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FBIS3-55410_2 | Import Duties Seen as Counterproductive | income from this type of tax depends not only on the rate of the tax itself but also on how easy it is to collect. Furthermore, importers seek and often find a possibility of completely avoiding or significantly reducing payments. The idea of re-grading, as old as the whole command system itself, is in operation here: One commodity is imported, but another is declared, and it is not the state treasury that gains, but individual interested parties. Hopes that higher import tariffs may have a favorable effect on the balance of payments and the rate of exchange are also illusory. In theory, the demand for foreign currency will most likely fall, which may help maintain a stable exchange rate. But stabilizing the exchange rate by reducing imports is using the worst of all the possible methods. First of all, an increase in exports could have a far more significant favorable effect on the exchange rate and its stabilization (the abolition of export quotas in 1994 would make it possible to increase exports by $18 billion). And second, successful macroeconomic stabilization would ensure a stable rate of exchange in the long term. But after all, the exchange rate is not an end in itself. And although the historical experience of countries which have suffered high inflation and hyperinflation shows graphically that the stabilization of the currency rate was always a constituent element of a successful policy of curbing inflation, the experience of summer 1993 testifies that the stability of the ruble against the dollar has not led to a reduction in internal inflation or an improvement in any other macroeconomic indicators. In conclusion, the thesis about the protection of the Russian consumers' interests. You have to start with the fact that the actual approach is wrong in principle. The rights of the consumer may best be protected by a system of no import duties. In 1990 the Polish peasants, who are a powerful and well-organized force in the country, demanded that the government maintain high duties on the import of milk and dairy products. More or less in the same way as Russian manufacturers are now complaining that Russia will suffer from lower tariffs, they stated that the unrestricted import of milk into Poland would lead to a significant reduction in agricultural production and increase unemployment. The reformers' government stood firm and refused to compromise. The beginning of open competition against |
FBIS3-55413_1 | Commentary Views Clinton Visit, U.S. Attitude | advancement of reforms in Russia. The reforms were in the centre of attention during the parliamentary elections in Russia last month. The pros and cons of the reforms became evident then. The election results influenced the domestic political scene in Russia and to a certain extent international relations too. A somewhat new situation emerged and new questions appeared, some of which are linked to Russian-American relations. Vladislav Kozyakov comments on the distinctive features of the upcoming Moscow meeting. He writes: If you review the road between Vancouver and Moscow, that is between last April and January, you will notice quite a few achievements. Russia and the United States have come closer to each other. Much of what was agreed on in Vancouver has been done. Here one could name the decision of the United States Congress to earmark means for support to Russia and several concrete aid programs. What is more important, scores of agreements in economy have been concluded. Russia will take part in the construction of an international space station together with the United States, while America will be involved in the modernization of the Russian oil industry. These and other programs should benefit both nations. But now new tasks have come to the fore, primarily cooperation directed at encouraging democratic changes in Russia. The parliamentary elections in Russia clearly showed that the reforms, the way they were carried out so far, were too harsh for the broad masses. At a recent news conference President Yeltsin spoke of the need for additional social measures. The Russian reformers are determined to somewhat amend their own strategy and take steps to raise living standards. It is indicative that Western capitals arrived at a similar conclusion. Declarations were made there in support of broader efforts to back social programs in Russia. President Clinton even spoke for doubling the efforts of Western countries in this sphere. One can foresee that this aspect of Russian-American partnership is going to be discussed in detail at the Moscow summit. However, certain aspects of relations between Moscow and Washington should be altered in the current situation. The time that has passed since Vancouver has demonstrated the great potential of the establishment of fully normalized, equal relations in trade. However, even now, far from all the restrictions introduced by the United States during the cold war have gone down in history. Unfortunately, in some other spheres one |
FBIS3-55420_4 | Nuclear Control Said `Technically Possible' | with some articles of the Lisbon Protocol under which our president's signature appears; yes, the document itself, from the point of view of politicians, contains rather naive points regarding security guarantees for Ukraine. However, it is pointless to assert either the wisdom or worthlessness of that document, proceeding from immediate considerations alone: Doubtless the future, perhaps, not so distant, will provide such an assessment. Let me remind you that the deputies almost unanimously (what a surprise!) approved the reduction, over seven years, of 36 percent of launch vehicles and 42 percent of warheads. They [the deputies] advanced conditions to the world: Never use nuclear weapons against Ukraine; do not use conventional armed forces against it, and do not resort to the threat of force; refrain from exerting economic pressure for the purpose of resolving any disputes; respect Ukraine's territorial integrity and inviolability of borders. By the time the decree was adopted, Ukraine had 176 vertical-launch installations with 1,240 nuclear warheads and 43 heavy bombers with 372 nuclear warheads. That the position of the Ukrainian parliament should not be characterized in categorically negative terms was soon confirmed by the Russian elections in which Zhirinovskiy, a "sincere friend" of the former imperial colonies, triumphed. Anti-Ukrainian articles on nuclear topics immediately disappeared from Moscow newspapers (apparently, not for long). The world became concerned and a question arose: Is it generally safe to transfer the Union's nuclear weapons to Russia? At any rate, the warheads of 17 missiles that were deactivated by Ukraine at the end of December have remained "at home." At other times, this would have given rise to certain emotions in Russia. Now, there is complete tranquility. Maybe, the United States will also revise its policy with regard to Ukraine. So far, it only listened to what Russia was saying. According to Leonid Kravchuk, Ukraine will continue to adhere to its decision to become a nuclear-free state, but we will demand that a tripartite agreement be concluded with Russia and the United States. Meanwhile, an opinion is being formed among Ukrainian parliamentarians on the need for Ukraine to gain full control of its missiles: Such control on the part of Russia is dangerous for our country. It is significant that there is no nonaggression agreement between the two states. Besides, Russia's military doctrine envisages a preventive nuclear strike against nuclear countries. Technically speaking, according to specialists, it is not a major |
FBIS3-55497_11 | Kozyrev Views Prospects of NATO Expansion | of security for all European states. In Europe, "first and second-class security," "gray areas," and "special spheres of influence" are just as unacceptable as "isolated regions" and a "cordon sanitaire." -- The treaty-based foundation of European security, as it has emerged, must be preserved. This also concerns the treaty for final settlement in relation to Germany. -- Exclusion of territorial claims between European states. Are the intentions of certain Baltic states to join NATO compatible with territorial demands against their neighbors? The chief goals of our proposed strategy for partnership at the political level and in the field of security should be the following: First, development of Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The transformation of the CSCE into a political organization for the entire region and of the NACC into an autonomous organization for military-political cooperation but one closely linked to the CSCE. Their aim must be to coordinate the efforts of NATO, the WEU, and the CIS in strengthening international security, acting to strengthen peace, and providing genuine protection for the rights of national, linguistic, and other minorities in Europe. I regard the declaration adopted at the CSCE conference in Rome on combating aggressive nationalism as a significant step in this direction. As far as the NACC is concerned, one should not regard it as an anteroom for NATO according to the "NATO plus" formula, but as envisaged when it was originally set up, as a independent instrument of equal partnership between one-time enemies for the building of a new Europe. Proposals for expanding NACC to include neutral European states and to form a compact secretariat for the Cooperation Council are of considerable interest. The NACC itself must direct its work toward developing cooperation in the security field, in military planning, arms conversion, and maintaining peace. Second, the creation of a system of overlapping security guarantees between the states of Western and Eastern Europe. The closer the states are intertwined with one another, the stronger the network of their relations will be. For this reason, should one not consider, for example, creating a security network of mutually complementary treaties in the security field between Germany and Poland and Poland and Germany? Corresponding treaties could also be proposed for other states in the region. Third, I welcome the proposals made by my German colleague Klaus Kinkel concerning concluding an agreement for cooperation and consultations between NATO, on one side, and the countries of |
FBIS3-55501_1 | U.S. Senators Comment on Talks on ABM Treaty | head of the Committee on Armed Services in the U.S. Congress, explained that the point at issue is not the revision of the fundamentals of that unlimited document aimed at continually reminding people of the nuclear threat, but the clearing up and fixing of basic differences between the ABM system within the framework of an individual theatre of operations, which is not banned by the ABM treaty, and a strategic nuclear ABM system, which is the main subject of that document. The NIHON KEIZAI newspaper reported today that the settlement of the issues dealing with the ABM treaty may be speeded up by the Russian-American summit in Moscow, scheduled for next week. Touching upon the nuclear problems facing former USSR republics, the U.S. senators, who visited Russia recently, said that the ensurance of long-term storage, safe elimination and prevention of smuggling abroad of the splitter materials, released as a result of the dismantling of combat missiles and nuclear-powered submarines, are the most important of them. According to Lugar, the problem for Russia, Ukraine and Kazakhstan is how to divide in a just way the responsibility for the storage and processing of highly enriched uranium. He stressed that in principle the U.S. is ready to purchase from the former USSR republics part of that uranium and process it so that it can be used for peaceful purposes. The problem of Ukraine, which is not living up to its commitment to become a nuclear-free country, should be resolved as soon as possible. According to Nunn, Kiev should join the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and ratify the START agreements without setting the terms, which make the ratification senseless. The senators stressed that, along with problems created by the nuclear disarmament, there are others, which are potentially no less dangerous and which are connected with nuclear power plants on the territory of the former USSR. Of course, it is economically expedient that the International Monetary Fund and other international financial institutions are prompting Russia and other republics to fully liberalise prices of energy carriers, reducing the way to the world market, Sam Nunn pointed out. However, one cannot rule out a possibility that in case of such a transition some countries, like Ukraine for example, will have to put to full use all the nuclear power plants they have in order to obtain sources of cheap energy, which will increase the probability of serious accidents. |
FBIS3-55514_0 | Plight of Servicemen Detained by Moldova for Theft Viewed | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN ["Own information" report: "Beware of the Car"] [Text] The trial in Chisinau of Russian military personnel accused of stealing a car long ago acquired the hallmarks of a political trial -- in the same category as those which give grounds for maxims like "Politics is a dirty business!" The prosecution is studiously silent about the defendants' real "guilt" -- their participation in the protection of polling places in Chisinau during the March 1991 USSR referendum banned by the local authorities. In the two years they have been kept in custody these three officers and one private have been punished worse than for murder. They have been kept in Chisinau detention centers in health-endangering conditions. On 6 June 1993 they were even put before the court with traces of beatings on their faces. During his imprisonment Major Vladimir Teterin has lost 20 kg and has caught tuberculosis in its open form; several times he has coughed up blood. The effects of the skull and brain injury and contusion he received in Afghanistan are manifesting themselves in Captain Vladimir Gram, the other paratrooper; he is plagued by terrible headaches. The health of Major Sergey Cherkasov and Private Andrey Khorkov has been wrecked. It would be a mistake to think that the slow killing of Russian officers and soldiers was carried out only at a time when their fate did not attract public attention. In June the court cynically refused to allow Chisinau's N. Pirogov Association of Medical Workers to carry out an independent medical examination of the detainees. Instead of stopping the beatings and giving treatment for tuberculosis and the effects of contusion they were sent for psychiatric observation, which culminated in a finding as to their sanity. As regards Teterin, the detention center doctor issued a piece of paper saying that he is healthy and that it is apparently only a question of "residual fluctuations in the lungs after a previous bout of tuberculosis," as though what was staring him in the face was not a man virtually on the brink of death. No appeals to the law are of assistance. When asked 23 December by the judge whether he had any complaints or statements to register, Maj. Cherkasov replied in the negative: "No. Complaints are useless because they don't give a damn about them here." Representatives of public human rights organizations continue to be amazed by |
FBIS3-55515_3 | Importance of World Arms Market Stressed | in very complex aerobatics figures and eliciting the admiration of onlookers and specialists and the envy of foreign colleagues. "Selfless work by airmen with excellent hardware." This is not my assessment -- this was what the foreign press wrote about our airmen. Among the conversion output of defense enterprises specialists and businessmen showed special interest in the passenger surface-effect vehicles developed by the Central Design Bureau for Hydrofoils (Nizhniy Novgorod), in the underwater excursion craft created by St. Petersburg's "Rubin" Central Design Bureau for Marine Equipment, and in helicopters and launches which can be used for sea patrols, rescue operations, and services to island resorts. It is only to be regretted that for purely economic reasons these exhibits were shown in the form of models and photographs and not in real life. Incidentally, all the recreational vessels were sold out at the previous "Lima-91" exhibition before it ended. Journalists expect sensations from exhibitions. The Emirates' purchase of a large consignment of French Leclerc tanks was named as the sensation at "IDEX-93 in the United Arab Emirates, and at the "Lima-93" exhibition it was the contract to supply Malaysia with eight F/A-18 fighters, whereas the contract with Russia, which has long been in preparation, to supply the Malaysians with 18 MiG-29's was not signed. In my view the reasons for this are not commercial but purely political. This is particularly obvious in the context of the results of the conference of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) Organization held in Seattle before the exhibition itself. We know that the ASEAN countries are the fourth largest source of imports to the United States and stand in sixth place among America's export markets. In 1992 the volume of U.S. trade with them amounted to $60 billion, while U.S. investments in these states topped $16 billion. The Americans held the conference with great pomp, making it their main aim to turn APEC into a disciplined organization capable of ensuring the expansion of trade and investments in the Asia-Pacific region. The first major obstacle to face them on this path was the refusal by Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamed to participate in the Seattle meeting. The main reason for the boycott was the reluctance to turn APEC into a means of U.S. domination over the countries of Southeast Asia. In the opinion of experts, Malaysia's purchase of U.S. fighters is a kind of goodwill gesture or |
FBIS3-55570_17 | Military Doctrine Politically `Dubious' | confrontation between the three such trends which we previously dubbed "factors of purposeful change," "risk factors," and "new world order factors." Not one of these trends is favorable for Russia, coincides with its long-term economic, political, or military interests, or promises us anything new in the future other than more unrest, worry, and diverse threats. And a readiness to use force to counter such threats, along with a vigorous peacekeeping policy to avert them, seems to be the most effective combination of the various means of safeguarding Russian security. 3. The Russian military strategy that has been adopted in the light of present-day conditions can be characterized on the whole as a strategy of "defense sufficiency" founded on the political basis of "healthy national pragmatism." This means that: a) The immediate period of Russian development should be seen primarily as a period of stabilization during which it will be necessary above all to minimize the damage done to the country by the ill-conceived and undistinguished actions of politicians over the past few years; mechanisms for mobilizing all of society's potential with a view to getting the country out of its profound systemic crisis as quickly as possible will have to be elaborated; priority attention to the internal problems of social revival and national regeneration will have to be guaranteed; any kind of external state activeness will have to be reduced to a necessary minimum to rule out the possibility of Russia's getting dragged into the activities of any supranational international organizations whatsoever which claim a right to interfere in the internal affairs of sovereign states; and the military activeness of the country's Armed Forces will have to be very strictly limited to the framework of Russia's national interests, for the purposes of whose protection they should have the necessary technical, organizational, and legal base. b) The material and personnel resources channeled into defense should be determined on the basis that the most important task in this sphere is to prevent any further deterioration in Russia's military-political and military-strategic positions in the world arena. The events of recent years have revealed that we lack reliable military allies, therefore the priority avenue of military organizational development should be to safeguard the country's security against both direct military aggression against it and regional threats associated with local areas of military-political instability escalating into the threat of a comprehensive geopolitical crisis ("global turmoil"). 4. |
FBIS3-55629_3 | State of Ex-USSR Missile Warning System Examined | the radar field by including stations in the polar region, Latvia, and Ukraine. A plan was then developed for total, continuous OTH coverage in the missile-vulnerable western, southwestern, southern, and northeastern sectors. At the same time work was also under way on a fundamentally new phased-array OTH radar station called "Daryal".... As we can see, the system was progressively built in missile-vulnerable areas. Needless to say, at the time no one thought that the Union would break up and that the radar field erected would be bisected by the national borders of sovereign states. Or that they would de facto end up under Russia's "nuclear umbrella." However, now the question is this: Do the republics need these services today? And, if so, on what terms? If not, what is to be done with the stations? Regrettably these are not idle questions, since there are still no clear accords in this sphere or clear prospects. Admittedly there is the Treaty on Collective Security signed by six CIS states. But "nothing is forever".... Remember the promises about the unified ruble, economic, and information area. What has happened to all that? Is it true that the future of these stations and maybe the future of the MAEW is today being decided not only in Moscow but also in the CIS nation states? ...The Balkhash area, where an MAEW unit is stationed, greeted us with cold gusts of wind and snow. A strange building like a gigantic hut rose above the wild semidesert. "Our new `Daryal' looks strange and, you'll agree, impressive," Colonel G. Kozlyuk, deputy commander for work with personnel, broke into my thoughts. "The only thing is that the construction workers and fitters are unable to hand it over. So at the moment we are working with a `Dnepr.'" Vast sums of money at the old prices have been invested in the station -- around 1 billion rubles. It is a reliable radar. It has triple-redundant technological apparatus, several independent power sources, and space, radio, and facsimile communications.... It provides highly important information about ballistic missile launches, identifies objects during the booster phase of their flight path, and can instantly compute warheads' launch and landing sites as well as their flight time.... "We provided backup for the `Soyuz-Apollo' flight and all flights from Baykonur and obtained information on `Ferret,' `Columbia,' and the shuttle," Colonel N. Buchuk, deputy commander for arms, said not |
FBIS3-55660_3 | Kostikov Outlines `Clean Russia' Principles | a stable democracy such an expensive "pleasure" is permitted only once every several years. It is we, concerned with repelling the ideologists and leaders of the communo-fascists, who are prepared to go to the barricades or meetings at the first call to defend our fragile democracy. In old Europe meetings and demonstrations take place with the strict observance of established regulations and under police guard. In our country abuse and obscenities against the president and government are considered virtually to be in good taste for the newspapers which flaunt their new independence. A real democratic press knows how to say unpleasant things and even to cut into the flesh with the expertise of a skilled surgeon. During Watergate Richard Nixon was brought to political death not by the newspapers' unbridled statements but by professional journalists' painstaking work. In a healthy society politics and the population do not notice each other, in the good sense of the word. The assembly bell should ring in exceptional cases and only when the people do indeed need to be pushed to accomplish something extraordinary. One of the underlying reasons for the democrats' failure at the elections is the fact that neither the parties nor their leaders have the stomach or the ability to perform routine work for the sake of the genuine values of the state and the people. The aim of the election campaign was not to put forward ideas which could normalize Russia but to obtain deputies' seats and to win a successful percentage. Not a single one of the election blocs' programs essentially even mentioned how nationwide problems, as opposed to narrow party or group problems, would be resolved. The Agrarian Party of Russia quite frankly preached the conservation of the collective and state farm system in the interests of "soviet landowners" -- the directors and chairmen of the state and collective farms. The "Civic Union" interpreted the interests of the "red directors." "Women of Russia" introduced its own "feminine" note to the chorus of demands made on the government. The communist party, having repealed the dictatorship of the proletariat for reasons of expediency, traded wholesale and retail in the specters of an equalizing social happiness. The very concept of the "social state" stuck in the new Constitution sounds like the echo of communist ideology and essentially reflects the same party division in the face of the general and indivisible interests |
FBIS3-55663_0 | Statistics Committee Presents Economic Report for 1993 | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Russia's economic performance in 1993 has proved much less impressive than the government's economic forecast made at the end of 1992. The gross domestic product diminished by 12 percent, and, compared to 1991, by 29 percent. Experts of the independent research center Macroecon-Link note in this connection that in October 1992 the Economics Ministry predicted a 5-8 percent decrease. The rate of the reduction of Russia's gross domestic product has outstripped the same index in the U.S. during the great depression (38 percent compared to 30 percent in the U.S. from 1930 to 1933). In 1993, the volume of industrial production dropped by 16 percent, which is slightly down from the 1992 index of 18 percent. The aggregate price index grew 10 times (in 1992 - 26 times), while the average salary increased 8 times. Last year, Russia manufactured 6 percent less electric energy than in 1992, 12 percent less oil, 4 percent less gas and 10 percent less coal. The production of steel dropped by 13 percent, tractors - 35 percent, harvesters - 43 percent, cement - 18 percent, fabrics - 26 percent, meat - 14 percent, milk - 17 percent and sugar - 5 percent. The crop of grain amounted to 99 Mn tons compared to 107 Mn tons in 1992. Manufacture of refrigerators increased by 10 percent, TV sets by 9 percent and vegetable oil by 14 percent. Russia's foreign trade turnover amounted to $76 Bn. The exports grew by 13 percent to $ 45.9 Bn, including the export of oil by 21 percent, gas - 3 percent and timber - 3 percent. The value of Russia's imports was over $30 Bn, which is 15 percent less than in 1992. Grain imports did not exceed 11 Mn tons, which is 62 percent less than in 1992. |
FBIS3-55665_5 | Potential Role of Free Economic Zones Viewed | The FEZ's will be divided into two types: export production zones (production type) and unbonded zones (warehousing type). Incidentally, the latter have now been given the go-ahead with the publication of the Russian Federation Customs Code, and the drafts are now being worked out. International practice indicates the advisability of FEZ specialization. There are around 400 warehouse-type zones and more than 300 export production zones in the world at the moment. Most of the former operate in industrially developed states. There are around 130 in Europe and more than 180 in the United States. Export production zones are more popular in developing countries. At the beginning of the nineties there were more than 300 operating, over 100 were in the process of being organized, and 50 and more were at the planning and preparation stage. More than three million people are employed in them (in 1990 it was two million). Of course, there is far less need for them in the developed countries, since they already have a full-fledged market and major high-technology export potential. As for the future Russian export zones, it is envisaged that they will be obliged to supply at least 50 percent of their products for export. If a FEZ resident fails to accomplish this task he could lose his license. At the same time, there are plans for a flexible system of incentives for producers of export goods. The size of the concessions will depend on the volume of exports, the degree of processing, the standard of the technology used, the proportion of local raw materials and supplies, and so on. In order to create the FEZ's, the draft law provides for the allocation of funds from the federal budget (including tax concessions), budget loans, part of the money obtained in the course of privatization, and also the use of the budgets of the regions where they are being formed. In this connection it is important to bear in mind that the proposed future redistribution of the powers of the center and the regions, in particular in the budget sphere, will obviously also make significant adjustments to the process of financing and developing FEZ's. Local authorities will have to tackle many problems indpendently and ensure, in particular, that the zones are not turned into economic enclaves, isolated from the national economy, but are closely linked to the corresponding region and use its resources, raw materials, |
FBIS3-55715_0 | Sigua Condemns Shevardnadze's `Double Game' | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Interview with former Prime Minister Tengiz Sigua by Eteri Kakabadze; place and date not given: "Tengiz Sigua: `Gamsakhurdia Had a Choice; the Opposition Did Not'"] [Excerpt] [passage omitted] [Kakabadze]Could you tell us how and by whom was the decision taken to bring Shevardnadze back to Georgia? Why was he specifically chosen? After all, the opinion about him in Georgia was far from unanimous. [Sigua] I can tell you how I viewed it. This is a person with enormous international prestige and it would not have been serious on our part had we dismissed this aspect. Shevardnadze's return to Georgia could have given us two big advantages. He could have ensured Georgia received international recognition and its entry into such influential international organizations as the United Nations, CSCE, and so forth. It is wholly natural that these processes would have been connected with the name of Shevardnadze. Indeed, this is what subsequently happened. The second advantage lay in the fact that he could have developed international action on a broad scale and attracted foreign credits into the country with the help of which we would have been able to get the economy back on its feet. According to my calculations, just some four to five months after his return, we would have received $300-400 million in the form of preferential credits. Unfortunately, this did not happen. However, there were also two big disadvantages. The first was western Georgia; with his return, the situation there would have become even more acute. The second was the attitude of the Russian generals to the Gorbachev-Yakovlev-Shevardnadze [alliance]. However, when I weighed the pros and cons, the former outweighed the latter. [Kakabadze] Did you have any opponents in this matter? [Sigua] Yes. However, I managed to persuade them that Shevardnadze was no longer the same person whom Georgia used to know. Moreover, I sincerely believed this myself. [Kakabadze] Why have you said this with such regret? Do you think you made a mistake? [Sigua] Of course, I made a mistake. Life has shown that he has not changed a bit since he was first secretary of the [Georgian] Central Committee. I can see that no genuinely democratic -- not pseudo-democratic -- transformations have occurred in the country since his arrival. There is just the appearance of democracy. Tell me, how can one simply justify the fact that the law on elections was |
FBIS3-55722_3 | Addresses State Duma | associations represented in the Federal Assembly becomes an everyday obligation of the government. Second -- what it is that the government should renounce --- impatience, which in striving for quick results has frequently led us, and still leads us today, to mere outward effects, but far from always equally effective decisions. The prohibition on impatience envisages primarily scrupulous work on bringing order to all the resources of state economic policy. I am convinced that order in the state economy begins with establishing order in the work of the government. A presidential decree actually aimed at this has been signed. The results of the elections bear out that the limits to society's patience have to a considerable degree been exhausted. But it has to be soberly acknowledged that slackening efforts and attempts to soften the burdens of the crisis by populist measures will not bring alleviation, but will only drag out this stage of the development of the crisis and the associated deprivations. Analysis of the first results of the work that has been done on the state of the economy and existing problems enable us to draw an important conclusion. The prerequisites have arisen for moving on to a new stage of reforms -- the stage of stabilizing the economy -- when the center of gravity of all the government's activity shifts to creating favorable conditions for the work of Russian manufacturers. In order to implement this task, I shall make every effort to consolidate the activities of the government, the parliament, and the Russian Central Bank. In social policy we are bound to turn the reforms face to face with the people. Social policy for us means not only targeted support for the poor, but also granting all citizens the possibility of having worthy living conditions. We intend to proceed without sudden and unjustified shifts in policy and ill-considered shock decisions. We are pondering a certain adjustment in our program of practical actions. Most of what we want to do is compatible with the basic principles contained in the pre-election policy documents of many parties and electoral blocs. In my view, this provides a real basis for joint work by the government and parliament. The government expresses confidence that this work will succeed. We are geared precisely for this. I hope that this is how it will work out. I wish you success in your work. Thank you. [applause] |
FBIS3-55733_1 | Deputies Look Ahead to Work of Duma | Voters refused to follow the word "democrats" out of inertia, thus demanding that they be shown respect: If you want their support you have to give them money and responsibility. Give them the chance to see what they get for their taxes: Here is where they are going, and this is the sort of return I am getting. Therefore populists of all sorts were able to play on the absolute insolubility of social problems. From the example of my election campaign I can assert how difficult it is to oppose categorical, "splendid" promises. I was a candidate in a district where there is a concentration of "dormitory suburbs" [spalnyye kvartaly] which are unsound in every aspect, including ecologically. And one of my rivals promised that, if elected, he would close down the plant that is poisoning life in the entire region. Of course, he will not close the plant. But it sounded good! There is, of course, the normal mechanism -- but one which, admittedly, requires a longer time to take shape: The plant's profits should be taxed only after all expenses necessary for purification installations have been deducted from them. I am sure that I managed to win the election campaign not by handing out impossible promises but only because my program -- notice that it is a liberal program, and therefore does not enjoy absolute support today -- was absolutely specific. The Liberal Democratic Party pf Russia has such a broad representation in parliament because it combined the votes of those who thereby expressed their dissatisfaction with the inconsistency of the reforms, and of those who truly share the ideas of the leader of that party. However, Zhirinovskiy's party today represents a big question mark, in my view. Everyone is talking about its leader, but what do his comrades in arms represent? Will it receive a political weight in parliament corresponding to its size? This will be shown by the proceedings in parliament. Even today, however, it is clear that, given such a parliament, it is impossible to expect the clear-cut advancement of reforms. There will also be difficulties over the formation of the government, the power ministries, and foreign policy. Much will now depend on the president, who, thank God, has been given significant powers under the new Constitution. A huge part will also be played by the extent to which both communists and democrats take responsible |
FBIS3-55733_5 | Deputies Look Ahead to Work of Duma | of certain bloc leaders. Hence, it seems to me, a deputy should have the right to change faction at least once. I am for the democrats coordinating their actions in parliament. Everything should be discussed and agreed between ourselves beforehand; we should find common ground on which to stand in negotiations with the rest. Unfortunately, there are other approaches in our faction. Some deputies believe that we should reach agreement with the communists on one issue and with "Russia's Choice" on another. This position -- keeping equidistant from either side -- is quite frankly alarming. Yekaterina Lakhova: Women Will Not Be "Tame" We realize that voters who supported the "Women of Russia" bloc in the elections will follow closely how we justify their trust. Either we will discredit the women's movement, or we will strengthen it. We intend to work seriously in parliament in order to overcome the traditional idea of women's low political activeness and to fight to increase women's social status -- right now it is intolerably low. We seriously intend to fight to see that a woman is elected one of the deputy chairmen of the State Duma. It is time to stop treating half the population of the country like second-class people; we should not be a laughing stock in the world community. I think that parliament should actively influence the formation of state policy. Insofar as this policy is formed in laws, everything is in our hands. I object to the idea that, if the government does not change its course, we should not support it; we can influence this course by adopting new laws and making rational amendments to existing legislation, especially as regards property questions, privatization, and so forth. Will our faction's voice be heeded in parliament? It is hard to predict at this stage. But we will not be "tame" -- that is unequivocal. People are constantly trying to pin "Women of Russia" to someone else's coattails -- now to one bloc, now to another. I think that every faction will try to preserve its autonomy. We will find common approaches in resolving some problems, but we will also seek allies in other factions to lobby for our issues. We will try to make ourselves heard. Especially since there is the experience acquired in the previous parliament. We will take account of this, just as we will take account of past mistakes. |
FBIS3-55741_6 | Yeltsin Gives Opening Address to Federation Council | sidelines of the reforms, and it is perhaps this that is the reason for many difficulties and failures. It is our common task to align the market and culture to the greatest possible degree. Unless we do so, the market will not become civilized; unless we do so, the market will not emerge from crisis, there will be no revival of spirituality, there will be no revival of Russia's greatness. I call upon you to bear this constantly in mind in your work. The Federal Assembly is starting its work in a period when the Russian Federation's democratic statehood is being established. Everyone knows with what pain and difficulty this process has been proceeding. The adoption of the Constitution offers a realistic opportunity for making this more calm and effective. It can be said that for the first time agreement has been reached in Russia on the rules and norms which are obligatory for all political forces. And we must at all costs preserve this accord, in order that there can be calm in the country, in order that dictatorship can never return to Russia. We can and must help public and political forces to find accord on the main issue, the categoric and total exclusion of force from the country's political life. There shall be no justification for those who organize mass disorders. No one must evade responsibility for calls for violent actions, for inciting national, social or religious dissension amongst people. There is one more issue I would particularly like to dwell on. Russia is a great power and it will never agree to be on the sidelines of world civilization. The time has ended when our country felt itself to be a besieged fortress and was in confrontation with the rest of the world. Our task today is to activate truly wide and equal cooperation with the world community. It is not by military might alone that a worthy place in the world is defined. Our country and people have a great resource of vital energy, and it is up to us to help our fatherland to gather its forces, to revive those powerful stimuli which would resurrect its greatness. International law is our fundamental guideline in the world. Russia will strictly abide by its norms and principles, convinced that this is the most efficient way of protecting national interests. However, one other aspect is of no |
FBIS3-55751_1 | Reasons for Clinton Refusal To Visit Kiev Assessed | officials that Washington is not merely unhappy with Kiev's behavior, but is annoyed and does not consider it necessary to conceal its annoyance. What is this unusual situation all about? [passage omitted] The world community's concern is understandable. Following the breakup of the USSR, 130 SS-19 ICBM's, each with six warheads, 46 modern missiles, each with 10 warheads, 564 cruise missiles, and 30 strategic bombers with 416 warheads on board were left on the territory of the Ukraine. That makes 1,656 warheads in all. That is greater than the French, British, and Chinese nuclear arsenals put together. So Ukraine is the world's third biggest nuclear power (after the United States and Russia). In Ukraine's current conditions of political instability this nuclear potential could be a threat to European security. The public in neighboring countries knows, for example, that the founding session of the Ukrainian National Fascist Party took place in December in the Officers' Club in Lvov. It said that its aim is the forcible expansion of Ukrainian borders by conquering part of the territory of Russia, Belarus, Poland, and the Baltic states. We know how nervous the West was when it heard the results of the elections in Russia and of Zhirinovskiy's party's success in them. What if the elections in Ukraine in March follow the Russian model?... Of course, the situation does not appear dangerous at the moment. As is known, not a single missile in Ukraine can be launched without Russia's consent, since the keys to the launch codes are in Moscow. But it is also known that Ukrainian specialists have been trying secretly for a year to decipher the codes. What if they decipher them and start blackmaining the West in an attempt to extort financial compensation? The United States is obviously seriously concerned about this prospect, aware of the true reasons why Kiev is clinging to the nuclear weapons. It was obviously no accident when John Shalikashvili, chairman of the U.S. joint chiefs of staff, recently let drop that defense against Russia is certainly not the reason why Kiev wants to keep the nuclear weapons on its territory. Is that not why Bill Clinton himself telephoned Leonid Kravchuk on 30 November to complain about Ukrainian policy in the sphere of its position on nuclear weapons? Russia's position on this question is clear and it has been repeatedly expressed by President Yeltsin and Andrey Kozyrev: Ukraine |
FBIS3-55754_1 | Validity of Kiev Disarmament Accord in Doubt Official: Final Draft Not Yet Complete | in Moscow between the U.S., Russian, and Ukrainian presidents -- as hastily reported by Ostankino Television -- and on a bilateral meeting between the Ukrainian and U.S. presidents, Yuriy Serheyev, chief of Foreign Ministry Information Department, in particular said: [Begin Serheyev recording] As of today, I cannot say that a final document has already been drafted; I cannot say what form this document will take. That is why the scheduled tripartite conference in Moscow may have any form. If the final draft of the document is not completed, the Moscow conference is likely to be of consultative nature and aimed at coordinating aspects which still need to be coordinated. If the Moscow meeting manages to resolve uncoordinated issues, the document should take some form. I want to draw your attention to [word indistinct] commentaries, or I would rather say biased commentaries regarding the translation of Mr. Gore's statement which can be interpreted as an agreement or a treaty. As you see, at this stage, it is better to speak about a document rather than agreement or treaty. Discussions over the form and essence of this document are still continuing, in Ukraine's governing circles as well. I want to stress that the Moscow summit will be preceded by a short meeting in Kiev. The possibility and likeliness of such a meeting were discussed very thoroughly through diplomatic channels. I also want to point out that as stated in yesterday's declaration by the Council of Ministers' and presidential press service, the main theme of the meeting will be the discussion of a wide range of issues concerning bilateral relations. This is very essential. Moreover, this statement is not unilateral; it was coordinated. There is a mutual desire on both sides to discuss bilateral relations at this meeting. This is not a bad example and not a bad result demonstrating that prospects are opening for a more constructive dialogue and more constructive relations with the United States in the spheres discussed in the course of Mr. Christopher's visit to Kiev. In particular [we should] balance our relations, direct them into the stream of military-political cooperation, and in the first place, economic cooperation. This visit once again emphasizes the attention paid Ukraine and importance of developing bilateral relations with her. Naturally, in the course of the Kiev meeting, issues tackled in Brussels and those to be tackled in Moscow will be discussed. [end recording] |
FBIS3-55821_1 | Visit Seen as Support for Yeltsin | practical recommendations. THE TIMES believes that it is pointless for the West to be soft on Russia and try to "placate" Yeltsin since "Russia is no longer a superpower or an equal partner, and Yeltsin," THE TIMES claims, "is a caricature rather than a politician." Therefore, it says, Clinton, who is well known for wanting to please everybody, might not on this occasion demonstrate this trait in his character because "he should not refuse to be confrontational toward Russia." Needless to say, THE TIMES reasons, Russia will not like the U.S. position, particularly on such a sore point as the enlargement of NATO through the addition of Russia's former Warsaw Pact partners, the East and Central European countries, but "in the final analysis that is Russia's business." We do not know whether Clinton will heed this advice, but this is what Vice President Al Gore stated the other day on his behalf: "The United States resolutely supports plans to bring NATO and East Europe closer together." The traditional list of questions on the agenda of the Gorbachev era -- "bread, milk, flour, etc." -- will naturally still receive emphasis, but the topic of using Western loans to support reform has long set teeth on edge, and it is now totally clear that America is at best prepared only to make gestures involving charitable aid, and even this is limited to gestures that will yield greater dividends on the purely propaganda level. House Majority Leader Richard A. Gephardt, the U.S. Moscow Embassy information bulletin reported, has delivered a very emotional report entitled "New Partnership: Relations Between the United States, Russia, and the New Independent States." The report contains a passage about the congressman's personal impressions of Moscow, which are capable of wringing tears even from people with hearts of stone: "...The price of bread has risen from 10 kopeks to 40 rubles [R], i.e. by 4,000 percent. Even though shelves in stores are full, by no means everybody can afford these goods.... On one of the central streets of Moscow three wretched children with sad faces sat begging -- their dirty, skinny hands in torn gloves stretched toward me brought to mind the era of Charles Dickens." We must suppose that attempts will be made to shield Bill Clinton from this sort of distressing encounter on the Moscow streets. Moreover, the Missouri Democrat's news about the price of Russian bread is |
FBIS3-55828_0 | U.S. Grants Russia Subsidies in Power Industry | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Own Information report: "Americans Are Sponsoring Our Power Industry"] [Text] The governments of the United States and the Russian Federation have reached agreement on the provision to Russia of a nonreturnable subsidy of $125 million for the implementation of a program for the import of energy-saving and nature protection equipment and materials. This is being done within the framework of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the United States in the sphere of the power industry and environmental protection. The program is being funded by the United States in stages beginning with a nonreturnable subsidy of $10 million which will be distributed by the Russian Federation Government between the state and private sectors of the Russian economy to finance the import of equipment, materials, and services. The minimum value of a deal for the acquisition of materials and equipment (the supplier in the United States will be selected on a competitive basis) is $100,000 and the financial resources in question will not be subject to taxation or customs duties. Those components of the state and private sectors in the Russian Federation interested in obtaining such a subsidy must submit their applications to the Russian-American joint council created to oversee the general direction of the program under the auspices of the Russian Federation Government's Commission on Questions of International Humanitarian and Technical Assistance. |
FBIS3-55939_3 | Commentary Says Apparatus Needs Curbing | other politicians' power and powers. The power of a department (or branch of power) is limited by other departments' power and powers. Therefore, a politician's or department leader's power passes to his apparatus without a change in the total amount of power. An unjustified increase in the apparatus' size leads to control over it being lost, which increases its power at the expense of public politicians. As a result the power of the people, which has temporally been transferred to public politicians by elections, is concentrated in the hands of the bureaucracy. This process may result in the usurpation of the power of the people. Our Russian bureaucracy has two aspects. Its first aspect is the section of the old nomenklatura bureaucracy, which is regenerating itself. It cannot get enough of adapting, usurping power for itself, hiding its power, and strengthening it. It religiously guards its corporate interests, makes its own "rules," and inculcates them in its new recruits, corrupting them with the advantages gained through keeping to them. This bureaucracy knows how to be effective when defending its own interests or when it has been given no way out and has been forced to work in the interests of others, even those of the public. The second aspect of Russian bureaucracy is represented by the new politicians who appeared at the end of the 1980's as a result of the first open elections. The majority of them are not politicians (in the Soviet meaning of the word) nor are they officials. They are average-grade professionals from other fields of endeavor. Having unexpectedly gotten into politics, they brought with them a conviction that there are areas of human endeavor that anybody can fathom if they add politics to pedagogy and medicine. An absence of professionalism may not be very significant when coordinating public interests, which is usually what takes place in legislative representative bodies. But in any other area of power, especially in area of implementing practical policy -- and the apparatus needs to handle this in particular -- professionalism is essential. For historical reasons, many recently recruited politicians have lately been filling positions as officials in the apparatus. Skipping the professional training essential to climb the professional ladder, they have moved into important positions. They have brought the hullabaloo of political squabbles to the quiet corridors of power, turning the offices of members of the apparatus into party headquarters. |
FBIS3-55942_0 | Airline Unions Ask Yeltsin To Fire Chief | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Andrey Nikolayev report under the "Trade Unions" rubric: "Pilots and Air Controllers Demand Resignation of Air Transport Department Director"] [Text] Participants in the trade union conference of air crews of the Vnukovo Airlines company have passed an appeal to Boris Yeltsin and Viktor Chernomyrdin. It points out that in recent times, "the state of affairs in civil aviation has sharply worsened," while the leadership of Russia's Air Transport Department is taking no effective measures to bring the sector out of a deep crisis. More, department director Vladimir Zamotin and his immediate entourage, the appeal says, hamper in every way the work of airlines that have switched to new forms of economic development. At the same time, "the safety of flights in the sector is at a low level whereas the quality of services to passengers has sharply fallen." All this, the authors of the appeal think, results from the fact that "the sector is being controlled by an amateur, a former party apparatchik who had worked for a considerable length of time in the Ukraine Communist Party Central Committee and the CPSU Central Committee." In this connection, participants in the conference passed a demand to the Russian president and prime minister to relieve Vladimir Zamotin of the position he fills, and recommended that Anatoliy Kochur, president of Russia's Association of Air Crews, be appointed director of the Air Transport Department in his place. As was intimated at the headquarters of the Association of Air Crews, the conference had also passed an appeal to work collectives of Russia's civil aviation for support of the demand for Zamotin's resignation. At the moment statements supporting this demand have come not only from civil aviation air crews and aviation technical services of airline members of the Association of Air Crews, but also from the Association of Air Crews of the Armed Forces and the Federation of Air Traffic Controllers of Russia, where they believe that the present department director should be fired if only "for actions aimed against free trade unions, as well as for red tape." |
FBIS3-55953_0 | Research, Crew Changes Under Way at Mir Complex | Language: English Article Type:BFN [By unidentified ITAR-TASS correspondent] [Text] Flight Control centre January 12 TASS -- Five Russian cosmonauts -- Vasiliy Tsibliyev, Aleksandr Serebrov, Viktor Afanasyev, Yuriy Usachev, and Valeriy Polyakov -- are working for the third day running on board the "Mir" orbital complex. Today's plan of the joint flight envisages geophysical, medical, and biotechnological experiments, and the transfer of duties to the crew of the fifteenth main expedition. A cycle of video-filmings and spectrometeric observations of separate parts of the earth's continents and oceans are being carried out in keeping with the programme of studies of the earth's natural resources and the environment. The new crew, brought to the complex a short while ago, is carrying out a series of experiments to study in greater detail the mechanisms of the human organism's adaptation to the conditions of orbital flight, including by the method of blood composition. The biotechnological experiment, started on January 10, is being continued. Its purpose is to explore the possibility of obtaining hybrid cells of plants in conditions of imponderability. The old crew of the complex is to check during the day the condition of the board systems of the "Soyuz TM-17" vehicle and to prepare it for the return voyage to the earth. Reports received from the cosmonauts and telemetric data show that the flight is proceeding normally. |
FBIS3-55993_2 | Program Examines Visit | same has we have been doing. We have always talked quite tough, it must be said. [end recording] [Video shows Yeltsin inspecting troops] Both Boris Yeltsin and the leaders of Western countries have displayed resilience in the situation that has arisen. The Russian president has raised his eyebrows. Everything is under way. There is no reason for hysterics. If the West adopts a fair attitude toward Ukraine's attempt to revise nuclear agreements and toward the massive panic-stricken exodus of the former brothers-in-socialism towards NATO, he, Yeltsin, won't understand that. [Video shows EC meeting; Kravchuk speaking; Lithuanian President Brazauskas talking to Yeltsin; Clinton joking with Havel] The subtle hint was taken. Clinton and other Western leaders, who were under intense pressure last week from those who favor a change in policy toward Moscow and, above all, toward Yeltsin, kept their nerve. In fact, the West was facing a dilemma. Either to throw the doors open to all-comers and thus build up a strong defensive cordon on Russia's western borders right now, in case the Russians want a bit of a fight. These tactics threaten to stiffen militarist sentiments and to bolster the extremist radical wing in Russia itself. Or to relax, not make a fuss, and realize that, if the Russians go mad and move their tanks in, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, and Slovakia can't be saved anyway. And so, whoever is accepted into what, there will be no stable Europe without a stable Russia. Eastern Europe itself probably understands that and is relying more on monetary than on military assistance. But the West doesn't have a bottomless pocket. [Svanidze is seen talking to Kozyrev] [Begin Kozyrev recording] NATO has not been intimidated by the hasty demands for a quantitative expansion of its ranks. We were against that, and it must be said that the American "Partnership for Peace" blueprint actually envisages a lengthy stage, as they see it, of preparing the new states for entry to NATO. Here there is some difference of emphasis between us. We do not put the emphasis on preparation for entry to NATO, although we do not rule out the possibility that, at some stage, Russia itself may become a member of NATO. Why not? But the main thing is not that we shall be in some kind of preparatory class. The main thing for us is the actual period, a sufficiently lengthy and |
FBIS3-56004_1 | Commentary Views Summit | that concrete ways of tuning the relationship between these countries, and also the perfecting of the cooperation mechanism and joint actions on the international arena will be worked out. It is difficult to conclude that the bilateral relationship between Russia and America are developing smoothly, without hitches. Naturally, there are complications and problems. But at the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the view is that the most important thing is that both Russia and America are embarking on a new stage, a stage of mature relationship and mature strategic partnership. The difficulties on the road in these matters are connected, first of all, with all those problems of the world that Russia and America are called upon to solve. By the way, the problems are not only global but (?uncommon), (?for the) developments in the world have entered a new stage. Since we run into new problems and are meeting new challenges, specific differences in approaches do sometimes appear. It is necessary to add that these problems and underestimation in certain issues [as heard], had led to unnecessary waste of time in the establishment of Russian-American partnership. Besides, as two great powers, Russia and America have their specific interests that do not always coincide, and this is natural. The most important thing is that both countries should aim at further development and perfection of their partnership. According to the Russian Foreign Ministry, this will become clear and will be elaborated at the impending summit. Taking into consideration the fact that both Russia and America are powers, potentially great in significance and influence in the world, and taking into account how their bilateral relationship develops to a great extent to such a level, (?that) development in the world is accordingly affected. [sentence as heard] Vladislav Chernukha sought the views of the Russian Foreign Ministry about the reported meeting planned for Friday between Russia, America, and Ukraine in Moscow, and the expected signing of a three-sided document. The Russian Foreign Ministry said that the most significant thing about the document was the confirmation by Ukraine of its intention to become a nuclear free country, and the elimination of all the strategic nuclear weapons on its territory and its readiness to join the accord on nonproliferation of nuclear weapons. In the opinion of the Russian Foreign Ministry, this step will strengthen security, not only in Europe, but, more importantly, in the whole world. |
FBIS3-56006_1 | Clinton Visit, Partnership Issues Viewed | risky political decisions based on the intuition of leaders and the degree of their trust in each other. These relations to all appearances have indeed reached a stage which can be called, as the documents which have been prepared call it, a mature strategic partnership. Some people may say that this is also an attempt to make out what is desired as reality. Our countries' positions are too different now and their clout in the world is too different. That is true, just as it is true that over the past few months and weeks each side has had the opportunity to take a realistic look at its partner and to rid itself of unjustified hopes. Whether they are illusions of the creation of a new world order with the United States' undoubted leadership. Or hopes for a rapid way out of the crisis in Russia as a result of aid from abroad. As a result of this sober assessment the sides concluded that we need each other. And Washington needs Moscow no less than Moscow needs Washington. Take questions of economic cooperation, which have become central in bilateral relations. On this score you can hear diametrically opposed views. It would be wrong to say that the United States is not rendering aid to Russia. Approximately $2 billion a year are being assigned for this purpose -- more than to any other foreign state. Yet after all this aid is simply insignificant if you bear in mind the scale of the reforms undertaken in Russia. It has now finally become clear to everyone that to implement them Moscow needs not credit, still less humanitarian aid. It needs honest partnership, whose aim would be to emerge onto the world market with its own output, already entirely competitive today, be it aluminium or space high technology. The aim of this partnership is to ensure conditions for the broad investment of private business funds in our economy. But for that to happen it is not enough simply to repeal COCOM [the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls] or to renounce discriminatory legislation of the cold war times. We must start to remove trade and customs barriers. Russia also expects the United States to influence those international financial institutions which are so far very cool toward the need to support our reforms. But does that mean we expect charity from the United States? Obviously |
FBIS3-56011_5 | Kozyrev Advocates `Partnership' With NATO | nature of regional organizations and institutions as a guarantee of their appropriate adaptation to the current European realities. Russia has no right to dictate who should and who should not join NATO, but we have the right to count on the fact that the North Atlantic Alliance will take into account the particularities of the transition period, which is inevitably a long-term process. And if we were to talk about a longer term process, it should confirm the position included in the documents through which NATO declares itself open to accept all democratic states in the Euro- Atlantic region. One should not exclude a priori that in the future Russia will also request to be accepted into NATO. It is important to ensure an effective partnership, based on equal rights in the period of transition and of mutual adaptation. -- ensuring an equal level of security for each European state. The emergence of "first degree security and second degree security," of "gray zones," of "special spheres of influence," of "isolated regions," or of "cordons sanitaires" in Europe are inadmissible. -- the preservation of a contract-juridical base for European security. -- the elimination of territorial claims in interstate relations in Europe. The major goals of the strategy of partnership that we are proposing in the political sphere and in the area of security must be the following: -- first: to develop Euro-Atlantic cooperation. The CSCE should be turned into a political organization for all the regions (a general regional organization), and the North Atlantic Cooperation Council into an organization of independent political and military cooperation, but closely connected with the CSCE. Their goal should be to coordinate the efforts of NATO, the Western European Union, and the CIS on international security, achieving peace, and ensuring the active defense of the European ethnic minorities' rights to their language and other rights. I believe that a great step in this respect would be to adopt at the Rome session of the CSCE a declaration on fighting aggressive nationalism. -- second: to create a system of mutual guarantees for the security of Central and Eastern European countries. The stronger interstate relations are, the more durable the nature of their relations will be. -- third: I welcome the proposal of my German colleague Kinkel to conclude certain conventions of cooperation and consultation between NATO on the one hand and Central and Eastern European countries, Russia, |
FBIS3-56014_0 | NATO Council Exposes `Internal Discord' on Yugoslavia | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Sergey Sidorov report: "Where `Humanitarian' Bombings Will Lead"] [Text] NATO countries' heads of state and government would be better off leaving the topic of the war in the former Yugoslavia, and in Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, well alone. Once again the North Atlantic alliance has demonstrated its powerlessness and internal discord over this problem. This is how a Berlin newspaper evaluated the results of the NATO Council emergency session. On the other hand, a number of French and British mass media sources believe the time is ripe for more resolute action by the bloc. The "France-3" television company and THE DAILY TELEGRAPH, for instance, reported with reference to Western officials that air strikes against targets in Bosnia and Herzegovina will in fact be carried out over the next few days. Mention is made in particular of the allegedly blockaded humanitarian route into Srebrenica and the Serb positions around Sarajevo. So what has actually happened? Has the North Atlantic bloc really made direct moves toward open military intervention in Bosnia? Naturally, there is no direct reference to air strikes or the decision taken in the concluding document of the NATO Council session. The NATO partners merely confirmed their "readiness to participate in launching air strikes in the event of continued gunfire by Sarajevo and attacks on servicemen from UN forces." At the same time, important changes have occurred in the approaches to the decision on the use of air power. Whereas previously the main ringleader militating for the use of air power was the United States, while France and Britain expressed opposition, believing that were this to happen their "blue helmets" would become targets for partisans, now both Paris and London favor strikes from the air. As for the United States, Washington seems to have swapped roles with its allies. Commenting on the outcome of the session, President Clinton noted cautiously that "NATO could be embarking on a very risky path." Most experts are inclined to assess the declaration on the readiness to carry out bombings as pressure tactics on the Bosnian sides prior to the new round of talks to be held in a week's time. That is, it is basically a matter of a peculiar military-diplomatic game. However, there is in this game a highly important factor which often remains outside observers' field of vision. Military figures like General Jean Cot, commander of the |
FBIS3-56020_1 | Foreign Ministry Spokesman Briefs on Various Issues Comments on U.S.-Russian Documents | all the Russias, in St. Daniil's Monastery. In the evening there will be a cocktail party for Russian public and business circles. This will be followed by an unofficial and private dinner given by Boris Yeltsin. On 14 January, the second working day of the visit, following the wreath-laying ceremony at the Unknown Soldier's Tomb, the Russian-U.S. talks will continue with delegation members present. A trilateral meeting is planned between the Russian, U.S., and Ukrainian leaders. Documents are to be signed, too. Then joint Russian-U.S. documents will be signed. The Russian and U.S. Presidents will hold a joint news conference. In the second half of the day the U.S. President will appear at the Ostankino TV concert studio, and the Russian Federation President and Mrs. Yeltsin will then give an official dinner in honor of the U.S. president and his spouse. On 15 January, following a meeting between the U.S. President and U.S. embassy staff in Moscow, an official ceremony of farewell will take place in St. George's hall of the Great Kremlin Palace. It is expected that the following bilateral documents will be signed in the course of the visit: The presidents of both countries will sign the Moscow Declaration -- the main political document concerning the results of the summit meeting. It is expected that joint statements on human rights and on the problems of nonproliferation will be adopted on behalf of both presidents. The Russian foreign minister and the U.S. secretary of state will sign an air traffic agreement between Russia and the United States, and an agreement on cooperation in the area of health protection and bio-medical research. A joint statement on export controls, a joint statement on the Near East, and a joint statement on the issues of eliminating chemical weapons are being adopted on behalf of the Russian foreign minister and the U.S. secretary of state. Interdepartmental accords will be signed within the framework of the summit. Among them are: An agreement on cooperation in the area of studying the effects of radiation on people's health and the environment, a package of documents dealing with the implementation of the second stage of the Minsk 1989 memorandum, and an executive contract on sale of low grade uranium. So, this is the main, the chief preliminary outline as it is now, on the first day of the U.S. President's official visit to our capital. [end recording] |
FBIS3-56045_0 | `Financial Bottleneck' Blamed for Decline in Private Farms | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Valeriy Konovalov report: "Growth of Private Farming Stops"] [Text] An alarming trend has recently been noted in Russia's private farming movement: The growth in number of private farms has come to a halt and a noticeable exodus of private farmers has begun in a number of regions. There have been hundreds of announcements by private farms in the Far East and Russia's south that they are ceasing their activities. However, it would be a mistake to regard these facts as evidence that private farming in Russia has no future, as supporters of collective farming were quick to do. If you look more carefully at the statistics, you can see that even in regions where the reduction in the numbers of private farmers is most significant, reaching 3-4 percent, there is at the same time an increase in the area of land used by private farmers. Private peasant farms are being enlarged, land is being redistributed, and economic management of private farms is being optimized. This process is absolutely natural and to be expected. More than a year ago Agriculture Minister Viktor Khlystun forecast in this newspaper an imminent slowdown in what was at that time rapid growth of private farming as the potential for such growth is limited, and forecast the optimization of private farming's share in the rural economy for a protracted period. On the other hand, the development of private farming through the reform of collective farms, turning them into joint-stock and cooperative farms, as is happening at present, should have proceeded much more intensively. But individual, family farms in the hands of private farmers are also proving their viability. They have approximately a 5-percent share of agricultural land today. But according to what are for the moment preliminary figures for last year's results, private farmers' production of basic types of agricultural output was significantly higher than 5 percent. Private farmers sold more than 2 million tonnes of grain alone to state resources while the state purchased in all about 26 million tonnes. Nevertheless, problems in the private farming sector have gotten more acute recently, as, incidentally, they have in the agricultural sector as a whole. This is first and foremost linked to the financial situation. In the opinion of Vladimir Bashmachnikov, chairman of the Association of Russian Peasant (Private) Farms and Agricultural Cooperatives [AKKOR], the fairly massive exodus of peasants from private farming |
FBIS3-56134_3 | Bank Chairman on Monetary Unification Advantages | through inflationary mark-ups [inflatsionnaya dobavka] added to retail prices for goods and services. [Koribut] In our country, reforms in the credit and financial sphere are, as a rule, accompanied by unexpected losses for one and undeserved benefits for the others. Will the National Bank undertake any measures intended to reduce economic losses that might be caused by the upcoming merger? [Bahdankevich] It is impossible to completely eliminate the possibility of economic problems for specific enterprises -- neither through economic nor administrative measures. One should remember, however, that as a matter of fact, we are talking about revaluation -- increasing the value of a currency unit -- and, consequently, about advantages of those with cash on hand, and losses for those who took credits. As a result of revaluation, the former will increase their assets, while the latter will have more money to repay. This is why the National Bank demanded quick credit repayments, the sale of ready goods, and the reduction of raw material wastes, etc. Let me emphasize that substantial losses might be incurred by enterprises that converted their bank credits into hard currency in the hope that they would be repaid by the much devaluated Belarusian rubles. [Koribut] Everyone knows that the National Bank has repeatedly alerted the Supreme Soviet to the need for a gradual and balanced approach to the monetary systems unification. Do you think that many of those fervently advocating the move now will later become its staunchest opponents? First of all, they might be managers who will discover that it is not enough to enter the zone of the ruble -- one must also earn it. [Bahdankevich] At this point, unification displays its positive side. In addition to facilitated and simplified circulation of goods, payment settlements, and travel regulations, there are also macroeconomic advantages, such as the removal of customs duties and the adjustment of domestic prices for raw materials. After all, Russia will remain our prime market for a long time yet. The negative effects include the Republic's slow pace of market- oriented changes, one-sided dependency on Russian raw materials, and low competitiveness of Belarusian products. Under certain circumstances, they could become dominant, with the present negative payment balance that we run with Russia threatening to crash our enterprises in massive numbers. This is why unification provides no grounds for excessive optimism. This is a chance, but will Belarus manage to grab it? |
FBIS3-56144_2 | Supreme Council Commission Discusses Draft Constitution | balance, precisely a balance, precisely more extensive rights to the regions, proceeding from the policy of decentralization. And what's more, all this should be done so as to preserve the state's integrity. "Third, it would be expedient to forecast the passing of the prepared documents and the draft constitution, both our documents which have been handed to you, to the Supreme Council and also those to be submitted to the referendum. Nevertheless, it would be worthwhile having a forecast, to have a plan of action so as to ensure the adoption of the constitution by the people of Ukraine. The adoption of the new constitution by a nationwide vote would be the optimal, ideal way out of the constitutional crisis." Korimenko goes on to say that the sitting participants also discussed the draft law on the structure of state power. In the opinion of certain speakers, it was elaborated even better than the draft fundamental law. In particular, Oleksandr Kotsynba, chairman of the standing commission for issues of legislation and legality, gave a positive assessment of the draft new constitution and a negative assessment of the draft law on the structure of state power. In particular, he said that this draft law has no mechanism for tackling and regulating a whole number of problems ranging from the structure to the plenary powers, to the functions of the state bodies, etc. Korimenko adds that Vyacheslav Chornovil, chairman of the Ukrainian People's Movement for Perestroyka [Rukh], disagreed with Oleksandr Kotsyuba as far as the law on the structure of state power was concerned. In his opinion the adoption of such a document is imperative. According to Korimenko, the speakers pointed out more than once that the draft constitution should be adopted by a certain body before it is submitted to a nationwide referendum. People's deputy Vitaliy Karpenko favored the idea of convening a constitutional assembly. Certain speakers were concerned about the fact that the election may fail to take place for one reason or another, which means that the referendum on the constitution would also be undermined. This is why it would be expedient to introduce amendments to the constitution currently in force so as to ensure the legitimacy of the new parliament's activity. The sitting participants agreed that the future of the state depends on the solution of the issue of power. When it comes to the constitution, haste is unnecessary; |
FBIS3-56186_4 | Differential Regional Economic Reform Urged | out of house and home. And there will consequently be grounds for separatism. A single-channel taxation system does not suit us, experts believe, and it leads toward confederation. The German option is the most acceptable: The center sets a single value-added tax and a single moderate rate of tax on profits payable to the federal exchequer while the local authorities have the opportunity to increase it to the benefit of the regional budget and also to set and collect any other taxes for their own exchequer. That is what the theoreticians think, but the administrators? The Finance Ministry would seem not to be against. But another year has now elapsed and there is still nno clarity. Until we sort out taxes, there will be no peace in our common home. And yet structural reorganization is the most difficult task from the standpoint of the future. The authors of the report make an interesting observation. They started by trying to define what concepts of reform in general are feasible in Russia today. In the experts' opinion, there are three such options. The raw-materials option, placing reliance on the extractive sectors, whose output we could sell abroad. The conversion option, entailing the development of high-tech production and the restructuring of the military-industrial complex. And finally the third and, unlike the previous ones, self-contained option, geared toward the domestic market. Each of them has its own advantages and disadvantages. Something else is important: Depending on the structure of their economy, all the regions gravitate toward a particular concept of reforms. The authors of the report have done a simple thing: They have taken the results of the April referendum and examined to what extent the results depend on the coincidence of the center's reform line and the structure of the region. There turns out to be a very direct link. Politics is one thing, but it is the economy that feeds us. It is the economy that determines our political sympathies. The resume will be brief: Russia is too big a country to adopt and maintain a single pure strategy of reforms. The strategy must be a mixed one, which takes account of the interests of Nadym and Kaliningrad. To press down obstinately upon a single lever while moving along such a difficult, treacherous, and unpredictable path as the one we are trying to traverse is an ineffectual activity. And a dangerous one. |
FBIS3-56188_10 | Further on 1994 Prospects | tonnes, respectively. Production will be 63 and 48 percent of total capacity, respectively. As the economy stabilizes, the demand for metal products will increase, which will require a larger volume of production. For a long time the fixed capital replacement rate in metallurgy has been 0.9-1.2 percent, which is three to four times less than the proper technical and economic level. What this means is that more than 60 percent of steel and 50 percent of rolled metal is now being produced on obsolete equipment. The national economy loses $3.5-4 billion annually as a result of the technical backwardness of Russian ferrous metallurgy and the consequent increased production costs. As well as demand constraints on ferrous metallurgy products, there is the inhibiting factor of problems when it comes to supplying enterprises with refractories, which are the main construction materials for lining heating units, not only in metallurgy, but also in machine building, the construction materials and chemical industries, and defense and other sectors of industry. The production of refractories is being cut by 7 percent annually due to the depletion of existing deposits of magnesite and the delays in the commissioning of new mines. As a result the national economy's magnesite needs will be catered for in 1994 by import purchases. Supplies of imported powder will diminish as the production capacities at the Savinskoye deposit come on stream (beginning in 1995). The production of the basic types of nonferrous metallurgy products is significantly affected by the foreign economic situation and also by the provision of raw materials, which is governed by the very slow development of the Russian mining base. Smelting of alumina is expected to remain steady, as in 1992 and 1993. High production costs have meant that wholesale prices of such highly important types of nonferrous metals as lead, tin, aluminum, and nickel have already reached or exceeded world levels. If this trend continues and the ruble is stable against the U.S. dollar it could result in a loss of competitiveness and a reduction in exports and effective demand for these metals inside the country. Given the demand constraints on certain types of nonferrous metals (titanium, magnesium, refined copper, zinc, and so on), a number of enterprises producing them are using free capacities and manpower to process customer-supplied raw materials from countries in nearby and faraway foreign parts. Measures are envisaged for 1994 to give state support to |
FBIS3-56188_16 | Further on 1994 Prospects | certain types of machines and equipment -- primarily output for consumers such as agriculture, construction, freight and passenger transport, and the population (passenger cars). On the whole, the decline in output volumes at machine building complex enterprises is expected to be of the order of 5-7 percent as opposed to 11-12 percent in 1993. Given the forecast demand, production of the most important types of machines and equipment supplied to vitally important sectors of industry and the national economy -- equipment for the fuel and energy complex, diesel engines and diesel generators, AC electric motors, basic types of rolling stock for rail transport, and other types of equipment -- is planned to be at or slightly below the 1993 level. In the machine tool and tool making industry the strained situation with the sale of metalworking equipment and tools -- primarily of the high-tech variety -- will persist, as it did in 1993. With a view to adapting machine tool making enterprises to market conditions, retaining their collectives, and making best use of their production potential, work is actively under way to convert them to the production of multipurpose equipment with manual control, as well as bench metal-cutting and wood processing machine tools that are in demand from small and commercial enterprises and from the population. Moreover, enterprises in this sector are assimilating production of products that are new to the machine tool and tool making industry. This is allowing them to retain their collectives and survive in market economy conditions. But the sector of the machine-tool and tool-making industry producing high-tech machinery and equipment may lose its scientific, production, and personnel potential without state investment support. Demand constraints are having a particularly negative impact on the performance of enterprises in the subsector of tractor and agricultural machine building. As a result, production of marketable output in 1994 will fall 12 percent in comparison with 1993. Yet rural commodity producers are not refusing to take this equipment because they do not need it but because they lack the funds to pay for it, in part because of their nonreceipt of funds for agricultural output consigned to the state. In the automotive industry a complex situation is developing in terms of passenger car sales. The rise in prices and corresponding shrinkage of demand is not only the result of cost inflation in the industrial sectors that supply their products to car |
FBIS3-56243_0 | IMF Wants Monetary Policy To Get `Back on Track' | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Vilnius, Jan 13, BNS -- The representative of the International Monetary Fund in Lithuania, Peter Cornelius, said the fund is seriously concerned about the present rate of inflation in Lithuania. The problem will reportedly be the central issue at talks between the Lithuanian Government, the central bank and an IMF mission that is scheduled to come to Vilnius next week. "The fund is quite concerned about inflation. It has gone up from less than 1 percent in August to 7.3 percent in October and then fell to 6.8 and 6.2 percent in November and December respectively. These are inflation figures that we regard as too high," Cornelius said. The IMF official admitted, however, that there are some extraordinary factors behind these figures, such as the reduction of subsidies to energy and the increased import tariffs for certain agricultural products. Cornelius said "these factors had an impact on inflation, however to a large extent, it has been caused by the monetary policy" of the Lithuanian central bank. He said this is indicated by the amount of money in circulation. 1 billion lits were supposed to be in circulation by the end of 1993, but 1.1 billion were released. Another 0.1 billion later added to that amount in two weeks. "Next week, the IMF mission will thoroughly discuss inflation and how to get the monetary policy back on track." Cornelius said the central bank's interference with the foreign currency market is too strong. On the average, the bank buys around 5 million U.S. dollars per week, or around 20-15 million per month, which is around 80-100 million lits. The IMF representative said the bank's hard currency reserves totalled 227 million U.S. dollars in late December, but, according to the Lithuanian economic policy memorandum, the reserve was supposed to be only 110 million. Cornelius denied press reports that the IMF pressingly recommends to create a currency board, but added that the system has some advantages. "No space is left for politics to interfere with the monetary policy." In his opinion, a currency board also means "very tight arrangements which do not allow credits to the government, enterprises and commercial banks." Currency boards function in Estonia, Hong Kong and Argentina. Their activities are very successful in all of these countries, Cornelius said. "We do not push the idea of a currency board but we are ready to help in |
FBIS3-56269_1 | Reaction to Clinton Visit Mixed Further Mamedov Comments | came to the end of a period when bilateral ties focused, due to circumstances connected with the initial stage of Russian reforms, on rendering aid to Russia in the humanitarian and other spheres". "We witness now a switch to macroeconomic partnership, assistance in structural changes of the Russian economy, in restructuring of Russia's relations with close neighbours and major countries in the world as well as in a change of the attitude of international economic organisations to reforms in our country with a greater edge on social programmes," the deputy minister noted. According to Mamedov, Clinton "put forth a package of specific measures, to be taken by the United States together with other countries and international economic organisations, to help change radically attitudes to Russia in order to ensure a greater foothold for it on world markets and to ease Russia's economic relations with former Soviet republics. Mamedov noted that, thanks to U.S. assistance, international economic organisations will appropriate funds to countries of the Commonwealth of Independent States to purchase energy carriers from Russia at higher prices. "There is also a programme for converting the munitions industry to prevent greater unemployment. Funds released as a result of conversion will be channeled for social programmes, including creation of jobs," he continued. "You see, the package provides not for canned meat deliveries but serious measures which will help restructure the Russian economy and simultaneously create 'a social insurance system'." Incidentally, Mamedov added, Clinton, guided by an analysis of the situation made by American agencies, said during a discussion of the economic situation in Russia that Russia would make a powerful breakthrough in two years' time. In this connection, the sides discussed changing the seven most industrialised countries into a G-8. "This issue is difficult enough," Mamedov admitted. "The American side expressed support for such a change in the political resepect. It also noted that structural changes in the economy should lead to turning the G-7 into a G-8 also economically." ITAR-TASS learnt from a member of the Russian delegation at the talks, who refused to be identified, that the U.S. expressed support for Russia's admission to GATT during the second round of the summit. It was also made known that customs restrictions on nearly 4,400 types of Russian goods will be lifted on the American market. Mamedov noted that the Russian president supported the "Partnership for Peace" initiative put forth by Clinton. |
FBIS3-56272_1 | Reaction to Clinton Visit Mixed Yeltsin Said Satisfied | and a free economic system to help towards the advancement of all countries. Clinton said the two sides, meeting in full strength, would discuss concrete economic reforms that would help the Russian people reap real benefits from the ongoing transformations. "Russia will continue reforms and there is no question of their slow down." This remark, made by Yeltsin when he met with Clinton at the head of a larger delegation, became the theme of the second hour-long meeting of the two presidents in the Kremlin Thursday. Following the end of this round of talks Oleg Lobov, secretary of the National Security Council, told Interfax that the meeting had demonstrated "America's willingness to provide effective support for Russian reform by paying some of its social costs." In particular, Clinton assured the Russian president that he had succeeded in having Congress appropriate $900 Mn [million] for aid to Russia in 1995. Furthermore, numerous funds, especially one supporting small business, would be launched. The U.S. is prepared to allocate $300 Mn for that purpose. The Clinton Administration is making $100 Mn available for a recently established American-Russian reconstruction of large factories fund. "Solid support" has also been pledged for Russia's joining the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. Duties will be lifted from 4,400 Russian products in the U.S. market. The U.S. secretary of Commerce will arrive in Russia in March with a team of experts to study the possibility of closer contacts between U.S. businessmen and Russian state- and privately owned businesses, Lobov said. In his words, Clinton asked Yeltsin to help in finding partners for U.S. businesses. Russia sees the NATO-approved Partnership for Peace program as an important step forward and a serious test of the existing partnership between Russia, the U.S. and other NATO states, Foreign Minister Andrey Kozyrev told Interfax. Speaking after a meeting with Acting Foreign Minister of Moldova Ion Botnaru, he said the expansion of NATO to include new members would be a simplistic solution. Kozyrev did not contest the right of other countries to join the alliance but "this could lead to the creation of new barriers in Europe if implemented." In his words, Russia's voice was heeded by NATO, Eastern and Central Europe. This is a case illustrating that a short cut is not always optimal, leading nowhere and to wrong decisions, Kozyrev said. By contrast, he added, a longer road can lead to the |
FBIS3-56286_0 | Joint Statements Issued, Declaration Signed `Text' of Moscow Declaration | Language: English Article Type:BFN ["Text of the Russian-U.S. Moscow Declaration"] [Text] [no dateline as received] The President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin and the President of the United States, William J. Clinton, having met together in Moscow from January 12- 15, 1994, reaffirmed the fundamental importance of Russian-U.S. cooperation based upon the Charter of Russian-American Partnership and Friendship, the Vancouver Declaration, and existing treaties and agreements. They noted with satisfaction that the relationship between Russia and the United States has entered a new stage of mature strategic partnership based on equality, mutual advantage, and recognition of each other's national interests. From this perspective, they reviewed the full range of bilateral and international issues. The two presidents had an extensive discussion of security issues, including arms reduction and non-proliferation regimes. They agreed upon the need to strengthen those regimes and to create, together with other interested states, a new mechanism to enhance transparency and responsibility in the transfer of conventional arms and sensitive dual use technologies. They also strongly supported completion of negotiations on a comprehensive test ban at the earliest possible time. The two presidents reiterated their support for a cutoff of production of fissile materials for weapons and considered new measures to strengthen strategic stability. Based on ongoing discussions of strategic disengagement measures between the Ministries of Defense of the two countries, the presidents announced that they would direct the detargeting of strategic nuclear missiles under their respective commands so that by not later than May 30, 1994 those missiles will not be targeted. Thus, for the first time in nearly half a century -- virtually since the dawn of the nuclear age -- Russia and United States will not operate nuclear forces, day-to-day, in a manner that presumes they are adversaries. Presidents Boris Yeltsin and Bill Clinton expressed satisfaction with the accelerating development of a wide range of economic, scientific and technological relationships between Russia and the United States. They also reaffirmed their strong support for the rapid growth of bilateral trade and investment as a special priority. In their view, the Gore-Chernomyrdin Commission has become a dynamic and effective mechanism for coordination and expansion of Russian-U.S. cooperation. A key expression of this relationship is the Russian-U.S. joint cooperation in space, especially their partnership, with other interested parties, in the construction of a space station. The two presidents reaffirmed their readiness to move forward on the path |
FBIS3-56286_2 | Joint Statements Issued, Declaration Signed `Text' of Moscow Declaration | of openness and mutual trust in Russian-U.S. relations and to create favorable conditions for the comprehensive development of political, commercial, humanitarian and people-to-people contacts between the two countries. In this connection, a mutual interest in enlarging consular presence on each other's territory was expressed. In particular, the American side intends to open a consulate general in Yekaterinburg in February 1994. With the approval by the U.S. Congress of NAFTA [North American Free Trade Agreement] and the successful completion of the Uruguay round of global trade negotiations, President Yeltsin and President Clinton welcomed the accelerating progress toward creation of an open and prosperous world economy and trading system. President Yeltsin informed President Clinton of recent steps among the member-states of the Commonwealth of Independent States towards increased economic coordination and cooperation. The two presidents agreed that such initiatives, pursued in an open and voluntary manner consistent with GATT rules and procedures, should be conducive to the rapid inclusion of all the participating states into the global economy. In this context, President Yeltsin and President Clinton exchanged views on the economic strategies of their respective governments. President Yeltsin described the economic situation in Russia. He affirmed the irreversibility of Russia's transition to a market economy and his intention to further promote reforms and to address social needs associated with this transition. President Clinton stressed his strong support for Russian reform and suggested that social issues could be a new and promising area for cooperation. President Yeltsin and President Clinton noted with satisfaction that the end of the Cold War has brought continuous progress toward overcoming the division of the European continent and opened the way for broad cooperation among European states on a new agenda of urgent tasks, with priority being given to preventive diplomacy, peacekeeping and protection of human rights and the rights of national and other minorities. In this connection, the two presidents welcomed the decisions of the CSCE foreign ministers' meeting in Rome, which they consider to be an important step in making the CSCE a key mechanism of international cooperation in Europe. Proceeding from the conviction that new divisions of Europe must be avoided, President Yeltsin and President Clinton agreed upon the need to create a new European security order that is inclusive, non-discriminatory and focused on practical political and security cooperation. The two presidents agreed that the concept of the Partnership for Peace adopted at the Brussels |
FBIS3-56287_0 | Joint Statements Issued, Declaration Signed `Text' of Memorandum on Export Controls | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Memorandum of Intent Between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Russian Federation on Cooperation in the Area of Export Control The Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Russian Federation, reaffirming their desire to promote the strengthening of measures directed against the proliferation of weapons, as well as the technologies and specialized experience relating to such weapons; desiring to develop cooperation of the Russian Federation and the United States of America in the area of export controls; noting that cooperation in strengthening the export control systems in the Russian Federation and the United States of America will promote the development of economic, scientific, and technological relationships between the two countries in accordance with principles of equality and mutual benefit; intend to cooperate in any or all of the following areas: A. Conducting bilateral and multilateral discussions at the political and technical level on matters relating to the enhancement of export control systems; B. Conducting bilateral consultations at the expert and government levels on obligations relating to non-use of export controlled items for unapproved purposes; C. Conducting bilateral consultations on specific multilateral export control regimes and their implementation and on the technical parameters of the items and technologies covered by them; D. Participating in seminars, conferences, and other multilateral meetings devoted to considering export control issues; E. Discussing opportunities to train personnel involved with export control, the work of licensing and customs agencies; F. Joint efforts to expand cooperation in the area of export control. The parties may establish expert working groups for the purposes of carrying out this memorandum of intent. Done in Moscow, this 14th day of January, 1994, in two copies, each in the English and Russian languages, both texts being equally authentic. For the Government of the United States of America: President Bill Clinton For the Government of the Russian Federation: President Boris Yeltsin |
FBIS3-56288_0 | Joint Statements Issued, Declaration Signed Arms Sales Controls, Policy | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Joint Statement on Issues of Export Controls and Policy in the Area of Transfers of Conventional Weapons and Dual-Use Technologies The secretary of state of the United States of America and the minister of foreign affairs of the Russian Federation underscored the staunch commitment of their countries to efforts to curb the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and to enhance global and regional stability. In keeping with the spirit of the new strategic partnership between the United States and Russia the ministers have agreed on development of wide-ranging cooperation in the field of export control. Moreover, they have agreed that all necessary steps in this field be taken expeditiously, and have established a senior-level working group for this purpose, as well as to initiate bilateral cooperation in the areas specified in a memorandum of intent signed this day in Moscow. The ministers expressed satisfaction with steps taken since the last meeting of the President of the United States and the president of the Russian Federation to eliminate the vestiges of the Cold War, such as the Coordinating Committee for Multilateral Export Controls (COCOM), which according to the understanding reached by COCOM members will be terminated not later than March 31, 1994. They also welcomed the decision to establish a new multilateral regime for enhancing responsibility and transparency in the transfers of armaments and sensitive dual-use technologies. This new arrangement would not be directed against any state or group of states, and would prevent the acquisition of such items for military end uses if the behavior of a state is or becomes a cause for serious concern as determined by the participants of the new multilateral regime. The United States and Russia, as leading exporters of conventional weapons, military equipment and dual-use technologies, are convinced that additional measures are needed on an international basis to increase responsibility, transparency and, were appropriate, restraint in this area. They expressed their willingness to work with other countries in bringing about the early establishment of a new multilateral regime in order to achieve these objectives, which would supplement existing non-proliferation regimes, in particular through arrangements to exchange information for the purpose of meaningful consultations. |
FBIS3-56303_0 | Article Warns Against `Illusions' in Trade With U.S. | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Article by Dr. of Economic Sciences Anatoliy Aleksandrovich Porokhovskiy, deputy director of Russian Academy of Sciences United States and Canada Institute, under "Russia-United States: Dialogue About Partnership" rubric: "In Conditions of Sharp Competition"] [Text] Two laws have been adopted while Bill Clinton has been in power -- the so-called freedom support bill and the friendship with Russia bill. The first removed a number of problems and granted Russia most-favored-nation status in trade with the United States. The second virtually entirely removed all tariffs and duties on trade with Russia -- which is considerably more than most favored nation terms. It has to be admitted that the United States is doing everything to promote rapprochement with Russia. The Clinton administration has taken particularly significant steps in the sphere of attracting private U.S. business to Russia. The U.S. Department of Commerce has allocated special funds to open 17 U.S. business trade centers in Russia. The largest of these are already functioning in Moscow. The rest will be scattered throughout the territory. It should be pointed out that, as one more step, the state has allocated more than $2 billion to guarantee credits and investments by U.S. companies in the Russian economy. Along with the 17 important agreements signed earlier between the United States and Russia, which make it possible to avoid double taxation and create guarantees for state credits, all this ensures a favorable atmosphere for U.S. private business, which has virtually gotten a surety from its government. America is motivated by not just political but also economic interests. In recent years the entire Western world has been experiencing a grave economic slump, and the United States itself has a big deficit in trade with certain countries, including Japan and China. This greatly affects the competitiveness of U.S. companies, which are feverishly seeking additional markets. The huge Russian market is of extraordinary interest to them. It is also a known fact that each additional $1 billion in U.S. exports creates 20,000 new jobs. When approximately 7 percent of Americans are unemployed, this factor is also of by no means minor significance. I would also point out another fact: In endeavoring to push forward onto the Russian market, America takes into account the fact of increased competition in the world economy. Under conditions of the growing influence of the European Union and other international economic organizations in which the |
FBIS3-56303_3 | Article Warns Against `Illusions' in Trade With U.S. | also ahead of their competitors in terms of the number of offices in Russia. These are the "pioneers" of U.S. business, who might develop business at any moment but are refraining at present, waiting to see how events develop in Russia in the future. If we look at Russian reality from this viewpoint, we should acknowledge that things here are far from favorable at present. This is, of course, connected with the fact that the elimination of the foreign trade monopoly has brought out onto the world market a large number of new agents who do not coordinate their actions and who have their own quotas for sales of a particular product. Competition has arisen among Russian contracting parties proper in such important export sectors as oil, gas, mineral fertilizers, and a number of others where Russia could earn currency. On the one hand, the elimination of the foreign trade monopoly is a positive phenomenon, but because of organizational mistakes, we have to a considerable extent obtained a negative result instead of a positive effect. On the whole, the country's currency revenues have proved not as substantial as was intended. A considerable part of the proceeds from trade ended up abroad, and our exporters were not interested in transferring money to the Russian economy. Only now, since the president signed the edict on currency-export controls, has the situation begun to change for the better. I would particularly like to emphasize that we should not have any illusions about trade and economic ties between Russia and the United States. If U.S. companies do not gain at least some advantage, they will not come here. If the U.S. state does not gain at least some economic advantage, it will not invest in the Russian economy. It is pointless to hope that money will be spent just because Russia needs help. The market system can work on the basis of political priorities only thanks to budget funds, which in the United States are under the rigid control of Congress. Account must also be taken of the fact that, whenever the United States allocates funds to support a particular country, it supports, above all, its own companies which will help this country. That is, up to 80 percent of the total sum will be realized through U.S. private business, and just 20 percent of the aid will directly reach projects on our country's territory. |
FBIS3-56309_4 | Proposes Partnership With West, NATO | with the leading representatives of the seven most industrially advanced nations (G-7) toward multilateral cooperation, that is, to the fulfillment of these promises. Partnership on Behalf of a United Europe In designing the new European architecture, it is important to take into consideration the following criteria: A balanced step-by-step approach toward transforming Europe's security. It is essential to eliminate "shock diplomacy" methods and the policy of faits accomplis. The Russian side favors broad consultations with all the countries involved. The openness of regional organizations and institutions as a guarantee for their successful adaptation to the current European situation. Russia has no right to dictate who can and cannot join NATO. We have the right, however, to assume that the North Atlantic Alliance will take into consideration the specific features of the inevitable long-term transition period and -- since we are talking about the longer-term perspective -- that it will confirm the position contained in its documents declaring NATO to be an organization open to the entry of all democratic states in the Euro- Atlantic region. It is impossible to discount the possibility a priori that Russia will also apply for entry into NATO in the future. The primary task is to guarantee an effective and equal partnership during the period of mutual transformation and adaptation. Providing guarantees for an equal standard of security for each European state. The creation of "first and second class security," "gray zones," "special spheres of influence," "isolated regions," and "cordons sanitaire" in Europe is unacceptable. The preservation of the current principles for European security, which are based on treaties. The removal of territorial claims within the framework of interstate relations in Europe. The main aims of the strategy that we propose, for partnership in the political sphere in the area of security, are as follows: First: Forging North Atlantic cooperation. Transforming the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) into a general regional political organization and the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC) into an independent organization for military-political cooperation, but closely associated with the CSCE. It is necessary to orient them toward coordinating the efforts of NATO, the Western European Union, and the Commonwealth of Independent States in the spheres of improving international security and the peace-forming and sincere protection of ethnic rights and of linguistic and other minorities in Europe. I consider the acceptance of the declaration on resistance to aggressive nationalism during |
FBIS3-56338_2 | German Papers Cited on Zhirinovskiy Backers | with another entrepreneur -- Edwin Neuwirth, a man with a very curious biography. At 16 he voluntarily joined the SS and to this day remains a member of "Fellowship No. 4," which brings together former SS men. In 1950 he obtained Austrian citizenship and started to trade in lumber; he traveled to Russia and Yugoslavia. It is believed that the LDP conducted its financial transactions in Austria through him. The third thread runs through Austria to the Balkans. A Bulgarian with an Austrian passport, Svetoslav Stoilov, is acting as middle-man for Zhirinovskiy; they met in Moscow a few years ago. He has a warrant personally signed by Zhirinovskiy 28 December 1993. It says (I cite the translation from the German): "I hereby confirm that Mr. Svetoslav Stoilov is my adviser on questions of economics and entrepreneurship." An Austrian police camera also captured Stoilov the consultant. However, he does not even hide his relationship with Zhirinovskiy. He willingly admits to journalists, for example, that he flew with him illegally (without a visa) from Austria to Greece, to Salonika, where "Vladimir bathed in the Aegean, and told him (Stoilov) there that he would be a most suitable president for Bulgaria, WIRTSCHAFTSWOCHE writes. Through Stoilov Zhirinovskiy maintains ties with Balkan entrepreneurs. One of them is the Serb Petar Ivanovic, who has lived in Austria since 1968 and owns the OWK petrochemical company. Finally, another thread runs through Germany, to Berlin. There, on Kaiserin Augusta Allee, is the "Society for the Organization of Guardianship and Administration," which is officially involved in buying up enterprises in the former GDR and belongs to Werner Girke [surname as transliterated] and Werner Neumann. Both of them came to Austria in order to meet Zhirinovskiy. In actual fact the firm is involved in something quite different. It has become known that until May 1990 it belonged to the Swiss holding "ORVAG AG," which laundered Socialist Unity Party of Germany [SED] money in Switzerland and Liechtenstein, multiplying the wealth of the GDR's party-state leadership. Following unification, the legacy of the SED fell to the Party of Democratic Socialism, the richest of all the FRG political parties. FRANKFURTER RUNDSCHAU writes that Girke is suspected of laundering SED party money and that his contacts with Zhirinovskiy have seriously alarmed the Guardianship Council. The same newspaper writes that the Berlin police have searched the premises of Girke's firm. According to its reports, Zhirinovskiy |
FBIS3-56373_2 | `Chief Result' Noted | President Leonid Kravchuk of Ukraine, who had arrived in Moscow by air expressly for this purpose, described this as a historic moment. Ukraine in actual fact agreed to become a non-nuclear country. In exchange for that, Kiev received guarantees of security and compensation for getting rid of nuclear arms in the form of fuel- grade uranium which Russia together with the U.s. will produce by processing weapon-grade uranium, and the removal of obstacles to the development of Ukraine's economic relations with foreign countries. Support for Russian reforms was, perhaps, the principal aim of Bill Clinton's mission. Only provided there is a stable and democratic Russia with a free economy, it is possible to build a new world order in the post-cold-war era on the basis of those values which are close to America and other civilised nations. Previously, Washington declared its support for the liberalisation of the Russian economy in general -- the quicker the better. This time Bill Clinton placed social problems related to the transition to a free market economy almost in the centre of attention. Although Clinton, during the Ostankino teleshow, jokingly remarked that he was not going to give up Alaska, in response to pronouncements by another well-known hero of live broadcasts, everything seems to indicate that the leader of the country with the classical liberal economy has come to realise the essence of the problem: disregard for social welfare development may cost one dear. Mutual understanding was also reached to the effect that Russia does not count on U.S. direct assistance in this respect but suggests opening the U.S. market to Russian commodities and technologies and lifting trade restrictions, proceeding from the assumption that Russia itself, according to Boris Yeltsin, will seek ways to resolve social problems upon effecting an economic restructuring. Among the 12 documents adopted during the summit, there are those which mark the beginning of the removal of cold-war obstructions in the trade-and-economic sphere. With the consent of other countries concerned, the U.S. announced the Export Control Committee (COCOM) -- the body which hindered the export of high technologies to Russia -- would be dissolved not later than March 31. Discriminatory restrictions on the export of Russian uranium have been lifted. The understanding of the role of Russia as a great power, the position of which has a decisive influence on the development of events in the world, on peace and security, |
FBIS3-56375_1 | `Mature Strategic Global Partnership' With U.S. | improvement in Russian-U.S. relations in Eurasia and the world as a whole." The two countries' cooperation in strengthening strategic stability and security is also given new substance. "A milestone that it proved possible to overcome in Moscow was the adoption of a decision leading to the elimination of nuclear weapons in Ukraine," Boris Yeltsin said. He described this decision by the Russian, U.S., and Ukrainian presidents as an "historic document from which everyone stands to gain, particularly the Ukrainian people." The accord on eliminating nuclear weapons in Ukraine saves money, removes disagreements, sets other countries a good example, and bolsters the Russian-U.S. statement on the nonproliferation of mass-destruction weapons. The lofty assessment of the "Partnership for Peace" initiative adopted at the NATO Council in Brussels recently was also evidence of the harmony between Russia and the United States. Bill Clinton briefed his Russian partners at the talks on the content of this initiative. The Russian president pointed out that this initiative contains the "beginnings of Russian-U.S. joint activity." It precludes the argument of unequal security and the possibility of new demarcation lines forming "from Vancouver to Vladivostok." The Russian side sees this idea as "one, but not, of course, the only scenario for the development of a new Europe." Yeltsin expressed willingness to "fill this channel for cooperation with concrete substance." The U.S. President also agreed to that approach. "I came to Europe in the hope of starting to build new security based on a common commitment to democracy, a free economy, and mutual respect for security and territorial borders," he said at a press conference. "I dream of Europe being politically and economically integrated from the security viewpoint." Bill Clinton confirmed that the United States wants "to be an equal partner in relations with Russia." Backing Boris Yeltsin's reformist course, particularly in the social sphere, and noting that Russia is a great country, the U.S. President said that "the whole world and Europe want Russia to be successful in its reforms." The concerted approach was also backed up by specific actions. The heads of the two states made pointed statements in support of human rights and on nuclear weapons nonproliferation, while the leaders of the foreign policy departments ratified with their signatures several agreements improving cooperation between the two countries in the sphere of public health, environmental protection, and air transport, as well as a memorandum on export controls. |
FBIS3-56394_0 | Trade Minister Says U.S. Still Discriminates Against Russia | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [From the "Radio Slavyanka" program of the Russian Defense Ministry] [Text] Despite significant progress in Russian-U.S. trade and economic relations, they are not yet free from the legacy of the Cold War, Oleg Davydov, Russia's minister for foreign economic relations, told Itar-Tass in Moscow. He recalled that United States has not yet canceled the Jackson-Venik amendment which discriminates against Russia. The solution of a number of financial and commercial issues is tied to various political conditions and to progress in the implementation of market reforms in Russia. The minister added that the policy of strict quantitative regulation of Russian imports is still in force. Russia, in the opinion of Oleg Davydov, should first and foremost seek the lifting of restrictions on the export of its goods to the United States and develop a mechanism for bilateral consultations. |
FBIS3-56467_1 | Commentary Views Gaydar Departure | the appearance of a certain freedom of consumer choice, privatization -- all this is directly linked to Gaydar and his team. As are also, however, the fall in the living standards of a significant number of people, the shutdown of production units, and the other serious problems connected with attempts to cure chronic, inveterate totalitarianism by the use of shock therapy. Even when in late 1992 Yeltsin was forced under heavy pressure from the Supreme Soviet to dismiss Gaydar, Viktor Chernomyrdin -- at least initially -- continued the Gaydar line. This is why Gaydar's second arrival in the cabinet last September was seen as an entirely logical development. But in the months that followed Gaydar's return the disposition of forces in the country and in the structures of power themselves changed substantially. The government and the president have shown increasing readiness to soften economic policy and support individual sectors and enterprises; that is, to save inefficient state enterprises with the aid of the morphine of inflation. In this time Chernomyrdin himself, and his political weight, have also changed substantially. He has not only formally become the state's number two, but he has also managed to strengthen his personal influence on the policy being carried out. The premier, who a year ago was viewed as a transitional, temporary figure, has proved an unusually robust and firm politician. And whereas some time ago key economic decisions were, as a rule, not adopted without coordination or discussion with Gaydar, in recent weeks -- especially following the elections -- the first vice premier's influence has been reduced virtually to zero. The point is not even that decisions on unaffordable expenditure on a new parliamentary center or on terms for the unification of monetary systems with Belarus that are unfavorable for Russia were adopted without any participation whatsoever by Gaydar. It has become obvious that the time of the apparatus is coming, when fundamental decisions both on economic policy and on personnel are adopted under the influence of closest aides, and not first deputies. In addition, the powerful duo of the premier and the chairman of the Bank of Russia, based, apart from anything else, on the personal empathy of Chernomyrdin and Gerashchenko, has made possible the adoption of all decisions in financial policy directly, so to speak, without discussions in government or anywhere else. In these conditions Gaydar had increasingly become a "front" for |
FBIS3-56470_1 | Resignation Seen as Logical | the start, Yegor Gaydar claimed starring roles in the cabinet. After the election defeat Viktor Chernomyrdin demoted Gaydar to the "second" first vice premier. The formal sharing of the status of first deputy with Soskovets, who can be defined as the cabinet's industry leader, effectively deprived the ex-premier of the opportunity to influence the government's conduct of any economic policy. In this context the mention of the ambitious and rational Yavlinskiy as a replacement for the ideologically reformist decoration can only evoke a smile. Although it needs to be recognized that if the EPICenter head had no substantial material and ideological basic structure, he would have had to consent. What then substitutes for economic policy in the present cabinet of ministers? Here one should go back to the trinity that featured in Chernomyrdin's speech in parliament. Apparently, this is social policy as a method of preserving and multiplying the well-being of the (entire) people; the second, that is to say, "anti-shock" wind for the reforms; and support and assistance for producers. Naturally these are guidelines for practical people, not a concept for long-term development. The practical peoples' weight in the Russian cabinet of ministers is so substantial, however, that the interests of industrial, agrarian, and financial lobbies will acquire the character of economic policy in the very near future. At the same time, since Gaydar's pressure on the president has after all led to his effective resignation, the entire spectrum of economic policy options will be presented in parliament. It is clear that such a scenario can result in a curious lineup in the system of power distribution. The government, while remaining a purely working body, will be implementing political decisions by the president's administration and economic decisions by parliament. Radical reform advocates will consider such a scheme typical for a third-world country. It is necessary to admit, however, that an alternative to this at the present stage is only a reformist dictatorship, and therefore many, many upheavals. The evolution of the above scheme on the contrary contributes to political stability, which is necessary to overcome many complexes of the post-socialist power, including the irrationality of the politicized populace. Specifically this will mean for the Russian economy the maintaining of inflation at its current level with the haphazard flourishing or degradation of various branches. Until a new perception has come about of what is a real economic reform for Russia. |
FBIS3-56542_2 | Yeltsin Gives Statement at News Conference With Clinton | present time it is not humanitarian aid that we need but full-blooded cooperation, taking into account the transitional nature of the young market economy of Russia. Specifically I find that, together with the Tokyo package and with Clinton's package in Vancouver, that the most tangible support for Russia would be for the American market to open up to our exports, be it raw materials or machines. I am very content that today an agreement on uranium has at last been signed after two years of talks. Cold War restriction must be removed altogether, restrictions like the Jackson-Vanik Amendment. Artificial barriers imposed under the pretext that Russia is dumping should be removed, and let's just say that the case with our uranium is more likely just fear of competition from more advanced technology and cheaper material. Bill Clinton has done much since Vancouver. He has kept his word as regards dismantling the economic obstructions of the Cold War. Discriminatory restrictions have been removed from U.S. internal legislation, or most of them. About 5,000 types of Russian goods are no longer subject to increased taxes. The U.S. President has done much to introduce Russia into international financial and economic organizations. I do not think it will be long before the G-7 becomes the G-8. Russo-American relations have finally moved into the phase of mature, strategic, global partnership in all spheres during these talks. The partnership has opened the way to general understanding, both of the new prospects ahead and of the new problems. We are both convinced that the modern world should be democratic, open, and integrated. Regarding equality, mutual benefit, and accounting for each others' interests, there is no need to talk about this anymore, it goes without saying. This principle vector of our partnership is set out in the Moscow declaration which we have signed. It reflects and reinforces the historical improvement in Russian-American relations in Eurasia and the world as a whole. Our mutual activities aimed at strengthening strategic stability and security are taking on new substance. Thanks to them, in the last few months alone the world and our countries have avoided many traps and errors. There is also an evident positive result -- the strengthening of cooperation in the sphere of security and disarmament, peacekeeping, cooperation, and economic openness. The ground-breaking step which has finally been taken in Moscow is a denouement in documents leading to the |
FBIS3-56544_1 | Question-Answer Session | in supporting reforms by helping with the conversion of military enterprises, and so on. We are not asking for direct social aid, because the people of the United States themselves need such social support. It would be simply frivolous to help with unemployment in Russia without guaranteeing employment in their own country. We think therefore that this is our affair, and from these forms of support, the restructuring of the debt, the structure of changes in the economy, we will begin to look for some kind of social guarantees for our working people in order to reduce poverty, the level of poverty that exists in our country today. [Gautness] Helen Gautnuss. Do you mean that you are going to retreat from shock therapy a little, to act slightly more moderately in order to help people? [Yeltsin] No, we shall continue to act in a resolute manner when it comes to reform, and in this respect the President of the United States is agreeable to support such a course. [Clinton] Could I respond just briefly to the last two questions from my perspective? I commend President Yeltsin for his adherence to continuing the path of economic reforms. If you look at 1993 as compared to 1992, if you consider to what extent the deficit was reduced as a percentage of gross income, if you consider how inflation fell and money stabilized, I think that very good progress has been made in work on including the Russian economy into the global economic system. We had very long talks about what can be done, what kind of assistance the United States could provide to recognize that there are certain difficulties connected with these changes, and to let the Russian people know that efforts are being made to solve these questions. But I also have to tell you that I believe that people (?will see the benefits) they could not see last year. This year, as investments and trade grow and people in the world see that the president is tackling this issue seriously, I think that advantages will be created. This is linked to developing a system of social support and job training, and all this should be created. I think that this will be a great help in many respects. In addition, I would like to say in response to your question that, in my view, President Yeltsin has been, it appears, |
FBIS3-56544_9 | Question-Answer Session | this will affect [word indistinct] the citizen of Russia. The point is that there is always a gap between the time when a decision is made and the time when people can actually feel the effect of this decision on their lives. This is exactly what I was trying to explain during my walkabout yesterday while shaking hands with Muscovites. All of us who care very much about the potential of this country and the greatness of this country must be interested in this. I think that all this will be felt in the life of the average Russian citizen. I think that this will have a significant effect in the next few years. [Unidentified correspondent] Vesti, Russian television. Millions of Russian viewers are watching us and smiling. Boris Nikolayevich, I have a question for you. Taking into account the composition of the new Russian Parliament, can one envisage certain problems with the ratification of agreements and accords signed with Western partners? It might be that the Parliament will toughen its foreign policy. Do you, as president of the Russian Federation, feel that the situation restricts and complicates your relations with the United States and its allies in the face of this fact? [Yeltsin] I do not think we have that sort of Parliament. This Parliament is wiser, more intellectual, and more experienced. I believe that the upper chamber will, generally speaking, pursue the line taken by the president and the Government, while the State Duma will gradually reach that position and realize that to drag out and fail to ratify major international treaties and agreements -- such as that concerning the destruction of chemical weapons and so on -- is simply to show disrespect for their own people. I also hope that the members of Parliament will remember, as I said in my message, that they are envoys of the people and that the people have told them how they ought to behave. They ought to conduct themselves with a high standard of political culture. Of course, our parliamentary system is young, but I believe nevertheless that it will operate constructively. [Bennett] Nancy Bennett from AP. President Clinton, what are your impressions after experiencing Moscow firsthand? What is your assessment of the threat the ultra-nationalist movement poses to the movement for democracy? [Clinton] Well, those who are in the Parliament are, after all, there as a result of democracy. |
FBIS3-56544_10 | Question-Answer Session | of this fact? [Yeltsin] I do not think we have that sort of Parliament. This Parliament is wiser, more intellectual, and more experienced. I believe that the upper chamber will, generally speaking, pursue the line taken by the president and the Government, while the State Duma will gradually reach that position and realize that to drag out and fail to ratify major international treaties and agreements -- such as that concerning the destruction of chemical weapons and so on -- is simply to show disrespect for their own people. I also hope that the members of Parliament will remember, as I said in my message, that they are envoys of the people and that the people have told them how they ought to behave. They ought to conduct themselves with a high standard of political culture. Of course, our parliamentary system is young, but I believe nevertheless that it will operate constructively. [Bennett] Nancy Bennett from AP. President Clinton, what are your impressions after experiencing Moscow firsthand? What is your assessment of the threat the ultra-nationalist movement poses to the movement for democracy? [Clinton] Well, those who are in the Parliament are, after all, there as a result of democracy. I think these are two separate things, because you have to respect the democratic process and in every democratic process no one is satisfied with the outcome of all elections, I can tell you that. In that sense, I do not think they present a threat to the democratic process. Now I think what is happening here is that Russia, which is and has been a very great country for a very long time, is doing what countries are required to do at some point or other -- I mean redefining what greatness means and creating a vision for the future. When times are difficult, and the Russian people have been through some difficult times, there are always, in every age and time, people who can generate some support by defining greatness in terms of the past. But in the end, the only people who achieve real success are those who define greatness in terms of the future. That is why I believe that the reformist movement will prevail. If you look at the nature of the global economy, and if you look at the processes that move and change people's lives, I think history has always sided with the |
FBIS3-56544_11 | Question-Answer Session | I think these are two separate things, because you have to respect the democratic process and in every democratic process no one is satisfied with the outcome of all elections, I can tell you that. In that sense, I do not think they present a threat to the democratic process. Now I think what is happening here is that Russia, which is and has been a very great country for a very long time, is doing what countries are required to do at some point or other -- I mean redefining what greatness means and creating a vision for the future. When times are difficult, and the Russian people have been through some difficult times, there are always, in every age and time, people who can generate some support by defining greatness in terms of the past. But in the end, the only people who achieve real success are those who define greatness in terms of the future. That is why I believe that the reformist movement will prevail. If you look at the nature of the global economy, and if you look at the processes that move and change people's lives, I think history has always sided with the reformers. I also believe what would happen is that you can have some interesting discussions in that Duma, and I keenly follow the news at the moment. It is nice to be in a place where some other president is having problems with his parliament. [laughter] President Yeltsin has made an important point here: When these issues are discussed, and when you move from the rhetoric of the campaign, which is always abstract, to the real problems of real people, there is a possibility of a new consensus emerging. The only thing that I would say to all the people in this new Duma is that you have enormous opportunities and responsibility. You are the first ones in your country to be elected constitutionally and democratically. You must be ready to listen to Russia and to tackle issues. I would not think that America and other countries should dramatize it. I think it is a start of a great and exiting path, and we should wish you all the best and see what happens. [Moderator Kostikov] The protocol circumstances force us to reduce the time of the news conference. So, one last question each from the Russian and American sides. |
FBIS3-56634_0 | People's Front Men Arrested; Newspapers Banned | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Report by Aleksandr Sokolov under the "Azerbaijan" rubric: "Mass Arrests of People's Front Activists Begin. Opposition Newspapers Suspended"] [Text] According to the People's Front of Azerbaijan (PFA)'s press service, local Internal Affairs Ministry officers in the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic have been carrying out mass arrests of PFA activists since 12 January. Yadygar Mamedli, chief of the PFA press service, said that "at 0500 on 12 January officers of the Nakhichevan Internal Affairs Ministry were put on alert and were ordered to search the apartments of the local PFA branch's activists." Within an hour, PFA members D.Gasanov, I.Salakhov, V.Asadov, I.Mamedov, A.Mamedov, and N.Agayev were arrested. A few days later, another two PFA activists were detained in Babek rayon. All the detainees are currently held in custody at the Nakhichevan Internal Affairs Ministry's investigatory confinement block. During Abulfaz Elchibey's stay in power they fought at the Saderak front (in the western sector of the Armenian-Azerbaijani border -- A.S.) as members of a volunteer battalion of the Nakhichevan Autonomous Republic's Internal Affairs Ministry. Following Abulfaz Elchibey's overthrow they all left the battalion and expressed their loyalty to the former president. Your SEGODNYA correspondent was told at the PFA press service that no charges have yet been brought against the detainees. The chief of the PFA press service said in a telephone conversation with a SEGODNYA correspondent that "PFA leaders assess the arrests as political reprisals and see them as preparations for Abulfaz Elchibey's arrest." According to Mamedli, "It cannot be ruled out that following the suit of their Georgian counterparts the Azerbaijani authorities are planning to destroy the former president physically," because the other day Azerbaijani General Prosecutor Ali Omarov said on republican television: "As long as two former presidents -- Ayaz Mutalibov and Abulfaz Elchibey -- exist, the threat of political destabilization in the republic remains." Aside from the arrests, the opposition is threatened with a newspaper ban. In the new year a number of opposition publications, such as MUKHALIFET, DZHUMKHURIET, YENI MUSAVAT, KHURRIYET, ISTIGLYAL, and others, have already been suspended. At present only 20 out of 600 registered newspapers are being published in the republic. While previously officials at the "Azerbaijan" printing house, which was resubordinated to the presidential staff upon Geydar Aliyev's arrival to power, attributed this to a lack of printing equipment, after the newspapermen themselves found everything they needed, the printing house's chiefs refused |
FBIS3-56689_0 | Military Expert Views Dismantling Ukrainian Missiles | Language: English Article Type:BFN [By ITAR-TASS correspondent Vladimir Gondusov] [Text] Moscow January 18 TASS -- "We are able to remove all nuclear warheads stationed on the Ukrainian territory to Russia within a year for subsequent dismantling them at enterprises at which they were produced," Colonel-General Yevgeniy Maslin, a military expert for nuclear safety and a department chief of the Russian Defence Ministry, told a briefing here today. He highly assessed an agreement on the removal of nuclear weapons from the Ukrainian territory, signed by the three presidents. Maslin reminded of the fact that talks on this problem had been going on since 1992 and it was only now that the talks came to a logical end. Maslin informed journalists that currently, there are 176 launching installations of intercontinental ballistic missiles (IBM) in Ukraine, including 130 installations of SS-19 type and 46 of SS-24 type. There are also around 40 heavy bombers Tu-160 and Tu-95 capable of launching air-based long-range cruise missiles. The overall number of warheads stationed in Ukraine includes 1,300 warheads for IBM and over 600 warheads for air-based cruise missiles. In the opinion of the military expert, nuclear safety in Ukraine causes permanent concern of experts. According to Maslin, ammunition depots are overloaded with warheads and nuclear ammunition removed from combat alert, which resulted in a considerable increase of the radiation level. This was confirmed by experts of the Russian nuclear centre "Arzamas-15" who visited Ukraine in September, 1993. The designed life of the majority of warheads has expired, while maintenance preventive checks had not been carried out and some missiles are currently in a critical condition. As an example, Maslin mentioned three nuclear warheads which had to be hastily removed from the Ukrainian territory as they were in a critical condition. It is difficult to say how many hazardous warheads are in Ukraine yet because there is a lack of experts exercising control over the safety of nuclear weapons, Maslin said. The expert pointed out that any delay in removing and dismantling nuclear weapons is inadmissible since it is fraught with unpredictable consequences. However, there are still people in the republic who either do not realise this or are deliberately playing out "the nuclear card," he said. Maslin pointed out that Russian experts can give Ukraine guarantees of safety of all operations in the process of removal and utilization of strategic weapons. |
FBIS3-56707_0 | Cuban Navy Chief Concludes Visit to Russia | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Russian Navy Press Center report under the "News" rubric: "Made a Tour of Russia"] [Text] Rear Admiral Pedro M. Betancourt, vice minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and commander of the Revolutionary Navy of the Republic of Cuba, has paid an official visit to the Russian Federation. In Moscow he met with Colonel General M.P. Kolesnikov, chief of the Russian Federation Armed Forces General Staff, and Adm. F.N. Gromov, commander in chief of the Russian Federation Navy. During his tour of the country Rear Adm. Pedro M. Betancourt visited the Baltic Fleet and Leningrad Naval Base. He boarded warships in the city of Baltiysk and visited Kaliningrad Higher Naval School, the Central Naval Museum, and the Navigation and Oceanography Main Directorate of the Russian Federation Defense Ministry in St. Petersburg. |
FBIS3-56752_0 | Gaydar Resignation Creates Money Market `Panic' | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Ivan Zhagel article: "Money Market Responds to Chief Monetarist's Departure With Panic"] [Excerpt] [passage omitted] It is obvious that the personnel changes in the government are the reason for the current panic in the money market. What has had most effect here is the voluntary resignation of Yegor Gaydar, who has personified the policy of tough financial stabilization. In this situation banks and other money market players have started actively buying up currency, simultaneously stretching the deadlines for the compulsory sale of 50 percent of their currency earnings in the hope of making a huge amount of money from an increase in the dollar rate. There is information that considerable resources are now also being transferred from the short-term state bond market to the currency market. It is important to note another aspect. Since the beginning of the year nine auctions have already taken place at the Moscow exchange, at which over $1 billion has been sold. Around 1.5 trillion rubles was needed in order to pay for it. The latter figure throws doubt on the argument of advocates of state support for enterprises that the Russian economy needs additional injections of credit. As we can see, enterprises and banks do have money. How these resources are utilized is another question. I think the current situation in the currency market is giving monetarists some points in their long-standing dispute with supporters of state regulation. This situation unambiguously says that money will not be channeled into a structural reorganization of industry until it becomes possible to achieve financial stabilization,. At any rate, it is not clear how those who are fighting for additional injections of credit and those who are now acquiring decisive influence in the Russian Government can respond. It would be a great pity if they bank on tight control over the exchange rate and on abandoning market mechanisms of regulating the currency market. This would be not just a step back but effectively the abandonment of reforms. |
FBIS3-56930_0 | Paper Views Aspin Resignation, Inman Withdrawal | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Article by Mikhail Pogorelyy: "Clinton's Double Loss"] [Text] Les Aspin's term as U.S. defense secretary was to have expired today. Not a term laid down by U.S. legislation for the President's team, but the month for which the President asked the Pentagon chief to continue carrying out his duties so that the Defense Department would not be leaderless for a long time following Aspin's resignation announcement. Wishing to preserve continuity in armed forces leadership as well as the combativity of his foreign policy team, a month ago Bill Clinton picked a man who he regarded as a worthy replacement -- retired Admiral Robert Inman. But a week before the U.S. Congress resumed work (after the Christmas and New Year break) Inman suddenly announced that he was turning down the post he had been offered by Clinton. If there were primarily political reasons behind Les Aspin's resignation, caused by the secretary's disagreement with some points in the President's course in both domestic and foreign policy, then in Robert Inman's case it is all much simpler, and more complex. Simpler because the retired admiral's reasons are clear: He indicated his reluctance to tolerate the current attempts in the press to sully his reputation, and it was not inconceivable that the search for blots on his service record would continue during the Senate hearings. The difficulty in understanding Robert Inman's decision to withdrawn from consideration for a federal government secretaryship is due to such subtle matters as moral and ethical purity and decency. That is, categories very difficult to measure -- where do you find the relevant criteria? We know of many cases where senior leaders, statesmen, and government officials have continued to occupy their posts without batting an eyelid even when beset by the gravest accusations. What motivates them is their idea of duty to the people, to the voters, and so on. In fact, Inman is weighed down by considerations of moral purity (strictly speaking, the accusations against him are not that horrendous, particularly by our Russian standards -- merely the tardy payment of Social Security taxes, not even concealment of them). The admiral decided it was impossible for him to weigh -- not on the scales of justice, but on the scales of public opinion! -- the 30-year service record of a career in the U.S. Navy and intelligence organs against the illusory benefits of a |
FBIS3-56951_3 | Deputy Minister Interviewed on Ties to Koreas | has been signed. This has increased the possibility of learning the history, culture, and traditions of each other's country. Relations between scientific and educational organizations of the two countries have been promoted comprehensively, and contacts between the two countries' scientific academic organizations. Scientific and technological cooperation has also rapidly been developed. Hundreds of Russian experts and scholars are working in the ROK, and many ROK experts are in Russia. [(Yakovlev) continues] An important aspect of relations between Russia and the ROK is economics. Regrettably, the relations had a difficult time last year due to the adverse economic situation in Russia and decreases in production in the ROK. The volume of trade of goods between the two countries amounted to $1.5 billion. We plan to start 25 large-scale projects this year after overcoming difficulties facing economic cooperation. They include construction of an ROK industrial complex in the Nakhodka free economic zone and a gas pipeline between Russia and the ROK via the DPRK. [Krieto] How do you assess the overall situation on the Korean peninsula? [Yakovlev] The situation on the Korean peninsula is very complicated. Pyongyang and Seoul signed the Agreement on Reconciliation, Nonaggression, and Exchange and Cooperation in February 1990. North-South talks and premiers contacts started. Regrettably, they discontinued soon because the disagreement on mutual inspections and the Washington-Seoul decision to resume the Team Spirit military exercise. This issue is now being resolved in the course of talks between Washington and Pyongyang. We demand that the talks be concluded with success. Russia resolutely opposes nuclear weapons proliferation in any form, and we oppose the emergence of nuclear weapons on the Korean peninsula. Safeguards are necessary to prevent the emergence of nuclear weapons. Safeguards will be ensured when the International Atomic Energy Agency's [IAEA] rules are adhered to strictly. We demand that all (?problems) between the DPRK and the IAEA be resolved completely without specific national circumstances being considered. We fully support the Joint Declaration on the Denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, signed by the DPRK and the ROK. We think this declaration will give impetus to Seoul-Pyongyang talks on denuclearization. Russia, China, the United States, Japan, and other countries concerned must promote a favorable environment for denuclearizing the Korean peninsula, alleviating tension, and promoting North-South trust. [Krieto] What do you think of the future of relations between Russia and the ROK? [Yakovlev] It is time Russia and the ROK start |
FBIS3-56965_2 | Press Review for 22 Jan | times." Pointing to the relative stabilisation of the Russian currency market, IZVESTIYA writes that the hope for the stabilisation of the exchange rate is based on the dramatic reduction of the demand for hard currency at the latest auction. "It stood at 67,100,000 dollars, while since the beginning of the year it had been almost all the time on the level of 150 million dollars. The inevitable result of the rush with the purchasing of hard currency was the depletion of the ruble resources of all participants in currency transactions. It is not accidental that only 66 banks took part in the latest auction, while the usual figure is 83-85." "Personal changes in the government invariably reflect political changes," KOMSOMOLSKAYA PRAVDA writes. Analysing the political situation in the country, the newspaper comes to the conclusion that, most probably, we shall witness in the future "the Ukrainian version of runaway inflation, the curtailment of production in all industries, the coming to power of a 'tough guy' and, in the long run, the retreat to previous positions." "Now there are grounds to believe that the cabinet has shifted from the right-wing liberal flank to the right-wing centre," PRAVDA writes. "Will the everyday work of the government confirm this supposition? If so, is it possible to say that we are witnessing the beginning of the political drift of state power towards the left and that it is coming closer to the real interests of working people?" "A lot of questions might be asked, but one thing is clear: the monetarist idea has lost its value." Touching upon the issues of the reorganisation of the government, KRASNAYA ZVEZDA points out that "although Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin said he had had no special differences with the president, many observers believe that they did have a clash over the government make-up, which may trigger another political crisis in the top echelon. Even today many people regard Chernomyrdin as a politician, who is claiming an independent role in the political arena." TRUD frontpages an article dealing with the investigation into the crash of the Tu-154m plane belonging to the Baykal Air Company, that took place near Irkutsk on January 3. "The results of the work of the government commission will soon be made public. One thing is clear already: some time ago an utterly unwise decision was taken on the dissolution of Gosavianadzor, a unique control body. |
FBIS3-56996_3 | Parliament Official on Trilateral Nuclear Accord | after its parameters are specified. [Ostapenko] I am sorry to interrupt you. You have just read the item that has to do with all sides without exception. But nothing is said here about the Supreme Council resolution on the ratification of START I with reservations. It clearly stipulates that 36 percent of launcher vehicles and 42 percent of warheads are subject to elimination today. That is to say, these parameters have been extended to all nuclear [word indistinct]. [Tarasenko] Absolutely. They run contrary to the Supreme Council resolution. The Supreme Council resolution and START I envisage a percentage and here it talks about the complete elimination. In this connection I would like to say the following, so that our radio listeners and our compatriots, our half-brothers, as they say, would know it: All those strategic nuclear systems located on the territory of Ukraine are targeted at certain objectives in the United States of America and relevant bases beyond the borders of the U.S. Correspondingly, approximately the same number of nuclear weapons are targeted at our territory. Well, this is military strategy and tactics, and there is nothing incomprehensible here. Everybody understands this: If you target me, then I target you. But this document should also envisage adequate moves on the part of the United States of America, and our control over this, because everyone will control us, control how we eliminate nuclear weapons, remove nuclear warheads, transfer them from Ukraine to Russia. The only thing envisaged here is that Ukraine will have the possibility of controlling Russia neutralizing the nuclear warheads. However, this agreement does not envisage what the United States will do with that quantity of strategic nuclear weapons that are targeted at us, and what will be Ukraine's role in carrying out control over this process, as far as the actions of the United States are concerned. [Ostapenko] Bill Clinton and Boris Yeltsin declared that they would decode their missiles, which would then be retargetted at some deserted islands, or something like that. Ukraine's participation here is not envisaged, is that right? [Tarasenko] Ukraine's participation here is not envisaged. Moreover, I disagree with such a stand, just as a citizen and just as an inhabitant of this planet Earth. If Ukraine eliminates these weapons, the former weapons of the Soviet Union, as is known, then the United States of America should eliminate and neutralize the same quantity of |
FBIS3-57112_6 | First Week of State Duma's Work Reviewed | of publicity. And maybe there is some basis to the rumor that a "second key" has been fitted to the electronic ballot system, and that during a secret ballot (which by its very nature is impossible to verify) it brings about the required result.... It is exasperating to talk about this, but falsehood, deceit, and the desire to "sneak round the back" were brought into play from the very first days of parliamentary practice. It is normal and natural for people to adhere to different views. But can it be considered normal when an "extra" paragraph suddenly appears in an agreed document, and it just happens to be about a secret ballot at the behest of one-fifth of the deputies? When a respected professor and jurist known to the whole country, upon glimpsing into the hall, sees no raised hands, and hears no words of appeal addressed to him? And when there is a shortfall of just one vote to adopt the decision.... I cannot agree that politics is a dirty game. The dirt is brought into it by people -- through their conciliation, their lack of principle, their readiness to achieve aims by any means. In mainstream politics, the stakes are always high. It gives rise to a conflict of interests, frank and human passions, and it creates a very strong field of force, which masterfully arranges people along their invisible lines. In mainstream politics, there is always temptation -- the ceiling of legal and moral requirements is lowered a little, deceit is answered with deceit, meanness with meanness, lawlessness with even greater lawlessness. And it is easy to jump back and forth across the barrier, to achieve victory. Behind an easy victory follows the next phase -- "the final dash," when a subdued opponent is hunted down without any rules whatever. Then comes the celebration, the apotheosis of a victory which "will wipe the slate clean," burying the unsightly "details" beneath the waves of the general fever of the victors. Open baseness wears a mask of dignity, violence sets itself up as nobility, and falsehood preaches honesty. The phony carnival of an unjust victory.... Today, truth and honesty are on the side of the "left-wing" opposition. The sympathies and hopes of the honest, thinking, and feeling part of society turn to it. This is a great strength but also a great responsibility. These hopes must not be betrayed. |
FBIS3-57274_2 | Investigator Details `Genocide' in Abkhazia | indeed take place on the territory of Abkhazia. Moreover, several issues of the newspaper would probably not suffice to simply list the biographical details of those persons who were killed by the Abkhazian separatists and their hirelings. Those who were slaughtered did not participate in military operations. You cannot find an Abkhazian town, rayon, and village where reprisals were not perpetrated against the Georgian population. In practice, military actions in Abkhazia ended following the fall of Sukhumi on 27 September 1993. However, the investigation has gathered numerous pieces of evidence testifying to the slaughter of the Georgian population on a massive scale after military actions had ended. The investigators know with what inhuman cynicism and brutality the band of separatist criminals raped women and then cut off their breasts while they were still alive and even raped young girls who had not attained puberty and cut off their nipples and kept them in matchboxes. I state publicly that this testimony can be corroborated not only by Georgians but also by Greeks, Armenians, Russians, and representatives of other nationalities. In order for the world to assess the tragedy perpetrated by the fascists in Abkhazia in an objective and comprehensive manner, I believe it is essential that international organizations become immediately involved in the investigation. I believe that riffraff have surfaced at the end of the 20th century, the spread of whose lifestyle causes wounds that will not heal among millions of inhabitants of different countries. According to the testimony of some people, it has also become known that, after killing innocent people, the vandals attached the following types of inscriptions to the bodies of the victims: "Georgians, don't eat a lot, don't get fat. It's unpleasant for us to drag your corpses." One cannot read without feeling revulsion the testimony of eyewitnesses that describes how, in the immediate aftermath of the fall of Sukhumi, the following people were slaughtered on Tsereteli Street: A. Gadelia, O. Gegechkori, U. Kvaratskhelia, J. Dgebuadze, T. Kakuberi- Gvakhariasi, and S. Kakuberi, and also the Sukhumians J. Dartsmelia, the Zakradze brothers, Sh. Kacharava, Eter and Zaira Abramia, Z. Kalandia, B. Pipia, V. Jimsheleishvili, Ts. Sharia, V. Kvachakhia, A. Kintsurashvili, D. Kopaliani, and M. Kvirchkhaia. Thousands of Georgian families residing in Abkhazia shared the same fate as Nugzar Varlamis dze [son of Varlam] Jimsheleishvili, former Abkhazian Cabinet of Ministers engineer. His father, Varlam Noes [son of Noe] Jimsheleishvili |
FBIS3-57274_4 | Investigator Details `Genocide' in Abkhazia | Georgian families residing in Abkhazia shared the same fate as Nugzar Varlamis dze [son of Varlam] Jimsheleishvili, former Abkhazian Cabinet of Ministers engineer. His father, Varlam Noes [son of Noe] Jimsheleishvili was taken prisoner, his home was ransacked, and his mother Babutsa Pipia and mother-in-law Mzia Kalandia were tortured to death. For specific reasons, I am unable to disclose the identity of 80-year old L.B. He was tortured to death and his foster child I.T., who was of Russian nationality, was shot at his grave for the sole reason that he had dared to bury a Georgian. 60-year-old M. Shonia, who was being sheltered in a neighbor's apartment, was killed with similar cruelty, as were 68- year old N. Mirtskhulava, and the couple V. and A. Kvaratskhelidze and V. Arghvliani. According to information acquired in the course of the investigation, people of Georgian nationality were shot individually and in groups. I repeat that it is possible to present a multitude of analogous facts. A description of the tragedy played out in Gali rayon and the facts about the slaughter there could become the subject of a separate long discussion. The investigation into the circumstances surrounding the brutal murder of Jiuli Shartava, chairman of the Abkhazian Council of Ministers, and his associates is continuing. According to additional materials received by the investigation, it is patently clear that, following the capture of Giuli Shartava and his associates in Sukhumi, Abkhazian separatists tortured them to death with particular cruelty. Before being killed, they were violently tortured, which has been clearly corroborated by forensic examination; additional testimony was provided by witnesses and other evidence. It is confirmed beyond a doubt that the murder of J. Shartava, employees of the Abkhazian Cabinet of Ministers, and other persons was sanctioned by those who provoked the armed conflict against the Georgian state and its people, which subsequently took the form of large-scale military operations. [SAKARTVELOS RESPUBLIKA editorial note] During the course of the investigation, a clear picture is emerging of the identity of those persons who, on the instructions of the Abkhazian separatists, carried out the genocide of the peaceful population. The materials that have been gathered show that the tragedy played out in Abkhazia is a crime against humanity and, therefore, as Anzor Baluashvili, the republic's deputy procurator general, stated, those who participated in this crime should be punished to the fullest extent of the law. |
FBIS3-57281_1 | Minimum Salaries, Grants, Benefits Increased | for people having the status of unemployed persons, refugees, and forcibly displaced persons are to be raised by 150 percent. 2. To fix the amount of family allowance as follows: a) maternity allowance paid as a lump sum -- 100 (one hundred) thousand coupons; b) minimum wage: -- 50 percent -- for the care of children up to the age of a year and a half; -- 40 percent -- for the care of children aged from a year and a half to six years and pupils aged between six and 16 (18) attending primary school, incomplete [arasruli] secondary school, or secondary school, and also students (pupils) in state higher, specialized secondary, and professional educational establishments (colleges) and commercial institutions who are not working and not receiving grants, pensions, or social assistance; -- 30 percent -- for mothers of children aged up to 3 years and for those who are housewives and unemployed and who are not receiving any other kind of allowances (benefits) established by law; c) monthly allowance for single mothers and parents not receiving alimony -- 50 percent of the minimum wage. 3. The amount of the grant for students in state higher institutions is to be fixed at 90 percent of the minimum wage for students with A grades, 80 percent for students whose have received exclusively good grades or a combination of good and excellent grades, and 70 percent for the remainder of students who have achieved academic success; these amounts are to be fixed at 70, 65, and 60 percent respectively for students in state secondary specialized educational establishments; the grant for A-grade students in state professional educational establishments is to be fixed at 60 percent of the minimum wage and at 50 percent for the remaining students. Special scholarships and other grants awarded to students, sportsmen, postgraduates, and Ph.D students are to be increased by 100 percent. 4. The amount of the death grant is to be fixed at 150 (one hundred and fifty) thousand coupons. 5. The wage rates and salaries of workers employed in establishments and organizations provided for in the budget, defense and law enforcement and administrative bodies, and those of state power and management, all kinds of supplements and allowances and hourly labor rates of workers for study purposes, pensions for non- working pensioners, allowances and benefits for people having the status of unemployed persons, refugees, and forcibly displaced |
FBIS3-57296_1 | Duma Committee Urges `More Realistic' Balkans Policy | Yugoslavia does not conform in all respects with Russia's interests in the Balkan region. Sergey Lavrov, Russian Federation deputy minister of foreign affairs, made the same point when addressing deputies. He emphasized that Russia does not support the idea of air strikes against Bosnian Serb positions, as proposed by NATO, and has never ever advocated such methods for resolving the Yugoslav conflict. He reminded people that the UN resolutions permitting coercive measures against any side in the Yugoslav conflict contain tough restrictions. Such measures are possible in the event of an attack on humanitarian aid convoys, violations of the "closed skies" regime by the sides' military aircraft, or the creation of obstacles to the activities of the UN peacemaking forces. As the Russian diplomat pointed out, the NATO leadership's recent statements of readiness to make strikes against Serbian positions have not contributed to the process of negotiations on the former Yugoslavia. He reaffirmed the immutability of Russia's position on a Yugoslav settlement, which is aimed at a peaceful solution. While rating the direction of the Russian Foreign Ministry's activities at present as "correct" on the whole, Chairman Lukin recalled that the Foreign Ministry had made a serious mistake by supporting sanctions against the former Yugoslavia last spring. In the opinion of a number of observers, the State Duma is faced with the need to make a clearer assessment of Russian interests in the former Yugoslavia and to elaborate, jointly with the Foreign Ministry, ways of acting that really can result in the unblocking of the Yugoslav conflict. The activation of Russia's policy in the Balkans is becoming increasingly urgent in view of the fact that the West's leadership has virtually led the peace process into an impasse. Moreover, there is a real danger that the military conflict in Bosnia-Herzegovina will escalate to an all-Balkan scale. The idea was voiced in the parliamentary lobby that the time has come for serious consultations both with Western partners and with the most influential Islamic states on the coordination of interests and the implementation of a more realistic policy in respect of the Balkans by a particular group of states. Obviously an alternative does exist to a very dangerous escalation of the conflict and to extremism in Bosnia. It lies in support for those Bosnian leaders, including Muslims, who enjoy the people's support and who have proved the sincerity of their desire for peace. |
FBIS3-57306_1 | Ambassador Speaks at CE Ministers' Committee | development of mechanisms intended to ensure compliance in this area. First, let me stress the importance of the newly-established office of the High Commissioner on Human Rights, who will enjoy the status of a UN Undersecretary General, a post whose creation was adopted by consensus of the 184 UN member states. However useful this post will be, recent developments regarding the use of human rights mechanisms have demonstrated to us that there can never be enough mechanisms to provide each country with the findings it may need to explain its policies to the satisfaction of others. I would add one caveat here, and that is that we do, indeed, face challenges in integrating our alien population into Estonian society. For instance, we have a scarcity of language teachers and instructional materials. However, I would stress that these difficulties of integration are organizational matters that bear no relation to human rights. To confuse these practical matters with the very serious matter of human rights would be irresponsible. My second point, regarding organizational politics, is no less significant. I have in mind a serious case of abuse of the existing UN human rights mechanisms which, unfortunately for all of us here, appears to have set a precedent. As we are all aware, despite a lack of findings by the Special Mission of the UN to Estonia and regardless of the positive report of the Secretary General in this matter, the UNGA [United Nations General Assembly] recently adopted a resolution on the situation of human rights in my country. I was pleased to read the Secretariat Memorandum, prepared by the Directorate of Human Rights and submitted to the distinguished participants of this meeting, which deals with the UNGA resolution. To refresh your memory, the Secretariat Memorandum stated that, and I quote, "the brevity and wording of the text may indicate that this question will no longer appear on the Assembly's agenda," end of quote. I would be delighted to share the Secretariat's optimism in this matter. However, because the Memorandum only suggests that the resolution's wording "may indicate" a certain result, I am reluctant to do so. Our delegation to the 48th UNGA did its best to negotiate an acceptable wording, and we found it curious that we received no support in our efforts. This leads me to the conclusion that the Council of Europe member states represented here today harbor doubts as |
FBIS3-57321_2 | Political, Economic Results of Accord Viewed | Friday [14 January] about Moscow's pledges of fair play in negotiating the $2-billion indebtness with Kiev have not borne out entirely. Looming ahead is the perspective of endless blanket-pulling and difficult inter-governmental talks. According to a dark vision by government officials, instead of the entire debt, Russia will agree to forgive only its small portion. The point is that structures with looser dependence from the state, such as the "Gazprom," were also engaged in energy supplies. This kind of "debt canceling" is more profitable for them. Support of International Financial Organizations This support is possible only when Ukraine devises clear-cut plans for getting out of an economic crisis. In other words, only staunch optimists can count on it at the present time. For example, propped up by the United States, Russia is expecting $1.5 billion from the International Monetary Fund and $500 billion from the World Bank. This is a modest sum considering the size of Russia, and would remain so if allocated to Ukraine. Hypothetically, even with credits on hand, Ukraine should be prepared for high interest rates. Tactical Weapons This appears to be the biggest "white spot" in all this nuclear business. The agreement does not offer a clear statement on compensation for tactical weapons removed from the three ex-Soviet republics to Russia. Officials warily say that "experts are now working on this issue." Support for Weapons Destruction Process This support was offered by the Nunn-Lugar plan initiated in December 1991 and will be financed by U.S. Defense Department resources. The plan's basic provisions envisioned for 1993 fiscal year spendings for dismantling and destruction of nuclear weapons, establishing aid funds for disarming CIS countries, and humanitarian aid, which is $800 million, $100 million, and $410 million, respectively, for all nuclear successors of the Soviet Union. Of this amount, $175 million for technical assistance in weapons destruction was promised to Leonid Kravchuk by then-President Bush in December 1992. This promise was also confirmed by Bill Clinton at the meeting with the Ukrainian president in Kiev. The American side is relying on its experience of scrapping similar 300-missile complexes in 1992 that needed $300 billion for destruction. Foreign Ministry officials claim that if the process "gets rolling," Americans are ready to provide additional funds to Ukraine. On the other hand, the Nunn-Lugar program contains quite a few discriminative limitations. One of them, for instance, says that the CIS country receiving |
FBIS3-57362_0 | Lukin Views Duma's Influence on Foreign Policy | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Vladimir Lukin has been elected the head of the State Duma Committee for International Affairs. He was a former Russian ambassador to the United States. How can the State Duma influence the formulation of Russian foreign policy? More from our parliamentary correspondent, who interviewed Vladimir Lukin. [Unidentified correspondent] Primarily, under the Constitution, the State Duma shall or shall not ratify international treaties concluded on behalf of the country. The State Duma also approves of the foreign policy articles in the budget. Besides, under the Constitution, the State Duma will agree upon Russia's ambassadors to foreign countries' appointments and withdrawals. We shall see to it that these responsible posts are filled with the persons who can respectfully present Russia's interests, said Vladimir Lukin. When asked to respond if he had shared the viewpoint that the Russian Foreign Ministry paid insufficient attention to the Asia and Pacific region, he said that this is exactly so. A foreign policy is first and foremost the accomplishment of specific results, significant to the country concerned. From this point of view, our Asiatic policies do leave much to be desired. He goes on to say that Russia's foreign minister, Andrey Kozyrev, is to visit China shortly. I wish his visit could produce good results. And in his final remarks, Vladimir Lukin stressed that we would need specific accomplishments in the foreign policy we pursued, and this would relate not only to China, but to other Asian countries as well. |
FBIS3-57367_0 | Kravchuk Introduces Constitution to Supreme Council | Language: Ukrainian Article Type:BFN [Speech by President Leonid Kravchuk to the Supreme Council in Kiev -- live] [Text] Esteemed People's Deputies: In his introduction, chairman of the Supreme Council, Ivan Stepanovich Plyushch, gave some brief information about the order, procedure, and the passage of this document [draft constitution] and also of documents that were examined here in the Supreme Council, including the draft constitution. You will recall that after the concept of the constitution was adopted, I first made a speech when the constitution was submitted for nationwide discussion for the first time and then the second speech was made by Ivan Stepanovich Plyushch. Thus, according to the constitution, three speeches were made: one on the concept, and two on the draft of the constitution itself. Thus, we may say that the Supreme Council and the commission on elaborating the new constitution which it created worked actively for two years. A large number of proposals were received. Some of them were taken into account and more than 2,000 proposals were received after it was published. If one were to give a short description of them, they relate to the problems of organizing power and most of them relate to the problem of the territorial organization of power and local self-government. The main aim of preparing the adoption of documents which we are now discussing lies in the urgency of improving and stabilizing the system of organizing power that is naturally an indivisible condition for further political and economic reforms in Ukraine: the creation of a stable legal basis for the activity of the Supreme Council of the new convocation and other bodies of power, and the speeding up of the constitutional process and finalizing work on the new constitution of Ukraine. The form of the adoption of this document by means of a referendum establishes firm legal foundations for the legitimate and evolutionary process of organizing power structures, holding it with the agreement of the highest bearer of power: the people of Ukraine. Without doubt this will become an important condition of accord, social peace, and partnership in our society. Other ways of resolving constitutional issues were examined at an extended session of the constitutional commission. In particular the talk was about the possibility of working out a mechanism for elaborating the draft new constitution of Ukraine and submitting it as a whole to a referendum. The talk was about |
FBIS3-57429_3 | Gaydar Grants Interview 24 Jan | with a part of the new bourgeoisie that is interested in receiving handouts from them represents the factor that is capable of paralyzing through and through any potential for development, simultaneously exacerbating constantly the most acute social problems, inequality, and dissatisfaction", he said. Asked about the current situation, Gaydar said he is "deeply convinced that despite all the tremendous difficulties we are now coming up against, despite the whole seriousness of the current situation, the situation is, of course, much better than at the end of 1991." He says that at the end of 1991, Russia had enough grain to last until February and Russia was completely dependent on imports. This year Russia has major grain reserves, although there are various marketing difficulties. Continuing his comparison, Gaydar says that "hard currency reserves as at the end of 1991 were nil; there were no hard currency reserves at all, while as at the end of 1993 they amounted to $4.5 billion" and these "modest" reserves ensured that we could pay for up to two months of imports. "We have a major trade surplus and for the first time Russia ceased to depend on many imports," Gaydar says, adding that this created preconditions for further stabilization. He further says: "We left the country in a situation in which wages are $100 per month. This is not an indicator of greater prosperity and it would not be correct to regard it as such, because wages measured in dollars, of course, fail to reflect greater prosperity, but it is indicative of the stabilization of our domestic currency and of the extent to which the country's economy has become a part of the world market." Hyperinflation causes wages to fall to around $10 per month as is currently the case in the former Yugoslavia and in Ukraine and as was the case in Russia at the end of 1991 "when wages amounted to seven dollars per month." "In December inflation amounted to 12 percent, a record low," Gaydar adds. Defense orders used to play a tremendous role in the country's economy which has now adapted itself to a much lower level of these orders and is geared much more towards consumer needs which will improve in quality as they have to compete with high quality foreign consumer goods. This process of economic restructuring is only in its inception, but it is a promising trend, Gaydar |
FBIS3-57433_0 | Extension of 1993 Draft `Forced Measure' | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Oleg Falichev report: "The Fall `93 Draft Was Very Difficult. What Will Its Extension Be Like?"] [Text] There is hardly any sense in discussing again in detail the difficult situation among the troops due to the shortage of personnel. Much has already been written about officers doing sentry duty, about the inordinate physical and psychological burdens leading to incidents, accidents, and human fatalities... The prime cause of this lies in many ways in the hitches in the induction of citizens into service and the rapid increase in legal nihilism among the population. Finally, there is the fact that some provisions of the new Law "On Military Duty and Military Service" are not fully operating. All the same, until recently there was no sufficiently full and generalized factual picture of the 1993 draft for Russia as a whole. The draft's final results were recently compiled in the Russian Federation Armed Forces General Staff. What do these results suggest? Around 70 percent of the planned number of draftees were sent into the Armed Forces and the military formations of other ministries and departments. That is to say, the draft quota was fulfilled by roughly two-thirds. A considerable number of citizens received deferments or exemptions on lawful grounds, so to speak. For example, 50 percent of the draftees [as published] were granted deferments to continue their education, 3 percent for family reasons, and 4 percent to work in the spheres of art, education, or health. But there are also those who found themselves at odds with the law and simply dodged the draft. There were 70,000 such people in 1993. Criminal proceedings have been instituted in 1,531 cases, more than 90 persons have been sentenced, and 20,053 have been fined... Figures are dispassionate. But imagine 70,000 unoccupied combat posts, weapon operators' positions, and chartrooms... How hard it is for the troops to fulfill their appointed tasks and maintain combat readiness in such conditions. But, of course, this is not the first year that such a picture has been observed. Perhaps this is why the government was forced to take an extreme measure: to extend the fall-93 draft into the new year. It was decided to conduct it in two phases. The first, main phase, was completed by 1 January 1994. The second is linked with the Russian Federation president's decision on drafting into military service all citizens of induction |
FBIS3-57451_1 | Agrarian Party Economic Program Outlined | trade, financial stabilization.... Essentially it is the "Houston Report" that has determined the Russian Government's activity in the last two years. This program's implementation is leading to the destruction of Russia's scientific and technical potential, the bankrupting of the processing industry, the collapse of agriculture, and the utter decline of education, medicine, and culture. The Western program is creating conditions for mass unemployment, a reduction in the population of Russia and the CIS countries, and a drop in the people's living standards. "Shock therapy" is advantageous to the domestic comprador bourgeoisie and the developed countries, which are expanding a raw-material base for themselves, obtaining a market for selling unsold goods, and eliminating a future economic competitor. What is being created in Russia instead of a market and democracy is a criminal mafia society intent on plundering Russia's national wealth in the interests of Western civilization. The work in question sets out a concept for extricating Russia from the crisis. It is based on the implementation in 1994 of a range of measures to halt the decline in production and prevent the population's further impoverishment. These are primarily to stop the illegal export of currency abroad (around $20 billion a year), the unbalanced exchange with CIS countries (losses of $17 billion a year), and the robbery of the overwhelming mass of the population by a small section (around 4 percent) of it; to resume weapons exports (losses of over $15 billion a year); to stimulate (by taxes, credits, subsidies, etc) the production of goods and services; to utilize the banking system to invest in production; to temporarily introduce tight control over the export of raw and other materials, energy, and consumer goods; to end the import of colonial goods into Russia; and to restrain inflation by regulating the entire mechanism of economic instruments (prices, taxes, subsidies, credits, etc). Creating the conditions for economic growth and for building a civilized market requires a corresponding structural reorganization of production, privatization, and the destatization of public property. In order to preserve scientific and technical potential and use it practically it is necessary to form several hundred major corporations like Sony, Boeing, General Motors, and suchlike. A structural reorganization, that is a substantial expansion of the production of goods and services for the population, requires the utilization of the currency which is now "escaping" to foreign countries far and near and into the pockets of |
FBIS3-57514_3 | Merit of `Mild' Market Reform Questioned | people do not know what a market economy is." Four years ago, in the same interview with the KYODO News Agency, the leading Japanese economist also did not spare Petrakov and Abalkin, whose "moderate plan" for market transformations was ultimately approved by Gorbachev: Hisao Kanamori concluded that this program also did not contain "even short-term economic goals." Most of all the Japanese economist warned against the very "shock therapy" that was imposed on us in recent years. In response to the radical reformers' complaints that their plans had been "completely emasculated" he gave a truly prophetic warning: "...If the reforms had been implemented at such a fast pace, the muddle (in the Soviet economy) would have been still further exacerbated. The Soviets have no choice other than to advance gradually, implementing phased economic reforms." In connection with the demarche of Yegor Gaydar and Boris Fedorov and then that of their foreign guides-advisers, the debate in the mass media over whether there was "shock therapy" in Russia has once again become lively. Jeffrey Sachs himself maintains that there was not. Of course, everything is relative. Russians, who have been subjected to total impoverishment as a result of the "Gaydar reforms," must bear in mind that a yet harder fate would have awaited them if our Russian monetarists had paid still more attention to Jeffrey Sachs' promptings. The Russian economy, to use the figurative expression of WASHINGTON POST commentator Jim Hoagland, would have "floated belly up" much sooner. The true aim of Jeffrey Sachs' prescriptions is precisely to turn Russia's economy "belly up." An interesting analytical document has been disseminated by researchers at the well-known Schiller Institute. They neatly set out, as it were, the whole package of "obligatory recommendations" from the IMF and the Harvard school of monetarists. The scheme provides theoretically for a reduction in inflation and in the budget deficit to 5-10 percent a month, but the chief aim of the "reforms" is to open the borders to Western goods and to devalue the national currency in order to increase profitable (for the West!) exports of raw materials. The opening of the borders to Western capital investments and the closure of the majority of loss-making Russian enterprises are aimed at the same thing. "At the same time," the researchers state, "the nature of the reforms is not so important in itself (the only stipulation is for a reduction in |
FBIS3-57606_1 | Kozyrev Continues Official Visit to PRC Addresses Diplomacy Institute | will remain multi-polar. The danger of major military conflicts is now lesser than ever since the end of the Second World War. "However, Kozyrev continued, there are quite significant sources of tension, not only inherited from the `Cold War', but also engendered by new problems. They include the problem of access to the resources of the Pacific ocean, including the sea bottom, and several border disputes. The upswing of religious and nationalistic extremism has found dramatic expression in Afghanistan, and is now threatening Tajikistan." [quotation marks as received] "If we fail to resolve these problems in Asia by joint efforts, we shall be risking to get a very `explosive mixture', indeed," he added. "The most important question of all is the danger of the proliferation of nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Such a turn of events is not in the interests of the security of the entire region, including Russia, China and India," the minister stressed. "The economic role of the Asia-Pacific region, which already accounts for 60 per cent of the world's industrial output, will apparently grow even further. In this sense, the XXI century will doubtlessly be known as the `Pacific age'. This growth of national might will not pose a threat to neighbours, but on the contrary, will create conditions for economic growth. In Asia, as in other parts of the world, economic progress contributes to progress in ensuring man's basic rights and liberties," Kozyrev stated. Touching on the phased formation of a joint security system, the minister noted that Russia moves to set up a centre for preventing conflicts, to found a regional institute for scientific research in this domain. At the same time, Kozyrev moved to draw up principles for weapons trade in the Asia-Pacific region, based on recommendations of the U.N. Security Council. Moreover, the Russian foreign minister believes that it is necessary to rule out attempts to interfere with normal commercial deals on the armaments market under trumped up excuses. Kozyrev believes that both countries could jointly make an important contribution to regional security and cooperation. Guided by its policy of good-neighborly relations with the People's Republic of China, Russia remains fully dedicated to the principles of the Declaration on the Principles of Mutual Relations, signed at summit level at the end of 1992. This includes the entire complex of commitments assumed by both sides not to use force against each other in |
FBIS3-57645_0 | Doubts on Yazov Evidence Blow to SCSE Case | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Valeriy Rudnev report: "The SCSE Case: Flawed Evidence of the Prosecutor's Office Is Excluded From Judicial Process"] [Text] The continuing judicial process in the Russian Supreme Court in the SCSE (State Committee for the State of Emergency) case begins increasingly to resemble the sessions of an academic council, where decisions are discussed and adopted on academic questions of criminal law and a model for future judicial procedure is perfected. Just recall the historic ruling establishing the adversary nature of the process, the direct appeal to legislators to remove a deficiency in legislation, and the direct references in judicial documents to the Russian Constitution. New ground in judicial practice was also broken during the cross-examination of Marshal Dmitriy Yazov. It is well known that, following Yazov's arrest at Vnukovo-2 Airport, the marshal was cross-examined 22 and 30 August 1991, first as a suspect, then as a defendant, without the participation of an attorney. (Incidentally, the videotape of these very cross-examinations turned up in the hands of crafty journalists from DIE SPIEGEL in mysterious, and, quite possibly, criminal circumstances.) Yazov's defense attorneys, Nikolay Pechenkin and Lev Abdeldyayev, asked the Military Collegium to exclude the record of these examinations from the range of evidence being discussed in the judicial process. However, the state prosecution persistently returned the accused marshal to the evidence that he gave to the Prosecutor's Office investigators in the absence of a defense attorney. In other words, the question arose of the admissibility of evidence obtained in violation of the law. Formerly, the courts endeavored to ignore such problems, which are of a theoretical rather than a substantial character. The Russian Federation Supreme Court Military Collegium under the chairmanship of Anatoliy Ukolov invervened and issued the following ruling: "The suspect or defendant in a criminal case has the right to have a defense attorney either from the moment the charge is filed, or from the moment of detention or the use of preventive restrictions amounting to arrest. Evidence obtained from a suspect or defendant in violation of this right to a defense attorney has no juridical force and cannot be used to prove the charge leveled." This means that yet more holes have appeared in the indictment against the members of the SCSE and their associates. At the very least, the court has forbidden the subsequent use of evidence given by Yazov 22 and 30 August |
FBIS3-57651_2 | Air Force Commander Views `Difficult' Year | military-transport pilots transported over 10,000 [as published] people and over 11,000 tonnes of national economic freight. We delivered technological equipment to the Surgut oil men, metal working machines to the Norilsk mining and metallurgical combine, and humanitarian freight from Germany. Residents of various parts of the country experienced military-transport aviation's aid. Logged flying hours and lasting skills have always been the basis of successful flight operations. Regrettably, pilots' average flying time is in fact a long way from well-founded norms. I myself am a pilot and know where this can lead. Nonetheless, in 1993 we managed to somewhat reduce the number of air crashes. While being aware of the acuteness of problems of material and technical support for the Air Force and their adverse effect on flight safety, I must admit that they are not responsible for the chronic accident rate. Most of the accidents in the air could have been averted had personnel acted competently. Accidents and crashes are primarily due to flagrant deviations from procedures for organizing flights and carrying out missions. When analyzing the results of the year we would note that, despite all the difficulties inherent in the situation, around 90 percent of aviation regiments operated accident-free. The Air Force High Command has not created any special conditions for them. This convinces us that it is possible to avoid accidents and disasters when flying. All that is needed is systematic preventive work by all categories of airmen. [Babichev] You broached the question of the reduction in personnel. It is a topical subject, one that worries many people, sometimes giving rise not only to well-founded demands, but also to misinterpretation.... [Kot] That's true. I would like to point out right away that it is primarily the Air Force managerial apparatus that is being cut back. Authorized strength has been cut by 34,200 servicemen in total. The Air Force remembers the grim wholesale cadre cuts during the late fifties and early sixties. The result being thousands of shattered lives and a drastic slowdown in aircraft development. It subsequently took the Air Force almost 25 years to take wing again. The present reduction in officer cadres has had virtually no impact on the activity of combined formations and units. It is primarily officers who have completed their legally prescribed term of service and who are socially secure who are being discharged. We are not ordering those people to stay |
FBIS3-57718_0 | Expert Views Economic Relations With United States | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [Interview with Vladimir Radkevich, chairman of the State Committee for Foreign Economic Relations, by Larisa Grigorovich; place and date not given: "Belarus-United States: Partnership Across the Ocean"] [Text] [Radkevich] A package of documents was submitted for adoption by the U.S. and Belarusian leaders [during President Clinton's visit to Belarus]. The most important of them was the Agreement on Promotion and Mutual Protection of Investments. The drafting of the document demanded maximum efforts on the part of the two sides and lasted for almost a year. Representatives of more than 30 ministries and departments participated in debates over this key document, all the preliminary drafts were discussed at the sessions of the Supreme Soviet and Council of Ministers committees. [Grigorovich] Could you brief us on the legal basis of this document? Have there been any problems in drafting it? [Radkevich] The document creates a legal basis for the involvement and efficient use in Belarus of the vast potential of U.S. investments. Regardless of the firm and often uncompromising stance of the U.S. side, we managed to alter the text of the agreement adjusting it to the real state of affairs in the economy and to Belarusian laws. By the way, before signing the agreement with Belarus, the United States signed bilateral agreements on promotion and mutual protection of investments with Russia, Armenia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Moldova. [Grigorovich] As is known, according to the Belarusian-U.S. agreement on trade relations signed in February 1993, the sides granted each other the status of most favored nation. What effect did it have on our relations? [Radkevich] This in particular means that Belarusian enterprises and companies do not have to pay higher customs duty for exporting their products to the United States. In addition, our products enjoy all the privileges granted to other states. Belarus would receive other privileges had it joined the U.S. General System of Preferences, temporarily exempting certain categories of products from customs duty. Prime Minister V. Kebich once sent a letter to the United States regarding this issue. Unfortunately, for some reason, President Clinton made no declaration concerning Belarusian admission to this system. Yet, we are continuing to work in that direction. [Grigorovich] What is your opinion about other agreements and accords discussed and signed during Clinton's talks with the Belarusian leadership? [Radkevich] I want to underline that during the talks the U.S. side promised to increase financial |
FBIS3-57751_0 | International Economic Forum Held in Davos Yeltsin Aide Comments | Language: Russian Article Type:BFN [By ITAR-TASS correspondents Nikita Yermakov and Konstantin Pribytkov] [Text] Davos (Switzerland), 30 Jan -- All the talk about a change in the reform course in Russia is premature, and in the West it is also too emotional, Dmitriy Ryurikov, the Russian Federation president's adviser on international affairs, told an ITAR-TASS correspondent; Ryurikov is taking part in the World Economic Forum under way here. "I believe that some statesmen and journalists in the West should deal more with facts and figures, and be more sober and more pragmatic," he said. "The budget has not been announced, nor has the government's program, even the composition of the government has not been finalized, and on the whole it contains the same people. There have been assurances from the president and there have been assurances from the prime minister. What else do you need?" Ryurikov believes that the main foreign aid to Russia would be the opening of markets to Russian goods. The effectiveness of such a measure was evident last year. If this tendency continues that will be the best aid. As to assistance from international financial bodies, it should be directed at support for specific projects, preferably unconnected with government structures, and, preferably, in the regions. Russia had and has its place in the world economy, said the president's adviser said. I think that now it must make this place more advantageous, and, by changing itself, change its stand in the world. Precisely this will be the subject at all the talks related to Russia's participation in the Naples G-7 meeting. Dmitriy Ryurikov considers that the discussions at the Davos forum, in which heads of states, leaders of world business and eminent scientists are participating, are useful. According to him, the forum is useful, it allows to detect the mood of business people and foreign government circles in respect to Russia, permits to find out what interests them in our country. And, in turn, it gives us the opportunity to voice our questions, to talk about our concerns. |
FBIS3-57765_0 | Mock Lists Foreign Policy Priorities | Language: German Article Type:BFN [Unattributed report: "Mock Indicates Priorities"] [Text] Austria's membership in the European Union (EU), Vienna's commitment on human rights issues, and attempts at defusing the crisis in the Balkans are the priorities of Austrian foreign policy at the turn of 1993/94, Foreign Minister Mock said. "Full membership in the European Union is an absolute priority of Vienna's foreign policy at the moment," Mock said. Austria wants to share the responsibility for maintaining security in the European Union "in a very restless Europe" as an equal member. Austria's commitment to human rights became apparent during three major events in 1993. Vienna was the venue of the first Christian-Islamic Conference, the United Nations Human Rights Conference, and the first summit of the Council of Europe heads of state and governments. In spite of different views, the Human Rights Conference contributed to "strengthening the controls in enforcing human rights," Mock said. |
FBIS3-57769_0 | Turkish Embassy Seeks Ban on PKK Activity After Clashes | Language: English Article Type:BFN [Text] Brussels, Jan 2 (AA) -- Turkish Embassy in Belgium on Sunday [2 January] warned Belgian Foreign Ministry on incidents that happened in Brussels last night. Embassy under secretary Ali Koprulu evaluating the incidents said Turkish citizens should be calm against provocations. Koprulu said he talked to Belgian Foreign Ministry officials and wanted them to put an end to the outlawed separatist terrorist PKK [Workers Party of Kurdistan] organization's activities in this country. Ten Turkish citizens and five Belgian policemen were wounded in a clash in Brussels on Saturday when Turkish citizens were protesting the outlawed separatist terrorist PKK organization's meeting. Turkish citizens were trying to prevent a meeting of between 150 and 200 terrorists from taking place in a hall in the Saint-Josse area of north Brussels. Turkish citizens became angry when the terrorists attempted to hang a flag outside over the balcony. Police intervened later and dispersed the crowd with a water cannon shortly after midnight. Police officials said many Turkish citizens were taken into custody and several windows and car windscreens were broken. PKK terrorists were taken from the spot in small groups. |
FBIS3-57770_0 | Daily Outlines 1993 Arms Exports | Language: Dutch Article Type:BFN [Report by George Timmerman: "Belgian-Walloon Arms Exports: `Business As Usual' -- Trade to Gulf States Continues"] [Text] Brussels, 29 Dec -- In a few weeks Foreign Trade Minister Robert Urbain [PS: French-speaking wing of the Socialist Party] will have to present his report on the Belgian arms trade to parliament for the first time. The publication of such an annual report is required by the new and stricter Arms Export Act of 5 August 1991, which only came into effect on 16 April 1993. The new law, which prohibits arms exports to countries which do not respect human rights, was passed under pressure from the SP [Dutch-speaking wing of the Socialist Party] and the Volksunie [People's Union]. All signs seem to indicate that despite the law, little has changed. The motto for the Walloon-Belgian arms manufacturers remains: "Business as usual." The export of murderous weapons is traditionally viewed as a very sensitive political issue. It is not just a moral question. Since all the large producers of "classical" weapons are on the other side of the language border [Wallonia], it is also a loaded issue in community terms. Reasons enough to raise as much fog and secrecy as possible around this aspect of our export efforts. On 17 May 1993 Volksunie Senator Nelly Maes asked Minister Urbain which countries in North America and in the Near and Middle East are supplied with arms by Belgium. The answer was: "Since the publication of a list of countries which purchased arms in Belgium is extremely delicate given relations with these countries, the discussion of this report [on the application of the new Arms Act] with the agreed confidential framework offers the opportunity to further break down the information into geographical areas." In his answer, Urbain also revealed that since the new Arms Act took effect, from 16 April to 15 May, licences were granted for the definitive export of weapons, ammunition and materiel for military usage, valuing 1,888 billion Belgian francs [BFr]. These products were overwhelmingly destined for NATO countries (BFr1,542 billion) and countries placed on the same footing as NATO countries (BFr135 million), he said. Other areas appeared to be of secondary importance, according to Urbain's figures: the Near East (BFr48 million), Asia (BFr114 million), Latin America (BFr29 million), Africa (BFr2 million) and East Europe (BFr15 million). Double? However, reliable and fairly detailed information in the possession |
FBIS3-57782_0 | Editorial Views Clinton's `Astonishing Comeback' | Language: German Article Type:BFN [Editorial by Kurt Kister: "Clinton's Astonishing Comeback"] [Text] On 20 January 1993, Bill Clinton swore his oath of office. One month afterwards, renowned commentators declared the administration to be a premature birth without any marked prospects for survival. Already, during the first week, the newly installed President had caused a storm with his ill-considered attempt to lift the ban against homosexuals in the U.S. Army. Then one blow followed after the other: Candidates for important offices were rejected; strong words on Haiti and Bosnia during the election campaign were not followed by the promised deeds; the new team in the White House was extremely clumsy. The man, whom almost two-thirds of all Americans trusted -- even though only 43 percent had voted for him -- seemed to flounder like a leaking ship. How times change! Today Bill Clinton is a President who has managed to achieve the most important thing within 12 months: America feels better again. Hardly any other master in the White House after 1945 has caused as many things to move in as many fields as Clinton. In this he is similar to -- and this makes conservatives complain -- Ronald Reagan, the great changer. And even more: He is popular. After Clinton's popularity rates rose and fell like a roller-coaster, they have now almost reached the level of 20 January again. About 60 percent attest that he is doing good work. One-fifth even declare Clinton to be the person they admire most -- far ahead of family members or other authorities. What are the successes? First of all, there is the economy. For 1994, a growth rate like the one in 1988 is predicted, which is better than for a long time. Prices are stable, the people have confidence in their future and spend more money, on consumer goods and investments. At Christmas, business purchases with credit cards rose by 25 percent -- an unambiguous sign that the people incur debts, because they are confident that they will be able to pay them. Because confidence is higher and interest rates are still low, more Americans are buying houses and cars. This creates satisfaction and stimulates economic development. Critics claim that all this is a success Clinton has been given for free; the economy would have recovered with or without Clinton. The opposite cannot be proved, but it is a fact that the |
FBIS3-57784_2 | Civilian Air Control To Monitor Eastern Airspace | Hersfeld to Laage. A total of 45 planes will be deployed in Laage for the control of the air space. There are plans -- but no decision has been made -- to station a transport unit in Holzdorf south of Jueterborg that is to be removed from Wuensdorf near Hanover. The Bundeswehr has helicopter airports in Cottbus and Basepohl near Neubrandenburg, and the Navy has concentrated its helicopters in Parow near Stralsund. As a result of the withdrawal of the Russian Air Force, the Airspace Coordination Office of the Bundeswehr has been considerably reduced. When the military air traffic control in Germany is integrated into the German Civilian Air Control GmbH on 1 January, the military air controllers of the Bundeswehr will be given leave and will work for the German Civilian Air Control GmbH. At present, the military air controllers who control the airspace in the new laender are sitting next to the civilian ones at Tempelhof Airport. The Airspace Coordination Office of the Bundeswehr will then be dissolved. A new air control system for Berlin and the new laender is currently being built; it will be based at Tempelhof Airport. This involves 150 million German marks. At the beginning of the winter timetable in autumn 1994, the new system is to start operating. The German Civilian Air Control GmbH will then be able to offer new routings, new approaching methods, new overflight possibilities, shorter routes, fewer delays, more capacities, and shorter flying times in its sphere. The new system will be responsible for the entire air traffic in the new laender and for the landings and departures at the airports of Leipzig, Dresden, and Erfurt. In the offices above the large check-in hall at Tempelhof Airport, which comprise about 900 square meters and which have so far been used by the U.S. Air Force for observing the European air and radio traffic, work stations for 74 air controllers will be created. At the same time, the control towers in Tegel, Tempelhof, and Schoenefeld will be equipped with new instruments, and additional radar and navigation instruments will be installed to ensure a three-fold radar control. New flight routes make it possible to intensify the east-west and the north-south traffic over Berlin. With the opening of the new control center, the transition period will end that started with the restoration of Germany's full sovereignty on 3 October 1990. [passage omitted] |
FBIS3-57795_0 | Minister Sarcozy on Health Insurance, Social VAT | Language: French Article Type:BFN [Unattributed report on interview with Budget Minister Nicolas Sarkozy; place and date not given: "Government: Mr. Sarkozy Mentions Possibility of a `Social VAT'"] [Text] Budget Minister Nicolas Sarkozy explains in an interview published by PARIS MATCH (dated 6 January) that the two priorities for the beginning of 1994 are the balancing of Social Security accounts and halting the increase in unemployment. Explaining, on the first subject, that the government's "firm intention" is to "avoid any increase in the general social contribution," Mr. Sarkozy said: "Hospitals take up 49 percent of health insurance spending and have too many underused beds. We will have to act accordingly." The budget minister also discussed "social VAT" both as a possible solution to the problem of funding social security and as an incentive to job creation. Expressing the view that it "could be an interesting solution," he nonetheless added: "VAT is a tax on the consumer. We must be careful not to slow down the beginning of a return to growth!" Finally, he asked "how can we be sure that in exchange for this huge reduction in contributions the majority of enterprises will start hiring." |
FBIS3-57805_0 | Turkoman Leader Calls For Hammer Force Protection | Language: Turkish Article Type:BFN [Text] The Turkoman Unity Party in Iraq [TUPI] has claimed that 2.5 million Turkomans have been abandoned to live at the mercy of the sense of fairness of Saddam's administration and of the Kurdish government in northern Iraq, and they called on Hammer Force to protect the Turkoman people. In a written statement made in the Turkish Cypriot side of Nicosia yesterday, TUPI leader Ahmet Gunes claimed that the media of the world have neglected and overlooked the existence of Turkoman people in Iraq. He said: "We expect the public in Turkey and the media organs in the world to be more sensitive on the matter and to help us remove the Saddam administration's oppression and pressure." Recalling that the Hammer Force protects the Kurds in northern Iraq, including those who live in areas below the 36th parallel, Gunes lamented that all the Turkoman people, including those who live in al-Mawsil and other areas to the north of the 36th parallel, have been ignored. He said: "The Turkomans in Iraq urge the Turkish Government and the entire world to have all the Turkoman people, including those in al-Mawsil Province, protected. We also urge them to help us create an opportunity for ourselves to live like human beings and maintain our political identity." |
FBIS3-57807_19 | Part 2 of Interview | press statements under the name of Kani Yilmaz as the ERNK [National Liberation Front of Kurdistan] representative (recorded with permission from the republic prosecutors office), information has been obtained that the newspaper is completely affiliated to the PKK. Under a decision taken by the State Security Court, a search was conducted of Ozgur Gundem and the Zagros printing house, and it revealed the bloodstained diary and the bullet-riddled identification card of private Muzaffer Ulusata, who was martyred on March 9, 1993, in a clash with terrorists in the Findikli district of Sirnak. This is what has been found. Documents showing that articles written by Abdullah Ocalan were published under the name Ali Firat. Documents which show that all of the executives of the newspaper are appointed by the PKK and are people known in the past to have carried out executive duties in the PKK organization. In fact, Editor in Chief Gurbetelli Ersoz is known to have been the Cukurova regional PKK executive in the past. An ERNK invoice of 400 million liras which shows that donations have been collected for the PKK. Now you are calling this a newspaper office and write: "Today them, tomorrow us." Can you defend this? Cevik: But we are not defending this. Sir, when you were prime minister, we wrote about these things and said them. Especially then there were orders being received from the PKK. We were even made into a target. Demirel: What is Ozgur Gundem for you that you show it as an example for democracy in Turkey? Cevik: But sir, something done to one place could be done to another tomorrow. I am talking not only about what has been done to a newspaper. This has been done even to you. Demirel: No sir, I was neither an arsonist... Cevik: But they did it despite this! Demirel: They did nothing to me. What did the man do to me? He forced me to stay in my house. Did I stay I my house? I broke through the walls and came out. I had neither a gun, nor a knife nor anything else. I was only right. I mean this man is going to collect money for the PKK, and the same PKK will go and massacre 29 innocent citizens in the Sunduz plateau. It will kill so many soldiers and then what is being done? What else can be done? |
FBIS3-57823_0 | Tobback Reacts to Turkish-Kurdish Communities Clashes | Language: French Article Type:BFN [Article by Gerald Papy: "Not Spontaneous"] [Text] On Sunday [2 January], Louis Tobback, Belgian interior minister, agreed to share his thoughts with us following the violent events of the previous day. He largely refutes the idea that the Turkish reaction to the meeting of the Kurds in Saint-Josse was spontaneous. Other Events Have Passed Without Incident The minister stressed that the demonstration by the Union of Patriotic Intellectuals of Kurdistan, who arrived from Bonn, had been authorized by the German and Belgian authorities. The march through Liege and an overnight stay in Hasselt -- both towns with a high concentration of Turks -- passed without incident. The visit to Saint-Josse -- the militants were to occupy the Flemish cultural center in the rue de la Commune for four days -- should not have been any more cause for tension, believes Louis Tobback. Did not the proximity of a large Turkish community in the area suggest possible problems? The interior minister does not think so, arguing that larger pro-Kurdish events have already been organized in other areas of the capital where many Turks live and they went off without incident. What Good Would Banning Do? Is the unfurling of the Kurdish flag enough to explain the sudden eruption of violence by the Turks? The interior minister does not believe so; he does not accept that the street demonstration was a spontaneous event and suggests another analysis. "To my knowledge, the incidents were not provoked by the Kurds," explains the minister. "The clashes were not spontaneous. On the basis of the report by the gendarmery, I note that the Turkish demonstrators included many members of the far right organization known as the `Grey Wolves.' This was not by chance." The interior minister goes further and does not exclude the possibility that the clashes were provoked in Brussels in order to induce the government to ban the activities of the PKK [Workers Party of Kurdistan] and its satellite organizations, as Germany and -- to a lesser degree -- France decided to do at the end of November and the beginning of December 1993. Could this outcome be envisaged in Belgium? Louis Tobback is very skeptical. "First of all, our constitution provides no legal basis to allow us to ban a political party. Secondly, what good would it do? It is not by banning the PKK that you will cause |
FBIS3-57824_0 | Turkish Envoy: Tobback `Misinformed' | Language: French Article Type:BFN [Interview with Yildirim Keskin, Turkish ambassador to Belgium, by correspondent Jean-Pierre Jacquemin on 3 January; place not given -- recorded] [Excerpt] [Passage omitted] There were many contacts between both capitals [Brussels and Ankara] today. Jean-Pierre Jacquemin has just interviewed Yildirim Keskin, the Turkish ambassador in Belgium. He has confirmed Ankara's accusations against the Belgian authorities: [Keskin] My ministry believes that the Belgian authorities should not allow the PKK [Kurdistan Workers Party] to hold a meeting in the Turkish district. [Jacquemin] When [Interior] Minister Tobback says that the violent demonstrations by young Turks are not spontaneous, what do you say? [Keskin] I say that he is misinformed, because I have spoken with the people who witnessed these incidents: Everything happened very quickly and spontaneously. [Jacquemin] Does this mean that, according to you, there are no Grey Wolves, these members.... [Keskin, interrupting] I do not know about that. It may be the case. But according to me, nothing was planned in advance. [Jacquemin] This morning you met Belgian Foreign Affairs Minister Willy Claes. [Keskin] Yes. This is only a hitch, we agreed on the fact that violence could not settle anything and that the heat should come off all this. [Jacquemin] According to you, will things quiete down over the next few hours? [Keskin] But things have already calmed down, I think. [Jacquemin] Yes, that is also what we thought yesterday, but there were more riots.... [Keskin, interrupting] No. I believe that the PKK group which came from Bonn is to leave Belgium this evening or tomorrow morning, and that is it. [passage omitted] |
FBIS3-57825_0 | Claes: PKK Supporters To Be Deported | Language: Turkish Article Type:BFN [Announcer-read report over still of Foreign Minister Cetin] [Text] Foreign Minister Hikmet Cetin spoke with Belgian Foreign Minister Willy Claes on the telephone and expressed his regret over the incidents in Brussels. Claes pointed out that the Belgian Government and the municipalities had no knowledge of the developing incidents, adding that the PKK [Workers Party of Kurdistan] supporters would be deported tonight. The foreign ministers discussed ways to prevent such regrettable incidents. Cetin pointed out that following the German and French ban on the PKK, the terrorist organization transferred its activities to Belgium. Cetin indicated that PKK supporters congregate in areas heavily populated by Turkish citizens as a method of provocation. He added that Turkey expects the Belgian Government to show sensitivity on this issue. Cetin pointed out that the press statement issued by Louis Tobback, the Belgian interior and immigrant affairs minister, was unfortunate. He warned Claes not to meet with the supporters of the separatist terrorist organization. Claes, in turn, stated that these kinds of incidents were also not approved by the Belgian public. Pointing out that they will not tolerate terrorism, Claes thanked Turkey's ambassador to Belgium for his efforts in assuaging the situation. |
FBIS3-57826_0 | Ankara Reportedly Supports Gray Wolves | Language: French Article Type:BFN [Article by Alain Lallemand: "Turkish Extreme Right, Ankara's Objective Ally"] [Text] Who are these Gray Wolves in Belgium which Interior Minister Louis Tobback is accusing of leading the anti-Kurd demonstrations of recent days? Their official name is "Turk-islam Federasyonu" or "Belcika Turk-islam Kultur Dernekleri Federasyonu," which can be translated as "Turkish-Islamic Federation" or "Federation of Turkish-Islamic Cultural Associations of Belgium." The Belgian headquarters of this federation is in Beringen, and its European headquarters are in Frankfurt. It is also supported actively at international level by the Turkish Government, which denies this, as might be expected. As an extremely dangerous extreme right movement, it is an avatar of Colonel Alparslan Turkes' fascist nationalist party. Highly active in the late 1970's and 1980's, its members specialized in guerilla warfare and the murder of progressive politicians. They also engaged in heroin trafficking in order to finance their activities. However, they are even better known for their direct involvement in the failed attempt against Pope John Paul II in May 1981. If we are to believe the Turkish daily, MILLIYET, the person who fired the shots in Saint Peter's square in Rome, Ali Agca, was allegedly harbored for a while with the Belgian representative of the Gray Wolves, Selahattin Saygin, in Maasmechelen. Do the Gray Wolves also benefit in Belgium from the relative leniency of the Turkish authorities? Of course: In 1986, during the third conference of Gray Wolves of Belgium, the fundamentalist Turkish newspaper, DUSUNCE, reported that apart from Selahattin Saygin, the Turkish consul from Antwerp, Feyha Enc, and the Turkish minister of health, Halil Sivgin, also appeared on the podium. Belgium is also used by the Gray Wolves for heroin trafficking. This information has already been published several times in LE SOIR, but it should again be pointed out that one of the Gray Wolves' most famous activists, Oral Celik, alias Bedri Ates (borrowed name), was arrested on 10 November 1986 in Halluin by the French customs authorities, while leaving our country with 3.6 kg of heroin. Concealed under a false identity, he has since admitted that he was indeed the extreme right activist fingered by his fellow terrorist, Ali Agca. Further evidence of the criminal activity of the Gray Wolves in Belgium was the presence in September 1990 in the Liege suburbs of Ahmet Esensoy, who was involved in heroin trafficking and was the right-hand man of |
FBIS3-57834_5 | SPD Manager Verheugen Views 1994 Elections | landtag elections only a select group of people would sit together. [Verheugen] And what was the result? After the Hamburg Burgess election the bizarre situation arose that the Greens, who won more than 10 percent of the vote, were not represented at all. It was then that I said that I would not do that again. However, there are signs of a change. The decision on a new plan will be made this week: According to the public radio and television stations all the parties that are represented in the Bundestag should participate in such rounds, that is to say including the Greens and the PDS. [FOCUS] In the United States the election campaign is dominated by the electronic media. When will German politicians stop appearing in local taverns? [Verheugen] An assembly in the back room of some cafe certainly does not make a lot of sense. However, particularly in the election campaign I would not like to do without talking directly with the voters. Of course we also need television. However, we are still limiting ourselves to conventional spots. We simply cannot afford to buy time on private stations. No party would financially survive an electronic election campaign. In the United States television commercials of up to 20 minutes are nothing unusual. [FOCUS] Such spots cost about 3 million German marks [DM]. [Verheugen] Exactly, and we have reduced our budget for the 1994 European and Bundestag election to just under DM100 million. Still, the U.S.-style election campaign on television is bound to come. As soon as one party starts it, the others will have to follow suit -- maybe as early as in 1998. [FOCUS] Nevertheless, this year you will have to think about the fragmentation of the party landscape in Germany. [Verheugen] I am greatly worried about the continuing split-up of our party system. It is threatening the predictability and stability of the democratic parliamentary system. Even now the classic three-party system has been smashed -- incidentally, with the effect that the Free Democratic Party of Germany [FDP] has been drawn into a struggle for survival. [FOCUS] Former Chancellor Helmut Schmidt sees the republic in danger, which is why he is pleading for an English- or U.S.-style majority voting system. [Verheugen] I would, generally, warn against meddling with the electoral law with the sole purpose of evading current political difficulties. One would always have to pay for it. |
FBIS3-57836_2 | Tietmeyer Views Inflation, Interest Rate Policy | but decisions are now required in the area of the companies themselves, collective wage settlements, labor cost, and the area of public finances, which essentially influence the framework conditions. [Blohm] The word "social cuts" is the keyword in 1993. You said that monetary policy cannot be the repair shop of public finances. Does this mean that the Bundesbank welcomes the discussion on entitlements and social cuts? [Tietmeyer] I think that speaking of social cuts does not describe the situation or the task correctly. The task is to restructure the social welfare state and adjust it to the new conditions, nationally and internationally. I think it is important for us in Germany to return to the simple economic truth that says that one can only distribute what has been produced. In an open market economy system, entitlements cannot be retained in companies or in the social system, if the competitive conditions have changed. The most important thing is for us to interpret the term of social justice also in light of performance. [Blohm] What do you mean by this? [Tietmeyer] I mean by this that work must be remunerated according to the results. Payment for work must have an advantage over the distribution of benefits. [Blohm] As of this year, the gasoline and diesel tax will be considerably increased. In 1993, taxes were also increased, and in 1995, we will again have to pay a solidarity surcharge. All this will, of course, also have an effect on prices. Is the state diminishing your stability successes? [Tietmeyer] A restructuring of the tax system is in order, if taxes are imposed on consumption rather than performance-oriented incomes. An increase in the mineral oil tax does not have to undermine stability policy or growth and employment policy. However, it is of decisive importance that this tax-conditioned price increase not be passed on or taken as a reason for further income demands, which would then touch off another spiral. It is important for us not to increase the tax quotas in the Federal Republic, one of the highest in the world, but to consolidate the public budgets, including social security systems, by restricting increases in expenditures. [Blohm] Several days ago, the Bundesbank announced its new money supply target for 1994. It envisages an M3 money supply growth by 4 to 6 percent during the course of this year. Will monetary policy be continued along the |
FBIS3-57839_4 | Social Benefits Targeted for Cuts | can migrate quickly to countries that are more competitive, and there are many countries that do not pay wages for a 13th month." The problem is obviously not so much the tradition of a one month's Christmas bonus--which is, moreover, already reduced by tax adjustments and by year-end household expenses--as it is the complicated Italian wage structure. And the 13th month wage payments will probably also be included in the reform. Overalls Are Not Mobile "Even in Japan they are coming to realize that a company--or a job--is not a lifetime thing," Stefano Micossi, director of research at Confindustria [General Confederation of Italian Industry], points out. "We should accustom ourselves to changing companies and cities," he warns. Millions of immigrant workers are competing--with modest pretensions--for the marginal and less desirable jobs in the developed countries. And although white collars and blue overalls do not migrate, the production does. "There is also mobility with respect to hours and contractual conditions," Micossi emphasizes. "Today," he explains, "there is only one type of contract. You work from 0900 to 1700 hours. And if there is an attempt to introduce variants--such as part-time [preceding word in English] or temporary employment--in order to adapt to a company's operating conditions, there are regulations and controls that tend to discourage initiatives and to restore the typical situation." In the view of Confindustria, the next challenge will be posed by the concept of contract labor, as envisioned in a new legislative measure. The goal: contract freedom. Custom-Made Pact The next step would be individual bargaining, which is opposed by the labor unions but is now--in practice--increasingly widespread in the higher professional categories, in the specializations, and in the services. Individual hiring is the rule, and individual superminimum wages are a productivity incentive. "A greater differentiation in wages is imperative," explains Sergio Ricossa, one of the principal exponents of Italian economic liberalism, who is convinced that individual bargaining would fuel the recovery of Italy, Inc. "We must provide incentives for productivity rather than penalize it, as is occurring under the system of graduated taxes," Ricossa believes. "Two tax brackets would be enough." A Single Fund It is the old battle against wage leveling, which is more accentuated when a company is in crisis and the unemployment compensation fund is involved. The benefit paid is the same (slightly more than 1 million lire) for blue-collar workers, white collar workers, and |
FBIS3-57841_1 | Defense Minister Warns of Danger From Russia | Swedish defense and security is often dominated by domestic considerations. The day-to-day debate's ups and downs for views on everything from neutrality policy to tanks seem to have a greater effect on the views of many who take part in the debate than developments in the rest of the world. What is currently fashionable is of crucial importance when it comes to voicing views about the size of the defense budget. But sometimes the real world makes itself felt. As when the Russian people in last Sunday's [12 December] parliamentary elections sent a useful reminder to all the pundits who had dismissed the risk of setbacks in developments inside our powerful Eastern neighbor. The first predictions sent a shock wave through Europe. It looked as if ultranationalist agitator Vladimir Zhirinovskiy would win over half the seats in the revamped parliament, the Duma. When more votes were had later been counted it emerged that the result was not quite so devastating for the democratic forces. But the fact remains: Almost one quarter of the Russian people voted for Zhirinovskiy. Zhirinovskiy generally describes himself as a strong anticommunist. However, the fact is that his political program contains many thing that are similar to things contained in that of the communists. He is no fervent support either of democratic or market reforms. He and the communists share the aggressive tone vis-a-vis the rest of the world, and the covertly threatening talk of "protecting" allegedly oppressed Russian groups in "nearby foreign countries." These apparent extremes are also united in their loud demands for more money for the Russian military and military industry. Both Zhirinovskiy and the communists play on a distrust of the West that is deeply rooted in Russian popular consciousness. Peter the Great in his day considered himself forced to execute Russians for their attitude of hate toward foreign advisers and their influence. It is an obvious conclusion to reach that it is the West and Western-inspired reforms in Russia will be today's scapegoats for the almost unbearable living conditions of so many people. In the West too this myth seems to have gained ground. People blame today's problems on "Yeltsin's shock therapy." But, on the contrary, the political situation has blocked radical but necessary market reforms and the transition from a plan to a market economy is still only half-implemented. The countries which really have carried out radical market reforms -- |
FBIS3-57846_0 | Foreign Ministry Blames Brussels For Incidents | Language: Turkish Article Type:BFN [Announcer-read report] [Text] Turkey has formally asked the Belgian government for information on the truth of the statements issued by the Belgian interior minister and reflected in the press as though the Turkish citizens are to blame for the incidents in Brussels. Turkey announced that preventing the PKK [Kurdish Workers Party] terrorist organization activities is above all the requirement of international law. A statement issued by the Foreign Ministry notes that blaming Turkish citizens is an unacceptable stand. The statement further notes: We have no doubt that the Belgian authorities are responsible for the incidents when they granted the PKK supporters permission to hold a demonstration in an area heavily populated by Turkish citizens, totally disregarding their feelings. Belgian authorities prepared the groundwork for this incident by not following Germany and France and banning the PKK. Above all, preventing PKK terrorist activities is a requirement of international law. It was indicated in the statement that high-level initiatives were undertaken in Ankara and Brussels to communicate all the above stated points to Belgian authorities. The Foreign Ministry statement further expresses the wish that Belgian authorities adopt a position which is in accord with international regulations and in accord with the friendly relations it has with Turkey. |
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