted to finish his term in office.
Television and radio stations broadcast no news. The electrical power, phone lines, and international cable TV were cut or blocked throughout Honduras.
Public transportation was suspended.
Later that day, the Supreme Court issued a statement that it had ordered the army to remove Zelaya from office. The Supreme Court stated "The armed forces, in charge of supporting the constitution, acted to defend the state of law and have been forced to apply legal dispositions against those who have expressed themselves publicly and acted against the dispositions of the basic law". On 30 June, the military's chief lawyer, Colonel Herberth Bayardo Inestroza Membreño, showed a detention order, signed 26 June by a Supreme Court judge, which ordered the armed forces to detain the president, identified by his full name of José Manuel Zelaya Rosales, at his home in the Tres Caminos area of the capital. It cited him for treason and abuse of authority, among other charges. Colonel Inestroza later stated that deporting Zelaya did not comply with the court order: "In the moment that we took him out of the country, in the way that he was taken out, there is a crime. Because of the circumstances of the moment this crime occurred, there is going to be a justification and cause for acquittal that will protect us." He said the decision was taken by the military leadership "in order to avoid bloodshed". He said "What was more beneficial, remove this gentleman from Honduras or present him to prosecutors and have a mob assault and burn and destroy and for us to have to shoot?" Colonel Inestroza also commented that Zelaya's allegiance to Hugo Chávez was hard to stomach and "It would be difficult for us, with our training, to have a relationship with a leftist government. That's impossible. I personally would have retired, because my thinking, my principles, would not have allowed me to participate in that."
Ramón Custodio, head of the country's human rights commission, said that the military made an "error" in sending Zelaya into exile rather than holding him for trial. "I didn't know they would take Zelaya out of the country," Custodio said in an interview in the week of 13 August at his Tegucigalpa office. Honduras's Supreme Court agreed to hear a case brought by a group of lawyers and judges arguing that the military broke the law taking Zelaya out of the country. On 17 August 2009, President Micheletti also said that putting Zelaya on a plane to Costa Rica instead of holding him for trial had been a mistake: "It wasn't correct. We have to punish whoever allowed that to happen. The rest was framed within what the constitution requires." | [
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projected-23572464-006 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Congress removes Zelaya from office | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | The National Congress the following morning voted to accept Zelaya's resignation letter, dated 25 June, which Zelaya had denied signing. It studied a special report on Zelaya, and by a show of hands, the National Congress – the majority of whom belonged to Zelaya's own Liberal party – appointed the President of the National Congress Roberto Micheletti, a member of Zelaya's party, to succeed Zelaya. Some felt that the president had changed his politics during his administration, from right to left, which earned him the antipathy of his party.
The Honduran National Congress unanimously agreed to:
Under the Articles 1, 2,3,4, 205, 220, subsections 20, 218, 242, 321, 322, 323 of the Constitution of the Republic,
Disapprove Zelaya's repeated violations of the constitution, laws and court orders.
Remove Zelaya from office.
Name the current President of Congress Roberto Micheletti to complete the constitutional period that ends on 27 January 2010. | [
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projected-23572464-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Legality of ouster | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | Many governments, media, and human-rights organisations outside Honduras have termed the ouster a coup. The United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, the Organization of American States OAS, invoking for the first time Article 21 of the Inter-American Democratic Charter, voted by acclamation of all member states to suspend Honduras from the organisation.
Soon after the coup, U.S. President Barack Obama stated: "We believe that the coup was not legal and that President Zelaya remains the president of Honduras, the democratically elected president there." He stated: "It would be a terrible precedent if we start moving backwards into the era in which we are seeing military coups as a means of political transition, rather than democratic elections." Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, however, equivocated, saying that "We do think that this has evolved into a coup" and noting that under U.S. law, officially declaring a coup would oblige the U.S. to cut off most foreign aid to Honduras." Cutting off aid was seen as a possibility in the days after the coup, and State Department Director of Policy Planning Anne-Marie Slaughter urged Clinton to "take bold action" and to "find that [the] coup was a 'military coup' under U.S. law." Clinton did not do so, and the U.S. never formally declared that a coup had occurred. By November 2009, the U.S. "focused on pushing for elections" in the country. In September 2009, the Board of the U.S. Millennium Challenge Corporation, headed by Clinton, cut off $11 million in aid to the Honduran government in the wake of the coup, and suspended another $4 million in planned contributions to a road project. From 2009 to mid-2016, however, the U.S. provided about $200 million in military and police aid to Honduras, a controversial decision given the violence in Honduras and the government's human rights violations.
Arguments that Zelaya's removal was illegal have been advanced by several lawyers. The Supreme Court never ruled on any of the charges filed by the public prosecutor on 26 June. The arrest warrant was issued for the purposes of taking a deposition from him. According to Edmundo Orellana, the events were constitutionally irregular for several reasons: because Zelaya was captured by the armed forces, not the national police (Art. 273, 292); and because the Congress, not the courts, judged Zelaya to have broken the law (Arts. 303 and 304). Orellana concluded, "Violations of the Constitution cannot be put right with another violation. The Constitution is defended by subjecting oneself to it. Their violation translates into disregard for the State of Law and infringes on the very essence of the Law. Therefore, a coup d'Etat never has been and should never be the solution to a political conflict." Other civic and business leaders, even those opposed to Zelaya's referendum efforts, agreed that Zelaya was deprived of due process in his ouster.
Still, many people in Honduras, including most of the country's official institutions, claimed that there was a constitutional succession of power. In a statement to a subcommittee of the US House Committee on International Affairs, former Honduran Supreme Court Justice, Foreign Affairs minister, and law professor Guillermo Pérez Cadalso said that all major governmental institutions agreed that Zelaya was violating the law. Supreme Court Justice Rosalinda Cruz said that, as a sovereign and independent nation, Honduras had the right to freely decide to remove a president who was violating Honduran laws. She added: "Unfortunately, our voice hasn't been heard."
She compared Zelaya's tactics, including his dismissal of the armed forces chief for obeying a court order to impound ballots to be used in the vote, with those of Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez: "Some say it was not Zelaya but Chávez governing."
There is a small amount of middle ground between those who term the events a coup and those who call them a constitutionally-sound succession of power. On the one hand, several supporters of Zelaya's removal, including Acting Honduran President Roberto Micheletti and the top army lawyer, have admitted that sending Zelaya out of the country was illegal, although they argue it was justified by the need to prevent violence. Micheletti said forcing deposed President Manuel Zelaya to leave the country, instead of arresting him, was a mistake. On the other hand, a fraction of those who oppose the events consider the arrest warrant against Zelaya to be legal, although they say he was denied a fair trial.
According to an opinion of an employee of the US Law Library of Congress which was published September 2009 in Forbes, the military's decision to send Zelaya into exile was illegal, but the judicial and legislative branches applied constitutional and statutory law in accordance with the Honduran legal system. This conclusion was disputed by lawmakers, Honduran constitutional law experts, and government officials, who requested that the LLoC report be retracted.
In 2010 WikiLeaks published a classified cable from 24 July 2009 sent by the US Ambassador in Tegucigalpa, Hugo Llorens, finding that the removal of President Zelaya was a coup.
The Embassy perspective is that there is no doubt that the military, Supreme Court and National Congress conspired on 28 June in what constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup against the Executive Branch, while accepting that there may be a prima facie case that Zelaya may have committed illegalities and may have even violated the constitution. There is equally no doubt from our perspective that Roberto Micheletti's assumption of power was illegitimate. Nevertheless, it is also evident that the constitution itself may be deficient in terms of providing clear procedures for dealing with alleged illegal acts by the President and resolving conflicts between the branches of government. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-008 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Independence of judiciary | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | A lack of an independent, professional judiciary was a factor in the inability of the Honduran government to process Zelaya through a political or criminal trial. The Honduran judiciary remains deeply politicised, with the highest judicial offices still being distributed between the two main parties. Requiring judges to stand for re-election makes them subject to the policies of their sponsoring party. Eight of the judges were selected by the Liberal Party and seven by the National Party. According to a report by Heather Berkman of the University of California. the politicisation of the justice system, including the Supreme Court, the Ministry of Public Security and the Public Ministry, inhibits the due process of law.
José Tomás Arita Valle, who signed the arrest warrant for Zelaya, had been vice-minister for foreign affairs in the National Party government of President Ricardo Maduro. José Antonio Gutiérrez Navas, in 1998, spoke at the UN General Assembly, representing the Liberal Party government of Carlos Roberto Flores, at a session to commemorate fifty years of human rights. Oscar Fernando Chinchilla Banegas and Gustavo Enrique Bustillo Palma were National Party alternate members of Congress (2002–2006).
The US State Department noted in 2004 that the judiciary and Attorney General's office is subject to corruption and political influence. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-009 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Demonstrations surrounding Zelaya's removal | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | In response to the events, a number of demonstrations were held, some opposing the coup and some supporting it. Some of these are listed below.
On 28 June, hundreds of demonstrators against the coup put up roadblocks in the capital Tegucigalpa.
On 29 June, about 2,000 anti-coup demonstrators spent the day in the city's main square.
On 30 June, demonstrations in favour of Zelaya's removal were held. In an emotional speech, Armeda Lopez said "Chavez ate Venezuela first, then Bolivia, but in Honduras that didn't happen. Here we will not let anyone come to rule us". Signboards included "Enough to illegality", "I love my constitution".
On 1 July, at around 10 in the morning, white-dressed coup supporters emerged in the capital city Tegucigalpa. "Mel out, Mel out!" "Democracy yes, dictatorship no!", "Romeo, friend, the people are with you!" People from the religious sector, women's organisations, politics, and government gave speeches in favour of Zelaya's removal. Jorge Yllescas Olive said "Hondurans have saved our country, justice is on our side and we are demonstrating it to the world". Demonstrators also expressed opposition to Hugo Chávez's threats against Honduras.
On 3 July, around 70,000 people demonstrated in favour of the new government and against Zelaya.
On 30 July, some thousands marched in protest against the coup in El Durazno, Tegucigalpa. They were dispersed violently by police, according to Amnesty International.
On 22 September, some hundreds of anti-coup protesters demonstrating outside the Brazilian embassy, where Zelaya had taken refuge, were dispersed by police.
Government opponents say that the pro-coup demonstrations were staged and/or paid for by the government, giving evidence in some cases. It is claimed that pro-coup demonstrators were bused to the capital Tegucigalpa from all over the country, whereas similar buses with anti-coup demonstrators from the countryside were not allowed to enter the city. | [
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projected-23572464-010 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Human rights abuses of the interim government | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | De facto President Roberto Micheletti ordered a curfew which initially lasted for the 48 hours from Sunday night (28 June) and to Tuesday (30 June) and has continued since then in an arbitrary way. According to Amnesty International and the International Observation Mission for the Human Rights Situation in Honduras, the curfew law was not published in the official journal La Gaceta and was not approved by Congress.
Originally the curfew ran from 9:00 pm to 6:00 am. That curfew was later revised to be in effect from 10 pm to 5 am, was extended twice, ended on 7 July, and was restarted again on 15 July. Amnesty International and the International Observation Mission stated that curfew implementation was arbitrary, with curfew times announced on radio stations, changing randomly each day and between different regions of Honduras. On 1 July, Congress issued an order (decreto ejecutivo N° 011–2009) at the request of Micheletti suspending four constitutional guarantees during the hours the curfew was in effect. The "state of exception" declared on 1 July is equivalent to a state of siege. It suspended civil liberties including freedom of transit and due process, as well as permitting search and seizure without a warrant.
The ambassadors of Cuba, Venezuela, and Nicaragua on 29 June were detained and beaten by Honduran troops before being released. Venezuela's ambassador to the OAS announced before the OAS that those ambassadors and Patricia Rodas, the Zelaya government's Foreign Minister, had been captured. Minutes later, Armando Laguna, the Venezuelan ambassador in Tegucigalpa, reported that he and the other ambassadors had been freed. Laguna said that he and the other diplomats had been seized when they visited Rodas, and that Rodas was forced into a van and had been transferred to an air base. Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez stated that the Venezuelan ambassador was assaulted by Honduran soldiers and left by the side of a road.
Allies of Zelaya, among them several government officials, were taken into custody by the military. Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas and the mayor of the city San Pedro Sula, Rodolfo Padilla Sunseri, were detained at military bases. According to a Narconews blog, several congressmen of the Democratic Unification Party (PUD) were arrested and the party's presidential candidate, César Ham, went into hiding.
According to the Venezuelan government's ABN news service, Tomás Andino Mencías, a member of the party, reported that PUD lawmakers were led away by the military when they tried to enter the parliament building for 28 June vote on Zelaya's deposal. A dozen former ministers from the Zelaya government went into hiding, some in foreign embassies, fearing arrest. Local media reported that at least eight ministers besides Rodas had been detained.
Hugo Chávez and Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez separately claimed that Honduran Foreign Minister Patricia Rodas was detained by the military. Rodríguez said that the Cuban, Venezuelan and Nicaraguan ambassadors to Honduras had tried but were unable to protect Rodas from a group of masked soldiers who forcibly took her from their grasp. Rodas was sent to Mexico, which offered her asylum and help to resolve the situation. | [
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projected-23572464-011 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Media restrictions | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | Reuters on 29 June 2009, describing the situation in Honduras as a "media blackout", reported that the military had shut down several TV stations, radio stations, and newspapers' websites. Among the TV stations closed were CNN en Español, TeleSUR, and "a pro-Zelaya channel". Reuters said that "the few television and radio stations still operating on Monday [the 29th] played tropical music or aired soap operas and cooking shows", and "made little reference to the demonstrations or international condemnation of the coup". A government health worker interviewed by Reuters said that the anti-Zelaya newspapers El Heraldo and La Tribuna, and "some television channels controlled by the opposition" were the only ones still broadcasting on the morning of the 29th. The Miami Herald reported that the "crackdown on the media" began before dawn on the 28th. It said that only pro-Micheletti stations were allowed to broadcast and that they carried only news friendly to the new government. On 29 June, four Associated Press personnel were detained and removed from their hotel, but then released.
TeleSUR journalist Adriana Sívori, who was in Tegucigalpa reporting the clashes between the police and protesters, reported that she was arrested by the military under threat and that her passport was seized. Her detention was confirmed by the Associated Press. As soon as the international community learned of the detention, and after the quick intervention of the Venezuelan ambassador in Honduras, the journalist and the staff who accompanied her were released.
According to Diario El Tiempo, there was also some information about the developments that the newspaper Diario El Tiempo had been prohibited to broadcast. Canal 11, located in Colonia de Miramontes, was also prohibited from broadcasting information about the developments. The Cable Color buildings, which also broadcasts programming from CNN and teleSUR, were surrounded by military forces. On 29 June, soldiers shut down Channel 8, a government station which was pro-Zelaya. Channel 36 was raided by soldiers minutes after the coup and remained off the air for a week; the Miami Herald of 1 July quoted owner Esdras López as saying that the building's occupants were detained during the raid. Channel 66 was raided and was off the air for a short time; according to some journalists, however, a Channel 66 program by , a popular radio and TV commentator who is pro-Zelaya, remained off the air for days. Maldonado went into hiding. The Miami Herald noted that Channel 21's signal was briefly interrupted while it was broadcasting a plea against censorship.
As historian Kevin Coleman wrote, "On Monday 29 June, in a replay of the military raids on the Jesuit radio station in El Progreso of the 1960s and 1970s, the Jesuits' progressive radio broadcasts were abruptly pulled off the air at four in the morning. On Sunday evening at 6 pm, just an hour after the coup government's curfew began, a military contingent broke into Radio Progreso's headquarters. With guns pointed, they shouted: "We've come to close down this piece of ****!" One broadcaster locked himself in to keep broadcasting throughout the night. Shortly after, another military convoy stopped outside Radio Progreso. A group of soldiers approached the radio station's guard and asked him if there were any people still working inside. When the guard said no, the soldier in charge told him: "If we find someone inside, you will regret it". And while the coup government, led by Roberto Micheletti, a native of El Progreso, threatened to shut down the station with violence, popular organisations resisting the undemocratic change in their government criticised the station for "watering down" its reporting of the tense and dynamic situation."
According to a press release published on the website of Radio Globo Honduras, which had long sided with Zelaya, a group of 60 soldiers took the radio off the air and the employees, including Alejandro Villatoro, were allegedly threatened and intimidated. The station was allowed to resume transmission, but staff had to follow some rules which they believed limited freedom of expression. The website of the radio was down but was re-established. Alejandro Villatoro said he was arrested and kidnapped by military forces. On or just before 4 August 2009, the National Telecommunications Commission (CONATEL) terminated Radio Globo's transmission frequency rights.
Honduran newspaper La Prensa reported on 30 June that an armed group of Zelaya supporters attacked its main headquarters by throwing stones and other objects at their windows, until police intervened. According to the paper, it was discovered that the group was led by Venezuelan and Nicaraguan nationals.
The Paris-based press freedom group Reporters Without Borders released a statement on 29 June stating that, "The suspension or closure of local and international broadcast media indicates that the coup leaders want to hide what is happening".
Carlos Lauría of the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists said: "The de facto government clearly used the security forces to restrict the news... Hondurans did not know what was going on. They clearly acted to create an information vacuum to keep people unaware of what was actually happening". However, in an interview published on 9 July 2009 in The Washington Post, Ramón Custodio López, Honduras's human rights ombudsman, said he had received no official complaints from journalists: "This is the first I have heard about an occupation or military raid of a station", he said. "I try to do the best job I can, but there are things that escape my knowledge". | [] | [
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projected-23572464-012 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | Aftermath | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | There were demonstrations supporting and opposing Zelaya's removal from power. The Zelaya administration was investigated and prosecuted in the absence of Zelaya. Some organisations reported human rights violations and media restrictions.
Zelaya made two open attempts to return to the country, which were rebuffed; he eventually returned clandestinely and sought asylum in the Brazilian embassy in Tegucigalpa. Negotiations between the coup government and those seeking Zelaya's restitution continued a rocky path; although both sides signed the San José-Tegucigalpa-Guaymuras Accord both had differing interpretations as to the implications for Zelaya's restitution. Some Hondurans hoped to move past the coup through the elections of 29 November 2009.
In June 2019, Zelaya presented in Tegucigalpa a book describing his ouster entitled "El Golpe 28J".
In May 2011, after more than one and a half years in exile in the Dominican Republic, Zelaya was allowed to return to Honduras. Following his return on 28 May, the Organization of American States was to vote on readmitting Honduras to its body.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded the Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was illegal and a coup. The designation by Congress of Roberto Micheletti as interim president was ruled by the commission as unconstitutional and his administration as a "de facto regime."
, the coup had weakened democratic institutions such, that along with corruption and police impunity, state security forces persecuted coup opponents, peasants, indigenous protesters and others, and the crime rate increased massively. In this context more than 13,000 Honduran children crossed U.S. borders from October 2013 until May 2014, a 1272% increase compared to 2009.
That same year, Senate Armed Services Committee Chair Carl Levin asked the U.S. Defense Department Office of the Inspector General to investigate charges that the William Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies , the educational arm of U.S. Southern Command located at the National Defense University in Washington, D.C., had actively promoted the coup declared illegal by President Obama but remained unpunished.
Following the coup, trends of decreasing poverty were reversed. The nation saw a poverty increase of 13.2 percent and in extreme poverty of 26.3 percent in just 3 years. Furthermore, unemployment grew between 2008 and 2012 from 6.8 percent to 14.1 percent.
In 2021, Zelaya's wife Xiomara Castro de Zelaya, who ran for president in two previous Honduras elections, would be elected as Honduras' first female President. However, by this point in time, the Zelayas were no longer members of the Liberal Party of Honduras and had since formed a separate party called the Libre, or Free Party. | [] | [
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projected-23572464-013 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | WikiLeaks documents | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | On 28 November 2010, the organisation WikiLeaks began releasing 251,287 confidential documents, which detail correspondence between the U.S. State Department and U.S. embassies around the world. Among these is a cable written by U.S. Ambassador Hugo Llorens in late July 2009, which analyzes the legality of the removal of Zelaya under the Honduran constitution. Llorens concluded that although Zelaya might "have committed illegalities and...even violated the constitution", "there is no doubt that the military, Supreme Court and National Congress conspired on June 28 in what constituted an illegal and unconstitutional coup against the Executive Branch". The US Congressional Research Service, a non-partisan congressional committee, however found the interpretation and application of the Honduran constitution that led to the removal of Jose Manuel Zelaya Rosales to be legal. Emails released later show that the 2009 removal was supported by Hillary Clinton's State Department by not recognizing it as coup in order to maintain U.S. aid to the Honduran people. Clinton and her team worked behind the scenes to stall military and economic efforts by neighboring countries through the Organization of American States to restore Manuel Zelaya to office. "The OAS meeting today turned into a non-event — just as we hoped," wrote one senior State Department official, celebrating their success in defusing what they judged would have been a violent or destabilizing restoration. Secretary Clinton had also helped organize elections where she, Latin American leaders and diplomats, in her own words "strategized on a plan to restore order in Honduras and ensure that free and fair elections could be held quickly and legitimately, which would render the question of Zelaya moot". | [] | [
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projected-23572464-015 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | See also | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | Grupo Paz y Democracia | [] | [
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projected-23572464-016 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Honduran%20coup%20d%27%C3%A9tat | 2009 Honduran coup d'état | References | The 2009 Honduran coup d'état, part of the 2009 Honduran constitutional crisis, occurred when the Honduran Army on 28 June 2009 followed orders from the Honduran Supreme Court to oust President Manuel Zelaya and send him into exile. Zelaya had attempted to schedule a non-binding poll on holding a referendum on convening a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution. Zelaya refused to comply with court orders to cease, and the Honduran Supreme Court issued a secret warrant for his arrest dated 26 June. Two days later, Honduran soldiers stormed the president's house in the middle of the night and detained him, forestalling the poll. Instead of bringing him to trial, the army put him on a military aeroplane and flew him to Costa Rica. Later that day, after the reading of a resignation letter of disputed authenticity, the Honduran Congress voted to remove Zelaya from office, and appointed Speaker of Congress Roberto Micheletti, his constitutional successor, to replace him. It was the first coup to occur in the country since 1978.
International reaction to the 2009 Honduran coup d'état was widespread; the United Nations, the Organization of American States (OAS), and the European Union condemned the removal of Zelaya as a military coup. On 5 July 2009, all member states of the OAS voted by acclamation to suspend Honduras from the organization.
In July 2011, Honduras's Truth Commission concluded that Zelaya broke the law when he disregarded a Supreme Court ruling ordering him to cancel the referendum, but that his removal from office was also illegal and a coup. The Commission found Congress' designation of Roberto Micheletti as interim president had been unconstitutional, and the resulting administration a "de facto regime." Former Guatemalan Vice-president Eduardo Stein chaired the commission and presented its report to the then Honduran President Porfirio Lobo, the head of the Supreme Court, Jorge Rivera Avilez and the Secretary General of the Organization of American States, Jose Miguel Insulza. In November 2021, more than a decade after the coup removed Zelaya from office, his wife - the former Honduran First Lady, Xiomara Castro de Zelaya would be elected as the first female President of Honduras. | Category:2009 Honduran constitutional crisis
Category:Military coups in Honduras
Honduras
Coup d'etat
Honduran Coup d'etat
Category:Battles and conflicts without fatalities
Category:June 2009 events in North America | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"2009 Honduran constitutional crisis",
"Military coups in Honduras",
"2000s coups d'état and coup attempts",
"2009 in Honduras",
"Conflicts in 2009",
"Battles and conflicts without fatalities",
"June 2009 events in North America"
] |
projected-23572484-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auf%20der%20L%C3%BCneburger%20Heide | Auf der Lüneburger Heide | Introduction | The song Auf der Lüneburger Heide ("On the Lüneburg Heath") was composed in 1912 by Ludwig Rahlfs based on a poem from the collection Der kleine Rosengarten ("The Little Rose Garden") by Hermann Löns.
It is often played at folk festivals in this region of north Germany and is also frequently part of the repertoire of local choral societies.
It gained fame outside the Lüneburg Heath as a result of the 1951 film Grün ist die Heide ("Green is the Heath") with Kurt Reimann as the singer and the 1972 film of the same name in which Roy Black sings the heathland song. Various musicians have publicised their own interpretations of the song, for example the tenor Rudolf Schock on his CD Stimme für Millionen ("Voice for Millions"). The Slovenian industrial band Laibach used the song in 1988 on their cover version of the Beatles album Let It be, where under the title Maggie Mae, instead of the folk song used by the Beatles an unfamiliar version of Auf der Lüneburger Heide (first and third verses) may be heard. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Regional songs",
"Volkslied",
"Lüneburg Heath"
] | |
projected-23572498-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Research%20Chair%20in%20Naval%20History | Research Chair in Naval History | Introduction | The United States Secretary of the Navy's Research Chair in Naval History was established in 1987 by the then Naval Historical Center, Department of the Navy (now known as the Naval History & Heritage Command). This competitive appointment was designed to support, for up to three years, a scholar in researching and writing a major monograph on the history of the U.S. Navy since 1945.
Past holders of this chair include:
1987–1988 Dr. Malcolm "Kip" Muir
1988–1989
1989–1990 Dr. William N. Still, Jr.
1990–1991 Dr. Christopher McKee
1991–1992 Dr. James Recknor
2003 John C. Reilly Jr. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"American military writers",
"American naval historians",
"Naval History and Heritage Command"
] | |
projected-20464254-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Andorran%20parliamentary%20election | 2009 Andorran parliamentary election | Introduction | Parliamentary elections were held in Andorra on 26 April 2009, the fourth under the 1993 Constitution. The elections were held at the end of the normal four-year term of the General Council (Consell General, Andorra's parliament), but also following months of intense pressure from Co-Prince Nicolas Sarkozy to change the country's banking secrecy laws.
The Social Democratic Party led by Jaume Bartumeu was the clear winner, with 45.03% of votes for its national list, followed by the "Reformist Coalition" led by the Liberal Party of Andorra (32.34%) and the new Andorra for Change party (18.86%). The Social Democrats hold fourteen seats in the General Council, against eleven for the Liberals and three for Andorra for Change.
The electorate, restricted to Andorran citizens, was 20,298 voters out of a population of about 85,000. There were 114 candidates for 28 seats, more than one candidate for every 200 voters. Turnout was 75.3%. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"2009 in Andorra",
"2009 elections in Europe",
"Parliamentary elections in Andorra",
"General Council (Andorra)",
"April 2009 events in Europe"
] | |
projected-20464254-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Andorran%20parliamentary%20election | 2009 Andorran parliamentary election | Issues | Parliamentary elections were held in Andorra on 26 April 2009, the fourth under the 1993 Constitution. The elections were held at the end of the normal four-year term of the General Council (Consell General, Andorra's parliament), but also following months of intense pressure from Co-Prince Nicolas Sarkozy to change the country's banking secrecy laws.
The Social Democratic Party led by Jaume Bartumeu was the clear winner, with 45.03% of votes for its national list, followed by the "Reformist Coalition" led by the Liberal Party of Andorra (32.34%) and the new Andorra for Change party (18.86%). The Social Democrats hold fourteen seats in the General Council, against eleven for the Liberals and three for Andorra for Change.
The electorate, restricted to Andorran citizens, was 20,298 voters out of a population of about 85,000. There were 114 candidates for 28 seats, more than one candidate for every 200 voters. Turnout was 75.3%. | The main issue in the elections is the possible changes required to Andorra's economic model to facilitate its international relations.
On 11 March 2009, three weeks before the 2009 G-20 London Summit, the Head of Government Albert Pintat made a unilateral declaration in Paris promising to improve the exchange of information (for tax purposes) about non-residents who hold bank accounts in Andorra. He committed the incoming government to drafting changes to the banking secrecy laws by 1 September 2009, which would then be passed by the General Council before 15 November 2009. He also announced that he would not be leading the Liberal Party of Andorra in the elections so as to devote his time to negotiating tax treaties with other countries, starting with France. Such agreements would also abolish the punitive customs duties which France and Spain impose on Andorran exports (33% and 25% respectively). The Liberal Party and the Social Democratic Party have agreed to cooperate in the drafting of the new legislation.
The negotiation of tax treaties is complicated by the present tax structure of Andorra. The state is funded mostly by indirect taxation, such as levies on water supplies and telecommunications, and by fees for administrative permits. The Social Democratic Party proposes the introduction of income tax and value added tax, albeit at low rates, whereas the Liberal Party prefers keeping changes to the tax system to a minimum. Andorra for Change rejects any changes whatsoever to the current system.
A third issue is the relationship Andorra should have with the European Economic Area (EEA): at present, Andorra has a limited set of bilateral agreements with the European Union in the fields of economic, social, and cultural cooperation, signed in June 2004. The Social Democratic Party favours expanding these into a fully fledged association agreement; the Liberal Party is more reticent, but has promised to cooperate in any discussions. | [] | [
"Issues"
] | [
"2009 in Andorra",
"2009 elections in Europe",
"Parliamentary elections in Andorra",
"General Council (Andorra)",
"April 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464254-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Andorran%20parliamentary%20election | 2009 Andorran parliamentary election | Electoral system | Parliamentary elections were held in Andorra on 26 April 2009, the fourth under the 1993 Constitution. The elections were held at the end of the normal four-year term of the General Council (Consell General, Andorra's parliament), but also following months of intense pressure from Co-Prince Nicolas Sarkozy to change the country's banking secrecy laws.
The Social Democratic Party led by Jaume Bartumeu was the clear winner, with 45.03% of votes for its national list, followed by the "Reformist Coalition" led by the Liberal Party of Andorra (32.34%) and the new Andorra for Change party (18.86%). The Social Democrats hold fourteen seats in the General Council, against eleven for the Liberals and three for Andorra for Change.
The electorate, restricted to Andorran citizens, was 20,298 voters out of a population of about 85,000. There were 114 candidates for 28 seats, more than one candidate for every 200 voters. Turnout was 75.3%. | Twenty-eight "general councillors" were elected on 26 April 2009, based on party lists (closed list system):
two general councillors from each of the seven parishes, elected from the list with most votes in each parish;
fourteen general councillors elected from national lists using the largest remainder method of proportional representation.
The parish lists and the national list are independent of one another: the same person cannot appear on both the national list and on a parish list, and voters cast two separate ballots (there is no requirement to vote for the same party for both lists). | [] | [
"Electoral system"
] | [
"2009 in Andorra",
"2009 elections in Europe",
"Parliamentary elections in Andorra",
"General Council (Andorra)",
"April 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464254-005 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Andorran%20parliamentary%20election | 2009 Andorran parliamentary election | References | Parliamentary elections were held in Andorra on 26 April 2009, the fourth under the 1993 Constitution. The elections were held at the end of the normal four-year term of the General Council (Consell General, Andorra's parliament), but also following months of intense pressure from Co-Prince Nicolas Sarkozy to change the country's banking secrecy laws.
The Social Democratic Party led by Jaume Bartumeu was the clear winner, with 45.03% of votes for its national list, followed by the "Reformist Coalition" led by the Liberal Party of Andorra (32.34%) and the new Andorra for Change party (18.86%). The Social Democrats hold fourteen seats in the General Council, against eleven for the Liberals and three for Andorra for Change.
The electorate, restricted to Andorran citizens, was 20,298 voters out of a population of about 85,000. There were 114 candidates for 28 seats, more than one candidate for every 200 voters. Turnout was 75.3%. | "Law 28/2007": Llei 28/2007, del 22 de novembre, qualificada de modificació de la Llei qualificada del règim electoral i del referèndum. | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"2009 in Andorra",
"2009 elections in Europe",
"Parliamentary elections in Andorra",
"General Council (Andorra)",
"April 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464254-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Andorran%20parliamentary%20election | 2009 Andorran parliamentary election | Homepages for party lists | Parliamentary elections were held in Andorra on 26 April 2009, the fourth under the 1993 Constitution. The elections were held at the end of the normal four-year term of the General Council (Consell General, Andorra's parliament), but also following months of intense pressure from Co-Prince Nicolas Sarkozy to change the country's banking secrecy laws.
The Social Democratic Party led by Jaume Bartumeu was the clear winner, with 45.03% of votes for its national list, followed by the "Reformist Coalition" led by the Liberal Party of Andorra (32.34%) and the new Andorra for Change party (18.86%). The Social Democrats hold fourteen seats in the General Council, against eleven for the Liberals and three for Andorra for Change.
The electorate, restricted to Andorran citizens, was 20,298 voters out of a population of about 85,000. There were 114 candidates for 28 seats, more than one candidate for every 200 voters. Turnout was 75.3%. | Reformist Coalition
Social Democratic Party
Andorra for Change
National Union of Progress
Greens of Andorra
Parliamentary
Andorra
Category:Parliamentary elections in Andorra
Category:General Council (Andorra)
Category:April 2009 events in Europe | [] | [
"External links",
"Homepages for party lists"
] | [
"2009 in Andorra",
"2009 elections in Europe",
"Parliamentary elections in Andorra",
"General Council (Andorra)",
"April 2009 events in Europe"
] |
projected-20464260-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenstriped%20soapfish | Goldenstriped soapfish | Introduction | The goldenstriped soapfish (Grammistes sexlineatus), also known as the lined soapfish, golden-striped bass, radio fish, sixline soapfish, six-lined perch or white-lined rock cod, is a species of marine ray-finned fish, related to the groupers and classified within the subfamily Epinephelinae of the family Serranidae. It has a wide Indo-Pacific distribution. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Grammistini",
"Fish of the Indian Ocean",
"Fish of the Pacific Ocean",
"Fish described in 1792"
] | |
projected-20464260-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenstriped%20soapfish | Goldenstriped soapfish | Description | The goldenstriped soapfish (Grammistes sexlineatus), also known as the lined soapfish, golden-striped bass, radio fish, sixline soapfish, six-lined perch or white-lined rock cod, is a species of marine ray-finned fish, related to the groupers and classified within the subfamily Epinephelinae of the family Serranidae. It has a wide Indo-Pacific distribution. | Grammistes sexlineatus is a middle sized fish, which can grow to a maximum length of 30 cm. Its background body color is dark brown with a maximum of six white to yellow horizontal lines. The number of lines depends on the maturity of the fish. Juveniles have white to yellow dots on a dark background until an approximate size of 17.5 mm. Thereafter, the points gradually become lines. At a length of 5 cm, these soap fish have three horizontal lines. Only from 8 cm long that the soapfish gets the six distinctive horizontal lines. Note that in adult specimens close to the maximum size, these lines tend to sever to form small strokes and points. | [] | [
"Description"
] | [
"Grammistini",
"Fish of the Indian Ocean",
"Fish of the Pacific Ocean",
"Fish described in 1792"
] |
projected-20464260-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenstriped%20soapfish | Goldenstriped soapfish | Distribution and habitat | The goldenstriped soapfish (Grammistes sexlineatus), also known as the lined soapfish, golden-striped bass, radio fish, sixline soapfish, six-lined perch or white-lined rock cod, is a species of marine ray-finned fish, related to the groupers and classified within the subfamily Epinephelinae of the family Serranidae. It has a wide Indo-Pacific distribution. | The six lined soapfish is widespread throughout the tropical and subtropical waters of the Indo-Pacific area from the eastern coast of Africa to the oceanic islands of the Pacific Ocean, including Hawaii and the Red Sea as well as from southern Japan to northern New Zealand.
This soapfish occurs in coastal rocky and coral reefs from shallow to 40–50 meters depth. | [] | [
"Distribution and habitat"
] | [
"Grammistini",
"Fish of the Indian Ocean",
"Fish of the Pacific Ocean",
"Fish described in 1792"
] |
projected-20464260-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenstriped%20soapfish | Goldenstriped soapfish | Biology | The goldenstriped soapfish (Grammistes sexlineatus), also known as the lined soapfish, golden-striped bass, radio fish, sixline soapfish, six-lined perch or white-lined rock cod, is a species of marine ray-finned fish, related to the groupers and classified within the subfamily Epinephelinae of the family Serranidae. It has a wide Indo-Pacific distribution. | Individuals are generally solitary in their reef habitat. They usually stay hidden in crevices, and are most active at night.
Like other fish in the subfamily Grammistinae, this species produces a toxin from the skin. The toxins in the skin secretions are known as grammistins. These secretions resemble lathered soap and are the basis for the common name of Soap Fish. This is not caught as a food fish because the flesh reportedly has a bitter, unpleasant taste. | [] | [
"Biology"
] | [
"Grammistini",
"Fish of the Indian Ocean",
"Fish of the Pacific Ocean",
"Fish described in 1792"
] |
projected-20464260-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Goldenstriped%20soapfish | Goldenstriped soapfish | Taxonomy | The goldenstriped soapfish (Grammistes sexlineatus), also known as the lined soapfish, golden-striped bass, radio fish, sixline soapfish, six-lined perch or white-lined rock cod, is a species of marine ray-finned fish, related to the groupers and classified within the subfamily Epinephelinae of the family Serranidae. It has a wide Indo-Pacific distribution. | The goldenstriped soapfish was first formally described as Perca sixlineata in 1792 by the Swedish naturalist Carl Peter Thunberg (1743-1828) with the type locality given as the East Indies or Japan. | [] | [
"Taxonomy"
] | [
"Grammistini",
"Fish of the Indian Ocean",
"Fish of the Pacific Ocean",
"Fish described in 1792"
] |
projected-20464277-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Comorian%20legislative%20election | 2009 Comorian legislative election | Introduction | Parliamentary elections were held in the Comoros on 6 December 2009, with a second round on 20 December. The elections were originally scheduled for July 2009, but were postponed until after a constitutional referendum was held in May 2009. They were then scheduled to take place on 29 November, but were delayed again. The result was a victory for the Baobab Movement, a coalition supporting President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"2009 elections in Africa",
"2009 in the Comoros",
"Elections in the Comoros",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] | |
projected-20464277-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Comorian%20legislative%20election | 2009 Comorian legislative election | Electoral system | Parliamentary elections were held in the Comoros on 6 December 2009, with a second round on 20 December. The elections were originally scheduled for July 2009, but were postponed until after a constitutional referendum was held in May 2009. They were then scheduled to take place on 29 November, but were delayed again. The result was a victory for the Baobab Movement, a coalition supporting President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi. | The elections were held using the two-round system with 24 single-member constituencies. The remaining nine seats in the Assembly of the Union were filled by appointees from the assemblies of the autonomous islands of the Comoros, Grande Comore, Mohéli and Anjouan, with each island selecting three members. | [] | [
"Electoral system"
] | [
"2009 elections in Africa",
"2009 in the Comoros",
"Elections in the Comoros",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-20464277-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Comorian%20legislative%20election | 2009 Comorian legislative election | Campaign | Parliamentary elections were held in the Comoros on 6 December 2009, with a second round on 20 December. The elections were originally scheduled for July 2009, but were postponed until after a constitutional referendum was held in May 2009. They were then scheduled to take place on 29 November, but were delayed again. The result was a victory for the Baobab Movement, a coalition supporting President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi. | Most candidates supporting President Sambi campaigned as the Baobab coalition, named after their identifying symbol, the Baobab tree. | [] | [
"Campaign"
] | [
"2009 elections in Africa",
"2009 in the Comoros",
"Elections in the Comoros",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-20464277-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Comorian%20legislative%20election | 2009 Comorian legislative election | References | Parliamentary elections were held in the Comoros on 6 December 2009, with a second round on 20 December. The elections were originally scheduled for July 2009, but were postponed until after a constitutional referendum was held in May 2009. They were then scheduled to take place on 29 November, but were delayed again. The result was a victory for the Baobab Movement, a coalition supporting President Ahmed Abdallah Mohamed Sambi. | Comoros
Category:2009 in the Comoros
Category:Elections in the Comoros
Category:Election and referendum articles with incomplete results | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"2009 elections in Africa",
"2009 in the Comoros",
"Elections in the Comoros",
"Election and referendum articles with incomplete results"
] |
projected-20464316-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avisauridae | Avisauridae | Introduction | Avisauridae is a family of extinct enantiornithine dinosaurs from the Cretaceous period, distinguished by several features of their ankle bones. Depending on the definition used, Avisauridae is either a broad and widespread group of advanced enantiornithines (following Cau & Arduini, 2008), or a small family within that group, restricted to species from the Late Cretaceous of North and South America (following Chiappe, 1992). | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Avisaurids",
"Cretaceous birds",
"Prehistoric dinosaur families"
] | |
projected-20464316-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avisauridae | Avisauridae | Description | Avisauridae is a family of extinct enantiornithine dinosaurs from the Cretaceous period, distinguished by several features of their ankle bones. Depending on the definition used, Avisauridae is either a broad and widespread group of advanced enantiornithines (following Cau & Arduini, 2008), or a small family within that group, restricted to species from the Late Cretaceous of North and South America (following Chiappe, 1992). | Avisaurids were among the largest and last enantiornithines to have lived, although they are also among the most poorly preserved. The majority of them are known primarily from fossilized tarsometatarsal bones, the part of a bird's leg formed by fused metatarsals (the bones which comprise the foot in humans). As a result, members of this family are distinguished from other enantiornithines exclusively by features of the tarsometatarsal and pedal phalanges (toe bones).
Unlike in some prehistoric birds, avisaurid tarsometatarsals were not completely fused, with the distal (outer) parts of the metatarsals being separate from each other. The proximal (near) half of metatarsal III (the long bone in the middle of the tarsometatarsus) is convex from the front. The inside edge of this bone's trochlea (toe joint) has a bony tab which points downward, known as a plantar projection. The innermost bone of the tarsometatarsus, metatarsal I, is small, laterally compressed (flattened from side-to-side), and J-shaped from the side. It is connected to a reversed hallux sporting a very large and curved claw.
Chiappe and Calvo (1994) found that the Avisauridae shared adaptations of the foot — including a fully reversed and distally placed hallux with a large claw — that indicated the ability to perch in trees. They argued that an arboreal habit was most likely for all of the Avisauridae. | [] | [
"Description"
] | [
"Avisaurids",
"Cretaceous birds",
"Prehistoric dinosaur families"
] |
projected-20464316-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avisauridae | Avisauridae | History and classification | Avisauridae is a family of extinct enantiornithine dinosaurs from the Cretaceous period, distinguished by several features of their ankle bones. Depending on the definition used, Avisauridae is either a broad and widespread group of advanced enantiornithines (following Cau & Arduini, 2008), or a small family within that group, restricted to species from the Late Cretaceous of North and South America (following Chiappe, 1992). | Avisauridae was erected as a family by Michael Brett-Surman and Gregory S. Paul in 1985. At that time the family consisted of a few fossils that they believed belonged to small non-avian dinosaurs. They doubted that these fossils belonged to birds due to the presence of several features of the tarsometatarsus. In Avisaurus (the only avisaurid known at that time), only the proximal parts of the metatarsals were fused, the proximal part of metatarsal III was wide, and the hypotarsus (a wide ridge extending down the back of the tarsometatarsus) was poorly developed.
However, Chiappe later reassigned the Avisauridae to the class Aves (which is equivalent to the clade Avialae in modern usage) and the subclass Enantiornithes in 1992. He noted that the features used to exclude avisaurids from birds are in fact present in some early birds such as Archaeopteryx, as well as various Cretaceous bird groups. Avisaurids also had a thin metatarsal IV (the outermost long bone of the tarsometatarsus) and a bony knob on the front of metatarsal II (the most innermost long bone of the tarsometatarsus) for the insertion of M. tibialis cranialis (the muscle which flexes the ankle, also known as the M. tibialis anticus or M. tibialis anterior), both believed to be enantiornithean features.
Chiappe in 1993 defined the family as the common ancestor of Neuquenornis volans and Avisaurus archibaldi plus all its descendants. In 2008, the family was given a broader definition courtesy of Cau and Arduini. They redefined the group as Avisaurus archibaldi and all genera more closely related to it than to either Longipteryx, Gobipteryx or Sinornis. Matt Martyniuk gave the name Avisauroidea to this group, although the erection of that name has been criticized by Cau. Under this broader definition, several other enantiornitheans, such as Enantiophoenix, would qualify as members of the family. Nevertheless, enantiornithean taxonomy is notably difficult to resolve, and some analyses on enantiornitheans have not resolved the family. However, this may be due to such analyses focusing on early Cretaceous enantiornitheans (which are numerous and well-preserved) rather than fragmentary late Cretaceous taxa, such as most avisaurids.
The following is a cladogram based on Cau and Arduini (2008): | [] | [
"History and classification"
] | [
"Avisaurids",
"Cretaceous birds",
"Prehistoric dinosaur families"
] |
projected-20464316-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Avisauridae | Avisauridae | References | Avisauridae is a family of extinct enantiornithine dinosaurs from the Cretaceous period, distinguished by several features of their ankle bones. Depending on the definition used, Avisauridae is either a broad and widespread group of advanced enantiornithines (following Cau & Arduini, 2008), or a small family within that group, restricted to species from the Late Cretaceous of North and South America (following Chiappe, 1992). | Category:Cretaceous birds
Category:Prehistoric dinosaur families | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Avisaurids",
"Cretaceous birds",
"Prehistoric dinosaur families"
] |
projected-20464325-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don%20Snow | Don Snow | Introduction | Don Snow (born 13 January 1957 in London) is a British vocalist and multi-instrumentalist, who plays the Hammond organ, piano, guitar, bass guitar, drums and saxophone. He is primarily known for his work with the new wave bands Squeeze, the Sinceros and the Catch, as well as Procol Harum. He has also frequently toured with Van Morrison and has played the Hammond organ and piano on three of his albums. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"1945 births",
"Living people",
"English male singers",
"English multi-instrumentalists",
"English record producers",
"English new wave musicians",
"Procol Harum members",
"Squeeze (band) members",
"English expatriates in the United States",
"People from Medford, New Jersey",
"The Vibrators memb... | |
projected-20464325-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don%20Snow | Don Snow | Career | Don Snow (born 13 January 1957 in London) is a British vocalist and multi-instrumentalist, who plays the Hammond organ, piano, guitar, bass guitar, drums and saxophone. He is primarily known for his work with the new wave bands Squeeze, the Sinceros and the Catch, as well as Procol Harum. He has also frequently toured with Van Morrison and has played the Hammond organ and piano on three of his albums. | He started his career in 1978 as an original member of the new wave/power pop outfit the Sinceros, who were signed to Epic Records and released a string of successful albums. Around this time, he also played with Lene Lovich and Bill Nelson, before he joined Squeeze in 1982, replacing Paul Carrack. At this time, he recorded with drummer Chris Whitten as the Catch, releasing the single "25 Years" which reached number 3 on the German charts, sold half a million copies and stayed on the charts for 40 weeks. He also recorded with artists such as Judie Tzuke, Tracey Ullman, Nik Kershaw, ABC and Sheila Walsh.
In 1987, he joined Tina Turner for her Break Every Rule World Tour and recorded the album Live in Europe. He also recorded with Roger Daltrey, Tom Jones, Jimmy Somerville, Chris Eaton, Holly Johnson, Boy George, Jaki Graham and Gary Moore. On 11 June 1988, Snow played the first Nelson Mandela benefit at the Wembley Arena along with Al Green, Joe Cocker, Natalie Cole, Jonathan Butler, Freddie Jackson, and Ashford & Simpson.
In 1990, Snow played with the John Lennon tribute band in Liverpool, before he re-joined Squeeze in 1991 for touring. In 1992, after appearing on records by Tina Turner, Judie Tzuke, Thomas Anders and Heartland, he played keyboards for Procol Harum and later played for Van Morrison. He joined Squeeze for the third time in 1995 and played with Morrison again in 1998.
Since 2000, he has recorded releases with Kylie Minogue, Melanie C, Joe Cocker, Mark Owen, Michael Ball, released several solo albums and recently produced Alexis Cunningham.
In December 1992, he changed his name to Jonn Savannah. He now lives in Medford, New Jersey. | [] | [
"Career"
] | [
"1945 births",
"Living people",
"English male singers",
"English multi-instrumentalists",
"English record producers",
"English new wave musicians",
"Procol Harum members",
"Squeeze (band) members",
"English expatriates in the United States",
"People from Medford, New Jersey",
"The Vibrators memb... |
projected-20464325-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Don%20Snow | Don Snow | Album credits | Don Snow (born 13 January 1957 in London) is a British vocalist and multi-instrumentalist, who plays the Hammond organ, piano, guitar, bass guitar, drums and saxophone. He is primarily known for his work with the new wave bands Squeeze, the Sinceros and the Catch, as well as Procol Harum. He has also frequently toured with Van Morrison and has played the Hammond organ and piano on three of his albums. | 1978 – Lene Lovich – Stateless
1979 – The Sinceros – The Sound of Sunbathing
1979 – The Barron Knights – Tell the World to Laugh
1979 – Peter C. Johnson – Peter C. Johnson
1980 – Johnny Logan – Save Me
1980 – The Vibrators – Batteries Included
1981 – The Sinceros – Pet Rock
1981 – The Quick – Ship to Shore
1981 – The Sinceros – 2nd Debut
1981 – Fingerprintz – Beat Noir
1982 – Jona Lewie – Heart Skips Beat
1982 – Judie Tzuke – Shoot the Moon
1982 – Squeeze – Sweets from a Stranger
1982 – Fern Kinney – All It Takes Love to Know Love
1983 – Wendy & the Rocketts – Dazed for Days
1983 – Bianca – Where the Beat Meets the Street
1983 – Judie Tzuke – Ritmo
1983 – Tracey Ullman – They Don't Know
1984 – The Catch – Balance on Wires
1984 – Nik Kershaw – The Riddle
1984 – Nik Kershaw – Human Racing
1984 – Tracey Ullman – You Caught Me Out
1984 – Tin Tin – Kiss Me
1984 – Paul Da Vinci – Work So Hard
1985 – ABC – How to be a Zillionaire!
1985 – Gianni Morandi – Uno So Mille
1985 – Sheila Walsh – Shadowlands
1987 – The Catch – Walk the Water
1987 – Roger Daltrey – Can't Wait to See the Movie
1987 – Model – Model
1987 – Chris Eaton – Vision
1988 – Tina Turner – Live in Europe
1989 – Holly Johnson – Blast
1989 – Jimmy Somerville – Ready My Lips
1989 – Tom Jones – At This Moment
1989 – Gary Moore – Wild Frontier
1989 – Jaki Graham – From Now On
1989 – Baby Ford – Beach Bump
1991 – Thomas Anders – Whispers
1991 – Tina Turner – Simply the Best
1991 – Judie Tzuke – Left Hand Talking
1991 – Heartland – Heartland
1991 – This Picture – A Violent Impression
1992 – Judie Tzuke – I Can Read Books
1993 – Van Morrison – Too Long in Exile
1994 – Van Morrison – A Night in San Francisco
1994 – Hanne Boel – Misty Paradise
1994 – Gregory Gray – Euroflake in Silverlake
1995 – Brian Kennedy – Intuition
1995 – Martyn Joseph – Martyn Joseph
1995 – Jimmy Somerville – Dare to Love
1995 – Van Morrison – Days Like This
1996 – Ray Charles – Strong Love Affair
1996 – Squeeze – Ridiculous
1996 – Right Said Fred – Smashing!
1996 – Judie Tzuke – Under the Angels
1997 – The Vibrators – Demos & Raities
1999 – Joe Cocker – No Ordinary World
1999 – Ashley Maher – The Blessed Rain
1999 – Siggi – Siggi
1999 – Emmet Swimming – Big Night Without You
2000 – Kylie Minogue – Light Years
2000 – Ruth – Ruth
2001 – Russell Watson – The Voice
2001 – Steve Balsamo – All I Am
2003 – Melanie C – Reason
2003 – American Idol – Season 2
2003 – Ruben Studdard – Superstar
2003 – Sandi Russell – Incascedent
2004 – American Idol – Season 3
2004 – Mark Owen – In Your Own Time
2005 – Bernie Armstrong – The Face of Christ
2006 – Heavy Little Elephants – Heavy Little Elephants
2006 – Michael Ball – One Voice
2007 – Pawnshop Roses – Let It Roll
2009 – Carsie Blanton – Carsie Blanton
2009 – Alcaz – On Se Dit Tout
2010 – Alexis Cunningham – Wonderlust
2011 – Alexis Cunningham – Love at the End of the World
2014 – Die Fantastischen Vier (feat. Jonn Savannah) – 25 | [] | [
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"English record producers",
"English new wave musicians",
"Procol Harum members",
"Squeeze (band) members",
"English expatriates in the United States",
"People from Medford, New Jersey",
"The Vibrators memb... |
projected-20464326-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grenfell%20Centre | Grenfell Centre | Introduction | Grenfell Centre, also known as The Black Stump, is a high rise office building located at 25 Grenfell Street in the Adelaide city centre. It is the ninth tallest building in Adelaide, South Australia, with a height of 103 metres (338 feet). It was the tallest building in the city until surpassed by the Telstra House in 1987. It has 26 floors and was completed in 1973. In the 1980s, the building's foyer and interior were refurbished. A ten-metre antenna was attached in 1980 and upgraded with digital transmitters in 2003, increasing the height a metre further.
In 2007, the building was redeveloped, and two frameless glass cubes were constructed at the entrance of the building. This redevelopment earned it the Royal Australian Institute of Architects Commercial Architecture Award of Commendation.
, Oracle uses the building; over the last few years, the company logo has been displayed at the top.
Its nickname, "black stump", in reference to the building's appearance, is also a colloquial Australian phrase. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Skyscrapers in Adelaide",
"Buildings and structures in Adelaide",
"Skyscraper office buildings in Australia",
"Office buildings completed in 1973"
] | |
projected-20464326-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grenfell%20Centre | Grenfell Centre | See also | Grenfell Centre, also known as The Black Stump, is a high rise office building located at 25 Grenfell Street in the Adelaide city centre. It is the ninth tallest building in Adelaide, South Australia, with a height of 103 metres (338 feet). It was the tallest building in the city until surpassed by the Telstra House in 1987. It has 26 floors and was completed in 1973. In the 1980s, the building's foyer and interior were refurbished. A ten-metre antenna was attached in 1980 and upgraded with digital transmitters in 2003, increasing the height a metre further.
In 2007, the building was redeveloped, and two frameless glass cubes were constructed at the entrance of the building. This redevelopment earned it the Royal Australian Institute of Architects Commercial Architecture Award of Commendation.
, Oracle uses the building; over the last few years, the company logo has been displayed at the top.
Its nickname, "black stump", in reference to the building's appearance, is also a colloquial Australian phrase. | List of tallest buildings in Adelaide | [] | [
"See also"
] | [
"Skyscrapers in Adelaide",
"Buildings and structures in Adelaide",
"Skyscraper office buildings in Australia",
"Office buildings completed in 1973"
] |
projected-20464326-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Grenfell%20Centre | Grenfell Centre | References | Grenfell Centre, also known as The Black Stump, is a high rise office building located at 25 Grenfell Street in the Adelaide city centre. It is the ninth tallest building in Adelaide, South Australia, with a height of 103 metres (338 feet). It was the tallest building in the city until surpassed by the Telstra House in 1987. It has 26 floors and was completed in 1973. In the 1980s, the building's foyer and interior were refurbished. A ten-metre antenna was attached in 1980 and upgraded with digital transmitters in 2003, increasing the height a metre further.
In 2007, the building was redeveloped, and two frameless glass cubes were constructed at the entrance of the building. This redevelopment earned it the Royal Australian Institute of Architects Commercial Architecture Award of Commendation.
, Oracle uses the building; over the last few years, the company logo has been displayed at the top.
Its nickname, "black stump", in reference to the building's appearance, is also a colloquial Australian phrase. | Category:Skyscrapers in Adelaide
Category:Buildings and structures in Adelaide
Category:Skyscraper office buildings in Australia
Category:Office buildings completed in 1973 | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Skyscrapers in Adelaide",
"Buildings and structures in Adelaide",
"Skyscraper office buildings in Australia",
"Office buildings completed in 1973"
] |
projected-20464345-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2010%20Mauritian%20general%20election | 2010 Mauritian general election | Introduction | General elections were held in Mauritius on 5 May 2010. The coalition comprising Mauritius Labour Party under Navin Ramgoolam, the Militant Socialist Movement under Pravind Jugnauth and the Mauritian Social Democrat Party under Xavier Luc Duval, won a majority with 41 seats in the parliament. The Mauritian Militant Movement-led coalition under Paul Berenger finished second with 18 seats. The Mauritian Solidarity Front won one seat and the Rodrigues Movement won the two remaining seats. The elections were the ninth to be held since independence from the United Kingdom in 1968.
The Mauritius Labour Party, the Mauritian Social Democrat Party (PMSD) and the Militant Socialist Movement (MSM) formed an electoral coalition called Alliance de L'Avenir () for this election. Ramgoolam, the alliance leader, allotted 35 seats to his own party to compete for the 60 seats on the island, whereas the MSM was given 18 and the PMSD 7. Before the election, it appeared that Berenger might gain back the PM's post that he held from 2003 to 2005; he was the first prime minister since independence that was not of South Asian origin. Berenger led his own alliance of parties, known as the Alliance du Coeur (), a reference to the official logo of the Mauritian Militant Movement, by far the biggest party in that alliance. Parties based in Rodrigues compete for the two remaining seats, with the Rodrigues People's Organisation and the Rodrigues Movement being the main parties there.
During the election, 62 seats in the National Assembly of Mauritius were contested with a further 8 seats to be designated by the electoral commission under a complex formula designed to keep a balance of ethnic groups in the parliament. The candidates must declare which ethnic group (Hindu, Muslim, Chinese or "general population") they belong to in order to run for a seat. In 2010, 104 of the candidates refused to do so, resulting in them being disqualified, leaving 529 candidates for the seats. Around 130 foreign observers, including some from the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, were present to monitor the voting process.
Around 900,000 people were eligible to vote in the election. The main issues debated were economic and constitutional reform, fraud, corruption, drug trafficking and ethnicity. Paul Berenger accused the incumbent government of abusing the state-owned television station, the Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation, to influence voters. He also accused his political opponents of using communalism and of negatively drawing attention to his minority Franco-Mauritian ancestry to swing voters against him.
The Alliance de l'Avenir obtained 49.31% of the total votes and 41 seats whereas the Alliance du Coeur seized 42.36% of votes and 18 seats. The remaining parties and independent candidates obtained 8.14% of the votes. From the 62 seats, only ten women were elected.
After the Alliance de L'Avenir was declared winner of the poll, its leader, Navin Ramgoolam, mentioned that he would govern in the interest of every Mauritian so that no one would be left behind. He added that the priorities of his government were the improvement of road infrastructures, the security of the people, education, health and youth development. Paul Berenger, who conceded defeat after the election, said that members of his party would continue their fight for a better Mauritius. He claimed that this election had not been free and fair, attributing the defeat of his alliance to numerous factors including biased coverage of the election by the state-owned television station, more financial resources by his political opponents, communalism and the electoral system. However, he would be prepared to work with the government for electoral reform, especially because his alliance had obtained only 18 of the 62 seats despite seizing 43% of popular votes.
On May 7, 2010, the Electoral Supervisory Commission made their decision on the non-elected candidates to occupy the 8 additional seats in the National Assembly based on the religious and ethnic declarations of the candidates not elected, a system referred to as the 'Best Loser system'. Exceptionally, instead of 8, only 7 candidates were designated. Per the normal procedure, 4 best loser seats are allotted to candidates not elected but having obtained the highest percentage of votes as a member of a political party. However, they had to be of an appropriate religion or ethnic to maintain a balance in the parliament. 4 other seats are to be allotted so as not to change the result of the election. The Alliance de L'Avenir was allotted 4 additional seats whereas the Alliance du Coeur obtained 2 additional seats. Whereas the Electoral Supervisory Commission had no problem in attributing one seat to one candidate of the Rodrigues People's Organisation, they had difficulty in choosing a candidate for the 8th seat, which normally has to be a Sino-Mauritian of one of the two other successful parties in this election. But given neither the Mauritian Solidarity Front nor the Rodrigues Movement had candidates of this community during this election, no candidate was named for the 8th additional seat.
Observers from the African Union for this election declared that the Best Loser system is problematic for the national unity of the country though it can reinforce social cohesion. They also considered the 2010 Mauritian general elections to have been 'free and transparent'. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"Elections in Mauritius",
"2010 elections in Africa",
"2010 in Mauritius"
] | |
projected-20464345-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2010%20Mauritian%20general%20election | 2010 Mauritian general election | References | General elections were held in Mauritius on 5 May 2010. The coalition comprising Mauritius Labour Party under Navin Ramgoolam, the Militant Socialist Movement under Pravind Jugnauth and the Mauritian Social Democrat Party under Xavier Luc Duval, won a majority with 41 seats in the parliament. The Mauritian Militant Movement-led coalition under Paul Berenger finished second with 18 seats. The Mauritian Solidarity Front won one seat and the Rodrigues Movement won the two remaining seats. The elections were the ninth to be held since independence from the United Kingdom in 1968.
The Mauritius Labour Party, the Mauritian Social Democrat Party (PMSD) and the Militant Socialist Movement (MSM) formed an electoral coalition called Alliance de L'Avenir () for this election. Ramgoolam, the alliance leader, allotted 35 seats to his own party to compete for the 60 seats on the island, whereas the MSM was given 18 and the PMSD 7. Before the election, it appeared that Berenger might gain back the PM's post that he held from 2003 to 2005; he was the first prime minister since independence that was not of South Asian origin. Berenger led his own alliance of parties, known as the Alliance du Coeur (), a reference to the official logo of the Mauritian Militant Movement, by far the biggest party in that alliance. Parties based in Rodrigues compete for the two remaining seats, with the Rodrigues People's Organisation and the Rodrigues Movement being the main parties there.
During the election, 62 seats in the National Assembly of Mauritius were contested with a further 8 seats to be designated by the electoral commission under a complex formula designed to keep a balance of ethnic groups in the parliament. The candidates must declare which ethnic group (Hindu, Muslim, Chinese or "general population") they belong to in order to run for a seat. In 2010, 104 of the candidates refused to do so, resulting in them being disqualified, leaving 529 candidates for the seats. Around 130 foreign observers, including some from the African Union and the Southern African Development Community, were present to monitor the voting process.
Around 900,000 people were eligible to vote in the election. The main issues debated were economic and constitutional reform, fraud, corruption, drug trafficking and ethnicity. Paul Berenger accused the incumbent government of abusing the state-owned television station, the Mauritius Broadcasting Corporation, to influence voters. He also accused his political opponents of using communalism and of negatively drawing attention to his minority Franco-Mauritian ancestry to swing voters against him.
The Alliance de l'Avenir obtained 49.31% of the total votes and 41 seats whereas the Alliance du Coeur seized 42.36% of votes and 18 seats. The remaining parties and independent candidates obtained 8.14% of the votes. From the 62 seats, only ten women were elected.
After the Alliance de L'Avenir was declared winner of the poll, its leader, Navin Ramgoolam, mentioned that he would govern in the interest of every Mauritian so that no one would be left behind. He added that the priorities of his government were the improvement of road infrastructures, the security of the people, education, health and youth development. Paul Berenger, who conceded defeat after the election, said that members of his party would continue their fight for a better Mauritius. He claimed that this election had not been free and fair, attributing the defeat of his alliance to numerous factors including biased coverage of the election by the state-owned television station, more financial resources by his political opponents, communalism and the electoral system. However, he would be prepared to work with the government for electoral reform, especially because his alliance had obtained only 18 of the 62 seats despite seizing 43% of popular votes.
On May 7, 2010, the Electoral Supervisory Commission made their decision on the non-elected candidates to occupy the 8 additional seats in the National Assembly based on the religious and ethnic declarations of the candidates not elected, a system referred to as the 'Best Loser system'. Exceptionally, instead of 8, only 7 candidates were designated. Per the normal procedure, 4 best loser seats are allotted to candidates not elected but having obtained the highest percentage of votes as a member of a political party. However, they had to be of an appropriate religion or ethnic to maintain a balance in the parliament. 4 other seats are to be allotted so as not to change the result of the election. The Alliance de L'Avenir was allotted 4 additional seats whereas the Alliance du Coeur obtained 2 additional seats. Whereas the Electoral Supervisory Commission had no problem in attributing one seat to one candidate of the Rodrigues People's Organisation, they had difficulty in choosing a candidate for the 8th seat, which normally has to be a Sino-Mauritian of one of the two other successful parties in this election. But given neither the Mauritian Solidarity Front nor the Rodrigues Movement had candidates of this community during this election, no candidate was named for the 8th additional seat.
Observers from the African Union for this election declared that the Best Loser system is problematic for the national unity of the country though it can reinforce social cohesion. They also considered the 2010 Mauritian general elections to have been 'free and transparent'. | Category:Elections in Mauritius
Mauritius
General election | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"Elections in Mauritius",
"2010 elections in Africa",
"2010 in Mauritius"
] |
projected-20464385-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | Introduction | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | [] | [
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"1842 deaths",
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"Burials at Woodward Hill Cemetery",
"19th-century American male artists"
] | |
projected-20464385-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | Early life | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | He was born to Leonard and Catharine Eichholtz, who owned and run the Bull's Head Tavern on East King Street in Lancaster; his father took part in the American Revolutionary War. At age 11, Jacob with his brothers attended the English School at Franklin College in Lancaster where he learned the three Rs — reading, 'riting and 'rithmetic. He also took lessons from a sign painter since his parents noticed his inclination to draw, but eventually he was apprenticed as a coppersmith. After his apprenticeship ended, he started as a tinsmith working with sheet iron. By 1805, Eichholtz opened his own shop in Lancaster where he, "mended sugar boxes, tinned copper kettles, and made coffee pots, wash basins, lanterns, stills, and funnels."
Eichholtz married Catharine Hatz Michael (1770–1817), a young widow with two children; they had four children of their own, Caroline, Catharine Maria, Rubens Mayer, and Margaret Amelia. In 1818, he married Catharine Trissler of Lancaster, and they had nine children, Edward, Anna Maria, Elizabeth Susanna, Benjamin West, Angelica Kauffman, Rebecca, Henry, Robert Lindsay, and Lavallyn Barry. | [
"PortraitByEichholtz.JPG"
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] |
projected-20464385-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | From tinsmith to painter | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | From 1808 to 1812, Eichholtz hired several workers to work in the shop, and devoted most of his time to offering his fellow Lancastrians, at first, painted tinware, and then, small profile portraits on wood panels, in order to diversify his business and satisfy his passion for drawing. After developing his abilities as profile painter and gaining enough clients to sustain his family, Eichholtz decided to make painting his main vocation. In 1808, Eichholtz advertised that he "executes Portraits and Profile paintings" in the Lancaster's Intelligencer and Weekly Advertiser. In his own words, "I commenced the coppersmith business on my own account, with pretty good luck; still the more agreeable love of painting continually haunted me."
Two already established painters, James Peale and Thomas Sully, influenced Eichholtz.
In 1808, James Peale visited Lancaster and became acquainted with Eichholtz, who commissioned Peale his portrait. Thomas Sully befriended Eichholtz when he was visiting Lancaster on business and accepted his invitation to work in his painting room. At that time, Sully was not impressed by Eichholtz's attempts in painting calling them hideous; however, he left him his brushes as a gift before leaving Lancaster. Later, Sully wrote that he was surprised and gratified to see how much Eichholtz's painting skills improved, and that, "Eichholtz would have made a first-rate painter had he began early in life with the usual advantages." During the winter of 1811–1812, Eichholtz traveled to Boston where he spent several weeks at the studio of Gilbert Stuart copying his works under Stuart's supervision. Stuart encouraged Eichholtz to continue painting. In 1815, Eichholtz sold his business and turned to painting. In 1820, he visited Baltimore to fulfill portrait commissions; he also worked in Pittsburgh and Delaware.
In 1823, Eichholtz moved to Philadelphia where he, as he later wrote, faced both, "an incessant practice of ten years, and constant employment." He was exhibiting with the Society of Artists at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts. | [] | [
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projected-20464385-003 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | Later life and death | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | Eichholtz relocated back to Lancaster in 1830 where he died in 1842. He and his family were originally interred at Holy Trinity Lutheran Church on South Duke Street in Lancaster, Pennsylvania. In the early 1850s, Holy Trinity Church sought to expand its churchyard, so the church relocated the majority of gravestones and the remains to the new Woodward Hill Cemetery, Lot 33 of Area B, including the remains of Eichholtz and his family. Eichholtz was reburied in the same grave together with both of his wives and their children. By 2014, Eichholtz's gravestone, which was made of marble, had deteriorated due to age and acid rain, rendering the inscription illegible. Local historians have called for the restoration of his headstone, as well as the installation of a brass plaque at the grave site to mark his achievements. | [] | [
"Later life and death"
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projected-20464385-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | Recognition | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | For decades the artistic legacy of Jacob Eichholtz was overlooked. As time passed, a reassessment of the significance of his achievements took place and "his portraits of Thaddeus Stevens and James Buchanan are generally accepted as the best that were done of these statesmen." | [] | [
"Recognition"
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"1842 deaths",
"18th-century American painters",
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"19th-century American painters",
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"Burials at Woodward Hill Cemetery",
"19th-century American male artists"
] |
projected-20464385-007 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacob%20Eichholtz | Jacob Eichholtz | Further reading | Jacob Eichholtz (1776–1842) was an early American painter, known primarily for his portraits in the Romantic Victorian tradition. Born in Lancaster, Pennsylvania in a family of prosperous Pennsylvania Germans, he spent most of his professional life in Philadelphia. A coppersmith by trade, he turned to painting and achieved both recognition and success despite being mainly self-taught as an artist. He is known to have painted over 800 portraits over the course of 35 years. Hundreds of his works are housed in art museums, historical societies, and private collections throughout the United States. | Hensel, W. U. Jacob Eichholtz, Painter: Some "loose Leaves" from the Ledger of an Early Lancaster Artist. An Address Delivered at the Opening of an Exposition of the Evolution of Portraiture in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, Under the Auspices of the Lancaster County Historical Society and the Iris Club. Lancaster, Pa: Press of the Brecht printing Co, 1912.
Rebecca Beal papers, 1949-1982, Eichholtz's great-granddaughter, The Smithsonian Archives of American Art
Milley, John Calvin. Jacob Eichholtz, 1776–1842, Pennsylvania Portraitist. Master's thesis, University of Delaware, 1960. | [] | [
"Further reading"
] | [
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projected-20464397-000 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Mexican%20legislative%20election | 2009 Mexican legislative election | Introduction | Legislative elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 2009. Voters elected 500 new deputies (300 by their respective constituencies, 200 by proportional representation) to sit in the Chamber of Deputies for the 61st Congress. | [] | [
"Introduction"
] | [
"2009 elections in North America",
"2009 elections in Mexico",
"Legislative elections in Mexico",
"July 2009 events in Mexico"
] | |
projected-20464397-001 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Mexican%20legislative%20election | 2009 Mexican legislative election | Opinion polls | Legislative elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 2009. Voters elected 500 new deputies (300 by their respective constituencies, 200 by proportional representation) to sit in the Chamber of Deputies for the 61st Congress. | Opinion polling, by pollster Demotecnia, that was taken less than a month before the election showed the Institutional Revolutionary Party with 36%, the National Action Party with 31%, and the Party of the Democratic Revolution with 16%. | [] | [
"Opinion polls"
] | [
"2009 elections in North America",
"2009 elections in Mexico",
"Legislative elections in Mexico",
"July 2009 events in Mexico"
] |
projected-20464397-002 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Mexican%20legislative%20election | 2009 Mexican legislative election | Voto en blanco | Legislative elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 2009. Voters elected 500 new deputies (300 by their respective constituencies, 200 by proportional representation) to sit in the Chamber of Deputies for the 61st Congress. | A none of the above movement, dubbed "voto en blanco", or "blank vote", had arisen in response to the perceived corruption of the three major parties running in this election. Starting as a small group on blogs and YouTube, the movement had expanded its ranks, with politicians and intellectuals, such as Jose Antonio Crespo, supporting the movement. Pollster Demotecnia showed that 3% of the people would be willing to boycott the elections in response to the "voto en blanco" movement.
Opposition to the movement came from organizations such as the Federal Electoral Institute, a government institute who seeks to expand voter participation, who claimed that the response to an unsatisfactory democracy is not to have fewer people vote but to have more people involved in the electoral process. | [] | [
"Voto en blanco"
] | [
"2009 elections in North America",
"2009 elections in Mexico",
"Legislative elections in Mexico",
"July 2009 events in Mexico"
] |
projected-20464397-004 | https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2009%20Mexican%20legislative%20election | 2009 Mexican legislative election | References | Legislative elections were held in Mexico on 5 July 2009. Voters elected 500 new deputies (300 by their respective constituencies, 200 by proportional representation) to sit in the Chamber of Deputies for the 61st Congress. | Mexico
Legislative election
Category:Legislative elections in Mexico
Category:July 2009 events in Mexico | [] | [
"References"
] | [
"2009 elections in North America",
"2009 elections in Mexico",
"Legislative elections in Mexico",
"July 2009 events in Mexico"
] |