| FOR RELEASE NOVEMBER 24, 2025 |
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| German Views of the |
| U.S. -Germany |
| Relationship Turn |
| Sharply Negative |
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| Most Americans describe the relationship |
| countries as good , although fewer do compared with |
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| between the two |
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| last year |
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| BY Jacob Poushter, Jordan Lippert and Sofia Hernandez Ramones |
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| FOR MEDIA OR OTHER INQUIRIES: |
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| Jacob Poushter, Associate Director, Global Attitudes |
| Research |
| Gar Meng Leong, Communications Manager |
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| 202.419.4372 |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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|
| RECOMMENDED CITATION |
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| Pew Research Center, November 2025, “German |
| Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply |
| Negative” |
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| 1 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| About Pew Research Center |
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| Pew Research Center is a nonpartisan, nonadvocacy fact tank that informs the public about the |
| issues, attitudes and trends shaping the world. It does not take policy positions. The Center |
| conducts public opinion polling, demographic research, computational social science research and |
| other data-driven research. It studies politics and policy; news habits and media; the internet and |
| technology; religion; race and ethnicity; international affairs; social, demographic and economic |
| trends; science; research methodology and data science; and immigration and migration. Pew |
| Research Center is a subsidiary of The Pew Charitable Trusts, its primary funder. |
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| © Pew Research Center 2025 |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 2 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| How we did this |
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| In 2017, Pew Research Center and Körber-Stiftung began collaborating on joint public opinion |
| surveys to gauge relations between the United States and Germany. Topics surveyed include |
| relations with other countries; partnerships on foreign policy issues; views of China, Russia and |
| the conflicts in the Middle East; democracy and the state of international relations. |
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| The questions were developed together, and each organization fielded a survey in its own country |
| starting in 2017. Some questions have been repeated annually to track attitudes over time. |
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| The results have been published in both countries. Here are the Center reports and analyses for |
| November 2024, November 2023, October 2022, November 2021, November 2020, May 2020, |
| March 2020, March 2019 and February 2018. The Körber-Stiftung findings are contained within |
| its larger “The Berlin Pulse” report and can be found here for 2025 and prior years. |
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| For the U.S. findings, Pew Research Center surveyed 1,015 adults from Sept. 19 to 26, 2025. The |
| survey was conducted by Ipsos for the Center on the Ipsos KnowledgePanel Government & |
| Academic Omnibus. Ipsos’ KnowledgePanel is an online survey panel recruited using address- |
| based sampling. The survey is weighted by gender, age, race, ethnicity, education, income and |
| other categories. |
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| The German findings are from a Körber-Stiftung survey of 1,503 adults from Sept. 15 to 26, 2025. |
| The survey was conducted by Forsa Institute via telephone. |
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| Here are the questions used for this report, along with responses, and the U.S. survey |
| methodology. |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 3 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| German Views of the U.S. |
| Relationship Turn Sharply Negative |
| Most Americans describe the relationship |
| as good, although fewer do compared with last year |
|
|
| -Germany |
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| between the two countries |
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| By Jacob Poushter, Jordan Lippert and Sofia Hernandez Ramones |
|
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| In the ninth annual joint Pew Research Center and Körber-Stiftung surveys of the United States |
| and German publics, we find profound changes in perceptions of the bilateral relationship. These |
| are the first surveys in this series conducted since Donald Trump began his second term as U.S. |
| president and Friedrich Merz became chancellor of Germany. |
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| Key findings: |
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| ▪ Americans continue to have |
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| a positive view of relations |
| between the two countries, |
| even with a significant |
| decline in perceptions since |
| last year. Germans have |
| completely flipped their |
| assessments of the |
| relationship over that same |
| period. |
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| ▪ A declining share of |
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| Americans and Germans |
| say the other country is a |
| partner on key |
| international issues, and |
| around a third or fewer of |
| Germans see the U.S. as a |
| partner on each of the five |
| issues we tested. |
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| Americans continue to say relations with Germany are |
| good, as German views flip since last year |
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| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say relations today between the U.S. |
| and Germany are … |
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| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. Prior to 2022, U.S. surveys were conducted |
| over the phone. German results are all from telephone surveys. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. Körber- |
| Stiftung survey of German adults conducted Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| ▪ France has once again become the most important foreign policy partner for the German |
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| public: 46% name France as this, while 26% say the same for the U.S. Only 1% of Americans |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 4 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| name Germany as its most important partner, with the United Kingdom topping the list at |
| 19%. |
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| ▪ Americans see China and Russia as major military threats to their country. Germans only see |
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| Russia, not China, as a major security threat. |
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| ▪ Both publics continue to perceive China as an economic threat and are concerned about its |
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| growing influence, even as this sentiment softens. |
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| U.S.-Germany relations |
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| In our 2025 survey, 71% of U.S. adults say that relations with Germany are very or somewhat good. |
| This represents a 13 percentage point decline since last year. Around a quarter of Americans (24%) |
| say relations with Germany are bad, the highest share saying this since 2018. |
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| In Germany, there is a dramatic decline in those viewing relations with the U.S. as positive. Last |
| year, before Trump was elected U.S. president again, 74% had positive views of the U.S.-German |
| relationship. In 2025, 27% of Germans say relations with the U.S. are good, while 73% say they are |
| bad. |
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| There has also been a shift in partisan attitudes among Americans toward U.S.-Germany relations. |
| In the current survey, 81% of Republicans and those that lean toward the Republican Party say |
| relations with Germany are good, while 65% of Democrats and those that lean toward the |
| Democratic party say the same. In 2024, 91% of Democrats and Democratic leaners and 84% of |
| Republicans and GOP leaners said relations between the two countries were good. |
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| In another sign of strained relations between the NATO allies, 38% of Germans see the U.S. as a |
| major threat to their economy, 48% see the U.S. as a minor economic threat, and 14% say the U.S. |
| is no threat economically. |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 5 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| U.S. and Germany as partners on key issues |
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| Looking at five key issues in the U.S.-Germany partnership, two findings standout: |
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| ▪ Americans are more likely to say that Germany is a partner on all five key issues than Germans |
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| are to say the same about the U.S. |
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| ▪ There have been sharp declines among Germans saying the U.S. is a partner on these key |
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| issues, and a milder, but still significant, decline among Americans over the last three years. |
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| Americans and Germans now less likely to see each other as partners on key issues |
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| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say the other country is a partner on … |
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| Note: For full U.S. trends, see topline. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. Körber-Stiftung survey of German adults conducted |
| Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| For example, 62% of Americans say Germany is a partner on promoting free trade, compared with |
| only 21% of Germans who say the same of the U.S. There is currently a 15% tariff on most German |
| exports to the U.S. Last year, 64% of Germans said the U.S. was a partner on promoting free trade. |
| And U.S. sentiment has also softened on this issue, down 10 percentage points since 2023. |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 6 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| Fewer Germans also say the U.S. is a partner on promoting democracy since 2023 (-36 percentage |
| points). And since the change in U.S. administrations from 2024 to today, fewer Germans say the |
| U.S. is a partner for dealing with the war in Ukraine (-32) and dealing with China (-18). |
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| There has also been a 22-point drop on Germans seeing the U.S. as a partner on dealing with the |
| Israel-Hamas war since last year. (The survey was conducted before the first phase of Trump’s |
| peace deal to end the war was signed.) U.S. sentiment has also dropped on these key issues, |
| ranging from an 8 to 10-point decline since 2023. |
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| There are few significant demographic and political differences on these key issues. But Democrats |
| are more willing to say Germany is a partner on promoting free trade (67%) compared with |
| Republicans (59%), and similarly more likely to say the same about promoting democracy |
| worldwide (63% vs. 56%, respectively). |
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| In Germany, younger people are generally more willing to say that the U.S. is a partner on these |
| issues and relations are good, but on no question do a majority of 18- to 29-year-old Germans say |
| this. |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 7 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| U.S. and Germany’s top |
| foreign policy partner |
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| Americans most commonly |
| name the UK when asked |
| which country is the most |
| important partner for |
| American foreign policy – as |
| has been the case since we first |
| asked this question in 2017. |
| However, many did not answer |
| the question (36%). |
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| Among both Republicans and |
| Democrats, the UK is the most |
| common response (21% and |
| 19%, respectively). But when it |
| comes to the second and third |
| most frequently declared |
| countries, views differ by party: |
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| Roughly 1 in 5 Americans see UK as top foreign policy |
| partner; nearly half of Germans say France |
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| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say __ is currently the most important |
| partner for American/German foreign policy |
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| U.S. |
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| UK |
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| 19% |
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| China |
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| 10 |
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| Canada |
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| 7 |
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| Israel |
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| 7 |
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| Europe |
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| Mexico |
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| 3 |
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| 3 |
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| Germany |
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| France |
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| 46% |
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| U.S. |
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| 26 |
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| China |
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| Poland |
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| Russia |
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| UK |
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| 2 |
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| 2 |
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| 2 |
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| 2 |
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| * Among Americans, 1% say “Germany.” |
| Note: Open-ended question. Those who answered “Other,” “No country” or did not answer |
| are not shown. In the U.S., responses given by fewer than 3% of respondents are not |
| shown. In Germany, responses given by fewer than 2% of respondents are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. Körber- |
| Stiftung survey of German adults conducted Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
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| ▪ Among Republicans, Israel |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| (12%) and China (8%) are |
| the next most common responses. |
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| ▪ For Democrats, it’s China (12%) and Canada (9%). |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 8 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| Germans are most likely to say |
| that France is their top partner |
| in foreign policy, a change from |
| recent years. Since 2021, |
| corresponding with Joe Biden’s |
| presidency, Germans have said |
| that the U.S. was their greatest |
| partner. Today, in the wake of |
| Trump’s return to the White |
| House, 26% say so. |
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| A significant share in Germany |
| also says they don’t know |
| (15%). |
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| Germans now see France as greater partner, tracking |
| with U.S. presidential administration changes |
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| % of German adults who say __ is currently the most important partner for |
| German foreign policy |
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| France |
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| 53% |
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| 50 |
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| 51 |
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| 54 |
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| U.S. |
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| 17% |
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| 16 |
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| 19 |
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| 10 |
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| 44 |
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| 27 |
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| 36 |
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| 32 |
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| 47 |
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| 46 |
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| 43 |
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| 26 |
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| 27 |
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| 26 |
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| 2017 |
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| 2018 |
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| 2019 |
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| 2020 |
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| 2021 |
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| 2022 |
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| 2023 |
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| 2024 |
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| 2025 |
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| France is most commonly |
| named among supporters of |
| many of Germany’s major |
| political parties, including the |
| governing Christian |
| Democratic Union (CDU)/ |
| Christian Social Union (CSU). Supporters of the opposition Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, |
| however, are most likely to name the U.S. |
|
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| Note: Open-ended question. |
| Source: Korber-Stiftung survey of German adults conducted Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 9 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| European Union’s influence |
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| Views on the European Union’s influence over |
| the recent years differ among the U.S. and |
| Germany. The more common opinion in the |
| U.S. is that the EU’s influence has stayed about |
| the same over the recent years, while Germans |
| are much more likely to say it is getting weaker. |
|
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| Germans are also 20 percentage points more |
| likely to say the EU is getting weaker in 2025 |
| than they were last year. Among Americans, |
| views on the EU’s influence have remained |
| largely unchanged since 2024. |
|
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| While Democrats are more likely than |
| Republicans to think the EU’s influence is |
| getting stronger (29% vs. 17%), Republicans are |
| more likely to say its influence is staying about |
| the same (52% vs. 42%). |
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| Germans are more likely to say the |
| European Union is losing influence |
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| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say the EU’s |
| influence is __ in recent years |
|
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| Getting |
| weaker |
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| Staying about |
| the same |
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| Getting |
| stronger |
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|
| U.S. |
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| 25% |
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| 46% |
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| 23% |
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| Germany |
|
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| 64 |
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| 26 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. |
| 19-26, 2025. Körber-Stiftung survey of German adults conducted |
| Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply |
| Negative” |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 10 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| China, Russia and Iran as military threats |
|
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| Americans are more likely than Germans to |
| view China and Iran as a military threat to their |
| country’s security. When it comes to Russia, |
| however, about half or more of adults in both |
| countries see it as a major threat. |
|
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| ▪ China: While 61% of Americans consider |
| China a major military threat to their |
| security, few Germans (9%) hold the same |
| view. |
|
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| ▪ Russia: Roughly six-in-ten Americans see |
| Russia as a major military threat, while |
| about half of Germans agree. |
|
|
| ▪ |
|
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| Iran: About a third of Americans see Iran |
| as a major military threat, a much higher |
| share than the 10% of Germans who say the |
| same. |
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| Just months after the U.S. conducted air strikes |
| on Iranian nuclear sites, fewer Americans say |
| Iran is a major military threat in 2025 than said |
| the same last year (42%). |
|
|
| Differing views of military threats in the |
| U.S. and Germany |
|
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| % of U.S. adults who say that the following countries |
| pose (a) __ to American security |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor |
| military threat |
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| No military |
| threat |
|
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| China |
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| Russia |
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| 61% |
|
|
| 59 |
|
|
| 25% |
|
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| 9% |
|
|
| 27 |
|
|
| 9 |
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| Iran |
|
|
| 32 |
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|
| 46 |
|
|
| 18 |
|
|
| German |
| % of German adults who say that the following |
| y |
| countries pose (a) __ to German security |
|
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| China |
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| 9% |
|
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| 46% |
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| 44% |
|
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| Russia |
|
|
| 47 |
|
|
| 35 |
|
|
| 17 |
|
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| Iran |
|
|
| 10 |
|
|
| 45 |
|
|
| 44 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. |
| 19-26, 2025. Körber-Stiftung survey of German adults conducted |
| Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply |
| Negative” |
|
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
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| Meanwhile, Germans have grown more concerned with Russia as a major military threat: 47% say |
| this now, compared with the 39% who said the same last year. |
|
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| Among Germans, 57% of those who support CDU/CSU (Merz’s party) and 64% who support the |
| Social Democratic Party (coalition partner) say Russia is a major threat to their security. But |
| around three-in-ten who support AfD (the right-wing populist party with the second most seats in |
| parliament) agree that Russia is a major military threat (28%). |
|
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| Additionally, Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents are 10 percentage points more |
| likely than Republican and Republican-leaning independents to see Russia as a major military |
|
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| www.pewresearch.org |
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| 11 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| threat to American security (65% vs. 55%), marking a shift from 2024 when 62% of both groups |
| saw Russia as a major threat. |
|
|
| Views of these countries as major threats also vary among Americans by age. Those ages 60 and |
| older are at least 20 points more likely than those ages 18 to 29 to consider China and Russia a |
| major military threat. |
|
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| China’s influence |
|
|
| Although few Germans consider China a major |
| military threat to their country, they are much |
| more likely to consider it a major economic |
| threat (59% vs. 9%). Meanwhile, a similar share |
| of Americans consider China a major economic |
| and a military threat (66% vs. 61%). |
|
|
| Among Americans, those ages 60 and older are |
| more likely than adults ages 18 to 29 to perceive |
| China as a major economic threat (73% vs. |
| 53%). In Germany, 53% of adults ages 60 and |
| older say China is a major economic threat to |
| their country, compared with 64% of 18- to 29- |
| year-olds. |
|
|
| Majorities in both countries see China |
| as a major threat to their economy |
|
|
| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say that China |
| poses (a) __ to their country |
|
|
| Major |
| economic |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor |
| economic |
| threat |
|
|
| No |
| economic |
| threat |
|
|
| U.S. |
|
|
| Germany |
|
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| 66% |
|
|
| 59 |
|
|
| 21% |
|
|
| 9% |
|
|
| 31 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. |
| 19-26, 2025. Körber-Stiftung survey of German adults conducted |
| Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply |
| Negative” |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| When it comes to China’s role in the world, half |
| or more of Americans and Germans think that |
| China’s growing influence is more of a bad thing. Few in both countries consider this a good thing |
| (7%). |
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| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 12 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| The share who says that |
| China’s growing influence is |
| more of a bad thing has |
| declined since 2023 in both |
| countries (-10 in the U.S. and |
| -12 in Germany). This reflects |
| an upswing in views toward |
| China in many countries |
| around the world over the past |
| few years. |
|
|
| Half or more of Americans and Germans say China’s |
| growing influence is bad |
|
|
| % of adults in the U.S./Germany who say China’s growing influence (is) … |
|
|
| More of a |
| bad thing |
|
|
| More of a |
| good thing |
|
|
| Does not make |
| a difference |
|
|
| U.S. |
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| 61% |
|
|
| 7% |
|
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| 27% |
|
|
| Germany |
|
|
| 50 |
|
|
| 7 |
|
|
| 42 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. Körber- |
| Stiftung survey of German adults conducted Sept. 15-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
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| 13 |
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| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
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| Military assistance to Ukraine, Taiwan and Israel |
|
|
| Americans have mixed opinions when asked whether the U.S. should or should not provide |
| military assistance to Ukraine in its war with Russia, Taiwan in its conflict with China, and Israel |
| in its war with Hamas. (Our survey was fielded prior to the ceasefire agreed to by Israel and |
| Hamas in early October 2025.) |
|
|
| Many Americans are unsure on |
| whether the U.S. should |
| provide military assistance to |
| certain countries. Roughly |
| three-in-ten or more say they |
| are not sure about each conflict |
| we asked about. |
|
|
| In the case of Ukraine and its |
| war with Russia, more say the |
| U.S. should provide military |
| aid than say it should not. |
| Democrats (54%) are more |
| likely than Republicans (28%) |
| to support giving military |
| assistance to Ukraine. |
|
|
| Americans have mixed opinions when it comes to |
| providing military assistance in world conflicts |
|
|
| % of U.S. adults who say the U.S. __ provide military assistance to … |
|
|
| No, should not |
|
|
| Yes, should |
|
|
| Not sure |
|
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| 28% |
|
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| 41% |
|
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| 28% |
|
|
| 28 |
|
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| 32 |
|
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| 36 |
|
|
| Ukraine in its war |
| Ukraine |
| with Russia |
|
|
| Taiwan in its conflict |
| Taiwan |
| with China |
|
|
| Israel in its war with |
| Israel |
| Hamas |
|
|
| 47 |
|
|
| 22 |
|
|
| 28 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| On Taiwan, opinion is about evenly split. |
|
|
| When it comes to Israel, more say that the U.S. should not provide aid than say it should (47% vs. |
| 22%, respectively). Since last year, support for providing military help to Israel has declined. |
|
|
| We also asked a question about how committed Trump was to lasting peace between Russia and |
| Ukraine. Here Americans are about evenly split: 40% think he is at least somewhat committed, |
| while 42% think he is not. |
|
|
| Republicans think he is more committed than Democrats (69% vs. 16%). In another Center survey |
| conducted in March 2025, slightly more Americans said Trump was committed (47%) than not |
| (41%). |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 14 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| And a similar question in Germany about whether Trump was interested in securing long-term |
| peace between Russia and Ukraine showed 34% of Germans saying he is interested in peace and |
| 65% saying he is not. |
|
|
| American and German attitudes toward free speech |
|
|
| Generally, Americans see the |
| U.S. and Germany as places |
| where people are free to |
| express their opinions |
| regardless of how popular |
| those opinions might be. |
|
|
| Americans are more likely to say people are free to |
| express their opinions in the U.S. than Germany |
|
|
| % of U.S. adults who say that people are __ free to express their opinions, |
| even if that opinion is unpopular in the following countries |
|
|
| Extremely |
|
|
| Very |
|
|
| Somewhat Not too |
|
|
| Not at |
| all |
|
|
| Not sure |
|
|
| 22% |
|
|
| 24% |
|
|
| 15% |
|
|
| 8% |
|
|
| 6% |
|
|
| 28 |
|
|
| 10 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 22 |
|
|
| 23 |
|
|
| Note: Those who did not answer are not shown. |
| Source: Pew Research Center survey of U.S. adults conducted Sept. 19-26, 2025. |
| “German Views of the U.S.-Germany Relationship Turn Sharply Negative” |
|
|
| U.S. |
|
|
| 23% |
|
|
| 10 |
|
|
| Germany |
|
|
| Just under half of Americans |
| say people are extremely or |
| very free to express their |
| opinions in the U.S., even if |
| that opinion is unpopular. A |
| third say the same about |
| Germany. However, Americans |
| are also more likely to say they |
| are unsure when it comes to |
| free speech in Germany (22%) than in the U.S. (6%). |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| For their part, Germans similarly see people in their country as freer to express their opinions, |
| even if that opinion is unpopular, than people in the U.S. |
|
|
| Related: Free Expression Seen as Important Globally, but Not Everyone Thinks Their Country |
| Has Press, Speech and Internet Freedoms |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 15 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| Acknowledgments |
|
|
| This report is a collaborative effort based on the input and analysis of the following individuals. |
|
|
| Jacob Poushter, Associate Director, Global Attitudes Research |
| Jordan Lippert, Research Analyst |
| Sofia Hernandez Ramones, Research Assistant |
|
|
| Julia Armeli, Research Assistant |
| Dorene Asare-Marfo, Senior Panel Manager |
| Peter Bell, Associate Director, Design and Production |
| Janakee Chavda, Associate Digital Producer |
| Laura Clancy, Research Analyst |
| Manolo Corichi, Research Analyst |
| Jonathan Evans, Senior Researcher |
| Moira Fagan, Research Associate |
| Janell Fetterolf, Senior Researcher |
| Shannon Greenwood, Digital Production Manager |
| Sneha Gubbala, Research Analyst |
| Mia Hennen, Editorial Assistant |
| Carolyn Lau, International Research Methodologist |
| Gar Meng Leong, Communications Manager |
| Kirsten Lesage, Research Associate |
| John Carlo Mandapat, Information Graphics Designer |
| William Miner, Research Analyst |
| Patrick Moynihan, Associate Director, International Research Methods |
| Georgina Pizzolitto, Research Methodologist |
| Andrew Prozorovsky, Research Assistant |
| Dana Popky, Associate Panel Manager |
| Jonathan Schulman, Research Associate |
| Laura Silver, Associate Director, Global Attitudes Research |
| Sofi Sinozich, International Research Methodologist |
| Maria Smerkovich, Research Associate |
| DeVonte Smith, Communications Associate |
| David Tully, Senior Researcher |
| Brianna Vetter, Senior Program Coordinator |
| Richard Wike, Director, Global Attitudes Research |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 16 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| Methodology |
|
|
| Ipsos KnowledgePanel and Omnibus m ethodology |
|
|
| Introduction |
|
|
| Ipsos delivers affordable, statistically valid online research through KnowledgePanel. |
| KnowledgePanel is the first and largest online research panel that is representative of the entire |
| U.S. population. Panel members are randomly recruited through probability-based sampling, and |
| households are provided with access to the Internet and hardware if needed. |
|
|
| Ipsos recruits panel members using address-based sampling (ABS) methods to ensure full |
| coverage of all households in the nation. Once household members are recruited for the panel and |
| assigned to a study sample, they are notified by email for survey taking, or panelists can visit their |
| online member page for survey taking (instead of being contacted by telephone or postal mail). |
| This allows surveys to be fielded quickly and economically. In addition, this approach reduces the |
| burden placed on respondents, since email notification is less intrusive than telephone calls and |
| the self-administered mode minimizes social desirability bias and positivity effects that can be |
| present with an interviewer. Many respondents find answering online questionnaires more |
| interesting and engaging than being questioned by a telephone interviewer. Furthermore, |
| respondents have the convenience to choose what day and time to complete their assigned survey. |
|
|
| KnowledgePanel methodology |
|
|
| KnowledgePanel provides probability-based samples with an “organic” representation of the study |
| population for measurement of public opinions, attitudes and behaviors. The panel was first |
| developed in 1999 by Knowledge Networks, an Ipsos company. Panel members are randomly |
| selected so that survey results can properly represent the U.S. population with a measurable level |
| of accuracy and a calculable response rate, features that are not obtainable from nonprobability or |
| opt-in online panels. |
|
|
| KnowledgePanel’s recruitment process was originally based exclusively on a national random-digit |
| dial (RDD) sampling methodology. In 2009, in light of the growing proportion of cellphone-only |
| households, Ipsos migrated to an ABS recruitment methodology via the U.S. Postal Service’s |
| Delivery Sequence File. ABS not only improves population coverage, but also provides a more |
| effective means for recruiting hard-to-reach individuals, such as cellphone-only households, non- |
| internet households, young adults and persons of color. Households without an internet |
| connection are provided with a web-enabled device and free internet service. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 17 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| After initially accepting the invitation to join the panel, participants are asked to complete a short |
| demographic survey (the initial Core Profile Survey); answers to this survey allow efficient panel |
| sampling and weighting for future surveys. Upon completing the Core Profile Survey, participants |
| become active panel members. All panel members are provided privacy and confidentiality |
| protections. |
|
|
| Adults from sampled households are invited to join KnowledgePanel through a series of mailings, |
| including an initial invitation letter, a reminder postcard and a subsequent follow-up letter. |
| Moreover, telephone refusal-conversion calls are made to nonresponding households for which a |
| telephone number could be matched to a physical address. Invited households can join the panel |
| by: |
|
|
| ▪ Completing and mailing back a paper form in a postage-paid envelope |
| ▪ Calling a toll-free hotline phone number maintained by Ipsos |
| ▪ Going to a designated Ipsos website and completing the recruitment form online |
|
|
| KnowledgePanel LatinoSM recruitment |
|
|
| In 2008, KnowledgePanel LatinoSM was developed to provide researchers with the capability to |
| conduct representative online surveys with U.S. Hispanics, including both English- and Spanish- |
| dominant Hispanics. With the advent of KnowledgePanel Latino, the first U.S. online panel |
| representative of Hispanics was established to include those without internet access and those who |
| only speak Spanish. Hispanic members recruited through KnowledgePanel’s traditional ABS |
| sampling methodology described above are supplemented with recruitment using a custom dual- |
| frame RDD sampling methodology targeting telephone exchanges associated with census blocks |
| that have a 65% or greater Latino population density (this density level covers just over 50% of the |
| U.S. Hispanic population). Moreover, cellular numbers from rates centers with high concentration |
| of Hispanics are also used to improve the representation of samples. With this telephone |
| recruitment, households are screened in the Spanish language to only recruit those homes where |
| Spanish is spoken at least half the time. |
|
|
| Household member recruitment |
|
|
| During the initial recruitment survey, all household members are enumerated. Following |
| enumeration, attempts are made to recruit every household member who is at least 13 years old to |
| participate in KnowledgePanel surveys. For household members ages 13 to 17, consent is collected |
| from the parents or the legal guardian during the initial recruitment interview. No direct |
| communication with teenagers is attempted before obtaining parental consent. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 18 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| Survey sampling from KnowledgePanel |
|
|
| Once panel members are recruited and profiled by completing KnowledgePanel’s Core Profile |
| Survey, they become eligible for selection for client surveys. Typically, specific survey samples are |
| based on an equal probability selection method (EPSEM) for general population surveys. |
| Customized stratified random sampling based on “profile” data can also be implemented as |
| required by the study design. Profile data can also be used when a survey calls for pre-screening – |
| that is, members are drawn from a subsample of the panel, such as females, Republicans, grocery |
| shoppers, etc. (This can reduce screening costs, particularly for lower incidence subgroups.) In |
| such cases, Ipsos ensures that all subsequent survey samples drawn that week are selected in such |
| a way as to result in a sample that remains representative of the population distributions. |
|
|
| As detailed above, significant resources and infrastructure are devoted to the recruitment process |
| for KnowledgePanel so that its active panel members can properly represent the adult population |
| of the U.S. This representation is achieved not only with respect to a broad set of geodemographic |
| indicators, but also for hard-to-reach adults (such as those without internet access or Spanish- |
| language-dominant Hispanics) who are recruited in proper proportions. Consequently, the raw |
| distribution of KnowledgePanel mirrors that of the U.S. adults fairly closely, barring occasional |
| disparities that emerge for certain subgroups due to differential recruitment and attrition. |
|
|
| For selection of general population samples from KnowledgePanel, a patented methodology has |
| been developed such that samples from the panel behave as EPSEM samples. Briefly, this |
| methodology starts by weighting the pool of active members to the geodemographic benchmarks |
| secured from a combination of the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS) and |
| the latest March supplement of the Census Bureau’s Current Population Survey (CPS) along |
| several dimensions. Typically, the geodemographic dimensions used for weighting the entire |
| KnowledgePanel include the following dimensions, with additional nesting of dimensions as well: |
|
|
| ▪ Gender (male/female) |
| ▪ Age (18-29, 30-44, 45-59, and 60+) |
| ▪ Race/Hispanic ethnicity (White/non-Hispanic, Black/non-Hispanic, Other/non-Hispanic, 2+ |
|
|
| races/non-Hispanic, Hispanic) |
|
|
| ▪ Education (less than High School, High School, Some College, Bachelor and beyond) |
| ▪ Census region (Northeast, Midwest, South, West) |
| ▪ Household income (under $10K, $10K to <$25K, $25K to <$50K, $50K to <$75K, $75K to |
|
|
| <$100K, $100K to <$150K, and $150K+) |
| ▪ Home ownership status (own, rent/other) |
| ▪ Household size (1, 2, 3, 4+) |
| ▪ Metropolitan area (yes, no) |
| ▪ Hispanic origin (Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, other, non-Hispanic) |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 19 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| ▪ Language dominance (non-Hispanic and English dominant, bilingual, and Spanish dominant |
|
|
| Hispanic) when survey is administered in both English and Spanish |
|
|
| Using the resulting weights as measures of size, a probability-proportional-to-size (PPS) procedure |
| is used to select study specific samples. It is the application of this PPS methodology with the |
| imposed size measures that produces demographically balanced and representative samples that |
| behave as EPSEM. Moreover, in instances where a study design requires any form of oversampling |
| of certain subgroups, such departures from an EPSEM design are accounted for by adjusting the |
| design weights in reference to the census benchmarks for the population of interest. |
|
|
| Survey administration |
|
|
| Once assigned to a survey, members receive a notification email letting them know there is a new |
| survey available for them to complete. This email notification contains a link that sends them to |
| the survey. No login name or password is required. The field period depends on the client’s needs |
| and can range anywhere from a few hours to several weeks. |
|
|
| Typically, after three days, automatic email reminders are sent to all nonresponding panel |
| members in the sample. Additional email reminders are sent, and custom reminder schedules are |
| set up as needed. To assist panel members with their survey taking, each individual has a |
| personalized member portal listing all assigned surveys that have yet to be completed. |
|
|
| Ipsos also operates an ongoing modest incentive program to encourage participation and create |
| member loyalty. The incentive program includes special raffles and sweepstakes with both cash |
| rewards and other prizes to be won. On average, panel members complete three to four surveys |
| per month with durations of about 10 to 15 minutes per survey. An additional incentive is usually |
| provided for longer surveys. |
|
|
| Response rates |
|
|
| As a member of the American Association of Public Opinion Research (AAPOR), Ipsos follows the |
| AAPOR standards for response rate reporting. While the AAPOR standards were established for |
| single survey administrations and not for multistage panel surveys, Ipsos uses the Callegaro- |
| DiSogra (2008) algorithms for calculating KnowledgePanel survey response rates. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 20 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| Omnibus survey completion rates |
|
|
| The field period and completion and qualification rates for this survey are presented below: |
|
|
| Omnibus survey completion rates |
|
|
| Field start |
|
|
| Field end |
|
|
| N fielded |
|
|
| N completed |
|
|
| Completion rate |
|
|
| N qualified |
|
|
| Qualification rate |
|
|
| Sept. 19, 2025 Sept. 26, 2025 |
|
|
| 1,544 |
|
|
| 1,015 |
|
|
| 66% |
|
|
| 1,015 |
|
|
| 100% |
|
|
| Limitations of the design and data collection |
|
|
| All forms of public opinion research are subject to unmeasured error that cannot be eliminated. |
| When a probability-based panel like KnowledgePanel is used, Ipsos employs the total survey error |
| approach to identify and minimize error due to coverage error, sampling error, nonresponse error, |
| measurement error, and data processing and editing error. Coverage error is addressed in our |
| KnowledgePanel recruitment strategies. Sampling error is addressed in recruitment and at the |
| time of sample selection for each study. Nonresponse error is reduced in recruitment, study |
| sampling, panel management strategies (including communication, incentive, and retention |
| protocols), and weighting of the final data. These strategies support the computation of sampling |
| error to estimate the extent to which the results from the sample might differ from population |
| values. To reduce measurement error, our research staff evaluates questionnaires in terms of item |
| flow, wording, and response formats to provide respondent-friendly surveys and elicit high-quality |
| data. Additionally, we conduct a quality control review of data processing steps and any data |
| cleaning to minimize errors. |
|
|
| Ipsos KnowledgePanel weighting |
|
|
| Study-specific post-stratification weights |
|
|
| Once all survey data have been collected and processed, design weights are adjusted to account for |
| any differential nonresponse that may have occurred. Depending on the specific target population |
| for a given study, geodemographic distributions for the corresponding population are obtained |
| from the CPS, the U.S. Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS), or in certain |
| instances from the weighted KnowledgePanel profile data. For this purpose, an iterative |
| proportional fitting (raking) procedure is used to produce the final weights. In the final step, |
| calculated weights are examined to identify and, if necessary, trim outliers at the extreme upper |
| and lower tails of the weight distribution. The resulting weights are then scaled to aggregate to the |
| total sample size of all eligible respondents. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| For this study, the following benchmark distributions of U.S. adults ages 18 and over from the |
| 2025 March Supplement of the CPS were used for the raking adjustment of weights for 18+ Gen |
| pop respondents: |
|
|
| ▪ Gender (male/female) by Age (18-29, 30-44, 45-59, and 60+) |
| ▪ Race/Hispanic ethnicity (White/non-Hispanic, Black/non-Hispanic, Other or 2+ races/non- |
|
|
| Hispanic, Hispanic) |
|
|
| ▪ Education (Less than High School, High school, Some College, Bachelor or higher) |
| ▪ Census region (Northeast, Midwest, South, West) |
| ▪ Metropolitan status (metro, non-metro) |
| ▪ Household income (less than $24,999, $25,000 to $49,999, $50,000 to $74,999, $75,000 to |
|
|
| $99,999, $100,000 to $149,999, $150,000 or higher) |
|
|
| ▪ Language dominance (English Dominant Hispanic, Bilingual Hispanic, Spanish Dominant |
|
|
| Hispanic, Non-Hispanic) |
|
|
| The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 3.1 percentage points at the 95% confidence level, |
| for results based on the entire sample of adults. The margin of sampling error takes into account |
| the design effect, which was 1.04. The margin of sampling error is higher and varies for results |
| based on sub-samples. In our reporting of the findings, percentage points are rounded off to the |
| nearest whole number. As a result, percentages in a given table column may total slightly higher or |
| lower than 100%. In questions that permit multiple responses, columns may total substantially |
| more than 100%, depending on the number of different responses offered by each respondent. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| 22 |
|
|
| PEW RESEARCH CENTER |
|
|
| Topline questionnaire |
|
|
| Pew Research Center |
| September 2025 Survey |
| November 24, 2025 Release |
|
|
| Methodological notes: |
|
|
| ▪ |
|
|
| Survey results are based on national samples. For further details on sample designs, refer |
| to the Methodology section. |
|
|
| ▪ Due to rounding, percentages may not total 100%. The topline “total” columns show 100% |
|
|
| because they are based on unrounded numbers. |
|
|
| ▪ Combined totals are based on unrounded topline figures. Prior to 2024, combined totals |
|
|
| were based on rounded topline figures, so these figures might be different than in previous |
| years. |
|
|
| ▪ The U.S. survey was conducted by Ipsos for Pew Research Center on the Ipsos |
|
|
| KnowledgePanel Government and Academic Omnibus. Many questions have been asked in |
| previous surveys on Pew Research Center’s American Trends Panel and on the phone. Web |
| and phone trends for comparison are provided in separate tables throughout the topline. |
| The extent of the mode differences varies across questions; while there are negligible |
| differences on some questions, others have more pronounced differences. Caution should |
| be taken when evaluating online and phone estimates. |
|
|
| ▪ German results, based on a nationally representative telephone sample, can be found |
|
|
| through Körber-Stiftung. |
|
|
| www.pewresearch.org |
|
|
| IMP_COUNTRY. Which |
| country currently is the |
| most important partner |
| for American foreign |
| policy? |
| |
| UK |
| |
| U.S. |
| |
| Canada |
| |
| China |
| |
| Europe |
| |
| Russia |
| |
| France |
| |
| Germany |
| |
| Israel |
| |
| Japan |
| |
| Mexico |
| |
| Ukraine |
| |
| India |
| |
| Other |
| |
| All |
| |
| None |
| |
| September, |
| 2025 |
| |
| September, |
| 2024 |
| |
| September, |
| 2023 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| 19 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 7 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 7 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 20 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 7 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 25 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 11 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| N= |
| |
| 36 |
| |
| 100 |
| 1015 |
| |
| 37 |
| |
| 100 |
| 1021 |
| |
| 24 |
| |
| 100 |
| 1014 |
| |
| Data is displayed vertically. |
| |
| U.S. WEB TRENDS FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| July-August, |
| 2022 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| Q1. Which country |
| currently is the most |
| important partner for |
| American foreign policy? |
| |
| Asia |
| |
| Africa |
| |
| Canada |
| |
| China |
| |
| Europe |
| |
| European Union |
| |
| France |
| |
| Germany |
| |
| Israel |
| |
| Japan |
| |
| Mexico |
| |
| NATO |
| |
| Russia |
| |
| Saudi Arabia |
| |
| South America |
| |
| South Korea |
| |
| Ukraine |
| |
| United Kingdom |
| |
| United States |
| |
| Other |
| |
| All |
| |
| None |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 11 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 24 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| N= |
| |
| 36 |
| |
| 100 |
| 12147 |
| |
| Data is displayed vertically. |
| |
| 23 PEW RESEARCH CENTERwww.pewresearch.orgU.S. PHONE TRENDS FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| September, |
| 2021 |
| |
| September, |
| 2020 |
| |
| April, 2020 |
| |
| September, |
| 2019 |
| |
| September, |
| 2018 |
| |
| October, 2017 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| United States |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 13 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 7 |
| |
| 31 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 7 |
| |
| 14 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 27 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 18 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 26 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 16 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 18 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 21 |
| |
| 8 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 15 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 20 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 0 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| N= |
| |
| 10 |
| 100 |
| 1008 |
| |
| 11 |
| 100 |
| 1007 |
| |
| 20 |
| 100 |
| 1008 |
| |
| 22 |
| 100 |
| 1004 |
| |
| 19 |
| 100 |
| 1006 |
| |
| 29 |
| 100 |
| 1012 |
| |
| Q1. Which country |
| currently is the most |
| important partner for |
| American foreign policy? |
| |
| Australia |
| |
| Canada |
| |
| China |
| |
| France |
| |
| Germany |
| |
| United Kingdom |
| |
| Israel |
| |
| Italy |
| |
| Japan |
| |
| Mexico |
| |
| North Korea |
| |
| Poland |
| |
| Russia |
| |
| South Korea |
| |
| Turkey |
| |
| The European Union (EU) |
| |
| Other |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| Data is displayed vertically. |
| |
| US_GERM_REL. In general, how would you describe relations today between the United States and Germany? |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Good |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Bad |
| |
| Very good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| bad |
| |
| Very bad |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| September, 2023 |
| |
| 71 |
| |
| 84 |
| |
| 86 |
| |
| 24 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 23 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 63 |
| |
| 62 |
| |
| 63 |
| |
| 20 |
| |
| 8 |
| |
| 8 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| July-August, 2022 |
| |
| US_GERM_REL. In general, how would you describe relations today between the United States and Germany? |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Good |
| |
| 80 |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Bad |
| |
| 15 |
| |
| Very good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| bad |
| |
| Very bad |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| 16 |
| |
| 65 |
| |
| 13 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2021 |
| |
| September, 2020 |
| |
| September, 2019 |
| |
| September, 2018 |
| |
| October, 2017 |
| |
| U.S. PHONE TRENDS FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| US_GERM_REL. In general, how would you describe relations today between the United States and Germany? |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Good |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Bad |
| |
| Very good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| good |
| |
| Somewhat |
| bad |
| |
| Very bad |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 85 |
| |
| 74 |
| |
| 74 |
| |
| 69 |
| |
| 68 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 21 |
| |
| 17 |
| |
| 25 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 23 |
| |
| 19 |
| |
| 13 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 62 |
| |
| 55 |
| |
| 62 |
| |
| 58 |
| |
| 59 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 17 |
| |
| 14 |
| |
| 21 |
| |
| 18 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| September, 2023 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_UKRAINE. For each of the following issues, do |
| you see Germany as a partner or not? Dealing with the war in |
| Ukraine |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 54 |
| |
| 59 |
| |
| 64 |
| |
| 37 |
| |
| 29 |
| |
| 30 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 24 PEW RESEARCH CENTERwww.pewresearch.orgUnited States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| September, 2023 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_TRADE. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Promoting free trade |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 62 |
| |
| 67 |
| |
| 72 |
| |
| 29 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 21 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 11 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| U.S. PHONE TRENDS FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_TRADE. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Promoting free trade |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2021 |
| |
| September, 2020 |
| |
| 78 |
| |
| 76 |
| |
| 19 |
| |
| 21 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| September, 2023 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_CHINA. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Dealing with China |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 52 |
| |
| 55 |
| |
| 60 |
| |
| 39 |
| |
| 33 |
| |
| 34 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| United States |
| |
| July-August, 2022 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_CHINA. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Dealing with China |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| 52 |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| 40 |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| 8 |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| U.S. PHONE TRENDS FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_CHINA. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Dealing with China |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2021 |
| |
| September, 2020 |
| |
| 59 |
| |
| 60 |
| |
| 39 |
| |
| 35 |
| |
| 2 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_ISRAEL. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Dealing with the war between |
| Israel and Hamas |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| 41 |
| |
| 46 |
| |
| 49 |
| |
| 42 |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| PARTNER_BATT_DEM. For each of the following issues, do you |
| see Germany as a partner or not? Promoting democracy around |
| the world |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2023 |
| |
| 59 |
| |
| 67 |
| |
| 32 |
| |
| 27 |
| |
| 9 |
| |
| 6 |
| |
| Yes, as a |
| partner |
| |
| No, not a |
| partner |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| FREEEXPRESS_US. In each of the following countries, how free do you think people feel to express their opinions, even if that |
| opinion is unpopular? The U.S. |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| 23 |
|
|
| 22 |
|
|
| 24 |
|
|
| 15 |
|
|
| 8 |
|
|
| 6 |
|
|
| 2 |
|
|
| Extremely free |
|
|
| Very free |
|
|
| Somewhat free Not too free |
|
|
| Not at all free |
|
|
| Not sure |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 25 PEW RESEARCH CENTERwww.pewresearch.orgFREEEXPRESS_GER. In each of the following countries, how free do you think people feel to express their opinions, even if that |
| opinion is unpopular? Germany |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 23 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 10 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| Extremely free |
| |
| Very free |
| |
| Somewhat free Not too free |
| |
| Not at all free |
| |
| Not sure |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| GROWINFLU_EU. Would you say the European Union’s influence in recent years |
| has been getting stronger, getting weaker or staying about the same? |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| 23 |
|
|
| 20 |
|
|
| 25 |
|
|
| 23 |
|
|
| 46 |
|
|
| 49 |
|
|
| 6 |
|
|
| 8 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| Getting |
| stronger |
|
|
| Getting weaker |
|
|
| Staying about |
| the same |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
|
|
| GROWINFLU_EU. Would you say the European Union’s influence in recent years |
| has been getting stronger, getting weaker or staying about the same? |
| |
| United States |
| |
| April, 2024 |
| |
| May, 2022 |
| |
| 17 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 32 |
| |
| 50 |
| |
| 43 |
| |
| 5 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| Getting |
| stronger |
| |
| Getting weaker |
| |
| Staying about |
| the same |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| UKRCOMMIT_TRUMP. How committed do you think U.S. President Donald Trump is to lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine? |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| 40 |
|
|
| 42 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| 19 |
|
|
| 15 |
|
|
| 27 |
|
|
| 17 |
|
|
| 1 |
|
|
| TOTAL |
| Committed |
|
|
| TOTAL |
| Not committed |
|
|
| Very |
| committed |
|
|
| Somewhat |
| committed |
|
|
| Not too |
| committed |
|
|
| Not at all |
| committed |
|
|
| Not sure |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| UKRCOMMIT_TRUMP. How committed do you think U.S. President Donald Trump is to lasting peace between Russia and Ukraine? |
| |
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
| |
| United States March, 2025 |
| |
| 47 |
| |
| 41 |
| |
| 23 |
| |
| 23 |
| |
| 20 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 12 |
| |
| 1 |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Committed |
| |
| TOTAL |
| Not committed |
| |
| Very |
| committed |
| |
| Somewhat |
| committed |
| |
| Not too |
| committed |
| |
| Not at all |
| committed |
| |
| Not sure |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| Total |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| MIL_ASSIST_UKRAINE. Do you think the United States should provide military |
| assistance to the following places or should they not provide military assistance? |
| Ukraine in its war with Russia |
| |
| Yes, should |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| No, should not |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| Not sure |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| 41 |
| |
| 41 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 29 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 27 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| MIL_ASSIST_TAIWAN. Do you think the United States should provide military |
| assistance to the following places or should they not provide military assistance? |
| Taiwan in its conflict with China |
| |
| Yes, should |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| No, should not |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| Not sure |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| 32 |
| |
| 36 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 26 |
| |
| 36 |
| |
| 34 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 4 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| MIL_ASSIST_ISRAEL. Do you think the United States should provide military |
| assistance to the following places or should they not provide military assistance? |
| Israel in its war with Hamas |
| |
| Yes, should |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| No, should not |
| provide |
| military |
| assistance |
| |
| Not sure |
| |
| DK/Refused |
| |
| Total |
| |
| United States |
| |
| September, 2025 |
| |
| September, 2024 |
| |
| 22 |
| |
| 30 |
| |
| 47 |
| |
| 36 |
| |
| 28 |
| |
| 31 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 3 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 100 |
| |
| 26 PEW RESEARCH CENTERwww.pewresearch.orgCHINA_INFLU. In recent years, China has gained a lot of influence globally. Do |
| you see this as more of a good thing, more of a bad thing or does it not make a |
| difference for our country? |
|
|
| More of a good |
| thing for our |
| country |
|
|
| More of a bad |
| thing for our |
| country |
|
|
| Does not make |
| a difference |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| September, 2023 |
|
|
| 7 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 6 |
|
|
| 61 |
|
|
| 67 |
|
|
| 71 |
|
|
| 27 |
|
|
| 24 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 4 |
|
|
| 3 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| MIL_THREAT_CHINA. Do the following countries represent a major military |
| threat, minor military threat or no military threat to American security? China |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor military |
| threat |
|
|
| No military |
| threat |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| September, 2023 |
|
|
| 61 |
|
|
| 64 |
|
|
| 70 |
|
|
| 25 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 6 |
|
|
| 4 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
|
|
| MIL_THREAT_CHINA. Do the following countries represent a major military |
| threat, minor military threat or no military threat to American security? China |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| July-August, 2022 |
|
|
| 64 |
|
|
| 26 |
|
|
| 7 |
|
|
| 3 |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor military |
| threat |
|
|
| No military |
| threat |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| MIL_THREAT_RUSSIA. Do the following countries represent a major military |
| threat, minor military threat or no military threat to American security? Russia |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor military |
| threat |
|
|
| No military |
| threat |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| September, 2023 |
|
|
| 59 |
|
|
| 59 |
|
|
| 68 |
|
|
| 27 |
|
|
| 28 |
|
|
| 24 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| 7 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 6 |
|
|
| 3 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| U.S. WEB TREND FOR COMPARISON |
|
|
| MIL_THREAT_RUSSIA. Do the following countries represent a major military |
| threat, minor military threat or no military threat to American security? Russia |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| July-August, 2022 |
|
|
| 66 |
|
|
| 26 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 3 |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor military |
| threat |
|
|
| No military |
| threat |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| MIL_THREAT_IRAN. Do the following countries represent a major military threat, |
| minor military threat or no military threat to American security? Iran |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| 32 |
|
|
| 42 |
|
|
| 46 |
|
|
| 40 |
|
|
| 18 |
|
|
| 12 |
|
|
| Major military |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor military |
| threat |
|
|
| No military |
| threat |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 7 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| ECON_THREAT_CH. Does China represent a major economic threat, minor |
| economic threat or no economic threat to the American economy? |
|
|
| Major |
| economic |
| threat |
|
|
| Minor |
| economic |
| threat |
|
|
| No economic |
| threat |
|
|
| United States |
|
|
| September, 2025 |
|
|
| September, 2024 |
|
|
| September, 2023 |
|
|
| 66 |
|
|
| 67 |
|
|
| 70 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| 20 |
|
|
| 21 |
|
|
| 9 |
|
|
| 8 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| DK/Refused |
|
|
| Total |
|
|
| 4 |
|
|
| 5 |
|
|
| 4 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 100 |
|
|
| 27 PEW RESEARCH CENTERwww.pewresearch.org |